The history of the execrable Irish rebellion trac'd from many preceding acts to the grand eruption the 23 of October, 1641, and thence pursued to the Act of Settlement, MDCLXII.

A REFLECTION Upon the State of IRELAND; With occurrent Accidents before the break∣ing forth of the Rebellion 23^d of Octob. 1641.

THough we date the Conquest of Ireland from the submission of the Kings and Natives there to Henry the Second, 1172. yet on a truer estimate, we must conclude, that Ireland was never really subjugated to the Crown of Eng∣land, till our Laws became as communicable to the Natives, as the English, whereby each Party, without distinction, grew up together into one Nation; which was never effectual∣ly vouchsafed, till after Tir-Oen's last sub∣mission at Mellifont, to the Lord Mountjoy, 1603. by which, the minds of the People were broken to the obedience of the Law, and after that became so pliable, as near fourty years there seemed no material distin∣ction betwixt the Natives and other Inhabitants, each concentring in subjection to the Laws, making up but one Jury, living in mutual amity and friendship; till Indulgence so far became a mischief, as thence Con∣spiracies hatch'd our ruine; not discernable, ere the Monster arriv'd at its Birth; a Prodigy scarce credible in so vigilant a State: Though when it's consider'd how tenderly the great concerns of Religion (the principal wheels of all Commotion in a State) were handled, the astonishment (that things aspir'd to so much Villany) may easily be unridl'd.

Towards the end of the Lord Falkland's Government (there being great need of Money for support of the standing Army in Ireland, and maintaining of 500 Horse, and 5000 Foot; much by extraordinary means having been otherwise disposed) the Catholicks of Ireland (glad of the occasion) seem'd very forward to supply the State, in hopes of a Connivance (if not a Toleration) of their Religion, though therein they were onely to bear their share (or rather offered their Mite) with the Protestants; which they improved to so great an insolence, as the Lord Falkland (with the Council) was forced to take notice in a Proclama∣tion, dated the 1st. of April 1629. That the late Intermission of Legal Pro∣ceedings against Popish pretended Titulary Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deans, Vicars General, Jesuits, Friers, and others of that sort, that derive

their pretended Authority and Orders from the See of Rome, (in contempt of his Majesties Royal Power and Authority) had bred such an extraordi∣nary insolence and presumption in them, as he was necessitated to charge and command them, in his Majesties name, to for bear the exercise of their Popish Rites and Ceremonies.

Notwithstanding which, their Insolencies afterwards so increased, as that the power of the High Commission (rais'd in respect of them) being withdrawn, they erected a new University at Dublin, to confront his Majesties Colledge there, continuing their Nunneries and Monaste∣ries; that thence many things were objected against the Lord Falkland's Government: to clear which, the Council of Ireland (in his defence to the King the 28th. of April, 1629.) declared, That towards the insolencies of the Papists, and the late outragious presumption of the unsetled Irish; in some parts your Deputy and Council of late us'd particular Abstinence, holding themselves somewhat limited concerning them by late Insinuations, Letters, and Directions from England. And yet afterwards so mindful too were the Lords of the Council in England of what had been (by the State of Ireland) happily supprest, that the 31 of January, 1629. they return'd their acknowledgment, and put the State of Ireland in mind, How much it concern'd the good Government of Ireland, to prevent in time the first growing of such evils; for that where such People are permitted to swarm, they will soon grow licentious, and endure no Government but their own, which cannot otherwise be restored, than by a due and seasonable execu∣tion of the Law, and of such Directions as from time to time have been sent from his Majesty and Council, &c. further encouraging them to carry a soft or harder hand according to their discretions. Which I do not find but they prudently observ'd; though all was too little to root out the Leven that had season'd the Batch, during the Government of the then Lords Justices. (As Dr. Bedel (the Reverend Bishop of Kilmore) takes notice of at large, * 1.1 with a deep and hearty resentment, worthy his Piety, Cou∣rage, and Learning) till the arrival of Thomas Lord Viscount Wentworth, who by his singular Wisdom, Courage, and quick Intelligence, so managed affairs there, (though some thought they were carried on too severely) as doubtless the Nation, in general, was never more seemingly in obedi∣ence; what ever afterwards was aggravated against that Noble Person, whose behaviour was less pleasing to some men (interess'd in the detecti∣on of their morose and sinister dealings) than to the Nation, which flou∣rish'd under his Auspicious Government. Reverence is that wherewith Princes are girt from God: Yet then the contrivance of some Spirits was so restless, as Anno 1634. (being the 10th. of King Charls the First) they design'd to have engag'd the Nation in a War, which one Ever Mac-Mahon (an eminent Popish Priest) privately discovered to some of the Privy Council at Dublin, at whose feet he prostrated himself for mercy, having, with others been employ'd abroad to Foreign Princes (viz. the Pope, the Kings of France, Spain, and other Princes) on that service, as (in the Relation writ by the Lord Macquire in the Tower) is apparent, the Design having been of as ancient a Date, as the Isle of Rhee's Enterprise, 1628. About which time the Earl of Tyrone and Cardinal Richlieu held an intimate correspondence; though the King of France's Wars then in Italy frustrated, for that time, the Insurrection and Invasion. Upon the discovery of which, Ever Mac-Mahon seeming penitent, had his Pardon: So that the thing being onely treated of in general, the prudence of the

Governour (giving the People no suspicion that he feared it, and yet watched against it) blasted their design: The same Providence we may also believe this Noble Person had in the antecedent warnings, which the Reverend Dean of Kilmore particularly mentions* 1.2, though he (in reference to the Intregues of State) mov'd not so visibly as to make every one capable of his foresight. Prime Ministers are not to level their proceedings to the capacities of all, who pretend vigilancy of the State: yet thence (during his Government) all things in the Publick proceeded with a serene countenance, so as the Lord Deputy Wentworth came for England, and return'd into Ireland several times, with his Majesties great∣est Approbation, and the Peace of the Nation.

Anno 1634. a Parliament was summon'd in Ireland, by his motion; 1. For that the Contribution from the Countrey, towards the mainte∣nance of the Army, ended that December. 2. For that the Revenues there fell short of his Majesties Charges 20000 l. yearly. 3. That there was a Debt of 80000 l. upon the Crown. 4. For that there had been no Sub∣sidies but one since the beginning of King James's Reign; and the Peo∣ple were now grown wealthy, being continued in their Estates, who ever had enjoy'd them twenty years. By the Supply of which Parliament, the Lord Deputy paid the 80000 l. Debt due from the Crown; than which, nothing was more to his Majesties Honour, and his Servants In∣tegrity; in testimony of which, his Majesty * 1.3 saith, That they can∣not but witness (who know that Kingdom) that during the Government there by Lieutenants of his choice, that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than ever it had since it was under the subjection of the Crown of England; Traffick by Sea, and Trade by Land increas'd, Values of Land improv'd, Shipping multipli'd beyond belief, never was the Protestant Religion more advanc'd, nor the Protestants protected in greater security against the Papists; Inasmuch as we must remember you (the Parliament capitulating with him to nominate a Governour for Ireland) that the present Rebellion was be∣gun when there was no Lieutenant there, and when the Power (which had been formerly us'd in that Kingdom) was question'd and disgrac'd; when those in the Parliament there (by whom that Rebellion was hatch'd) were countenanc'd in their Complaints and Prosecution.

And as to the Progress of Religion there, receive from the Bishop of Derry this account, in his Discourse of the Sabbath; * 1.4 where (having occasion to mention the incomparable and pious Primate, Archbishop Usher) he takes notice, That having liv'd sundry years a Bishop in the Province of Ulster, whilst the Political part of the care of that Church lay heavy upon his shoulders, he prais'd God, they were like Candles in the Le∣vitical Temple, looking one towards another, and all towards the Stem; no contention arising amongst them, but who should hate contention most, and pur∣sue the Peace of the Church with swiftest paces; inasmuch as if the high∣soaring Counsels of some short-wing'd Christians, whose eyes regarded nothing but the present Prey, with the Rebellious practises of the Irish Enemy, tied together like Samson's Foxes, with Firebrands at their tails, had not thrust them away from the Stern, and chas'd them from their Sees with Bellona's bloody Whip: They might before this time, without either persecution or noise, have given a more welcome and comfortable account of the Irish Church, than our Age is likely to produce.

The last time this Noble Person (the Earl of Strafford) enter'd Ire∣land, was the 18th. of March, 1639. when he arriv'd at Dublin Lord

Lieutenant a little before, having (in an extraordinary Solemnity and conflux of Ambassadors and Peers) been made Earl of Strafford; at which time he appear'd in Parliament (begun the 16th. of March, in the 14th. of King Charles the I.) expressing his Majesties Necessities in such terms, as immediately Four entire Subsidies (without further expostula∣tion) were unanimously consented unto; the freedom of which added much to the largeness of the gift, with which he rais'd 8000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, additional to the Veterain Forces, which (at the breaking forth of the Rebellion) consisted but of 2297 Foot, and 943 Horse. And so having setled his Majesties affairs in Ireland, he went for England to the Parliament at Westminster, summon'd by his Mediation the 13th. of April, 1640. being attended from Ireland with the acclamations of the whole House of Parliament, yet legible, in a very remarkable manner, in the Preamble of their Act of Subsidies, Anno 16 Car. 1. yet afterwards we know his fate. Never (writes Perinshief) sufficiently bewail'd by the King, till the issue of his blood dri'd up those of his tears. All the actions of his Government were narrowly sifted, and though no one thing (after the mercenary Tongues of the Lawyers had endeavour'd to render him a Monster of men) could be found Treason, many accumulated were so voted. That him (whom even now the Parliament of Ireland extolled as an excellent Governour, and one for whose due and sincere Administra∣tion of Justice, they had principally consented to so great a Subsidy) they afterwards pursued as the cause of all their mischiefs, and so by their Agents even those who afterwards complotted the Rebellion) incens'd the Parliament at Westminster against him, as they denied all that they had attributed to his Worth, fixing on him what-ever might contribute to a praevious Government, or the Kingdom's impoverishment; the state of which cannot be better clear'd, than by what his Majesty, in a full Council at White-hall the 27th. of Ian. 1640. seem'd clearly to acquiesce in, upon the Earl of Strafford's avowing of the Answer to the Irish Re∣monstrance against him, ordering, that a Copy thereof should be forth∣with given, by the Clerk of the Council, to the Committee of Ireland then attending upon him; since Registred among the publick Records.

Thus was this great Man accused, thus justifi'd; yet all was not suffi∣cient to exempt him from the destructive Bill of Attainder, suggesting, His tyrannous and exorbitant Power over the Liberties and Estates of his Majesties Subjects in Ireland, laying and assessing of Soldiers by his own au∣thority upon the Subject, against their consent; saying also, that he had an Army in Ireland, which his Majesty might make use of to reduce this King∣dom, meaning England, as appears by the Act which passed the 10th. of May, 1641. His Majesty having Sign'd a Commission to the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord High Chamberlain, and others, to that intent; which had an after Act, vacating the authority of the pre∣cedent* 1.5 for future imitation; sufficiently thereby (saith his Majesty.) tel∣ling the World, that some remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies, as knowing he had very hard measure, and such as they would be loth should be repeated to themselves.

And that it might remain to Potesterity (to whom the Age is accom∣ptable for her Actions) what he suffered in his Trial, and by what arti∣fices he was brought to it, the Act for the reversal of the Earl of Straffords Attainder, Anno xiv. Car. II. fully shows; to which it may seem imperti∣nent to add more, Histories, and the Occurrences of those times, having

presented his Actions at his Trial more significant than I dare pretend to, such a Scene of Justice (attended with that Magnificence in its Structure, such Seats for their Majesties, for Ambassadors, and the most discerning Audience of England) not being to be parallel'd. Therefore I shall con∣clude (as to Him) with what his Majesty speaks in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That his great abilities were prone to create in him great confidence of un∣dertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great Errors, and many Enemies, whereof he could not but contract good store, while moving in so high a Sphere, and with so vigorous a Lustre, he must needs (as the Sun) raise many envious Exhalations, which, condens'd by a Popular Odium, were capable to cast a Cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity, &c. Yet saith this Excellent King) I could never be convinc'd of any such crimi∣nousness in him (having heard all the particulars of his great Cause from one end to the other) as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice, and the malice of his Enemies. However, He suffered on Tower-hill the 12th. of May, 1641. taking his death with as much Christianity as Cou∣rage; though some account nothing Christian that is not Effeminate, of whom we should say more, but must refer the rest to what is extant in Print.

The 19th. of May following, Robert Earl of Leicester * 1.6 was designed by his Majesty Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, newly return'd from his Em∣bassy in France, where he had discharg'd his Trust with singular Pru∣dence and Courage, as he had done before in Denmark, and elsewhere: The choice of whom exceedingly endear'd his Majesties Wisdom to the most knowing and intelligent Party of the Nation; the Earl having been one never engag'd in Monopolies (one of the Grievances of the Times) or the publick Complaints of the Kingdom; but being long experienc'd in State-affairs, promised nothing save his Majesties Honour, and the Kingdoms security; * 1.7 Being thought by his knowledge in Martial Affairs, and other his great Abilities, to be, no doubt, abundantly capable to reduce the Irish to a due obedience. Yet after all, having attended his Majesty at York, and other Places, as the Court mov'd, for his Dispatch, he came in Novem. to Chester, in expectation of an easie remove thence into Ireland; but falling indispos'd at Chester, was commanded back to Oxford about the beginning of Ian. 1642. so as in conclusion, he, ever going, never went. His stay was at first resented by the King, then the Parliament; to evidence the truth, he writes a Letter from York to the Earl of Northumberland, (which, by Order of Parliament the 26th. of Septemb. 1642. was printed) where∣in he writes, That he besought his Majesty, that he might not be staid at Court, for that the Affairs of Ireland requir'd his speedy repair thither; or at least that some Governour (if he were not thought worthy of it) should be presently sent into that Kingdom. And upon the 21 of Septemb. he ap∣pear'd in Parliament, informing the Houses, That he could never (since his first going to his Majesty) get his Commission Seal'd till the 18th. of Septemb. referring himself to the pleasure of the Houses, whether they would dispatch him for Ireland or no. Whereupon the 1st. of October fol∣lowing, his Case was again debated, and it was Voted (for the future) That the said Earl should not put in execution any Instructions from his Majesty (concerning the Affairs in Ireland) until such time as they should be made known and approved by them. After which, many things (in his Instructions) were debated; and it being mov'd the 4th.

of Novemb. (in a Conference of the Houses) that he was ready to set for∣ward for that Service, he had his Dismiss. So as (I have said) he came to Chester, and was remanded back to Oxford; the important Affairs of Ireland being in another Channel than as yet they appear'd visibly to run in. Though it was a good while after before he had his discharge from that Employment, being kept in suspence, till others had perfected their Design, by which there accrued to him a great Arrear, somewhat con∣sider'd in the Act of Settlement, though short of what he was prejudic'd thereby.

Upon the Earl of Straffords quitting Ireland, Christopher Wendesford Esq Master of the Rolls, the 3d. of April, 1640. was sworn Lord Depu∣ty: He managed the Government with much Policy, advantage to his Majesty, and faithfulness to his intimate Friend and Ally, the Earl of Strafford; adjourning the Parliament in November following, somewhat to the dis-satisfaction of the Members, who (before their Dissolution) made shift to form a Remonstrance against the Earl of Strafford, which he would have prevented to have been sent for England, could he, as he endeavour'd, have staid the Committee * 1.8 of the Parliament in Ireland from going over, the greatest part of which were Papists, which the Irish took as a good Omen: But he being not able to hinder them, (they finding conveniences from every Port) grew thereupon much discon∣tented; and having quick intelligence how affairs were carried against the Earl of Strafford: He died the 3d. of December following, betwixt whom (even from their Youth) there had been an especial intimacy, nor did it afterwards grow cooler (but more strengthned) in Judgment.

After his decease, Robert Lord Dillon, of Kilkenny-West, and Sir Wil∣liam Parsons, Knight and Baronet, Master of the Court of Wards, Decemb. 30. were sworn Lords Justices: But it was not long before the Committee of Ireland (then at Court) so prevail'd, as that his Majesty displac'd the Lord Dillon, a Person of notable Parts, and one (by his Son's Marriage with the Earl of Strafford's Sister) passionately concern'd in the Earl's Case.

Yet lest the Execution of his Majesties Graces to his Subjects of Ire∣land (obtain'd by their late Committee's sollicitation) should be deferr'd till those (who were design'd to succeed the Lord Dillon) were in Office, his Majesty was pleas'd to direct a Letter, dated the 4th. of Ianuary, in the 16th. year of his Reign, to his Privy Council of Ireland, and Sir Wil∣liam Parsons and Sir Iohn Borlase (then design'd Justices) to grant (amongst other things) that his Subsidies there should be reduced to a lesser rate than formerly; and that all Letters directed to the Lord De∣puty, Justices, Chief Governour or Governours, or to any other Officers or Ministers of that Realm, either concerning the publick Affairs, or pri∣vate Interests of any Subject there, might be entred into his Signet-Office in England, to the end that they might be (upon occasion) found to take Copies of, for the Subjects better information in such publick things as may concern them; as also that all Dispatches from Ireland should safely be kept apart, that like recourse may be had to them for the better sa∣tisfaction of the Subject, who shall be concern'd therein. And whereas in the former Governour's time, there were endeavours to hinder some Agents of Parliament to have recourse into England, his Majesty taking notice, That for asmuch as the Committee of the Parliament of Ireland,

John Bellew Esq and Oliver Cassel, with others employ'd thence, have re∣pair'd into his Kingdom of England, to represent their Grievances: He hath manifested his gracious condescensions to them, admitting them into his Royal Presence; forbidding his Counsellors in Ireland, or any other Officers or Ministers of that State, to proceed any ways against them, or any of them, for the same. And that his Subjects shall have Copies of Records, Certifi∣cates, Orders of Council, Publick Letters, or other Entries for the Declara∣tion of their Grievances made. In grateful acknowledgment of which, the Parliament then sitting the 10th. of Febr. 1640. order'd, That the said Letter should be forthwith Entr'd amongst the Ordinances and Records of that House. So that if there had not been a general defection, long an∣vil'd in the minds of that People, the event of so unnatural and horrid a Rebellion (as few months after happen'd) could not have been the issue of such remarkable Condescensions.

The 10th. of Febr. 1640. his Majesty instituted Sir William Parsons, Master of the Court of Wards, (before mention'd) long experienc'd in the Affairs of Ireland, and Sir Iohn Borlase Knight, Master of the Ordnance, Lords Justices, One well known to his Majesty by the Eminency of his Imployments abroad, and the opinion He had of his integrity and skill in Military Affairs, the Discipline of the Army having been ever under his Charge since his arrival there: These (writes an Honourable Person * 1.9) appli'd themselves with all manner of gentle Le∣nitives, to mollifie the sharp humours rais'd by the rigid passages of the for∣mer Government; They declar'd themselves against all such proceedings, as they found any way varying from the Common Law; They gave all due en∣couragement to the Parliament then sitting, endeavouring the reasonable ease and contentment of the People, freely assenting to all such Acts as re∣ally tended to the Legal Reformation; They betook themselves wholly to the advice of the Council, and caus'd all matters, as well of the Crown as Po∣pular Interests, to be handled in his Majesties Courts of Justice; no ways admitting the late exorbitances (so bitterly decried in Parliament) of Paper Petitions or Bills in Civil Causes, to be brought before them at the Council∣board, or before any other by their Authority; reducing (by his Majesties ap∣probation) the Subsidies from 40000 l. a Subsidy, to 12000 l. a Piece. Bring∣ing all things to that compliance, as best suited with his Majesties Interest, and the quiet of the Nation, that (if it were possible) there might not be the least discontent or jealousie rais'd amongst the People; and, for a season, all things seem'd so peaceable, as never any Government was less excepted against. Yet then, in the end of the year 1640. his Majesty (be∣ing inform'd of an intention to raise Troubles in Ireland) commanded Sir Henry Vane, his Principal Secretary, to write unto these Lords Ju∣stices this Letter.

Right Honourable,

HIs Majesty hath commanded me to acquaint your Lordships with an advice given him from abroad, and confirm'd by his Ministers in Spain and elsewhere, which in this distemper'd time, and conjuncture of affairs, deserves to be seriously consider'd, and an especial care and watch∣fulness to be had therein; which is, That of late there have passed from Spain (and the like may well have been from other Parts) an unspeakable number of Irish Church-men for England and Ireland, and some good old Soldiers,

under pretext of asking leave to raise men for the King of Spain; whereas it is observ'd (among the Irish Friers there) a whisper runs, as if they expected a Rebellion in Ireland, and particularly in Connaght. Wherefore his Majesty thought fit to give your Lordships this notice, that in your wis∣doms you might manage the same with that dexterity and secresie, as to dis∣cover and prevent so pernicious a Design, if any such there should be, and to have a watchful eye on the proceedings and actions of those who come thither from abroad, on what pretext soever. And so herewith I rest.

Your Lordships most humble Servant, Henry Vane.

White-hall, March 16. 1640.

Which was delivered to the Lord Justice Parsons, and since his death found in his Study, and by Sir James Barry, Lord Baron of Santry, (a right Honourable and worthy Person) presented to his present Majesty; who look'd upon it as a precious Jewel, discovering his Father's Royal thoughts towards the preservation of his Protestant Subjects and People. But how far it was at first communicated, is uncertain, though being of so great a Trust, it may very well be believed to have been often refle∣cted on with caution and prudence: Certain it is, that notwithstanding that there was an Item, that there should be an especial care against le∣vying of Soldiers for Spain, yet Colonel John Barry, Colonel Taaff, Co∣lonel Garret Barry, and Colonel Porter, had all Warrants to transport 4000 Men thither, which several of the House of Commons in Ireland, and England too, with much artifice (though with divers ends) endea∣vour'd to prevent on plausible terms; As that, from the experience of what they might learn abroad, they afterwards might prove ill Instru∣ments at home; whereas it was more necessary, that they should be em∣ploy'd on Husbandry, whereof that Kingdom had great need. And many of the active men of the House of Commons in Ireland, as Darcy the Lawyer, Plunket, Chevers, Martin, and others, urg'd their stay, with a passion seemingly much concern'd, for that, amongst many Reasons, which I will not undertake (at so long a distance) positively to remem∣ber, (though I had the honour to be a Member of that House) yet I can∣not forget, that their chief Argument was drawn from the Spaniards having long born an ill will to England and her Empire: And therefore they did not know (mark the insinuation) how soon those very Regiments (acquainted with every Creek of the Kingdom) might be return'd on their own Bowels, having naturally a love to their Religion, which such an In∣cendiary (as the King of Spain) might soon inflame to the highest prejudice. Which I the longer insist on, for that the Collection of Murthers commit∣ted on the Irish (published by R. S. 1662.) would insinuate (the better to invalidate the Abstract of Murthers committed by the Irish) that the Catholick Members of the House of Commons in Ireland never hin∣dred (as that Abstract affirms) the Transportation of the Earl of Straf∣fords disbanded Soldiers into Spain, purposely to advance the Rebellion, which is clear they did: Inasmuch as upon these and other Arguments, their Transportation was deferr'd; though if the discontented Irish Ar∣my had been disposed of beyond-Sea (according to the Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadors) it was very clear, as is judicially affirmed, that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland, the Pretence

and Means thereof having been thereby taken away; though some were of opinion, that where-ever these Forces had been, they could yet easily have been brought over again, (as others have been since) the principal Heads of the Rebels Army being led by old experienc'd Soldiers, who (at the breaking out of the Rebellion) were generally beyond-Sea, as the Leimster Forces by Colonel Preston, a branch out of the House of Gor∣manston; the Ulster Forces by Owen Roe O-Neal, (both bred in Flanders) Munster Forces by Garret Barry, and the Connaght Forces by one Burck; animated with their Cause and the Pope's encouragement. And it cannot be denied, that the promiscuous compleating of the Army (lately rais'd of 8000 Foot and 1000 Horse) in Ireland, taught many of the Common Soldiers the use of Arms, who otherwise would have been ignorant thereof: And evil in Perrot's and Fitzwilliam's Government, much took notice of, and by Camden in his Eliz. Anno 1593. towards the end, ob∣serv'd in the like case to be most improvidently done, as afterwards was found, the Irish being always disloyal to the English. Upon which I cannot but reflect on what Antalcidas (in Plutarch *) tells Agesilaus,* 2.1 of being sorely hurt by the Thebans, That they had paid him his deserved hire, for teaching them against their wills to be Soldiers, who before had neither will nor skill to fight. Certain it is, that most of these Soldiers (thus rais'd) betook themselves to the Rebels Party; although very few of their Officers (if we may credit a late Historian) were polluted with the crime.

Yet notwithstanding the Letter fore-cited, and many troublesome passages in Parliament, wherewith the Lords Justices and Council were not seldom alarm'd, (sufficient to waken their confidence) no Cloud, not the breadth of a hand, appear'd; but the Lords Justices kept a fair correspondence with the Parliament, giving all the furtherance they could to the going of their Committee into England, hoping that what his Majesty should be pleased to grant, (at their requests) might redound to the common benefit of the Nation. Neither did the Lords Justices or Council transmit unto his Majesty, or any of the State of England, any mis-reprehensions of the proceedings and actions of that Parliament, as some maliciously insinuated; in as much as a Noble Person, a Peer in the Lords House, said, That the Lords Justices had always cheerfully re∣ceiv'd their Requests and Messages, and were ready to comply with them; desiring that this their compliance might be entred in the Journal, to the end that it might remain to Posterity. Having by his Majesties Com∣mission, dated the 4th. of January, 1640. authority to Continue, Pro∣rogue, or Determine the Parliament, as they thought fit; which liberty they indulg'd much to the freedom of the Parliament. However (being resolv'd, as the sequel prov'd, to pretend any thing, rather than not to have some exceptions against the Government) the Irish Parliament sent to his Majesty a Declaration, therein magnifying the Six entire Subsi∣dies they had given in the 10th. year of his Majesties Reign, and the Four Subsidies in the 15th. year of his Reign; pretending moreover, that they had been ill presented to his Majesty, which was clearly evinc'd to the contrary, and several Graces vouchsaf'd them thereupon.

Amongst other things, the State (at that time) found difficult to do, the Disbanding of the new rais'd Army was not the least, which the Parliament of England had great jealousies of, and besought his Majesty that it should be dissolv'd. In answer whereof, his Majesty repli'd, That

the thing was already upon consultation, but he found many difficulties in it, and therefore told the Parliament, He held it not onely fit to wish it, but to show the way how it might conveniently be done. However, in August, 1641. it was effectually perform'd, for which afterwards the Lords Ju∣stices had his Majesties gracious approbation; and the Arms and Ammu∣nition were carefully brought into his Majesties Stores, by the vigilance of the Master of the Ordnance, (the Lord Justice Borlase) else, certainly, most of those Arms (as well as the Men) had been undoubtedly listed in the Confederates Army; which many of their Party (in the House of Commons in Ireland) having an eye to, made them so averse to have them Disbanded. And the Plot proceeded, being so cunningly manag'd by some of the Members of Parliament, (subtil in their insinuations) that many of the Protestants, and well-meaning people of the House, (blind∣ed with an apprehension of Ease and Redress, lying under the same pre∣tended Yoak with the rest) were innocently decoi'd into their acting violently with them. Hence Sir Richard Bolton, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, was impeach'd of High Treason, and others of the prime Officers and Ministers of State, were Articled against; yea, some of the Bishops were not spar'd, contrary to all presidents of that nature, as was certifi'd by the Lords Justices to the Principal Secretary, on search made, upon his Majesties commands, for that purpose. So as (besides) some of the active men of the House, Lawyers, Darcy, Martin, Plunket, Cusack, Brown, Linch, Bodkin, Evers, and others, took upon them with much confi∣dence to declare the Law, to make new Expositions of their own upon the Text, as, That killing in Rebellion was no forfeiture of Lands * 2.2; and to frame 21 Queries: Which in a solemn Committee of the House, Adjourn'd from time to time, they discuss'd at their own freedom in the Dining-Room at the Castle, disdaining the moderate Qualifications of the Judges, (who gave them modest Answers, such as the Law and Duty to their Sovereign, would admit) and in stead of them, vented their own sense, as if the State were then in its Infancy, and from them meerly to receive its Constitution; as Sir John Temple observes, resolving upon an alteration in the Government, and drawing of it wholly into the hands of the Natives: Sir Phelim Oneal making it plain, in his Letters of Triumph to his Holy Confessor, That his purposes were Conquest, and not defence of Religion, his Majesties Prerogative, or their Liberty. No! No King of England (writes Mahony a Jesuit) nor Crown, nor People, nor state of that Kingdom, having at any time, any kind of Right to the Kingdom of Ireland, or any part thereof; that the English Title to it was but meer Usurpation and Violence, and that therefore the old Natives (i. e. the meer Irish) might chuse and make themselves a King of one of their own Irish; and in the then Circumstances of Charles the First of England's, being a He∣retick, ought (i. e.) were bound in Conscience, to do so, and throw off together the Yoak both of Hereticks and Foreigners. Which Tenents, being rough∣ly drawn, the Confederate Irish seem'd afterward to condemn (forsooth) in a Council of their own at Kilkenny: Yet it is very observable (and that from Walsh himself) who says, He can never forget it (having ex∣traordinary great admiration thereat) That there was not one in the Na∣tional Congregation (met by an extraordinary favour the 11th. of June, at Dublin, 1666.) that open'd once his mouth for confession of any Villanies com∣mitted against the King, at any time in the late Rebellion, or Civil War, or even to speak a word for so much as a general Petition to be exhibited

to his Majesty, imploring his Majesties gracious Pardon. Notwithstanding the first Rebellion 1641. and what follow'd upon the Nuncio's access, and the violation of the first Peace 1646. and the Nuncio's Censures against the Cessation with the Lord Inchequin, and the Peace 1648. And the Decla∣ration and Excommunication of the Bishops as James-Town 1650, against the Lord Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, and those who obey'd him. Emphatically enough exprest by P. W. No. 1. (He enforces this Argument further) There was no crime (writes he) at all committed by All or any of the Roman Catholick Clergy of Ireland, nor even at any time, nor in any occasion or matter hapen'd since the 23d. of October, 1641. that needed Pe∣titioning for Pardon, either for themselves, or any other of the Irish Clergy; if we must believe the Bishop of Ardagh, Patrick Plunket, pleading for them in so express terms, and the tacit approbation of his words by the uni∣versal silence of that Assembly. In pursuance of which, the Protestant Com∣missioners of Ireland (in their Answer to the Objections the Rebels Agents put in against the Preamble of the Bill of Settlement) took no∣tice, that (in the whole Volume of Papers which were put in by the Catholicks about that Affair) there was not one grateful Acknowledg∣ment, or so much as one civil mention of his Majesties singular Con∣descention. They having the favour to inspect that Act of Settlement, and object as they pleas'd, as if all his Majesty could do for them were no more than he ought. And further it is these Commissioners observa∣tion, That in all the Irish Papers, they do not own the slaughter of so many thousands to be a Rebellion, or once give the Title of Rebels to those who were the first Agents in that horrid and bloody Massacre; which being not acknowledged by them, more easily absolves the rude∣ness of their Ingratitude for his Majesties favours. And a Person of Ho∣nour (in his Animadversions on Fanaticism * 2.3, who deserves much for his excellencies in the case) takes notice, That no Catholick ever made any pro∣fession against the Rebellion, or manifested his detestation or dislike of it by any publick Writing, that the Design seem'd a Birth acceptable to the Ca∣tholick Community. And the Pope, by his Nuncio afterwards (to whom the general part of the Clergy and Natives adhear'd) in effect maintain'd what Mahony had deliver'd for wholesome Doctrine, accounting the Popes Bulls, and Interdictions, and Absolutions, (how long soever since publish'd) still in the same force and vigour, as they were the first day of their publication. And it is very few years since (writes this Honou∣rable Person * 2.4) that (upon the meeting of the Secular and Regular Clergy of Ireland, before-mention'd, to frame an Address to the King in testimony of their obedience, disclaiming any Temporal Authority in the Popes) the Court of Rome was so alarm'd by it, that Cardinal Barbarin writ to them, to desist from any such Declaration, putting them in mind, that the King∣dom of England was still under Excommunication. And Walsh acquaints us at large of Mac-Mahon, the Irish Jesuits printed Book of the lawfulness of killing, not onely all the Protestants, but even all such of the Roman Catho∣lick Irish, who should stand for the Crown of England, and the Rights of the King to Ireland. A Tenent agreeable to Salamanca's approbation of Oneal's Rebellion, 1602. instigated by Pope Clement the 8th. whereby it's de∣clared, That all Catholicks who followed the English Standard against Prince Oneal, mortally sinned. And Osulevan the Priest, in King James's Reign, said, It was a Doctrine fetch'd from Hell, that Catholicks in Ire∣land should joyn with the Queens Forces, which were Protestants, against

the Rebels, Catholicks, in Ireland, and that such English ought to be no less set upon than the Turks. So that whatsoever delusive Tenents have been broach'd of late, as to perswade us the Adder is without sting, the con∣trary hath been written in letters of blood, not in his Majesty's Kingdoms only, but wheresome-ever the Papal Power was exalted, That persons pro∣fessing the Reformed Religion, are but Tenants at Will for their Lives and Fortunes, and through Centuries of Ages it appears, that as their Fleeces grow, they are shorn, till a time of slaughter be appointed. That hence we may see, at what we should have arriv'd, had the Irish been fortunate in their attempt; for though the loyal Formulary or Remonstrance (highly magnified by some) may seem a Bond of Iron, it may easily (by the Pope) become weaker than a Rope of Straw.

During the Summer Sessions of Parliament (already spoke of) where∣in the Heads of the Rebellion were closely complotting, some under a suspicion, that the Earl of Strafford's Servants (in revenge of their Lord's death) intended a Mischief to the Parliament, mov'd the House, and accordingly had Orders, that the Lords Justices would let his Majesty's Stores (for Powder and Arms) be search'd, which (by a Committee) they so curiously perform'd, as they turn'd over several improbable Chests to find it out; and when they had seen that there was none, according to what the Officers of the Ordnance had before assur'd them, yet they seem'd unsatisfied, and repair'd (on a new Order) to the Lords Justi∣ces, to be admitted to see the Stores of Powder and Arms, plac'd in other Parts in and about the Castle: To whom the Lord Justice Borlase (Ma∣ster of the Ordnance, principally interess'd in securing his Majesties Stores) answer'd, That those were the King's precious Jewels, not to be (with∣out special Gause) shewed, assuring them further, that they needed not to be afraid, for that, upon his Honour, there was no Powder under∣neath either of the Houses of Parliament, as at the Trial of the Lord Mac Quire, at the King's Bench in Westminster, was openly in Court testified by the Lord Blaney, a great sufferer, a worthy and gallant Person, the said Lord Justice Borlase, having at that time such a motion in his blood, (upon the importunity of that enquiry) as he would afterwards often mention that action of theirs, as aiming (how slightly soever then look∣ed on by others) at some further mark, than was th••n discernable: So that at that instant he denied them, whereat they seem'd discontented, as being left in uncertainty, in what state his Majesty's Stores stood, which they desired particularly to know (the late new Army being disbanded then, and their Arms brought in) that if the Powder and Arms were not there, they might find them elsewhere; or if there, then (by the in∣tended surprize) to be sure of them, and to know where (on the sudden) to find them: In which search, the Lord Mac Quire was a chief actor, and very inquisitive.

Thus, in order to their Design, they made ready for the Business, pas∣sing that Session of Parliament (began the xi. of May 1641.) for the most part away in Protestations, Declarations, Votes upon the Queries, the stay of Souldiers from going over Seas, and private Petitions, little to the good of the Common-wealth, or advancement of his Majesty's Ser∣vice, whereof the Lords Justices and Councel having notice, finding with∣al, that the Popish Party in both Houses grew to so great a height, as was scarce compatible to the present Government, they imparted (by a Message to both Houses the 14th. of July following) their intention to

give a recess for some months, the harvest coming on, and both Houses growing thin: Which intimation of a recess both Houses readily assented to; so that the 7th. of August, the Lords Justices adjourn'd the Houses to the 9th. of November following, which afterwards the Members of Par∣liament aggravated as a great unkindness, the Committee of Parliament being expected from England, and arriv'd at Dublin near the end of Au∣gust: Whereas, when the Parliament was adjourn'd, (and before) there was no certainty of their Committee's return, the Earl of Roscom∣mon, who (few days before) coming from England, expressing in plain terms, that the Bills desired were not likely (in any short time) to be dispatch'd, as the Letters from the Irish Committee at London, (which this Lord brought over) inform'd too; and, That they were daily about their dispatch, but could not guess when they might have it. Yet (as I have took notice) in August, beyond expectation, the Committee re∣turn'd, upon whose arrival, the Lords Justices and Councel (desirous to give them all satisfaction imaginable) sate daily composing of Acts, to be passed the next Sessions of Parliament, for the benefit of his Majesty, and the good of his Subjects, on which the Members of Parliament then at Dublin, and their Committee (newly arriv'd) seem'd with great contentment to retire into the Countrey, the Lords Justices forthwith sending Briefs to all the Ports in the Kingdom of the Graces concerning Customs, commanding the Officers punctually to obey those his Maje∣sty's Directions, particularly what-ever concern'd Wool, Tobacco, as all other things of that nature, wherein his Majesty had been pleas'd to gra∣tifie the Committee. They gave Order also for drawing a Bill, for re∣peal of the Preamble of the Act of Subsidies. They also desired Sir Willi∣am Cole and Sir James Montgomery (two of the Committee) if they could ever take the Assizes in the County of Ulster, to give publick no∣tice to all the Undertakers, of what his Majesty had graciously granted and intended to them; which accordingly they undertook to do, the Lords Justices leaving (as they thought) nothing omitted, which might evidence their compliance with his Majesty's gracious Intentions, acting (during this recess of Parliament) so vigilantly, and with that vigor, in relation to all the Committee's Transactions in England, and his Maje∣sty's Service, that they had little time (if any) to spare for their other occasions; that if we reflect on their unwearied and faithful Endeavours, it cannot but be imputed as the greatest act of ingratitude (that ever a Nation was guilty of) to calumniate such a Government, which had been mainly instrumental to accomplish those Graces, that Favour, such Indul∣gence, as never any of his Majesty's Predecessors would vouchsafe.

Yet then (in the midst of this Condescention) many of those (even the major part which were Papists) who had been thus graciously heard by his Majesty, countenanc'd in England, carassed at Court, most treache∣rously conspired against his Crown and Dignity, the original of this Re∣bellion being brought over (deposeth Prisley of Mac-Mahon) by the Irish Committee, who were imployed by the Parliament to his Majesty, for the redress of their Grievances in that Kingdom, complotting thereby the most execrable and bloody Rebellion History can parallel, improving their Neighbourhood (at that time) to a mighty access of Visits and Freedom, especially in Ulster, where the Irish seem'd to mind nothing else but Entertainment, lodging (under colour of friendship) the night before themselves, with those whom they intended to kill the next morn∣ing.

That with his Majesty (in his Solitude) I may say that; That Sea of Blood, which these Men have cruelly and barbarously shed, is enough to drown any Man in eternal both infamy and misery, whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of this effusion. And all this perpetrated, not for Religion, (as with great industry they endeavour to make foreign Princes believe) No! It was their inbred malice and hatred to the Eng∣lish, which (from the first Conquest to this present) may (by very sad Examples) be clearly demonstrated, all Rebellions to Hen. 8. his time (that the Reformation in Religion seem'd more favourable) being wholly to extirpate the English, then with them all of one Religion, as may be easily shewed in a constant Series of Affairs, were not every Hi∣story (concerning Ireland) full of this Truth, with horrible Presidents of Treachery and Barbarism. And since Hen. 8th's time (that the Pro∣testant Religion hath had greater freedom) it is evident too, as Cambden * 2.5 notes, That their Rebellions sprung from their zeal to the Romish Reli∣gion, and their malice to the New English, not to leave one alive. So that Giraldus Cambrensis his Character of them in his Typography * 2.6, is suspected to remain yet too great a Truth, to which we shall refer you, concluding this with what a late Historian * 2.7 in fewer words observes: Hiberni magna ex parte fallaces, sanguinarii, faedifragi, diversis micantes inter se factionibus, alter in alterius viscera ferrum immittere, quam cum hoste communi congredi, paratiores. To which we may add that of the Orator * 2.8, not more pathetical than truely, That Ex omnibus Gentibus vix ullam reperias cui peccare & flere magis naturale est. But as to my own Inclinations, I truely reverence what the judicious and learn'd Bishop of Meath, in his Epistle to his Excellency the Earl of Essex, Lord Lieute∣nant, in his Sermon of Antichrist, observes, That the Irish of themselves were a People peaceable, harmless, and affable to strangers, and in themselves, and to all, pious and good, whilst they retain'd the Religion of their Fore∣fathers.

Yet that we may come more closely to the Business, it will not be im∣pertinent to recount what Rebellions ensued upon Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and since to the fatal year 1641. That the practice of the Irish formerly being summ'd up, it may appear what seeds of Rebellion were ever sown in their hearts and soil, ripen'd constantly as opportunity and season gave them hopes of a harvest, all their submissions (as Sir John Davies observes) being meer mockery and imposture. Nor are we now without jealousies of what may yet be, were there opportunity for it, writes that excellent Bishop before cited, in the said Epistle.

Soon after this glorious Queen (whom the Bishop of Rhodes calls one of the most Heroick and Illustrious Princes of her Age) came to the Crown, all the Interests and Powers of Rome were animated against her, she having clear'd the light of the Gospel, by dissipating the fogs and mists of Superstition, so as thence the Spirits of Darkness rag'd every where, the Confederates of the Beast exalting their Power.

1. Anno 1567. Shane O-Neal rais'd a notable Rebellion in Ulster, meer∣ly in hatred to the English, erecting a Castle upon Lac-Eaugh, which he nam'd Feognegall, (i. e. The hatred of the English) and prevail'd much, till Sir Henry Sidney routed his Forces.

2. The Fitz-Geralds in Munster, 1569. (to whom the Birns, Tools, and Cavenaghs joyn'd) rag'd in Rebellion, till they were subdu'd by Sir Wil∣liam Drury. All Attainted by Parliament 27, 28 Eliz. Of the Justice of

which War, an Edict was shortly after divulg'd, which in respect of those Tenents, yet maintain'd in the bleeding Iphigenia, and is indeed the sum of all their Infelicity and Malice, we have thought good to insert immedi∣ately betwixt the first and second Appendix.

3. Hugh O-Neal, Anno 1595. succeeded in his Villanies, (the War being call'd Tyrone's Rebellion) till 1603. the War determining with that Glorious Queen. Of which three Rebellions, the Analecta de rebus Ca∣tholicorum in Hibernia, publish'd Anno 1617. has summ'd up these nota∣ble and just Remarks.

1. Praecesserat Spiritus grandis & fortis subvertens montes & conterens petras, id factum est in famoso illo Dynasta Johanne Nealo initio Regni Eliz. instar saevientis procellae omnia provadente, & populante, qui nec mon∣tibus pepercit, nec collibus aut petris divina pariter & humana miscens—Post multas strages quas fecit, accitis etiam è Conacia & Momonia Primi∣pilaribus quos sui Consilii participes fecit, deinde post probra & opprobria quae contraxit plurima cum vellet haberi restitutor Patriae Libertatis & avitae Religionis, quia non erat de Numero eorum per quos salus facta est in Israel. Qui seminavit ventos, non messuit nisi Turbinem, Fatus ipse turbo impellens in parietem in vindictam Caedis antea per eum perpetratae filio Paterni Sanguinis ultore Scoto in Rixa Scotorum & Hibernorum interiit, itaque non in Spiritu tam praecipiti & praepostero Dominus.

2. Post hunc Spiritum sequuta est gravis Commotio, quam suscitavit in Monronia Jacobus Geraldinus Mauritii filius cui accessit Johanne Geraldi Desmoniae Comitis Germanus frater, & ipse postmodum Comes Geraldus in∣sequutus est cum multis sequalibus; in Lagenia vero se adjunxerant Jacobus Vice-Comes de Baltinglass cum Kavanachiis, Briniis & aliis Nobilibus illius Provinciae, visa est magnis & piis Principibus Causa Dei tractari & quia pro fide bellum susceptum intellexerunt. Copias etiam auxiliares, transmise∣runt sed propter Delicta seculi irritus fuit Conatus Deo tunc non decernente speratum Bellatoribus effectum tribuere, quem in aliud tempus, pro alia Generatione, aliis Instrumentis & modis parandum reservavit, atque ita dif∣flatum est Consilium illud, dissiluit in partes, opus & coeptum ipsum infaeliciter dissolutum est, neque enim in illa Commotione transire ad refrigerium nostrum voluit Dominus.

3. Illa vero Geraldinorum commotione sic praetervecta successit ignis omni late devastans, dum flamma ferroque omnia populatur Comes Tyronensis plus∣quam decennali bello intercipiens hujus Insulae quietem, multa visus pros∣pere aggredi multis etiam congressibus victor, sed nonnullis victoriis info∣lescens exercitus tametsi Cohortium antesignari & ipse Gubernator & Dactor exercitus causam praetulerit honorificam restituendae Religionis nec ullam vellet capitulationem admittere, cum Anglis in qua Primario non ageretur De fide Orthodoxa publicè stabilanda per universum regnum, quia Tamen via & violentia tunc exercita non erat secundum propositum Dei efficax, hinc peccatis Hominum irato Numine frustra se exerebant vires Hominum.

4. At King James's access to the Crown, Waterford, Cork, and Lime∣rick in Munster, Kilkenny, and Wexford in Lemster, openly oppos'd the King's Title, as not being a Catholick; but were soon brought into obe∣dience by the Lord Deputy Mountjoy.

5. Within four years after, the Lord Chichester Deputy, Tyrone and O Donnel conspiring with Mac-guire, Cormack O Neal, O Cahan, the Lord

Delvin, and others, design'd a notable Rebellion, but were prevented in May, 1607. and an Act of Attainder past, Anno 11, 12, 13 Jacobi, Cap. 4.

6. The year following Anno scil. 1608. Sir Cahir O Doghertie's War succeeded, sharp, though short, determining in five months, encourag'd by the Priests, That all who died in that Service, went forthwith into Heaven.

Afterwards the State of Ireland seemed very happy, both as to Im∣provement of Land, Plenty, and Peace, till the year 1634. that Ever Mac-Mahon (before mention'd) discover'd an intended Plot, which by the prudence of the Governour (the Lord Wentworth) never arriv'd at its design, nor afterwards was any thing further suspected, till Sir Henry Vane, by his Majesties command (K. C. 1.) gave the Lords Justices, the 16th. of March, notice of a suspected Rebellion; of which (with its cir∣cumstances) we have already insisted. Though we must say, that the re∣sult of the former Conspiracies, which by the blessedness of the Times, prudence of Governours, or other accidents, were delayed, in this (Anno sc. 1641.) met the accomplishment of them all. Yet nothing was here attempted, which the bleeding Iphigenia (the great Incendiary of that Nation) doth not passionately justifie, it being, in his Divinity and Lo∣gick, rational, That the Irish (though not then visibly assaulted) might however assume Arms in defence of their Religion and Property, both threatned; it being (writes he) a common Doctrine of Divines, That it is lawful to prevent an evil, that cannot be otherwise avoided than by pre∣venting it; nor need the authority of the Prince (in that case) be required. A Doctrine so hellish, as none certainly is so besotted, but he may easily read therein the ruine of States and Kingdoms; excellently answered by the Learned and accurate late Proselyte, Dr. Andrew Sal, to whom in this point we must refer you: And as to matter of Fact, bequeath you to the ensuing History, clearly evidencing, That before the Irish assumed Arms, no Instrument was ever thought on, much less found against them.

Formerly indeed it hath been strongly imputed to the State of Eng∣land, that (conquering Ireland) they did not also endeavour to make them one People; holding them Enemies, not taking care to settle Civility and a Property amongst them; the cause (as some thought) of frequent Rebellions. But though these and some other defects in the Civil Policy (some think) are inexcusable, it may clearly be demonstrated, they were not of so large a size as they are mark'd. And it may appear (by antient Records) that the Laws of England were at first communicated to the meer Irish, as far as their Barbarism and Cruelties exercis'd (on occasions) upon the English would well admit. But (to let these times pass, whereof we cannot speak much with any certainty) let us now see what fruits we have of all the Royal endeavours of his Gracious Majesty, and his two Glorious Predecessors, what return for all their Care, for all their Charge, and for all the English Blood which hath (within the compass of the last Age) been spilt for purchasing of Peace, and introducing of the true Re∣ligion and common Civility into Ireland.

It cannot be denied, that since the happy Reign of Queen Elizabeth, all the former defects in the Government, and Civil Policy, have been abundantly supplied, and all those Means us'd, those Acts perform'd, those Designs fully accomplish'd, and all things else perfectly brought

to pass, which (in the judgement of all wise Men) were conceiv'd, would undoubtedly effect the full settlement and reduction of that King∣dom. As first, The barbarous Customs continually us'd by the Irish, have been quite abolished; all sorts of People (even the most wicked amongst them) have been allowed the benefit of the Law, and liv'd un∣der the King's immediate Protection; all the Laws of England (found useful for that Kingdom) have been made currant by Act of Parliament, in Ireland; many other good Laws enacted, and the execution of them hath had free course through all parts of the Kingdom; the Courts of Ju∣stice have been open, and the Judges (for the more free distribution of Justice to the People) have constantly (twice every year) gone their Circuits, through the several Counties of the whole Land; the Church-Government hath been fully setled, many preaching Ministers (general∣ly plac'd throughout the several Parishes) as likewise Free-Schools, to∣gether with sufficient Maintenance for them, have been establisht; the Lands (belonging to the Natives) have been always duely setled ac∣cording to Law in the Proprietor; and what noise soever was rais'd, en∣tituling the Crown to Roscommon, Mayo, Slego, Galloway, Clare, besides some parts of Limerick and Tipperary (as one of the Master-pieces of the Earl of Strafford's Service in Ireland) nothing was ever effected thereupon, though it had cost his Majesty 10000 l. upon the enquiry, and had they had patience till the next Sessions of Parliament, there was an Act for Limitations, pass'd by his Majesty, to bar all Titles, Claims, and Challenges of the Crown, before 60 years last past, to have cut off all expectations upon the ancient Title, and have strengthned (by new Grants and Patents) all Titles from the Crown. Multitudes of British were brought in, and planted in great numbers, even in the most barba∣rous Places of the Kingdom; many corporate Towns have been erected; some wall'd Towns have been also lately built; Castles, Stone-houses, and Villages, daily made in every part in great abundance; Trade and Traffick so well setled, as (the obstructions therein being remov'd) the native Commodities were so freely exported, as they did (to the great advantage of the Kingdom) by far exceed the foreign Importation; and all other necessary Provisions were made for the Publick, which might be thought any ways to conduce to the Peace, Plenty, and flourishing Estate of a growing Kingdom.

And for the Irish themselves (though they have ever been observ'd to be a whining Generation, a People always given unjustly to complain of their Governours) yet (in these later times) there hath been a most spe∣cial care taken, to preserve them free from all manner of Pressures. They have had liberty (beyond the examples of former Ages) to redress their Grievances in their own Parliament, being elected Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, according to the Affections of the Commons; they had too (of their Communion) Lawyers bred up in England, frequent at their Bar; also upon their Bench Justices of the Peace; in their Counties She∣riffs, and Mayors and other Officers in their Corporations, Favours not aspir'd to by the Catholicks of England, or ever granted. And in Cases where they thought fit to present their Complaints unto his Majesty, they were graciously receiv'd, and fitting Remedies applied. They were ad∣mitted to enjoy the free and full exercise of the Roman Religion without controul; to entertain Priests, Friers, Jesuits, and all sorts of their Ecclesi∣astical Orders, without number, whilst the Protestants dissenting from

the Regimen of the Church of England, were frequently summon'd to the Bishop's Court. Justice was equally administred to the British and Irish without any manner of difference; the Countrey Duties and other Taxes were levied upon all without distinction of Persons; all private Animosi∣ties suppress'd; all ancient Grudges remov'd; and in all outward appear∣ance, they liv'd so affectionately intermixt together, as they could not be esteem'd two Nations in one Kingdom, but that they did Coalescere in unam Gentem. And it is without all contradiction not to be denied, That never any Conquer'd Nation enjoy'd more fully the Liberties and Priviledg∣es of Free Subjects, and (through the great Indulgence of his Majesty) liv'd with greater contentment, Ease, Peace, Plenty, and freedom from all manner of extraordinary Taxations, other than such as they were pleas'd to impose upon themselves in Parliament, than the Natives of Ire∣land have lately done. Inasmuch as an Excellent Lawyer * 2.9 clearly evi∣dences from 1601. to the year that he writ in, That Ex illo tempore quan∣tum creverunt Hibernorum Res, desertissimae sollitudines in vicos & oppida Conversae, Itinera olim clausa Exercitibus, nunc patent Viatoribus, Portus Navibus, Urbes Mercatoribus, Agri Colonis, fora Judiciis frequentantur, nec siquid inter Cives controversiae inciderit, ferro nunc ut olim, sed lege & Judicis Arbitrio deciditur: Ipsae vero Gentes Anglicanae & Hibernicae quae non solum studiis sed etiam Castris olim dissidebant, nec ullo faedere teneban∣tur, sed alteri alterum utcunque occidere jus erat, sublatis nuper Hostilitatis legibus in unum populum coaluerunt, nec Commercia nunc & Convivia verum Conjugia inter ipsos celebrantur, adeoque aequo Jure, pari lege, & eadem Conditione, absque omni Gentis discrimine, sub justissimo Rege vivitur, ut nec Angli se vicisse, nec Hiberni victos se esse, sentiant. That hence ensued the calmest and most universal Peace, that ever was seen in Ireland, it be∣ing not to be produc'd, that after the Irish were receiv'd into the Condi∣tion of Subjects, without difference and distinction, (which was in the Parliament begun at Dublin, under the Lord Chichester, the 18th. of May, Anno Regni Jacob. 11.) that ever the English in Ireland offer'd the least violence to any of the Natives, eo Nomine, Papists or Irish; yet nothing could keep them from Rebelling, the Corn being then full ear'd. And so we are arriv'd at the Rebellion, which (as you have read) hath had many steps to its Rise, which we shall now pursue in its Progress and Success.

The Irish Rebellion, 23. Octob. 1641.

THE first dark Light, of which Sir William Cole (the 11th. of* 2.10 October, 1641.) gave the Lords Justices, and Council notice of: As that there was a great Resort made to Sir Phelim O Neals, in the County of Tyrone, as also to the House of the Lord Mac-Guire, in the County of Fermanagh, and that by several suspected Persons (fit Instru∣ments for Mischief.) As also that the said Lord Mac-Guire had of late made several Journeys within the Pale, and other Places, and had spent his time much in writing Letters, and sending Dispatches abroad. Upon the receipt of which Intelligence, the Lords Justices and Council writ to Sir William Cole, requiring him to be very vigilant and industrious, to find out what should be the occasion of those several Meetings, and speedily to advertise them thereof, or any other particular that he conceiv'd might tend to the publick service of the State. And more than this (rationally) could not have been done; for that what Sir William Cole inform'd the State of, was but conjectural; and had any notice been took publickly of it, where∣by Sir Phelim O Neal, or the Lord Mac-Guire had been seiz'd on, the same would certainly have been a pretended cause for the Irish (ready Touch-wood) to have risen in Arms, being suspected, before they ma∣nifested any dis-satisfaction. Besides, there was some so unwilling to re∣ceive the least mis-conceit of the Irish, (believing Time had worn out all Animosities, and the State had secur'd each Interests) as they us'd the utmost artifice imaginable to suppress those thoughts in others: That thence more than a circumspect eye was not to be advis'd. Some say, one John Cormack reveal'd to Sir William Cole, the 21. of October, That the Irish resolv'd to seize upon his Majesties Castle and City of Dublin, to murder his Lords Justices and Council there, and to seize upon all the Ca∣stles and Forts of the Kingdom, &c. Which Sir William Cole the same day sent the Lords Justices notice of. As others from an Ultogh would infer, That they had inform'd the State thereof, and that Sir Lucas Dillon there∣upon had been summon'd before them, and told, that they had heard something of him and others in Connaght, that made their fidelity suspect∣ed; which with a sober countenance, and solemn protestation, (Arts he had been long bred to) he soon wiped off. So (saith my Author) that for our sins our Counsellors were infatuated, and our Watch-men slumber'd. But Sir John Temple (whose Integrity over-weighs all Assertions to the contrary) testifies * 2.11, That those Letters and Informations never came to their knowledge, and that indeed they had never any certain notice of this general Conspiracy of the Irish, until the 22d. of October, late in the even∣ing * 2.12, that Owen O Conally (a meer Irish-man, Servant to Sir John Clotworthy, train'd up in the Protestant Religion) imparted the same to the Lord Justice Parsons, as a sense of his Duty, and Loyalty to his Majesty, and an effect of that Religion he was trained up in.

At first, the Lord Parsons gave little belief to the Relation, in regard it came from an obscure Person, and one, as he conceiv'd, somewhat distem∣per'd (at that time) with drink, delivering his story besides in so broken a manner, that it scarce seem'd credible; whereupon his Lordship let him go, strictly charging him to return back the same evening, with what

further discoveries he could make. Yet in the interim, the Lord Parsons (being touch'd with the Relation) repair'd (about Ten of the Clock at night) to the Lord Borlase, at Chichester-house, without the Town, and disclos'd to him what Owen O Conally had imparted; which made so sen∣sible an impression on his Colleague, as (the Discoverer being let go) He grew infinitely concern'd thereat, having none to punish, if the story should prove false; or means to learn more, were it true. In the distur∣bance of which perplexity, Owen O Conally comes (or, as others write, was brought) where the Lords Justices were then met, sensible that his discovery was not thorowly believed, professing, that what-ever he had acquainted the Lord Parsons with, (touching the Conspiracy) was true; and could he but repose himself, (the effects of drink being still upon him) he should discover more. Whereupon he had the conveniency of a Bed. In the interim, the Lords Justices summon'd as many of the Council, as they could give notice to, to their assistance that night, at Chichester∣house. Sir Thomas Rotheram, and Sir Robert Meredith, Chancellor of the Exchequer, came immediately to them. They then with all diligence secur'd the Gates of the City, with such as they could most confide in, and strengthen'd the Warders of the Castle, (which were a few in-consi∣derable men) with their Foot-Guard, usually attending their Persons, charging the Mayor and his Brethren to be watchful of all persons, that should walk the streets that night. However, many of the Conspirators escaped over the River, or at least lay conceal'd in Citizens houses, (a Receptacle too ready for most of them) and some of those who were brought before the Lords Justices and Council, as James Warren, (Sir Phelim O Neal's Servant) and Paul O Neal, (an active Priest) though neither of them then were discover'd to be such, found means to get away; of which Sir Phelim bragg'd of afterwards; Paul O Neal having been a prime Instrument in the contrivance of the Rebellion: Whilst Hugh Oge, Mac-Mahon Esq (Grandson by his Mother to the Traitor Tir-Oen) a Gentleman of good Fortune in the County of Monaghon, who had serv'd as a Lieutenant Colonel in the King of Spain's Quarters, was, after some little resistance, apprehended before day in his own Lodging over the Water near the Inns, and brought to Chichester-house, where, upon Ex∣amination, he did, without much difficulty, confess the Plot, resolutely* 2.13 telling them, That on that very day (it was now about 5 in the morning, the 23. of Octob. 1641.) that all the Forts and strong Places in Ireland would be taken; That he with the Lord Mac-Guire, Hugh Birn, Captain Brian O Neal, and several other Irish Gentlemen, were come up expresly to surprize the Castle of Dublin, and that twenty men out of each County of the Kingdom were to be here to joyn with them. That all the Lords and Gentle∣men in the Kingdom (that were Papists) were engag'd in this Plot; That what was that day to be done in other parts of the Countrey, was so far ad∣vanc'd by that time, as it was impossible for the wit of Man to prevent it. And withal told them, That it was true, they had him in their power, and might use him how they pleased; but he was sure he should be reveng'd.

Before Mac-Mahon was apprehended, Owen O Conally having (on his repose) recovered himself, had his Examination taken in these words.

Who being duly sworn and examined, saith, That he being at Monimore,* 3.1 in the County of London-derry, on Tuesday last, he received a Letter from Colonel Hugh Oge-Mac-Mahon, desiring him to come to Connaght in the

County of Monaghan, and to be with him on Wednesday or Thursday last. Whereupon he this Examinant came to Connaght on Wednesday night last, and finding the said Hugh come to Dublin, followed him thither; he came hither about six of the Clock this evening, and forthwith went to the Lodg∣ing of the said Hugh, to the house near the Boat in Oxmantown, and there he found the said Hugh, and came with the said Hugh into the Town, near the Pillory, to the Lodging of the Lord Mac-Guire, where they found not the Lord within, and there they drank a cup of Beer, and then went back again to the said Hugh's Lodging. He saith, That at the Lord Mac-Guire's Lodging, the said Hugh told him, That there were, and would be this night, great numbers of Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Irish Papists, from all parts of the Kingdom, in this Town, who, with himself, had determin'd to take the Castle of Dublin, and to possess themselves of all his Majesties Ammunition there to morrow morning, being Saturday: And that they in∣tended first to batter the Chimneys of the said Town; and if the Citizens would not yield, then to batter down the Houses, and so to cut off all the Protestants that would not joyn with them. He further saith, That he the said Hugh told him, That the Irish had prepared men in all parts of the Kingdom, to destroy all the English inhabiting there to morrow morning by Ten of the Clock; and that in all the Sea-Ports, and other Towns in the Kingdom, all the Protestants should be killed that night, and that all the Posts that could be could not prevent it. And further saith, That he moved the said Hugh to forbear executing of that business, and to discover it to the State, for saving of his own Estate; who said, He could not help it: But said, That they did owe their Allegiance to the King, and would pay him all his Rights; but that they did this for the Tyrannical Government that was over them, and to imitate Scotland, who had got a Priviledge by that course. And he further saith, That when he was with the said Hugh in his Lodging, the said Hugh swore, That he should not go out of his Lodging that night, but told him, he should go with him the next morning to the Castle; and said, if this matter were discovered, some body should die for it. Whereupon this Examinant feign'd some necessity for his Easment, went down out of the Cham∣ber, and left his Sword in pawn, and the said Hugh sent his Man down with him; and when this Examinant came down into the Yard, and finding an op∣portunity, he, this Examinant, leaped over a Wall, and two Pales, and so came to the Lord Justice Parsons.

Octob. 22. 1641.

• William Parsons.
• Thomas Rotheram.
• Robert Meredith.
• ...Owen O Conally.

How it came to pass that the other Lord Justice attested not the Exa∣mination, (it being took in his house, he present) hath begot some doubts, evidencing how (since) Counsels severed into Cabals.

In the interim, (whilst Owen O Conally was examining) Mac-Mahon (walking in Chichester-hall) drew (with Chalk) several Postures, some on Gibbets, others groveling on the ground; intimating how his fancy run on what was then acting: So little did he dread the event.

The night being thus pass'd over, the Lords Justices remov'd themselves (for their better security) into the Castle, where the body of the Coun∣cil attended them; and having secur'd the Lord Mac-Guire (taken, after several removes, in an obscure Cock-loft in Cook-street) they joyn'd in this Proclamation. 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

By the Lords Justices and Council.

W. Parsons, John Borlase.

THese are to make known and publish to all his Majesties good Subjects in this Kingdom of Ireland, That there is a discovery made by us the Lords Justices and Council, of a most disloyal and detestable Conspiracy, in∣tended by some evil-affected Irish Papists, against the Lives of us the Lords Justices and Council, and many other of his Majesty's faithful Subjects, uni∣versally throughout this Kingdom, and for the seizing not onely of his Maje∣sty's Castle of Dublin, (his Majesties principal Fort here) but also of all the other Fortifications in the Kingdom. And seeing by the great goodness and abundant mercy of Almighty God to his Majesty, and this State and King∣dom, those wicked Conspiracies are brought to light, and some of the Conspira∣tors committed to the Castle of Dublin by us, by his Majesties Authority, so as those wicked and damnable Plots are now disappointed in the chief Parts thereof: We therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publickly known, for the comfort of his Majesties good and loyal Subjects in all parts of the Kingdom, but also hereby to require them, That they do with all confi∣dence and chearfulness betake themselves to their own defence, and stand upon their Guard, so to render the more safety to themselves and all the Kingdom besides; and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all Occurrents, which may concern the peace and safety of the Kingdom, and now to shew fully that Loyalty and Faith, which they had always shown for the publick Ser∣vices of the Crown and Kingdom, which we will value to his Majesty accor∣dingly, and a special memory thereof will be retain'd for their advantage in due time; and we require, that great care be taken, that no Levies of Men be made for Foreign Service, nor any Men suffer'd to March upon any pretence.

Given at his Majesty's Castle at Dublin, 23. October, 1641.

R. Dillon, Ro. Digby, Ad. Loftus, J. Temple, Tho. Rotheram, Franc. Willoughby, Ja. Ware, Ro. Meredith.

Which being immediately printed, was dispersed to as many Places as they could convey it to: Against which, some of the Lords of the Pale (though at first they had offer'd their service at the Council-board, with great protestations and affections to his Majesty) few days after appear'd with a Petition to their Lordships, wherein they utter'd the deep sense they had of an expression in that Proclamation, as if by the words, Irish Papists, there being no distinction, they might doubt themselves in∣volv'd. Upon which the Lords Justices and Council, being tender, lest they (in whose fidelity, from the example of their Ancestors, their Lord∣ships then rested confident) should take umbrage at any of their expressi∣ons, condescended, by their Printed Declaration, dated the 29th. of the same October, to publish and proclaim, That by the words, Irish Papists, they intended onely such of the old meer Irish in the Province of Ulster, as had plotted, contriv'd, and been actors in that Treason, and others that ad∣hered to them, and none of the old English of the Pale, and other Parts, en∣joyning

all his Majesty's Subjects, whether Protestants or Papists, to forbear upbraiding matter of Religion. So that this Cavil being remov'd, the Lords Justices and Councel (with all imaginable amity and confidence) animated the Lords of the Pale, and their adherents, to joyn with them, as one Body, for the suppression of the present Rebellion, and the main∣tenance of his Majesty's just Right and Prerogative. To which end they parted with 1700 Arms, and proportionable Ammunition, as well to the Roman Catholicks, as Protestant Subjects, for the defence of their Hou∣ses in several parts. As to the Lord of Gormanston, there were delivered Arms for 500 Men, for the County of Meath; there were also delivered Arms for 300. for the County of Kildare; Arms for 300. for the Coun∣ty of Lowth; Arms for 300. for the County of West-Meath; Arms for 300. for the County of Dublin; and about the same time, there were sent down 400 Muskets to the Lords of the Ardes and Clandeboys, for the Arming of the Scots, in the County of Downe; also the State furnish'd Wexford, Waterford, Trim and Dundalk, with Arms, and licence to im∣port Arms and Powder, a condescension never indulg'd without great confidence and favour, that nothing should be wanting to testifie their confidence of all, but such as were in actual Rebellion.

And now having heard Mac-Mahon's, and Owen O Conally's Examinati∣ons, and the proceedings thereupon, it will be time to give you the Lord Mac-Guire's, though at first (when he was brought before the Councel Board) nothing could be wrung from him, till the 26th. of March, 1642. that his Examination was taken before Charles Lord Lambert, and Sir Robert Meredith Kt. Chancellor of his Majesty's Court of Exchequer, by direction of the Lords Justices and Councel, in these words:

Who being examined, saith, That about the time when Mr. John Bellew came out of England, with the Commission for the continuance of the present Parliament, Roger Moore, in the said Moore's Chamber, in the House of one Peter de Costres, of this City, acquainted him this Examinant, That if the Irish would rise, they might make their own Conditions, for the regaining of their own Lands, and freedom of their Religion. At which time the said Moore also acquainted him this Examinant, that he had spo∣ken with sundry in Leimster, who would be ready for that purpose; and withal told him this Examinant, that he was assured a good part of Con∣naght would do the like; and thereupon mov'd this Examinant to joyn like∣wise with them, with all he could make; unto which motion he this Exami∣nant yielded. And the next day following, there was a Meeting in his the said Moore's Chamber aforesaid, where were Col. Mac-Bryan, Mac-Mahon, Tirelagh O Neal, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, this Examinant, and Roger Moore, where Discourse was had about that Business, yet nothing concluded on, save that Roger Moore and the rest should go and prepare their Parties. And this Examinant further saith, That about May last, he this Examinant, Roger Moore, Philip O Relie, and Roger Mac-Guire (this Examinant's Brother) dispatched a Priest (one Toole O Conley) who lived in Leim∣ster, unto Owen O Neal, into Flanders, to acquaint him with the Business, concerning the General Rebellion then in preparation; which said Priest re∣turn'd about a month before the time appointed for execution thereof: And the Answer which the said Priest brought from the said Owen O Neal, was, That he would (within 15 days after the People were up) be with them, with his best Assistance and Arms: And it being demanded, Why he the said Ow∣en would bring Arms, considering the Castle of Dublin was to be taken, and

the Arms therein; this Examinant answer'd, That they so provided for Arms, that they might not want any in case they could not take the said Ca∣stle, whereof they doubted. And this Examinant acknowledgeth, That the Castle of Dublin was to have been surpriz'd by himself, Capt. Bryan O Neal, Capt. Con O Neal, Capt. Mac-Mahon, one Owen O Relie, Roger Moore, Hugh Mac-Mahon, Col. Plunkett, and Capt. Fox; and likewise further acknowledgeth, That Hugh Mac-Phelim, Capt. Con O Neal, and Bryan O Neal, brought from Owen O Neal, out of Flanders, the very same Mes∣sage which the Priest brought. And this Examinant further saith, That he was told by Roger Moor, that a Great Man was in the Plot, but he might not name him for the present: And at another time, and during the sitting of the Parliament the last Summer, he this Examinant was inform'd by one John Barnewell, a Franciscan Frier, then resident in this City, That those of the Pale were also privy to the Plot (meaning the present Rebellion.) And lastly saith, That of those Persons who came to attend him this Exami∣nant, for the surprize of the Castle of Dublin, only Cohonough Mac-Guire was privy to the Business in hand; and that the last Meeting (when the day appointed for the execution thereof was resolv'd on) was at Loghross, where were present only Ever Mac-Mahon, Vicar-General of the Diocess of Clogher, Thomas Mac-Kearnan, a Frier of Dundalk, Sir Phelim O Neal, Roger Moor, and Bryan O Neal.

Charles Lambert, Robert Meredith.

Concordat cum originali. Ex. per Paul Harris.

Which Examination he also acknowledged before Judge Bramston, Lord Chief Justice of England, and Justice Mallet, the 22. of June, 1642. in the presence of Jo. Conyers, W. Ayloffe, Nath. Finch. And being Prisoner in the Tower of London, he delivered to Sir John Conyers (then Lieute∣nant thereof) a Relation of the whole Scene, to be presented to the Lords in Parliament, which being stor'd with many remarkable Circumstances, sufficiently evidencing the dis-satisfaction, long contrivance, and general combination of the Natives, I shall commit to posterity in his own words, * 5.1 that it may be seen (what Fucus soever is now endeavour'd to be cast on the horrid Conspiracy) it was not any ill miscarriage of the State (at that time) or any real suspicions that the Irish had of any violence to be obtruded on their Religion, or Persons, which drove the Natives into a general revolt, but the deliberate complotted Counsels of many years, that anvil'd out the Rebellion in detestation of the English; that was the Sore (however skin'd) which they endeavour'd again to exulcerate; to which end, O Neal's Regiment in Flanders (consisting most of Irish Papists) was purposely rais'd, to train up the Irish in Arms, against a fitting opportunity, as by Henry Mac-Art's Examination * 5.2 is most evi∣dent.

Thus was this inhumane and treacherous Rebellion unanimously com∣plotted, which brake forth the 23. of October, 1641. St. Ignatius his day, that less than such a Patron might not be entituled to so close and bloody a Conspiracy, fourty years before fore-warn'd by the incomparable and pious Archbishop Usher, preaching (soon after the overthrow of the Spaniards at Kinsale, 1601.) on the Vision of Ezek. Chap. 4. Vers. 6. whence (in reference to a connivance of Popery following) he drew this Application, From this year (a day being for a year) I will reckon

the sin of Ireland, that those whom you now embrace shall be your ruine, and you shall bear this iniquity. A little before which time, this Reverend Primate went for England; I cannot say his reflecting on this Prophesie* 5.3 was the cause of his repair thither, no! many things were thought to be in dispute, which his moderation might probably have compos'd. How∣ever, writes Armachanus Redivivus, towards the end, Monitu proculdubio divino tempestivus ab Hibernia recessit, priusquam funestae calamitates eru∣pissent, & illi lupi bipedes, belluaeque deproedatrices dispersas oves horribi∣li Laniena jugulassent. The Castle of Dublin (as you have read) was the chief Place they aim'd at, as in the Lord Grey's Government, 1580. it was then the design of the Rebels to have kill'd * 5.4 him, and his Family, and to have surpris'd the Castle of Dublin, wherein was all the Provi∣sion of War. The like was intended by the Conspirators about the be∣ginning of the Reign of King James, Sir Arthur Chichester Lord Deputy.

The full determination of the Conspiracy we now speak of, was (as Dr. Jones, in his clear and excellent account he gives thereof, in his De∣positions took the 3d. of March, 1641.) design'd at the Abbey of Mul∣tifernan; (notwithstanding that Tyroen's Son, who had long consulted it in Flanders, was suddenly strangled about that time in Bruxels, and the Earl of Tirconnel drown'd near the time of the Earl of Strafford's death; prime Instruments in anvilling the Design abroad, and great hopes of countenancing it at home) where there was a Covent of Franciscans, (conven'd, it seems, on a pious intent) in the County of West-Meath, after the last Sessions of Parliament; where, amongst many other things there debated, the question was, What course should be taken with the English, and all others, that were found in the whole Kingdom, to be Pro∣testants? Some were onely for their Banishment, as the King of Spain dis∣mis'd the Mores out of Granado, with some of their Goods. Others were urgent, that all the Protestants should be universally cut off; the King of Spain's lenity being his and his Queen's act, not the advice of his Council, which (say they) afterwards cost Christendom dear, the Mores surviving to return with Swords in their hands and infest them, as Al∣giers and Sally doth at present. Those Disputes held long; at last, some lean'd a middle way, neither to dismiss or kill. And we find by the event, each of these thoughts had some execution; in some places All being generally put to the Sword, or a more deplorable end; in other places, Imprisonment (accompanied with the utmost extremity of that condi∣tion) was the lot of many; and others (who being dismiss'd with their Goods) were afterwards stript of all, expos'd to Cold and Famine, worse than Sword or Halter.

Thus having determin'd what to do with the Protestants, which (in general, too sadly succeeded to their wishes) they (according to the presumption of the event) consulted (in the next place) what course they would peruse in reference to their Government of the State.

First, (they agreed) That their Loyalty to his Majesty should be still reserv'd, say they of the modest sort; but both his Revenues and Govern∣ment must be reduc'd to certain bounds: His Rents none other than the antient Reservations before the Plantations; and the Customs so order'd, as to them should be thought fitting.

Secondly, For the Government, such as would be esteem'd Loyal, would have it committed into the hands of two Lords Justices, one of the

antient Irish Race, the other of the antient British Inhabitants in the Kingdom, provided that they be of the Romish Profession.

Thirdly, That a Parliament be forthwith call'd, consisting of whom they shall think fit to be admitted, wherein their own Religious Men shall be Assistants.

Fourthly, That Poining's Act must be repeal'd, and Ireland declar'd to be a Kingdom independent on England, and without any reference to it in any case whatsoever.

Fifthly, All Acts prejudicial to the Romish Religion shall be abolish'd, and it to be Enacted, That there be none other Profession in the King∣dom but the Romish.

Sixthly, That onely the antient Nobility of the Kingdom shall stand; and of them, such as shall refuse to conform to the Romish Religion, to be remov'd, and others put in their room. Howsoever, the present Earl of Kildare must be put out, and another put in his place.

Seventhly, All Plantation Lands to be recall'd, and the antient Pro∣prietors to be invested into their former Estates, with the Limitations in their Covenant express'd, That they had not formerly sold their Interests on valuable Considerations.

Eighthly, That the respective Counties of the Kingdom be subdivided, and certain Bounds or Baronies assign'd to the Chief Septs, and other of the Nobility, who are to be answerable for the Government thereof: and that a standing Army may be still in being, the respective Governours are to keep a certain number of men to be ready at all Risings out (as they term it) they also being to build and maintain certain Fortresses, in places most convenient within their Precincts: And that these Gover∣nours be of absolute Power, onely responsible to the Parliament.

Lastly, For maintaining a Correspondency with other Nations, and for securing the Coasts, that also they may be render'd considerable to others, a Navy of a certain number of Ships is to be maintain'd; that to this end, five Houses are to be appointed, one in each Province, (ac∣counting Meath for one of them) that to these Houses shall be allotted an Annual Pension of certain thousands of Pounds, to be made up of part of the Lands appropriate to Abbeys; and a further Contribution to be rais'd in the respective Provinces to that end: That these Houses are to be assign'd to a certain order of Knights, answerable to that of Malta, who are to be Sea-men. And to maintain this Fleet, that all Prizes are to be apportion'd, some part for a Common Bank, the rest to be divided; to which purpose, the selling of Woods serviceable for this use is forbidden. The House for this purpose to be assign'd to the Province of Leimster, is Kilmainham, or rather Howth, (the Lord of Howth being otherwise to be accommodated, provided he joyn with them) that place being esteem'd most convenient in respect of situation, which they have small grounds to hope for.

For the effecting of which, they consider'd, that the Forces of the King∣dom would easily amount to two hundred thousand able men, wanting onely Commanders; which (as I have already took notice of) might be supplied from O-Neals Regiment in Flanders, and other places, breed∣ing up the Irish in Arms and Rebellion. And for Money, (the other Si∣new of War) they were resolv'd not to want it, if it could be rais'd-either from Tenant, or the Farmers of the Customs, who (having it then rea∣dy) were to bring it to their respective Banks. So as nothing was

omitted, which rationally might further their design: Which, after the State, by Proclamation, had made known, and many (on suspicion) were daily seiz'd on, Certainties of its success were hourly brought to the State: That night the Lord Blany brought the ill news, of the Rebels seising upon Castle Blany in the County of Monaghan, and his Wife, and Children, and Servants; as also of the surprisal of Carrick Mac-ross, a House of the Earl of Essex's, and Sir Henry Spotswood's in the same Coun∣ty, burning divers Villages, robbing and spoiling many English, none but Protestants. On Sunday, Sir Arthur Tirringham gave intelligence, that the Irish in Newry had broken up the King's Store of Arms, and had seiz'd upon them and the Ammunition there, listing themselves under the command of Sir Con Mac-Gennis Knight, and one Creely a Monk. Thus almost every hour some (like Job's Messengers) hasted to the State, as preserv'd onely to acquaint them of the disasters of their Relations, and the sufferings of the Protestants: of which, with all circumstances to it, the Lords Justices and Council gave his Majesty an account by Sir Henry Spotswood, (being then in Scotland) and sent Owen O Conally with Letters, dated the 25th. of October, to the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland* 5.5, the effect of which Letter you may see in its proper place. In the interim, the State being from all parts terrifi'd with the insolencies of the Rebels, they scarce knew how to steer their course, no Money be∣ing in the Treasury, and the main part of the Citizens being justly sus∣pected, for that being mov'd to advance Money on the occasion, (will Posterity believe it) their whole Community would not reach 50 l. And such as had escaped the violence of the Rebels, having nothing but their Persons for a prey, could contribute little, many of which were so fright∣ed with what they had seen and suffered, that, like inanimate Bodies, they appear'd sensless and stupid. However, the Lords Justices and Council having secur'd the Castle by a Company of Foot, under the command of Sir Francis Willoughby, (one of the Privy Council) a known and experi∣enc'd Soldier, and setled Sir Charles Coote (also of the Privy Council) in the Government of the City, wherein (as in other Services) he proved afterwards signally eminent and noble. They advertis'd the Earl of Or∣mond, (whom the Rebels boasted they had made of their Party) then at his House at Carrick, of what had hitherto happen'd, desiring him to repair to Dublin with his Troop, which he accordingly observ'd about the beginning of November.

About the 27th. of October, the Lords Justices and Council sent Com∣missions to the Lords Viscounts of Clandeboys, and of the Ardes, to raise the Scots in the Northern Parts; they also writ to Sir William and Sir Robert Stewart, with other Gentlemen of Quality in the North, Giving them power to prosecute the Rebels with Fire and Sword; yet so, as to res∣cue such as should submit to his Majesties Grace and Mercy; signifying with∣all, That although by the said Commission they gave them full power there∣unto, yet they did then let them know, that for those who were chief among the Rebels, and Ring-Leaders of the rest to disobedience, that they ad∣judged them less worthy of favour than the others whom they had mis∣guided: And therefore for those principal Persons, they required them to take care not to be too forward (without first consulting the Counsel-board) in proffering or promising mercy to those, unless they the said Commissioners saw it of great and unavoidable necessity. They likewise writ to the Lords Presidents of Munster and Connaght, advising them to be upon their

Guards: And that several of the Catholick Communion might not say, but that they also were confided in, the Lords Justices (who were wil∣ling to continue all proofs imaginable of their confidence in them) gave in November several Commissions of Government to the Lord Gormanston* 5.6 in Meath, the Lord Mountgarret in Kilkenny, Nicholas Barnewell in Dub∣lin, Walter Bagnall in Caterlagh, the Lord Lowth in Lowth, Sir Thomas Nugent in Westmeath, Sir Robert Talbot in Wickloe, the two Sir James Dillon's in Longford, and several others, as well in Munster as Connaght and Ulster; who contrary to the trust reposed in them, not forbore to protect, or endeavour'd to reduce any, but soon after joyn'd with the Re∣bels, and prov'd as violent, if not worse, against the Protestants, as those who first appear'd in the Rebellion. And because the Times required something extraordinary, beyond the course of Common-Law, the Lords Justices and Councel gave several Commissions of Martial-Law, to the* 5.7 prime Gentlemen of the Pale (all Roman Catholicks) as to Henry Tal∣bot, in the County of Dublin, John Bellew Esq in the County of Lowth, Richard Dalton, and James Tuit Esq in the County of Westmeath, Vale∣rian Wesley, in the County of Meath, James Talbot, in the County of Cavan. And understanding of Sir Phelim O-Neal's proceedings in Ul∣ster, (the only person remaining of nearest alliance to the Earl of Tyrone) how that he had surprized Charlemont, where the Lord Caufield lay with his Foot-Company, (afterwards basely butcher'd by him) the Lords Justices endeavour'd to reduce many to their obedience: But the root of their Design being deeplier laid, than on threats or encouragements to frustrate their hopes, the Lords Justices hourly endeavour'd to fortifie his Majesty's Interests, wih the most powerful Forces they could raise. But in the interim the Magistrates of the City of Dublin, perceiving great numbers of Strangers to come to Town from several Parts, (lingring in the Suburbs and Fields, to the terror of the Inhabitants) they repair'd to the Councel Board with much fear and astonishment, beseeching the Lords Justices and Councel to inhibit the same, lest the concourse of peo∣ple* 5.8 (promiscuously gathering in such a crowd) might threaten the secu∣rity of the City. Whereupon their Lordships (considering somewhat more than ordinary must necessarily be done in such an exigence) caus'd some to be apprehended, and immediately publisht a Proclamation in his Majesty's Name, commanding all Persons (not Dwellers in the City and Suburbs) to depart within an hour after publication thereof, upon pain of death; in the interim, and afterwards, receiving all (who applied themselves to the Lords Justices) with singular friendship and integrity: But the Magistrates growing still jealous of the concourse of people, ap∣plied themselves again to their former refuge. Whereupon the State (that the Inhabitants might receive no dis-encouragement, who were like to bear the brunt of all Taxes, Levies, and Supplies) the 28th. of October, publisht a Proclamation to the same intent with the former, with the pe∣nalty of death to such as wilfully harbour'd them.

However, the Insolencies of the Rebels threatning even Dublin it self, most of the prime Gentry of the County (Justices of Peace) looking on in all places, and giving way to those hateful actions; the State having intelligence from Dr. Jones (a Service very remarkable) that (during his imprisonment amongst the Rebels at Cavan, which ripen'd his inte∣grity, highly improv'd to the Service of the State) they intended to be∣siege Tredath, the Lords Justices the better to divert them from Dublin,

appointed Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of that Town, Sir Faithfull Fortescue (the former Governour) finding Supplies not hast∣ned with that speed he desir'd, having resign'd up his Commission, not being willing to lose his Reputation, though he was forward enough to hazard his Person. So the Lords Justices designing the said Sir Hen.* 5.9 Tichborn a Company of Foot, and to compleat his Regiment, order'd

• Sir John Borlase Junior Capt.
• L^t. Col. Byron Capt.
• L^t. Col. Wenmond Capt.

Who though they had been all (in for∣mer Employments) Field-Officers, yet out of their zeal to the present Service, came as private Captains. Jacob Lovell Serjeant Major, who died in the Siege, Capt. Chichester Fortescue, Capt. William Willoughby, Capt. Edward Billingsley, Capt. Lewis Owens, Capt. John Morris to associate him. These they sent from Dublin the 3d. of November, who happily arriv'd at Tredath the 4th. having been enabled thereunto by 3000 l. most opportunely in the hands of the Vice-Treasurer, intended before the Rebellion, for the satisfaction of a publick Engagement in England. Besides these, there was sent Troops under Capt. John Slaughter, L^t. to Sir Thomas Lucas, Commissary-General, Thomas Greimes, L^t. to Sir Adam Loftus; besides others, which in their due time may be taken notice of. These being gone to Tredath, Sir Charles Coote had a Commission for a Regiment of the poor stripped Eng∣lish; so likewise had the L^d. Lambert. A little while after arriv'd from England, Sir Thomas Lucas, who commanded a Troop compleated with such Men as he found there; also Capt. Armstrong rais'd a Troop; Capt. Tardner soon after landed, L^t. to the L^d. Lieutenant's Troop, all very con∣siderable; not long after Col. Crafford came over also, and bringing with him Letters from the Prince Elector, then attending his Majesty in Scot∣land, also rais'd a Regiment of the Townsmen, and the poor dispoil'd English.

The State at that time had store of Arms and Ammunition, by which these Souldiers and the rest were seasonably furnisht, though (as I have took notice) what (in confidence of the Loyalty of the Pale) the Lords Justices had furnish'd many of the Lords and Gentlemen of Quality with, were either slenderly (if ever) restor'd, or made serviceable against his Majesty.

Yet for all this, the Outrages of the Rebels still increasing, adding to* 5.10 their Cruelties, a pretended Commission under the Great Seal of Scotland, from the King, bearing date at Edinburgh, the first of October, 1641. though in his Majesty's Declaration to the Parliament's Resolution, of no further Addresses, * 5.11 it appears; That the Scot's Great Seal (which is said thus to be made use of had for many months before and after that date never seal'd any thing; of which notwithstanding Sir Phelim O Neal, and Rorie Mac-Guire (from the Camp at Newry, the 4th. of November following) gave notice to their Confederates, within the Kingdom of Ireland, inclose∣ing in their Letters a Copy of the Commission, a Copy of which is extant, but so improbable, as it needs an expiation to mention it; the Lord Mac-Guire (equally privy to all Transactions) denying it to the last, with more sense of conscience (saith his Majesty in his Answer to the Parliament's two last Papers concerning Ireland) than they who examined him, expected: However, (one Plunket having taken an old Broad Seal from an absolete Patent out of Farnham-Abbey, and fixed it to a forged Commission) it

to seduce the Vulgar into an opinion of their Loyalty, when they had first incited them to a Rebellion, as in a parallel Case his Excellency takes notice of, in his Answer to their Declaration at James-town * 5.12. And, saith his Majesty, in his Declaration to the Parliament's Answer at New∣market, the 9th. of March, 1641. We must think our self highly and caus∣lesly injured in our Reputation, if any Declaration, Action or Expression of the Irish Rebels, any Letter from Count Rosettie to the Papists, for Fast∣ing and Prayer, or from Tristram Whitcombe, of strange Speeches utter'd in Ireland, shall beget any jealousie or mis-apprehension in our Subjects, of our Justice, Piety and Affection; it being evident to all understandings, that those mischievous and wicked Rebels are not so capable of great advantage, as by having their false Discourses so far believed, as to raise fears and jealou∣sies, to the distraction of this Kingdom, the only way to their security. Wherefore the Lords Justices and Councel, detesting such Umbrages, the 30th. of October publisht a Proclamation, to take off the people, from being seduced by seditious and scandalous reports father'd on the Crown * 5.13.

And that none ignorantly involv'd in so detestable a Guilt (as the publick Conspiracy) might suffer, the State yet further to manifest their desire, of reducing all into a general obedience, (having never drawn his Majesty's Sword upon jealousies or presumptions, till the highest Ex∣tremities and unparallel'd Outrages compell'd them thereunto) publisht, the first of November, a Proclamation, declaring, That all in the Coun∣ties of Meath, Westmeath, Lowth, and Longford, being no Free-holders, nor now in prison, who had taken any Goods from his Majesty's faithful Subjects, not having shed blood in the Action, and came in within ten days after this Proclamation, should be receiv'd to his Majesty's mercy, and no further prosecuted.

Which (as others of the like nature) little prevail'd to un-deceive the Rebels, they being before link'd in an un-dissolvible tye of Animosity and Superstition. Thus every day (notwithstanding that the Conspiracy was discovered, and all endeavours used to reclaim them) the Irish pro∣ceeded in their Massacres and Rebellion, though they did not (after the knowledge of the detection of their Plot) execute so generally their Vil∣lany with such open slaughters and cruelties, as they did at first; but stripping, wounding, and turning the English and Protestants out of their Houses, they sent them naked and desolate (in miserable weather) to Dublin, where their numbers (at length) grew so burdensom, as though Thousands were ship'd away soon after they arriv'd there, and such as could serve in the Army were daily in-listed, yet they brought so great an extremity, and want of all provisions to Dublin, as the Inhabitants were reduced to great exigencies, inasmuch as the mercies of the Rebels were extream cruelty, Thousands of the dispoiled English dying afterwards by lingring Diseases, contracted by the inhumane and cruel usage of their Enemies.

Miseries still increasing, the Lords Justices and Councel sent a second Dispatch to the King, the 5th. of November, then in Scotland, directing also their Letters to his Privy Councel in England, there being an abso∣lute necessity to invoke all Powers, that might stand with his Majesty's Honour. They then (and not before) directed Letters to the Speakers of both Houses of Parliament, (inclosing in those they writ to his Maje∣sty) what they had signified by Letters to the Lords of the Councel, or to the Speakers of both Houses of Parliament.

About the 6th. of November, 1641. the Rebels of Cavan, commanded by Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane O Relie, Knight of the Shire for that County, and others of the Sept of O Relies, proffer'd an humble Remon∣strance* 5.14 (so they entituled their presumptuous Paper) to the Lords Justices and Council, to be recommended by them to his Majesty; which Dr. Jones and Mr. Waldrone then delivered to their Lordships, the Doctor being obliged to that service, He, his Wife and Children lying at the Rebels mercy: To which their Lordships answered, with all the moderation and satisfaction that could stand with their Duty, and the weak conditions of affairs in Dublin, the safety whereof wholly depended on the gaining of time; and (saith my Author * 5.15) he assur'd himself, the Remonstrants expected not any other Answer, the Remonstrance being tendred rather to win upon the People, (whose cause they pleaded) then to give any reasonable account or satisfaction to the Lords concerning their proceedings; which yet their Lordships forthwith certifi'd, with their Answer, to the Lord Lieutenant, to whom his Majesty had ex∣presly commanded all Affairs of Ireland should be address'd. However, they (during the presenting of this Remonstrance) mustered their Forces, summoning all from 16 to 60 years of Age to appear the Munday fol∣lowing at Virginia, (a Place distant from Cavan twelve miles) and in the way to Dublin; notwithstanding that they had impower'd Dr. Jones to assure their Lordships, That their should be a cessation of all things, until the return of their Lordships Answer. Thus no faith or confidence could ever be reposed in them. And afterwards it fell out, that none were more treacherous and fierce than they, as great inhumanity and cruelty being acted by them of Cavan, as of any other Place; that County, by the 11th. of December, being wholly reduc'd into the hands of the Re∣bels, excepting the two Castles of Keilagh and Crohan, belonging to Sir* 5.16 Francis Hamilton, Knight and Baronet, and Sir James Craig Knight, who so nobly defended each their own, and alternatively succoured one another, that they perpetually furnish'd the Rebels with work sufficient, notwithstanding whatsoever Mulmore O Relie the Sheriff * 5.17, or Edmond O Relie his Father, or Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, their chief Commander, could possibly do with all their Horsemen, whom these gallant men often beat, though encounter'd with much disadvantage; Sir Francis Hamilton not losing in the whole Service, from the 23d. of October, 1641. to the 15th. of June, 1642. (setting aside such as were cut off in stragling) more than five men belonging to this Castle, one of them being a Serjeant, who being taken at an advantage, was barbarously mangled with thirty six wounds: so that all that the Rebels could do, effected no Conquest on these Places, till the 8th. of April, 1642. that Sir James Craig, (a Gentleman of singular and the best abilities) died, and the Store in both Castles fell short, Water growing scarce, a mortal infectious sickness increasing, the Rebels having tainted their Well with dead Carcases. And now the care of both Castles fell unto Sir Francis Hamilton's Charge, which being impossible to be relieved from Dublin, or to hold out longer, their straits daily increasing, both these Castles were delivered up the 4th. of July, 1642. to Philip Mac-Hugh, Mac-Shane O Relie, and others, on honourable Conditions, Sir Francis Hamilton, the Lady Craig, Sir Arthur Forbes Baronet, * 5.18 and others, march'd thence with credible Articles, faithfully set down by Dr. Jones, in his Relation of the Rebellion in Cavan * 5.19, worthy perusal. Those, with others that

came from these Castles, were 1340 in number, who being convey'd to∣wards Tredath, were all received by Sir Henry Tichbourn, eight miles from Tredath, and afterwards dispos'd of as was most convenient. One of the Places most considerable in this County, first surpriz'd, was Clough∣outer, whereof Arthur Culme Esq was his Majesties Captain; a Fort certainly of great strength, environ'd with a deep Water, and distant from shore more than Musket-shot, in which the Lord Bishop of Kilmore Dr. Bedel was imprison'd, though afterwards Exchang'd by Sir James Craigh, and, contrary to Articles, seiz'd on again, who died near Kilmore about the midst of March, 1641, and was buried in the Cathedral Church∣yard; a worthy Person, (as formerly we had occasion to take notice of) One of the brightest Lights of that Church, both for Learning and a shin∣ing Conversation, and (in his constant diligence in the Work of the Mini∣stery) a Pattern to others. In the beginning of the Troubles in this Coun∣ty, Captain Richard Rives (Commander in Chief of Sir John Borlase (Lord Justice) his Troop) Garrison'd at Belturbet, acted very close and gallantly, attending the English with much faithfulness, till by the com∣mand of the State, (who suspected his surprizal) he was recall'd to Dublin, marching thither (through the Enemy) over many dead Bodies that with Famine had perish'd in the way; performing afterwards (be∣ing Sir John Borlase's Junior's Lieutenant Colonel) very many honourable services, (as at Athboy near Trim with the Lord Lisle, where they noto∣riously beat up the Rebels Quarters, as else-where, viz. Kells, Carick∣macros, the Earl of Essex's Castle in Monaghan, which they took from the Rebels, with a considerable advantage, in October, 1642.) highly deserving the publick notice; though since he was unfortunately put away, heading Colonel Penruddock's and Sir Joseph Wagstaff's Party in the West of England, about the 14th. of March, 1654.

And now by reason that more People flock'd to the City, and that the Lords Justices and Council had frequent intelligence from several parts, of the insolent proceedings of the Rebels against the British and Prote∣stants in the Borders of the Pale, as well as the adjacent Counties, they (the xi. of November) prohibited the access of unnecessary Persons, not* 5.20 any way restraining such, as by their Quality, or Business, gave no grounds of Exceptions, as by the Act it self is evident, which you will find in the Appendix.

However there were some (venom'd with the vigilancy of the State) who endeavour'd to cast a blemish on this Proclamation, though after∣wards it appear'd to be his Majesties sense in his Letters to the Lords Ju∣stices in December following. Yet the 16th. of November the Parliament freely met according to the Adjournment, Mr. Darcy, Mr. Burk, and* 5.21 other active Members of the House of Commons having exceedingly im∣portun'd the same; the deferring thereof being (as they urg'd it) an in∣jury to the whole Nation, as hindring them from expressing their Loyal affections to his Majesty, and shewing their desires to quell this dange∣rous Rebellion; withall engaging, that there should be (on their meet∣ing) a clear Protestation against the Rebels; else, for fear there should have been some prejudice to the State, (by the concourse of People at that time) the State was once resolved (having power from his Majesty so to do) by a Proclamation of the 27th. of October, to have deferr'd the Parliament to the 24th. of February next ensuing, for several causes therein men∣tion'd, but especially, for that his Majesty desir'd the Lord Lieutenant

should be there. As by another Proclamation the same 27th. of October, the Lords Justices and Council had adjourn'd Michaelmass-Term, To avoid, in that exigency, those great and manifold perils and dangers, that might have ensu'd to the State by such concourse of People, out of all the parts of the Kingdom, unto the City of Dublin, as the holding of the Term would ne∣cessarily require, by reason of the late most disloyal and detestable Conspira∣cy, plotted by a multitude of evil-affected meer Irish Papists. But however, the Parliament met. And here it was visible, that more were tainted with the Infection, than appear'd in Rebellion. Lord! what artifice? what cunning? what varnish was put upon all the Rebels actions and cruelties? Those who seem'd to be most affected with the Insurrection, cover'd it with such a vail, treated of it so nicely, with such tenderness, as if they themselves (being all indeed of the Conspiracy) had been to par∣ticipate immediately of the Punishment, as well as they were clandestinely involved in the Plot; By always contesting, that they might not be called Traitors and Rebels, being privy to what themselves had formerly (with these Rebels) contrived to be done. And fearing it might move the Rebels to recriminate, writes a most judicious Instrument of State * 5.22, That the Ap∣pellation of discontented Gentlemen was the worst that could be wrung from them; till One, heartily detesting the Fig-leaves thrown over this nakedness, told the Speaker, That though he had not arriv'd at that con∣sistency of years, as that his words might challenge there an audience; Days should speak, and multitude of years should teach wisdom; yet he could not but observe many passages in that Assembly, too like Catilines in the Senate; and therefore moved, that it might not be told in that House, or publish'd at Askelon, that so general a Revolt (accompani'd with such hor∣rid and barbarous circumstances) should be took notice of with a more fa∣vourable expression than Treason and Rebellion. He added further, That he did not know, but that that was the season wherein they were cast on their trial, whether Allegiance or Rebellion, God or the Pope were to be own'd. And that as to any thing that might soften the Rebels, he conceiv'd they were harden'd with so much villany, that they esteem'd all things justifiable that were attainable. Iram atque animos à crimine sumunt. And there∣fore it was fit that that House should act as sensible of the Rebels cruelties, and trust God to vindicate his and his Peoples Cause. Upon which, and other Arguments, (too shameful for them to palliate) the Parliament dis∣covered their Resentment in these words.

The Protestation and Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com∣mons in Parliament assembled.

WHereas the happy and Peaceable Estate of this Realm hath been of late, and is still interrupted by sundry Persons, ill affected to the Peace and Tranquility thereof; who, contrary to their Duty and Loyalty to his Majesty, and against the Laws of God, and the funda∣mental Laws of this Realm, have traiterously and rebelliously rais'd Arms, seiz'd upon his Majesties Forts and Castles, and dispossess'd many of his faithful Subjects of their Houses, Lands, and Goods, and have slain many

of them, and committed other cruel and inhumane outrages and acts of Ho∣stility within this Realm.

The said Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, being justly mov'd with a right sense of the said disloyal rebellious proceedings and actions of the Persons aforesaid, do hereby protest and declare, That the said Lords and Commons from their hearts, do detest and abhor the said abominable actions, and that they shall and will, to their uttermost power, maintain the Rights of his Majesties Crown, and Government of this Realm, and the peace and safety thereof, as well against the persons aforesaid, their Abettors, Ad∣herents; as also against all Foreign Princes, Potentates, and other Persons and attempts whatsoever. And in case the Persons aforesaid do not repent of their aforesaid Actions, and lay down Arms, and become humble Suitors to his Majesty for Grace and Mercy, in such convenient time, and in such manner and form, as by his Majesty, or the Chief Governour or Governours, and the Council of this Realm shall be set down. The said Lords and Commons do further protest and declare, That they will take up Arms, and will with their Lives and Fortunes suppress them and their attempts, in such a way, as by the Authority of the Parliament of this Kingdom, with the approba∣tion of his Excellent Majesty, or of his Majesties Chief Governour or Go∣vernours of this Kingdom, shall be thought most effectual.

Copia vera exam. per Phil. Percivall, Cleric. Parliament.

And after that the Parliament had sate two days, to whom the Lords Justices had imparted his Majesties gracious intentions, not to depart from any his former favours promised to them for setling their Estates, who should remain faithful and Loyal; and that the Lords Justices had shorten'd the Prorogation to the 11th. of January, the Lord Viscount Costelough, impower'd by the Lords, went for England, not long before having been sworn a Privy Counsellor in Ireland, even since the Rebel∣lion; with whom the Lord Taaff also embarck'd, having before pre∣sented to the Lords Justices and Council, from many of the Gentry and Inhabitants of the County of Longford (in Rebellion) a rebellious and scandalous Letter, in the nature of a Remonstrance, full of pretended Grie∣vances,* 6.1 and unreasonable Demands, as namely, to have freedom of Re∣ligion, a Repeal of all Laws made to the contrary, and the like.

Upon the information of which, especially that there should be a tole∣ration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, it was resolv'd on the 8th. of December, 1641. upon solemn Debate by the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England, That they would never give consent to any To∣leration of the Popish Religion in Ireland, or in any other his Majesties Dominions. Which Vote hath been since adjudged a main motive for making the War a cause of Religion, consequently of calling in Foreign Princes to their aid and assistance; which before ever this Vote past, to ground the least pretence thereupon, the Irish made Religion the principal end of their Insurrection; and this Proposition was (as you see) one of the first to be demanded, which gave the Parliament a cause for the Vote fore-mention'd. In pursuance of which, Sir Benjamin Rudyard (whom the cause ever made eloquent) thus delivered his sense.

Mr. Speaker.

PEradventure I could have wish'd, that Toleration of Religion had not* 7.1 at this time come in question; but now it is brought on the Stage, I am brought to the Stake. When Religion is so nearly concern'd, I love not to take any Civil or Politick respects into consideration: Reason of State hath almost eaten up all the Laws and Religion of Christendom.

I have often heard it discours'd, whether we should make Religion an Ar∣gument of any of our undertakings abroad, wherein the wiser sort have been very nice and tender, believing, that the over-number of Papists would over∣whelm us; yet I have been long of opinion, that our Attempts and Assistances have so often miscarri'd, because we have not boldly and publickly avowed our Religion. It may be, God thinks we are too many, who can conquer as well with few as with many. Shall the Irish now make their Religion the cause of their Rebellion, and shall we be asham'd or afraid to maintain our Religion, in reducing them to their Duty and Obedience? God will not honour them who do not honour him. Let us remember that expostulation in the Chroni∣cles, Why transgress ye the commandments of God, so that ye cannot prosper? This is a great transgression, to shrink from God in his truth.

When we deny the Irish a Toleration, we do not withdraw the eases and favours they have heretofore enjoy'd; Greater, I am sure, than they would afford us, if we were in their power. Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let us uphold our Religion, and trust God with the success.

Upon which, and other motions thereupon, the Vote mention'd pro∣ceeded without dispute; and that the cause thereof might appear, we shall* 7.2 refer you to the Longford Letter it self.

What reception it had at the Council-board may easily be conceiv'd, by these Lords speedy repair into England; who afterwards centred in that, which in time brought on a Cessation of Arms with the Rebels, in its own place to be spoke of. The Lord Dillon (upon his coming into Eng∣land) was seiz'd on by the Parliament, and his Papers rifled, (according to a Vote in Parliament the 3d. of November) which (by the Confede∣rates) was look'd upon as a heinous crime, though the discovery of the Concerns in Ireland (as well as the management of the War) were en∣trusted to the English Parliament, (so no crime in them.) But he escaped from them at last, and went to the King; having in his private Instru∣ctions orders to move, that no Forces might be sent over out of England, but that the whole work might be left to the Remonstrants, and that they would then undertake to suppress the Rebels themselves.

In the interim, we must not omit, that some of both Houses of Parlia∣ment* 7.3 in Ireland, lately met, but now Prorogu'd, were appointed to treat with the Rebels; So they receiv'd their Instructions from the Lords Ju∣stices, who were to impower them under the great Seal thereunto. But in∣stead of any happy effects thereon, the Rebels were so puffed up with their Victories over the poor, surpriz'd, unresisting, innocent English, as they barbarously tore the Order of Parliament, together with the Letter sent unto them, promising themselves success and Dominion in all their Attempts.

By this time the State had receiv'd an Answer from the Lord Lieute∣nant, of the Account they had given him of the Rebellion, wherein he certified the Lords Justices, that he understood his Majesty had receiv'd some Advertisements out of the North of Ireland, of the present Rebelli∣on; and that the Business of Ireland might not suffer by his stay in Scotland, (which was somewhat longer than he expected) his Majesty had refer'd the whole Business of Ireland, to the Parliament of England, who (after a most serious and solemn information of this horrid Plot, by a select Com∣mittee * 7.4 of the Lords seated in the House of Commons, in an extraordina∣ry manner) undertook the charge and management thereof, ordering at that time 500 l. in present for Owen O-Conally, and 200 l. per annum, till Lands of greater value could be order'd for him, designing for the present Supplies of Ireland, the sum of 50000 l. and had taken order for all Provisions necessary thereunto, as by the Order of Parliament it ap∣pears.

An Order of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament in England, concerning Ireland.

THE Lords and Commons in this present Parliament, being advertis'd of the dangerous Conspiracy and Rebellion in Ireland, by the treache∣rous and wicked Instigations of Romish Priests and Jesuits, for the bloody massacre and destruction of all Protestants living there, and other his Maje∣sty's loyal Subjects of English blood, though of the Romish Religion, being ancient Inhabitants within several Counties, and Parts of that Realm, who have always in former Rebellions, given testimony of their fidelity to this Crown. And for the utter depriving of his Royal Majesty, and the Crown of England, from the Government of that Kingdom, (under pretence of set∣ting up the Popish Religion) have thereupon taken into their serious Consi∣derations, how those mischievous Attempts might be most speedily and effe∣ctually prevented, wherein the Honour, Safety and Interest of this King∣dom, are most nearly and fully concern'd. Wherefore they do hereby declare, That they do intend to serve his Majesty with their Lives and Fortunes, for the suppressing of this wicked Rebellion, in such way as shall be thought most effectual by the Wisdom and Authority of the Parliament: And thereupon have order'd and provided for a present Supply of Money, and raising the number of 6000 Foot and 2000 Horse, to be sent from England, being the full proportion desired by the Lords Justices, and his Majesty's Council resi∣dent in that Kingdom, with a resolution to add such further Succours, as the necessity of those Affairs shall require. They have also resolv'd for pro∣viding Arms and Ammunition, not only for those Men, but likewise for his Majesty's faithful Subjects of that Kingdom, with store of Victuals, and other Necessaries, as there shall be occasion. And that these Provisions may more conveniently be transported thither, they have appointed three several Ports of this Kingdom, that is to say, Bristol, West-Chester, and another in Cum∣berland, where the Magazines and Store-houses shall be kept, for the supply of the several Parts of Ireland. They have likewise resolv'd to be humble Mediators to his most Excellent Majesty, for the encouragement of the Eng∣lish

or Irish, who shall upon their own charges raise any number of Horse or Foot, for his Service against the Rebels, that they shall be honourably re∣warded with Lands of Inheritance in Ireland, according to their merit. And for the better inducing of the Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts, they do hereby commend it to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his ab∣sence, to the Deputy, or Lords Justices there, according to the power of the Commission granted to them in that behalf, to bestow his Majesty's gracious Pardon to all such, as within a convenient time (to be declar'd by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his absence, by the Lord Deputy, or Lords Ju∣stices there, according to the power of the Commission) shall return to their due obedience, the greatest part whereof they conceive to have been seduced on false grounds, by the cunning and subtil practices of some of the most ma∣lignant Rebels, enemies to this State, and to the Reformed Religion; and likewise to bestow such rewards as shall be thought fit, and publisht by the said Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or Lords Justices and Council there, upon all those who shall arrest the Persons, or bring in the heads of such Trai∣tors, as shall be personally nam'd in any Proclamation publisht by the State there. And they do hereby exhort and require all his Majesty's loving Sub∣jects, both in this and in that Kingdom, to remember their duty and consci∣ence to God and his Religion, and the great and eminent danger which will befal this whole Kingdom in general, and themselves in particular, if this abominable Treason be not timely supprest, and therefore with all readiness, bounty, and chearfulness, to confer their assistance in their Persons, or Estates, to this so important and necessary Service, for the common Good of all.

Jo. Browne, Cleric. Parliament.

And that the Army might be led by an honourable and promising Per∣son, the Lord Lieutenant (being not permitted to come over speedily himself) made the Earl of Ormond Lieutenant-General of the Army, ap∣proved of afterwards by the King, as one who (by his Relation, Integri∣ty and Quality) was pitch'd on as the fittest Person for that imployment, of whose affection to the Protestant Religion, and his Majesty's Service, his Majesty had great cause to be assured * 8.1.

Soon after his settlement in that Place, he had notice from Sir Hen. Tichborn, that the Rebels with 1300 Foot had sate down before Melli∣font, the 24th. of November, intending to surprize it; but the Lord Moor (whose House it was) having plac'd 24 Musketeers and 15 Horsemen therein, defended it with much resolution, (as long as their Powder lasted) and at last the Foot yielded on Quarter the same day, (ne∣ver observ'd by the Rebels) but the Horse charged vigorously through the Enemy, and came safe to Tredath.

This Siege of Mellifont somewhat retarded the Rebels unanimous ap∣proach to Tredath; upon which the Lords Justices forthwith design'd 600 Foot and a Troop of Horse, for the further strengthning of that Gar∣rison. They march'd from Dublin the 27th. of November, but under such a Conduct, (being newly rais'd and unexperienc'd) that most un∣fortunately (the Lord Gormanston's Groom giving intelligence of their approach to the Rebels, not without his Lord's privity) they were de∣feated the 29th. of November, near Julians-Towns, at Gellingston-Bridge, not above an hundred of the Men (besides the Major that led them, and

two Foot-Captains, escaping to Tredath* 8.2. This unhappy Defeat put such a disheartning on the State, as it begat sad Suspicions; who being sur∣rounded with Rebels, Sir Charles Coote the same day was commanded into Wickloe, with such Forces as the State could then raise, to relieve the Castle of Wickloe, then besieged by the Rebels, who (some days be∣fore) had (with miserable slaughter and cruelty) surpriz'd his Maje∣sty's Forts of Cairis Fort, Arkloe Fort, Chichester Fort, and all the Hou∣ses of the English in that County, the Lord Esmond's House, and the ad∣jacent Parts of Wexford, threatning to assault Dublin, approaching with∣in two miles thereof in actual Hostility. Upon which Service Sir Charles Coote vigorously advanced, and fought with the Rebels, under the Com∣mand of Luke Toole, conceiv'd to be a thousand strong, himself not being many hundreds; yet defeated them so shamefully, as the terrour thereof rais'd a fear in the Rebels ever after of Sir Charles Coote, who thence∣forwards so well attended his Commands, as to the Government of the City, and other Charges, his particular Vigilance prov'd a good Guard; and that Dublin might be fortified, the 22. of November, 1641. the Lords Justices and Council by their Proclamation enjoyn'd the same.

Now the State finding the Storm to increase, and that (though they had some glimmerings of comfort by the success of their Forces in Wick∣loe, under Sir Charles Coote) the Rebellion grew general, the Lords Ju∣stices and Council publish'd a Proclamation the 27th. of November, for a Weekly Fast every Friday, to be devoutly and piously observed and solemnized, in and through the whole City of Dublin, and the Suburbs thereof; that be∣ing humbled for their sins, the affliction might be remov'd.

The 28th. of November, the State had an Account of Sir Phelim O∣Neal's and Sir Con. Mac-Gennis his approach to Lisnegarvey, with about 4000 Men; who being fearful of the Garrison's Field-Peeces, drew out two considerable Divisions of Men, to fall on the Town on both sides at once: The strength of the Town exceeded not 400 Foot, besides the Lord Convay's Troop, and part of Capt. St. John's, who made up about 380. generally mounted on small Nags; yet so well maintain'd they the Place, as having skirmish'd with the Rebels without the Town on one side, the rest charg'd others in the Street, and in a short time droye them to the Bo∣dy of their Army, fac'd by Sir Phil. O-Neal and Sir Con. who play'd up∣on them with their Field-Peeces, but were so pelted with Muskets, as they gave ground, the main Body of the English still securing the Market∣place. We took 6 Colours, killed many, without any considerable loss on our side, more than that Capt. Boid and Capt. St. John were killed, Mr. Rawden and Capt. Burly hurt, Sir Arth. Tirringham managing the whole with excellent Conduct.

By this time, his Majesty (then in Scotland) having (as is before mention'd) recommended the Affairs of Ireland to his Parliament of England, immediately (on the first intelligence of that Rebellion) sent over several Commissions to Sir Robert Stewart, and other Persons of Ho∣nour and Trust in the North; and (assisted by the Duke of Richmond) caus'd some proportions of Arms and Ammunition to be conveyed thi∣ther* 8.3 out of Scotland (with what Money he could spare) a care and pro∣vidence worthy so sensible a Prince, which though it were little, will be found to have done much service, testified in his Majesty's Answer to a Pamphlet, entituled, A Declaration of the Commons, touching no further Addresses * 8.4. At the same time he mov'd all the Parliament in Scotland,

(as being nearest) to a speedy help; but they excus'd their Aids, because Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England, intending rather, as it seem'd (by the sequel) to afford their service upon Hire, than Com∣passion or Conscience.

Yet notwithstanding his Majesty, the State, and Parliament of England's appearing thus incens'd against the Rebellion, (all fair means of excepti∣ons being remov'd, and a desire of its suppression endeavour'd) the Irish finding as yet no considerable relief sent to the English, (and being ex∣ceedingly flush'd with the defeat of those commanded to re-enforce the Garrison of Tredath) they unanimously drew down their Northern For∣ces to infest that Town. And that you may see with what union even the Lords of the Pale (formerly faithful to the Crown) conspired in this Rebellion, though by their humble Apology (fraught with many vain pretences) they would evade the Conspiracy, we must here render you an Account of the Truth, given in upon Oath, March 1641. before Sir Robert Meredith, Kt. Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the Examinati∣on of Edward Dowdall Esq a Person of great esteem amongst them.

He deposeth, That some 3 or 4 days after the defeat of the English Soul∣diers, at the Bridge of Gellingstone, there issued a Warrant from the Lord of Gormanston, to the * 8.5 Sheriff of the County, for a general Meeting of all the County at Dulick; but the place of Meeting was afterwards chang'd to the Hill of Crofty, where all the Lords and Gentry of the County met, viz. The Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viscount Gormanston, the Lord Slane, the Lord Lowth, the Lord Dunsany, the Lord Trimblestone, the Lord Net∣tervile: And of the Gentry, Sir Patrick Barnewall, Sir Christopher Bel∣low, Patrick Barnwall of Kiltrew, Nicholas Darcy of Plattin, James Bath of Acharn, Garret Ailmer the Lawyer, Cusack of Gormanston, Wil∣liam Malone of Lesmullin, Sedgrave of Kileglan, Linch of the Knos, Ly∣nam of Adams-Town, Lawrence Dowdall of Athlumney, Nicholas Dow∣dall of Browns-Town, this Examinate's Brother, and him this Examinate, with a multitude of others, to the number of a thousand Persons at least, whose Names he this Examinate cannot for the present call to mind. And after about two or three hours spent upon the said Hill of Crofty, (by the Lords and Gentry aforesaid) there came unto them Col. Mahone, Philip O∣Relie, Hugh boy-Relie, Roger Moore, Hugh Birne, and Capt. Fox, at∣tended on with a Guard of Musketeers: And this Examinate saith, That as soon as the Parties drew near unto the said Hill, the Lords and Gentry of the Pale rode towards them, and the Lord Gormanston, being one of the first, spake unto them, and demanded of them, why, and for what reason, they came arm'd into the Pale; unto whom Roger Moore made present An∣swer, That the ground of their coming thither, and taking up Arms, was for the freedom and liberty of their Consciences, the maintenance of his Majesty's Prerogative, in which they understood he was abridg'd, and the making the Subjects of this Kingdom as free as those in England were. Whereupon the said Lord Gormanston, desired to understand from them truely and faithfully, whether these were not pretences, and not indeed the true grounds of their so doing; and likewise, whether they had not some other private end of their own: Which being all denied, upon profession of their sincerity to his Lordship, (the Lord of Gormanston) then told them; See∣ing these be your true ends, we will likewise joyn with you therein, unto which course all agreed: And thereupon it was publickly and generally de∣clared,

That whosoever shall deny to joyn with them, or refuse to assist them therein, they would account him as an enemy, and to the utmost of their power labour his destruction. And this Examinate saith, That after the Agreement made as aforesaid, there issued another Warrant to the She∣riff of the County of Meath, to be at the Hill of Taragh, about a week after; and accordingly there met at the same place the Earl of Fingal, the Lord Gormanston, and the rest of the Lords and Gentry aforenam'd, together with Sir Thomas Nugent, and Nicholas Plunket the Lawyer, Birford the Lawyer, and a multitude of others. And the work of that day was first, to make Answer to a Summons made by the State, for the calling of the Lords of the Pale to Dublin; which Answer was brought ready drawn by the Lord Gormanston, and presented by his Lordship; and being perused by the said Council at Law, was signed by the Lords.

To which we will add (passing by many other testimonies of their Conjunctions) that which is confirm'd by a very credible Person, of Colonel Richard Plunket of Dunsaghly, in the County of Dublin, within the Pale, (one destin'd for the taking of the Castle of Dublin) who af∣firm'd openly, That he had a Contract under the hands of all the Lords of Ireland (that were Catholicks) to stand firm in this Insurrection; most of their actions confirming his words. And Philip O Relie's Wife, told James Talbot, a Person of eminent note amongst them, That if those of the Pale would have let them alone, and not set them on work, they were so well at ease, as they would never have begun that troublesome task.

Upon which it is evident, (though Some * 8.6 would insinuate the contra∣ry) that both the old Irish and old English (what ends they would seve∣rally pretend to have) centred in the destruction of the Protestants; and that the old English Papists were a little backwarder than the Irish, was, in that they had something more to loose than the other, and so would put them first upon the work, wherein themselves were equally engag'd: Which the Lords Justices, and Councel perceiving, writ, the 3d. of De∣cemb. to the Earl of Fingal, the Lord Viscount Gormanston, and the rest of the Lords of the Pale, To come to Dublin, and consult for the safety of the Kingdom. Luke Nettervile and others having caus'd Proclamation to be made at Lusk, (twelve miles from Dublin) that all the Gentry of the County should (upon pain of death) meet within three or four days at Swoards, (within six miles of Dublin) which accordingly they did, con∣stituting Captains, Richard Golding, Thomas Russel, Francis Russel, Robert Travers, Christopher Hollywood, and other Commanders; their Militia amounting (on that short warning) to 1200. which would have been impossible to have rais'd, had they not before been Armed, and instigated to that Cause. Upon which, these Lords of the Pale (Conspi∣rators with the first) return'd to the Lords Justices, the 7th. of Decemb. this Answer, receiv'd the 11th.

May it please your Lordships,

WE have received your Letters of the 3d. instant, intimating, that you had present occasions to confer with us concerning the present state of the Kingdom, and the safety thereof in these times of dan∣ger, and requiring us to be with you there on the 8th. of this instant. We give your Lordships to understand, that we have heretofore presented our

selves before your Lordships, and freely offered our advice and furtherance towards the particulars aforesaid, which was by you neglected, which gave us cause to conceive that our Loyalty was suspected by you. We give your Lordships further to understand, that we have receiv'd certain advertise∣ment, that Sir Charles Coote Knight, at the Council-board, hath offered some speeches, tending to a purpose and resolution, to execute upon those of our Religion a general Massacre, by which we are all deterr'd to wait on your Lordships, not having any security for our safety from those threatned evils, or the safety of our lives, but do rather think it fit to stand upon our best guard, until we hear from your Lordships how we shall be secur'd from those perils. Nevertheless we all protest, that we are and will continue faithful advisers, and resolute furtherers of his Majesties Service, concern∣ing the present state of this Kingdom, and the safety thereof, to our best abi∣lities. And so with the said tender of our humble service, we remain,

Your Lordships humble Servants, Fingall Gormanston, Slane Dunsany Nettervile, Oliver Lowth, Trimblestone.

And Luke Nettervile Esq George Blackney of Rickenhore, Esq George King of Clantarfe, Gent. and others, met at Swoards, being charged on their Allegiance, the 9th. of Decemb. immediately on sight of the Lords Justices Warrant to separate, and not to unite any more in that manner without direction from the State. They, instead of obedience to the States command, return'd this answer, That they were constrain'd to meet there together for the safety of their lives; That they were put into so great a ter∣ror, by the rising out of some Horse-Troops and Foot-Companies at Dublin, who kill'd four Catholicks, for no other reason than that they bore the name of that Religion, as they durst not (as they pretended) stay in their houses, and therefore resolved to continue together, till they were assured by their Lordships of the safety of their Lives, before they ran the hazard thereof; by manifesting their obedience due unto their Lordships. Upon which the* 9.1 Lords Justices and Council publish'd a Proclamation the 13th. of Decemb. to satisfie the world of the innocency of the State from the guilt of any mans blood; and concerning the four they alledg'd were kill'd as Pa∣pists, they were such as were found faulty in rebellious actions, of which, one was a Protestant: Commanding them furthermore, on the alle∣giance to his Majesty, to separate upon the sight of their Warrant; and that Luke Nettervile and his Accomplices should appear before the State on the eighteenth of the said month, to the end they may be fully heard by the State; To which end the Lords Justices and Council thereby gave them, and every of them, the word of the State, that they might then securely and safely repair thither, without danger of any trouble or stay what∣soever.

And that the Lords of the Pale might not be less satisfi'd in what they objected, the same day also the Lords Justices and Council publish'd a Proclmation, and sent it to those Noblemen, positively affirming, That the* 9.2 Lords Justices and Council did never hear Sir Charles Coote, or any other, utter at the Council-board, or else-where, any speeches tending to a purpose or resolution, to execute on those of their Profession, or any other, a general

Massacre; nor was it ever in their thoughts to dishonour his Majesty, or the State, by so odious, impious, and detestable a thing; giving them assurance of their safety, if they would repair thither the 17th. of that Month.

Yet notwithstanding these Condescensions, or whatsoever else the State could do, (whereby the doubts of those men might be remov'd, and their security ascertain'd) still the Torrent of the Pale ran to make up the intended Deluge, despising whatsoever security or faith the State was pleased to promise them. Whereupon the Lords Justices and Council were enforc'd to send this Warrant to the Earl of Ormond and Ossory, to send out a Party of Soldiers, Horse and Foot, against those that dar'd so impudently to affront them.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

William Parsons, John Borlase.

FOrasmuch as divers of the Inhabitants of Clantarfe, Rhaheny, and Kilbarrock, have declared themselves Rebels, and having robb'd and spoil'd some of his Majesties good Subjects, are now assembled thereabouts in Arms in great numbers, mustering and training of their rebellious Mul∣titudes to the terrour and danger of his Majesties good Subjects, as well at Land as at Sea; which their boldness is acted in such manner, as to put scorn and affronts upon this State and Government; they acting such depre∣dations even before our faces, and in our view, as it were in despight of us. It is therefore order'd, That our very good Lord, the Earl of Ormond and Ossory, Lieutenant General of the Army, do forthwith send out a Party of Soldiers, of Horse and Foot, to fall upon those Rebels at Clantarfe, and thereabouts, who, in such disdainful manner, stand to outface and dare us, and to endeavour to cut them off, as well for punishment as terrour to others, and to burn and spoil the Rebels Houses and Goods. And to prevent their farther annoying any Shipping going out, and coming in, and lying in harbour, those Souldiers are to bring up, or cause to be brought up to the new Crane at Dublin, such of the Boats and Vessels now lying there, as they can upon the sudden, and to burn, spoil, sink, and make unserviceable the rest. Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, December the 14th. 1641.

Ormond Ossory, Rob. Dillon, Char. Lambert, Ad. Loftus, John Temple, Char. Coote, Francis Willoughby.

The Lords of the Pale however effectually endeavour'd to strengthen the Northern Rebels, and thereupon declared the Lord Viscount Gor∣manston* 10.1 General of the Forces to be rais'd in the Pale, Hugh Birn Lieu∣tenant General, the Earl of Fing all General of the Horse; who in several Baronies rais'd Captains accordingly, and Provisions suitable, to every hundred men in a Company for their daily allowance, one Beef, and half a Barrel of Corn, during the Siege of Tredath.

And that nothing might be wanting to straighten the State, Netter∣vile and his Party (being increas'd by their confederacy with Wickloe and Kildare) the 15th. of December, sent two strong Parties to Santry

and Finglass, where they continu'd till the 22d. of the said December, when they were beaten by Colonel Crafford from Finglass, (two miles from Dublin) after they had like to have put us to a shameful retreat. Those at Santry hearing of Sir Charls Coot's approach, saved themselves by a cowardly quitting of their Quarters, leaving their best Equipage and Provisions behind them; whilst near 300 men shew'd themselves at Clantarf, a Village on the Sea-side, about a mile and half from Dublin: The Inhabitants strengthning the Rebels confidence with store of strong Fishing-boat, having the day before spoil'd two English Barcks lying at Anchor near Clantarf, in the Road of Dublin, much to the disquiet of the Lords Justices and Council, suspecting thereby, that the Port to Dublin might have been blocked up: Robberies also of that nature having been committed at Skirries, twelve miles from Dublin, and the Prey of those Barks carried to Barnewell of Brimore, a prime Man, as the Prisoners to the Lord Gormanston's, who sent them to Balrothry, sufficient to prove the Robberies, Murthers, and other Outrages committed on the British Protestants, were by the allowance and privity of the principal Gentle∣men of the Pale, if not their command; how speciously soever, in their humble Protestation (a piece of as much vanity as falshood) against the States Proclamation, the 8th. of Febr. 1641. they would insinuate, That none of the better sort had robb'd or pillaged any of them, nor dispossess'd them of their Estates. Whereas by the example of what is here produc'd, the falsity of all they assert is clearly prov'd, though further particulars (without much sifting may easily be expos'd, were not the story like to be tedious. And the truth of these assertions may be fully read in the end of the Answer to the Eighth Article of the Rebels Remonstrance of Grie∣vances, at Trym, 1642.

Whereupon the Lords Justices found it absolutely necessary, that some Forces should be sent against them at Clantarf; which Forces were com∣manded by Sir Charles Coote, the 15th. of Decemb. who burnt the Village, destroy'd their Boats, and excellently well quitted the service injoyn'd him, clearing that place of Piracy and Rebels: Though in the interim, Nettervile (being frighted from Santry) lay with near 2000 men at Swoards, and possess'd himself of the Castle of Artain, and some other places, within two miles of Dublin. On the West side of which, at Tassa∣gard, Rath-Coole, Castle-Lyons, and other Villages, there lay 2000 more of the Rebels out of the Counties of Katerlagh, Kings County, and Kil∣dare, under the command of Roger Moore, and Sutton Eustace of Castle-Martin, and others. The Clandonells, Birns, and Tooles fr••m Wickloe, to∣wards the Sea, three or four miles on the South of Dublin, came also down, blocking up (on all sides) Passages thereunto; their Forces in Lemster amounting to 20000 men. So as the State being now put in eminent danger, few hopes survived of her recovery. The Naas and Kil∣dare, as Trim and Ashboy in the County of Meath, being taken by the Rebels: Which in a Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, dated the 14th. of December, the Lords Justices and Council very emphatically express'd; adding in the close, That if notwithstanding all this, so often and truly made known by us to your Lordship, we shall perish for want of Supplies, we shall carry this comfort with us to our graves, (or any other burial we shall have) That your Lordship can witness for us to his Royal Majesty, and all the world, that we have discharg'd our duties to God, to his Majesty, and to that Nation, and to this, in humbly representing to his Majesty, by your

Lordship, (the chief Governour of the Kingdom) the extremities and dan∣gers, wherein his Kingdom and People stand, and the necessities of hasting Supplies hither by all possible means, for preservation of Both; so as what∣ever become of our Persons, our Memory cannot be justly stain'd with so wretch∣ed a breach of Faith and Loyalty to the King our Master, as to forbear repre∣senting thither the extremities wherein we are, whether we have receiv'd credit to be believ'd or no; and that we write truth, and most needful truth, will be found true, when perhaps we shall perish, and which is more con∣siderable, the Kingdom also, for want of being believ'd and succour'd in time.

The Consideration of which (long before presented to his Majesty) wrought so sensibly on Him, that being then newly return'd out of Scot∣land, (before the Letter mention'd arriv'd at the Parliament) He took the first opportunity (which was the 2d. of December, 1641.) to tell the Lords and Commons in Parliament, (other things being rehearsed) That He had one Particular more to recommend unto Them, which was Ire∣land, for which (saith He) I doubt not your Care, yet methinks the pre∣parations* 10.2 for it go on but slowly.

And being touch'd with the truth of what He had observ'd in this Busi∣ness, he came to the Parliament the 14th. of December, and thus exprest his resentment.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

THE last time I was in this Place, and the last thing that I recommended unto you, was the Business of Ireland, whereby I was in good hope, that I should not have needed again to have put you in mind of that Business: But still seeing the slow proceedings therein, and the daily dispatches that I have out of Ireland, of the lamentable Estate of my Protestants Sub∣jects there, I cannot but again earnestly commend the dispach of that Expedition unto you, for it is the chief Business that at this time I take to heart, and there cannot almost be any Busi∣ness that I c•••• have more care of.

I might now take up some of your time, in expressing my De∣testation of Rebellions in general, and of this in particular: But knowing that Deeds and not Declarations must suppress this great Insolency, I do here in Word offer you, whatsoever my Power, Pains or Industry, can contribute to this good and necessary Work of reducing the Irish Nation to their true and wonted Obedi∣ence.

And that nothing may be omitted on my Part, I must here take notice of the Bill for pressing of Souldiers, now depending among you, my Lords, concerning which I declare, that in case

it comes so to me, as it may not infringe or diminish my Preroga∣tive, I will pass it. And farther, seeing there is a Dispute rais'd (I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it) concerning the bounds of this ancient and undoubted Preroga∣tive, to avoid further Debate at this time. I offer that the Bill may pass with a Salvo Jure, both for King and People, leaving such Debates to a time that may better bear them. If this be not accepted, the fault is not mine that this Bill pass not, but theirs that refuse so fair an offer.

To conclude, I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to you or me, that laying away all Disputes, you go on chearfully and speedily for the reducing of Ireland.

A Charm (one should think) sufficiently powerful: Yet the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from his Majesty's Speech took great ex∣ceptions, suffering the Supplies of Ireland to be retarded, demanding of the King the Names of those, who had counsell'd Him to take notice of any Debate in the House, before it was from'd into a Bill; whence began the Cry against evil Counsellors, afterwards the pretext of the Misery that ensued. Some Forces indeed the Parliament had sent to the Sea-side, and others were on their March, yet Winds and Tides, Votes and Councels, did not equally agree, so as the Exigences (by this means) that the State of Ireland was cast upon, almost split them. Whereupon the Lords Justices and Council publisht a Proclamation, dated the 28th. of Decem∣ber, 1641. Requiring all Persons, other than such as had necessary Causes to Dublin, such as the Lords Justices, the Lieutenant-General of the Army, or the Governour of his Majesty's Forces in the City of Dublin, should ap∣prove, or other than such as should bring Provision to the City to be sold, should forbear coming to the City or Suburbs thereof, upon pain of Death. Which was done in time of high necessity, Provision being scarce, and few repairing to the City but what were Spies and Traitors.

And because what his Majesty had propos'd (before-mention'd) for the service of Ireland, seem'd to have little effect, he again sends a Mes∣sage to the Lords House by the Lord Chamberlain, the 28th. of December: That being sensible of the Miseries of Ireland (the Succours for which went on slowly) he offer'd to raise 10000 Voluntiers, if the Commons would un∣dertake to pay them: A Proposition rather heard than consented to.

About this time Sir Thomas Carey and Dr. Cale (a Sorbonist) offer'd from the Rebels these Propositions, to the Council Board, for a Trea∣ty.

First, That there should be a Toleration of Religion.

Secondly, That Popish Officers, as well as Protestant, should be admitted to all Employments.

Thirdly, That the Wrongs of Plantations should be repair'd, since 1610.

Fourthly, That there should be a Protlamation to take off the File, the Title of Rebels and Traitors.

All which pass'd somewhat currantly, till One (then being absent through sickness) hearing thereof, repair'd to the Council Board, though at that time much indispos'd, and upon strong Arguments (Arguments that would admit of no Sophistry) stop'd the proceeding of so dishonour∣able a Motion; so early did some endeavour to force on the State, a ne∣cessity of complying with the insolent Demands of the Rebels, by this faithful Minister of State confidently rejected. And here that you may see, what the Rebels afterwards thought the only means to reduce Ireland into Peace and Quietness, we shall here present you with their Propositi∣ons, methodically digested.

The Means to reduce Ireland unto Peace and Quietness.

1. THat a general and free Pardon, without any exception, be grant∣ed to all his Majesty's Subjects of this Kingdom, and that in pur∣suance thereof, and for strengthning the same, an Act of Abolition may pass in the Parliament here.

2. That all marks of National distinction between English and Irish, may be abolished and taken away by Act of Parliament.

3. That by several Acts of Parliament to be respectively passed here and in England, it may be declared, that the Parliament of Ireland hath no subor∣dination with the Parliament of England, but that the same hath in it self supream Jurisdiction in this Kingdom, as absolute as the Parliament of Eng∣land there hath.

4. That the Act of the 12th. of H. 7th. commonly called Poining's Act, and all other Acts expounding or explaining the same, may be repeal∣ed.

5. That as in England there pass'd an Act for a Triennial Parliament, so there may pass in Ireland another for a Sexennial Parliament.

6. That it may be enacted by Parliament, that the Act of the 2d. of Q. Eliz. in Ireland, and all other Acts made against Catholicks, or the Catho∣lick Religion, since the 20th. year of H. 8th. may be repeal'd.

7. That the Bishopricks, Deanaries, and all other spiritual Promotions in this Kingdom, and all Frieries and Nunneries, may be restored to the Ca∣tholick Owners, and likewise all Impropriations of Tythes, and that the Scits, Ambits, and Precincts, of the Religious Houses of the Monks, may be restored to them; but as to the rest of their temporal Possessions, it is not design'd to be taken from the present Proprietors, but to be left unto them, till God shall otherwise incline their own hearts.

8. That such as are now entituled Catholick Archbishops, Bishops, Ab∣bots, or other Dignitaries in this Kingdom, by donation of the Pope, may, during their lives, enjoy their spiritual Promotions, with Protestation ne∣vertheless, and other fit Clauses to be laid down, for preservation of his Ma∣jesty's Patronages, First-fruits, and twentieth Parts, in Manner and Quan∣tity, as now his Highness receives benefit thereby.

9. That all Inquisitions taken since the year 1634. to entitle his Majesty to Connaght, Thomond, Ormond, Eliogartie, Kilnemanagh, Duheara,

Wickloe, and Idvagh may be vacated, and their Estates secured, according to his Majesties late Graces.

10. That an Act of Parliament may pass here, for securing the Subjects Title to their several Estates against the Crown, upon any Title accrued un∣to it before sixty years, or under colour or pretext of the present Com∣motions.

11. That all Plantations made since the year 1610. may be avoided by Parliament, if the Parliament shall hold it just, and their Possessions re∣stored to them or their Heirs, from whom the same were taken; they never∣theless answering to the Crown the Rents and Services proprotionable, re∣serv'd upon the Undertakers.

12. That the Transportation of all Native Commodities to all Places of the World in Peace with his Majesty, may be free and lawfull, his Customs first paid; and that the Statutes of 10, 11, and 13 of Queen Elizabeth, for restraining the Exportation of Native Commodities, be repealed.

13. That all Preferments Ecclefiastical, Civil, and Martial in this King∣dom, that lye in his Majesties Gift, may be conferr'd on the Natives of this Kingdom onely, such as his Majesty shall think meet, without any distin∣ction for Religion: Provided always, that upon the Princes of his Blood of England, he may bestow what Places he shall think meet.

14. That a Martial and Admiral of this Kingdom may be elected in it, to have perpetual succession therein, with the same Preheminency, Authority, and Jurisdiction, as they respectively have in England; and that the said Places be ever conferr'd upon Noblemen, Natives of this Kingdom.

15. That there may be Train'd-bands in all Cities, Towns Corporate, and Counties of this Kingdom, arm'd and provided for at the charge of the seve∣ral Counties, Cities, and Towns, and commanded by the Natives of the same, who shall be nam'd by the Counties, Cities, and Towns respectively.

16. That his Majesty may release all Tenures in Capite, and by Knights Service; in consideration whereof, he shall receive a setled Revenue of 12000 l. per annum, being double the sum which he casually receives by them; Reliefs, Seismes, Licenses for Alienations; Escuage and Aids never∣theless to remain.

17. That all Monopolies may be for ever taken away by Act of Par∣liament.

18. That such new Corporations, that have not the face of Corporate Towns, and were erected to give Voices in Parliament, may be dissolved, and their Votes taken away, and hereafter none such to be admitted to Voices in Parliament.

Lastly, That there may be Agents chosen in Parliament, or otherwise, as thought meet to attend continually his Majesty, to represent the Grievances of this Nation, that they may be removable by such as did elect them; and in case of death or removance, others may be for ever successively substituted in that Place.

Propositions so destructive to the Crown of England, the English In∣terest, and Protestant Religion, as I conceive none are so hardy as to maintain their rationality, as long as the Crown of England is able to improve the Power of her Conquest. More I might add, but each Pro∣position carrieth in it self its insolency and vanity; which (by the Re∣bels success on the British, through their Treacheries and Surprisals) they were encouraged to propose with such audacity.

However, the State, in hope to gain time, (till Supplies might come) listned to an offer made by some Popish Priests to treat with the Rebels: Whereupon Dr. Cale (pretending how far he could prevail with the Re∣bels) was admitted thereunto by a Warrant from the State, in confidence that he could obtain better terms than the former. But Sir Phelim O-Neal would yield to no Treaty, unless the Lord Mac-Guire, Mac-Mahone, and the rest in the Castle might be freed: Which the State refusing with in∣dignation, that design ended.

And that the City of Dublin might be supplied with Corn, (the Mar∣ket growing very thin, through the Confederates seizing on the Prote∣stants Corn in the Haggard) the Lords Justices and Council (having that example) publish'd a Proclamation the 28th. of Decemb. 1641. That all Corn-Masters within fifteen miles of Dublin, should be careful to send their Corn to the City, to be sold at the Rates following, viz. Wheat, Pease, and Beans, at 20 s. a Dublin Peck, and Oats at 6 s. 8 d. a Barrel. Whereupon the Market was somewhat (though not considera∣ble to their urgent occasions) reliev'd; rather than the Irish would suf∣fer their Corn to be thrashed outby Warrants from the Lord Gormanston, for the use of the Irish Army then lying before Tredath, or burnt by the State to prevent that inconvenience.

And that nothing irregular might justly be imputed to the State, who studied the preservation of his Majesties Subjects; or those indeed who but pretended (without appearance to the contrary) a submission to his Ministers, the 14th. of January, 1641. they publish'd a severe Proclama∣tion against Pillagers, and Voluntiers not listed under some Colonel or Commander: So early was the vigilancy of the State in what might pre∣serve their Integrity and Repute: Which some finding contrary to their envious Licentiousness, wanted not boldness to encourage the Soldiers to a return for England. Which the Lords Justices and Council having notice of, publish'd this Proclamation.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

William Parsons, John Borlase.

WE do hereby in his Majesties Name charge and command all his Majesties Soldiers of this Army, that upon pain of death none of them presume to depart hence for England, without express license in that behalf from the Lieutenant General of the Army. And we command all Owners and Masters of Ships, Barques, and other Vessels, that upon pain of death none of them do permit or suffer any of the said Soldiers to go aboard them, or to be carried from hence into England. And we re∣quire the Searcher, and all other Officers and Waiters of the Customs, that they, and every of them, do take special care to prevent the Shipping or Importing of any of the said Soldiers, as aforesaid; whereof they may not fail. Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, 18th. Jan. 1641.

Ormond Ossory, R. Dillon, Ad. Loftus, J. Temple, Charles Coote, Fran. Willoughby, Rob. Meredith.

And now the Flame having march'd through Ulster and Leimster, it discovers its fury about the beginning of December, 1641. in Munster, which Provincetill that time (by the moderation of the State) had stifled* 13.1 its rage, then expressing its consent with the other Provinces; The Re∣bels of Wexford, Kilkenny, and Caterlaugh coming over the River to prey and spoil the County of Waterford: To resist which, the Lord Pre∣sident of Munster (Sir William Sellenger) who to that time had behav'd himself with much Prudence, Vigilance, and Honour, hastned to encoun∣ter them, whom (though he was far inferiour to in number) he then discomfited, and restored to the Owners what Prey he recovered; in which action he found many of his Provincials, yet suffer'd none of them to be hurt, supposing they came to save their Goods, not being interess'd in the Conspiracy, which afterwards he found general, Mr. Purcell (called the Baron of Loghmo) exciting, about the 9th. of December (in Tipperary) the Irish to rob and spoil the British and Protestants, acting (with many others) daily villanies, being armed by a long Provision un∣derhand, and furnish'd with the Wealth of the British and Protestants in that Province, which was very great and considerable.

And that Connaght might not be said to be quiet, the Lord President* 13.2 of that Province (the Lord Rannelaugh) coming thither from Dublin, about the beginning of November, (after the Rebellion brake forth) found there many of the inferiour Irish, and some of the Gentry in Rebellion, in the County of Rescommon and Sligo, with whom he dealt mildly, pre∣suming his former intimate Friendship, and some Alliance, might work on them: but nothing prevail'd, they were otherwise harden'd; nor had he Force sufficient (which they well knew) to compel them, their Swarms were so numerous, their Cruelties so outragious; so that at the last, they block'd him up in the Castle of Athlone by the help of the Conspirators of Wess-Meath, notwithstanding the Commissions of Government, the Lords Justices and Council (that nothing still might be wanting on the States side, to evidence the confidence and trust they were willing to repose in the Prime Natives) entrusted the Earl of Clan∣rickard, the Lord Mayo, the Lord of Costiloe, and others with; in which condition he remain'd, till the Earl of Ormond (Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army) carried down two thousand Foot, and some Troops of Horse to his Relief, the Spring following. Notwithstanding the Com∣mission the Lord Rannelaugh had from those, whom his Majesty entrusted of the Parliament in England, to raise five hundred Protestants nearest ad∣joyning, for the defence of the said Province, and to name the Officers, his Son Arthur Jones Esq being at the same time made Constable of the Castle of Roscommon, in the County of Roscommon, and allowed thirty one Protestant Warders to guard the Town and Castle: As Sir Robert King (at the same time) was appointed in the like Command for the Castle of Abbey-boyle: Yet the Rebels (in the interim) burnt the Town of Ros∣common, and the Bishops Town of Elphin, besides many other English∣men's Habitations; surprizing also several Castles of the Earl of Clan∣rickards in the County of Galloway. However, Sir Charles Coote Junior, (vigilant in all concerns) so mann'd and guarded Castle-Coot, as that be∣ing in January, 1641. besieg'd by Con O-Rourk with 1200 men, he so no∣tably encountred him, as within a week he rais'd the Siege; as he did Hugh O Connor, Son of O Connor Dun of Balintober, Titular Prince of Connaght; lineally (as he would have it) descended from Rodderick

O-Connor, King of Connaght, and Monarch of Ireland, never afterwards durst make any formal approach against that Castle; in as much as Sir Charles Coote fetch'd in Corn and Cattle at liberty: Yet the second of March following, O-Rourk came with all his Forces to fetch away the Prey of Roscommon, before day, hurrying them almost to Molinterim, be∣fore our Forces could come up to him, endeavouring to make good a Pass against our men, who soon break their stoutest Ranks, and (killing most of the Rebels) recovered the Prey, took many Prisoners, and amongst the rest Con O-Rourk.

Thus each Province was in a flame, and that it burst not forth all at* 13.3 once, was partly out of the backwardness of some, who would first (in the proceedings of the others) see how far, and with what security, they might put themselves on the Work: A horrid Work! that had no promising, or good Aspect: And then others in the Counties of Dub∣lin, Meath, Lowth, who (by the aforesaid compact, should have fur∣nish'd themselves with Arms from the State, under pretence of service against Ulster) missing of their Design in full, halted a time: and many declared not themselves at first, by reason the surprising of the Castle of Dublin was prevented; Nor did the noble and solemn Resent∣ment of the Parliament in England a little startle others, though after that the Winter came close upon them, and that the English were almost every where harrast; And the succours from England came not so soon as they were expected, the Irish every where gathered that heat as in all Places, to express their virulency.

Some * 13.4 will have it that the Gentlemen at Westminster, instead of sup∣pressing the Irish speedily by Arms, made an Ordinance wholly to extirpate them, whereby the Irish extirpated most part of the Protestant Colonies, killing Man, Woman, and Child, with most horrible Barbarousness: Where∣as it is apparent that the greatest, and most horrid Massacres, were acted before the Parliament could possibly know there was a Rebellion, for after that the Plot was detected, the Rebels somewhat slackned their first Cruelties: though then they proclaim'd, That if any Irish should har∣bour, or relieve, any English suffer'd to escape, them with their lives, that it should be penal, even to death, to such Irish; So that though they put not those English actually to the Sword, yet by that Design, they cut them off more cruelly: It being a certain truth (not subject to the evasion of the Sophister) that in all the four Provinces, the horrid cruelties used towards the British, either in their bloody Massacres, or merciless dispoiling, stripping, and extirpation of them, were generally acted in most parts of the Kingdom, before they could gather themselves together, to make any considerable resistance against their fury, and be∣fore the State had assembled their Forces, or were enabled by the power of his Majesties Arms, to make any inroads into the Countreys possessed by the Rebels: A circumstance, which totally destroyeth all those vain pretences, and fond recriminations, which they have since most falsly taken up to palliate this their most abominable Rebellion, or actings thereupon; Besides, in the first Order of the Lords Commons, in Par∣liament of England, touching this Concern, for the better inducing of the Rebels to repent of their wicked Attempts, they did thereby commend it to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or in his absence to the Lord Deputy, or Lords Justices there, according to the power of the Commission granted them in that behalf, To bestow his Majesties gracious Pardon to

all such as within a convenient time (to be declared by any of the said Magistrates) should return to their due obedience: Which rule the Lords Justices in all Commissions, either to Officers, or Marshals, they had also before observed, that if (amongst them) there had been any relent∣ing, they might have experienc'd the mercy of the State.

And thus much may be said even for the Parliament, that after the expence of much blood and treasure, for suppression of the horrid Re∣bellion in Ireland, when they had brought that Affair to such an issue, as that a total Reducement, and settlement of the Nation was effected, whereby they came to divide the Rebels Estates; They manifested, that it was not the Parliaments intentions, to extirpate that whole Nation, but* 13.5 they ordered Mercy and Pardon, both as to Life and Estate, should be extended to all Husband-Men, Labourers, Artificers, yea to higher rank and Quality, according to the respective Demerits, and Considerati∣ons, under which they fell, and that all should enjoy the benefit of their Articles.

It is indeed Enacted, in the Acts of subscriptions for Ireland, that every Person who shall make, enter into, or take any Compact, Bond, Co∣venant, Oath, promise, or agreement, to introduce, or bring into the said Realm of Ireland, the authority of the See of Rome, in any case whatso∣ever, or to maintain, or defend, the same, shall forfeit his Lands, and Goods, as in case of Rebellion: Before which there was no pretence (some thought) to make the War a matter of Religion, Whereas, I do not conceive, that that Clause is any more then what was in several Acts pro∣vided, as Anno 28. H. 8. Capite 13. Anno 2. Eliz. Cap. 1. as elsewhere: And by his Majesties Letter to the Marquiss of Ormond, the 15th. of Decem. 1644. is there specified, That many Acts in favour of the Irish should be repeal'd, but those against Appeals to Rome, and Praemunire, should stand. That had not the Rebels first intended (what afterwards they pursued) that Clause could not have made them more obstinate Rebels, nothing being in it, but what was before in force.

Now besides other miseries (which aggravated the unhappiness of the State at that time) there flocked to the City (from all Parts) such as having escaped the fury of the Rebels, sheltered themselves there, of which (by reason of the diseases they had contracted by their journey, and ill usage) there died many, else prov'd a burthen to the City; Which the Confederates of the Pale would have the World believe, was mercy and Signal Humanity in them, not to have imbrued their hands in the blood of any British Protestants, When as the lingring deaths, and Exigences these were put to, exceeded any death which at once might have been inflicted: though after the Siege of Tredath, that the old English Papists of the Pale, were driven into Ulster, they (as a meri∣torious act) vaunted that they had killed more English and Protestants in Fingall, then were killed in many other Counties; for the discove∣ries of whose miseries, and what besides others had suffered by the Rebels, the Lords Justices authorised several Commissioners to state their Case, and the state of the deplorable English, by two Commissions, the one bearing date the 23d. of December, the other the 18th. of January, both in the 17th. year of his Majesties Reign, whereby the Murders, Losses, and Cruelties, committed upon the English and Protestants, were disco∣vered on Oath, and presented in a Remonstrance by the Dispoil'd Clergy of Ireland, to the Honourable House of Commons in England; And lest

the Remonstrance should seem the act of a few Persons (highly inte∣ressed in their own Concerns) it was accompanied with a Letter from the Lords Justices, and Council, dated at Dublin the 7th. of March, 1641. to the Speaker of the said House of Commons; the Remonstrance shew∣ing such depredations of Goods, such cruelties exercis'd on the Persons and Lives of the loyal Subjects, such wasting, and defacing of all monuments of Ci∣vility, with such Prophanation of Holy Places, and Religion, that by the most barbarous, and heathenish Nations, the like could not in any Age be found to be perpetrated: of which I might say more, having not yet forgot the cruel∣ties legible in most Noble, and antient Families; But the day would fail us, should we sum up what is in the Clergies Remonstrance, Printed at London, 1642. briefly mention'd, to which, and the History of the Irish Rebellion, 1646. from p. 84. to 136, we must refer you, that the Proofs of all may be before your eyes; May they be writ on our Posts of our houses, and our Gates? that they may be looked upon, and remembred for ever; what Amalek did, when we were faint, and weary, and he feared not God!

Thus the State having (to their power) supported his Majesties Au∣thority, and the English Interest, searching out whatsomever might fathom the bottom of this Conspiracy, they being driven to great ne∣cessities, trampled on by the Enemy, not further able to support their own miseries. When the last of December 1641. arriv'd at Dublin (from the Parliament of England) Sir Simon Harcourt, with a Regi∣ment* 13.6 of 1200 Foot, a Gentleman of Good Extraction, long bred in the Low-Countreys (the School of War) under Sir Horatio, the Lord Vere, that renown'd, and Excellent Person, one of the most noted, and eminent Commanders of the late Age: He was design'd Governour of Dublin, much to the comfort of the Protestants, and terrour of the Rebels; soon after whose arrival (the City being secur'd thereby) the Lords Justices commanded forth Sir Charles Coote, with such Forces as could be spared to Swoards, about the 10th. of January following, the better to let them know how far the State resented their Insolencies, whom no assurance, fair, or open Resolves, or any free course could satisfie; Sir Charles* 13.7 Coote found the access to the Village straightly block'd up, yet so ma∣naged the attempt, as he soon forc'd them to a flight, beating them out of their Fortifications, and killed 200 of their men, without any con∣siderable loss on his side, more then Sir Laurenzo Carey, second Son of the Lord Falkland (late Lord Deputy) a Gentleman of excellent and ingenious Parts, well principled, and one whose vertues and resolution, promised much happiness to the State: After setling of which Place, Sir Charles Coote return'd to Dublin, and ere long, there arrived from* 13.8 England, by Order of the Parliament, three Regiments of Foot, the Lord-Lieutenants Regiment, under the Conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Monk (since Duke of Albemarle) the second under the Command of Sir Michael Earnely, and the other under the Command of Colonel Cromwell; and two Regiments of Horse, one belonging to Philip Lord Lisle, General of the Horse, and the other under the Command of Sir Richard Greenvile. That now the English Interest began to revive, the Irish being much disheartned thereby, yet grew confident in their Allies and Confederacy, they had made through the whole Nation, to weaken which, and vindicate his Majesties Honour, the State received the 20th. of January a Proclamation from his Majesty, dated the first

of the same month, declaring them Rebels and Traitors: and that it might want no solemnity, to impress the greater Character of obedience, His Majesty was pleased to Sign all the Proclamations with his Royal Hand, affixing also thereto his Privy Signet (a circumstance scarce presidenc'd) The Original of which I have in my Custody.

Charles R.

WHereas diverse lewd and wicked Persons, have (of* 14.1 late) risen in Rebellion in our Kingdom of Ireland, surpriz'd diverse of our Forts and Castles, possessed them∣selves thereof, surpriz'd some of our Garrisons, possest them∣selves of some of our Magazeen of Arms and Ammunition, dispossest many of our good and loyal Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants, of their Houses, and Lands, rob'd and spoil'd many thousands of our good Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants, of their Goods, to great values, Mas∣sacred multitudes of them, imprison'd many others, and some who have the Honour to serve us as Privy Counsellors of that our Kingdom; We therefore having taken the same into our Royal consideration, and abhorring the wicked disloyalty, and hor∣rible acts committed by those Persons, do hereby not onely de∣clare our just Indignation thereof, but also do declare them, and their Adherents, and Abettors, and all those who shall here∣after joyn with them, or commit the like acts on any of our good Subjects in that Kingdom, to be Rebels, and Traitors against our Royal Person, and Enemies to our Royal Crown of Eng∣land, and Ireland.

And we do hereby strictly Charge, and Command all those Persons, who have so presumed to rise in Arms against us, and our Royal Authority (which we cannot otherwise interpret than acts of high Rebellion, and detestable Disloyalty, when therein they spoil, and destroy our good and loyal Subjects of the British Nation, and Protestants) that they immediately lay down their Arms, and forbear any further acts of Hostility, Wherein if they fail, we do let them know, that we have au∣thorised our Justices of Ireland, and other our Chief Gover∣nour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General of our Army there, and do hereby accordingly require, and authorise them, and every of them, to prosecute the said Re∣bels, and Traitors with Fire, and Sword, as Persons who (by their high Disloyalty against us their lawful, and undoubted King, and Soveraign) have made themselves unworthy of any

Mercy, or Favour; Wherein our said Justices, or other chief Governour, or Governours, and General, or Lieutenant-General of our said Army, shall be countenanc'd, and supported by us, and by our powerful Succours of our good Subjects of Eng∣land, and Scotland, that so they may reduce to obedience, those wicked disturbers of that Peace, which by the blessing of God, that Kingdom hath so long, and so happily enjoy'd, un∣der the Government of our Royal Father, and us. And this our Royal pleasure, we do hereby require our Justices, or other chief Governour, or Governours, of that our Kingdom of Ireland, to cause to be published, and proclaim'd, in and throughout our said Kingdom of Ireland.

Given under our Signet, at our Palace at Westminster, the 1st of January, in the 17th. year of our Reign, 1641.

Which coming forth so late, and but 40 of them onely ordered to be* 14.2 Printed, was by the Parliament in their Declaration of the 19th. of May, 1642. interpreted as a countenance to that Rebellion, in answer whereunto, his Majesty in his reply to that Declaration, shews, That the Proclamation not issuing out sooner, was because the Lords Justices of that Kingdom desired them no sooner, and when they did, the number they de∣sired was but twenty, which they advised might be Signed by us, which we for the expedition of that service, commanded to be Printed (a Cir∣cumstance not required by them) thereupon we Sign'd more of them then our Justices desired.

And that it might further appear how deep a sense his Majesty had of the Rebellion, which called upon Him, and his People of England, for a general Humiliation of all Estates before Almighty God, in Prayer and Fasting, for drawing down his Mercy and Blessing upon Ireland: His Ma∣jesty was pleased by a Proclamation, dated at Whitehall the 8th. of Ja∣nuary, 1641. Straightly to Charge and Command, That the last Wednesday of every Month during the troubles in Ireland, a Solemn Fast should be observ'd through his Kingdom of England, and Dominion of Wales, shew∣ing in his own Person and the Court, and example thereof; which accord∣ingly (for some years) was observ'd, and considerable Collections were gathered (at most Churches) that day, for the miserable People of Ireland: Several, but especially Sir Benjamin Rudyard, excellently speaking on that Subject, which being much in a little, accept of, in his own Words.

Mr. Speaker.

THis Day is appointed for a charitable Work, a Work of Bowels and Compassion; I pray God, we may never have the like occasion to move, to stir up, our Charity.

These miserable People are made so, because of their Religion: He that will not suffer for his Religion, is unworthy to be saved by it; and he is un∣worthy to enjoy it, that will not relieve those that suffer for it.

I did know but the last year here in England, some (and they no Papists) who were resolv'd to make Ireland their Retreat, as the safer Kingdom of the two.

We do now see a great, a dismal Change, God knows, whose Turn shall be next, it is wrapp'd up in his Providence; that which happens to one Country, may happen to any; Time and Chance comes upon all, though guided by a certain Hand.

The right way to make a Man truely sensible of another's Calamity, is to think himself in the same case and condition, and then to do as he would be done unto.

Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, let our Gift be a matter of Bounty, not of Co∣vetousness, that it may abound to our Account in the Day of Reckoning: He that sowes plentifully, shall reap plentifully; I am sure, he that lends to the Lord, hath the best Security, and cannot be a loser.

The first President of the Fast before-mention'd, which usher'd in the Charity that succeeded, was (before it came to be Monthly) by the Lords House, kept in the Abbey of Westminster, where the Archbishop of York, and the Lord Primate of Ireland, preach'd to the Lords, as in St. Margrets Westminster, Mr. Calamy and Mr. Marshall, to the House of Commons. Though when his Majesty afterwards found by the ill use made thereof, that the Lecturers in their Sermons and Prayers stir'd up, and continued the War rais'd against Him in England, the great Promo∣ters too thereof deserting the Care of Ireland, He, the 6th. of October, 1643. forbad it to be kept, and instead thereof expresly commanded a solemn Fast to be observ'd, every second Friday of the Month, through England and Wales.

But to return to the King's Proclamation against the Rebels, which the bleeding Iphigenia, and others of that lying Spirit, would have to be grounded on the information of a malignant Part of the Council, informing his Majesty, that the Catholicks of Ireland without discrimination, had enter'd into a Rebellion; whereas there was never any such general Infor∣mation: Nay, in all the Accounts they gave to his Majesty, they still in∣timated, that they hoped the Pale and other Parts would continue their Loyalty, affording the Lords of the Pale, as other Towns, (which after∣wards shamefully revolted) Arms, Ammunition, Commands, informing his Majesty only of what they had discovered in the North, with the sus∣picions that they had learnt on Examinations from others, which would have been Treachery in them to have conceal'd, and grand Disloyalty. Nor doth his Majesty take notice in his Proclamation of any other, than that divers lewd and wicked Persons had of late risen in Rebellion in his

Kingdom of Ireland, not so much therein as naming Papists or Catholicks, that thence any of that profession should take Umbrage: Nay, so circum∣spect were the Lords Justices and Council at that time, that they avoided all expressions, which might any ways encourage the Irish to apprehend, the English intended to make it a War of Religion.

However, the Rebels were so far from paying obedience to his Maje∣sty's Proclamation afore-mention'd, saying, it was counterfeit, or done by Coertion, as they acted now, not as before apart, but united in one Body, under the style of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland, bind∣ing themselves also in that Confederacy, by the following Oath of Asso∣ciation.

I A. B. do, in the presence of Almighty God, and all the Saints and Angels in Heaven, promise, vow, swear and protest, to maintain and defend as far as I may with my Life, Power, and Estate, the publick and free exercise of the true and Roman Catholick Religion, against all Persons that shall oppose the same. I further swear, that I will bear Faith and Allegiance to our So∣veraign Lord King Charles, his Heirs and Successors, and that I will defend Him and Them, as far as I may, with my Life, Power and Estate, against all such Persons as shall attempt any thing against their Royal Persons, Ho∣nours, Estates, and Dignities, and against all such as shall directly or indi∣rectly endeavour to suppress their Royal Prerogatives, or do any Act or Acts contrary to Regal Government; as also the Power and Priviledges of Parlia∣ment, the lawful Rights and Priviledges of the Subjects, and every Person that makes this Vow, Oath and Protestation, in whatsoever he shall do, in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my Power, as far as I may, I will oppose, and by all means and ways endeavour to bring to condign punishment, even to the loss of Life, Liberty, and Estate, all such as shall, either by Force, Practice, Counsels, Plots, Conspiracies, or otherwise, do or attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article, Clause, or any thing in this present Vow, Oath, or Protestation, contain'd.

So God help me.

This is the Oath the Confederates thought so loyal, so worthy their owning; whereas never any thing was more pernicious, more destru∣ctive to his Majesty, and his Protestant Subjects, the close of it (after all their insinuating and fair pretensions of Faith and Allegiance to their Soveraign, his Heirs and lawful Successors) vowing to bring to condign punishment, all that should attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article therein; whereas the first thing (they insist on in this Vow) is the free exercise of the Catholick Roman Religion, which if the King shall not admit of, He is (by the issue of this Vow and Protestation) to be op∣pos'd, all being to be oppos'd, that shall be against, do, or attempt any thing to the contrary of any Article, Clause, or any thing in this present Vow, Oath, or Protestation, contain'd. And if in a more favourable sence this were not (as to his Majesty) to be so interpreted, yet his Protestant Sub∣jects were doubtless to be fallen upon with fire and sword, resisting the Ends the Rebels propos'd to themselves by this Oath, and without which no Peace was to be accepted. How loyal and acceptable this could be to a Protestant Prince (who in testimony of his Faith laid down his life) is legible without Spectacles: so that in conclusion, this Oath could really

deceive none, but those, who seeing will not see, and hearing will not understand.

Thus their strength (notwithstanding whatsoever his Majesty had pro∣pos'd* 16.1 in his Proclamation) by endeavouring to break it, was united; their Armies were now formed, the most considerable Persons amongst them had openly declared themselves, and the meanest of their Souldiers were flesht in the slaughter of the English; they had likewise almost all their Goods in their possession, and the strongest Places of the Kingdom with the whole Countrey at their Devotion; so as they now counted themselves powerful enough to go through with the Work, and resolv'd to expel all the British and Protestants out of the Kingdom, to make them∣selves absolute Masters, or there to die ingloriously as Traitors and Mur∣therers; which is fallen to their lot; for few of those inhumane Butchers have come with dry throats to their Graves, there being no more ordina∣ry dispensation to be observ'd in the Revolutions of things here below, than returns of blood for blood, their blood being violently to be poured forth, who have maliciously contrived, or wantonly delighted, in the slaughter of others, which will appear by the sequel of the Story.

Though the Polititian's Catechism * 16.2 (a Piece of as much Venom as Art or Malice can connect) would insinuate, that the Murthers and Massacres done in Ireland by Protestants, far exceeded without compari∣son those committed by Catholicks, as well in respect of brutishness as numerousness; I may admit, that many things (contrary to the Law of Arms and Christianity) during the Rebellion, were severely commit∣ted by the English: But then it must be considered, That whatsoever was rashly done by them, was either acted in open Hostility, or had the an∣guish and memory of former Villanies first commenc'd on their Relations, Friends, or Countreymen, without the least provocation for their ground, instigating them thereunto. Inasmuch as Mulmore O-Relie, O-Sule-van, and others, being at a Meeting at London, immediately after the King's happy Restauration, a Colonel (a Person of great Ingenuity and exem∣plary Vertue, who had serv'd faithfully against the Irish) coming into their company, was acquainted by them, that they were met together, to draw up a Remonstrance of the Cruelties, the English Army had offer'd to the Irish, which (say they) indeed nothing concern'd him, he ha∣ving been a noble and generous Enemy. Upon which he advis'd them to desist, in that they might be certain to have an Answer much to their dis-advantage, considering, that if any Violencies or Irregularities were offer'd, they might thank themselves, in respect that after Castles, or any Places, were delivered up upon Composition, it was a usual Custom with them to spoil the Meal and Food, which they should have left entire, and to have wet the Powder, as also to have made the Guns un-service∣able; all which were violations of Articles no ways justifiable, and might require a severe return: Upon which, they being confounded, this worthy Person heard no more of their Design. And for what the Polititian's Catechism would infer from a Daughter of O-Hara, an Irish Lord, being barbarously murther'd, as a President for what succeeded; it is evident, that the Rebellion commenc'd in blood, Rowry Mac-Guire that day (in which the Rebellion began) hanging not less than 18 Persons in the Church of Clownish, and afterwards burnt it; several other Examples may be produc'd of the same nature. And for what this inso∣lent Assertor braves the World with, from the Irish Remonstance, offer'd

by Viscount Preston, and Sir Robert Talbot, the 17th. of March, 1642. That they desired the Murtherers on both sides should be punished, is men∣tion'd but for a flourish; those Testimones of their Cruelties being given in upon Oath, in several Remonstrances, which must remain an evidence to posterity of their Villany; what-ever R. S. in his Collections of Murthers, would (by way of Recrimination) charge the English with: Inasmuch as what Cruelties he affirms to be acted after protection had been given, and Articles (at this or that Place) allowed, will be found upon due enquiry, (which they durst never stand to) to be raised on breach of Faith, and under colour of protection to act the greatest Villanies imagi∣nable, some of which being found out, the Authors were punished, and it may be others (upon the same reason only suspected) were partners in equal sufferings. Nor could the State in such a confused, distracted time, be justly blamed, that some Irregularities (how cautiously soever look'd after) were not in each particular prevented, seeing the rage of the Souldier had exceeded the justice and providence of the State. Be∣sides, can it be reasonable, that those who began and pursued so bloody a Conspiracy, with such un-heard of aggravations, should be put in bal∣lance with such, as (only to vindicate his Majesty and his People's Right) sometimes proceeded beyond their own Temper? Nor is it here to be omitted, That those whom they pretend should be singled out, and parti∣cularized for barbarous and inhumane, should by vertue of their 18th. Article, be tryed by the Lord Lieutenant, and several Commissioners, some of which were chargeable with the same barbarous and inhumane Crimes, and all of them nearly interess'd in such as may be so charged, if to abett, aid, or countenance those, be in the eye of the Law accounted equally involv'd; so that from such, what justice could be expected, were easie to be conceiv'd, (how entire soever the Lord Lieutenant were in his Principles.) And whereas this R. S. would free Kilkenny, and other Places, from the horrid actions which were committed there, the testi∣mony of such as avows them, makes whatsoever he would extenuate as to them, and aggravate as to others, meer fabulous and vain; though to make up his Fardle, he takes in whatsomever Cromwel and his Party af∣terwards committed in Ireland. Thus confounding Actions with Times, an Artifice so shap'd to his Humour, as who is he that cannot see, but that those actions of Cromwel's no whit concern'd the British, or could be any encouragement for what the Irish did long before; Cromwel's pro∣ceedings being on a ground well known, extending to the English as well as the Irish; such as if the Rebellion of Ireland had not been, no Sect had been able to have done any harm in England. Indeed his whole Piece is such a Web, as unravled, would be found meer Fictions and Imposture, after what is accounted for breach of Protection, forfeiture of Articles, Treachery, and the like. That which he writes of the Scotch Forces in Knockfergus, murthering (if you will believe him) in the Isle of Mac-Gee, 3000 innocent Persons, in the beginning of November, to be the first Massacre in Ireland on either side, (it seems he heard nothing then of O-Hara's Daughter) is so false, as he that will read John Carmick's Testimony, at the Tryal of Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, the 18th. of Novem∣ber, 1644. attested by Sir William Cole, Sir William Hamilton, Sir Ar∣thur Loftus, Sir Charles Coot, and others, upon Oath, (besides what the Clergy's Remonstrance clears) will plainly perceive the vanity and false∣ness of that Assertion, as (amongst others) appears by John Kerdiff,

Rector of the Parish of Diserteraugh in Tyrone, a Person of known Integri∣ty, who deposeth, That the very first day Mr. Mader, Minister of the Parish of Donnoghmore, was murther'd by the Donnelies: and within a while after, Mr. New, Curate to Mr. Bradley, of the Church of Ardira, as Mr. Blyth, with eight more; not to say any thing of Rowry Mac-Guire's dealing with Mr. Middleton, the 24th. of October, at Castle-Skeagh, alias Ballibalfure, where (after he had by treachery got into the Castle, seiz'd on his Mony, burnt the publick Records, and compell'd him to acknowledge the Mass) he caus'd him, his Wife and Children, to be hang'd, besides a hundred to be murder'd at least in that Town: And thence daily proceeded in such outrages.

Thus for the present all things seem'd (in their sense) to prosper under their hands; for they had in this short time made themselves Masters of the whole Province of Ulster, except the Cities of London-derry and Cole∣raigne, the Town and Castle of Eniskillin, and some other Places and Castles, which were at first gallantly defended by the British Underta∣kers, though afterwards, for want of relief, surrendred into the Rebels hands.

The Fire thus kindled, shortly after spread its fury in the Provinces of* 16.3 Munster and Connaght, (of which we have given you a touch) where the English were quickly dispoil'd of all their Substance, and either driven naked out of their Habitations, or most barbarously murder'd or starv'd in them. But their main design at present was, to make themselves Ma∣sters of the Province of Leimster, which was the chiefest and most flourish∣ing part of the Kingdom; and having advanc'd their work, they so far prevail'd therein, as they had in a manner gain'd it wholely, except the Cities of Dublin and Tredath, against which they appli'd their whole strength: For Dublin, it being the Seat of the State, (by the great care of the Lords Justices) had the best Provisions made for the strengthning of it, that those crazy Walls, and their want of Forces would admit. The Rebels contented themselves to block it up at a distance with their Forces, and to make some attempt to hinder Shipping from coming in∣to the Harbour; but for Tredath, (having over-run the County of Meath, and surpriz'd the Towns of Trym, Kells, Navan, Ardbracan, Ashboy, &c.) the Rebels sate down on both sides that Town, the last of November, or* 16.4 the first of December, drawing very near the Walls, blocking up the Pas∣sage of the River which runs into the Sea, that no succour could be brought in to them either by Sea or Land, no, nor Intelligence be gotten out of Town; so as Sir Henry Tichborn (as we have before mention'd) with the Provisions he had there, and the Forces he carried with him, which were not above a thousand men, remain'd close besieg'd, without any hopes of Succours, or further Supplies.

Tredath is an ancient City, of great Circuit, the River of Boyne passeth* 16.5 through the midst of the Town; it is encompassed about with an old Stone-Wall, without Bulwarks or any kind of Rampiers, or other Forti∣fications than an ordinary Ditch; it lies about three miles from the Sea, the Harbour is but ill, yet such as would admit Vessels of good bur∣then, and such as exceed not 60 Tuns, may come up to the very Bridge in the Town: It is situated in a plain open Countrey, plentiful for all man∣ner of Provisions, no Bogs or Marsh-ground near it; so as the Rebels had all the opportunities and advantages they could desire, for making their approaches to the Place: But so unhappy were they in their under∣takings,

and so unprosperous in their executions, as notwithstanding the weakness of the Place, and the small numbers of men that kept it, they lay before it (after they had thus closely begirt the Town almost three months) without doing any thing of moment, being resolv'd (either in regard of their want of great Guns to batter the Walls, skill to un∣dermine them, or courage to scale them) to sit still, till Famine within had made them an entrance.

The State being very sensible of what this poor Place suffered, con∣sulted in the first place, after the Landing of Sir Simon Harcourt which way was most likely to weaken the Rebels strength, the main of which Tredath had long felt; therefore they resolv'd now with their new Forces to relieve that Town. But before we come to the result of that* 16.6 Determination, it will not be unpleasant to shew, against how many trou∣bles that Place incredibly extricated it self. And here we are obliged first to take notice what Forces Tredath had.

The 26th. of Octob. 1641.

Henry Lord Viscount Moor of Tredath, with his Troop of Horse, consist∣ing of sixty six, entred the Town in its defence: As did

• Sir John Nettervile, Capt.
• Rockley, Capt.

with their two half standing Companies.

Seafoul Gibson, Capt. whose Company of the English Inhabitants, and other Protestants, to the number of 120.

November the 4th. following.

Sir Henry Tichborn, Col. and Governour of the Town, with the Regi∣ment and two Troops of Horse (formerly mention'd) came in.

Novemb. 10.

Captain Henry Bryan, Captain Patrick Trevor, Captain Foulk Martin.

Novemb. 22.

• Christopher Roper, Serj. Major;
• Capt. William Cadougan,
• Capt. Charles Sounsley.

These escap'd from the defeat of Gelling∣stone.

Fifty Horse under the Command of Sir Patrick Weams, Captain Lieute∣nant to the Earl of Ormond.

All these, with three Companies more which came in with the second Relief, were under the Lord Moor; those excepted which Sir Henry Tichborn brought in.

The Lord Moor, upon the first discovery of the Plot, (having notice of his Sister the Lady Blany's and her Childrens imprisonment, with sur∣prizal of her Castle, Castle Blany, the Town and Castle of Newry, Carrick Mac-ross, Charlemont, Town and Castle of Monaghan, Tonrages, Mount∣joy, Cloughoter, Dunganon, and multitudes of Castles and Houses of Strength, Towns and Villages in the North) repair'd in the midst of the night from Mellifont to Tredath, and knocking up the Mayor and Al∣dermen, invited them to a speedy defence; who at first promis'd him fair, but proceeded slowly, producing few Arms, who (on a Muster-day before) could appear with some hundreds. His Lordship (conceiving his presence necessary) drew his whole Family thither; and having regain'd some old Pieces of Ordnance, cast into a Dungeon, he fitted them (and four took out of a Merchants Ship) for service; and placing some at

one Gate, some at another; making up the North-Port, and strength∣ning the Walls, which he effected with singular diligence and speed; one * 16.7 of the two half-Companies in the Town proving afterwards false, the Citizens themselves (Papists) being no way real; which put his Lordship on a perpetual watch, there being little relief; so that he was with his Troop constantly scouring the streets, the Inhabitants being no ways assisting: Yet so managed he his affairs, as he kept all passages free for Sir Henry Tichborn's admittance, who, entring Governour there* 16.8 the 4th. of November with his Forces, was coldly received by the Citi∣zens, not admitted into any Quarters, till himself (after many hours be∣ing in the streets) found one. Having first drawn out several Companies to continue the Watch that night, never excusing his own vigilance or pains: The next day after he enter'd. He endeavour'd to make the Town as defensible as might be, wherein he and his Officers order'd much to its security, though many things conspired to make it (in so short a time) not artificially tenable; which yet they afterwards made good with their Bodies and Valour. He expell'd many of the Popish Inha∣bitants, which held intelligence with the Rebels without, and got in all the Provisions he could, ordering them with the greatest parsimony imagin∣able. He and the Lord Moor (who accompani'd him in all services) al∣ternately walk'd the Rounds, performing all Duties so industriously, as they disappointed all the frequent little Plots which the Rebels had upon them; and so careful were they to encourage and provide for their Sol∣diers, as they rais'd them up to a far greater confidence of their Abilities to defend the Place, (against so numerous an Enemy) than there was just reason for. That which discourag'd the Soldiers most, was, the con∣stant Duty which they perform'd in their Night-Watches; the circuit of the Wall was very large, the Weather (being the depth of Winter) was very sharp; and the numbers of the Soldiers (who were to watch) were but small, and those very ill cloth'd, so as it came oftner to their turns than usual, which bred sickness and diseases, and some even fell down and died upon the Walls.

The third of December (there being a want of Corn) there issued forth a Party at St. Lawrence and the West-gate, of 350 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, to secure some Carriages sent out for Corn at the Green-hills, about half a mile off; where unexpectedly (the Citizens having been treacherous in their intelligence) there appear'd in view 3000 men: whereupon some Officers advis'd to retreat, and many of the Horse (Pa∣pists) in the Reer running back, with a confus'd cry exceedingly disturb'd those that were at the Gates drawing out. To remedy which, Sir Henry Tichborn presently lights off his Horse, and in the Front (to the hazard of his Person) march'd before the Foot, commanding the Musketeers up the Hill, and his Pikes in that narrow Passage to open for the Horse, and so with all expedition made ready to charge the Enemy, giving the Re∣bels so home a Charge, as they betook themselves to their heels, with the loss of above 200 of them, but not one of ours, though before we charg'd them they had set twice on us: The Victory exceedingly animated our Soldiers, notwithstanding afterwards many Soldiers (Papists) daily re∣volted from us; and we receiv'd frequent Alarms, which we finding fri∣volous, afterwards neglected. Then the Confederates sent to Parley; upon which, one Darcy, a Frier, and a Captain of his Name, demanded the absolute surrender of the Town for his Majesties use and service, in

the name of the Commanders of the Catholick Army, expressing how im∣possible it would be to keep it against their Forces. The Governour with the Captains return'd an Answer as short, That they had a Commission from his Majesty for the defence of the Town, and without his Majesties Command, or the Lords Justices, to the contrary, they would keep it; if the Rebels attempted it by the Sword, they would defend it; if by Fa∣mine, they should hear they eat their Horses Hides. In prosecution of which, the Governour and Captains of the City, made this unanimous Protestation in its defence, for his Majesties use and service.

WHereas we are beset with such, who pretend their Attempts (in taking of this Town) to be for the advancement of his Majesties Service, (which notwithstanding we believe is but a pretext to delude the Vulgar) We the Governour and Captains of the said Town, for the further manifestation and approbation of our Loyalty, and thankfulness to his Majesty, by whose immediate Command we are charg'd for the de∣fence of his just and Royal Title in it; do likewise hereby unanimously make this following Protestation and Oath, and do enjoyn it to be taken by every Soldier and Inhabitant of this Town, as the evidence of their Faith and Truth to the Kings Crown and Dignity, which we shall maintain with our Lives and Estates; and that such as shall refuse it, be put out of the Gates.

The Oath.

I Shall, to my uttermost, endeavour the defence of this Town against all outward and inward Attempts whatsoever, for his Majesties Service. I shall forthwith discover any Plot, Conspiracy, or Combination, which may or shall come to my knowledge, from without or within, which may any ways be intended to the prejudice of the whole Town, or to the Person of the Mayor, Governour, Aldermen, or any of the Captains or Officers Garrison'd in it.

I shall not attempt or consent, that the Town shall be given, upon any pretence or cause whatsoever, without consent of the Governour, Mayor, and greater part of the Captains and Aldermen in it, or without special Command from his Majesty, or Chief Governour or Governours of the Kingdom.

All which I do hereby swear truly and faithfully to observe and keep, without any fraud, deceit, or mental reservation whatsoever.

Notwithstanding which, some (who took it) were afterwards per∣jur'd, not without example; and the Mayor and Aldermen refus'd it.

On St. Thomas Eve, the Rebels (being encourag'd from the Popish In∣habitants within) about one of the Clock at night (after a Watch-word) approach'd the Walls with a terrible shout; which the Governour answer'd from the Mount with a Canon, continuing the same for some hours; the Towns-men (in the interim) being upon pain of death commanded to keep within doors. Towards morning, the Rebels fled, being pursued by our

Bullets, (from all Quarters) so that many dropt; the numbers of their slain is not certain: certainly many fell by that attempt, of ours, not one; notwithstanding at St. John's Gate (which was most naked, and where Captain Morris * 17.1 excellently well perform'd his Command) was the hottest work. This deliverance was no sooner over, but new Con∣spiracies were hatch'd in the Town, a clandestine Oath being impos'd on some to seize on the Soldiers Arms as they were asleep, and kill others in their beds; happily discovered by a Priest, not so bloody as the rest: Yet necessities of all sorts (as well for Beasts as Men) grew so urgent, that within few days no Enemy but those need to do execution: In which extremity, God was particularly flown to, and even in the midst of their Devotion, the 11th. of January, there came in from the State (vigilant in whatsomever might concern them) a Pinnace, a Frigat, a Gab∣bard, with two Shalloops, and a Vessel loaden with Bisket, Powder, and Ammunition; whereby the Garrison was seasonably reliev'd in the midst of great extremities; which at the first appearance, the Towns-men (well-wishers to the Rebels) would needs have perswaded the Soldiers, that they had been Ships from Spain in favour of the Rebels, and appear'd chearful. But the mercy proving otherwise, the Soldiers grew hearty, which (without an especial providence) might have prov'd their ruine; for, contrary to the Command of the Governour, and his vigilance, (which was never more remarkable than then) the Soldiers carous'd it too liberally, being (by the Friers themselves) made to drink, inasmuch as Sentinels (from their Guards) were drawn in: So as the Rebels, Jan. 12. (by the help and treacherous intimation of their own within) made a breach in the Wall about four in the morning, at which, many of their best Soldiers and Chief Commanders, to the number of 500, enter'd unheard, till having march'd as far as the Key, they gave a shout; which the Governour hearing, instantly ran down, unarm'd, onely with his Pistols in his hands, and was the first that caus'd a Drum to beat, at which all was soon alarm'd; and finding their Pikes to be short of ours by a yard, we charg'd home, and forc'd them to a retreat, though they had o'r-turn'd a Drake of ours (that lay there) off its Carriage. Soon came in my Lord Moor with 15 Horse, (all that could of a sudden be got ready) with which, and the rest, (that were now got together) they quickly repuls'd them. Sir John Borlase hasting so speedily, undrest, and with that courage to the Breach made by the Nunnery, that his service there in falling upon the Enemy (who fought it stoutly) was very re∣markable. Here the Besieg'd kill'd many of the Rebels, as well those as came near the Walls for the succour of those that first entred, as they that Invaded it: and great was the deliverance, the Rebels Party within (ve∣ry considerable) having their Doors mark'd with Chalk, as a token to the Rebels, should they have prevail'd: The Besieged lost few, if any. Though the Pinnace, on its return, ran a ground; upon which, the Rebels plaid thick upon her from both sides the River, desperately approaching her very Stern with Pick-axes and Crows of Iron; at which, Captain Stut∣field (Comptroler of the Ordnance, an excellent Engineer, a stout and daring Person) presently threw some Granado's amongst them, which did such execution, as throughly frighted them; yet chas'd them not away till the seventh was flung; after which they parted, but were so pursued by our Musket and Canon, that many were slain.

After this Relief, (for some time) Tredath enjoy'd reasonable Peace, though at distance they had often alarms, and within a fortnight, what quantity of Bisket and Meal was brought to the Garrison, was easily spent, Famine Fluxes, with other diseases return again, in as much as di∣verse of the English Inhabitants (especially such as had flown thither for relief) died daily, and now the Town was narrowly search'd for Provisions, in which scrutiny the Friars (against their vow of Poverty) were found full of Trunks of Plate, Money, and other Treasure, which they not owning (being the Goods of the Rebels) were equally distri∣buted amongst the Garrison, but could not supply the want of food, which rais'd Mutinies (speedily allayed by the Vigilance of the Gover∣nour.) However many English as well as Irish, fled to the Rebels out of meer necessity. In as much as Sir Phelim O-Neal writ into the North, and gave it out amongst his Souldiers, that he was certain of the sudden surrender of Tredath: so as the Town being now driven to great streights, the best expedient that could be thought of, was to Man out a Boat for Dublin, that the State might be rightly inform'd of its Condition, in endeavouring which, the Aldermen and Mariners of the Town seem'd very backwards, till the Governour threatned to make some of the Al∣dermen themselves prove Mariners in that service; whereupon at last men were found, and Commissioners sent to the Lords Justices, to in∣form them of the misery of the Town, in which service Sir John Borlase, Junior, and others were imployed, who having obtained some men, and two Peeces of Battery, return'd with a very satisfactory supply.

The same day they weighed Anchor for Dublin, a part of the Garrison made a sally on the Rebels, Northward, who encountred them sharply, but were soon affronted by ours; many of the Enemy were slain, but of ours none, onely by the breaking of a little brass Peece, a Gunner was hurt, which yet gave them so rugged a Salute, that they took leave of us, and we recovered some Provisions: Sir Henry Tichborn that night with some Musketiers, falling on their Court of Guard, and killed some of their Sentinels; As the 11th. of February, Lieutenant Greenham, with a Party of Horse and Foot, routed 60 of the Enemy, taking a Lieutenant, Ensign, and several other, Prisoners; Sallying also forth the next day, with the like success, getting in some Grain, and burning the Countrey.

By these Sallies though some were relieved, the Souldiers (in general) fell into great extremity, Horse-flesh, Dogs, and Cats, being greedy food, yet (having but an intention to seek God) February the 14th. a booty* 17.2 of 80 Cows, and 200 Sheep being offer'd, they were (though with much hazard) soon recovered of the Enemy: And from the worst of Winds, a Northwest, it instantly turn'd to the best, a S. E. and so con∣tinued, till in the Evening, that Sabbath, (having all that day crav'd the blessing from God) tidings came in that our Relief was come within the Bar: viz. two Pinnaces, 6 Gabbards, 3 Frigots, with one Shallop, with a plentiful Relief for three months, a large Fisher-Boat of the Re∣bels, loaden with Herring (going to the Confederates) being also brought in, notwithstanding what Cables, Masts of Ships, and other things they had chain'd over the River, to prevent their arrival: so faith∣ful and fortunate was Captain Stutfield, whose happy Conduct, Trodath had now twice experienc'd in the height of misery, a mercy not to be

forgot no more then that, that Sunday morning about four of the Clock, Sir Phelim O-Neale (marching silently with all the strength he could make) made so bold an Attempt, as to apply scaling Ladders to the Walls, especially near St. Laurence Gate, where (sometimes) a Sentinel had been omitted, two of which they had presently fixed, and on each one mounted, the Sentinel (missing fire) the Assailants presumed higher, till the Sentinel knocked them down with the Butt of his Musket, and cried out to the Guard, who instantly plyed the rest with their fill of shot, so that they left thirteen of their Ladders, and many of their dead behind them: nor could all that the Rebels Officers could say, encourage their Souldiers to return.

With the last Relief, there came a Proclamation, dated the 8th. of February, 1641. from the State, prizing Sir Phelim O-Neals head at 1000 l. O-Relie's, and others at 600 l. and the rest of the Principal at 400 l. if they were brought in before the 25th. of March next, which made the Souldiers ready to be abroad; the Proclamation may be found at large in the Appendix. After that the Lords Justices, and Council had* 17.3 thus particularly named those then in Rebellion, and sate a Price on their heads, few (if any) were ever brought in, so intire were the Con∣federates; though in former Rebellions this Policy produced good effect: whereupon the Commons in Parliament, Ordered all rotten Members fit to be cut off, and new to supply their Places, publickly affixing in their Orders, their Names whom they knew engaged in the Rebellion, which Sir Audley Mervin * 17.4 brings in as just evidence of their Conviction, from undeniable Presidents of Parliament, how many Nocent Persons soever have since passed in Triumphant innocency, whilst those stand by, whose evidence (if admitted) would write the Letter of Condemnation on their foreheads. However the Catholick Lords of the Pale (could words make them innocent) fram'd a Protestation against the Proclamation of the eight of February, but so false, scandalous, and insinuating, that no answer (further then every intelligent mans abhorrency thereof) is requisite or expedient.

Since the last Relief, the Rebels (as to their Menaces) were some∣what milder; and relief and hope, having now animated the Souldiers, the 26 of February, the Governour issued out with 220 Foot, and 120 Horse to Beaubeck, securing thereby some Corn and Hay for the ser∣vice of the Town, and then advanc'd to Smithstown, where they met a Party of the Rebels, fought them, and slew 300. Serjeant Major Fortescue took two Colours, Captain Bryan a Drum, and eightscore Cows near Gellingston, where not long before they had defeated our men; Colonel Preston was there hard put to it: The Victory (that it might tend to the raising of the Siege) was pursued by 600 Foot, and 120 Horse, under the Conduct of my Lord Moore, with Carriages and two Field Pieces, who assaied Stanime, which they found so unexpectedly Fortified, as having onely slain some of their men, (abundance of rain falling) the great Guns did small execution, that thence the Party return'd that night, and called in upon Colp, a little Village, where they loaded them∣selves with Corn, and return'd without any opposition. Those of Sta∣nime hearing of our Supplies, and resolution to come on, quitted the Castle few days after, which without further work fell into our hands; scarce a day now passed, without some attempt upon the Enemy.

The first of March, Sir John Borlase Jun. Lieutenant Colonel, had the Command of four Companies, with which he fac'd the Enemy, and beat them with much disadvantage, securing at that time 200 l. worth of Corn, burning withall, such of their Lodgings as remain'd of the former days work at Colp, and return'd with great satisfaction: Whilst the same day, the Lord Moore, and the Governour marched further, and the Rebels having lin'd Hedges and Ditches, Captain Billingsley very resolutely scour'd those places with 80 Musketiers, soon routing them, a Lieutenant with 13 Souldiers were slain, and a Captain of the O-Neals taken Prisoner: The Castle of Colp (after much hazard) was taken, and all therein (viz. 26) were slain, save the Captain, who was taken Prisoner.

The third of March some Forces marched out, under the Command of Colonel Waineman to Marlington (three miles off Tredath) with whom all Persons were permitted to pillage, and return'd home with all sorts of Grain, having burnt Draicot's house, and some other places considerable: at which time the Rebels forsook many of their Houses, and we began to be at pretty ease.

The first of March, the Lord Moore commanded out a Party of 400 Foot, and 80 Horse on the Northside, amongst his Traiterous Tenants, to Talagh-hallon, where Sir Phelim O-Neal, with Colonel Mac-Bryan, had that night confederated together, eight Colours instantly appear'd, being intrench'd much to their advantage, but our men (Lieutenant Colonel Byron commanding the Foot) drew up boldly, and gave such sure fire, as they soon betook themselves to their last refuge (their heels) near 400. with 7 Captains, were slain, and one took Prisoner (viz. Rory-mac-Art-mac-Cross-mac-Mahon, and one Colour; 100 Muskets were taken, and Pikes covered the ground, others securing themselves by a bog near at hand, were so roughly admonished by a Drake from us, that they soon removed their standing: This hot skirmish was in sight of our Walls, the Lord Moore in this encounter behaving himself most gallantly, indeed no man braver; for after he was known by the Rebels, they endeavoured to have seized on him; yet though he had but 7 in his Company (being then at a distance from the main Body) charged them home, killed many, scattered the rest, and got off clear.

After that Tredath had relieved it self, and his Majesties Forces* 17.5 became full Masters of the field, several (as the Lord Nettervile, Lord Slane, and others) writ Letters to the State to excuse themselves, as did those with the Lord Gormanston, about the 21st. of March, to the Earl of Castlehaven, under the name of the United Lords, that he would move the State for a Cessation of Arms, and to know upon what Conditions they might come in and submit; which the Lords Justices and Council thought a demand full of Insolency, they having (till then) acted with the forwardest of the Rebels, notwithstanding whatever dehortations or encouragements, the State gave them to the contrary, so that then the State had no power to mitigate their Crimes; Nor did the Lords Justices and Councel then think fit to prostitute his Majesties Royal Grace, to men so ungrateful and unnatural: Besides, the State in their Commission and Instructions, found no express Warrant to pardon such pernicious Traitors, as (before they inclined to come in) hoped to carry all before them, by surprizal or open force.

In the last Service of my Lord Moore's, Barnewell of Rahasket (one of dangerous Parts) was taken, with some Priests and Friers; Darcy of Platten in Meath, about two miles from Tredath, was soon after sum∣mon'd, who denied the surrender of his House to the Earl of Ormond, yet after hearing of two Peeces of Battery, surrendred it. However, at Atherdee, the Rebels killed all the Protestants, whilst the Earl of Ormond, Lieutenant General, leaving Dublin the 7th. of March, (prosecuting the Design formerly mention'd, upon the arrival of the Forces out of Eng∣land, that they might not be idle in the City) was not far from Tredath,* 17.6 with 3000 Foot, and 500 Horse, burning the County of Meath, and se∣veral of the Lords of the Pale's Houses in their March, who came to Tre∣dath the 11th. of March, exceedingly admiring that such weak Walls should be able to resist so potent an Enemy. His Lordship, with the Go∣vernour, the Lord Moore, Sir Thomas Lucas, Sir Simon Harcourt, Sir Robert Ferrall, and others, in a Councel of War, determin'd to prosecute the Rebels: But the Earl of Ormond, with the rest of his Forces, being summon'd to Dublin, on Business of great importance, (beneath the ca∣pacity of those who would have had it otherwise) the Work fell wholly on the Lord Moore and the Governour, who were by the Earl of Ormond recruited with four Companies of Foot, and two Troops of Horse, and two Peeces of Battery; and upon the 21. of March, with 1000 Foot, and 200 Horse, they march'd forward, finishing what they had left unburnt at Slane, and other Villages in the way. And the 23. of March, they advanc'd with Fire and Smoak towards Atherdee; about a mile from Town, the Enemy was descried to be drawn up into two Divisions, re∣ported to be 1100 or 1500. upon which Sir Henry Tichborn drew his Souldiers into Battalia, sending up a forlorn Hope before to scour the Ditches, which they so effectually did, as stumbling upon an Ambuscado of the Enemy's Musketiers, they beat them out of their Holes, drawing so nimbly upon them, as they killed about 400 of them in a miles space. At the foot of the Bridge our Foot found some resistance, by Musketiers plac'd in a Tower; upon which Sir Henry Tichborn (finding a passage over the River) galled them so on the other side, that they soon aban∣don'd it. The passage thus open'd, the Horse enter'd, and with a full ca∣reer chas'd them through the Town, where one Lieutenant Colonel, and five Captains of the Rebels, were slain, the Lord Moore doing much exe∣cution with his own hands. Now the passage being clear, our Forces* 17.7 made an assault on Dundalk, fortified by the Rebels, with a double Wall, double Ditch, Marsh-ground on one side, and Sea on the other, so that our difficulty was great. Yet we approach'd the Town the 26th. of March, about Nine in the Morning, planted our Ordnance on a little Hill near the Gate, which 500 of them defended a while against a forlorn Hope of ours, till they pursued their Work so close, as they made many of the Rebels fall, at which they retired; which our Men perceiving, in∣creas'd their fears by shouting, that at length a Division, under the Com∣mand of Lieutenant Colonel Waineman, of about 300, resolutely approach'd the Gate with Pick-axes, and after a strong encounter enter'd with the Horse, who pursued the Enemy with a full Gallop, killing many; but (upon the turning towards the next Gate, seeing 2 or 3 brass Peeces planted, and 500 of the Rebels ready to receive us) we fairly retreated, whilst a Castle, plac'd at the head of that Street, (man'd with their best Musketiers) in our return played very hot upon us, whereby 10 of our

Men were slain, and Ensign Fortescue (a sprightly Gentleman) one Ser∣jeant, and one that carried the Colours for another; Lieutenant Francis Moore was there also shot upon the shoulder-piece of his Armour, without much hurt, (a Gentleman that merits much for his service through the whole Business.) At this (we being not subject to lose any Men) the Governour and the Lord Moore were so enraged, that they set the Houses near the Castle (the only Remora) on fire, through which (the Wind blowing the smoak on the Castle, and the Souldiers making bundles of dried Bean-stalks, intermixt with Tow and Gunpowder, and carrying these on their heads) they got themselves un-descried to the Castle∣door, where they laid down their bundles, and giving fire by a train of Powder, blew up the Door, and some other Boards, those within (be∣ing almost choaked, and fully frighted) leapt out at a Window, and a Serjeant of Captain Owen's, with 5 Men (upon condition that they might have the pillage of the Place) enter'd it, and speedily shewed (by their naked swords on the top of the Castle) that they were Masters of it. At which the Governour and the Lord Moore were reviv'd, and immedi∣ately quench'd the Fires, and man'd the Castle with 30 good Musketiers, who, playing thick into the Town, hindred the Rebels from walking the Streets. Afterwards we drew up two Peeces of Ordnance against the in∣ner Gate, and with 10 Wool-packs (found in the Castle very opportune∣ly) a kind of Bulwark was made for the Musketiers, which the Rebels perceiving, left their Peeces there loaden. Whereupon the Governour took a Division of a Party of Horse, and drew by the back of the Town, (towards the North-Gate) killing 40 in his way, and enter'd at a by-Gate, found the Town deserted. The Lord Moore, in the interim, also beating open the Gates, took possession of the two brass Peeces, and ano∣ther in the Market-place, and so at Seven a Clock the same Night we were Masters of all. About 100 of theirs were killed, and some 14 of ours, 120 Protestants were thereby reliev'd, and much good Pillage of all sort taken therein: Our Forces upon Muster next Morning were found to be but 750 Foot, and 200 Horse, theirs near 3000 within the Town, besides in Artillery and brass Peeces they much exceeded us.

Thus Tredath, which not long since was (in the opinion of most) given up as an irrecoverable prey to the Rebels, now surviv'd their scorns; and that meerly through God's Mercy, on the courage and valour of the besieged, bearing out against the utmost of Extremity and Treachery, faithfully set down by Dean Bernard, in his siege of Tredath, 1642. de∣scrib'd with the Follies of several superstitions and vanities, no ways pre∣valent to the practiser; and had not the providence of the State (at that time) been singular, no doubt but Dublin would soon have been the tri∣umph of their malice and cruelties. And now the County of Lowth (which lay on the other side of the Boine) being clear'd, Ardes and Dundalk also being taken in, Sir Phelim O-Neal, who (on all occasions) made a most inconsiderable resistance, ran with the first, being reserv'd for a further mischief; he got to the Newry, and thence passed down into the Counties of Tyrone and Ardmagh, where (in revenge of his losses* 17.8 before Tredath) he exercis'd the uttermost of his Cruelties on Men, Wo∣men, and Children, whom he had to that time suffer'd to live amongst the Irish, most barbarously killing the Lord Cawfield, when he least sus∣pected it, and caus'd Mr. Blany (a Gentleman of good Quality) to be hanged for refusing to hear Mass. About the same time, Mulmore O-Re∣lie

being likewise driven from the siege of Tredath, retiring to Belturbet, (in the County of Cavan) there commanded the poor British, who thitherto (i. e. after the great slaughter) had surviv'd to the number of 60. to be forced off the Bridge into the Water, where they were swallow∣ed up: As did Sir Phelim O-Neal, who missing the taking in of the Ca∣stle of Augher, in the County of Ardmagh, in revenge gave directions to Mulmore-Mac-Donnel, (a most cruel and merciless Rebel) to kill all the English and Scotch within the Parishes of Mullebrack, Loghgilly, and Kil∣cluneny, destroying there not less than 1500 Protestants, since the 23. of October, 1641. He exercis'd also his cruelty in the same manner, for his loss before Lisnagarvy, Newry, and other Places, upon the poor Prote∣stants, as if by offering so many innocent Souls to death, he should have expiated the guilt of his Cowardliness and Treacheries.

Thus the English Forces enduring no resistance where they came, either possest themselves of the Castles tenable, or demolisht the rest, and ha∣ving clear'd all passages 'twixt Dublin and Tredath, part of them retir'd to Dublin; whilst Sir Phelim O-Neal gave but cold entertainment to the Inhabitants of the Pale, that had for their safety (after their Confederacy with him) retir'd into his Quarters; he and his Confederates renewing their ancient Animosities against them, (the old English) as those who* 17.9 formerly pursued the Irish in the defence of themselves, telling them, That the time was not yet past memory, when they had done, as now, stir'd up the meer Irish to rebel, making those in the North declare themselves, and when they found them not likely to prosper, deserted them, exposing them to the fury of the English, and their Countrey to ruine and desolati∣on; but now they were even, their Countrey being first ruined. This harsh scornful usage of the old English, by the Northern Irish, after so solemn a conjunction between them, and under such a publick calamity fallen upon them, bred in them a great consternation and trouble; and it made so sad an impression upon the Lord Viscount Gormanston, (who was the chief instrument to bring the Northern Irish into the Pale, and there to work out that solemn conjunction between them) as it broke his heart, and he soon after died, lamenting his Treachery and Infidelity, that he had not been only the ruine of himself and his posterity, but the great fire∣brand of his Countrey, out of vain ambitious ends, or for the setting up of fond superstitious Inventions, entertaining such Designs, as had already caus'd huge streams of blood to be shed, and were now likely to determine in nothing, but the extirpation of the old English Families, out of those plentiful Parts of the Countrey, wherein they had most happily seated themselves, and which they had most pleasantly enjoy'd, ever since the first Conquest of Ireland. Others had the same Apprehensions; but being now involv'd with the Ulster Forces, and having withstood the date of his Majesty's Favour, the next course was to colour their Proceedings by pretence of Grievan∣ces, that by Forgeries and Calumnies, which they never spare to vent and publish, when they would withdraw the Subjects from their obedi∣ence, they might the more colourably palliate their foul Contempts, con∣founding Times, that the rise of their Insurrection might seem to have some ground and encouragement thence: And to that end, they of the Pale made an Apology to his Majesty, fraught with so many vain, imperti∣nent, and malicious Stories, as (in the judgement of the knowing and moderate States-man) serve only to increase their guilt; the main of whatsoever is there alledged, being fully answer'd, in the Reply to the Remonstrance given in at Trym, the 17th. of March, 1642.

About this time the King (considering how slowly the Supplies for Ireland went on) offer'd (by a Message the 8th. of April, 1642.) in Per∣son to go thither, (as before he had done the 14th. and 24th. of Febru∣ary,* 17.10 as also the 9th. of March, 1641.) intending to raise his Guard of 2000 Foot, and 200 Horse, out of the Counties near Chester, and to en∣gage his Crown-Lands for the relief of his miserable Subjects there: Well knowing, (as in one of his Declarations to the Parliament he expresses) That as he was (in his Interest) more concern'd than any of his Subjects, so he was to make a stricter account to Almighty God for any neglect of his duty, or his Peoples preservation. But the Parliament Voted, That for his Ma∣jesty to go thither in Person, He would be subject to the casualty of War, and the secret Practises and Conspiracies of the Rebels; it would be an in∣couragement to the Rebels; it would impair the means to subdue the Re∣bels, and increase the Charge; and withall dishearten the Adventurers to subscribe and pay in their Money: It would also interrupt the proceedings of the Parliament, increase the jealousies and fears of the People, and be∣reave the Parliament of that advantage, whereby they were induc'd to un∣dertake the War, upon promise that it should be manag'd by their advice; so as the Journey would be against the Law. And that whosoever should as∣sist him in it, should be an Enemy to the Common-wealth; and that the She∣riffs of Counties should raise Power to suppress any Levies he should make to that purpose: Being loath (saith his Majesty in his Solitudes) to shoot at any mark here less than himself; or that any should have the glory of his de∣struction but themselves. Whilst at the same time, his Majesties Subjects of Scotland, in an Act of Council at Edinburgh the 22d. of April follow∣ing, upon this occasion takes notice, That there could be no greater de∣monstration of Care and Princely Courage, than this his Majesties intention to go in Person into Ireland against the Rebels. Upon the signification of which Royal Intent to the State there, the Lords Justices and Council, in a Letter to his Majesty the 23d. of April, 1642. taking notice of his Princely Purpose, to take just vengeance on the perfidious Rebels, humbly besought him to come so provided, as to appear in that Kingdom suitable to the Great∣ness and Wisdom of so mighty a King. Which Letter, how finely soever it was covered, went not (in some mens opinion) without a discourage∣ment; forasmuch as that though some (at Court) might conceive (by his Majesties coming over) a Peace might be made with the Irish when his Majesty pleas'd; yet by taking in so base, perfidious, and barbarous a People, who in so execrable a manner had cut off such multitudes of the English, the event (as was privately signifi'd by some) could not re∣dound to his Majesties Honour. Besides, the Soldiers were then grown so implacable to the Irish, as they would scarce endure any ordinary Papist, much less suffer a Rebel to be admitted amongst them. After all, his Ma∣jesties resolutions for Ireland were prevented, not without several con∣structions, as each Party apprehended the Scene: Though his Majesty express'd, that he would never refuse or be unwilling to venture his Per∣son for the good and safety of his People, yet he was not so weary of his life as to hazard it impertinently, and therefore at present should desist. However as yet, the Protestant Army in Ireland being competently sup∣plied, the Rebels were frequently chastized.

To say truth, after the raising of the Siege of Tredath, and the conse∣quences thereupon, his Majesties Forces so enlarged their Quarters, as no considerable Enemy (save some Castles) lay nearer Dublin than twen∣ty

miles on any side, that now the Lords Justices thought it high time to provide for the safety of such places as lay more remote in the Coun∣trey, the English having in many Places (upon the first rising of the Irish) possess'd themselves of some Forces, Strong Holds, Towns and Castles, which (though very ill provided) they did for many months (yea, some for years, after the first breaking out of the Rebellion) defend, notwith∣standing long Sieges, multitudes of Rebels encompassing them, and all means by Treachery, Force or Famine, experienc'd to draw them into their possession.

It will here take up too large a space in this Story (where many con∣siderable things may fall besides the Pen) to recite the gallant actions perform'd by several private Persons in some inconsiderable (in respect of Strength) Places; many Women shewing more courage, constancy, and resolution in the defence of what they were necessitated to, than the Men without did in their undertakings against them. Great were the Straits many of them were put unto, enduring all manner of extremities, subjecting themselves to all kind of dangers, not daunted with the mul∣titudes of Rebels that lay about them, they in many places issued out, and lived onely on the Spoils they took from them, fighting continually for their daily bread, which they never wanted as long as their Enemies had it. The Rebels were so undextrous in the management of their Sieges, as they took very few Places by force; in all their Attempts, whether by Mine, Battery, Assault, they seldom prosper'd: The great Engine where∣by they master'd any Fort of the English, was Treachery; Offers of safe Conduct, and other Conditions of Honour and Advantage, which might induce the Besieged (sometimes reduc'd to the utmost extremities) to surrender their Places into their hand; which (though solemnly sworn and sign'd) they yet seldom or never kept, but left several Places as Mo∣numents of their Treachery and Infidelity, using those (who surrender'd them) as they did the poor Protestants in the Town and Castle of Longford, whom (they having besieged, and drawn to yield up into their hands upon condition of Quarters, and safety for their Persons) they (as soon as they issued out) fell upon with their Skenes, their Priest (as a signal for the rest to fall on) first ripping open the belly of the Minister amongst the English; then his followers soon kill'd and hang'd the rest. After this manner used they the 150 Protestants, who yielded up (upon fair Quar∣ter) the Castle of Tullagh, and the Church of Newtown, in the County of Fermanagh. And the 1400 or 1500 at Belturbet, and the Inhabitants of Ardmagh and Loughgell, and those under the conduct of the Lord Mayo; and those 120 murther'd by the Mac-Swynes; as those who yielded the strong Castle of Cloghleigh (situate upon the Manningwater) to Richard Condon, who promised Quarter and a safe Convoy to Castelions, con∣trary to which, they were all of them either hang'd, kill'd, wounded, or kept Prisoners by him and his Company. In the same manner also he used a Party of the Earl of Barrimore's Troop, who (having bravely maintain'd themselves in a House in Coole against his Forces) were by his Promise (on the Faith of a Soldier and a Christian) of a safe Conveyance to Castelions, contented to yield it up; but were immediately (upon their coming forth) murther'd: As some English Families, and the Garrison Soldiers at Sligo were used by O Connor Slygah, who (upon the quitting of their Holds) promis'd them Quarter, and to convey them over the Curlew Mountains in safety to Abbeyboyle or Roscommon; but he first im∣prison'd

them in a most nasty Goal, allowing them onely Grains for their food, and afterwards (when the Rebels were merry with Company, that came to congratulate their Victory over these poor Creatures) those which survived were brought forth (by a Frier, O Connor's Brother, and others) and kill'd, or precipitated over the Bridge into a swift Water, where they were presently destroy'd. And at Teagh-Temple, after the English and Scots (who retired thither, were not able longer to resist the Enemy) had yielded the Place, on Conditions to be brought in safe Con∣duct to Abbeyboil, were murther'd, hang'd, or buri'd alive: At which ter∣rible sight, Mrs. Olyfant (a Ministers Wife) being great with Child, fell in Labour, but was still beat forward, till at last the Child slipt from her, and, what was horrible, she was forced to draw that poor Infant (and the Concomitants of such an accident) after her, till she died, with sport to them. The Story would be too long, should we mention those 140 taken forth to be sent for England, and drown'd at Portadown: or those numbers drawn to Florence Fitz-Patricks house, and there slain: Or those 60 and odd persons gathered together, on pretence of sending them to Clanhughboyes, drown'd by them: Or their perfidious breach of Quarter, as that of Captain Sanders, which we rather remit to future Story, not touching what they do in open War, but their putting the blood of War in their Girdles in the time of Peace. Though we must say, that when the Instructions for the Protestant Agents of Ireland came afterwards to be consider'd, great artifice there was, that the cruelties committed against the Protestants, after Quarter given, Promises and Oaths for security or safe Convoy, should be struck out. But no more of this.

The State considering these sad truths, and that none but a considera∣ble Army was to appear abroad, they provided 4000 Foot, and 1500 Horse, to be sent out under the Command of the Earl of Ormond, Lieute∣nant General of the Army.

While Preparations were making for this Expedition, Sir Simon Har∣court* 17.11 (who loved always to be in action) the 26th. of March, 1642. took a small Party of men, and went out towards the County of Wickloe, where he found the Rebels had possessed themselves of a Castle, called Carrick∣main, within four miles of Dublin; and seeing him draw near to it with those small Forces, and finding him to have no Artillery, so as their Walls were of sufficient strength to bear them out against any attempts he could make, they began to brave him from within, and to use reproachful signs from the top of the Castle, thereby to express their contempt and scorn of him. This his spirit was not well able to brook; and considering the Castle was not invincible, and that it would be very great advantage to the City of Dublin to remove so ill a Neighbour; and that with two Pieces of Battery he could take it (in some few hours) he sent presently away to the Lords Justices to acquaint them with his Design, and to de∣sire them to send unto him the two Great Guns for the effecting of it. They very well approv'd his Design, and gave present order for the car∣rying them out, together with all necessaries and provisions fitting for the service. In the mean time, he took special care for the surrounding of the Castle, and disposing of his Men so, as they might prevent the Rebels is∣suing out: In which Service, Serjeant Major Berry (with 200 Fire-locks, viewing the Castle) was shot in his side, though he died not till eight days after of a Feaver. All things being put in order, whilst they attended the coming of the Great Peeces, (now on their way) Sir Simon Harcourt,

with some of the Commanders, laid themselves down under the side of a little thatch'd house, standing near the Castle, (which they took as a shelter to keep off the Enemies bullets) from whence he suddainly rose up to call to the Souldiers, to stand carefully to their Arms, and to their Duties, in their several Stations; Which one of the Rebels (from within) perceiving, discharged his Piece at him, and shot him into his right breast, under the neck bone; and being so wounded, he was carried off, expressing his submission to the good hand of God, and much joy'd to pour out his last blood in that Cause; The pain of his Wound was so great, as they could not bring him to Dublin, but carried him to Mirian, a house of the Lord Fitz-Williams where the next day he died, to the great grief of the English, and the prejudice of the Service. His Lieutenant Colonel Gibson took the Command of that Party, and the* 17.12 great Guns being come, within the space of very few hours, made a breach sufficient for the Souldiers to enter, who, being mightily enra∣ged with the loss of their most beloved Colonel, entred with great fury putting all to the Sword, sparing neither Man, Woman, or Child. The first Officer that led them on in the breach, was Robert Hammond, (Brother to Doctor Hammond, that famous and excellent Divine) En∣sign to Sir Simon Harcourt, who carried himself very gallantly in this Service, and from thence return'd into England, where (in the ensuing War, by the several exploits he perform'd in the Reduction of the West of England, under the Command of the Parliament) he attain'd unto a very great Reputation, and one of the chief Commanders in their Army; And at the King's coming to the Isle of Wight, was Gover∣nour of Carisbrook Castle, and of the Isle, and (upon his notice to the Parliament that the King was arriv'd there) had Command to attend* 17.13 his Majesty with Respect and Honour, with a promise that nothing should be wanting to defray the Kings expences, in which service (a ticklish task at that time) I do not find that he forfeited his trust, or otherwise demean'd himsélf, then was well accepted.

At the time that Sir Simon Harcourt went forth, the Lords Justices and Council, finding what ill Instruments the Priests continued to be, in kindling and fomenting the Rebellion, caused as many of them as were in Town to be seized on, who being put into French bottoms, were shipt into France.

By this time the intended preparations to march forth, under the Lieutenant General (the Earl of Ormond) were ready; The Design was to relieve several Places of strength, some besieged, others much distressed by their wants and necessities, but which way the Army was* 17.14 to march, or what Place they were first to go to, was kept as a secret; However the Army, Saturday the second of April, 1642. marched from Dublin towards the Naas, with 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse, arriving at Athy, the 5th. being 27 miles from Dublin; from whence they sent out several Parties to relieve Carlow, Marryburrough, Balinokill, the Burr, Caterlagh, Clogh-grevan, Ballylivan, and several other Castles and Towns then in distress, which they did without much opposition, re∣leasing many Women, Children, and other unprofitable People, much incommoding those Places; Sir Patrick Weams, Captain of the Lieute∣nant Generals Troop, Captain Armstrong, Captain Yarner, Captain Harman, Captain Schout, Colonel Crafford, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Charles Coote, in their several Commands,

doing excellent service in their Relief of these Castles, and strong Holds; The last passing with no little danger through Mountrath Woods (whence Sir Charles Coote's Heir had his title worthy his, and his Fathers merits) to Marryburrough, a Place of great consequence, seated amongst ill Neighbours.

Whilst these things were acting, the Rebels having gathered their Forces from Wickloe, Wexford, Caterlagh, Kildare, Queen's County, Kilkenny, Tipperary, and West-Meath, on Easter Sunday, the 10th. of April, they displayed 40 Colours, within two miles of Athy, near the Barrow, (of which Colonel Crafford gave speedy intelligence) under the Command of the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, the Lieutenant Ge∣neral's great Unkle, making of the old English and Irish near 10000 men, Horse and Foot; which the Lieutenant General perceiving, on the other side of the River of the Barrow, to have sent out some Horse near Tankards∣town, over against Grangemellain; His Lordship return'd to Athy, giving out he would fight them the next day; but their numbers vastly exceed∣ing his, and he, having done the service he went out for, thought it as honourable to retire to Dublin, in the face of them, with Sir John Bowen, Fitz-Girrald of Timoga, Richard Grace of Marryburrough, and Captain Crosby, Prisoners. But when they came to Black-hale-heath, between* 17.15 Kilrush and Rathmore, about 20 miles from Dublin, the Army of the Rebels drew up in a place of advantage, to hinder the passage of the English Army, having two great Ditches on each Wing, so high that we could see no more then the heads of their Pikes, and with such a hill before, (betwixt them and us) that we could scarce see their Colours, the wind also on their backs, and a great Bog a mile behind them. However the Lieutenant General called a Councel under a thorn hedge, (being loath to venture so gallant an Army on such disadvantages) but the English Commanders were all of opinion, they should be fought with, numbers making no difference, where the Cause was so good: in as much as Sir Charles Coote told them in few words, that he discern'd fear in the Rebels faces, as well as Guilt in their Persons, and that he thought they would hardly stay, till his Lordship had put his men in or∣der for the battle, and therefore desired they might have presently Com∣mand to fall on, which indeed he was ever ready to obey before the Word was given, neither the matter nor the time now admitting of de∣bate. Whereupon, Friday the 15th. of April, about 7 in the morning, the English Army marching, as if they would force their way to Dublin, leaving in and about Athy, Captain Erasmus Burrows, Captain Grimes, Captain Thomas Welden, and the two Captain Piggots, with their Com∣panies, 300 whereof was part of our Army, which made ever now and then (as the Enemy halted) an halt, and resolving to fight the Enemy, drew up in that sort as did best agree with the Ground; Sir Charles Coote (who commanded in chief under his Lordship) had the ordering of the Foot; Sir Thomas Lucas of the right Wing of Horse, and Sir Richard Greenvile of the left; The Lieutenant-General having many Gentlemen with him, (who voluntarily followed him in that expedition) put them all in a Troop, under the Command of Major Ogle, a Reformade, (a worthy Person) and himself in the midst of the first rank of them, and so attended the Encounter; the Ordnance first began to play, but without much effect; The Rebels Army led by Mountgarret, Purcel Baron of Loghmo, Hugh-mac Phelim Birn, Lieutenant of the Leimster Forces,

Colonel Toole, Sir Morgan Cavenagh, Colonel Morris Cavenagh, Arthur Caanaugh, Colonel Bagnall, the Lord Dunboyne, Colonel Roger Moore, was drawn up (as I have said) in a place of great advantage, upon the top of a hill, where there were but too narrow passages to come at them; yet our forlorn Hope (commanded by Captain Rochford) con∣sisting of 150 Musketiers, making up the hill fiercely, discharged upon the Rebels, and was seconded by Captain Sandford, with his Fire-locks, Sir Charles Coote leading up the rest of the Foot with great celerity; Colonel Crafford in the Van, and Serjeant Major Pigot, excellently well discharging their Commands. But before these could come near them, our Horse both under Sir Thomas Lucas, and Sir Richard Greenvile, (one charging at one of the passages, the other at the other) fell in upon them, who would not stand the first shock, but fled presently, taking their flight to a great Bog not far from them, (a Sanctuary which the Irish in all their flights, chuse commonly to provide for themselves, and seldom fail to make use of it) and so the English gain'd this Victory without any considerable loss, or much hazard; whilst a body of 2000 Rebels, led by the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, and General Hugh Birn, wheeling about, thought to possess themselves of our Ordnance, Carriage, and Ammunition, which my Lord of Ormond perceiving, drew out one of his Divisions to attend that great Body, and with them and some Voluntier Horse, to the number of 30. which were then with his Lord∣ship, (the rest following the execution) he faced that Body, and within a short time put them to rout: there were not above 600. some write 300, of the Irish slain, amongst which, there was the Lord of Dun∣boyn's Brothers, the Lord of Ikernis Sons, and Colonel Cavenagh's Heads, brought by the Souldiers to the Lieutenant General. The Ene∣my lost twenty Colours, many Drums, all their Powder and Ammuni∣tion, the Lord Mountgarrets Wain, drawn by 8 Oxen, where all his Pro∣vision was, his Sumpture, and the Lord of Ikernis Sumpture. Colonel Monk, who (by the quick flight of the Irish) was prevented from doing that service in the field he intended, followed with a Party of his Regi∣ment, to the Bog which the Rebels had taken, which looked even black, (for their Apparel was generally black) being all cover'd over with them, and there began to fall upon them, as resolving upon a severe execution; But he was commanded to retire, having got Honour enough that day, and so the Army marched off the field confusedly, whereas that Victory (how just soever) is ill gloried in, which is the loss of Sub∣jects. The Van of our Army lay that night at old Connel, the rest on the Corrough of Kildare, all in open field; arriving at Dublin the 17th. of April, where they were receiv'd by the Lords Justices and Council, with all imaginable demonstrations of Joy and Honour; The Lieute∣nant-General's behaviour being presented to the King and Parliament, with the greatest advantage to his Person, as the business would afford: in as much as the Parliament voted 500 l. to be bestowed in a Jewel, and to be sent him, as an honourable mark of the high esteem they had of him, for that days service, which was accordingly done, and brought to his Lordship, with a Letter of thanks from them, though I do not hear that he did ever place the Jewel or Letter in his Archive; Notwith∣standing we find his Majesty takes notice, that he was the Person very well approv'd of by the two▪ Houses of Parliament, so as the War of Ireland was still managed by his Care, and the future Concerns thereof

intrusted to his vigilance, as the condition of his Majesties Affairs there, should be thought important: though it was not long before the Parlia∣ment entertain'd some jealousies, to the prejudice of his service against the Rebels, which (in reference to what was committed to his charge▪) never alter'd his Principles or Integrity.

In Connaght generally, the English Garrisons excellently well bestirr'd* 17.16 themselves, to the relief of their own, and neighbours streights; wherein Sir Charles Coot Junior, mov'd with much vigour and Integrity, often in∣festing the Rebels from Castle-Coot; he had frequent intelligence from the Marquiss of Clanrickard's own hand (not daring to trust another, lest he might be betrayed) who being Governour of the County of Galloway, had Loghreogh and Portumna, his proper Inheritance to reside in, to which the English resorted with much security, and were indeed by him reliev'd with great Hospitality, to an incredible charge of his own Purse, hanging many (though of his own kindred) whom he found imbrued in Blood, greatly resenting the Barbarism and Inhumanity of the Irish; In as much as Hubert Boy Bourk, and Sir Ulick Bourk, his near Relations, preying on the English, he often frustrated by discovering, their Designs, and furnishing Sir Charles Coot from time to time, with supplies of Arms and Ammunition, to oppose them, and impoverish their Country: So that at last by the advice of Colonel Walsh and others, they erected a standing Camp near the Kreggs, to molest and pen up our Garrison of Castle-Coot, which being almost compleated, the Garrison issued out upon them, who receiv'd us with a good volly of Shot, which ours answer'd not, (according to command) till we came close to them; which being done with great resolution, their hearts fail'd them, and they betook themselves to the next Bog, which being at some distance, gave our Horse and Foot a fair opportunity to hew them down, before they could reach it; in which service Major Walsh behav'd himself well, with Courage and Rhetorick, endeavouring to make the Rebels stand, but in vain, he at length being forc'd to take the Bog for his own refuge, leaving in the Camp, Bread, Arms, Powder, Corn, Meal, &c. in great quantity, which being more then we could carry away, we were forced to burn. In the Spring following, Sir Charles Coot being inform'd of a good Prey of Cattle in the Barony of Athlone, towards Balniaslo, in the O Mores Country, he (with his Forces) adventur'd thither, got some Cattle, great quantity of Cloth, and other necessaries, killing many of their Souldiers in their beds; though in his return he was fought with by the Rebels, sculking in in-accessible Places, from whence he at last got free, with no small hazard to his Person, and loss to the Enemy; Major Sumner in this (as in the whole Siege of Castle-Coot, and other places in Connaght) doing excellent service, as Councellor, Engineer, and Souldier, worthily keeping his promise with one Kelly, a Gentleman of good Quality, and a kin to the Earl of Clanrikard, whom, begging his life, he saved, ransoming himself afterwards for 10. l. in money, ten barrels of Wheat, and as much Salt, which at the following Siege of Castle-Coot, proved of great value, being sold then at 2s. a Quart. After which in Easter week 1642. Sir Charles Coot attempted to relieve Ath∣lone, and (after some small dispute) did it, though the access to the Place was such, as a few men might have been able to have stop'd 1000. he found his greatest difficulty was to fill up the trenches that the Enemy had made, as his Horse might have free access, which at last he compass'd,

relieving the Place with what Cattle and other Provisions he got in his Expedition, not being a little startled, that by such a Troop as the Presi∣dent there had, and other Conveniencies, no more should have been be∣fore attempted. Nor had Roscommon, Tulsk, Elphin, Knockvicar, Abbey∣boyle, Belanfad, Persons less active in their defence, even from the first surprizals of the Rebels, acting to amazement, when nothing but their own courage secur'd their Forts; though the last, for want of Water, was compell'd (after a long siege) to yield to the Rebels, after that the Go∣vernour's two Brothers, (the Kings from Boyle) with Sir Charles Coot, had resolv'd to have reliev'd him; but at Carickdrumroosk, Sir Charles Coot having intelligence that his own Castle was assaulted, he was forced* 17.17 to retire back, and very happily prevented that Design in the nick of exe∣cution, though thereby the other Design was frustrated.

The 30th. of April, the Lords Justices and Council appointed a Fast to be observed monthly upon each Friday before the Sacrament, to continue until Declaration were made to the contrary, for the wonderful discovery of the late Plot against the State and true Religion, as for the happy and prosperous success which God in his mercy had given his Majesties Forces against the Rebels, and for the avoiding Gods just indignation for the future.

Upon the return of our Forces from the Battle of Kilrush, within few days, Philip Sidney, Lord Viscount Lisle, eldest Son to the Earl of Lei∣cester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Dublin, (his Regiment having arriv'd before.) He was a Member of the House of Commons in England, and by them recommended to his Father, to be made Lieu∣tenant-General of the Horse in Ireland, though very young. Assoon as he landed (being desirous to put himself upon action,) he undertook the relieving of the Lady of Offalia* 17.18; (Relict of Sir Robert Digby) who (upon the most insolent Menaces of the Rebels,) had return'd a noble answer, seconding that (though then very aged) with an un∣parallel'd and gallant defence, besieged in her Castle of Gheshell in the Kings-County, by a numerous company of Rebels, in a place of most difficult access, by reason of the Bogs and Woods which encompassed it on every side.

The Rebels Letter to the Lady Offalia, at Gheshel.

Honourable,

WE his Majesties loyal Subjects, being at present imployed in his Highnesses Service, for the taking of this your Castle, you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said Castle, promising faithfully, that your Ladyship, together with the rest in the said Castle restant, shall have a reasonable Composition; otherwise upon the not yield∣ing of the Castle, we do assure you, that we will burn the whole Town, kill all the Protestants, and spare neither Man, Woman, nor Child, upon ta∣king the Castle: Consider (Madam) of this our offer, and impute not the blame of your own folly unto us, think not that here we brag; Your Lady∣ship upon submissiion shall have a safe Convoy to secure you from the

hands of your Enemies, and to lead you where you please. A speedy Reply is desired with all expedition, and thus we surcease.

Henry Dempsy.

Charles Dempsy.

Andr. Fitz. Patrick.

Con. Dempsy.

Phelim Dempsy.

John Vicars.

James Mac Donnel.

Superscrib'd, To the Honou∣rable and thrice Vertuous Lady, the Lady Digby: These Give.

The Lady Offalia her Answer to the Rebels. Superscrib'd, For her Cousin Henry Dempsy, and the Rest.

I Receiv'd your Letter, wherein you threaten to sack this my Castle, by his Majesty's Authority. I am and ever have been a loyal Subject, and a good Neighbour amongst you, and therefore cannot but wonder at such an Assault. I thank you for your offer of a Convoy, wherein I hold little safety; and therefore my resolution is, that being free from offending his Majesty, or doing wrong to any of you, I will live and die innocently, and will do my best to defend my own, leaving the issue to God; and though I have been, and still am desirous to avoid the shedding of Christian Blood, yet being provoked, your threats shall no whit dismay me.

Lettice Offalia.

Sir Charles Coot accompanied the Lord Lisle in this Action, which,* 19.1 with 120 Foot and 300 Horse, was perform'd without much difficulty, the Rebels not daring to attend their Approaches to the Castle in a Body, but made little skirmishes from the Bogs as they passed along. In their way they took in the strong Fort of Phillips-Town in Kings-County, which was built upon a Pass in a Countrey, almost inaccessible in the former Wars, and kept always by the English against the Irish; but the Rebels, having by Treachery surprized this, (as they had done most of the other Places of Ireland) it was now taken from them by this small Party under the Lord Lisle, with their Pistols and Muskets, the swiftness of their March, and the illness of the Way, not admitting any other Artillery, such an Enemy not much needing it.

Being now upon their return to Dublin, understanding that the Lord Gormanston, and other Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, had gather'd a considerable Force together about Trym, the Lord Lisle (by the advice* 19.2 of Sir Charles Coote) turn'd his March that way with that small compa∣ny. When they came near the Town, they saw those Lords at no great

distance from them, but in such a posture as shewed they intended not to fight; and so facing about, they marched directly into the Town of Trym, which was a Place of very inconsiderable strength, but pleasantly situated upon the River of the Boyne, in an open Champion Countrey, and incompassed with a stone-Wall so old and ruinous, as afforded (in some places of it) entrance to Horse, over the heaps of rubbish, that lay in∣stead of the Wall. The Lord Lisle approach'd with those Forces to the Town, and Sir Charles Coote finding a place where he could get in some of his Horse, brought them on, and got them in without opposition, the Lords of the Pale resolving, of their dis-ability, to keep that Town, (though they had treble the number of the Assailants) quitted it, and march'd out in some hast, while the Lord Lisle's Horse enter'd in: so as they became Masters of the Town without the loss of one Man, and find∣ing it a Place of great advantage, situated in the most plentiful part of the Rebel's Quarters, they resolv'd to make a Garrison of it. And for this Reason Sir Charles Coote got the Lord Lisle to go to the Lords Justices at Dublin, and acquaint them with the success they had had, and the great benefit which might redound to the service of the State, if they would think fit to send them down Moneys to fortifie that Place, and a Regi∣ment of Foot to keep it.

The Lord Lisle (willing to improve all Arguments that might secure the present Affair) took some of his Horse to guard him to Dublin, and soon acquainted their Lordships with the Concern, pressing the Business with all advantages imaginable, whilst the Rebels having notice (the day following) of his repair to Dublin, (no Business being carried so private, as they had not soon intelligence thereof) gathered all their For∣ces together, and having near 3000 Men, they came (in the dead of the* 19.3 Night) to the very Walls of Trym, before they were discerned, thinking to surprize it. But the Sentinels gave the Alarm, and Sir Charles Coote (who never us'd to go to Bed when he was abroad) was the first that took it, and having his Horse ready, presently mounted, but could not (at the instant) get above 17 Horse with him; with these, however, he goes to the Gates, knowing that expedition was not only the life of Acti∣on, but must (at that time) be the only means of their preservation. He issued out, and fac'd the Enemy, very numerous, making their ap∣proaches towards them, some few more Horse re-inforcing his strength: He charged the first Troop of the Rebels that came towards him, routing them immediately, and following on, (upon their disorder) charg'd their main Body, which presently began to grow loose, which he per∣ceiving, so vigorously charg'd in amongst them, as they all betook them∣selves to flight, and he (having now more Men come out of the Town) pursued them with great alacrity, doing singular execution with his own hands. And as he was encouraging his Men, (bravely to pursue their* 19.4 flying Enemy) he was unfortunately shot in the Body (as it was thought) by one of his own Troopers, whether by design or accident was never known, it being (for many months after his death) generally report∣ed, and as generally believed, that He was accidentally slain by one of the flying Rebels, who in despair turn'd about and discharg'd his Musket at him. And this end had this gallant Gentleman, who began to be so ter∣rible to the Enemy, as his very Name was formidable to them: His Bo∣dy was brought to Dublin, and there inter'd with great solemnity, floods of English tears accompanying him to his Grave: After whose death, and

Sir Simon Harcourt's, the Fate of the English Interest in Ireland seem'd eclips'd, if not buried; the great Artifice being then (under several pre∣tences) to keep the Souldiers within their Garrisons, to consume the Provisions and Stores they had, or else to lead them forth without any considerable service till the Battle of Ross.

About the beginning of June, 1642. came over some Regiments, un∣der the Conduct of Sir Foulk Hunks, and Lieutenant Colonel Kirk, who brought over the Regiment design'd for the Lord Rannelagh; whereupon two Regiments were immediately dispatch'd for Connaght, and accompa∣nied thither by the Lord Lieutenant, who in that Expedition, took by storm, Knocklinch, a strong Castle of Mr. Linches, the besieged, except Women, (not accepting of Quarter) were put to the sword; and Trim∣bleston, a Castle of the Lord Trimbleston's, quitted on the former's success, as Kymkelf, a fair Castle of the Lord Nettervile's, and divers other Ca∣stles: And upon his approach towards Athlone, Sir James Dillon (who had besieged it ever since Christmass) ran away; so that the Lord Pre∣sident, with about 50 Horse, and some 200 Foot, met the Lieutenant General 5 miles from Athlone; and after an hour or two's stay in the Field, the Earl of Ormond took leave of the Lord President, leaving at his departure a Regiment for the President himself, and another under Sir Michael Earnly, Sir Abraham Shipman, and Sir Bernard Ashley, and two Troops of Horse, with which Forces the Lord President might have sub∣dued all Connaght, except Galloway. But he, instead of imploying such brave Men abroad, while the Summer lasted, kept them at home on short and rotten Commons, whereby most of them were famish'd, or contracted mortal Diseases, and were presently so enfeebled, that the tenth Man was hardly able to march. In the mean time, all almost that had fought against him of his Neighbours, were receiv'd under Contribu∣tion, which was never paid, nor Victuals brought in for his Men, though the Countrey yet abounded in Corn and Cattle; so that the Garrison of Castle-Coot, for meer pity, baked Bread, and sent them many Cart-fulls thereof, bringing away in their empty Carts many of their sick Men, that they might not perish. And yet at last the General (the Lord Pre∣sident) was perswaded to draw out his Men to service, besieging Ballagh Castle, in the mid-way between Roscommon and Athlone, wherein he made a breach, and commanded a Party to storm it. The Rebels killed many of our Men that day by shot, besides what perish'd by Stones, and other Materials thrown from the top of the Castle; the Night afterwards the Rebels stole to a Bog, not far distant, through the negligence of our Guards, and left us the Castle. The next Exploit of my Lord President, was (with the remnant of the two English Regiments, and what could be spared out of our Garrisons thereabouts) a March towards Balintober, to which he was provoked by the Enemy, and stimulated on by his own Party, impatient of further delays. O Conner Dun of Balintober, ever since his Son was taken, till now, (that is the middle of July, 1642.) had acted nothing, though the tacit Votes of the Province did seem to own him as their King, Prince, Roy telel, or what Name of Supremacy in that Province could be greatest; who seeing that those Forces which were sent from England, to the Lord President, to subdue that Province, (which at first much frighted the Rebels) had done nothing of moment, through a supine negligence, if not worse, and were much less considerable than those Forces which we had before, he began to awake out of his Ale and

Aqua-vitae, and to call in Subjects to help him, out of all the Parts of Connaght; but above all that came to joyn with him, none were more forward, or came in greater numbers, than the County of Maio-Men, and the rather, because in all the Conflicts of Connaght with the English, few of that great County came to fight with us. They drew together 1800 or 2000 Foot, and 160 Horse, and more had joyn'd with them, if we had defer'd to visit them. It was therefore adjudged necessary by the Lord President, Sir Charles Coot, Sir Mich. Earnly, Sir Abraham Ship∣man, Sir Edw. Povey, Sir Bernard Ashley, and others of the Council of War, That we should draw out all the Men, sick or sound, that were able to march, and march to Balintober. It was a wonder to see with what alacrity and courage, our new-come English put themselves on this ser∣vice, even they that were ready to die, (as divers of them did on the way) rejoycing that they might expire, doping their Countrey the best service they could, as Souldiers, and not as Dogs on a Dunghil. Our March that day was from▪ Roscommon, through Molinterim, and over the Hill of Oran, near Clalby, which is little more than 2 miles from Balin∣tober;* 19.5 from thence we might see the Enemy coming with all speed to meet us. The Lord President was of opinion that our Forces should re∣treat, and commanded it; but the rest were otherwise resolv'd, and with∣out his Orders drew on towards the Rebels, whilst he washed his hands from what evil might accrew. Our Commanders as they march'd, agreed how to order their Men, and on what piece of Ground; but the Enemy came on so fast, that they could not gain the Ground desired, which made the Work on our part more difficult, for all the way on that Hill, till we come near Balintober, is boggy, with great long Heath in all places, very unfit for Horse-service. However, when the Rebels came near us, Cap∣tain Rob. King with his Troop (well mounted, and well arm'd with Back and Brest, and as well disciplin'd as any in Ireland) was commanded to pass by their Front to their left Flank, as Sir Charles Coot, and Sir Edw. Povey, with the rest of their Troops, being before, nearer to the top of that ridge of Ground, were almost past, that they might make way for our forlorn Hope of Musketiers, to play in the Front of their great Body of Pikes coming on. Captain Rob. King (an old Souldier) in executing of this, saw (by the badness of the Ground he march'd on, and by the Rebels haste to come up) that he should not, without disorder, get by the left Point of this Battalia, gave order to his Men to fire in flank all at once, when they should be close up with the Point of the Battalia, over one another's Horses Manes, which was a thing seldom heard of or pra∣ctised, yet was no new thing either to him or his, for he had taught them this, amongst other Points of War he had long nurtur'd them in, which they exactly perform'd, when he was come within two Pikes lengths of the Enemy, with their Carbines. At which time our forlorn Hope of Foot being come up, fired with excellent success on that part of the Front that lay to the right hand; so that by this unexpected way of firing by the Horse, (timely assisted by the Foot) the Enemy was soon put into disor∣der, with the loss of many Men; which breach Captain King soon appre∣hending, and finding the Pikes of the fall'n Men to have intangled and gal∣led others, he rush'd in with his Horse, and breaking the left corner of the Battalia, so amazed the Rebels, as they fell into disorder, who (quit∣ting their Pikes all at once) made a great noise, and began to run; but before their running, (that was almost as soon as Captain King was got

into their Front) Sir Charles Coot and Sir Edward Povey charg'd them in the Flank with their Troops, with which they had kept the upper Ground, on purpose to encounter with the 160 Horse of the Rebels; and to them was Captain Robert King drawing to second them, or to fall into the Flank of this Battalia, (which he had new broken) but the Rebels Horse fled before they were able to come near, and therefore they had leisure to fall into the Flank of the Foot. This Battalia of Pikes was sup∣posed to be 1200. They had 1000 Musketeers, which either by bad way, or staying longer than the other, for to receive Ammunition, were not come up to begin the Battel, but were within Musket-shot, who also ran for company. Our men pursued, and killed most of them, but were commanded not to come too near Balintober, where the Credulous were to believe, some had seen beyond the Castle another great Body of Men; so as not pursuing this Victory, we lost the benefit of it. In this Battel there was a young Gentleman on the Irish side, who very gallantly be∣hav'd himself, after that his Party was fled, getting to the corner of a Ditch, where with his Pike he withstood the encounter of five Horse that had spent their shot, till an Agantick Soldier of the English getting with∣in him, slew him. And amongst the dead, one pulling a Mountero from the head of one, there fell down long Tresses of flaxen hair, who being further search'd, was found a Woman. After this, the President consider'd what was to be attempted; and it was resolv'd to go into the County of Galloway. But as in all other Designs, many Objections were alledg'd, and the Lord President with a few, accompani'd with the Marquis of Clan∣rickard, went to Galloway, before which the Lord Forbes (Lieutenant General under the Lord Brook) was come (the 9th. of August, 1642.) to besiege the Town with a Fleet; and having taken possession of the Abbey near adjoyning, landed many of his Battering Guns. But before he attempted any thing (according to his Commission) he first advised with the present Governour, (the Lord of Clanrickard) affectionate to his Majesties Service. As the Town seem'd to be placing his Majesties Co∣lours on the top of their Tower, charging Captain Willoughby (Gover∣nour of the Fort) with the breach of Pacification, (an Agreement, it seems, assented to by the State) though in vindication of himself, he and Captain Ashley alledg'd much: Great straits he had been put to, though at length happily reliev'd by the Earl of Clanrickard, when he was closely Beleaguer'd, together with the Archbishop of Tuam (Richard Boyle) and his Family, besides 36 Ministers, 26 of which serv'd as Sol∣diers, and did their Duty. After all, the Lord Forbes being by the Town, the Earl of Clanrickard, and the President of Connaght (with whom he had had several ineffectual Conferences) daily delay'd in what he en∣deavour'd to give Captain Willoughby satisfaction in, prepar'd to make his approach to the Town; but not being strengthen'd by any supply he could get from the Lord President, or Sir Charles Coot, and dishear∣ten'd by Captain Willoughby, in that every House in the Town was a Fort, he drew off, being perswaded to a Composition to be paid in Money within two months, which he never got. And at the Lord Presidents re∣turn to Athlone, the Soldiers Mutini'd, both Officers and Soldiers offer∣ing to go to Dublin; but the Common Soldiers being very weak, not able to draw into a considerable Body, (the Irish Kerns killing all sick and fainty persons, that could not accompany the Body of the Army) that intent for the present was deferr'd; though not long after they re∣turn'd

with Sir Richard Greenvile, whose seasonable relief, and the Bat∣tel of Raconnel, will be mention'd in its due place. Whilst the Lord Forbes sail'd up Limerick River, relieving some Places, and without much oppo∣sition took in Fits-Geralds (the Knight of the Valley, or Glyn) Castle, furnish'd with all Utensils and Provisions for a Family.

About the 20th. of June, 700 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, under the Command of Colonel Gibson, went into Wickloe, where the Rebels not daring to face them, they got much Prey, burnt many Villages, and return'd with success.

The Kings affairs now growing every day more straitned in Eng∣land than other, Sir Lewis Kirk at Court withdrew Sir Henry Stradling and Kettleby from guarding the Irish Coast, whereby presently after there came in both Arms and Ammunition in great quantities to Wex∣ford; as also several Irish Commanders, as Preston, Cullen, Plunket, and others, who having been Colonels in France, were readily entertain'd there, much to the heartning of the Rebels.

However, in Ulster, the 28th. of June, Sir Robert Stewart and Sir Wil∣liam* 19.6 Stewart (Persons deserving excellently well of the State) near Ra∣phoe, got a considerable Victory over the Rebels under Sir Phelim O-Neal, slaying near 2000 of them, though much inferiour in number, Arms, and Ammunition; whilst Monroe sought them towards the Newry, but had not so good luck to encounter them, as he had the 23d. of May pre∣ceding, when he gave the Irish Committee of the Parliament of England this account, That with 2000 Foot and 300 Horse, he beat Owen Mac-Art O-Neal, Sir Phelim O-Neal, and Owen Mac-Art the General's Son, being all joyn'd together with their Forces, and forced them to return upon Charlemont: after quitting the Generals house to be spoil'd and burnt by them, with the whole Houses in Louhgall, being the best Plantation in Ulster, and straightest for defence of the Rebels.

Thus in some places whilst we find the War succeeded, the Lords Ju∣stices in the midst of August, suspecting Preston's Forces should increase, and (according to the resolution of the Parliament at Kelkenny) should first gain the Out-Garrisons, and then besiege Dublin, were forced to re∣quire the Lord Conway to come unto their aid with 3000 Foot, and all the Horse he could procure, to prosecute the War in Leimster: Who re∣turn'd an Answer, That their Companies were so weak, they could not draw them together; and that the Rebels (having then receiv'd new Supplies) were strong, and that he was engag'd to meet the Earl of Leven (the Scots General) to encounter Owen O-Neal, with all the Forces he could* 19.7 get. Thus that Province reserved to it self its own strength, not coming in, as by the Tenth Article with the Parliament of England the Scots were engaged to.

In Munster the Scene was hot; for the Parliament of England having* 19.8 sent over (as into Leimster) several Regiments of Foot, and some Troops of Horse unto Sir William St. Leger, Knight, who (having long serv'd in the Low-Countreys with singular reputation) was, some years before the Rebellion, made Lord President of Munster; a Command he dis∣charg'd with much vigilance and courage, in as much as the Enemy now fear'd no man more: What he did upon the first breaking out of the Re∣bellion, (in hope to have stopt its current in that Province) we have al∣ready mention'd, and should have told you, that the State (to impower him thereunto) admitted him to raise a Regiment of Foot, consisting of

1000 men, and two Troops of Horse, 60 to each Troop; which after∣wards (besides the supplies mention'd) were listed in his Majesties Mu∣sters, with Pay accordingly. But the Design being general, Munster (at length) was as well disturb'd as the rest of the Kingdom; Cashel, Clon∣mel, Dungarvan, and Featherd, with other Places, were all (on an easie summons) soon yielded to the Rebels, raging through the Countrey; which the Lord President endeavour'd to suppress, as far as those small Forces he had with him would admit, resolving near Redsheard to have given them Battle, having (at that time) in his company the Earl of Bar∣rymore, the Lord Dungarvan, the Lord Broghil, Sir Hardress Waller, Sir Edward Denny, Serjeant Major Searl, Sir John Brown, Captain William Kingsmil, with 600 Foot, and 300 Horse. But the Rebels on the other side the Mountain privately avoided them, though four to one; and getting to Cashel, held there a general Rendezvous; from whence Mount∣garret went with his Forces to Kilmallock, a Town treacherously surren∣dred to the Rebels (a little before) on demand, situated on the Frontiers of the County of Limmerick towards Cork, environ'd with a strong Wall, which held out Loyally for the Crown all Tyrone's Wars, though some∣times strongly besieged, and highly distressed. And the 9th. of February, 1641. he went to Butavant, where the Gentry from all parts appear'd. It is an antient Town, belonging to the Earl of Barrimore, in the Barony of Orrory, an old Nest of Abbots, Friers, and Priests. There the General Mountgarret exercis'd his greatness with reserv'd gravity and distance, so as none, except Serjeant Major Purcel (who had now joyn'd himself with the Confederates, contrary to the expectation the Lord President had of him) were admitted to any Command in the Army, more then they had over the Men they brought with them. However, Mount∣garrets Forces infinitely increas'd, so as the Lord President (to secure Cork) thought it most convenient to retreat thither, whilst Mountgarret, the 11th. of February, lodges his Forces in Moyallo, (brought thither by* 19.9 Serjeant Major Walsh) the Inheritance of Captain William Jephson, a Town containing one Street of near 200 English Houses, thirty whereof were strongly built and Slated, having at the South-end thereof a very fair and pleasant House, called, The great Castle, committed to the charge of Arthur Betesworth, with 200 Men, Arms, and Ammunition conveni∣ent, and one Iron Piece of Ordnance, with two Curriers, whereof they made good use and advantage. And at the North-end of the Town stood another strong Castle, called, The short Castle, excellently well afterwards defended by Lieutenant Richard Williamson, who, after many Breaches in the Wall, the best Assaults Serjeant Major Purcel could make, and the loss of many Men, was given over, though at length yielded out of necessity, on terms never perform'd; though the remarkable stoutness of Lieutenant Williamson was such, as he (finding the Rebels to faulter in what they had promised) resolutely getting up a Sword, vowed to be the death of those who should hinder his and his Parties repair to the other Castle, never yielded by Betesworth; which (being resolutely and on a sudden done) struck such a fear in the Rebels, as Williamson and his Party were all admitted to go to the Great Castle with what they had, which* 19.10 was not irreparably rifled from them by the Rebels. And shortly after, the Rebels having some aiery rumors of the Lord Presidents Forces to fall upon them, Mountgarret march'd thence with his Army, the Lord Muskery (notwithstanding all his fair pretences to the President) being

now come to the Rebels, which was a great strengthning to that Party, he having a considerable Estate, and much Money left him by a miserable Father; whilst it may be thought, the Lord Roch, Mac-Donnogh, and others, (being brought to great straits) could not worsen, but might ad∣vance their Estates by the Rebellion. Many were much concern'd, that* 19.11 the Lord Mountgarret would go from Moyallo, leaving the Countrey to be govern'd by themselves; a great contest arising amongst them who should be Chief, Serjeant Major Purcel (Baron of Loghmo) challenging the Generalship of that Province: But the Heads of the Confederacy meeting at the Lord Muskery's House, (to avoid contention about Supe∣riority) there resolved, that none of the Gentry of the County should bear any Office in the Army; but that one Garret Barry (who had long* 19.12 serv'd under the King of Spain, and was reputed a good Soldier) should be General, and the Lord Muskery, and some other prime and select Men, should be call'd, The Council of War; so that that difference at the present was composed. And this doughty General mustering up his Forces, ho∣ver'd about Cork, without any Attempt worth notice; whilst other parts of the Irish Army visited Lismore, the Cattle in and about that Place be∣ing driven away by Colonel Richard Butler. The 23d. of February, Mr.* 19.13 Richard Bealing summon'd the Castle; but the Lord Broghil, whom nei∣ther Promises nor Threats could work any thing upon, told them, That he knew not what Quarter meant, daring him to the Assault as soon as he would; which He threatned within half an hour after: But intelligence being brought, that Sir Charls Vavasor was landed at Youghal with 1000 Men, the Enemy fled to Dungarvan; and the Lord President determining* 19.14 to look abroad, advanced with that Regiment, and the Lord Broghil's, and Captain Courtney's Troop of Horse, towards Talloe, hoping to sur∣prize Colonel Richard Butler; but being disappointed (Intelligence fly∣ing swifter than our March) he set forward towards Dungarvan, burning the Countrey as he went, being in all 2000 Horse and Foot, taking or∣der, that a Peece of Artillery should be brought him from Cork by Sea; and, having slain many of the Enemy in Talloe, he burnt the Town, and so went forward to Dungarvan; and coming to it the 3d. of March,* 19.15 1641. sent a Summons; but they refusing, (and setting out a Flag of De∣fiance) he with his Men violently entred the Town, and upon the 5th of March took the Castle, giving the Enemy Quarter. He put a Ward of 40 Musketeers into the Castle, under the Command of Lieutenant Rosing∣ton, from whom the Enemy not long after surpriz'd it. The Lord Broghil, the Lord Barrymore, marching each of them afterwards on several Expe∣ditions, happily succeeded, taking in divers Castles, as Tourin the 8th. of March, which the Lord Broghil burnt; and Bally-Mac-Patrick, standing upon the Black-water, which the Earl of Barrimore shortly after burnt; meeting now and then with the Enemy, on whom they did good exe∣cution: As did Captain Jephson in the relief of Rathgogan, and taking in of Balliha; as also in the Encounter, he and Lieutenant Downing had with the Enemy at his return, where he slew 150 of them: The like success he had in taking in Ballynageragh, Sir Philip Purcival's Castle. Not long after, Captain Sherlock, Head of the Waterford Rebels, amount∣ing to 700, endeavouring to take Cappaquin, guarded by Captain Hugh Crocker with a hundred men, was in the streets killed, and his Forces routed. The 3d. of July, 1642. the Lord Broghil, with 60 Horse, and 140 Foot, went to fetch off Sir Richard Osborn from his Castle of Knockmone,

in the County of Waterford, six miles from Lismore, who in his advance thither, burnt and destroy'd the Rebels Quarters, though in his return to∣wards Lismore, he sent his Scouts to descrie the Enemy, suspecting they should way-lay them, as indeed they did, setting themselves in Battalia in a Field near unto Cappaquin, having a little half-Grove at their backs;* 19.16 upon which the English perceiv'd, that there was no way to secure them∣selves, but by making their way with the Sword, and therefore put their Men in the best posture they could, the Enemy playing very hard upon them: upon which the Lord Broghil resolutely encountred them with his Horse, whilst Captain Stephen Brodrip led on his Foot in an orderly and well-compacted Body, galling them on all sides so effectually with his Musketeers, that the Enemies Horse and Foot were soon put to flight, with the loss of one onely man of ours, and at least 200 of theirs, be∣sides two of their best Captains, who died the next day, though their Horse carried them off then. This was the first pitcht Battel since the Rebellion in Munster; and had the Enemy succeeded, Cappaquin, Lismore, and some other Places would have been an easie Prey. Not long after, the Earl of Barrymore took in, upon Quarter, the strong Castle of Clogh∣leagh* 19.17 in the County of Cork, the Inheritance of Sir Richard Fleetwood, who admitted Sir Arthur Hide to keep it, but most treacherously he left it to be surprized by Condon, whose Ancestors had been formerly the Pro∣prietors of it; (an insolent Rebel, as his Predecessors were before him.) Afterwards the Lod Dungarvan, and the Lord Broghil, summoning the* 19.18 Castle of Ardmore, in the County of Waterford, belonging to the Bishop of Waterford, after some petty boasts to withstand the utmost hazard, it was yielded the 21 of August, 1642. on Mercy, Women and Children being spared, but 140 Men were put to the Sword: into which Castle they af∣terwards put a Ward. And here I might give you a Diary of Passages concerning his Majesties Fort of Dunganon, the Lord Esmond (an old ex∣perienc'd* 19.19 Soldier) being Governour thereof, to its surrender the 4th. of August, 1642. to the Rebels, at which time it was yielded up upon Quar∣ter for Life and Goods: Serjeant Major Flin, accompanied with Captain Cronyne, entering thereupon; Flin protesting, that he had a Commissi∣on for that end, and in taking of it, resolv'd to keep it against the Puri∣tans, his Majesties Enemies; otherwise he and the rest loved the English, and thereupon setled the Lord Roch in the possession of the same, and the rest of Mr. Courtney's Estate. To which I might add the Siege of the Castle* 19.20 of Limerick, Captain George Courtney Constable, from the 15th. of January, 1641. to its surrender to the Rebels the 23 of June, 1642. in which time many memorable accidents happen'd, worthy the besieged. As of Bonrat∣tie, under the Earl of Thomond; Rosmanagher, possess'd by Christian Powel; as of Cappagh, defended by Francis Morton; as of Dromline, kept by Ed∣ward Fenner; or should we particularly take or give you a Diary of the Passages of the Ward of Michaels-town to the Cessation, and of the Ser∣vices of Knockmone, Sir Richard Osborn's Castle. But we are scanted in time, as we should be more, should we take notice of the Siege of the* 19.21 Castle of Archerstown, in the County of Tipperary, commanded by Hen∣ry Peisly Esq, from the 1st. of December, 1641. to its surrender to Purcell, Baron of Loghmo. As also should we insist on the Siege of Rathbarry-Castle,* 19.22 in the County of Cork, Arthur Freek Owner thereof, and Com∣mander in Chief, from the 14th. of February, 1641, to the 18th. of October following, when Sir Charles Vavasor Baronet, and Captain Jephson,

fetch'd them off safe to Bandon, firing the Castle and its Appurtenances. As also the Rebels taking in of the Castle Dundede, the 14th. of February, 1641. as also Dunowen shortly after. As also of their taking in* 19.23 of the Castles of Traley, Clare Castle, Clonelowane, and 26 others in the County of Clare, whose name, with their Governours, would be too tedi∣ous to rehearse. Not to particularize the Siege of the Castle of Asketon,* 19.24 in the Barony of Conello, in the County of Limrick, William Eams Se∣neschal, from the midst of November, 1641. to the 14th. of August, 1642. when it was surrendred (upon Conditions) to Patrick Purcel of Croe, Lieutenant General of the Rebels. To which we might add the Siege of Castle Matrix, in the Parish of Raceele, in the Barony and Coun∣ty* 19.25 foremention'd, beginning the last of April, 1642. by Morrice Herbert the Younger, and was yielded up to the Rebels in October following. As also the Castle Loegar, William Weekes and Richard Hart Constables, so* 19.26 appointed by the Lord President St. Leger, the 18th. of March, 1641. to its surrender. And amongst the rest, (omitting many whom we have not time to insist on) we might particularize the passages of the Siege of the Castle of Kilfinny, in the County of Limrick, the Lady Dowdall Com∣mandress, and Owner of the Castle, which after forty weeks resistance,* 19.27 (in that time behaving her self, in several Encounters, with more than Amazon courage, and exemplary conduct) was delivered up to the Re∣bels, she being reduc'd to the uttermost extremities: which particularly to insist upon, would extend this to a Volume beyond my leisure, though I will not say, the Readers content, which they (as well as per∣sons interessed in the excellent management of those and other affairs) must favourably pass over, it being safer (in general) to name them, than (not particularly) to express their actions, deserving a History; which the imperfect information (I could hitherto reach to) rather wounds than illustrates. Yet that from Hercules his Foot, the success and cou∣rage of the English may be drawn, accept of an Abbreviate of Sir William* 19.28 Cole's Services with his Regiment, consisting of 500 Foot, and one Troop of Horse, out of his Garrison of Eniskillin, perform'd in the Coun∣ties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Monaghan, Cavan, Leytrim, Sligoe, and Done∣gall, since the 23d. of October, 1641.

Swordmen of the Rebels, kill'd in several Fights and Skirmishes, that account hath been taken of	2417
Starv'd and Famish'd of the Vulgar sort, whose Goods were seiz'd on by this Regiment	7000
English and Scotch Protestants rescued from bondage, and reliev'd by this Regiment	5467
Colours taken from the Rebels in those Fights	0013
Drums (with some Arms) taken from them	0011
Boats taken from them in Loghearn and Loghmelvie	0027
Cotts broken and sunk there	0109
Islands taken and clear'd in Loghearn	0365
in Loghmelvie	0006
Leather Boats or Curaghs taken from them by Sea-service at Tel∣linhead and Loghearn	0010
Boats gain'd there by Sea from them by this Regiment	0005
Castles taken from the Rebels	0004

Viz. The Castle of Newportown, Castle Atkinson, Castle Knock∣ballymore, Castle Hasset, alias Crewmish.

After this rate the English (in all parts) fought, so as indeed the Re∣bels (by the War they had commenc'd) lost in the general many Men, and much of their substance, as a Judgment upon their Design and Treachery.

And here we cannot but mention Sir Frederick Hamilton, who had* 19.29 a Garrison of Horse and Foot at Mannor Hamilton, in the County of Ley∣trim in Connaght, by which he perform'd frequently excellent service against the Rebels, never attempting them or their Quarters but with singular success; as at Sligoe, about the 1st. of July, he enter'd and burnt the Town, freed many Protestants, slew in the streets 300 of the Irish, and in his return encounter'd Owen O-Rork from Cavan, who besieged his Castle (in the interim) with 1000 men, which he clear'd of the Re∣bels without any considerable loss to himself, but much to the Enemy: a Diary of which, even from the 23d. of October, 1641. to the end of the ensuing year, I have read with much satisfaction. And had not some dif∣ferences happen'd betwixt Sir William Cole and him (the one not liking a Superiour, the other an Equal) their concurrence might have been more fatal to the Enemy; though, apart, they did what became worthy men.

We have declared how the excellent management of Affairs in Mun∣ster (by the Lord President and his Assistants) kept all things in some reasonable temper, (though the English were much despoil'd, and driven out of their habitations in several Places, by their Irish Neighbours) until the Battel of Kilrush before mention'd: When the Lord Mount∣garret, and others of the Rebels Commanders (having had ill success there) fell back with all the Forces they could make into Munster, and there wasted the Countrey with Fire and Sword, making that Province a seat of the War, coming down even to the very Walls of Cork with great Forces; not far from whence the Confederates, promising General Garret* 19.30 Barry, with the consent of his Council of War, (the Lord Muskery and others) planted his Camp at Rochforts Town, holding thereby Cork (in a manner) besieg'd on the North-side; whilst my Lord Roch, the Lord of Ikern, Dunboin, the Baron of Loghmo, Mr. Richard Butler, with the Tipperary Forces, were drawing down on the South, till by the valour of those few English then in Town, (viz. the Lord Inchiquin, Col. Vavasor, and 400 Musketeers, and 90 Horse) they were beaten off, with the loss of 200 of their Men, their Tents, and whole Bag and Baggage being taken.* 19.31 In the whole Service, Sir William St. Leger (as long as he had health) was active with the meanest Officers of the Army, doing many times a private Soldiers duty, as well as a careful Generals. But finding at length the Rebels multitudes to increase, and his Men to decay, (even in being victorious) and the Supplies of Men and Money with Provisions (which he expected out of England) to come over very slowly, and far short of what the necessities of that Province required; well understanding too the difference then in England betwixt his Majesty and the Parliament, and what were the designs of some, putting fair Glosses on the Rebellion of Ireland, which his Soul apprehended as one of the most detestable In∣surrections of the World: These things so troubled his Spirit, as being discouraged in the desperate undertakings, necessity, and the honour of his Nation put him daily upon, so deep an impression fixed in his mind, as the distemper of his body increasing, he wasted away, and died at his* 19.32 house at Downrallie, four miles from Cork, in the County of Cork, 1642. and was there buried; a little before whose death, he writ (the second

of April, 1642.) a most significant Letter to the Lord Lieutenant touch∣ing the Affairs of that Province, and his utter detestation of the Rebels Remonstrance (sent him after a motion made for a Cessation) which he would have seconded with further testimony of his aversion to their in∣solency, as would have tended much to their dis-encouragement, had he been enabled with any reasonable strength so to have done.

The Command of the Forces in this Province was, after the death of* 19.33 Sir William St. Leger, for the present (by the Lords Justices and Council) committed to the Lord Inchequin, who had married his Daughter, and (during his Father in Law's life) had shewed himself very forward in several Services against the Rebels: He was a meer Irish-man, of the an∣tient Family of O-Brian's, but bred up a Protestant, and one that had given good testimony of the truth of his Profession, as his hatred and de∣testation of his Countrey-mens Rebellion; and having match'd into the Lord President's Family, was held the fittest Person to cast the Com∣mand upon, till there were another Lord President made by the King, or he confirm'd by his Majesty in that Province. In the mean time, the Lord Inchequin takes some opportunity, and having beaten the Rebels* 19.34 Forces at the Battel of Liscarrol in the County of Cork, got great reputa∣tion by that action. The Battel was fought on Saturday the 3d. of Sep∣tember, 1642. in which, on the English Party, was kill'd Lewis Boyle, Lord Viscount Kynalmeaky, second Son to the late Earl, and Brother to this of Cork, who behav'd himself most nobly in that Expedition, and was buried at Youghall in his Fathers Tomb. And on the Irish side was slain Captain Oliver Stephenson, Grandson of him, who in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth had done eminent service in the Wars against the Earl of Des∣mond. And afterwards the Division increasing in England, the sending over a new Lord President was neglected; so as the Lord Inchequin con∣tinu'd in the Government, managing affairs there, sometimes for the King against the Parliament, sometimes for the Parliament against the King, as he conceiv'd might bring on the absolute settlement of that Go∣vernment upon himself; of whom we shall speak more hereafter.

And now having shewed you the effects of the English Courage strange∣ly reviv'd, and managed against the Rebels; it will be seasonable to ac∣quaint you by what means the Forces there have been animated to so eminent a Service.

You have already read the generous resolutions of the Parliament in England, upon the first discovery of the Rebellion, as the encouragement his Majesty gave them upon his first and second appearance in the House of Lords, after his return from Scotland. And you have read (if it would have been admitted) how he would have adventured his Royal Person thither, and have rais'd 10000 English Volunteers speedily for that Ser∣vice, if so the House of Commons would have declared that they would pay them; which would not be accepted, but instead thereof, the 24th. of January following, the Town and Castle of Carickfergus were advised* 19.35 (by the two Houses) to be given in Command and Keeping to the Scots, 2500 of which were to be transported thither, and paid by England; so as to be accountable (according to their Order the 22. of Jan.) to the King and Parliament, and the Lord General in his Place, for all their actions in that Service. Which his Majesty was loath to grant, as pre∣judicial to the Crown of England, and employing too great trust for Auxi∣liary Forces. Though at the importunity of the Parliament, it was so

setled at Windsor the 27th. of January, 1641. But what service the Scots did in those Parts, more than subsist by English Pay, deserves an enquiry.

It will now be convenient to acquaint you, that after many necessary Propositions to the King from the Parliament, (passionately affected with the miseries of Ireland) it was, in the Petition of the House of Commons, December the first, mov'd, That his Majesty would be pleas'd to forbear to alienate any of the Forfeited or Escheated Lands in Ireland, which shall accrue to the Crown, by reason of this Rebellion, that out of these, the Crown may be the better supported, and some satisfaction made to his Subjects of this Kingdom (England) for the great Expences they were like to undergo in this War. To which his Majesty answer'd, That concerning Ireland, he understood their desire, of not alienating the forfeited Lands thereof, to proceed from their much care and love, and likewise that it might be a Reso∣lution very fit for him to take: But whether it be seasonable to declare re∣solutions of that nature before the event of a War be seen, that he much doubted. Howsoever, we cannot (repli'd his Majesty) but thank you for this care, and your chearful Engagement for the suppression of that Rebellion, up∣on the speedy effecting whereof, the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession, the safety of the British there, our Honour, and that of the Nation so much depends; all the Interests of this Kingdom being so involv'd in that business. We cannot but quicken your affections therein, and shall desire you to frame your Councils, and to give such Expedition to the Work, as the nature there∣of, and the pressures in point of time require, and whereof you are daily put in mind by the insolencies and increase of the Rebels.

Upon which the Parliament (willing to omit no time, precious in so* 19.36 weighty a Concern) past a Bill of Loan towards the Relief of Ireland, be∣ginning thus.

Whereas (sit hence the beginning of the late Rebellion in Ireland) divers cruel Murthers and Massacres of the Protestants there have been, and are daily committed by Popish Rebels in that Kingdom, by occasion whereof, great multitudes of Godly and Religious People, there inhabiting, together with their Wives, Children, and Families, for the preservation of their Lives, have been enforced to forsake their Habitations, Means, and Live∣lihood in that Kingdom, and to flee for succour into several parts of his Ma∣jesties Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, having nothing left to de∣pend upon, but the charitable Benevolence of well-disposed Persons.

The Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament taking the same into their charitable considerations, for the Honour of Almighty God, and the preservation of the true Protestant Religion and Professors thereof, have resolv'd presently themselves to contribute towards the necessities of the said poor distressed Christians, who being many in number, it is thought expedient, that through all his Majesties Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, a general Collection should be with all expedition made for that purpose, &c.

Other Expedients (considering the state of the Kingdom at that time) not being convenient to be urg'd, the effect of which was incredible, so vast and free a Sum flowing in thereupon, as nothing but a compassio∣nate sense of the sufferings of their Brethren, and a duty to their Religion, could ever have rais'd so much: Yet that being short of their Exigencies, the State was then forc'd to another Act pass'd for Subscriptions on certain

Propositions, for Lands of the Rebels in Ireland. To which those of the United Provinces of Holland were also encourag'd, by a Declaration of both Houses, the 2d. of Feb. 1642. which is worthy often to be consider∣ed; but being long, though excellently, and with much caution, pen'd, we shall refer you to the Act it self, Anno 17. Carol. primi. Immediately upon which Act, divers Captains, (entertain'd for the Irish service) ad∣ventur'd their first 6 Months Pay upon the Propositions.

Yet before these Propositions could be brought into an Act, (that no time in so great a Concern might be omitted) both Houses of Parliament joyn'd in a Letter to the High Sheriffs of England, that they might pub∣lish at the ensuing Lent-Assizes, all the Propositions touching his Majesty's Promise, to pass the two Millions and half of Acres of Land in Ireland, for an encouragement to such as should in the interim subscribe: After which, the Act fore-mention'd, immediately ensued; upon the passing of which Act, these subscrib'd in the House of Commons.

Mr. Walter Long, 1200 l. Sir Robert Pie, 1000 l. the 8th. of March,* 20.1 1641. Mr. Samuel Vassall, 1200 l. Sir Samuel Rolls, of Devon, 1000 l. William Lord Munson, 2400 l. Sir John Harrison, 1200 l. the 19th. of March: Sir William Brereton, 1000 l. the 21. of March: Sir Edward Aishcough, 600 l. Mr. John and Mr. Edward Ash, 1200 l. the 24th. of March: Sir Gilbert Pickering, 600 l. the 25th. of March▪ 1642. Sir John Clotworthy, in Money, 500 l. Sir John Clotworthy, for his Entertainment, as Colonel in the Irish Wars, 500 l. Mr. Henry Martin, 1200 l. the 26th. of March: Mr. Arthur Goodwin, 1800 l. Sir Arthur Haslerigge, of Lei∣cestershire, 1200 l. Mr. Robert Reynolds, 1200 l. Sir Robert Parkhurst, 1000 l. Sir Thomas Dacres, 600 l. Sir John Pots, 600 l. Sir Arthur In∣gram, 1000 l. Dr. Thomas Eden, 600 l. Mr. Oliver Cromwel, 500 l. Mr. Nathaniel Fines, 600 l. Mr. John Pym, 600 l. Sir Walter Earle, 600 l. Mr. Cornelius Holland, 600 l. Sir John Northcot, 450 l. Mr. Roger Mat∣thew, 300 l. Sir Nathaniel Bernardston, 600 l. Sir William Masham, 600 l. Sir Martin Lomley, for Martin Lomley Esq his Son, 1200 l. Mr. Thomas Hoyle, of York, 600 l. Mr. Anthony Bedingfield, and Mr. William Cage, 700 l. Sir William Allenson, of York, 600 l. Mr. William Havengham, 600 l. Mr. Harbert Morley, 600 l. Sir William Morley, 1200 l. Sir John Cul∣peper, 600 l. Sir Edward Partherick, 600 l. Richard Shuttleworth Esq 600 l. Mr. John More, and Mr. William Thomas, 600 l. Mr. John Lisle, 600 l. Mr. John Blackston, 600 l. Sir Gilbert Gerrard, 2000 l. Mr. Bul∣strod Whitlock, 600 l. Sir Edmond Momford, and Mr. Richard Harman, 600 l. Mr. John Trenchard, 600 l. Mr. John Gurdon, 1000 l. Mr. John Barker, 1000 l. Mr. William Harrison, 600 l. the 29th. of March: Mr. John Wilde, Serjeant at Law, and Mr. Thomas Lane, 1000 l. Nathaniel Hallows, of Derby, for himself and others, 1400 l. John Franklin, 600 l. Mr. George Buller, of the County of Cornwal, 600 l. Sir Henry Mildmay, 600 l. the 1. of April: Mr. Oliver St. John, 600 l. Sir John Wray, 600 l. Sir Thomas Barrington, 1200 l. Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. John Good∣win, 600 l. the 2. of April: Mr. Denzil Hollis, 1000 l. Mr. John Crew, 600 l. Sir John Peyton, 600 l. the 4th. of April: Sir William Plactors, 600 l. Sir William Strickland, 600 l. Sir Thomas Savine, 1000 l. Alexan∣der and Squire Bence, 600 l. Mr. John Rolls, of Devon, 450 l. Mr. John Hampden, 1000 l. Mr. William Jesson, 300 l. Sir Edward Baynton, 600 l. Thomas Lord Wenman, and Mr. Richard Winwood, 1200 l. the 5th. of April: Sir William Drake, 600 l. Mr. William Spurstow, 600 l. Sir John

Welyn, of Godstow, in the County of Surrey, for himself and others, 1500 l. the 7th. of April: Mr. Miles Corbet, 200 l. the 9th. of April.

And that this intended Design might proceed, (till the whole made up a considerable sum) the Gentlemen of the County of Buckingham, freely offer'd unto the House of Commons, to lend 6000 l. upon the Act of Contribution for the Affairs of Ireland, and to pay in the same before the first of May, 1642. which the House took in very good part, and accepted of, and order'd the 9th. of April, 1642. that the said 6000 l. should be repaid out of the first Moneys, that shall be rais'd in that Coun∣ty, upon the Bill of 400000 l. and that Mr. Hampden, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Winwood, and Mr. Whitlock, should return thanks to the County of Bucks from this House, for their kind offer, and acceptable service. And it was further order'd and declared by the House of Commons, That if any other County or Persons shall do the like, it will be kindly accepted of by them, and that the Moneys so lent shall be repaid them, (with In∣terest, if they desire it) out of the Moneys that shall be rais'd in those Counties where such Persons inhabit, out of the Bill of 400000 l.

To strengthen which precedent Act for Subscriptions, &c. there was an Act of Additions, and Explanation of certain Clauses in the former Act; as also an Act giving further time to Subscribers for Lands in Ireland, with an Advantage of Irish Measure: By vertue of which great sums were rais'd, and (in truth) the Forces of Ireland yet competently well supplied. But his Majesty perceiving a defect, in the necessary Transportations of what was requisite, he (by the Advice of his Council) declares * 20.2, That he hopes, that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all our loving Sub∣jects, will concur with us, in the constant preserving a good understanding between us and our People, but at this time, their own and our Interest, and compassion of the lamentable condition of our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland, will invite them to a fair Intelligence and Unity amongst themselves; that so we may with one heart, intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy Kingdom, where those barbarous Rebels practise such inhumane and unheard of Outrages, upon our miserable People, that no Christian Ear can hear without horrour, nor Story parallel.

And yet further to dis-burthen his thoughts for Ireland, he was pleas'd* 20.3 to signifie to both Houses of Parliament, the 24th. of Feb. 1641. That for Ireland, in behalf of which his heart bleeds, as he hath concurred with all Propositions made for that Service by his Parliament, so he is resolv'd to leave nothing undone for their relief, which shall fall within his possible power.

And because his Majesty's removal to York from the Parliament, should not hinder the Supplies for Ireland, he, from Huntingdon, the 15th. of March, 1642. declares, That he doth very earnestly desire, that they will use all possible industry, in expediting the Business of Ireland, in which they shall find so chearful a concurrence by his Majesty, that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by his absence, he having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdom, which he hath expressed in his former Messages, and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it, than he hath en∣deavour'd to do by those Messages, (having likewise done all such Acts, as he hath been mov'd unto by his Parliament;) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor Protestant Subjects shall grow upon them, (though his Majesty shall be deeply concern'd in, and sensible of their sufferings) he shall wash his hands before all the World, from the least imputation of slack∣ness, in that most necessary and pious Work.

Thus his Majesty resented that horrid Rebellion, having nothing left further to express the deep sense he had of the publick miseries of his* 20.4 Kingdom. Yet the Parliament, who conceiv'd themselves deeply intrust∣ed with the Concerns of Ireland, (the prosecution of that War being left to them, but not so as to exclude his Majesty) replied▪ That they humbly besought his Majesty to consider, how impossible it is that any Protestation, (though publisht in your Majesty's Name) of your tenderness of the miseries of your Protestant Subjects in Ireland, &c. can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent Men, when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels, the known Favourers of them, and Agents for them, are admitted to your Majesty's Presence with Grace and Favour, and some of them imploy∣ed in your Service, and when Cloaths, Munition, Horses, and other Neces∣saries, bought by your Parliament, and sent for the supply of the Army a∣gainst the Rebels there, are violently taken away, some by your Majesty's Command, others by your Minister's. To which it's replied, That those Cloaths, &c. entring into Coventry, his Majesty had good reason to be∣lieve, they would have been dispos'd of amongst the Souldiers, who there bore Arms against him; putting the Parliament besides in mind, That he was so far from diverting any of those Provisions made for the relief of Ireland, (the thought of whose miserable condition made his heart bleed) that 3000 Suits of Cloaths being found at Chester, for the Souldiers in Ire∣land, he commanded that they should be speedily transported thither, no necessity of his own Army being sufficient to prevail with him to seize on them.

Thus both the King and Parliament, interessed in the great Concern of Ireland, were passionately affected with her sad condition, whilst the di∣stractions and jealousies at home so dis-cemented their Forces, as the Irish Harp hung on the Willows, and those noble Souls (which even now re∣turn'd with Laurels) droopt betwixt the living and the dead.

Affairs standing in this posture, neither of them prov'd at leisure to con∣sider,* 20.5 (more than in Declarations) the miserable condition of bleeding Ireland; inasmuch as they were so far from sending over thither any fur∣ther supplies of Men, Money, or Ammunition, how incessantly soever they were mov'd to it from the Lords Justices and Council, as the Parlia∣ment at that time (finding themselves under great Necessities for want of Money) order'd the sum of 100000 l. of the Adventurers Money, (then in the hands of the Treasurer, for the relief of Ireland) to be made* 20.6 use of, for the setting forth their Army, under the Command of the Earl of Essex, then ready for his March against the King at Nottingham; not∣withstanding a Clause in that memorable Act, That no part of that Mo∣ney shall be imployed to any other purpose, than the reducing of those Rebels. This rais'd a great noise, and highly reflected upon the Parliament, That they (who so heartily on all occasions, had complain'd of the King's neg∣lect of his poor Protestants in Ireland) should now make use of that Mo∣ney, to raise Arms against him in England, and so leave the remnant of those suffering Souls in Ireland, to the Insolencies of the Rebels, and their own Forces, Flesh of their Flesh, sent over with so much Charge, for the suppression of that horrid Rebellion, to neglect and scorn, for want of a seasonable and just supply. Upon which, his Majesty, from York, the 30th. of August, 1642. sent a Message to the House of Commons, requi∣ring them to retract that Order: To palliate which, they alledg'd many things against the King; As the denying the Lord Wharton, to go with

5000 Foot, and 500 Horse, for the relief of Munster; the hindring of two Pieces of Battery, (writ for by the Lords Justices;) the detaining of the Lord Lieutenant, (the Earl of Leicester) when the Affairs of Ire∣land were known to suffer, for want of a Commander in Chief; notwith∣standing his Majesty * 20.7 had charged them, that they had detain'd the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on whom (writes he) he relyed principally, for the conduct and management of Affairs there, never regarding his ear∣nestness, formerly prest, (when he was thought to be stayed by the Par∣liament) that he should repair to his Command; of which, the Earl of Leicester, in a Letter to the Earl of Northumberland, is not silent, order'd by the Parliament to be printed, the 26th. of September, 1642. To which the Parliament adds, The calling away of Sir Charles Lloyd, Captain Green, and others, in actual imployment against the Rebels, attesting, that the 100000 l. borrowed of the Subscription-Money for Ireland, they soon re-paid with advantage, being then forc'd to make use of it, to prepare a competent Army for the defence of the King and Kingdom, without any prejudice to the Affairs of Ireland, whose subsistence depends on the wel∣fare of this. In Answer to which it was replied, That that Kingdom (were the Money restored) in the mean time suffered by that Diversion; and that had the Lord Wharton's Forces been approved of, there was no further security, (that those should have been sent for Ireland) than other Forces that were rais'd for that purpose, and yet imployed against his Ma∣jesty at Edge-hill; the other Exceptions of the Parliament (in his Maje∣sty's Papers) being also answer'd, which begot a Reply, not altogether pertinent in this place to pursue.

However, the Parliaments imploying the 100000 l. (contrary to the Interest of the foremention'd Act, in the 17th. year of Car. 1. with his Majesties full consent before he left the Parliament,) was the cause that it produced so little good effect for Ireland; many of the Subscribers taking that occasion (as others before had done upon his Majesties mo∣tion to go for Ireland) to withdraw their subscriptions, and others not to pay in their Money, which was with so much Caution provided for, and guarded with so many advantagious Circumstances for all the Ad∣venturers, as if it had been carried on, and seasonably applied, with that Care and Sincerity it ought to have been, it would in a little time have reduc'd that whole Kingdom, and have eas'd that poor People of many of those Calamities, they have since endur'd. The want of which put the Lords Justices and State on many difficulties.

Yet that something might seem to be done, there was an Order of the Commons House of Parliament, the 3d. of August, 1642. That the Ministers about the City of London, should be desired to exhort the People, to bestow old Garments and Apparel, upon the distressed Protestants in Ireland; in reference to which, the 19th. of September following, the Lord Mayor of London ordered, that those Cloaths should be brought to Yorkshire-hall in Blackwel-hall, to be ready for shipping them for Ireland; and a vast Supply was brought in, Charity never so much manifested its compassion as in that Cause; which afterwards was entrusted to a Reverend Person, who discharged his trust with singular Prudence and Integrity; though as to the Army these Cloaths never reach'd or in∣tended.

And now the Rebels finding their Strength much augmented by the unhappy differences in England, their chief Contrivers of the Conspira∣cy

(the Clergy) met at Kilkenny, and there Established in a General-Congregation, several Considerations for their future Government.* 20.8

Upon which Proceedings, and the validity of the 6th. Article of those Prelate-Dignities, and learned men; the first General-Assembly at Kilkenny, sate the 10th. of November, 1642. according to what Scobel * 20.9 gives us an account of; Though Peter Walsh (one of the Assembly certainly to be credited) in his second part of the first Treaties of his History, and vindication of the Loyal Formulary, * 20.10 writes that the first General or National-Assembly of the Confederates, began at Kilkenny, the 24th. of October, 1642. and continued to the 9th▪ of January fol∣lowing, upon which day they were dissolved, having constituted (to succeed them) the Supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ire∣land; and that they might be the better tied together with the Holy bond of Union and Concord (as is expressed in the thirty third Article of the General Assembly, and the third of the Congregation;) They framed the ensuing Oath of Association to be taken by all in that Confederacy.

The Preamble to the Oath of Association.

WHereas the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom, have been inforc'd* 21.1 to take Arms for the necessary defence and preservation, as well of their Religion Plotted; and by many foul Practises endeavour'd to be quite suppress'd by the Puritan Faction, as likewise their Lives, Estates, and Liberties, as also for the defence and safeguard of his Majesties Regal Power, just Prerogatives, Honour, State, and Rights, invaded upon; and for that it is requisite that there should be an unanimous Consent, and real Union between all the Catholicks of this Realm, to maintain the Pre∣misses, and strengthen them against their Adversaries: It is thought fit by them, that they, and whosoever shall adhere unto their Party, as a Confede∣rate, should for the better assurance of their adhering fidelity and constancy to the publick Cause, take the ensuing Oath.

The Oath of Association.

I A. B. do profess, swear and protest, before God, and his Saints, and his* 21.2 Angels, that I will, during my life, bear true Faith and Allegiance to my Soveraign Lord Charles, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and to his Heirs, and lawful Successors; and that I will, to my power, during my life, defend, uphold, maintain all his and their just Prerogatives, Estates and Rights, the Power and Priviledge of the Parliament of this Realm, the Fundamental Laws of Ireland, the free exercise of the Roman Catholick Faith and Religion, throughout this Land, and the Lives, just Liberties, Possessions, Estates and Rights, of all those that have taken, or shall take this Oath, and perform the Contents thereof; and that I will obey and ratifie all the Orders and Decrees, made and to be made by the supream Council, of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom, concerning the said publick Cause; and that I will not seek direct∣ly or indirectly, any Pardon or Protection, for any Act done or to be done, touching this general Cause, without the consent of the major part of the said Council; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts, that

shall prejudice the said Cause, but will, to the hazard of my Life and Estate, assist, prosecute and maintain the same.

Moreover, I do further swear, That I will not accept of, or submit unto, any Peace, made or to be made with the said Confederate Catholicks, with∣out the consent and approbation of the general Assembly of the said Confede∣rate Catholicks. And for the preservation and strengthning of the Associati∣on, and Union of the Kingdom, that upon any Peace or Accommodation, to be made or concluded with the said Confederate Catholicks, as aforesaid, I will, to the utmost of my power, insist upon, and maintain the ensuing Pro∣positions, until a Peace, as aforesaid, be made, and the Matters to be a∣greed upon, in the Articles of Peace, be establish'd and secured by Parlia∣ment.

So help me God, and his holy Gospel.

The Propositions mention'd in the aforesaid Oath.

1. THat the Roman Catholicks, both Clergy and Laity, to their seve∣ral* 22.1 Capacities, have free and publick Exercise of the Roman Ca∣tholick Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom, in as full lustre and splendor, as it was in the Reign of King Henry the 7th. or any other Catholick King's, his Predecessors, Kings of England, and Lords of Ire∣land, either in Ireland or England.

2. That the secular Clergy of Ireland, (viz.) Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebenda∣ries, and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and all other Pastors of the secular Clergy, and their respective Successors, shall have and enjoy all and all manner of Jurisdictions, Priviledges, Immunities, in as full and am∣ple manner, as the Roman Catholicks secular Clergy had or enjoy'd the same, within this Realm at any time, during the Reign of the late H. 7. sometimes King of England, and Lord of Ireland, any Law, Declaration of Law, Statute, Power and Authority whatsoever, to the contrary not∣withstanding.

3. That all Laws and Statutes made since the 20th. year of King H. 8. whereby any Restraint, Penalty, Mulct, Incapacity or Restriction whatso∣ever, is or may be laid upon any of the Roman Catholicks, either of the Clergy or of the Laity, for such the said free Exercise of the Roman Ca∣tholick Religion within this Kingdom, and of their several Functions; Ju∣risdictions and Priviledges, may be repeal'd, revoked, and declared void, by one or more Acts of Parliament to be pas'd therein.

4. That all Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Chancellors, Treasures, Chaunters, Provosts, Wardens of Collegiate Churches, Prebendaries, and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and other Pastors of the Roman Catholick secular Clergy, and their respective Successors, shall have, hold and enjoy, all the Churches and Church-Livings, in as large and ample manner, as the late Protestant Clergy respectively enjoy'd the same, on the first day of October, in the year of our Lord, 1641. together with all the Profits, Emoluments, Per∣quisits, Liberties, and the Rights to their respective Sees and Churches, belonging as well in all Places, now in the possession of the Confederate

Confederate Catholicks, as also in all other places that shall be recover∣ed by the said Confederate Catholicks from the adverse Party, within this Kingdom, saving to the Roman Catholick Laity their Rights, accor∣ding to the Laws of the Land.

And that the Supreme Council (the legitimate issue of the General As∣sembly) might look with the better face of Authority, they fram'd to* 22.2 themselves a Seal, bearing the mark of a long Cross, on the right side whereof a Crown, and a Harp on the left, with a Dove above, and a flaming Heart below the Cross, and round about this Inscription, Pro Deo, pro Rege, & Patria Hibernia unanimis; with which they seal'd their Credentials to Princes, and under that Seal pass'd their principal Acts of Sovereignty.

Having now modell'd themselves into a separate State, confronting his Majesties Royal Government setled in Dublin, ordering in their Supreme Council at Kilkenny (in the said Province of Leimster) all their Affairs, Ci∣vil and Military, through the whole Kingdom.

As to War, they had their Forces under the Conduct of four well ex∣perienc'd Generals, (before mentioned) answering the several Provinces of Leimster, Munster, Connaght, and Ulster. Giving out Letters of Mart, An Example of which, together with the Authority they assum'd, (not∣withstanding his Majesties Proclamation of the 1st. of January, 1641.) we shall hear give you at large.

By the Supreme Council of the Confe∣derate Catholicks of Ireland.

TO all Men, to whom this Present shall come. We the Supreme Council* 23.1 of the Confederate Catholicks of this Realm, send Greeting. Know ye, That we have taken into our serious consideration the great and ne∣cessary use we have of Ships of War, for the defence of the Coasts of this Realm, and advancement and furtherance of Commerce with Foreign Na∣tions, and for opposing his Majesties Enemies, who daily hinder and annoy his Majesties good Subjects of this Kingdom by Sea, and stop all free Trade in this Realm and abroad; have therefore constituted and appointed, and do hereby ordain, constitute, and appoint our well-beloved Friend, Cap∣tain Francis Oliver, Native of Flanders, having received good testimony of his sufficiency and integrity, to be Captain of the Ship, called, St. Michael the Archangel, of burthen 120 Lasts or Tuns, or thereabouts; hereby giv∣ing and granting unto the said Captain, full and absolute Power, Commission, and Authority, to furnish the said Ship with all Necessaries, fit for Sea and War; and with the same to cross the Seas, and take, hinder, and prejudice all such as he shall find or meet of His Majesties Enemies, the Enemies of the General Catholick Cause now in hand in this Kingdom, their Ships and Goods whatsoever, either by Sea or Land, by what means soever; and the said Shipping or Goods to set to sale, and dispose of as lawful Prizes, and open Enemies Goods; saving unto his Majesty and his lawful Officers, and unto all other Person or Persons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, all Rights, Requisites, and Duties, due or usual, answered out of all Prizes. And we hereby command all Officers of all our Ports, Harbours, and Havens, with∣in our Jurisdiction, throughout this Realm, to admit the said Captain Francis 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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Oliver, and his Companies, Ships, and Goods, from time to time, to pass and repass, come and go, without molestation or trouble. And that all Com∣manders of Forts, and all other Officers of his Majesties loving Subjects, to be aiding and assisting unto him in execution, and furtherance of the Premisses whatsoever, and as often as occasion shall require.

And lastly, we pray all Foreign Princes, States, and Potentates, to de∣fend, protect, assist, and favour the said Captain, his Ships and Goods, when, and as often as he shall come into their respective Coasts and Harbours.

This our Commission to continue during pleasure. Given at Kilkenny, the last of December. 1642.

Was signed,

• Mountgarret, Hugo Armachanus.
• Gormanston, Johan. Episc. Clonfertensis.
• Nic. Plunket, Patr. Darcy, James Cusack, Jeffry Brown.

And as to Civils, they had their Officers of State, Justices of Oyer and Terminer, and of the Peace, with their Courts of Judicature in seve∣ral kinds, and Councils Supreme, County, Provincial, and (on occasion) National; this being as Parliamentary called their General Assembly.

They had their Negotiations also abroad, and from abroad, and by Envoys, Agents, and publick Ministers, Extraordinary and Resident; they receiv'd the sense of other Princes, and return'd their own, being also by those Princes treated at home, in like manner as if they had been some State absolute, or more considerable; of which, read the * 23.2 Appen∣dix. All the subsequent Acts being derived from the Orders establish'd at Kilkenny, the 24th. of October, 1642.

By what I have mention'd you may see, how the Rebels endeavour'd to get credit abroad, and repute at home, managing their Concerns with so much subtilty, as having them anvil'd in every Covent: no∣thing was omitted to mature their designs, or colour what they had now begun with the fairest pretence; whilst the State in the interim (through the distractions in England daily increasing, which gave fresh fuel to the Rebels presumption) were so straitned for want of Supplies, that the Lords Justices having (by all the ways imaginable) represented (as well to his Majesty as to the Parliament) the miserable condition they were in; as∣suring them, that without further Supplies of all kinds, (the Soldiers be∣ing so unruly, as the Lieutenant General, the 23d. of May, 1642. was forc'd to publish a sharp Proclamation against their exorbitancies) it was not possible for them to carry on the War, or to hinder the Incursions of the Rebels, even into those parts which they had recovered out of their hands; thought fit to take another course for the present: And that the* 23.3 Forces they had in Ireland might be ready for action, and in the mean time not wholely unserviceable, they allotted (after no little opposition to the contrary) to several Captains and other Officers of the Army, such convenient Houses and Villages, as they had taken from the Rebels, giv∣ing them leave to carry their several Troops and Companies under their Command to Quarter in them; by which means they freed themselves from the present Charge of providing Victuals for them, forcing them to live upon the spoils of their Enemies; which they quickly found the way to do, and made themselves Masters of all the Cattel and other Sub∣stance of those that lived within reasonable distance of them. By which

means, all the considerable Places belonging to the Rebels (within twen∣ty miles of Dublin) came to be in the hands of the Soldiers, as having them granted by way of Custodium for the present unto them: an Ex∣pedient acceptable to the Officers, and extremely prejudicial to the Rebels.

The 10th. of June, the Lords Justices and Council finding themselves much prejudic'd by their Protections they had given to many, who under pretext of labouring at the Plow, had their Weapons hidden near them, to cut off stragling Soldiers and Protestants, as they passed by them single. The State, to prevent such inconveniencies, withdrew their former Pro∣tections by a Proclamation of that Date. A circumstance much insisted on by the Rebels; but the Reasons of the State will best appear by their Proclamation, no Protection being ever violated by the State with their* 23.4 privity, or revoked, but on time given.

And now that the State of Ireland might have the less charge upon* 23.5 them, they thought it convenient to send the Lord Mac-Guire and Mac-Mahon into England; whose Fates I shall here give you a particular ac∣count of, though they suffered not till some years after.

Mac-Guire was one principally design'd for the surprizal of the Castle of* 23.6 Dublin, and the securing or murthering of the Lords Justices and Council, for which intent he came purposely the day before to Dublin; but the Plot being that night detected, he fled disguised from his usual Lodgings at one Nevils, a Chirurgeon, in Castle-street, and secretly hid himself at one Kerns, a Tailor, in Cook-street, where he was found in a Cock-loft by Mr. John Woodcock, one of the Sheriffs of Dublin, standing with his Cloak wrapped about him in an obscure place; in which posture he was apprehended, and brought before the Lords Justices and Council, to whom he confessed sufficient to be committed to the Castle the 23d. of October, about the time he intended to have perpetrated his Villany in that Place; from whence, the 12th. of June, 1642. (after several Examinations had of his Guiltiness) he, with Hugh Oge Mac-Mahon, was sent into England, where they both continued Prisoners some years in the Tower of London; whence they made an escape the 18th. of August, 1644. and were re∣taken the 20th. of October following. Strange! that in such a time they could not secure their Escape; but vengeance would not suffer them to live. Mac-Mahon, in Michaelmass-Term, the 18th. of November that* 23.7 year, was tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar in Westminster-Hall, and shortly after executed at Tyburn: Whilst the Lord Mac-Guire made such a de∣fence for himself, as his final Trial was not till the 10th. and 11th. of Fe∣bruary, 1644. in▪ Hilary-Term, at which time he was brought to the Kings-Bench, where (after his Indictment read for conspiring to disinherit the Kings Majesty, to raise Sedition, and breed a miserable slaughter amongst the Kings Subjects) he first mov'd to have his Peers, (being Baron of Ins∣killin in Ireland, and forceably brought to Westminster▪) for that none ought to be condemn'd but by such; in▪ pursuance of which, he pleaded the Statute, the 10th. of H. 7. whereby all the Statutes made in Eng∣land should from thence-forth be in force in Ireland. Upon which, the King's Council (Serjeant Roll and Whitfield) beside Pryn and Nudigate, demurr'd, and the Defendant joyn'd in the Demurrer. At length, Judge Bacon declar'd, that an Irish Baron was triable by a Jury in England, (so the Lord Grey was tried for Acts done in Ireland) upon which an Order pass'd the 10th. of February, by the Lords and Commons for his Trial; at

which he desir'd respite for the summoning of his Witnesses; which, in consideration that his Lordship had had long time to expect his Trial, and that no Witnesses could say any thing against what the Wit∣nesses (on the Kings side) could prove, was deni'd. Afterwards he made a general Challenge against 23 that were Empannel'd for the first Jury; which peremptory Challenge was accepted, the Law allowing it: And the Prisoner (for that time) was discharg'd, with a Command to be brought again the next day; which was done accordingly. Then he mov'd, that his Plea of Peerage might be referr'd to another Court, or to the Lords; but that was deni'd, for that he had put himself on the Coun∣trey: besides, the Lords and Commons had order'd his Trial. Then an∣other Jury was nam'd, which his Lordship accepted against, for that he conceiv'd it not fit, that those who had bought his Land, should pass upon his Trial. To clear which (after some heats in arguing betwixt the Kings Council and the Defendant) the Judge consented, that the Jury should be required upon Oath to answer, whether any of them had any Adventure, or share of the Rebels Lands in Ireland: Which being answer'd in the Ne∣gative, the Court proceeded; and he being in several Circumstances (be∣sides his Confession) found Guilty, the Judge demanded, why Sentence should not pass against him, his Lordship (amongst other things, too te∣dious, and of little concern to mention) desir'd to know by what Seal the Judge proceeded against him? Who answer'd, By the Old, and Order of Parliament. To which the Lord Mac-Guire repli'd, That (under favour) he conceiv'd, that the Ordinance of Parliament for a new Great Seal, made the old invalid. To which the Judge repli'd, That he acted by the old Seal, being made a Judge at that time. Besides, there is nothing (saith he) done in this Court by the new Seal; the Sheriffs are hereby a Charter that comes in from year to year, and there is no other Seal in order of Execution. After which, the Judge proceeded to Sentence, which he heard patiently, having doubtless long the Sentence of death in himself; and* 23.8 accordingly he was Drawn, Hang'd, and Quarter'd, at Tyburn, the 20th. of February, 1644.

But to return to the State, who, in the manner before mention'd, con∣tinu'd the Army Quarter'd in several Custodiums, not being able (by rea∣son of the want of Money, Provisions, and other necessaries) otherwise to furnish any part of it out in such manner, as might put them in a po∣sture to undertake any great Action abroad; some in the interim im∣proving the present necessities to the advantage of a Design then in the womb.

However we find, that though the Parliament in England wonder'd (as one in eminent Place then heard) that the Army in Ireland did little, Yet it was to be admired (writes he * 23.9) they did so much, considering the small means they had to effect so great things: They did then abound onely in sickness, and hurt men, which made the Regiments and Companies very weak; Monies came not in at all, and for Cloathes and Shoes few or none: notwithstanding they had hearts manifested by their works; for no Enemy, but as soon as they looked on them, instead of using their Arms, exercis'd their Heels; no Fort or Castle which they offer'd to keep, which they ever deserted, or any that they attempted, but yielded to them. In as much as that Noble Person (which observ'd this) in some passion could not but take notice, That if all this were nothing, let it be so esteem'd! The Enemy in the interim having supplies of Men and Arms.

Indeed that Affairs proceeded with no currenter a pace, (this year) many obstacles contributed thereunto. The Government was in the hands of Two, though in the main entirely faithful and knowing, yet* 23.10 vastly differing in their tempers; one being of a sedentary, the other of an active life; He allied to most of the leading Men of the Council, the other onely prevalent as his Reason and Gallantry, wrought on the generous. Besides, some had such interest else-where, as all was not re∣sented with such integrity as was meant; That, in the management of Affairs at the Helm, Authority it self was often Eclipsed; nor could any (who was necessitated to hold the Reins with others) possibly evade the inconveniences they were then frequently inforced upon, how well soever they had been vers'd in the Art of Government; some will have it, that there was much artifice used to lengthen out the War: For at that time, whether by the Governours of the City of Dublin's omission, or some other Fate upon the Army, hard for me to determine, the Rebels on one side came often to the Gates, giving frequent Alarms, and took away the Cattle from under the Walls. And in Lowth, the most considerable Garri∣son was almost destroyed through those Persons, who (having the Govern∣ment of the County) protected their Tenants; nor would those that had Power to force a Supply improve their interest, being better able to dis∣perse an Enemy, than disoblige a Neighbour.

The Scots General (the Earl of Leven) in the North, who with the re∣cent and veterate Soldiers made up 20000, did little, desirous rather it seems to keep themselves safe in Knockfergus, and the Frontiers, than ven∣ture much abroad, as appear'd by their repulse at Charlemont, whence they retir'd with no Honour, and admitted Dunganon to be re-taken by the Irish, after it had been bravely recovered by the vertue of an English Gen∣tleman. Indeed the English-Scots, who joyn'd with the English Regi∣ments, did excellent service; and that the other fail'd, may be imputed to the rawness of their Men, the want of Victuals, (of which they stood in great need) and some hardship they endur'd, happily not incident to their tenderness.

Now for Connaght, such was the carriage of some there, that two com∣pleat Regiments, consisting of full 2000 Men, were in six months reduc'd, through want, (though the Countrey thereabouts was stored with all manner of Provisions, not having been harrass'd by an Enemy) to 600. Upon which, several Articles were preferr'd by Persons of Honour, against those, who were charg'd with that misfortune, and the business, referr'd to the Council of War; which wav'd their Censure; and the main Parties concern'd therein voluntarily undergoing (afterwards) a private Duel, (producing no ill to either Party) no more was urg'd thereupon: Though as to the carriage of that business (in reference to the Soldiers Clothes and Necessaries) it could not easily be wip'd of, nor the desert∣ing of a Government without Orders, where there was more store of Ammunition, Arms, and other Necessaries, than Soldiers to use them.

However, in August this year, 1642. the Lord Moor, Sir John Borlase jun. and Colonel Gibson, with 500 Men apiece, went into the Counties of Lowth and Meath, with two Pieces of Battery, and two Field-Pieces, with which they assaulted the Castle of Sedan, obstinately defended thirty hours by Captain Flemming, thrice stormed, who at last fought with them out of the Ruines. At which time the Lords of the Pale were not so reso∣lute, the Lord Gormanston flying from the Fort of the Nabar, and the

Lord Slane, from the Castle of Newtown, thereby leaving Lowth and Meath clear'd of the Enemy; who finding good heels lost 500 onely at Sedan, whilst Captain Burrows, Pigot, and Grimes, with some others, defeated 800 of the Rebels near Athy, and slew about 200.

And now in respect that the State found great inconveniencies by the Protections, the Commissioners (they had formerly given authority to,) gave, the State of the Countrey being now far different from the Condition wherein it stood, 27 of October, 1641. at the granting of the said Protections; and that the Rebels of all Degrees and Conditions, had since with hateful and bloody obstinacy declared their Purpose, to extir∣pate the British throughout the whole Kingdom, without hope of reconcilement, other then by the strength of his Majesties Forces; They did the 19th. of August, 1642. revoke, repeal, make void, and annul all such Protections, from and after ten days from the date thereof, more at large to be seen in the Instrument it self in the Appendix, carrying weighty reasons for that Act.

The 25th. of August, the Lords, in a Letter to Secretary Nicholas, sent a Copy of the Rebels Petition, together with the Rebels of the Pales Let∣ter to the Earl of Ormond, in the answer to which, exceptions were taken, that they had not sent the Original, and with all took notice, that as his Majesty would be ready to punish the Rebels, so he would not shut up his mercy against those who did unfeignedly repent; upon which the Original was sent, and his Majesties Pardon beg'd.

Soon after the Lord Lisle, with the men under his Command, marched* 23.11 towards the Counties of Westmeath, and Cavan, where they arriv'd about the middle of September, having destroyed all where they had pass'd, without striking a stroak; the Rebels being (according to their usual Custom) retired to Places of strength, (confiding more in their Walls then Valour) wherefore passing into the County of Monaghan, he sate down before Carrickmacross, a house of the Earl of Essex's, very well Fortified, where the Rebels having endured the battery of two small Pieces of Cannon for one day, fled away the next night (the out∣ward Guards of the Besiegers, being remisly attended) leaving their Provisions of all sorts behind them: The Lord Lisle, after this success, better much then he could expect, with so small Forces, having put a Gar∣rison in the Place, returned to Dublin.

About one month after my Lord Lisle's return to Dublin, the State was inform'd by the Lord Moore, that Carrickmacross was besieged by near 2000 Rebels, and that if it were not suddainly relieved, not onely the Place would be taken, but our men lost; whereupon it was resolv'd to send away presently 1000 Foot, with some Troops of Horse, under the Command of Sir Henry Tichborn and my Lord Moore, to raise the Siege; And it fell into debate what should be done with the Place, and upon a due consideration of all Circumstances, and an impossibility on our part, to Man and Victual the Place; from hence an Act of Council was made for the demolishing of the house, and bringing of our men back: before this was put in execution, Letters came from Captain Vaughan* 23.12 from Dundalk, to acquaint the State, that with 100 Foot and 50 Horse, he had been to see in what state Carrick was; that he found the men well, Victualled for 14 days, and that the Siege was raised; that there came upon him in his return 2000 of the Rebels, who charged him, and (as Captain Martin said) shot near 5000 shot at his men, who thereupon

began to be somewhat in disorder, so as he saw they could not well retire; Whereupon he charged them with his Horse, routed them, killing 30 or 40 of them, and got some Arms: Yet the resolution taken to demolish Carick was not alter'd.

The Summer being thus spent, the Winter apace drew on, and the Provisions of the County failing, where the Souldiers lay in Garrison in the Custodiums, the greatest part of them return'd to Dublin, where they took up their Quarters, to the great grievance of the Inhabitants: And now the differences between the King and his Parliament in England were grown so high, and their preparations (to encounter one another in a set Battle) so considerable, as upon that fatal day, the 23. of October, 1642. They came to an Engagement at Edge-Hill, where the encounter was so fiercely maintain'd on both sides, with so much courage and reso∣lution, (headed by the Earl of Lindsey for the King, and the Earl of Essex for the Parliament, manfully discharging the parts both of Generals and Souldiers) as the loss being (in a manner) equal, both reported them∣selves Conquerors, but neither were thenceforth in a condition, to ad∣minister sufficient relief, to the distressed Estate of the poor Protestants in Ireland, whereby the Army (though but lately sent over out of Eng∣land) was wholly neglected, which made many of the Commanders take up thoughts of quitting that service, and repairing to the King at Oxford, having (as it was said) secret invitations thereunto: which being understood by the Parliament, and finding that (from the Battle of Kilrush, which was fought in April 1642. till October following) the Army in Leimster had not been so active, as reasonably might have been expected. The Parliament to quicken the War, to inform themselves of the wants and defects of the Army, and of all other things, that might enable them the better to send thither and dispose of there, such Forces, Moneys, Ammunition, and necessaries for that service (according to the Statute which enabled the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from time to time to direct) thought it very expedient, (though by Secretary Ni∣cholas from his Majesty, expresly commanded * 23.13 to the contrary) to send into Ireland a Committy for that purpose (in the depth of Winter, Members of the House of Commons, Mr. Robert Goodwin, and Mr. Ro∣bert Reynolds, authorized from both Houses, called (by his Majesty * 23.14) their Ambassadors, to which the Citizens of London joyn'd one Captain Tucker, who carried with them 20000 l. in ready money, besides 300 Barrels of Powder, ten Tun of Match, and other Ammunition. They arriv'd at Dublin the 29th. of October by long Sea, and upon the 2d. of* 23.15 November, presented them to the State, producing the Ordinance of Parliament, together with their instructions to be read. The Lords Justices and Council ordered their Reception with respect, which they im∣prov'd to the voluntary putting on of their Hats, sitting behind the Council on a Form; nor could this their carriage be reproved, though resented, Affairs at that time having brought on those Exigencies, which their coming could onely relieve, during whose abode there (having Votes onely in Military Affairs) they saw that Parties were continually sent forth to encounter the Rebels, and when there was a failing either in Money or Provisions, they engaged their own particular Credits to make up the defect: Yet in respect of their being admitted, as they were (consequently were thought to be spies on his Majesties Ministers there) His Majesty much disliked their Address, and in a Letter (deliver'd

to the Lords Justices and Council, the 10th. of February,) Order'd their removal, which was done with much content by the Board, but some regreets to the Commissioners; who resolv'd presently to quit Ire∣land; and to speak truth, it soon appear'd (by the Index of some mens spirits) what hazard they might have run, should they have been obsti∣nate therein: though many suspected (as it fell out) their return would certainly slacken the relief of the Protestant Army against the Irish.

There were three main things principally intended by this Committee, during their stay in Ireland.

1. They used their utmost endeavours to satisfie the Officers of the Army, of the great care the Parliament took to provide their Pay, and to send over money, and in the mean time to furnish the Army with all manner of Provisions and Ammunitions, that should be thought necessa∣ry, for the carrying on the War against the Rebels.

2. They made a Book, wherein they desired, that all the Officers of the Civil List, as well as the Army, should subscribe, and declare their free consent, that some part of their Pay and Arrear, due to them for their service there, should be satisfied out of the Rebels Lands, when they were declared to be subdued: Upon which many great sums were under∣written; (but upon information of his Majesties dislike thereof) the Commissioners (being sharply threatned) returned the Book, so that* 23.16 most struck out their Names, frustrating thereby a Design, which would infinitely have obliged others to have subscribed: In reference to which, the Kings Commissioners at Uxbridge ascertain'd, That his Majesty never sent any such Letter, to divert the course of the Officers subscribing, but the Souldiers were meerly discouraged from the same, by discerning that for want of Supplies, they should not be able to go on with that War.

3. They finding that most of the Officers of the Army had lodg'd their Troops and Companies in their Custodiums, which were most of them Places of strength, enough at least to keep them from being surprized sud∣dainly by the Rebels, and that there were 7 or 8000 of the Army quarter∣ed in Dublin, who consumed all the Provisions sent over for their supply, lying idle there, and oppressing the poor English Inhabitants, and such English as had taken sanctuary there; Or else making but small expeditions abroad, wasting not the Enemy so much as they did their own Provisions: It was moved therefore, and furthered by this Committee, that a considerable Force should be sent forth; Whereupon it was resolved, 4000 men should be sent out to take Ross, or some other Town thereabouts, where they might Winter, and live in part upon what they could take from the Ene∣my; whereupon many difficulties being found in the Design, the Lord Lisle, General of the Horse, accepted of it, with Colonel Monk, and others, who made ready to go; the Lieutenant General of the Army, the Earl of Ormond, being then much indisposed: But as soon as his Lordship reco∣vered, he came to the Council Board, and there declared, that he could not in Honour permit such a considerable part of the Army, to go out upon such an important Service, under any other Command then his own; and so undertook the leading out of the Army himself, and carried it to Ross, of which you shall hear more in its due place. The Parliaments Committee* 23.17 imbarked for London by long Sea, the 27th. of February, 1642. the difference of whose Carriage was observable; so much Integrity, Discre∣tion, and Humility appear'd in the one, and so much Pride, Arrogancy,

and Intemperancy in the other; as the one went away highly valued, and well esteem'd, and the other extreamly hated and despised. As for Tucker, he was the City's property, which every one improved to their own humour.

During their continuance in repute, hearing that Balanokil was Be∣sieged by Preston, the most reputed Captain amongst the Rebels, Colonel Monk, was sent forth with 600 Foot, and two Troops of Horse, the 5th.* 23.18 of December, 1642. to relieve it, which he soon did, the Enemy raising the Siege upon his reproach; but in his return he met Preston with 3000 men, in a disadvantagious Place; and though he saw evident danger in so unequal a Fight, yet he thought there would be more in a Retreat. Wherefore having intrench'd himself, so as to fear no attack but in the Front, he resolved to receive them bravely; and taking care that his Musketiers should not spend their shot in vain, he saluted the Rebels, in their approach, with such a shower of Bullets, as killed the boldest of them, and made the rest begin to give way, which the English perceiv∣ing, came hotly upon them. But the Fight was soon ended, by the cow∣ardliness of the Irish, who with much more shame than slaughter, losing not above 60 Men there, betook themselves to the next strong Place, and Colonel Monk, without the loss of one Man, return'd to Dublin.

The Committee of Parliament (whilst they remain'd at the Council) interpos'd in many things: Amongst the rest, it being desired by the Of∣ficers of the Army, that Major Wodowes might repair to his Majesty, to express their service; the Committee demonstrated, that the Parliament would certainly withdraw their Supplies, on notice of such an Address: Upon which the Ships were stayed; yet the Business was so argued, as the Major had licence to proceed in his Journey.

And now the Committee being discharg'd the Council, where the pro∣secution of the War was to be managed, the Parliament took it ill, inas∣much as the want of all things afterwards was exceeding great, and the* 23.19 main part of the remaining Army was quarter'd within the City and Sub∣urbs of Dublin, upon the poor Inhabitants, altogether unable to bear the Necessities of their Families, much less support 7 or 8000 Men. In alle∣viation of which, the Lords Justices and Council, the 31st. of December, 1642. publisht a Proclamation, That all Custodiums should send to his Majesty's Granaries, or Stores of Corn, half the Wheat gather'd there, at 10 s. the Barrel, in ready Money, &c. to the Relief of that and the ad∣joyning Garrisons. Yet small Supplies coming in thereupon, the Lords Justices and Council order'd by another Proclamation, the 15th. of Ja∣nuary, That all Corn-Masters, and others, should sell their Corn at a lower rate, than was propos'd the 28th. of December, 1641. and that Ba∣kers accordingly should size their Bread.

About the 20th. of January, 1642. Sir Richard Greenvile, with a* 23.20 Party of 200 Horse and 1000 Foot, with 600 Suits of Cloaths, and Mo∣ney, reliev'd Athlone. In his return, he was encounter'd at Raconnel by 5000 Rebels, which he routed, took their General Preston's Son Priso∣ner, killed many, gained 11 Colours, and surprized many Prisoners; for which service, Captain William Vaughan was by the Lords Justices (to whom he brought the News) Knighted. The Irish thought much of this Victory; for that there was an old Prophesie, That who got the Bat∣tle of Raconnel, should conquer all Ireland. The Army return'd to Dub∣lin the 10th. of February, with the remnant of Sir Michael Earnley's Re∣giment,

and others, who for their better Accommodation, would have had some of these Cloaths, which was denied, and they laid up in the Castle, where (with others) they afterwards prov'd unserviceable to his Majesty's Forces, much in want of them in the depth of Win∣ter.

The Lords Justices being driven to great strait, and left without hopes of Relief from England, and the Inhabitants of Dublin being no longer able to support the Necessity of their Families, and relieve the Souldiers, their Insolencies being high, the State entertain'd a Design of sending the greatest part of the Army (then quarter'd in Dublin) into some Parts distant from that City, where they might live upon the Rebels; and for this end, coin'd their own Plate, encouraging others to the same Advance* 23.21 of the State's service, whereupon (at first) they order'd Pieces of Mo∣ney marked to their Weight.

Many brought in freely; those indeed who (considering their imploy∣ment, and what was expected from them) had least reason to do it, whilst others issued only out their Warrants and Receipts, never yet dis∣charged: Yet by the help of what came in, and some supplies out of Eng∣land, (which had not wholly deserted Ireland) the Army march'd out 2500 Foot and 500 Horse, under the Command of the Marquess of Or∣mond, whose carriage in that Business, and his success at the Battle of Ross, we shall leave to the Lords Justices and Council's Letter, to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England, the 4th. of April, 1643. where (besides the Account of that Battle) they present a true state of their Affairs, Civil and Military.

SIR,

OUr very good Lord, the Marquess of Ormond, having in his March,* 24.1 in his last Expedition, consulted several times with the Commanders and Officers of the Army, in a Councel of War, and so finding that subsistence could not be had abroad, for the Men and Horses he had with him, or for any considerable part of them, it was resolved by them, that his Lordship with those Forces should return hither, which he did on the 26th. of March.

In his return from Ross, (which in the case our Forces stood, he found diffi∣cult to be taken in, as though our Ordnance made a breach in their Walls, it was found necessary to desert the Siege) he was encountred by an Army of the Rebels, consisting of about 6000 Foot and 650 Horse, well arm'd and horsed; yet it pleas'd God so to disappoint their Councels and strength, as with those small Forces which the Lord Marquess had with him, being of fighting Men 2500. and 500 Horse, not well armed, and for the most part weakly horsed, (and those, as well Men as Horse, much weakned, by lying in the Fields several nights in much Cold and Rain, and by want of Man's Meat and Horse Meat) the Lord Marquess obtain'd a happy and glorious deliverance and victory against those Rebels, wherein were slain about 300 of them, and many of their Commanders, and others of Quality, and divers taken Prisoners; and amongst those Prisoners, Colonel Cullen, a Native of this City, who being a Colonel in France, departed from thence, and came hither to assist the Rebels, and was Lieutenant General of their Army, in the Province of Leimster; and the Rebel's Army was totally routed and de∣feated,

and their Baggage and Ammunition seized on by his Majesty's Forces, who lodged that night where they had gain'd the Victory, and on our side about 20 slain in the Fight, and divers wounded.

We have great cause to praise God, for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy to his Majesty, and this his Kingdom, so manifestly, and indeed wonderfully, in that Victory.

However, the joy (due from us upon so happy an occasion) is, we con∣fess, mingled with very great distraction here, in the apprehension of our un∣happiness to be such, as although the Rebels are not able to overcome his Ma∣jesty's Army, and devour his other good Subjects, as they desire, yet both his Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured, by the wants of needful Supplies forth of England: For as we formerly signified thither, Those Forces were of necessity sent abroad, to try what might be done for su∣staining them in the Countrey, so as to keep them alive till Supplies should get to us. But that Design now failing, those our hopes are converted into asto∣nishment, to behold the unspeakable Miseries of the Officers and Souldiers for want of all things, and all those wants made the more insupportable in the want of Food, whilst the City (being all the help we have) is now too apparently found to be unable to help us, as it hath hitherto done. And di∣vers Commanders and Officers in the Army, do now so far express the sense of their Sufferings, (which indeed are very great and grievous) as they de∣clare, That they have little hope to be supplied by the Parliament, and press with great importunity to be permitted to depart this Kingdom, as it will be extream difficult to keep them here.

By our Letters of the 23d. of March, we signified thither the unsupporta∣ble burthen laid on this City, for victualling those of the Army left here, when the Marquess of Ormond, with the Forces he took with him, marched hence; which burthen is found every day more heavy than other, in regard of the many House-keepers thereby daily breaking up House, and scattering their Families, leaving still fewer to bear the burthen. We also by those Let∣ters, and by our Letters of the 25th. of February, advertised thither the high danger this Kingdom would incur, if the Army so sent abroad, should by any distress, or through want, be forced back hither again, before our Relief of Victuals should arrive forth of England.

When we found that those Men were returning back hither, although we were (and are still) full of distraction, considering the dismal consequences threatned thereby in respect of our Wants: Yet we consulted what we could yet imagine feasible, that we had not formerly done, to gain some Food for those Men; and found, that to send them or others abroad into the Coun∣trey we cannot, in regard we are not able to advance Money▪ for procuring the many Requisits incident to such an Expedition. In the end therefore, we were inforced to fix on our former way, and to see who had yet any thing left him untaken from him, to help us; and although there were but few such, and some of them poor Merchants, whom we have now by the Law of Neces∣sity utterly undone, and disabled from being hereafter helpful to us, in bring∣ing us in Victuals, and other needful Commodities, yet were we forc'd to wrest their Commodities from them. And certainly there are few here of our selves and others, that have not felt their Parts in the inforced rigour of our Pro∣ceedings, towards preserving the Army; so as what with such hard dealing, not less grievous to us to do, than it is heavy to others to suffer, and by our descending (against our hearts) far below the Honour and Dignity of that Power we represent here, under his Royal Majesty, we have with unspeakable

difficulty prevail'd, so as to be able to find Bread for the Souldiers for the space of one Month.

We are now expelling hence all Strangers, and must instantly send away for England, thousands of poor dispoil'd English, whose very eating is now un∣supportable to this Place.

And now again, and finally, We earnesty desire, (for our Confusions will not now admit the writing of many more Letters, if any) That his Majesty, and the English Nation, may not suffer so great, if not irrecoverable, pre∣judice and dishonour, as must unavoidably be the consequence of our not being reliev'd suddenly; but that yet (although it be even now at the point to be too late) Supplies of Victuals and Munition in present to be hastned hither, to keep life until the rest may follow, there being no Victual in the Store, nor will there be a 100 Barrels of Powder left in store, when the out-Garri∣sons (as they must be instantly) are supplied, and that remainder, accor∣ding to the usual necessary expence, besides extraordinary accidents, will not last above a month. And the residue of our Provisions must also come speedily after, or otherwise England cannot hope to secure Ireland, or secure themselves against Ireland, but in the loss of it, must look for such Enemies from hence, as will perpetually disturb the Peace of his Majesty, and his Kingdom of England, and annoy them by Sea and Land, as we often for∣merly represented thither; which Mischiefs may yet be prevented, if we be yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Rebel∣lion.

We hope that a course is taken there, for hastning thither the Provisions of Arms and Munition, mention'd in the Docquet, sent in our Letter of the 20th. of January, and the 600 Horses, which we then moved might be sent hither for recruits, and that the 7893 l. 3 s. for Arms to be provided in Holland, (besides those we expect in London) hath been paid to Anthony Tierens in London, or to Daniel Wibrants in Amsterdam; and if that Sum had been paid, as we at first desired, we might well have had those Pro∣visions arriv'd here by the 10th. of March, as we agreed. However, we now desire, that that Money, if it be not already paid, may be yet paid to Mr. Anthony Tierens in London, or Mr. Wibrants in Amsterdam, that so those Provisions may arrive here speedily, which (considering that Sum∣mer is now near at hand) will be very necessary, that when our Supplies of Victuals, Munition, Cloaths, Money, and other Provisions, shall arrive, we may not, in the publick Service, here lose the benefit and advantage of that Season. And so we remain.

From his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 4th. of April, 1643.

This Letter, as you see, was writ some weeks after the Battle of Ross;* 24.2 however, in brief, it gives you a faithful Account: Yet that a more par∣ticular one may also be committed to Posterity, accept of the following, from the Pen of a chief Officer in that Expedition.

March the 2d. 1642. the English Army march'd forth from Dublin to∣ward Kilkenny, consisting of about 2500 Foot and 500 Horse, together with two Pieces of Battery, and four small brass Pieces, the Marquess of Ormond being Lieutenant General of the Army, and my Lord Lisle Gene∣ral of the Horse.

The 3d. the Army being come nigh Castlemartin, the Rebels then pos∣sessing it, gave it up to the Lieutenant General, upon his promise of fair Quarter, which they accordingly had, to march away thence with the safety of their Lives, they being in number above 400 Men and Women; and the same day 3 Divisions of Foot were sent to Kildare, and a Castle called Tully, which the Rebels then quitted, and left unto us.

The 4th. the Army came to Tymolin, where finding two Castles pos∣sest by some Rebels, our Cannon compell'd them to submit to mercy, very few of them escaping with their Lives, there being about 100 of them slain; and also of the English Army was slain Lieutenant Oliver, and about 12 Souldiers.

The 11th. my Lord Lisle march'd from the Army at Temple-soul before day towards Ross, having with him Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Thomas Lucas, and about 400 Horse, and also Sir Foulk Huncks, with about 600 Foot. Being come within two miles of Ross, our Horse took 4 Horsemen of the Rebels, Prisoners, who inform'd us, that the Army of the Rebels lay then about 3 miles distant thence, being near 4000 Men. Shortly after my Lord Lisle came before the Town of Ross, and by a Trumpeter he sent to the Town, to have some one of Quality therein to come to treat with him, concerning the surrender of the same to the King's use, which they refused to do. Then Sir Thomas Lucas, fearing the safety of the Army, (by reason he understood that the Rebel's Army lay the last night within 2 miles of the English Army) importuned my Lord Lisle to march back with all his Horse, to secure the Army, leaving Sir Foulk Hunks with his Division of Foot, to guard a Pass in that way. And then after a few miles riding further, the English Army appear'd at hand, which march'd on towards Ross, nigh before which that night a great part of our Horse and Foot lodged. And the next morning our Cannon were drawn and planted against the Town, and continued bat∣tering with two Pieces, on a part of the Town-Walls, about two days together, which made a fair breach therein, which Sir Foulk Huncks un∣dertook to assault with his Men, and attempted it, but were beaten back with some loss, which so much dis-heartned the Souldiers, that they would not be drawn on again; and finding that the besieged had both daily and nightly very many Men, and much Ammunition, and other Recruits, conveyed by Boats into the Town, and understanding that the Rebel's Army was grown very strong within few miles of ours, and our Lieutenant General finding Bread to be grown scarce in our Army, re∣solv'd to leave Ross as it was, and gain Honour by a Battle with the Irish.

The 18th. our Army being march'd away, about 2 miles distant from Ross, the Irish Army appear'd fairly in view, who hastned their Forces in∣to Battalia, on a Ground of some advantage, nigh the way our Army was to pass. Whereupon our Commanders endeavour'd with all diligence to draw their Forces into Battalia, to confront the Rebels within the distance of Cannon-shot, our Cannon being plac'd at the Front of our Infantry, which was winged by our Horse-Troops, and advanc'd forwards before our Army, within Musket-shot of the Enemy's fore-Troops; Sir Richard* 24.3 Greenvile (having that day the Vauntguard of the Horse) had his Division for the right Wing of the Army; likewise my Lord Lisle's Division (ha∣ving the Battle) had the left Wing of the Army; Sir Thomas Luca's Di∣vision (having the Rearguard of the Horse) had the one half of his Divi∣sion,

appointed to stand for Reserves for both the Wings of Horse. Both Armies being order'd against one another, Sir Richard Greenvile sent forth towards the Rebels a forelorn Hope of 60 Horse, commanded by Lieutenant White, which advancing towards 2 Troops of the Rebels, they seem'd to shrink from. Then (our Cannon beginning to play) Captain Atkins, commanding a forelorn Hope of about 100 Musketiers, march'd forwards directly before our Foot-Army towards the Rebels, who had mann'd a Ditch in a High-way, lying right before their Army, with a great number of Musketiers; during which time, certain other Divisi∣ons of the English Foot followed orderly their forelorn Hope, Captain Atkins with his shot excellently performing his part, by exchanging shot with the Rebels that lay in ambush. Sir Richard Greenvile, with his Di∣vision on the right Wing, advanced to begin the Battle; in the interim whereof, Sir Thomas Lucas (being Major General of the Horse) came and took upon him the chief Command thereof; and so leading those Troops on towards the Enemy, being come past a deep High-way, that lay between both Armies, presently (at hand) advanc'd towards those Horse, a Division of Horse and Foot of the Rebels. Sir Richard Green∣vile being then in the head of his own Troop, (which had the right hand of that Division) commanded his Men to keep together and charge home without wheeling; which was no sooner spoken, but immediately Sir Thomas Lucas call'd aloud to our Troop, to wheel to the left hand, which they presently performing, were gotten into a Lane in some dis∣order, and before they could get out of the same, and come into any good order again, a Troop of above 100 of the Rebel's Horse, all Gentlemen of Quality, and Commanders, led by Cullen, their Lieutenant General, charg'd our Horse on the left Flank. Whereupon Sir Richard Greenvile encouraged several of his Troops, by his example, to charge the Enemy, where meeting with Colonel Cullen in the head of his Troops, divers blows pass'd betwixt them; mean while my Lord Lisle with his Troops, gallantly charg'd Cullen's Troop, on his Flank and Rear, whereby they were so routed, that the Troops were all intermixed one with another, and the execution of both Parties continued violent, until about 20 of the Rebel's Horse escaped away together, leaving the rest of their Com∣pany to be killed and taken Prisoners, (as they were;) during which time, the Foot and Cannon performing well their parts, drove the Enemy to shift away to save themselves, which Captain Hermon seeing, pursued their Rear with some Horse, with which he did notable good execution; and, to say the truth, it is probable that most of the Rebels had that day been cut off, had not the un-passable deep High-way betwixt both Ar∣mies, hindred our left Wing of Horse from giving on upon their side, and also the disorder that hapned to the right Wing of the Horse, by their un∣happy wheeling to the left hand. But so soon as the Officers of those Troops could reduce their Men again into order, my Lord Lisle and Sir Richard Greenvile presently pursued the Enemy with 2 Troops, and sent Sir William Vaughan with 2 Troops more to pursue others, flying away to the right hand. And having followed the chase of them about 2 or 3 miles distant from the Army, (the Rebels having made their escape over Bogs, and un-passable Grounds for Horse) our Horse were fain to leave them, and return to the rest of the Army, where the Cannon stood. In which service were 300 of the Rebels slain, amongst which were a great number of their best Gentry and Commanders: There were of the Rebels

taken Prisoners, Colonel Cullen their Lieutenant General, Major Butler, besides divers other Captains, and some of their Ensigns; of the English Forces were slain not full 20 Men: in which service, Sir Thomas Lucas unhappily received a very sore wound in his head. That night, the Eng∣lish Army lodged at Ballybeggan. After which time, the Army march'd without molestation of any Enemy, until they return'd to Dublin, whe∣ther the Rear of the Army came safe on Munday the 27th. of the same month, 1643.

Where they were again Quarter'd, even to the undoing and great de∣solation* 24.4 of that poor City, which had now suffered so much, and so long, under the burden and insolencies of unpaid, wanting Soldiers, as they were unable to bear it longer, and with loud cries and complaints made known their Grievances to the Lords Justices and Council, wholely unable to relieve them. And indeed, such was the posture of the present affairs at that time, as every thing tended to bring on a Cessation; yet for the present, the Lieutenant General (that the Soldiers might be quieted) publish'd a strict Edict, Prohibiting all Soldiers to offer the least violence to any who brought Provision to the Market, or any Inhabitants of the Town, under the severest Penalties of the Marshals Court; which, for a time, be∣gat an obedience. But the Army being ill Cloath'd, meanly Victuall'd, worse Paid, and seldom employ'd in service, necessity enforc'd them to those outrages Humanity could not take notice of, many of them being the effects of a very pinching want; though the Lords Justices and Coun∣cil (to the great dislike of the Army) pursued some of the Offenders with exemplary Justice: A sense of which, with the Meagre return which Serjeant Major Warren brought out of England, on his sollicitation for the Soldiers Pay, and the dissatisfaction that thence arose; some of the Officers, not all, (there was a Party that presum'd they might have gone through with the work, had there not been another in the Loom) after∣wards presented the State, the 4th. of April, 1643. with a Paper, in such a stile, threatning so much danger, as the Lords Justices and Council re∣mitted the Copy of it to the Parliament of England, which here follows.

My Lords,

AT our first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom, we had no other design,* 25.1 than by our Swords to assert and vindicate the Right of his Majesty, which was here most highly abused, to redress the wrongs of his poor Sub∣jects, and to advance our own Particulars in the prosecution of so honest un∣dertakings. And for the rest of these, we do believe they have, since our com∣ing over, succeeded pretty well; but for the last, which concerns our selves, that hath fall'n out so contrary to our expectations, that instead of being re∣warded, we have been prejudic'd; instead of getting a Fortune, we have spent part of one: And though we behave our selves never so well abroad, and perform the actions of honest men, yet we have the Reward of Rogues and Rebels, which is Misery and Want, when we come home. Now (my Lords) although we be brought to so great an Exigence, that we are ready to rob and spoil one another; yet to prevent such outrages, we thought it better to try all honest means for our subsistence, before we take such indirect

courses. Therefore if your Lordships will be pleased to take us timely into your considerations, before our urgent wants make us desperate, we will, as we have done hitherto, serve your Lordships readily and faithfully. But if your Lordships will not find a way for our preservations here, we humbly de∣sire, we may have leave to go where we may have a better being: And if your Lordships shall refuse to grant that, we must then take leave to have our recourse to that first and primary Law, which God hath endued all men with, we mean, the Law of Nature, which teacheth all men to preserve themselves.

Hence (with what countenance some gave it) it was thought, the Rebels (as to the bringing in of the Cessation, and their further Aims) prevail'd more, than in all their Battels, Treacheries, and Surprizals.

About Easter, the Rebels, under Preston, besieg'd Baranokil; at which time (even the 11th. of April) Colonel Crafford march'd forth of Dublin with 13000 Foot, and 130 Horse, a Culvering and a Saker Drake, towards Monastar-Even, that with his Party he might there live; and (if he should be advised by the Garrisons thereab outs) he had Orders to set upon Preston, who had with him 4000 Foot, 500 Horse, three Pieces of Battery, and four Field-Pieces.

But here we must acquaint you, that about November, 1642. the Lords* 25.2 Justices sent his Majesty, then at Oxford, a short Petition, in the name of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, which they had received from them, desiring, that his Majesty would appoint some persons to hear what they could say for themselves, with many expressions of Duty and Submission. Shortly after which, Sir James Mountgomery, Sir Hardress Waller, Knights and Colonels, Colonel Arthur Hill, and Colonel Audley Mer∣vin, a Committee for Ireland, in behalf of themselves and other Com∣manders in his Majesties Army, there attended his Majesty at Oxford, set∣ting forth by their Petition as follows.

May it please your Sacred Majesty.

WE your Majesties most humble Subjects, being entrusted from conside∣rable* 26.1 parts of your Majesties Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland, to petition your Majesty, and your Parliament for Supplies; and finding that your Majesty had committed the care and managing of that War to your Par∣liament here, we address'd our selves unto the same, whose sense of our mise∣ries, and inclination to redress, appear'd very tender unto us. But the pre∣sent distempers of this your Majesties Kingdom of England (to our un∣speakable grief) are grown so great, that all future passages, by which com∣fort and life should be conveyed to that gasping Kingdom, seem totally to be obstructed; so that unless your Gracious Majesty, out of your singular Wis∣dom, and Fatherly Care, apply some speedy Remedy, We your distressed and loyal Subjects of that Kingdom must inevitably perish. Our condition repre∣sents unto your Majesty the estate of all your Majesties faithful Protestant Subjects in Ireland; the influence of Princely favour and goodness so active∣ly distill'd upon your Kingdom of Ireland, before the birth of this monstrous

Rebellion there, and since the same, so abundantly express'd in Characters of a deep sense, and lively presentment of the bleeding condition thereof, gives us hope, in this our deplorable extremity, to address our selves unto your Sacred Throne, humbly beseeching, that it may please your Gracious Majesty, amongst your other weighty cares, so to reflect upon the bleeding con∣dition of that perishing Kingdom, that timely relief may be offered; other∣wise your Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes a Prey, their Lives a Sacrifice, and their Religion a Scorn to the merciless Rebels, powerfully assisted from Abroad. Whilst we live, we rest in your Majesties Prote∣ction; if our deaths are design'd in that Cause, we will die in your obedi∣ence; living and dying, ever praying for your Majesties long and prosperous Reign over us.

Montgomery, Hard. Waller, Arth. Hill, Aud. Mervin.

Unto which his Majesty, by his Principal Secretary, the Lord Faulk∣land, return'd this Answer, from the Court at Oxford, the 1st. of De∣cember, 1642.

His Majesty hath expresly commanded me to give this Answer to this Petition.

THat his Majesty hath, since the beginning of that monstrous Rebel∣lion,* 27.1 had no greater sorrow, than for the bleeding condition of that his Kingdom; and as he hath by all means labour'd, that timely relief might be afforded to the same, and consented to all Propositions (how disadvan∣tagious soever to himself) that have been offer'd him for that purpose; and at first recommended their condition to both his Houses of Parliament, and immediately of his own meer motion sent over several Commissions, and caused some proportion of Arms and Ammunition (which the Petitioners well know to have been a great support to the Northern parts of that King∣dom) to be conveyed to them out of Scotland, and offered to find 10000 Volunteers to undertake that War; but hath often since prest by many se∣veral Messages that sufficient Succours might be hastned thither, and other matters of smaller importance laid by, which did divert it; and offered, and most really intended, in his own Royal Person, to have undergone the dan∣ger of that War, for the defence of his good Subjects, and the chastisement of those perfidious and barbarous Rebels; and in his several Expressions of his desires of Treaty and Peace, hath declared the miserable present condi∣tion, and certain future loss of Ireland to be one of his principal Motives, most earnestly to desire, that the present Distractions of this Kingdom might be compos'd, and that others would concur with him to the same end: So his Majesty is well pleas'd, that his Offers, Concurrence, Actions, and Ex∣pressions, are so rightly understood by the Petitioners, and those who have employ'd them, (notwithstanding the groundless and horrid Aspersions which have been cast upon him) but wishes, that instead of a meer general Com∣plaint (to which his Majesty can make no return but of Compassion) they could have digested and offered to him any such desires, by consenting to

which, he might convey (at least in some degree) comfort and life to that gasping Kingdom, preserve his distressed and Loyal Subjects of the same from inevitably perishing, and the true Protestant Religion from being scorn'd and trampled on by those merciless and Idolatrous Rebels. And if the Petitioners can yet think on any such, and propose them to his Majesty, he assures them, that by his readiness to consent, and his thanks to them for the proposal, he will make it appear to them, that their most pressing per∣sonal sufferings, cannot make them more desirous of relief, than his care of the true Religion, and of his faithful Subjects, and of that Duty which obliges him to his Power to protect both, renders him desirous to afford it to them.

Faulkland.

Upon the Petition of the Confederates of Ireland, his Majesty granted a Commission to the Marquis of Ormond, to meet, and hear what the Rebels could say or propound for themselves; by vertue of which, the Earl of St. Albans and Clanrickard, the Earl of Roscommon, Sir Maurite Eustace, and other his Majesties Commissioners met at Trim, to whom the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland Commissioners (the Lord Viscount Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, and John Walsh Esq) produced a Remonstrance the 17th. of March, 1642.* 27.2 to be presented to his most Excellent Majesty, by the name of, The Remon∣strance of Grievances, presented to his Majesty in the name of the Catho∣licks of Ireland. Yet though (as you see) this Remonstrance was solemn∣ly received by his Majesties Commissioners, and by them transmitted to his Majesty; as before had been the presumptious Propositions from* 27.3 Cavan, the Letter of the Farrals to the Lord Costilough, Dr. Cale's Agency from the Rebels, the United Lords Letter to the Earl of Castle∣haven, and the Lord Mountgarret's to the Lieutenant General, and all other Addresses to the State; as afterwards the Propositions of the Ro∣man Catholicks of Ireland, even to his Majesty (by their Agents) to him∣self at Oxford: Yet the bleeding Iphigenia abounds in so much Impu∣dence, as to affirm, that to this day, (the 23d. of December, 1674.) they were not heard to speak for themselves. Shameless Soul! The Commission from his Majesty, that the Rebels might be heard, was brought over, and confidently delivered at the Council-board, the 22. of January, by Thomas Bourk Esq (a Contriver of the Rebellion) to the amazement of All not acquainted with the Plot. In the Remonstrance there are pieced toge∣ther (saith that excellent and judicious Person * 27.4, who knew as well their Sophistry, as the States Interest) so many vain inconsiderable fancies, many subsequent passages acted in the prosecution of the War, and such bold, false, notorious Assertions, without any the least ground or colour of truth, as without all doubt they absolutely resolv'd, first, to raise this Rebellion, and then to set their Lawyers and Clergy on work to frame such Reasons and Motives, as might with some colour of justification serve for Arguments to defend it. It is indeed, to speak plainly, a most infamous Pamphlet, full fraught with scandalous aspersions cast upon the present Government, and his Majesties Principal Officers of State within this Kingdom: it was cer∣tainly framed with most virulent intentions, not to present their condition and present sufferings to his Majesty, but that it might be dispers'd to gain belief amongst Foreign States abroad, as well as discontented Persons at

home, and so draw assistance and aid to foment and strengthen their Rebellious Party in Ireland. Of which, if any desire to be more fully satisfi'd, each Particular is clearly answer'd (by a Person then at the Helm, very faith∣fully, though not with that vigour the truth requir'd) in a Book, entituled, The false and scandalous Remonstrance of the Inhumane and Bloody Rebels of Ireland * 27.5. And upon the 8th. and 9th. of April following, it came to be considered in the Commons House of Parliament in Ireland, seemingly disliked by all, though with that artifice by some, as the Remonstrants themselves could not have insinuated more in its defence; in as much as these (not finding they gain'd on the Anti-Remonstrants) at last brought into discourse the Solemn League and Covenant, the more colourably to take off the dispute concerning the Remonstrance; whereby the business growing hot, the House was Prorogu'd till the 6th. of May.

All things being now in that condition, as the necessities of the Army daily increas'd, a Cessation grew generally to be spoke of; his Majesty having imparted his Commands therein to the Lords Justices by the fol∣lowing Letter.

C. R.

RIght Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellors, We greet you* 28.1 well. Whereas considering the present Condition of Our Affairs, as well in this as that Our Kingdom, through the famous Plots and Practises of Persons, disaffected to Our Per∣son and Government, We have given Command and Authority to Our Right Trusty, Entirely, and Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, the Marquis of Ormond, Lieutenant General of Our Army and Forces in Ireland, to Treat with Our Subjects, who in that Kingdom have taken up Arms against us; and to agree with them upon a Cessation of Arms for one Year; which, as it is a Service of very great Concernment to Vs and Our pre∣sent Affairs, both here and there; so We Will and Command, that you therein give your most effectual assistance and furthe∣rance to advance the same, by your Industry and Endeavours, as there shall be occasion.

Given at Our Court at Oxford, the 23. of April, 1643.

About the 1st. of May, 1643. the Lord Inchequin (since the death of* 28.2 his Father-in-law, Sir William St. Leger, as yet Commander in Chief in the Province of Munster) march'd forth with his Army, divided into two Parties; one Commanded by himself, into the West of the County of Cork, doing excellent service there, without resistance: and the other

under the Conduct of Sir Charles Vavasor, with select Numbers, respe∣ctively gathered from the Garrisons of Toughall, Talloe, Castle Lions, Lis∣more, Mogily, and Cappaquin; the whole number consisting of about 1200 Musketeers, and 200 Horse, besides Volunteers and Pillagers. In which Expedition, Major Appleyard, May the 2d. near the Castle of Cos∣grave, was assign'd to fall on Ballykeroge, (Sir Nicholas Walsh's Town and Lands) that he might burn and spoil them: And Sir Charles Vava∣sor undertook the Passage to the Comroe; upon the left hand whereof there stands an exceeding high Mountain, and under the brow a large Wood, through which the Army was necessitated to pass, an unpassable Bog being on the right hand. The Enemy (never wanting intelligence) against Sir Charles came, had cast up a Trench breast high, with spike holes along the side of the Wood, from the Mountain to the Bog, with a strong Barricado, and two Courts of Guards for Musketeers to lodge in, more artificially done than they were accustomed to: But by the help of a Fog (our Guide proving faithful) the Rebels were not aware of us till our Horse were upon them, at which they shot, and we retreated lei∣surely (our Foot not being come up) through Providence, without harm; and Sir Charles commanded some Dragooners, of Captain Pynes Compa∣ny, to alight, which they did, soon entring the Enemies Trenches, and, before the Foot came, gain'd the Pass; and the Horse and Foot march'd within Musket-shot of Dermod O Brian's (Lord of the Countrey) Castle, where they made a stand, till the Soldiers had fir'd the Countrey, and took away their Cattle, the Enemy not daring to rescue them, firing (as they march'd away) by Comroe-Castle, a good House of Peter Anthony's, an English Papist, with many other Thatch'd Houses thereunto belong∣ing. The same day the whole Army Rendezvousing on a Hill near Kil∣mac-Thomas, resolv'd that night to have advanc'd to Stradbally; but marching by Mac-Thomas's Castle, they within gave fire upon us; 60 of our Soldiers, being not able to endure such an affront, ran out of the Main Body to the Castle, without either Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, or other Officer; and recovering a Ditch upon the South-side of the Ca∣stle, (the Wind blowing Southerly) they set the Thatch'd Houses on fire, and assaulted the Castle by the help of the smoak, (blinding the War∣ders) upon which the Besieged cri'd, A Drum, a drum; at which, many who had flown thither for safety inconsiderately, ran out, and were by our Soldiers knock'd on the head; whilst the Warders (delivering the Castle on some Terms) had Quarter, as the other might have had too, had they staid in the Castle; from amongst which, six or seven that were thought dead rose up, which (the Soldiers would have killed) but in pity, Sir Charles Vavasor suffer'd to go with the Warders to Bally∣keroge. After which service, Ensign Boughton and 40 Musketeers took in a House, built by James Wallis Esq strongly fortifi'd by John Fitz-Gerald, Son and Heir to Mac-Thomas; the Warders and the rest being on Terms also convey'd to Ballykeroge: And so facing Clonea (belonging to Tibbot Fitz-Gerrard) and Cosgrave Castles, and passing by Dungarvan, some of the Rebels issued out of Town; but the English Forces draw∣ing into a Body to oppose them, they retired without the least Encoun∣ter, our Forces marching to their own Garrisons.

About the 27th. of May, the Lord Inchequin compleats an Army of 4000 Foot, and 400 Horse, which Rendevouz'd at Buttevant; out of which he sent 200 Horse, under the Command of Captain Bridges, (a

resolute active man) and 1200 Foot, under the Conduct of Lieutenant Colonel Story, (no ways backward of the Employment) into the County of Kerry; a dangerous Journey, considering the length of the way, and scarcity of Provision they had with them, the Enemy having wasted and fired Trally, (a Place as well accommodated with good Land for Corn and Cattle, as any other Place in Munster) lest the Lord Inchequin should quarter there. Whereupon the Lord Inchequin (considering the danger of the Journey) to divert the Enemy, laid a pretended Siege to the Town of Kilmallock, (a Place of great consequence, and a Key to Lime∣rick) whereby, the Rebels eyes being fixed on Kilmallock's relief, the Ex∣pedition was much facilitated; Bridges and Story bringing away a great Prey of Cattle, some Prisoners, and fetch'd off many English from the Ca∣stle of Ballybeggan without any resistance, save a loose Skirmish, wherein the Enemy lost four men, and were routed.

The Lord Inchequin, the 28th. of May, having sent Colonel Myn to Patrick Purcel of Croe, Governour of Kilmallock, to acquaint him, he came forth onely to meet an Enemy in the Field, not to Besiege the Town. He released the Lady Humes and her Son, Prisoners at Kilmallock, for one Burget, a Prisoner at Cork, whether the Lord Inchequin march'd, whilst Sir Charles Vavasor, after a well regulated Dispute (stoutly de∣fended by the Rebels) took in Cloghleigh, commanded by one Condon, wherein was 20 Men, 11 Women, and about 7 Children, some of which the Soldiers stript, in readiness to kill them; but Major Howel drawing out his Sword, defended them; and whilst he went to Colonel Vavasor, (then at Ballyhindon, Mr. Roche's House, where he was invited that day to Dine) committed them to Captain Wind, who leaving them to a Guard of Horse, they stripped them again, and afterwards fell upon them with Carbines, Pistols, and Swords: a cruelty so resented by Sir Charles Vavasor, that he vowed to hang him that commanded the Guard; and had certainly done it, had not the next days action prevented it, which was the most considerable loss the English ever received from the Re∣bels, a mischief they might have avoided had they been less confident, and given greater credence to their Intelligence.

The 4th. of June, being Sunday, early in the morning, before break of day quarter, Mr. Hill, with a Squadron of Horse, was sent to Scout about Cloghline and Castlegrace, in the County of Tipperary; and before day-light he was encompassed by the Enemies Horse; so that he, with his Company, with great difficulty escap'd, and bringing word to the Leaguer at Cloghleigh, the Alarm was up, and presently our Foot drew themselves into two Divisions in a Field next the Mountain, where the Enemy came down, when presently two or three Bodies of the Ene∣mies Horse appear'd on the side of a Hill, (a mile and a half from us.) In the mean time Sir Charles Vavasor (lying the night before at Castle Logons) was sent for, and he (without delay) came away as fast as his Horse could carry him: but before he came, a Party of Musketeers, to the number of 200, under the Command of Captain Philip Hutton, and a Troop of Horse commanded by Captain Freek, drew up nearer to the Enemy by half a mile, and there stood for the space of two hours; some of the Horse in the interim advanc'd further, founding their Trum∣pets on both sides. At length, Christopher Brian (the Lord Inchequin's Brother) desir'd to Parle with Quartermaster Page, and after some Com∣plements and Discourses past, they parted; as did afterwards Captain

Richard Fitz-Morris (the Lord of Kirries Brother) with the said Chri∣stopher Bryan. Presently after notice was given, that the Enemy was ad∣vancing; but we could discover no Foot all this while, (their manage∣ment of this business being very close.) Whereupon Sir Charles Vavasor demurr'd upon it, and took order for what was needful, and called back the said Hutton and the Horse from the Mountain. In the interim, Cap∣tain George Butler (a Native of this Kingdom, a man of undanted spirit, and well experienc'd in Martial Discipline) came to Sir Charles from the Lord Inchequin with a Letter, importing, That the said Butler's Compa∣ny and Sir John Brown's were marching from Moyalloe towards him, and now within a mile and half to him, were at his disposal. Upon that, Sir Charles and the rest of the Officers consulted what was best to be done, and concluded, such a Body of Horse could not be without a con∣siderable Body of Foot, and therefore fully resolv'd to make good a Re∣treat, giving order, that all the Carriages with the Artillery (that were now at a stop on the Manning Water) should hast away, till they reco∣vered the Black Water at the Ford of Farmoy, to help to make good that Pass, in case he should be hard put to it. After this, Sir Charles staid a while, so long as he might well conceive the said two Companies, Car∣riage and Ordnance to be at the Ford, and then presently marched on to Castle Lyons, the Front led by Lieutenant King, the Body by Major Howel, and the Rear by Sir Charles himself, a Forlorn-hope of about 160 Musketeers in the Rear was commanded by Captain Pierce Lacy, Captain Hutton, and Lieutenant Stardbury, and all our Horse in the Rear likewise; who no sooner came over the Manning Water, and re∣covered the top of the Hill, but the Enemies Horse were at our heels: From this Hill to the Ford there is a dangerous Passage of a Narrow Lane, which the Enemy knew full well, and so did our Men too: And the Enemy perceiving that most of our Men were marching within this Lane, (excepting the Forlorn-hope and the Horse) charged us in the Rear, coming on as the Moorish and Getulian Horse, mention'd by Salust in Jugarth's War, not in Order and Warlike manner, but by Troops and scattering Companies at adventure, that the Fight rather resembled an Incursion than a Battel; and so hemm'd in and prest on our Horse, (being but 120) that they were able to move no way, but fall into that Lane amongst the Foot, which they did, thereby routing our whole Foot. The Ordnance by this time was not carried ••••er the Black Water,* 28.3 nor the two Companies as yet come to make good the Passage, so that all our Colours (save one brought off by Dermot O Grady, Ensign to Captain Rowland St. Leger, who gallantly sav'd It and himself) were taken, our two Pieces of Ordnance surpriz'd, and Sir Charles himself (together with Captain Wind, Lieutenant King, Ensign Chaplain, Cap∣tain Fitz-morris, and divers others) taken Prisoner; besides those that were kill'd in the Place, (viz.) Captain Pierce Lacy, Captain George But∣ler, Lieutenant Walter St. Leger, (three Natives of this Kingdom) Lieu∣tenant Stradbury, Lieutenant Rosington, Lieutenant Kent, Ensign Sim∣mons, with divers other Lieutenants and Ensigns, besides common Sol∣diers, to the number of 300, some affirm 600.

Upon which success, they boldly attempted Cappaquin, which more* 28.4 gallantly withstood them, in as much as after all their attempts, the As∣sailants were shamefully beaten off towards the end of June, and forc'd to retreat, having lost upon the first Assault 62 men; afterwards, at∣tempting

it again, they were repuls'd, and fearing the Lord Inchequin's approach, marched away, having lost in that enterprize Lieutenant Colo∣nel Butler, (Brother to the Lord of Armally,) Captain Saint John of Saint Johnstown, Captain Pierce Butler of Ballypaddin in the County of Tipperary, Captain Grady desperately hurt, one Ensign killed, as were four Serjeants, and two hurt, besides several Prisoners taken: one of their Horsemen compleatly arm'd ran to us, who (amongst other passages) discovered the particular losses of the Enemy, their chief Gunner was likewise slain in this service: Upon the retreat and march∣ing away, a Party of our Horse commanded by Sir John Brown sallied out of the Town after them, and killed some of their Men and Pillagers in the Rear of their Army, who found 25 graves after them in the Camp, wherein they buried their dead by 4 and 5 in a grave, as by veiw ap∣pear'd.

Yet though the Enemy had no success in taking in Cappaquin, we by Colonel Myn * 28.5 took in the Castles of Timolege, Roscarby, and Rathbarry in the West, and Lismore nobly defended it self under Captain Barderoe, whilst the Lord Inchequin appearing with 2500 Horse and Foot, rais'd the Siege, whose Army upon news of the Cessation, drew off, then ready to give Battle.

In Connaght, after the Battle of Raconnel, till Midsummer, there was not any considerable service done by our Souldiers; and the Enemy either kept close in Garrisons, or was drawn off to the Siege of Galloway's Fort; And now the Enemies finding that without the Command of some ex∣perienc'd General, and the uniting of their Forces, they were able to do little, yea, not to defend themselves; they got for Commander John Bourk (or as they more commonly called him, Shane O-Tlevij) descended from the Bourks of Castle Barr, or if you please of the Mac Williams: His first exploit was against the Fort of Galloway, to the taking and de∣molishing of which, the Townsmen contributed both with Bodies and Purse very largely; they wanted good battering Guns, and therefore re∣solv'd to take it by Famine, it being but poorly provided by such as the Parliament appointed to bring timely supplies by Sea, knowing that in it they should get battering Guns, to take in the rest of the English Garrisons in that Province. To this end, they made a Chain of Masts, Casks, and Iron, across that part of the Harbour next to the Fort, and planted strong Guards at each end of it; They prepared some few Ship-Guns, and a Morter-Piece, which was well cast by a Runnagate out of the Lord Forbes Ships, which afterwards they made use of at the Siege of Castle Coot; so that with much Industry rather then Gallantry, they at length got the Fort by Composition, its Relief coming too late into the Harbour; The event of which so much struck the Governour, as he did not many months after survive the loss.

Upon the taking of the Fort, the Irish were overjoy'd to be Masters of so many brave Guns, and thought that the Reputation of this and the help of the Guns, would reduce suddainly all Connaght; they re∣solv'd first to fall on Castle Coot, the most painant thorn in their side,* 28.6 being confident that upon their success there, they might in all proba∣bility expect to have the rest, not because it had any great strength in its Walls, but was well mann'd, and vigilantly attended; though with 4000 Horse and Foot, and answerable Accommodations of War, they question'd not but to Master it soon, having Preston's Engineer, Monsieur La Loo

(an expert Low-Countrey Souldier) to manage their Works, who upon the knowledge of the situation of the Place, question'd not its surrender, Galloway having (for Fireworks, and fitting expedients for that service) furnished him with 300 l. However, though they had made as regular and handsom a Fortification about the Castle, as ever was attempted in Ireland, yet the Garrison so nobly attack'd each Redoubt, that thence ensued many brave Attempts, much certainly to the prejudice of the Besieged; the Garrison maintaining their own against all the Attempts the Besiegers ever adventur'd, which in truth were many, not without Skill as well as Courage maintain'd; in as much as the Governour Cap∣tain Richard Coot, since Lord Baron of Coloony, having sent forth a private Messenger to Major Ormsby, (who before with the help of the English Garrisons, had very successfully beaten Owen Roe-O-Neal out of the Province with great loss, coming to set upon Boyle, Jamestown, Car∣rickdrumzoosh, and Elphin,) at Tulsol, to inform him of his wants, very carefully consulted with Boyle and Roscommon, who joyntly agreed (upon a private Sign) to relieve them of Castle Coot; which the Ene∣my having notice of by one, whom the Garrison had familiarly enter∣tain'd, the Treachery (on the Enemies side) was carried on, as they set forth two parties, as if one had made to the Castles Relief, whilst the other oppos'd it; to the countenance of which, the Gover∣nour being (from the Walls) encouraged by the Souldiers (though against his own suspicions) adventured forth with 60 Musketiers, but soon found the deceit of the business; The Enemy all this while having skirmish with themselves as two Parties, who now joyntly fall upon the Governour with those he drew out, who so gallantly oppos'd them, though (in compute) not less then 700 Men, as they retired to their Camp, and he secured his Retreat (with much Honour) to his Castle; The Enemy in the Interim, making a bold assault on the other part of the Castle, which he came time enough to relieve, beating off the Ene∣my with a considerable loss, and having slain many of their men, caus'd them decently to be laid out (not beheaded as the Irish barbarously are accustomed to do) for which their General sent him a Present of To∣bacco, (then very acceptable;) However, afterwards he beat them to in∣accessible Places, in Bogs and Woods (their usual Refuge) and re∣cover'd at that time store of Tobacco, Cloaths, and 11 weeks Pay, newly come, to satisfie their Souldiers; Yet they hearing of the Cessation, but not yet having an Express from the Marquiss of Ormond, more violently (then ever) shot at the Castle; and having now a Messenger of the Cessation, they so far suspected him as a spy, as they imprison'd him,* 28.7 endeavouring still to gain the Castle; but finding their attempts vain, For∣ces from Boyle, Roscommon, &c. faithfully having relieved the Castle, all joyntly gallantly set on the Rebels, which their General perceiving, grew so much enraged against his Souldiers, as to profess he had rather be Captain of the 200 in the Garrison, then General of the 3000 he had; so as at length the Governour as well as Bourk, having an Express from the Marquiss of Ormond, both acquiess'd therein.

Thus his Majesties Forces (where they were unanimous) vigorously proceeded; nay should I adventure to recount all their actions, time would fail, we are obliged to be brief, though in omitting any, inju∣ries may be done excellent Persons, whose pardons I beg, whilst they had no better supplies then other Places.

However, the necessities of the Army were daily aggravated, yet they (in some mens opinion) not seeming sufficient to bring on a Cessation, such as were principal opposers of it, were thought requisite to be remov'd; And the 23. of April, 1643. Sir Francis Butler arriv'd from England with a Supersedeas for the Lord Parson's Govern∣ment, and a Commission to the Lord Borlase, and Sir Henry Tichborn,* 28.8 to be Lords Justices; who accordingly the first of May, were in∣stituted in the Government; Who (betwixtthe unpaid and Refractory Souldiers, and the difficulties that arose about the Cessation, which they were to consent to, but acted little in) encountred no small difficulties in their Government, whatever censure it hath since met with: Soon after their admission, fresh hopes of a more plentiful Supply exceedingly cheer'd the Souldiers; but that failing, Murmures, Mutinies, and a dis∣contented Spirit raged every where, highly fomented, that necessity might be a main plea for the Cessation; of which his Majesty being daily in∣form'd, writes this Letter.

C. R.

RIght trusty and Right well beloved Cousen and Councellor,* 29.1 we greet you well, by our Letters of the 23. of the last month: We gave you our Command to Treat and Agree upon a Cessation of Arms for one year, with those our Subjects in that our King∣dom, who have taken up Arms there against our Authority; and having since seen the Propositions, which you and the rest of our Commissioners sent us from our said Subjects, We find the same to be of such great importance, and many things therein alledged, so necessary to be further examined and in∣quired into, as we have been the rather induced to have such a Cessation, as we have formerly written unto you, so as it may be with Honour to us, and without prejudice to our In∣terest and Service; This Bearer Mr. William Brent, is a Person whom we have purposely sent over, to give us an account of your proceedings in a Business of this Consequence, to whom you may give credit, and by him we shall desire to hear from you, when you shall have any Matter of moment to send over unto us.

Given at our Court at Oxon, the 3d. of May, 1643.

To our right trusty and entirely beloved Cou∣sen and Counsellor, James Marquiss of Ormond, Lieutenant General of our Army in Ireland.

This (upon the Treaty) the Confederates Commissioners acknow∣ledge to have seen, but insisted upon one (formerly mention'd) of the 23. of April, (more important they conceive) which upon promise (that upon the agreement of the Treaty perfected,) they should have a Copy of the Treaty, went on: though as to his Majesty, that there might be a further evidence of his Intentions, to subdue the Rebellion in Ire∣land, he (being presented the 5th. of May, 1643. by Sir Robert King, William Jephson, and Arthur Hill Esquires, from the Parliament, with a Bill entituled, An Act for the speedy payment of Moneys, subscribed* 29.2 towards the reducing of the Rebels in Ireland, which yet remain'd unpaid) was so far from denying to pass the said Act, (though driven from his Parliament, with far the Major part of both Houses) that he inclin'd to pass the Act, if he might be assured to have it imployed to no other purpose, then the Reducing of the Rebels, &c. Which Conditions not being answered, no more was attempted by that Bill, a defect not rest∣ing in his Majesty, but those that sent it; whereby the straights in Ireland still increasing, the Lords Justices writ to his Majesty (as a little be∣fore they had done to the Parliament) the ensuing Letter.

May it please your Most Excellent Majesty.

AS soon as we your Majesties Justices entred into the charge of this Go∣vernment, we took into our consideration at this Board, the state of* 30.1 your Army here, which we find suffering under unspeakable extremities of want of all things, necessary to the support of their Persons, or maintenance of the War; here being no Victuals, Cloaths, or other Provisions requisite towards their sustenance, no Money to provide them of any thing they want, no Arms in your Majesties Stores, to supply their many defective Arms, not above 40 Barrels of Powder in your Stores, no strength of serviceable Horses being now left here, and those few that are, their Arms for the most part lost or unserviseable, no Ships arriv'd here to guard the Coasts, and consequently no security rendred to any, that might (on their private Adventures) bring in Provisions of Victuals, or other necessaries, towards our subsistence, and finally, no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve for you this your Kingdom, and to render deliverance from utter destruction, to the Remnant of your good Subjects yet left here.

We find that your Majesties late Justices and this Board, have often and fully by very many Letters, advertised the Parliament in England, of the extremities of Affairs here, and besought relief with all possible im∣portunity, which also have been fully represented to your Majesty, and to the Lord Lieutenant, and to Mr. Secretary Nicholas, to be made known to your Majesty: And although the Winds have of late for many days (and often formerly) stood very fair, for accessions of supply forth of England hither, and that we have still with longing expectations, hope to find Provisions arrive here, in some degree answerable to the necessities of your Affairs: yet now (to our unexpressible grief) after full 6 months wait∣ing, and much longer patience and long-suffering, we find all our great expectations answered in a mean and inconsiderable quantity of Provisions, (viz.) 75 Barrels of Butter, and 14 Tun of Cheese, being but the fourth part of a small Vessels Lading, which was sent from London, and arriv'd here on the 5th. of this Month, which is not above 7 or 8 days Provision for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin, and the out-Garrisons thereof,

no Money or Victuals (other then that inconsiderable proportion of Victual) having arriv'd in this Place, as sent from the Parliament of England, or any other forth of England for the use of the Army, since the beginning of November last.

We have (by the blessing of God) been hitherto prosperous and suc∣cessful in your Majesties Affairs here, and should be still hopeful, by the mercy of God, under the Royal Directions of your Sacred Majesty, to vin∣dicate your Majesties Honour, and recover your Rights here, and take due vengeance on these Traitors, for the innocent blood they have spilt, if we might be strengthned or supported therein by needful supplies out of England: But these supplies having hitherto been expected to come from the Parliament of England, (on which if your Majesty had not relyed, we are assured, you would in your high Wisdom have found out some other means to preserve this your Kingdom) and so great and apparent a failer ha∣ving hapned therein, and all the former and late long continuing Easterly winds, bringing us no other Provisions then those few, Cheese and Butter; And no advertisement being brought us of any future supplies to be so much as in the way hither, whereby there might be any likelihood, that considerable means of support for your Majesties Army, might arrive here in any reason∣able time, before that we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels, and your King∣dom by them wrested from you; we find our selves so disappointed of our hopes from the Parliament, as must needs trench to the utter loss of the Kingdom, if your Majesty in your high Wisdom ordain not some present means of preservation for us.

And considering, that if now by occasion of that unhappy and unexpected failing of support from thence, we shall be less successful in your Services here against the Rebels, then hitherto (whilst we were enabled with some means to serve you) we have been, the shame and dishonour may, in com∣mon construction of those who know not the inwards of the Cause, be im∣puted to us, and not to the failing that disabled us: And considering principally and above all things, the high and eminent trust of your Affairs here, deposited with us by your Sacred Majesty, we may not forbear in discharge of our Duty, thus freely and plainly to declare our humble appre∣hensions, to the end your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of our Condition, may find out some such means of support, to preserve to your Majesty and your Royal Posterity, this your ancient and rightful Crown and Kingdom, and derive deliverance and safety to the Remnant of your good Subjects yet left here, as in your excellent Judgment you shall find to be most to your Honour and Advantage.

And so praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct you for the best, in this high and important Cause, and in all other your Councels and Acti∣ons, we humbly remain,

From your Majesties Castle at Dublin, the 11th. of May, 1643.

Your Majesties most Loyal and most Faithful Subjects and Servants.

The 12th. of May, the Lord Taaffe, Roch, and Fitzwilliams arrived out of England, and that morning Major Warren, and Sir Francis Butler came to the Council, the Lords sitting, and presented a Petition to the Lords Justices, accusing the Lord Parsons of high Misdemeanors, and other Treasonable Matters; requesting that his Person and Goods might be secur'd, though (in conclusion) nothing was ever filed against him: an Evidence to most, that there was more of a Design, then Crime, in the Accusation.

And having (as before) presented you with the Lords Justices Letter to his Majesty, we should now give you the Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament the 16th. of June, 1643. concern∣ing the present lamentable estate and miserable condition of Ireland; In answer to what, the Lords Justices and Council had faithfully acquainted them withall, that it may appear how sensible they were of the infor∣mation they had receiv'd of the straights and exigencies of the Protestant Forces in Ireland; which certainly is very Emphatical, resenting (with a just aggravation) the miserable condition of that Kingdom; but be∣ing legible in Husbands Collections, * 30.2 we shall refer you thither, not busing our selves how far it prevail'd. Certainly the Exigencies of the Souldiers, and State of Ireland were then very considerable, in as much as his Majesty not being able (by any other expedient) to remedy (as he was perswaded) their complaints, then by a Cessation, he (to that end) sends this Letter to the Lords Justices.

C. R.

RIght trusty and well beloved Counsellors, and right* 31.1 trusty and intirely well beloved Cousen and Counsellor, we greet you well: The present Distractions here have rendred us as unable, as by experience we find the remaining part of the two Houses, are unwilling to supply or relieve our Army in Ireland; and if the Money we consented should be rais'd in this our Kingdom for the Relief of Ireland, had not been di∣verted by them, and Rebelliously imployed against us here in England, we should not have been constrain'd to have hearkned to a Cessation of Arms now on that side; But since we see no other hope, during the unhappy distempers here, to settle the Peace of that our Kingdom, but by a Cessation of Arms between us and the Irish, now in Arms there, and doubt very much, how our Forces now in that our Kingdom will be there maintain'd, if we shall admit of a Cessation: We have thought it expedient by these our Letters, to recommend it to your care and industry to consider seriously how our Forces on that side, may be enabled to subsist during the Cessation: and if there may be means found for that, we do then hereby Authorise, and require you, to agree to a Cessation of Arms there for a year, and in our Names to assure the said Irish, that we are graciously inclin'd to dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one between this and the 10th. of November next, and to take a course, to put all those that shall be chosen Members of the said Par∣liament, into such a condition, as they shall not be prejudiced

of their Liberty of Assisting, Sitting, and Voting in the said Parliament; for better effecting whereof, we do hereby further authorise and require you, to give License to such Commission∣ers, as the said Irish shall appoint to come over hither to us, to treat of that Business, and such other Particulars (to be pro∣posed by way of Petition) as shall necessarily conduce, not one∣ly to the satisfying of the said Cessation, but to a preparation of what shall be requisite, for the setling of a just, honourable, and perfect Peace in that our Kingdom: And we further require, in case the said Irish now in Arms, shall agree to such a Cessa∣tion and Treaty, to advertise us of some such able and fitting Mi∣nisters, or Servants of ours on that side, as you conceive fit to be sent over hither to assist in the Treaty here, when Commissioners shall come over from the said Irish. In which Business we require you to use all convenient expedition, and to give us a speedy Account, for which these our Letters shall be your Warrant.

Given under our Signet at our Court at Oxford, the second day of July, in the 19th. year of Our Reign, 1643.

To our right trusty and well∣beloved Counsellors, Sir John Borlase, and Sir Henry Tichborn, Kts. Lords Justices of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to our right trusty and intirely beloved Cosen and Counsellor, James, Marquiss of Ormond, Lieutenant-Ge∣neral of our Army there.

But before this Letter came to the Lords Justices, the means to a Cessa∣tion* 31.2 were thought of: Yet the day before the Marquiss of Ormond pro∣ceeded to the Treaty, which was the 22. of June, the chief Protestants of the City of Dublin were called before the Council, to know if they would give 10000 l. or have a Cessation; the latter they were very un∣willing* 31.3 to, and the former they could not advance; indeed it was well known, though it serv'd (as an Argument) to evidence the necessity the State was put to: And the Irish Commissioners, the 23. of June, pre∣sented themselves unto the Marquiss of Ormond, in his Tent near Castle Martin, in the County of Kildare, in the presence of divers Colonels, Captains, and Officers in his Majesties Army, his Lordship sitting in his Chair covered, and the Irish Commissioners standing bare: after several

passages betwixt them, (all tendred in writing) the Irish Commission∣ers gave his Lordship a Copy, of the Authority they had receiv'd from the supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland at Kilkenny, in these words.

WHereas his Majesty's most faithful Subjects, the Confederate Catho∣licks* 32.1 of Ireland, were inforced to take Arms, for the preservati∣on of their Religion, for the defence of his Majesty's just Prerogatives and Rights, and the maintenance of the Rights and Liberties of their Countrey, labour'd to be destroyed by the Malignant Party. And whereas his Majesty in his high Wisdom, and Princely Care of his said Subjects Welfare and Safe∣ty, and at their humble Suit, That his Majesty might be graciously pleas'd to hear their Grievances, and vouchsafe Redress therein, did direct, there should be a Cessation of Arms, and thereupon did Authorize the Right Ho∣nourable the Lord Marquess of Ormond, to treat and conclude the said Ces∣sation, with the said Confederate Catholicks. Know ye, that the said Coun∣cil, by the express Order and Authority of the said Catholicks, by them con∣ceiv'd, and granted in their General Assembly at Kilkenny, on the 20th. day of the last Month of May, and in pursuance of the said Order and Autho∣rity, reposing special Trust and Confidence in the Wisdom, Circumspection, and provident Care, Honour and Sincerity, of our very good Lords, Nicholas Lord Viscount Gormanston, Donnogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and our well-beloved Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, Tir∣lagh O Neal Esq Geoffry Brown Esq Ever Mac-Gennis Esq and John Walsh Esq have constituted, appointed and ordain'd, and by these presents do constitute, appoint and ordain, the said Nicholas Lord Viscount Gorman∣ston, &c. our Commissioners, and do by these presents give and grant unto our said Commissioners, or any five, or more of them, full Power and Autho∣rity to treat with the said Lord Marquess of Ormond, of a Cessation of Arms, for one whole year, or shorter, and to conclude the same for the time aforesaid, upon such Terms, Conditions, and Articles, as to the said Commissioners, in their Judgements, Conscience and Discretion, shall be thought fit and expe∣dient; by these presents ratifying and confirming, whatsoever Act or Acts our said Commissioners as aforesaid, shall do or execute, concerning the said Cessation.

Given at Kilkenny, the 20th. of June, 1643.

Montgarret, Castlehaven Audley, Malachias Arp. Tuamen, Fr. Thom. Fleming, Arch. of Dublin, Primate of Ireland, Maurice de Rupe & Fer∣moy, Nettervile, Nich. Plunket, Edm. Fitz-Maurice, Patrick Darcy, Rob. Linch, R. Bealing.

Upon which both sides proceeded, the Marquess not admitting the Title or Name, attributed by the Irish Commissioners unto them, in be∣half of those for whom they treated; as likewise not admitting the Cause for which they took up Arms, as in the Protestation is expressed: Where∣as the Irish Commissioners, on the other side, still propos'd all in the be∣half of the Catholicks of Ireland, with protestation, that the said Catho∣licks took Arms in defence of their Religion, his Majesty's Rights and

Prerogatives, and the Liberties of Ireland, and no ways to oppose his Majesty's Authority; so as (say they) neither the Title, or Protestati∣on, (being justly due to them) were to be excepted against, being the same they always used in their immediate applications to his Majesty. Against which, though there were exceptions, the Treaty still proceed∣ed, they owning the premisses: And at Sigginstown the Treaty went on, not without Debates of great concern, and much difficulty, and then* 32.2 was deferr'd from the 1st. of July, to the Thursday next come seven-night; at which time the Marquess of Ormond could not meet, in respect, That the necessity of his attendance otherwise upon the publick Service of his Ma∣jesty would not permit; which the Irish Commissioners seem'd much to resent, writing to his Lordship from Kilkenny, the 19th. of July, 1643. That although we conceive this Treaty to be of the greatest consequence of any Service, to be effected for his Majesty within this Kingdom, yet we are not apt to give an ill construction to the laying of it by for the present, until we do know of that Service that taketh place of it, which (being for the advan∣tage of his Majesty's Interests) we heartily wish may have good success: Yet your Lordship will give us leave to take notice, that we meet in these, as in all other Proceedings, (whereby we may have any expectation to enjoy the benefit of his Majesty's Grace and Favour) some interruption and slackness, in conveying any part of his good Intentions, to his faithful Subjects the Ca∣tholicks of Ireland, which we add to our other Grievances, and will endea∣vour (in discharge of the many harms which may ensue by reason of this Pro∣traction) to have it rightly presented to his Majesty. In Answer to which, the Marquess of Ormond replyed, the 21st. of July, That whereas they had no pretence of unaptness, to give an ill construction to the laying by of the Treaty, until they could know of what Service took place, he acquainted them, That he was not accountable to them, with the knowledge of his Ma∣jesty's Services, wherewith he had the Honour to be intrusted, or to any but to his Majesty, and to those to whom he had intrusted the government of the Kingdom. And for what they said, They would endeavour to have rightly presented to his Majesty, he doubted not but to acquit himself as became him, as in other Commands, so in this Particular; and that they should find, when the other Occasions of his Majesty were over, the deferring of the Treaty at present, was not such a laying aside of the Matter, as their Letters in∣ferr'd.

Thus at present, (more than by Letters, and the private Actings of some Men) there was nothing further attempted in the Treaty, till the 26th. of August following: In the interim, we must take notice of the Insolence of these Men, then expecting his Majesty's Favour.

By the Lords Justices and Council.

Jo. Borlase. Henry Tichborn.

WE the Lords Justices and Council do declare, That if Captain John Farrer be forthwith released by the Rebels, and safely sent hither, that forthwith upon his coming, so released, we will give Order for the re∣leasing

Synnot, lately imployed as Captain amongst the Rebels, out of Pri∣son, the Jaylor's just Dues being first paid, and will then permit him freely to depart without interruption.

Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, July 8. 1643.

La. Dublin, Ormond, Roscommon, Bramston, Ant. Midensis, Tho. Rotheram, Jo. Temple, Fra. Willoughby, Ja. Ware.

We do not know to whom this Certificate is directed, and we will avow our* 34.1 selves in all our Actions, to be his Majesty's loyal Subjects; neither shall it be safe henceforth for any Messenger, to bring any Paper to us containing other Language, than such as suits with our Duty, and the Affections we bear to his Majesty's Service, wherein some may pretend, but none shall have more real desires to further his Majesty's Interest, than his Majesty's loyal and obedient Subjects.

Montgarret, Muskery, Fr. Tho. Dublin, Malachias Tuamen, Castlehaven Audley, R. Bealing, Torlo O Neile, Patr. Darcy.

Who reads this, may well think their Confidence built on other Grounds than appear'd. What! Shall such as fought in opposition to his Maje∣sty's Proclamation, be thought loyal Subjects, whilst the State (owning his Majesty's Interest, Honour and Service) are said to pretend to what they really were? Surely so impudent a Reply, never before (without chastizement) escaped the Pen of suppliant Rebels; nor indeed (could some then have had the freedom of their just scorn and indignation) should such expressions have been swallowed.

During the respite of the Treaty for the Cessation, (viz. the 29th. of July) 7 or 800 of the Rebels gave us at mid-night, (by whose neglect I know not) an Alarm, even in the streets of Dublin, who were gallantly repulsed by Colonel Crafford's Men, killing 20 of them, the Rebels by that means doing no more hurt, than plundering and firing some few thatcht Houses.

All things tending to a Cessation, the State held it their best policy not to retain their Forces wholly in their Garrisons; and therefore (though they had slender Provisions, and less Treasure to encourage the Souldiers abroad) the 27th. of June, 1643. Colonel Monk, with 1300 Foot, and 140 Horse, was sent against Preston, strengthned by Owen O Neal, whom* 34.2 he encountred near Castle Jordan, at a Pass upon the River Boine, being 5 or 600 Horse, and 6000 Foot, putting his Foot to rout, and killing many of his Men: Yet for want of Provision, he was forced to leave Clan∣curry, and turn to Wickloe, where he got store of Cattel. But thence he was soon recalled, to face the Rebels in Meath; and hearing of Owen O Neal's Forces about Port Leicester Mill, (a great and secure Fastness) near 5 miles Westward from Trim, he, with the Lord Moor, vigilantly attend∣ed their motion: But so it fell out, that the Lord Moor observing O Neal's encamping there, had some notice of his levelling a Piece of Cannon to∣wards his Army; yet was so little concern'd at the advice, (danger in that Cause being never apprehended) as after that the Bullet had once

(if not twice) grazed, he, with other Gentlemen, (who were not with∣out of what might ensue, and intimated their suspicions) still tra∣vers'd the Ground, till most unfortunately the Bullet forc'd its passage* 34.3 through his Armour into his Body, but was not of strength sufficient to go through, however it there slew him; upon whose Fall, one readier to shew some sallies of Wit, than Skill, obtrudes this Distich:

Contra Romanos Mores res mira Dynasta, Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.

In Answer to which one readily writes this:

Olim Roma pios truculenta morte beavit, Antiquos mores jam nova Roma tenet.

This Noble Gentleman was the first that adventur'd in this Cause, and the last Victime under his Majesty's Commission; a Gentleman of clear Spirit, and Integrity. He fell not many days before the Cessation, which* 34.4 by several (even of the Privy Council themselves) was much disliked; nor indeed (till some of those were remov'd from the Council Board, the Reasons they gave in being un-answerable) could the Cessation be brought on without opposition; and then not so easily as some thought, many difficulties, and those not easie to reconcile, (in reference to his Maje∣sty's Exigencies, and the Interest of the distressed Protestants) pressing in on every Dispute. Now the Parliament in England (conceiving them∣selves much interess'd in the Affairs of Ireland, (as already hath been said) to advise, order, and dispose of all things concerning the Government and De∣fence of that Kingdom) made, the 30th. of September, 1643. (not know∣ing that the Cessation had been then 15 days before concluded) a Decla∣ration against any Cessation, or a Treaty of Peace with the Rebels in Ireland, for that (amongst many other Reasons) the Cessation would be for the pre∣servation of the Rebels and Papists only, who under pretexts of civil Con∣tracts, would continue their Antichristian Idolatry. Besides, several Com∣missioners of both Houses of Parliament, who by the Broad Seal, (the pub∣lick Faith of the State) were intrusted with the Irish Affairs, would by the Cessation be further dis-enabled to Act; and the Adventurers (who had so many Acts for their Security) would by a Cessation be disappointed, as the exiled Protestants (turn'd out of their Habitations) be thereby continued in misery and want.

Whilst these things were thought on in England, the People of Ireland (who took a liberty at the uncertainty of Affairs) were strangely divided, whether the Cessation should be concluded or no. Some (who were sensibly touch'd with the Injuries and Cruelties of the Rebels) could not brook it; others (hoping for their advantage by the Change) daily ex∣pected it, whilst the City (in general) being burthen'd with Taxes, quartering of Souldiers, &c. having no hopes of Relief from abroad, wil∣lingly hearkned to their Freedom: so as now the strong Affections which had been commonly born against the Rebels, began to wither into an in∣differency, and the course which had been then took to weather out the resolute, either for despair or terrour humbled many, and as Interest lay, several resolv'd what Party to take in England, upon the conclusion of the Cessation. And that the Cessation might be put forward, his Majesty

writ to the Lords Justices, and the Marquis of Ormond from his Court at Matson, the 25th. of August, the 19th. year of his Reign, which came not to them till the 26th. of September, eleven days after the Cessation was concluded; Authorizing them, or any two of them, to treat and con∣clude for him, and in his name, with his Subjects then in Arms in that his Kingdom, for a Cessation of Arms for one whole year. But before this Letter arriv'd, the Treaty at Sigginstown began with the Confederates Commis∣sioners, by vertue of the Letter the Marquis had formerly received from his Majesty, dated at Oxford the 31. of July, 1643. who to that purpose order'd a Commission, dated at Dublin under the Broad Seal, the last of August, 1643, in the 19th. year of his Majesties Reign, to conclude the Cessation with the Irish Commissioners; who, the 26th. of August, 1643. having met the Marquis of Ormond (Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army) there, where insisting upon the Name, Title, and Protestation which at first they had assum'd (not permitted of by the Marquis of Ormond) they proceeded: The Enemy, in the interim, be∣sieging* 34.5 Tully, and afterwards taking it, even whilst his Majesties Com∣mission of Grace was not far thence in execution; and in all places they shewed themselves most active, endeavouring either to surprize, force, or gain by allurements what they could, exceedingly animated with hopes of a Cessation, that upon its conclusion, what was in their power might be peaceably possess'd. During which Treaty, many difficulties arose; one (whether in this or the former Treaty, I am not certain) was much insisted on, (viz.) How the several Indictments and Outlawries against the Irish might be repealed? After some dispute, at length Plunket (one of the Irish Agents) told them, He had found a Remedy; the Judges before whom they were Indicted might be summon'd to the Star-Chamber, and there be Fined. And there replied one (who is seldom found to sign any Act of State till the Cessation was concluded) all that are concern'd may be confident to find reparation. This the Lord Chief Justice Shurley thought reflected upon him, who thereupon express'd much courage and integrity. And the Dispute fell: And the 15th. of September, 1643. the* 34.6 Cessation was concluded by the Marquis of Ormond, who for his Cou∣rage, Affection, and Loyalty, his Majesty had made his Lieutenant Ge∣neral of his Army in Ireland, and who (having gotten so many notable* 34.7 Victories over the Rebels) was very well approv'd of by the two Houses of Parliament in England. The publication of which, with the Articles, and his Majesties Motives thereunto, you may read in his Majesties Works, from fol. 353. to 365. In confirmation of which, the Lords Ju∣stices and Council issued out a Warrant to the Lord Chancellor, to draw Letters of Confirmation under the Great Seal of Ireland, which accor∣dingly bore date the 26th. day of Septemb. in the 19th. year of his Ma∣jesties Reign: And to express the necessity thereof, many Persons of Quality sign'd, the said 15th. of Septemb. 1643. a Writing, therein con∣cluding it necessary for his Majesties Honour and Service, that the Lord Marquis of Ormond should assent to a Cessation of Arms; though some of these afterwards (joyning with the Parliaments Forces) resolved to die a thousand deaths, rather than to descend to any Peace with the perfidi∣ous Rebels; but stuck not at length to that Protestation, altering as the Scene chang'd.

Whilst the Cessation was in agitation at Sigginstown, the Consequences of dissolving the Parliament were not the least in consideration at the Council-board, nor was there any thing more desired by the Rebels, who thereby hoped to be re-seated in a new Parliament, which they question'd not to manage to their own ends and advantage. Wherefore that the State might still steer by the same Compass they had hitherto done, they committed the Case to the Judges; who unanimously agreed upon the following Reasons for its continuance.

May it please your Lordships,

ACcording to your Lordships Order of the xi. of September, 1643. we* 35.1 have considered of such inconveniencies, as we conceive may arise to his Majesty, and his Service, as Affairs now stand, if this present Parliament should be determin'd, and have reduc'd the same to writing, which we hum∣bly present to your Lordships further consideration.

The greatest part of the Free-holders of this Kingdom are now in actual Rebellion, whereby his Majesty ought to be justly entituled to all their Estates, both Real and Personal; this cannot be done but by their Con∣viction and Attainder, either by course of Common Law, or by Act of Parlia∣ment. By course of Common Law it will be very difficult to be effected, for these Reasons following.

First, Those who are indicted in most of the Counties of this Kingdom can∣not be Attainted by Outlawry, by reason that the Sheriffs of those Counties, by occasion of the present Rebellion, cannot keep their County-Courts, to Pro∣claim, and make due Return of the Exigence: Nor can they be Attainted by Verdict for want of Jurors, most of all the Free-holders in the Kingdom be∣ing now in Rebellion.

Secondly, Those that are not Indicted, or those that are already Indicted, and in Prison, or upon Bonds, cannot be proceeded against Legally at the Common Law for want of Jurors; because, as aforesaid, most of the Free∣holders are in Rebellion.

Therefore of necessity, those Persons must either not be Attainted at all, or onely by Act of Parliament, which is scarce possible to be effected, if this present Parliament be Dissolved, or Discontinued; for that upon a new Par∣liament to be Summon'd, the Knights and Burgesses must be Elected by the Free-holders and Inhabitants respectively, most whereof are in Rebellion. And yet the present Parliament will be discontinued, unless a Commission under the Great Seal of England to the now Lords Justices, or other the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, be here before the 13th. of November next, being the day of Prorogation, for the beginning of the next Session of Parliament, to enable them to continue this present Parlia∣ment; the last Commission for the continuance thereof being onely to the Lords Justices, one whereof is since remov'd.

Unless the Parties now in Rebellion, being Legally Attainted, which cannot be here, as is aforesaid, as the case now stands, but by Act of Parlia∣ment, his Majesty cannot have power to dispose of their Estates, as in his wisdom he shall think fit, either for the increasing of his Revenues, or for the

Peaceable establishment of this Common-wealth, and indifferent Administra∣tion of Justice therein.

Rich. Bolton Cancell. Geo. Shurly, Gerrard Lowther, Ja. Donnalon, Sa. Mayard.

The Cessation as yet not being known to his Majesty, the Lords Ju∣stices and Council received a Letter from him at the Camp at Matson near Gloucester, of the 4th. of Septemb. passionately resenting the suffer∣ings and complaints of the Officers, who (upon all occasions) had a ten∣der affection in his breast. And to the end they might not be frustrated of their Arrears, he commands their Debentors should be respectively sign'd, that they might take an effectual course to be paid the same by the Two Houses of Parliament that engaged them.

And left there should be any defect in acknowledging of their Merits, who had so faithfully ventur'd their lives for his Majesties Service, he is yet further pleased to provide for their Encouragement and Entertain∣ment, who, upon the Cessation, were now free to serve him, though as yet he knew not of its conclusion, but (by the Contents of the following Letter) seem'd to expect it, giving particular Orders for the management of Affairs upon that occasion.

C. R.

RIght Trusty and Well-beloved Counsellors, and right Tru∣sty* 36.1 and intirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well. Whereas not onely the great neglect of the Af∣fairs of that Our Kingdom, by the remaining part of our Houses of Parliament, who pretended so great care of it, but their impious preventing all Supplies destin'd to their Relief by Our Autho∣rity, (which did ever most readily concur to any Levy of Men, Money, or any other Work, in order to the Assistance of Our Pro∣testant Subjects there) and employing the same in an unnatural War against Us their Liege Lord and Sovereign, hath reduc'd our Army in that our Kingdom into so heavy straits, that out of Our Care of the preservation of them, who so faithfully ventur'd their Lives for Our Service, We were brought to condescend to a Treaty for a Cessation of Arms: Our Will and Pleasure is, and We do hereby Charge and Command you, that in case, according unto the Authority given unto you by Us, you have agreed upon a Cessation, or as soon as you shall agree thereupon, you, or any two of you do immediately consider of, and put in execution these Our following Commands.

1. That you agree upon what number of Our Army will be ne∣cessary to be kept in Garrison there, for the maintenance of the same during the time of the Cessation, and what Soldiers they shall be, and what Persons shall command the same; and that you settle them accordingly in that Command, as shall appear to your discretion to be most conducing to our Service.

2. That you do consider and advise of the best means of Transporting the rest of Our Army in that Our Province of Leimster, (excepting such as are to be kept in Garrison in Our Kingdom of Ireland) and to that end We do hereby give you, or any one of you, full Power and Authority, to hire all Ships, Barques, or Vessels whatsoever, and to treat with any Persons whatsoever for the Loan, Hire, or Sale of any Ships, Barques, or Vessels, upon such Conditions as you, or any one of you, shall agree upon with them.

3. That in such time and manner as to you shall seem meet, you communicate to the Officers and Soldiers of that Our Army this Our intention, to make use of their known Courage and Fidelity in the defence of Our Person and Crown, against the unnatural Rebellion rais'd against us in this Our Kingdom, and against the like labour'd by the Rebels here, to be rais'd against Us out of Our Kingdom of Scotland.

4. That you signifie unto them, that We are the more mov'd and necessitated unto this course, for as much as it is resolv'd by some ill affected Persons in that Our Kingdom of Scotland, to call over the Army of Our British Subjects out of Our King∣dom of Ireland, to the end to make use of them for the Invasion of Us, and of Our Good Subjects of England. And for as much as this Rebellion against Us, under colour of the humility of Our two Houses of Parliament, hath exhausted the Means appoint∣ed, by the concurrence of Our Royal Authority, for the sustenta∣tion of that Our Army there, and by force hath stai'd and taken from Us all those Our Revenues, which might have enabled Us to have supplied them in that Our Kingdom, so that we ought in reason (besides the Bond of their Allegiance) to expect their ready concurrence against those Persons, who are as well the Causers of all the Miseries they have endured, as of all the Inju∣ries We have suffered.

5. That you assure them, both Officers and Soldiers, that upon their Landing here, they shall immediately receive Our Pay, in the same proportion and manner with the rest of our Army

here. And you are to assure the Soldiers, that all care shall be taken, that Cloathes, Shoes, and other Necessaries be forthwith provided for them, after they are Landed here; and that care shall be taken for the Provision of such as shall happen to be maim'd here in Our Service; and for the payment of all their Arrears that shall be due to any of them that shall happen to be kill'd in the same, to their Wives, Children, or nearest Friends. And you are to assure both Officers and Soldiers, that we will take special care to reward all such according to their Merit and Quality, that shall do us any eminent Service in this Our War, against this odious and most unnatural Rebellion.

6. We will and require you, and do hereby authorize you, to use your utmost Interest and Industry, for the speedy Transpor∣tation of this forementioned part of Our Army, with their Arms, Horses, and such Ammunition, and the like, as you shall think fit, into Our Kingdom of England; and particularly, if it may be, to our Fort of the City of Chester, or to the most commodious Haven in North-Wales. And for Our obedience in this, and every other of these Our Commands, this shall be to you, and every of you, sufficient Warrant.

Given at Our Court at Eudely-Castle, 7^th Sept. in the 19^th year of Our Reign.

Superscrib'd as before, For the Lords Justices, and the Lieutenant General of the English Army.

To what Party the Cessation was happy, will be hard to determine; that thereby the Rebels had an opportunity (which they improv'd) to provide themselves of Arms and Ammunition, may easily be conceiv'd; in as much as the Parliament of England concluded, the Cessation in Ire∣land was of advantage to none, but to the bloody Rebels of that Kingdom: Agreeable to what Camd.* 36.2 well observs, for as much as in that (space where∣in a Cessation is allowed to the Rebels) the Rebels enjoy free liberty to di∣gest all their secret Plots and Machinations, to strengthen their Sides by* 36.3 new Confederacies abroad, and to encrease them at home with new Forces; whilst all this while the English lay at a costly idleness, feeding on the fruits of their Friends, and faithful Well-willers; when by reason of the Cessa∣tion they might not prey upon the Enemy. Certain it is the Parliament improv'd the Cessation to a very specious pretence, in as much as no estate (say they) of the Rebels was to be disposed of (consequently no Cessation or Peace to be made) till the Lords and Commons of the Realm of England

should, in Parliament, by order, declare, that the said Rebels were subdued, and this present Rebellion appeas'd and ended. But on the contrary, his Majesty shew'd the necessity of his good Protestant Subjects, and the Army (being not longer able to subsist for want of Supplies) enforced that Cessation; though he is told again, That many (since the Cessation) have, and do subsist: And that one end for which the Cessation was made, was, that the Forces might be brought out of Ireland into Eng∣land, and employ'd against the two Houses: Which, in Answer, his Ma∣jesty shews the reason of, when the Scots Army before was made use of against him. The whole Scene is excellently stated in his Majesties An∣swer to the two Papers concerning Ireland, at the Treaty at Uxbridge: How passionately soever the Parliaments Commissioners conclude, That whatsoever becomes of us, (say they) if we must perish, yet let us go to our graves with that comfort, that we have not made Peace with the Ene∣mies of Christ, yea, even Enemies of Mankind, declared and unreconciled Enemies to our Religion and Nation. And (indeed, to give the Parliament their due) when they had reduc'd the Affairs of England to their own Module, the Rebels of Ireland were frequently chastised, and so affe∣ctionately pursued, that neither Men, Money, or Courage was wanting to that service. Of the first part of which Paragraph, his Majesty seems most sensible, expressing (in his Answer before-mention'd) That he would be glad, that either a Peace in England, or any other Expedient, might fur∣nish him with Means and Power to do Justice upon them; if this cannot be, we must not desperately expose our good Subjects there to Butchery, without means or possibility of Protection: God will, in his due time, avenge his own quarrel. In the mean time, his Gospel gives us leave, in case of War, to sit down and cast up the cost, and estimate our power to go through with it; and in such case, where Prudence adviseth, it is lawful to propose Conditions of Peace, though the War otherwise might justly be pursued. This wrought much on many. But the Parliament (who persisted resolutely to have his Majesty disclaim the Cessation) would not allow any necessity for it, alledging, that though some of great estimation with the Parliament (whom his Majesties Commissioners produc'd as principally interessed in the managing of Affairs in Ireland, and the War there) had prest for Sup∣plies, as in all likelihood to perish speedily without them; yet they were assur'd (even by some who were at the Council at that time when those Letters were written) that the same was done onely to press for Supplies out of England, without the least intention in them of inducing a Cessation; which is granted. But as the necessities were there laid open, so they were considered by his Majesty, and no other Expedient remain∣ing for the Protestants safety, save a Cessation, thereupon it was con∣cluded* 36.4; though to this day some will have it, that his Majesties expecta∣tion to be supplied thence, and the preservation of the Irish, almost swal∣lowed up by his Forces, were the principal Motives to that Cessation. And it must be acknowledged, from the series of Affairs since, that the Irish (in concluding the Cessation) had a respect to their greater security and designs, those being thereby withdrawn to his Majesties service in England, which otherwise would certainly have oppos'd them.

And here I cannot but observe, that the Irish afterwards acquired much confidence, by a Bull of Pope Urban's the 8th. dated at Rome the 25th. of May, 1643. commending their forwardness against the Protestant Here∣ticks, which they publish'd even after the Cessation of Arms was agreed

on; to what intent may be easily conceiv'd, considering their subsequent frequent violation of Compacts and Agreements with the State. Though the bleeding Iphigenia (who, in pleading their Cause, grosly betrays it) would not have it thought, that this charitable Bull cherish'd the Catho∣licks in Rebellion, but was onely an Indulgence to so good and just a Quarrel, not any dis-respect to the King, to whom (saith he) his Holiness advised them, by their Agents, to be Loyal; as if that, and the breach of his Majesties Commands to lay down Arms, could rationally agree. Be∣fore which Bull, an Indulgence had been sent, Dilecto filio Eugenio Onello, the 8th. of October, 1642, in the 20th. year of his Papacy.

The Cessation now concluded, Obedience was expected from all parts; but instead of an absolute compliance from the Scots in Ulster, their Offi∣cer in Chief return'd this Letter.

Right Honourable,

YOur Lordships of the 21. I received at Ardmagh the 29, together* 37.1 with the Printed Cessation, which was very displeasing unto this Ar∣my, who being sent Auxiliary for supply of the British Forces in distress, were promis'd by his Majesty, and the Parliament of England,▪ Pay and En∣tertainment from three months to three months; nevertheless, in eighteen months time, they have endured (both Officers and Soldiers) unparallel'd miseries: And now a great part of the Service being done, they are re∣warded with the conclusion of a Cessation, without assurance of entertainment for the time, or any certainty of the payment of their Arrears, and they must conform to the Treaty. This kind of usage and contempt would constrain good Servants, though his Majesties Loyal Subjects, to think upon some course which may be satisfactory to them, being driven almost to despair, and threaten'd to be persecuted by the Roman Catholick Subjects, as they are now called. Nevertheless, of the foresaid Contempt (for obedience to his Majesties Command) I have mov'd the Army for the time to cease any hostile Act against our Enemies, till such time as your Lordships will be pleased to consider better of our present condition, and grant us time to acquaint the General, who has onely Commission over the Army, to advise us how to be∣have our selves in this Exigency; since I (as Governour of Carigfergus) can give your Lordships no positive Answer to this Cessation in the name of our Army, having not absolute Power over them: And immediately after receiving the General's resolution, your Lordships shall be acquainted there∣with; which is the least favour your Lordships can vouchsafe upon us, in re∣compence of our Bygan Service. And so I remain,

Ardmagh, 29 Sept. 1643. Receiv'd the 2d. of Octob.

Your Lordships humble and obedient Servitor, Robert Monro.

To the Right Honourable, the Lords Justices and Council.

Upon this Answer of Monro's, the Supreme Council at Kilkenny, main∣taining their Umpire in the Empire, visits the Lords Justices and Council with this Letter.

Our very good Lords.

WE whom his Majesties Catholick Subjects of this Kingdom, did in∣trust* 38.1 in the management of their Affairs, have by their publick Act, ratified and confirmed the Articles of Cessation, concluded upon by our Commissioners, willingly and cheerfully, hoping in the quiet of that time assign'd for it, by the benefit of the access which his Majesty is graciously pleas'd to afford us, to free our selves from those odious Calumnies, wherewith we have been branded, and to render our selves worthy of Favour, by some acceptable service, suiting the expression we have often made, and the real affections and zeal we have to serve his Majesty; and in as much as we are given to understand, that the Scots (who not long since in great numbers came over into this Kingdom, and by the slaughter of many Innocents without distinction of Age or Sex) have possessed themselves of very large Terri∣tories in the North, and since the notice given them of the Cessation, have not onely continued their former cruelties upon the Persons of weak and unarmed Multitudes, but have added thereunto the burning of the Corn, belonging to the Natives within that Province of Ulster. Notwithstanding which outrages, we hear that they have (although but faintly) and with relation unto the consent of their General, after some days consultation, whe∣ther it were convenient for their Affairs, desired to partake in the Cessa∣tion, intending, as is evident by their proceedings, so far onely to admit thereof, as it may be beneficial for their Patrons, the Malignant Party, now in Arms against his Majesty in England, by diverting us from assisting his Majesty, or of advantage to their desire, of eating further into the bowels of our Countrey: We who can accuse our selves of no one hollow thought, and detest all subtile Practices, cannot think of serving two Masters, or standing Neuters, where our King is Party: And we desirous, none should reside in this Kingdom, but his Majesties good Subjects, we beseech your Lordships therefore, that these who have other ends then his Majesties Service and Interest, and are so far from permitting the Natives, to en∣joy three parts of what they have sown, as they may with no security look upon their former habitations, and do absolutely deny to restore their Prisoners, contrary to the Articles of Cessation, may by the joynt power of all his Majesties good Subjects, within this Kingdom, of what Nation soever, be prosecuted, and that while these Succours are in preparation, our Pro∣ceedings against them, may no way be imputed unto us, a desire any way to violate this Cessation: And we do further pray your Lordships, that for our justification therein, you will be pleas'd to transmit unto his Majesty these our Letters, and to send unto us the Copy of those directed unto your Lordships, from Serjeant Major Monro, concerning this Matter. Thus with the remembrance of our heartiest wishes unto your Lordships, we rest,

Kilkenny, 15. Octob. 1643. Received 25.

Your Lordships loving Friends, Mountgarret, Castlehaven Audley, H. Armach, Jo. Clonfert, Th. Fr. Dublin, R. Beling, N. Plunket, Gerrard Fennell.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Justices and Council.

And now many of those Officers who had served his Majesty most signally in Ireland, were treated with, to recruit his Forces in and about Chester; to which end all the encouragement (that his Majesty had gi∣ven in his Letters of the 4th. and 7th. of September) were faithfully im∣parted to them, and what could possibly be rais'd for their Transportation, was effectually done: Whereupon several Regiments, as Sir Mich. Ear∣nely's, Sir Rich. Fleetwoods, Colonel Gibson, Colonel Monk, Colonel* 38.2 Warren, and others hasted over, but with such Reluctancy of the Com∣mon Souldiers, as the sharpest Proclamations (of which there were se∣veral) hardly restrain'd them from flying their Colours, both before and after their arrival in England: To prevent which, and that the Souldiers might be secur'd in their Loyalty to his Majesty, the Lieutenant General compos'd this Oath.

I Resting fully assured of his Majesties most Princely Truth and Goodness,* 39.1 do freely and from my heart promise, vow, and protest, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will to the utmost of my Power, and with the hazard of my Life, maintain and defend the true Protestant Religion, esta∣blish'd in the Church of England, his Majesties sacred Person, his Heirs, and lawful Successors, and his Majesties just Powers and Prerogatives, against the Forces now under the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, and against all other Forces whatsoever, that are or shall be rais'd, contrary to his Ma∣jesties Commands and Authority.

And I will do my best endeavour to procure and re-establish the Peace and Quietness of the Kingdom of England.

And I will neither directly or indirectly divulge or communicate any thing to the said Earl of Essex, his Officers, or any other, to hinder or prejudice the Designs of his Majesty, in the Conduct or Imployment of his Army.

Which that it may be taken by every Souldier, follows the Precept.

By the Lieutenant General of his Majesties Army.

WHereas his Majesty hath been pleas'd to command the present transportation of a part of his Army here into England, I do think fit, and hereby Order, that every Officer and Souldier, to be trans∣ported hence, do take the Oath, above-written, before they depart this Harbour.

Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, 13. of Octob. 1643.

Ormond.

And in respect, that upon their going, many Souldiers listed themselves under other Officers, the Lord Lieutenant (besides other Courses) pub∣lisht, the 13. of November, an Edict, that no Souldiers, under penalty of death, should depart from their former Commanders and Officers; and that no Commanders and Officers, on pain of displeasure, should dare to entertain any Souldiers so offending: And the 4th. of Feb. 1643. the Lord General publisht a Proclamation, That if any Souldier should stay behind, that was commanded to go over, or should, after he was transported

over into England, run away from his Colours, he being afterwards apprehended, should presently suffer death without mercy.

Upon which (as you see) many came over into England, and at Hawerden Castle, Beeston Castle, Bartomley Church, Dedington House, Acton Church, and Durtwich, improved their time; but the main body, the 25. of January, 1643. was utterly defeated by Sir Thomas Fairfax, raising the Siege of Namptwich, 1500 common Souldiers besides Offi∣cers being there taken Prisoners, besides those that were slain; so that what advantage accrewed to the Regal Army by their coming over, ma∣ny believ'd was not very considerable, unless those, who came out of Munster, were more successful. The general (if not all those who came to his Majesties assistance out of Ireland) were his own Forces, which he * 40.1 had sent against the Rebels, from whom I cannot yet learn (after all their professions of having no one hollow thought, or subtile practice to serve two Masters, or standing Neuters, whilst their King was Party * 40.2) that any formed Regiment, or considerable, Party reach'd England, no! it will hereafter appear, how shamefully they deserted his Majesties Affairs, even in Ireland it self, when their Interest might have united them in Loyalty and Obedience.

Some months after the arrival of these and other Forces out of Ire∣land, the Parliament of England made an Ordinance* 40.3, against the giving of any Quarter to any Irish man, or to any Papist born in Ireland, taken in Hostility against the Parliament, by Sea or Land, which his Majesty thought very severe, they being called to the service of their Natural Prince.

The coming over of the English made several (that were not so for∣ward) suspected in their Loyalty; though (in truth) never any Prince had an Army more intirely affecting his Person, then the generality of his Militia of Ireland; who being sent thither, or rais'd there, were not yet wean'd from the Justice of that Cause, hardly matchable in any example, the War being (said, long since, a great Instrument of State) not an ambitious War of Foraigns, but a recovery of Subjects (and that after Lenity of Conditions often tried) not onely to obedience, but to Humanity and Policy, from more then Indian Barbarism: whereas the Affairs of England imbrued Relations in one anothers blood, and the Concerns of Ireland were as much his Majesties as the other; and the Cause undoubtedly Gods.

The Lords Justices and Council (this while) had a great task, and not so much as straw to the Work, the Confederates paying in the Money, (viz. 30800 l. they promised the 16th. of September, towards the maintenance of his Majesties Army, this Cessation) very uncertain,* 40.4 as their Cows and Cattle of the worst, taking within three days after the Cessation, near 369 head of choice English Cattle from the suburbs of Dublin, acting besides many other violencies on divers Castles, Forts, and Houses; so as this agreement with the Rebels seemed rather a Pro∣tection, then a Cessation, of Acts of Hostility: That in this extremity the Lords Justices Providence and Care (how great soever) could re∣medy little, being their business now was to proceed in another course then formerly they had: the Election of which grew hourly the heavier upon them, by reason of the discontents which constantly arose from the Inhabitants, and the Protestants (now, more then ever, sensible of their Condition, the Irish Agents making all the speed they could to repair

(with their Propositions) to his Majesty then at Oxford, according to an Article in the Cessation, and his Majesties Proclamation thereupon, by which they were allowed to send Agents to his Majesty; of which, the Protestants in and about Dublin being very apprehensive, lest his Ma∣jesty should be pre-possessed of the Rebels sence, they thought it most convenient to dispatch Agents presently to his Majesty; and to that end* 40.5 about the 6th. of October, 1643. they meeting at the Earl of Kildare's house, fram'd a Petition to the Lords Justices and Council, humbly beseeching their Lordships for their License unto such, as they should appoint to attend his Majesty in their behalf, whereunto the Lords Justi∣ces and Council, the 12. of the same month, expressed their forwardness, declaring how his Majesty, had been graciously pleas'd to put them in mind, that thence they should send some of his Majesties Ministers to assist in the Treaty, when the Irish should repair to him; and when they had acquainted his Majesty with the Petitioners request, they should be certified of his Pleasure with convenient speed: But the Petitioners (not conceiving this a satisfactory answer) again Petitioned the Lords Justi∣ces and Council, the 14. of the same month, sending them therewithall a Copy of their Petition they had agreed on to his Majesty; where∣unto the Lord Justices and Council, the 19th. of October, returned an An∣swer; That such was their care of the Petitioners, that the same day they had given them an Answer to their former Petition; they inclosed in their Letters to Secretary Nicholas their first Petition to them, request∣ing his Majesties gracious Pleasure thereupon, and further they could not now proceed, though if they would repair to his Majesty, they would not hinder them, but could not accompany them with their recommen∣dation, till they knew his Majesties Pleasure to have them come over; much artifice there was used, to have had some protested against the Peti∣tion they had framed to his Majesty, but none of those who had signed it (save Major Morris) was wrought upon; and the 17. of Febr. 1643. the Petition was so well approved of in the House of Commons in Ire∣land, as it had their concurrence: And about the beginning of Janu∣ary, a Letter of his Majesties to the Lords Justices, and Lieutenant-Ge∣neral of the Army (dated the 6th. of November, 1643.) arrived at Dublin, Licencing the Protestant Agents to repair to Oxford; of whose further Proceedings with the management of that business, you shall have speedily.* 40.6

Not long after the Cessation, one mov'd at the Council Board by way of Petition, That such of the Irish (as would constantly pay contribution to the Army) might have freedom to return to their Castles: and the mo∣tion took with some, but was strongly oppos'd by others, considering how many gallant men (as Sir Simon Harcourt, and others) had been lost in the regaining of those Castles; and that (it being uncertain on what terms there might be Peace,) it might be taken ill by the King, that those Castles (the price of so much blood) should be surrendred without his Privity, upon which the motion was laid aside; I will not say, all Re∣flections afterwards on them that oppos'd it: Nor indeed was the event of this motion so supprest, but that in a short time after, some (through the Importunity of the Irish Agents) were restored to their Estates, who had from the beginning been in Rebellion; notwithstanding their Estates had been given in Custodium, and those who had them (not accept∣ing of mean and sinister proffers) had little else to subsist by, or pay the Arrears of their Service.

So as Affairs of different natures hourly encreasing, subject to con∣structions, beyond the management of the Prudentest and most Loyal thoughts, it could not but be a great ease to be free'd of that Govern∣ment, which an Illustrious Person (whose Interest was Principally in∣volv'd in the present Intrigues) had a Regal Call thereunto; where∣upon these Lords Justices were remov'd, not without considerable Re∣pose, difficulties daily flowing in upon them, remediless by any but his Excellency James Marquiss of Ormond, who the 21. of January,* 40.7 1643. was solemnly, in Christchurch, Dublin, sworn Lord Lieutenant with general acceptance: At which time Robert Sibthorp, Bishop of Limerick, chose for his Text the 77. Psalm, and the last verse, Thou leadest thy People like a Flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron; upon which he paraphras'd exceeding elegantly; But, (as Sir James Ware observes in his Life) never receiv'd a Farthing of his Bishoprick.

The Marquiss of Ormond being now seated in the Government, one* 40.8 of the first things he began to regulate (after he had sent the designed Ar∣my into England) was the standing Army, at that time much straightned through want of Pay and other Extremities; he therefore reduced the Troops about Dublin to Five and twenty apiece, besides Officers, all but his own, which was continued 40. and Sir Thomas Lucas's and Arme∣strong's 30. besides Officers, and to pay these (which made up 150 Horse besides 2000 Foot) he rais'd money by an * 40.9 Excise, Taxes on the Town, and 3d. an Acre inhabited within the English Pale, besides enquiry what was owing (by Debts) unto the Londoners; so as thence▪ with what Tabacco they had, a considerable sum was weekly rais'd, and accordingly disbursed for the Relief of the Souldiers, and other necessaries, which he having retrench't (according to the Exigence) he kept to due Musters and observance: And by reason of divers Robberies and Murthers daily committed by the Souldiers, on such as brought Provision for the Relief of the City, the Lord-General the 16th. of March, 1643. strict∣ly prohibited all such outrages, under the utmost Peril of the Martial Laws. And the Parliament there meeting at Dublin the 17th. of April, the Speakers of both Houses, the 18th. of the same, 1644. by a Letter, prohibited the Commanders, & Officers of his Majesties Armies, and others, in the Kingdom of Ireland, to take the Solemn League and Covenant, according to a Proclamation by the Lords Justices and Council, the 18th. of December, 1643. set out with great Wisdom and Reason, high∣ly commending their deep Judgment therein; which his Excellency then also commanded to be re-Printed, at the request of the Commons House of Parliament, 1644 * 40.10. In pursuance of which, an Oath afterwards was hammer'd; but some of the Judges dis-agreeing, it was never form'd. Great were his Excellency's Affairs indeed, the contrary Parties (he was ne∣cessarily obliged to deal with) would in any (but one so resolute and intire) have betrayed to Effeminacy and Disorder. The Irish on one hand, con∣fident in their Address to his Majesty, and the Protestants oppress'd with their sufferings and straights, both he quitted to his Majesties Justice, after that he had had his Majesties Licence for their Repair to him. The Con∣federate Catholicks thereupon, sent their Agents * 40.11, authorised by them to attend his Majesty at Oxford, but indeed with such Desires and Pro∣positions as (weighed but in an indifferent Ballance) make too lively a Representation, how in-competent Considerers they were of the way to their own Repose and Happiness, and how unlikely they were to prevent

the destroying Calamities which hung over their heads, and so closely pursued them.

At the same time, and so long as the Treaty lasted, the King was like∣wise* 40.12 attended by a Committee * 40.13 from the Council Board of Ireland, in pursuance of his Commands, to inform his Majesty of all matters of Fact which had passed, and of all the Laws and Customs there necessary to be weighed, upon what the Catholicks should demand or propose.

And by the Parliament then sitting in Dublin, several * 40.14 were authorized to present to his Majesty the Grievances, of his Protestant Subjects in Ire∣land, that nothing might be granted in that Treaty, to the prejudice of their Interest and security.

Each Party arrived at Oxford near the midst of April; the Con∣federate Agents got thither soonest, having less Remora's in their dispatch.

The Confederates, as men who thought themselves possessed of the whole strength and Power of the Kingdom, and the Kings condition in England so weak, as he would buy their assistance at any rates, demanded upon the Matter, the total alteration of Government, both in Church and State, the very form of making and enacting Laws, which is the foun∣dation of Government, and which had been practis'd, ever since the Reign of King H. 7. must be abolished; and instead of Liberty or To∣leration for the exercise of the Romish Religion, they insisted on such Priviledges, Immunities, and Power, as would have amounted at best, but to a Toleration of the Protestant Religion, and that no longer then they should think fit to consent to it.

On the other hand, the Committee of Parliament (as men who too much felt the smart and anguish of their late sufferings, undervalued and condemned the Irish, as inferior to them in Courage and Conduct, and as possessed of much greater Power by the Cessation, then they could retain in War,) very earnestly prest the execution of the Laws in force, Reparation for the dammages they had sustain'd, disarming the Irish in such manner, and to such a degree, as it might not be hereafter in their Power to do more mischief, and such other Conditions, as People (who are able to contend) are not usually perswaded to submit unto, which the Committee * 40.15 at Oxford for Irish Affairs, insisted on with powerful Reasons and Arguments.

In these so different and distant Applications, they who were sent as moderate Men from the Council, knew not how to behave themselves, but enough discovered, that they had not the confidence in the Irish, as to be willing that they should be so far trusted, that the performance of their Duty should depend onely on their Affection and Allegiance; But that there should be a greater Restraint upon them, then they were in∣clin'd to submit to; otherwise that the Protestant Religion, and English Interest, would be sooner rooted out by the Peace they proposed, then it could be by the War.

It is very true, that the Irish Agents demean'd themselves to his Maje∣sty,* 40.16 with great shew of Modesty and Duty, (they were Men that lack'd neither Art nor Behaviour) and confessed, that they believ'd that the Demands they were enjoyn'd to insist upon, were such as his Majesty could not consent unto; and that the present condition of his Affairs was not so well understood by them, or by those who sent them, before their coming out of Ireland, as it now was; which if it had been, they were

confident they should have had such Instructions, as would better have complied with their own Desires, and his Majesty's Occasions; and therefore frankly offer'd to return and use their utmost Endeavours, to in∣cline the Confederate Council, (whose Deputies they were, and who then exercised the supream Power over the Confederate Catholicks of that Kingdom) to more Moderation, and to return their full submission and obedience to his Majesty, upon such Conditions as his Goodness would consent unto for their security. But how little of this was per∣form'd, you shall find in the sequel of the Story; however, the King sent his Command the 16th. of Feb. 164. to the Marquess of Ormond, to con∣tinue and renew their Cessation for another year; and likewise a Com∣mission under the Great Seal of England, to make a full Peace with his Catholick Subjects, upon such Conditions he found agreeable to the pub∣lick Good and Welfare, and might produce such a Peace and Union in that Kingdom, as might vindicate his Regal Power and Authority, and suppress the Rebels in England and Scotland. And so his Majesty dismis∣sed the Catholick Agents, with demonstration of much Grace and Confi∣dence with this good Council, which he most pathetically poured out to them at their departure. That they should not forget, the preservation of* 40.17 the Nation, and Religion which they professed, and were so zealous for in Ireland, depended upon the preservation of his just Rights and Authority in England: That they saw his Subjects of Scotland, contrary to all Obligati∣ons, had invaded England, and joyned with those Rebels against him, who without that assistance would have been speedily reduced to their obedience. And therefore if his Catholick Subjects of Ireland made haste, upon such Con∣ditions as he might then grant without prejudice to himself, and which should be amply sufficient for the security of their Fortunes, Lives, and Exercise of their Religion, to assist him, whereby he might be enabled by God's Blessing to suppress that Rebellion, they might confidently believe, he would never forget to whose Merit he owed his Preservation and Restauration, and it would then be in his absolute Power to vouchsafe Graces to them, to compleat their happiness, and which (he gave them his Royal Word) he would then dis∣pence in such manner, as should not leave them disappointed of any of their just and full Expectations. But if (by insisting on such Particulars, as he could not in Conscience consent to, and their Consciences obliged them not to ask, or on such, as though he could himself be content to yield to, yet in that Juncture of Time, would bring such great damage to him, that all the Sup∣plies they could give or send to him, could not countervail, and might be as be∣neficially granted to them hereafter, when he might better do it) they should delay their joyning with him, and so look on, till the Rebel's Power prevail'd against him in England and Scotland, and suppress'd his Party in those Kingdoms, it would then be too late for them to give him help, and they would quickly find their Strength in Ireland, but an imaginary Support for his or their own Interest, and that they who with much difficulty had destroy∣ed him, would without any considerable Opposition, ruine their Interest, and root out their Religion with their Nation, from all the Dominions which should be subject to their exorbitant Jurisdiction. How much of this prov'd a Prophesie, their sad Experience knows, and the World cannot but take notice of.

Soon after the Confederate's Agents were dismissed, the Protestant's Committee of Parliament (who had managed their Scene with much Courage and Integrity) drew off, with the King's Favour and Promise to do the utmost he could for them.

In the managing of which Affairs, if they had not been very resolute, arm'd with much Truth, they would certainly have fall'n under many In∣conveniencies: For, besides what they met with at Oxford, they had still Correspondence, and accordingly acted, as they were animated by a Party of the Protestant Committee of the Parliament of Ireland, then resident in Dublin, who (that they might decline the height of what those at Oxford proposed) were tempted by an Order of the Council-Board to certifie, Whether the 24 Propositions * 40.18 of his Majesty's Prote∣stant Agents of Ireland, (presented to his Majesty the 18th. of April, 1644.) did agree with their sence, in order to the present condition of the Kingdom: Whereby it's thought, that if it had been said, that the 24 Propositions had been agreed to by the Protestants in general, there would have been an Endeavour, to have got some to have signed an Instrument against the Agent's Proceedings; and therefore their Proceeding was ac∣knowledged to be according to their Instructions, and their Correspon∣dent's Advice in Town: As in the Answer.

May it please your Lordships.

IN Obedience to your Lordship's Commands, signified in your Order of the 5th. of June, 1644. directed to us the Persons under-named, requiring us to certifie your Lordships, Whether the 24 Propositions of his Majesty's Protestant Agents of Ireland, presented to his Majesty, do agree with our sence, in order to the present condition of this Kingdom. We the said Persons do humbly certifie, That we have perused the Propositions in the said Order mention'd, and do humbly conceive them, to be in substance pur∣suant to the humble Petition of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, as well Commanders of his Majesty's Army here, as others, (a Copy of which Peti∣tion hath been formerly presented to your Lordships, and from that Honou∣rable Board transmitted to his Sacred Majesty, and by him graciously receiv'd, as may appear by his Majesty's Letters of the 6th. of November last, whereof your Lordships were pleas'd to grant the Petitioners a Copy.) And that the said Propositions are, as we humbly conceive, in substance pursuant unto cer∣tain Instructions, entituled, Instructions for the Agents, who are to at∣tend his most Sacred Majesty, on the behalf of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects of Ireland: Which Instructions were also presented at that Honou∣rable Board, and there (upon serious Debate, according to the Pleasure of your Lordships in some things) altered, and so a Copy thereof was deliver∣ed to your Lordships. And we humbly conceive, that the said Propositions, are such in substance, as if way may be found, (whereby his Majesty may bring to pass the Particulars therein conceiv'd) they would conduce to the Establishment of the true Protestant Religion, the Honour and Advantage of his Majesty, and the future Security of his Highness, his Royal Po∣sterity, this his Kingdom, and the Protestant Subjects therein. But how these Propositions stand, in order to the present condition of this King∣dom, is a thing far above us to resolve: All which we humbly leave to your Lordship's Grave Considerations. Signed,

Will. Cooley, Will. Usher, Hen. Jones, Anth. Dopping, Will. Plunket, Theod. Schoute, Peter Wybrants.

When the Irish Confederates Agents return'd into Ireland, most of them (as far as acted in view) perform'd their Promise and Engage∣ments to the King, so as many of the Nobility and Gentry, and most of* 41.1 the Persons of considerable Fortune, together with the moderate Clergy, (who are easie to be number'd) were convinc'd of the necessity of sub∣mitting themselves entirely to the King, till he was able to grant them more, that they might not be glad to accept of less. But the evil Genius of that People, (condemn'd to wilful ruine and misfortune) soon evi∣denc'd how unripe they were for mercy, and that it was not so easie to al∣lay the Spirits they had conjur'd up, as to foment and irritate them. The Nobility, and Men of known Fortune, (whom self-Interest (by this time) had taught Loyalty) found that they had lost their Power, and the Re∣verence they had parted with to the Clergy, had much Influence on he common People, who, devoting themselves solely to their Clergy's Di∣ctate, oppos'd all Conclusions, which (according to Wisdom and true Policy) were to be the Ingredients of a happy and lasting Peace. And so above 2 years were spent, (after these Agent's departure from the King) in fruitless and in-effectual Treaties, the Earl of Glamorgan, in the interim,* 41.2 treating in that wilde order with the Rebels, as under a pretended suffici∣ent Authority from the King, (utterly disown'd) he blew them up to such a pernicious Expectation, by the feigned Articles he sign'd to them, the 25th. of August, 1645. so destructive both to Church and State, and so repugnant to his Majesty's publick Professions, and known Resolutions, as the Treaty of Peace (proceeding on more agreeable Terms by the Lord Lieutenant) found many rubbs and impediments. Whilst the Strength and Power of the Parliament's Forces in England exceedingly increased, and his Majesty's Forces were defeated, and himself (for want of Succours promis'd out of Ireland) was compelled to deliver up himself to his Scot∣tish Subjects, and was shortly after by them given into the hands of the Parliament of England, who being (at last) split into several Factions, so varied Councils, as (in conclusion) he was betrayed, and suffer'd, to the astonishment of the World.

But that I may not o're-slip the Series of this Story, which, through a conflux of Matter, will sometimes unavoidably be disturbed, I must take notice, that the first Cessation being near determin'd, the 5th. of Sept. 1644. there was a new Cessation agreed on by the Lord Lieutenant, and the Irish Commissioners, to begin on the 15th. of September, and conti∣nue till the 1st. of December following. And in respect that the Treaty of Peace had several Matters of weight and consequence, which necessari∣ly required further time to be prepared, and drawn into writing, it was agreed on at the Castle of Dublin, the 2d. of Octob. anno praedict. that the Treaty should be adjourn'd to the 4th. of November ensuing, the Irish Agents, in the interim, to have liberty to continue in, or come to Dublin, as often as they should think fit; which time they improved, and Affairs were so managed, as there was never any other Cessation till the Peace.

About which time, the Earls of Thomond, Clanrickard, and St. Albans, the Lord Rannelagh, Fitz-williams, Taaff, and Dillon, who had never re∣ceded from his Majesty's Commands, writ to him, That betwixt two Parties, one, if they were disposed to make Invasion upon them, and the other, who sticking to the Covenant, dis-obey'd the Cessation, they were like to be ruin'd; and therefore implor'd his Majesty, to reconcile

the Difference betwixt those, who were too high, either of the Confe∣derates or Protestants, in their Demands, and declare against the Scots, who would make little distinction (were it in their power) between them, and those whom they now assaulted.

In treating of Peace, we must not forget, that the Lord Inchequin (ha∣ving been easily wrought on to agree to the Cessation) carried over ma∣ny of his Munster Forces to the King, who in memory of his service, be∣stowed on him a noble Wardship, and would have made him an Earl: But the Presidency of Munster (pre-dispos'd of to the Earl of Portland) being his aim, he returns again into Ireland, and from Cork, the 17th. of July, 1644. he and other Officers there writes to his Majesty, That no Peace could be concluded with the Irish Rebels, which would not bring un∣to his Majesty, and the English in general, a far greater prejudice, than the shew of a Peace there would bring them an advantage, &c. And thereupon besought him, that he would not so much regard so inconsiderable a handful of People as they were, as to purchase but a seeming security, by leaving there∣by the Protestant Religion in all likelihood to be extirpated, and his Ma∣jesty obnoxious to the loss of that Kingdom: Further beseeching his Majesty, that he would be pleas'd to Proclaim again the Irish to be Rebels, and not to pardon those who have committed so many barbarous Crimes that they are as far above description, as they are short of honesty, professing they had his Majesties Commission for what they did; the true sense of which devillish aspersion cast upon his Majesty, with other reasons, made them resolve to die a thousand deaths, rather than condescend to any Peace; referring them∣selves in other things to their Declaration.

And from the same place, the day * 41.3 following, these * 41.4 write to both Houses of Parliament in England, (much to the same effect) importun∣ing their Agreement with his Majesty, without which, the War could not be prosecuted as it ought; offering (for the securing of their Garrison to their Service) whom they pleas'd: Concluding, That they hoped such a wise Assembly would distinguish betwixt the effects of Necessity (the Cessation) and Dishonesty: Including, in their Letter to both Houses, their Declaration, which I had thought to have abbreviated, but it is so significant, that we shall find it unravels many Secrets then to come, and declares such Truths, as without injury to their Merits we could not smother.

The unanimous Declaration of His Majesties Protestant Subjects of the Province of Munster.

IF in the undertaking of a just Design it were onely requisite, that the Hearts and Consciences of the Undertakers were satisfi'd, we should not need to publish this Declaration; but lest our Enemies should traduce the candour of our Actions and Intentions, we have made this manifestation of them, which will acquaint the World with their Malice, and our Innocence.

We are confident, that all Christendom hath heard of the bloody Rebellion in Ireland; and we are as confident, the Rebels and Popish Clergy have so

palliated and disguised it, that many are fully perswaded, they had reason for what they did: But we believe, all men of Judgment will change that opi∣nion, when they shall know, That though they were a Conquer'd People, yet the Laws were administred unto them with as much equity, as to the English; That they enjoyed their Religion, though not by Tolleration, yet by Connivance; That their Lords (though Papists) sate in Parliament; And that the Election of the Knights of the Shire, and Burgesses, was free, and though of a contrary Religion, were admitted into the House of Commons. yet for all these, and many other vast Favours and Priviledges, when every one was sitting under his Vine and Fig-tree, without any provocation, they resolve upon a general extirpation, both of the Protestants and their Reli∣gion, which, without doubt, they had effected, had not God been more mer∣ciful than they were wicked, and by a Miracle discovered this devillish De∣sign; whereof, though we had notice just time enough to secure our main Ma∣gazine at Dublin, yet we could not prevent the butchery of multitudes of innocent Souls, which suffered at the first in the Province of Ulster; and since they have continued this Rebellion with such perfidiousness and bloodi∣ness, that though we had been as guilty as we are innocent, yet the prosecuting of the War with that barbarousness, had rather been a sin than justice. But by Gods great providence, when the Rebellion brake out first, the Parliament of England was sitting, unto whom his Majesty communicated so much of his Power over this Kingdom, as we shall hereafter mention, and gave them great encouragement to prosecute the War against the Rebels, by granting Lands unto such as should adventure Money for the maintenance of the War. Whereupon the Parliament (who were most willing to advance so good a Cause) sent us at first large Supplies, which had so good success, that the Divine as well as Humane Justice did proclaim them Rebels; for indeed God Almighty (since the deliverance of the Children of Israel from the Egyptians) never appeared so visibly as in this War. But the unhappy mis∣understanding between the King and Parliament did so hinder the continu∣ance of those Supplies for this Kingdom, that all we received in nineteen months, amounted not to five weeks entertainment; so that the Army which was sent to relieve us, lived upon us. And truly we may with Justice profess, that the Forces of this Province did feed as miraculously as fight, being never able to prescribe any certain way of subsistance for one month together; but when the poor Inhabitants were almost beggar'd, and no means for the Forces to subsist on left, a Cessation of Arms was made for a twelvemonth with the Rebels, which our necessity (not inclination) compelled us to bear with; and the rather out of a firm hope, that the Almighty, out of his infinite goodness, would, within that year, settle a right understanding between the King and Parliament, that then they would unanimously revenge the crying blood of so many thousands of innocent Souls; and until God blessed us with the sight of that happy Union, we might keep our Garrisons (which otherwise we could not) the better to enable them to prosecute so just and honourable a design. But this Cessation was as fatal to us, during the time of Treaty, as after∣wards it was ill observed; for they (knowing what agreement they would enforce us to condescend unto) did privately send one or two persons to every Castle that we had demolished, which under pretence of being by that means in their possession, they ever since detain, though it be contrary to the Arti∣cles. And which is more injurious, they have at all times since entred upon what Lands they have thought fit, and detained them also; and their de∣villish malice having no bounds, they did place Guards upon the High-ways

to interrupt our Markets, and punished divers of their own Party for coming with Provisions to us, thereby to deter all from bringing any relief to our Garrisons, that so they might starve us out of those Places, that neither their fraud or force could get from us; which that they might the better accom∣plish, they murthered divers of the poor English, that presuming on the Ar∣ticle of free Commerce, went abroad to buy Victuals; which certainly would have caused them to have declined that course of seeking Food, if hunger, threatning them with more certain death, had not forced them thereunto. And whereas we trusted, that these notorious infidelities in them, and infi∣nite sufferings in us, would have been so visible to his Majesty, that nothing could have induc'd him to make a Peace with so perfidious a People, who through their fawning and insinuating with his Majesty, and by the coun∣sel of some, who represent, that there is no way left for the securing the re∣mainder of English, but by a Peace. We find his Majesty (being deluded by the first, and believing the last to be conducing to the preservation of his Ma∣jesties Protestant Subjects) is concluding of a Peace, which will again admit those Irish Rebels to be Members of Parliament; so that that Court which should afford relief for our Grievances, will, by their over-swaying Votes, be our greatest Grievance.

Moreover, we are too truly informed by divers of their own Party, (whose names if we should publish, would be as great an ingratitude as folly; the first, in betraying those that obliged us; the last, in depriving our selves of all future Intelligence by them) that they have vowed never to submit to an English or Protestant Government, except they have liberty to exercise their Religion in Churches; That the Forces of the Kingdom may be Train'd-Bands of their Men; and that likewise those of their own Religion may be admitted to Places of Trust in the Common-wealth, which they call modest and moderate demands; though we hope they cannot seem so to any but them∣selves, and their Clergy, who, we find, do not think them enough, being they may not have all their Church-Livings. For we have certain intelligence, that they have made a strong Faction, as well among my Lord of Castle∣haven's Soldiers, as in all other parts of the Kingdom, so that they are five parts of six who will fly out into a new action, when they see a convenient time to execute their design, which as yet they determine to forbear, until they see a Peace concluded; supposing, that then the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland will intermix Irish and English without distinction, to oppose the Scots, and that by that means there will be a sufficient number of their Party in our Garrisons to master them, which, when they find an opportunity for, they will certainly seize into their own hands; upon notice whereof, the Faction abroad will, with all expedition, apprehend the English in all parts; and having accomplished this part of their design, they will manifest that they are weary of the King of England's Government, and that they will trust none of his Protestant Subjects among them; for we are certainly informed, that they will invite a Forreign Prince to take them into his protection, unto whom they will deliver possession of what he pleases, and will become his Subjects.

And lest that Princes Treasure should be exhausted by Wars in other places, the Clergy have, with the Pope's assistance, raised amongst those of their own Calling, and divers of the Gentry in Italy, one hundred thousand pounds in money, and a quantity of Arms and Ammunition, that are now ready to be sent hither; and they have employed one Doctor Duyer to go forthwith thither for it; as also to get his Holiness to settle a course for

the raising of more Money, to be employed for the advancement of that which they call the Catholick Cause.

Therefore out of a true sense of our injuries already suffered, and un-re∣dressed, with a right apprehension of inevitable ruine, not onely to our Lives and Estates, but likewise to the English Nation and Protestant Religion, we have re-assum'd our Arms, according to our Duty to God, our King and Countrey, with inviolable resolution to die, or frustrate this devillish design.

And since those that die acting for the Gospel, are as perfect Martyrs, as those that die suffering for it; we cannot but with joy embrace any effect, that proceeds from so glorious a Cause.

Neither can this act be esteemed a crime in us, since his Majesty, upon the Rebels first Insurrection, his Treasure being exhausted, gave his Royal assent for the passing of an Act of Parliament, wherein he granted (to all his Sub∣jects that would adventure money towards reducing of the Rebels) Lands proportionable to the sum adventured, which would fall to the Crown, when the Conquest should be finished. And the better to secure the Adventurers, his Majesty obliged himself to make no Peace with the Rebels, but with the advice and approbation of the Parliament of England; and by that Act, communicated to the Parliament that Power, which before was solely in himself. So that they not condescending to this Peace, our imploying of their Aids, and re-assuming of those Arms put into our hands by King and Parlia∣ment joyntly, cannot be esteemed contradictory to his Majesty, in regard that their joynt Act is so absolutely binding, that neither of them severally can annull it, as is evident in the Laws of the Realm.

Therefore if this War were onely Offensive, yet even slander it self must acknowledge us innocent, having so just a Cause, so pious an Intention, and so lawful an Authority; much more it being Defensive, and the Law both of God and Nature allowing every one to defend himself from violence and wrong.

Moreover, the King must never expect any obedience from the Irish, but what proceeds either from their Interest, or Fear. Through the first of these, neither his Majesty or we can hope for assurance; for not granting them all their desires, their Interest (which is more powerful with them than their Loyalty) will make them throw off their subjection, and to become absolute, not scruple to destroy us: Then to expect any security by their fears, were frivolous; for though we have found their Hearts as ill as their Cause, yet they cannot be apprehensive of 2 or 3000 ill armed and unprovided men, hav∣ing all things necessary, and so numerous a People at their devotion.

And lest our Enemies should scandalize us with breach of Faith, in vio∣lating the pretended Cessation; or with Cruelty, in expelling the Irish Pa∣pists from our Garrisons, who hitherto seemed adhering to us.

Concerning the first, we declare, That although our necessities did induce us to submit, supposing the Cessation would have produced other effects, as is before mentioned; yet we had no power (without Authority from King and Parliament joyntly) to treat or yield to it; or if it had been in our powers, yet by the Rebels daily breaches of it, we are disengaged from it.

Concerning the second, we declare, That our Garrison cannot be secured, whilst so powerful and perfidious Enemies are in our bosomes; Powerful, be∣ing four to one in number more than the English; Perfidious, in their con∣stant designs to betray us, some whereof we will instance, to convince their own Consciences, and satisfie the World of our just proceedings.

One Francis Matthews, a Franciscan Frier, (being wonderfully disco∣vered in an Enigmatical Letter, and as justly executed) before his death confessed, that he had agreed to betray the City of Cork to the Lord of Muskery; which must necessarily infer, that the chiefest and greatest part of that City were engaged in this Conspiracy, for otherwise he could not so much as hope the accomplishment: And if this had taken effect, it had con∣sequently ruin'd all the Protestants in the Province of Munster, that being our chief Magazine, and greatest Garrison. Besides, upon this occasion, other Friers being examin'd upon Oath, confessed, that in their daily Masses with∣in that Town, and all other of our Garrisons, (where Papists did inhabit) they prayed for the advancement of the Catholick Cause, which they be∣lieved the Rebels fought for.

And lastly, we have lately discovered, that the now Major and Cor∣poration had combined with the Rebels to betray the Town to them; and for that purpose an Army was drawn to all the parts adjoyning to our Garrisons; in the three chiefest whereof, we are confident, the Rebels had their Party; but by Divine Providence, before the Plot could be executed, the Major presuming on his speedy success, contemned the Lord of Inche∣quin's Authority, by opposing the levying of the Moneys granted by the English, for the maintenance of the Soldiers, just about the nick of time that the Treachery was to be effected.

And he being committed upon this occasion, the Rebels apprehending their design to be discovered, with-drew their Forces. And lest this should be judged as an act of the Major onely, as a private person, we desire the World to take notice, that as soon as our Army, which forced their obedience, was removed into England, the Papists generally resisted what ever could be pro∣pounded for our security, and would have dis-enabled us to continue our Gar∣risons, had not the poor stript English taken all that burthen upon themselves.

Nay, they were so insolent, that they laboured to get Arms into their hands, and to cause us to disband our Soldiers, which they affirmed to be kept as an unnecessary charge upon the King, that so they might with more fa∣cility receive the Irish, and ruine us.

In a word, since they pretend the ground of this War to be for Religion, and that this is confessed by those who seem'd to adhere to us; what faith can be expected from such a People, whose Religion permits them to hold none with us?

By this preceding Relation, it is evidently seen, that unless we re-assume our Arms, we betray the trust committed to us by God, the King and Parlia∣ment, and become slaves both of bodies and souls. And therefore we have re∣solv'd to perform our duty, though with apparent hazard of our lives; and likewise maintain that, which is a thousand times more dear unto us, our Re∣ligion, and also defend our Garrisons for the Kings just use.

These, we take God to witness, are our intentions, and we beseech him to punish us as strangely, as hitherto he hath preserv'd us, if we decline at all from these Loyal and Religious resolutions; and we firmly hope, that the World will, by this Declaration, be as fully satisfi'd of the justness of our proceedings, as we our selves are; then though we all lose our lives in this Cause, we shall give our Friends occasion to rejoyce, and our Enemies to envy at so blessed an end.

This return of the Munster Forces to the Parliament, was not so wel∣come to them, as it was strange to the Lord Lieutenant, who thereupon expostulated the business with the Lord Inchequin, who the 2d. of August writ to his Excellency, That on suspitions of another intended surprisal by the Irish, and out of a care to protect the English, he had clear'd Cork, Toughall, and Kinsale, of the Irish, and put himself into a po∣sture of safety, which, with his return from England, was the worse re∣sented, for that he was the first man who mov'd the King to send for the* 42.1 Forces of Ireland into England. Upon his revolt to the Parliament, he dream'd of sudden Supplies, but they were at that time so imbroil'd in business, as they had little leisure to consider of Ireland, and less means to help them, so as little was sent to him for eight or ten months after; but they made him Lord President of Munster. Nor had the Scots much more relief in the North; however, the new and old Scots (under Mon∣ro)* 42.2 joyning themselves together unanimously, made a shift to preserve themselves against the incursions of the Rebels; and about Midsummer, 1644. they gathered an Army of 10000 Horse and Foot, and came into the County of Cavan, and sent a Party into Longford, and spoil'd much of that Countrey, and march'd to Owen Roe and the Earl of Castlehaven, who lay with their Army about Tonrages, where they encompass'd them, and (had they been sufficiently vigilant) might certainly have defeated the Rebels; who, through the favour of a close night, escaped, though pursued, and at Finagh-Bridge met with a severe slaughter; Nugents house of Carlestown they burnt, and hanged him. In the interim, Dun∣cannon (one of the strongest Forts in Ireland, under the Command of the Lord Esmond) submitted not to the Cessation; but, being strongly be∣sieged by Preston, was surrendred about March, 1644. before Sir Arthur Loftus (who was to have been Governour of the Fort under his Lordship) arrived there with a competent Supply, who (finding himself disappointed thereof) carried his Provisions into Munster, and the Lord Esmond soon after died. What difference soever there was between some Towns and the Lord Lieutenant, yet for the encouragement of any that should bring Commodities to Dublin, Tredagh, Dundalk, Carlingford, Cork, Kinsale, or Youghal, for the relief of his Majesties Army and good Subjects there; a Proclamation pass'd at Dublin the 20th. of May, 1644. to free them for six months from all Customs and Impositions, in pursuance of a Procla∣mation from his Majesty at Oxford, the 17th. of March, 1643. In April after, the Committee of both Kingdoms in England (to whom the af∣fairs of Ireland were, from the Parliament, committed, finding the bu∣siness of Ireland grow very heavy upon them) got themselves quit there∣of; and the Houses instituted another to sit at the Star-chamber, of 13 Lords, and 28 Commoners; but few in it that understood the business of Ireland, besides two Gentlemen, whose Interest leading them to se∣veral Provinces, much injur'd the equal management of the whole; and he (to whom the Provisions were entrusted) order'd them at that rate, as the complaint was great. About May, 1645. there were appointed Com∣missioners* 42.3 for Ulster, Arthur Annesly Esq Sir Robert King, and Colonel Beale, a Citizen of London, who were to carry with them 20000 l. in Money, besides Provisions and Ammunition; but the dispatch was so slow, as they Landed not there till October; besides, some Commissio∣ners should have joyned with them from Scotland, who never came up∣on the Place: so nothing could be orderly done, in that the Scots by a

late Treaty pretended a Right in the Government of Ireland, which his Majesty in his Papers took just Exceptions against, they long certainly having it in their Design, to make themselves Masters of the North of Ire∣land, since they fail'd of retaining any Interest in the Government in Eng∣land. But Troubles increasing in Scotland, through Montross and Colo∣nel Kitto••'s joyning together, who had certainly taken Edinburgh, but that the Plague was violent there: several of the late Scotch Regiments were drawn from Ulster, that more than what garrison'd Carickfergus, Belfast, Colrain, and some other Places near the Sea-Coast, where they committed the most notorious Extortions and Oppressions ever laid upon a People, were not there left; and the Commissioners for the Parliament before-mention'd acted in their own Place. Not long after whose settle∣ment in Ireland, the Irish growing insolent in Connaght, taking their Garrisons, and turning out many English, and others, who, by the Ar∣ticles of Cessation, should have been better used, there came to them (by one Mr. Galbreth) Offers, tending to compose the Differencies betwixt the Greatest then in Power, and them: But the Offer being found a De∣sign, to draw the British Army under another Command, the fruit of that Expectation soon wither'd, and Galbreth by Bonds was secu∣red.

And that Affairs (more probably) might succeed, a general Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks, (which consisted of all the Peers of that Party, and of all the Gentlemen and Burgesses of Corporation Towns, which was as lively a Representation of the whole Nation, as they could make) towards the end of the year, viz. the 6th. of March, 1645. ap∣pointed and authorized a select number of that Body, (of the Persons of eminent Quality, and most eminent Ability, and such, as through all the Troubles had been imployed and intrusted by them, in Places and Offices of highest Trust and Concernment) to treat and conclude with the Marquess of Ormond, his Majesty's Lieutenant of that Kingdom, a firm and full Peace. For the expediting of which, his Excellency had had many and serious Invitations from his Majesty, as the most visible means then left to revive the Hopes he was reduced to: To which end, in June, before he had sent Mr. Daniel O Neal (Groom of his Bed-Cham∣ber) into Ireland, a Person by reason of his Relations there much con∣fided in; who, amongst other things intrusted to his charge, had it in his Instructions, the 27th. of June, to acquaint the Marquess of Ormond, That his Majesty would be glad he could frame such a Body there to send over, as might be worthy of his own coming to command it. And in a Letter from an Honourable Person then at Denbigh, the 26th. of September, 1645. his Excellency was again acquainted, That his Majesty persists in his earnest desire to have him in England, for that, without flattery, they were likely to be in more want of such a General, than of an Army; so as no∣thing was wanting to value his Fidelity and Courage. And yet the Im∣patiency of some Men were such, (not considering how that would be a scandalous Peace, that would be unavoidable) that they writ to their Friends, That if the Peace were not concluded, that it was not like that ever it would be by those that managed it then; so as they would have had the Queen Regent of France, to have concluded it with such as the Catholicks from Ireland should appoint. In such sort was his Excellency censured, who having discharged his Trust, could not (at those Men's time) reduce the Irish to a credible compliance, the fault of their several

Ruptures amongst themselves, not his remissness. Inasmuch as * 42.4 one (better vers'd in the Subtilties of the Irish, than most of that Age, having, through the Eminency of his Imployment, the knowledge of their Coun∣cils and Intrigues) writes to an Honourable * 42.5 Person, That the truth of it was, that the Irish had proceeded thitherto, as if they had had no good intention, having not been contented with the effects of more than their Agents did profess to expect, but in effect, capitulated for the Protestant Churches through Ireland: A Concession so detestable, as the King * 42.6 ta∣king notice (to Secretary Nicholas) of the Earl of Glamorgan's Agree∣ment with the Rebels, declares, That were the condition of his Affairs much more desperate than it is, he would never redeem them by a Concession of so much wrong, both to his Honour and Conscience: It is (writes he, in that clear discovery of his Soul) for the defence of his Religion, that he had undergone the Extremities of War here, and he will never redeem his Crown by sacrificing it there: Lines so august and pious, that methinks none should dare read them, who should presume to offer Incense, other∣wise than he hath paid his: The Treaty for the Peace however went on, though by many cautious and un-easie steps. You have seen what Doubts some rais'd of his Excellency's Proceedings herein, and by * 42.7 one (im∣ploy'd with much credit in that Business) it is manifest, That the Mar∣quess was resolv'd never to condescend to the Demands of the Irish, who (writes he) resolv'd to have them, or perish; such their Insolency! And we find through the whole Scene, they wrought upon the Necessities of the King, their Demands, as his Straights, ever increasing; however,* 42.8 he assured the Queen, the Irish should not cheat him, though it was possi∣ble they might cozen themselves.

But before we proceed, it will be necessary to take notice of an un-usual Guest, the Pope's Nuncio, John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, introduced by the first Legat, from the Confederates to Rome, to Pope Urban the 8th. and other Princes of Italy, Rich. Bealing Esq a leading Member of, and chief Secretary to their supream Council, by whose means only he was sent into Ireland, even whilst the Treaty of Peace (the utmost Grace his Majesty could vouchsafe his People) was set on foot; an acceptable and loyal service! as you will hear in the se∣quel of this Story. He arrived at the River of Kilmare, in a Frigat of 21 Pieces, and 26 Italians, of his Retinue, besides divers regular and secular Priests, the 22. of October, 1645. And amongst the Accounts of those Times, there is a List given in of some Arms, Ammunition, and Spanish Gold; but not hearing as yet of the Blessing they produced, we shall (as to those Particulars) confine our Pen, yet give you here the supream Council's Address to his Holiness, in acknowledgement of the Nuncio's Arrival.

Per supremum Consilium Confederatorum Catholicorum, in Regno Hiberniae, ad beatum Patrem nostrum Innocentium † Papam.

Beatissime Pater,

QUod in ipso limine sui Pontificatus rebus nostris consulere voluerit, & Illustrissimum Virum Archiepiscopum Fermanum, Praelatum vestrae sanctitatis Domesticum, & assistentem sedis Apostolicae extraordina∣rium Nuncium ad nos miserit, gratias quas possumus humillimè reddimus; illum si non quâ decuit magni scientiâ, certè insuperabili amore, & gaudio re∣cipimus, illum etiam de vestrae sanctitatis in nos nostram{que} causam animi ef∣fectu & sollicitudine discurrentem avidè audivimus, speramus{que} nos Aposto∣lica benedictione, quam nobis vestrae sanctitatis nomine impertivit suffultos, & subsidiis ulterioribus, quae tanto bello necessaria duxerit paterna sanctita∣tis cura, tanti etiam & tam prudentis viri adhortationibus & consiliis, eo res nostras promovere posse, ut de stabilita in Hiberniam Catholica Religione triumphare posset Innocentius Christissimus, quam & vestrae sanctitati & nobis victoriam à Deo exercituum humili & confidenti corde implorant demisse benedictionem obsecrantes,

Kilkenniae, 7. Jan. 1645.

Vestrae Sanctitatis ad Pedum Oscula.

But to proceed to the Peace, in which all the Particulars, which might concern the Interest and Security of either Party, being maturely weigh∣ed and considered, and then every Article being first read, debated, and approved, in the general Assembly, without one dissenting voice, the whole was concluded, and the Confederate Catholicks obliged to trans∣port (within a very short time) an Army of 10000 Men into England, for the Service and Relief of the King; as by the succeeding Propositions with Colonel Fitz-Williams, is fuller evident.

Fitz-Williams's Propositions about the Treaty with the Queen, to bring Irish into Eng∣land.

Col. Fitz-Williams humbly prays and propounds as followeth,

THat your Sacred Majesty will vouchsafe to prevail with his Majesty, to condescend to the just Demands of his Irish Subjects, the Confede∣rate Catholicks in Ireland, at least in private. That upon the consideration

thereof, Colonel Fitz-Williams humbly propounds and undertakes, with ap∣probation of Mr. * 44.1 Hertogen, now imployed Agent for the said Confederate Catholicks in Ireland, to bring an Army of 10000 Men, or more, of the King's Subjects, in his Kingdom of Ireland, for the King's Service, into England.

That Colonel Fitz-Williams undertakes, for the sum of 10000 l. sterling, to levy Ships, and arm the 10000 Men, and so proportionably for more or less; and that the said Moneys may be paid into such hands, as may be safe for your Majesty, as well as ready for the said Colonel, when it shall appear the said Army shall be in readiness to be transported into England.

That upon the Landing of the said Men, there shall be advanced to the Colonel one months Pay for all the Army, according to the Muster, for the present support of the Army. That Colonel Fitz-Williams may be Commander in Chief thereof, and dispose of all the Officers, and only be commanded by the King, Prince, and—and qualified with such Benefits, as have been formerly granted unto your Majesty's Generals, that have commanded Bodies apart from the King's own Army, as the Earl of Kingston, and others, whereby the better to enable him in the Levies, as well as in the general Conduct of the Business. And in respect the Order gives no Power to the Irish, therefore that the said Forces shall not by any Order whatsoever be di∣vided, at least that the Colonel may be supplied with a Body of—2000. to be ready at the Place of Landing. That the Colonel may be provided with Arms and Ammunition, or with Money requisite for himself, to provide necessary Proportions for to bring with him. That the Army shall be paid as other Armies of the King.

Having taken these Propositions into Consideration, We have thought fit to testifie our Approbation and Agreement thereunto, under our Sign Ma∣nual, assuring, what hath been desired of us therein, shall be forthwith effectually endea∣vour'd, and not doubting, to the satisfaction of the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland, and of the said Colonel; so that we may justly expect an agreeable compliance and performance accor∣dingly from all Parties, in their several Concern∣ments.

Henriette Marie.

All things thus stated and setled, the Commissioners (who had treat∣ed in the Peace) were sent by and in the Name of the Assembly, to Dub∣lin, where the Lord Lieutenant resided, to sign the said Articles, and to receive his Lordship's Confirmation of them: And accordingly the Arti∣cles* 44.2 were, the 30th. of July, 1646. interchangeably signed and perfected,* 44.3 with all formality requisite, (notwithstanding his Majesty's Letter from Newcastle, the 11th. of June, 1646. to treat no farther with the Rebels;) and shortly after, they were (with great Solemnity and Ceremony) published and proclaimed by the King at Arms at Dublin, and at Kilkenny,

where the Supream Council and the Assemblies of all the Confederate Catholicks were held, and then Printed by their Authority: The Arch-Bishop of Firmo, manifesting his approbation of all that had been done, giving his blessing to the Commissioners, when they were sent to Dublin to conclude the Treaty, and other Ministers from Foraign Princes be∣ing present, consenting to, and witnessing the Conclusion.

By the Lord Lieutenant and Council.

Ormond.

WHereas Articles of Peace are made, concluded, accorded and a∣gréed upon, by and between Us, James Lord Marquiss of Or∣mond, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor of his Majesties Kingdom of Ireland, his Majesties Commissioner, to Treat and Conclude a Peace with his Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects of the said Kingdom, by vertue of his Majesties Commission under the Great Seal of England, bearing Date at Buckingham on the 24th. day of June, in the Twentieth year of his Reign, for and on the behalf of his Most Excellent Majesty of the one part; and Donogh Lord Viscount Muskery, and others, appointed and Authorized by his Majesties said Roman Catholick Subjects, by vertue of an Authority of the said Roman Catholick Subjects, bearing Date the sixth day of March, 1645. and in the 21. year of his Majesties Reign, of the other part, a true Copy of which Articles of Peace is hereunto annexed, We the Lord Lieutenant and Council do by this Proclamation, in his Majesties Name, Publish the same, And do, in his Majesties Name, strictly charge and command all his Majesties Subjects, and all others In∣habiting or Residing within his Majesties said Kingdom of Ireland, to take notice thereof, and to render due Obedience to the same in all the parts thereof.

And as his Majesty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep sense of the Miseries and Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People, and out of a hope conceived by his Majesty, that it may prevent the fur∣ther effusion of his Subjects blood, redeem them out of all the miseries and calamities, under which they now suffer, restore them to all quietness and happiness, under his Majesties most gracious Government, deliver the King∣dom in general from those slaughters, deprecations, rapines and spoils, which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with comfort to betake themselves to Trade, Traffick, Commerce, Manufacture, and all other things, which un-interrupted, may increase the wealth and strength of the Kingdom, beget in all his Majesties Subjects of this Kingdom, a perfect Unity amongst themselves, after the too long continued Division amongst them: So his Majesty assures himself, that all his Subjects of this his Kingdom (duly considering the great and inestimable benefits, which they may find in this Peace) will with all duty render due obedience there∣unto. And We, in his Majesties Name, do hereby Declare, That all Persons, so rendring due Obedience to the said Peace, shall be protected, cherished,

countenanced, and supported by his Majesty and his Royal Authority, ac∣cording to the true intent and meaning of the said Articles of Peace.

Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin, the Thir∣tieth day of July, 1646.

Ri. Bolton, Canc.

Roscomon. Dillon.

Cha. Lambart.

Gerrard Lowther.

Fr. Willoughby.

Robert Forth.

La. Dublin.

Geo. Cloyne.

Arthur Chichester.

Hen. Tichborn.

Tho. Lucas.

Ja. Ware.

God save the King.

An Abreviate of the Articles of Peace concluded by the Marquiss of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Commissioner for the King; and the Lord Mountgarret, President of the Supream Council, the Lord Muskery, Sir Robert Tal∣bot, Dermot O Brian, Patrick Darcy, Jeffery Brown, and John Dillon, Esquires, Commissioners for the Irish.

1. THat the Professors of the Roman Catholick Religion, in the Kingdom of Ireland, or any of them, be not bound or obliged to take the Oath of Supremacy, expressed in the second of Queen Elis. commonly called, the Oath of Supremacy.

2. That a Parliament may be held on or before the last day of No∣vember next; and that these Articles agreed on, may be transmitted into England, according to the usual Form, and passed, provided that no∣thing may be passed to the Prejudice of either Protestant or Catholick Party, other then such things as upon this Treaty shall be concluded.

3. That all Acts made by both or either Houses of Parliament, to the Blemish or Prejudice of his Majesties Roman Catholick Subjects, since the 7th. of August, (1641.) shall be vacated by Acts of Parliament.

4. That no Actions of Law shall be removed before the said Parliament, in case it be sooner called then the last of November; And that all Im∣pediments which may hinder the Roman Catholicks to sit in the next Parliament, shall be remov'd before the Parliament sit.

5. That all Debts do Stand in state, as they were in the beginning of these Troubles.

6. That the Plantation in Connaght, Kilkenny, Clare, Thomond, Tip∣perary,

Limrick, and Wickloe, may be revoked by Act of Parliament, and their Estates secur'd in the next Sessions.

7. That the Natives may erect one or more Inns of Court, in or near the City of Dublin, they taking an Oath; as also one or more Univer∣sities to be Govern'd, as his Majesty shall appoint; as also to have Schools for Education of Youth, in the Kingdom.

8. That Places of Command, of Forts, Castles, Garrisons, Towns, and other Places of Importance, and all Places of Honour, Profit, and Trust, shall be conferr'd with equal Indifferency upon the Catholicks, as his Majesties other Subjects, according to their respective Merits and Abilities.

9. That 12000 l. Sterling, be paid the King yearly, for the Court of Wards.

10. That no Peer may be capable of more Proxies then two. And that no Lords Vote in Parliament, unless in 5 years, a Lord Baron pur∣chase in Ireland 200 l. per anum, a Viscount 400 l. and an Earl 600 l. or lose their Votes till they purchase.

11. That the Independency of the Parliament of Ireland, on the Kingdom of England, shall be decided by Declaration of both Houses, agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland.

12. That the Council Table, shall contain itself within its bounds, in handling Matters of State, as Patents of Plantations, Offices, &c. and not meddle with matter, betwixt Party and Party.

13. That all Acts concerning Staple or Native Commodities of this Kingdom, shall be repeal'd, except Wooll, and Woollfels; and that the Commissioners, the Lord Mountgarret, and others named in the 26 Ar∣ticle, shall be Authoriz'd under the Great Seal, to moderate and ascer∣tain the rates of Merchandize, to be exported and imported.

14. That no Governor be longer Resident, then his Majesty shall find for the good of his People, and that they make no purchase, other then by Lease for the Provision of their Houses.

15. That an Act of Oblivion may be passed, without extending to any who will not accept of this Peace.

16. That no Governor, or any other Prime Minister of State in Ire∣land, shall be Farmers of his Majesties Customs.

17. That a Repeal of all Monopolies, be passed.

18. That Commissioners be appointed, to regulate the Court of Castle-Chamber.

19. That Acts, Prohibiting Plowing by Horse-tails, and burning of Oats in the Straw, be repealed.

20. That Course be taken against the Disobedience of the Cessation and Peace.

21. That such Graces as were promised by his Majesty in the Fourth year of his Reign, and sued for by a Committee of both Houses of Par∣liament, and not express'd in these Articles, may in the next ensuing Par∣liament be desir'd of his Majesty.

22. That Maritine Causes be determin'd here, without Appeal into England.

23. That the increase of Rents lately rais'd upon the Commission of defective Titles, be repeal'd.

24. That all Interests of Money due by way of Debt, Mortgage, or

otherwise, and not yet satisfi'd since the 23. of Octob. 1641. to pay no more than 5l. per Cent.

25. That the Commissioners have power to determine all Cases within their Quarters, until the perfection of these Articles by Parliament, and raise 10000 Men for his Majesty.

26. That the Lord Mountgarret, Muskery, Sir Dan. O Bryan, Sir Lucas Dillon, Nich. Plunket, Rich. Bealing, Philip Mac-Hugh O Relie, Terlogh O Neal, Thomas Flemming, Patrick Darcy, Gerald Fennel, and Jeffery Brown, or any five of them, be for the present Commissioners of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, in the present Quarters of the Confederate Catholicks; with power of Justice of Peace, Oyer and Ter∣miner, and Gaol-Delivery, as in former times of Peace they have usually had.

27. That none of the Roman Catholick Party, before there be a Settle∣ment by Parliament, Sue, Implead, or Arrest, or be Sued, Impleaded, or Arrested, in any Court, other than before the Commissioners, or in the several Corporations, or other Judicatures within their Quarters.

28. That the Confederate Catholicks continue in their Possessions until Settlement by Parliament, and to be Commanded by his Majesties Chief Governour, with the advice and consent of the Commissioners, or any Five of them.

29. That all Customs, from the perfection of these Articles, are to be paid into his Majesties Receipt, and to his use; as also all Rent due at Easter next, till a full Settlement of Parliament.

30. That the Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, and Gaol-Delivery, shall have power to hear and determine all Offences committed or done, or to be committed or done, from the 15th. day of September, 1643. until the first day of the next Parliament.

Thus the Marquess having perform'd all on his part, that could be ex∣pected from him, and was in his power to do, and having receiv'd from other Parts all the assurance he could require, there being no other way of engaging the publick Faith of the Nation, than that to which they had so formally engaged themselves to him in, he intended nothing then, but how his Majesty might speedily receive some fruit of that Peace and Ac∣commodation he thence expected, by sending assistance to him: And to that purpose, with advice, and upon invitation of several Persons, who* 46.1 had great Authority and Power amongst the Confederate Catholicks, the Lord Lieutenant took a Journey himself to Kilkenny, where he was receiv'd with that Respect and Reverence, as was due to his Person, and to the Place he held, and with such expressions of Triumph and Joy, as gave him cause to believe, the People were glad to be again receiv'd in∣to his Majesty's Protection.

A Protection his Majesty evidences, (to his Commissioners at Ux∣bridge* 46.2) That it was as inevitably necessary, that they should not con∣sent to hinder him therein, as he had strong Reasons for the Cessation before, unless they could shew, how his Protestant Subjects in Ireland, may probably at least defend themselves, and that he should have no more need to defend his Conscience and Crown, from the Injuries of this Re∣bellion.

At this Peace the Irish seem'd exceedingly enliven'd; but the shew thereof quickly vanish'd, and a cloud of Jealousie began again to cover the Land. The Pope's Nuncio, and the titular Bishops, who depended

on him, envi'd that Nation the happiness and glory they foresaw it would be possess'd of by the execution of that Agreement, and so (without any colour of Authority, either by the old establish'd Laws of that King∣dom, or those Rules they had prescrib'd to themselves since the Rebel∣lion) they conven'd a Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford, a Town* 46.3 most at their devotion, where the Titular Bishop of Ferns was in the Chair, and refided: And therefore it will not be amiss to take a short view of their proceedings, that the unhappy, oppressed, and miserable Ireland may clearly discern to whom it owes those Pressures and Grie∣vances it is now overwhelm'd with, and whether that Bishop be to be rec∣kon'd in the number of those, who suffer at present for his Zeal to Reli∣gion, his Allegiance to the King, and his Affection to his Countrey; or whether his name be to be inserted in that Catalogue, which must de∣rive to Posterity the Authors and Fomentors of so odious and causless a Rebellion, in which such a Sea of Blood hath been let out, and the Be∣trayers of the Honour and Faith of that Countrey and Nation, and who are no less guilty of extirpation of a Religion (they so much glory of) in that Kingdom, than Ireton, or Cromwel, or that impious Power, under which they have perpetrated all their Acts of Blood, Cruelty, and De∣solation.

At that time, the Parliament of England having accommodated the Spaniard with 2000 Men; he, in lieu thereof, so temper'd the Irish, (ever devoted to that Nation) that the Spaniard having then an Agent in Ireland, he took them off from doing any thing effectual in our King's business.

And the Congregation of the Clergy was no sooner assembled, then* 46.4 (instead of prescribing Acts of Charity and Repentance to the People, for the ill they had formerly done, and then inflaming their hearts with new Zeal, and infusing pious Courage into them, to relieve and succour the King from those who oppressed him, according to their particular Obli∣gation, by their late Agreement, which had been the proper Office of Prelates, and a Christian Clergy) they began to inveigh against the Peace, (which themselves had so lately approv'd, and so formally con∣sented unto) as if it had not carefully enough provided for the advancement of Religion, and would not suffer it to be proclaim'd in Waterford; and sent their Emissaries and their Orders to all considerable Towns and Cities to incense the People against it, and against those who wished it should take effect; insomuch that when the King at Arms was Pro∣claiming the Peace at Limerick, (with that solemnity and Ceremony, as* 46.5 in such cases is used throughout the World, with his Coat of Arms, the Ensign of his Office, and accompani'd with the Mayor and Aldermen, and the most substantial of the Citizens, in their Robes, and with all the Ensigns of Magistracy and Authority) one Molife, a seditious Frier, stirr'd up the multitude against him; which being led on by one Fanning, a person notorious for many outrages and acts of Blood and Inhumanity in the beginning of the Rebellion, violently assaulted them, and after many opprobrious speeches, in contempt of the Peace and the Authority of the King, and tearing off the Coat from the Herald, beat and wounded him, and many of the Magistrates of the City, and some of them almost to death: And least all this might be excused, and charitably interpreted to be the effect of a Popular and Tumultuous Insurrection, the Lawful Mayor and other principal Officers who assisted him (in the discharge of

his Duty) were immediately displac'd, and Fanning, the impious Con∣ductor of that Rabble, was made Mayor in his place; who, by Letters from the Nuncio, was thanked for what he had done, and encouraged to pro∣ceed in the same way, and had the Apostolical Benediction bestowed on him, for committing such an outrage upon the Priviledged Person of an He∣rald, who in the name of the King came to proclaim Peace: As by the Law of Nations must have been adjudged barbarous, and unpardonable in any part of the World where Civility is planted, if he had come to have de∣nounced War. And yet all this while, the design it self was carried with so great secresie, that the Lord Lieutenant (proceeding in his Progress for the setling and composing the humours of the People, which he un∣derstood to have been in some disorder by the infusions of the ill-affected Clergy) never heard of any Force of Arms to second and support those mutinous disorders, till being near to the City of Cashell, he was adver∣tis'd by Letters from the Mayor, that Owen O Neal's Army was march∣ing that way, and had sent terrible threats to that City if it presum'd* 46.6 to receive the Lord Lieutenant. And shortly after he found, that Owen O Neal used all possible expedition to get between him and Dublin, that so he might have been able to have surprised and destroyed him; where∣upon the Marquis found it necessary to lose no time in returning thi∣ther, yet resolved not onely to contain himself from any Acts of Hosti∣lity, but even from those Trespasses which are hardly avoidable upon Marches, and paid so precisely for whatsoever was taken from the Inha∣bitants throughout all the Catholick Quarters, presuming, that those Persons of Honour, who had transacted the Treaty, would have been able to have caused the Peace to be observed in despight of those clamo∣rous undertakers.

But when the Unchristian Congregation of Waterford had made this* 46.7 Essay of their Power and Jurisdiction, they made all possible hast to pro∣pagate their Authority, and declared the Peace to be void, and inhibited all Persons to submit thereunto, or to pay any Taxes, Imposition, or Con∣tribution which had been setled by the said Agreement; and without which, neither a standing Army (which was to be applied to the Re∣duction of those Towns and Provinces, which had put themselves un∣der the Protection of the Parliament of England, and never submitted to the former Cessation, nor could be comprehended in the Peace) could be supported, or the 10000 Men rais'd to be transported into England for the succour of the King, as had been so Religiously undertaken; which inclination of theirs, the People so readily obeyed and submitted unto, That they committed and delegated the intire and absolute Power of* 46.8 Governing and Commanding, as well in Secular as Ecclesiastical Matters, to the Popes Nuncio, who began his Empire with committing to Prison the Commissioners who had been Instrumental in the Treaty, and making of the Peace by order of the general Assembly, and issued out an Excommunication against all those who had or should submit to the Peace, (which comprehended all the Nobility and almost all the Gentry, and some of the Clergy) which Excommunication wrought so univer∣sally upon the minds of the People, that albeit all Persons of Honour and Quality received infinite scandal, and well foresaw the irreparable damage Religion it self would undergo, by that unwarrantable Proceed∣ing, and used their utmost Power to draw the People to obedience and submission to the said Agreement, and to that purpose prevail'd so far 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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with General Preston, that he gave them reason to hope that he would joyn with them, for the vindication of the publick Faith, and the Ho∣nour of the Nation, and compel those that oppos'd it to submit to the Peace; Yet all these endeavours produced no effect, but concluded in unprofitable Resentments and Lamentation: In the mean time, Owen O Neil (when he found himself disappointed of his Design, to have cut off the Lord-Lieutenant before he should reach Dublin) enter'd into the Queens-County, and committed all Acts of Cruelty and Outrage that could be imagined, took many Castles and Forts which belong'd to the King, and put all (who resisted) to the Sword, and his Officers in cold blood caus'd others to be murther'd, to whom they had promised Quarter, as Major Pigot and others of his Family: About the latter end of June this year, Major General Monro received a severe defeat from Owen Roe O-Neil at Benburgh, alias Benburge near Charlemont in the County of Ardmagh, whereby the whole Province was exposed to the Rebels fury, in as much as if they had had the Courage or Policy to have prosecuted it, they might have destroyed all the Scotch Quarters, and endanger'd their Towns: but Owen Roe instead of prosecuting the Victory, went presently with the Prisoners and Colours in Triumph to Kilkenny, so gave our Forces a breathing, whilst the Parliament suspect∣ing his union with Preston, immediately ordered 50000 l. out of the Excise, for the raising of more men for Ireland, and some Horse besides Foot, were presently sent over with Ammunition and other necessaries; these called at Dublin, but the Design being not then fit for their Re∣ception, they were otherwise disposed of. And shortly after the Nuncio prevail'd so much, that he united General Preston to his Army, at which time he took this Oath.

I, A. B. Swear and Protest that I will adhere to the present union of* 47.1 the Confederate Roman Catholicks, that reject the Peace lately agreed, and proclaimed at Dublin, and do nothing by Word, Deed, Writing, Ad∣vice, or otherwise to the Prejudice of that Union, and will to the uttermost of my Power advance, and further the Good and Preservation of it, and of his Majesties Rights, and the Priviledges of free-born Subjects, to the Natives of this Kingdom.

And then the Nuncio (as Generalissimo) lead both Armies towards* 47.2 Dublin, where the Lord Lieutenant was so surprized with their Perfidious∣ness, that he found himself in no less straights and distresses from his Friends within, then from his Enemies without, who totally neglected those Forces, which (being under the obedience of the Parliament of England) had always waged a sharp and bloody War with them, and at present made inroads into their Quarters to their great damage, and in∣tirely ingaged themselves to suppress the Kings Authority, to which they had so lately submitted.

Lest so prodigious an alteration, as is now set forth, may seem to be wrapt up in too short a discourse, and it may appear almost incredible, that an Agreement so deliberately and solemnly entred into by the whole Nobility and Gentry of the Nation, in a Matter that so intirely concern'd their own Interest, should in such an instant be blasted and

anihilated by a Congregation of Clergy, assembled onely by their own authority; And therefore, without the vice of curiosity, all men may desire to be inform'd by what Degrees and Method that Congregation proceeded, and what specious Pretences and Insinuations they us'd to∣wards the People, for the better perswading them to depart from that Peace, they were even again restored to the Possession of: It will not be impertinent therefore to set down some important particulars of their Proceedings, and the very forms of some Instruments publish'd by them, that the World may see the Logick and Rhetorick that was used to impose upon, and delude that unhappy People, and to intangle them more in that Labyrinth of Confusion, wherein they were long involved.

They were not content not to suffer the Peace not to be proclaimed in Waterford, and to disswade the People from submitting to it: But by a Decree dated the 12 day of August, 1646. (which they commanded to be published in all places, in the English and Irish Tongue) they de∣clared by the unanimous consent and votes of all, even none contra∣dicting (as they say) That all and singular the Confederate Catholicks who should adhere or consent to the Peace, or to the Fautors thereof, or otherwise embrace the same, should be held absolute perjur'd; especially for this cause, that in those Articles there is no mention made of the Catholick Religion, or the security thereof, or any care taken for the Conservation of the Priviledges of the Country, as had been promised in an Oath formerly taken by them, but rather all things referred to the Pleasure of the most renowned King, from whom in his present state (they said) nothing of certainty could be had: And in the Interim the Armies, and Arms, and Fortunes (even the Supream Council it self) of the Confederate Catholicks were subjected to the Authority and Rule of the Council of State, and Protestant Officers of his Majesty, from whom that they might be secured, they had taken that Oath.

And the next day, being informed, that the Lord Viscount Mountgarret,* 47.3 and Lord Viscount Muskery, were appointed by the Supream Council at Kilkenny, to go to Dublin, to confer with the Lord Lieutenant, upon the best way to be pursued, for the execution and observation of the Peace: they made an Order in Writing, in which were these words; We admo∣nish in our Lord, and require the Persons who are departed to Dublin, that they forbear and abstain from going thither for the said end, or if they be gone, that they return, and this under pain of Excommunication, com∣manding the Right Honourable the Bishop of Ossory, and other Bishops, as well assembled as not assembled here, and their Vicars General, as also Vicars Apostolical, and all Priests, even Irregulars, that they intimate these Presents, or cause to be intimated, even by affixing them in publick places; and that they proceed against the disobedient, in denouncing of Excommunication, as it should seem expedient in our Lord.

When the Supream Council, notwithstanding these new Orders and Injunctions, continued still their desire to observe the Peace; The titu∣lar Bishop of Ossory, publisht this extraordinary Writing.

WHereas, we have in publick and private meetings at several times, declared to the Supream Council, and others whom it might concern; That it was, and is unlawful, and against conscience, the implying Perjury (as it hath been defined by the special Act of the Convocation at Waterford)

to both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal, to do or concur to any Act, tending to the approbation or countenancing the Publication of this unlawful and mischievous Peace, so dangerous (as it is now Articled) to both Common-Wealths, Spiritual and Temporal; And whereas, notwithstand∣ing our Declaration, yea the Declaration of the whole Clergy of the Kingdom to the contrary, the Supream Council and the Commissioners, have actu∣ally proceeded to the Publication, yea, and forcing it upon the City, by ter∣ror and threats, rather then by any free consent or desire of the People: We having duly considered and taken it to heart (as it becometh us) how enor∣mous this Fact is, and appears in Catholicks, even against God himself, and what a Publick Contempt of the Holy Church it appeareth, beside the evil it is like to draw upon this poor Kingdom, after a mature Deliberation and Consent of our Clergy, in Detestation of this hainous and scandalous Dis∣obedience of the Supream Council, and others who adhered to them, in matter of conscience to the Holy Church, and in hatred of so sinful and abominable an Act, do by these Presents, according to the Prescription of the Sacred Cannons, pronounce and command henceforth a general Cessation of Divine Offices, throughout all the City and Suburbs of Kilkenny, in all Churches, Monasteries, and houses in them whatsoever.

Given at our Palace of Nova Curia, the 18th. of August, 1646.

Signed,

David Ossoriensis.

This extravagant Proceeding, did not yet terrifie those of the Con∣federate* 48.1 Catholicks, who understood, (as they pretended) how necessary the observation of the Peace was, for the preservation of the Nation; But as they desired the Lord Lieutenant, to forbear all acts of Hostility, upon how unreasonable a Provocation soever; So they sent two Persons of the Supream Council, (Sir Lucas Dillon, and Dr. Fennel) to the Congregation at Waterford, to dispose them to a better temper, and to find out some Expedient, which might compose the minds of the People, and prevent those Calamities, that would unavoidably fall upon the Nation, upon their declining and renouncing the Peace, (which you must understand in them, to be very real;) But after they had attended se∣veral days, and offered many Reasons and Considerations to them; The Congregation put a Period to all the Hopes and Consultations of that nature, by issuing out a Decree of Excommunication, which they caused to be Printed in this Form, and in these Words, and with these Marginal Notes.

By John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Firmo, and by the Ecclesiastical Congregation of both Clergies of the Kingdom of Ireland.

A Decree of Excommunication against such as adhere to the late Peace, and do bear Arms for the Hereticks of Ireland, and do aid or assist them.

NOt without Cause (saith the Oracles of Truth) doth the Minister* 49.1 of God carry the Sword, for he is to punish him that doth Evil, and remunerate him that doth Good; hence it is that we have by our former Decrees, declared to the World our sence, and just Indignation against the late Peace, Concluded and Published at Dublin, not onely in its na∣ture, bringing prejudice, and destruction of Religion and Kingdom, but also contrary to the Oath of Association, and withall against the Contrivers of, and Adherers to the said Peace: In pursuance of which Decrees, being* 49.2 forced to unsheath the Spiritual Sword, We (to whom God hath given power to bind and loose on Earth) assembled together in the Holy Ghost, tracing herein, and imitating the Examples of many Venerable, and holy Prelates, who have gone before us, and taking for our Authority, the Sacred Canons of Holy Church, grounded on Holy Writ, Ut tollan∣tur èmedio nostrum qui hoc opus faciunt Domini nostri Jesu deliver over such Persons to Satan, (that is to say,) We Excommunicate, Execrate, Anathematize, all such as, after the Publication of this our Decree, and notice either Privately or Publickly given to them hereof, shall defend, adhere to, or approve the Justice of the said Peace: and chiefly those, who bear Arms, or make, or joyn in War with, for, or in behalf of the Pu∣ritans, or other Hereticks of Dublin, cork, Youghall, of other places within this Kingdom, or shall either (by themselves, or by their appoint∣ment) bring, send, or give any Aid, Succour, or Relief, Victuals, Am∣munition, or other Provision to them; or by advice, or otherwise, advance the said Peace, or the War, made against us; Those, and every of them, by this present Decree, We do declare, and pronounce Excommunicated, ipso facto, ut non circumveniamini à Satana, non enim ignoramus Cogita∣tiones* 49.3 ejus.

Dated at Kilkenny, in our Palace of Residence, the 5th. day of October, 1646.

Signed.

Johannes Baptista, Archiepiscopus Firmanus, Nuncius Apostolicus, de Mandato Illustrissimi Domini Nun∣cij & Congregationis Ecclesiasticae utriusque, Cleri Regni Hiberniae, Nicholas Firmence Congregationis Cancellarius.

The Nuncio having thus fortifi'd himself, made great preparations to march with two Armies to Dublin, which (consisting of 16000 Foot, and as many hundred Horse) he believ'd, or seem'd to believe, would take the Town by Assault as soon as he should appear before it; and in this confidence (that we may not interrupt the series of this Discourse by any intervening action) when the Armies were within a days march of the City, the two Generals sent this Letter, with the Propositions an∣nexed, to the Lord Lieutenant.

May it please your Excellency,

BY the Command of the Confederate Catholicks of this Kingdom, who offer* 50.1 the inclosed Propositions, we have under our Leading two Armies; our thoughts are best to our Religion, King and Countrey; our ends to establish the first, and make the two following secure and happy: It is the great part of our care and desires to purchase your Excellency to the effecting of so blessed a work. We do not desire the effusion of blood; and to that purpose, the in∣closed Propositions are sent from us; we pray to God your consideration of them may prove fruitful. We are commanded to pray your Excellency to ren∣der an Answer to them by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thursday next, be it War or Peace. We shall endeavour in our Ways to exercise Faith and Honour; and upon this thought we rest.

From the Camp, 2. March, 1646.

Your Excellencies most humble Servants, J. Preston, Owen O Neile.

1. That the exercise of the Romish Religion be in Dublin, Tredagh, and in all the Kingdom of Ireland, as free and as publick, as it is now in Pa∣ris in France, or Bruxels in the Low-Countreys.

2. That the Council of State, called ordinarily the Council-Table, be of Members true and faithful to his Majesty, and such of which there may be no fear or suspition of going to the Parliament Party.

3. That Dublin, Tredagh, Trim, Newry, Catherlagh, Carlingford, and all Garrisons within the Protestant Quarters, be Garrison'd by Confe∣derate Catholicks, to maintain and keep the said Cities and Places for the use of our Sovereign Lord King Charles, and his Lawful Successors, for the defence of this Kingdom of Ireland.

4. That the present Council of the Confederates shall swear truly and faithfully to keep and maintain, for the use of his Majesty and his law∣ful Successors, and for the defence of the said Kingdom of Ireland, the above Cities of Dublin and Tredagh, and all other Forts, Places, and Ca∣stles, as above.

5. That the said Council, and all General Officers and Soldiers what∣soever, do swear and Protest to fight by Sea and Land against the Parlia∣mentarians, and all the Kings Enemies: And that they will never come to any Convention, Agreement or Article with the said Parliamentari∣ans, or any the Kings Enemies, to the prejudice of his Majesties Rights, or of this Kingdom of Ireland.

6. That according to our Oath of Association, we will, to the best of our power and cunning, defend the fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, the Kings Rights, the Lives and Fortunes of the Subjects.

His Excellency is prayed to make Answer to the above Propositions, at furthest by two of the Clock in the afternoon on Thursday next.

J. Preston, Owen O Neile.

Let all dis-passionate men now consider what could the Marquis do,* 51.1 his Quarters were so strait and narrow, that they could yield no support to the few Forces he had left; all his Garrisons besieg'd; without, an Enemy; being destitute of all Provisions within: all the Army he had for the Field and Garrisons amounted not to 5000 Foot and 1100 Horse; without Cloathes, Money, or Fixed Arms; and with so inconsiderable a Store of Ammunition, that when the Nuncio was upon his march to∣wards Dublin, he had not in that most important City (the Metropolis of the Kingdom) more than 14 Barrels of Powder: So that not onely the Inhabitants, but the Soldiers themselves, grew impatient of the distresses they were in, and which inevitably they saw must fall upon them; and they who had before presum'd in corners and whispers, to tax the Mar∣quis of not being zealous enough of the English Interest, and too credulous of what was promised and undertaken by the Irish, had now the boldness to murmur aloud at him, as if he had combined with the Irish to put all into their hands: They who from the beginning of the Troubles had been firm and unshaken in their Duty and Loyalty to the King, and chear∣fully suffered great losses, and undergone great hazards for being so, and been of the most constant affection to, and confidence in, the Marquis, and resolved to obey him in whatsoever he should order for the King's Service, for the conducting whereof, he was solely and entirely trusted by his Majesty, could not yet endure to think of being put into, or falling under the power of the Irish, who, by this new breach of Faith, had made themselves utterly uncapable of any future Trust; for what secu∣rity could they publickly give for performance of the Contract, which* 51.2 they had not lately given for the observation of that, which so infamously they had receded from? Whereupon he found it absolutely necessary to make a shew of inclining to the English; and sent to the Ships then riding in the Bay of Dublin, that they would transport some Commis∣sioners from him to the Parliament, to treat about the surrender of the City, and the other Garrisons under his Command. Which Proposition was embrac'd by them, and the Persons deputed * 51.3 accordingly conveyed into England: By this means the Marquis was forthwith supplied with 20 Barrels of Powder, which the Captain of those Ships delivered to him the 10th. of March, by the permission of the Lord Lisle, the Parlia∣ments Lord Lieutenant, without which, he could have made no defence against the Nuncio: whereby the Irish had a fair warning to bethink themselves (in time) of returning to their Duty, since they might discern, that if they would not suffer Dublin, &c. to continue in the Kings obe∣dience, it should be delivered to them who would deal less graciously with them, and had power enough to punish those indignities which had been offered. And the Marquis was still without other Engagement, than to do what he should judge most conducing to his Majesties Service.

However, the Rebels persisted in their intentions against Dublin, where for a while we must leave them, and see what course the Parliament took to infest their Quarters: much they were concern'd, that affairs went not on so successfully there as they expected, where that they might have one Governour (answerable to the exigencies of that Kingdom) they* 51.4 Voted Philip Viscount Lisle Lord Lieutenant, passing thereupon, in April, 1646. a Patent to him for one year, allotting him 40000 l. with what else was requisite for his dispatch; in raising which, they were so slow, (many of the House being of an opposite Party) as he could not get away from London till the 1st. of Febr. 1646. arriving at Bristol. the 6th. where he found several of his own Troops, and his Brother Colonel Algernoon Sidney's in readiness to be transported for Ireland: But Money being not come, he was forc'd to Quarter them thereabouts till its arrival; and himself with 30000 l. 7 Pieces of Battery, 1000 Muskets, 100 Barrels of Pow∣der, embarqu'd the 18th. at Minhead, and landed near Cork the 20th.* 51.5 and came thither the day following, where he was altogether unexpe∣cted, (especially by the Lord Inchequin) he found things in great disor∣der, the Army filled with Officers disaffected to him, the Custodiums and Contributions no way manag'd to the publick advantage; there∣upon reform'd the defects, and marching the 15th. of March to visit Tal∣loe, Lismore, Toughall, Fermoy, and other Places, found the Countrey pro∣tected even to the Walls of the Protestant Garrisons, so as no mischief could be done by them to the Rebels; and about the 20th. of March, Knockmohun was delivered to him. He order'd all things for the best ad∣vantage* 51.6 of the Interest he was put upon; and finding his Commission was near expir'd, the General Officers petition'd, that in case his Lord∣ship were not continued, the Command of the Army might rest in them: which the Lord President with others oppos'd. The Lord Lieutenant's* 51.7 Commission determind' the 15th. of April, 1647. And shortly after such animosities arose betwixt the Parliaments Commissioners and the Lord Inchequin, as doubtless (if some Privy Counsellors had not interpos'd) great inconveniencies would certainly thence have risen. The Lord Lisle (accompani'd with the Lord Broghil and Colonel Sidney) went present∣ly for England, and arriv'd at London about the beginning of May fol∣lowing, taking the first occasion to give the House an account * 51.8 of his Journey; which may be looked on as a Dream more than a Truth, (considering the shortness of the Expedition) though none could more prudently have acted, whilst he was upon the Place; nor was there any whom the Soldiers would more readily obey, such was his Courage, so great his Integrity. The Lord Broghil and Sir Arthur Loftus, at the same time preferr'd Articles against the Lord Inchequin: But the Parlia∣ment was so imbroil'd about the Disbanding the Independent Army, (then mutinous) and Inchequin had so many (to favour themselves) coun∣tenanc'd him, as little, if any thing, became of the Impeachment.

But to return to the Confederates, who (when they saw the Ships re∣turn'd* 51.9 from England with Supplies of Soldiers, Money, and great store of Provisions, and the Commissioners to treat with the Marquis for put∣ting all into the Parliaments hands) rais'd the Siege, seeming less united amongst themselves, and desirous to make Conditions with the Lord Lieutenant; whilst General Preston and his Officers frankly entred into a Treaty with the Marquis of Clanrickard, whom the Lord Lieutenant au∣thoriz'd to that end, and with deep and solemn Oaths undertook and pro∣mised

to stand to the Peace, and from thenceforth to be obedient to his Majesties Authority, and to joyn with the Marquis of Ormond against all those who should refuse to submit unto them. On the other side, the Commissioners from the two Houses of Parliament * 51.10, who were admitted into Dublin to treat with the Lord Lieutenant, observing the very ill condition the Town was in, besieged by two strong Armies, by whom they within expected every hour to be assaulted, concluded, that the want of Food, and all necessaries for defence, would compel the Marquis, with the importunity and clamour of the Inhabitants and Soldiers, to receive Supplies of Men, Money, and Victuals, which they had brought upon any terms; and therefore stifly insisted on their Propositions, refusing to consent, that the Marquis should send any Messenger to the King, that, upon information how the case stood, he might receive his Maje∣sties* 51.11 direction what to do. And how the Parliament in Ireland, then in being, might be continued, which, by the delivering of the Sword, with∣out his Majesties pleasure imparted, could not be secured from being dissolved; and without which, he then resolved not to proceed to any conjunction with them, and so had privately dispatched several Expresses to the King (as soon as he discerned clearly, that the Irish were so terri∣fi'd by the Nuncio and his Excommunication, that there was little hope of good from them) with full information of the state of Affairs, and ex∣pected every day a return of some of the said Messengers, with significa∣tion of his Majesties Pleasure.

Thus the Treaty with the Marquis not succeeding, the Commissioners from the Two Houses of Parliament return'd again to their Ships, about the end of November, and carried all the Supplies they had brought to the Parliaments Garrisons in the Province of Ulster, being much incens'd against the Lord Lieutenant for declining an entire union with them, and inclining (as they said he did) to a new confidence in the Irish: Yet they found but cold entertainment amongst the Scots.

At which time, Dr. John Maxwel, formerly Bishop of Ross in Scotland, now Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland, hearing of Commissioners from the Parliament of England, grew so envenom'd thereat, (suspecting the Co∣venant, which he had ever abhorr'd, should be imposed) as sicercely im∣precating it; and being broken with the calamities of the Times, he di'd the 14th. of Febr. 1646. and was buried in Trinity Church, Dublin, at the munificence of the Marquis of Ormond.

By this time the Marquis of Clanrickard had an entire trust (answera∣ble to what he had begun to treat of with General Preston) from the Lord Lieutenant, as a Person superiour to all temptations, which might endeavour to lessen or divert his Affection and Integrity to the King, or* 51.12 his Zeal to the Romish Catholick Religion, in which he had been bred, and to which he had most constantly adher'd; he had taken great pains to render the Peace, which had been so long in consultation, effectual to the Nation, and had both by Discourse and Writing endeavour'd to disswade the Nuncio from prosecuting those rough ways, which he fore∣saw were like to undo the Nation, and dishonour the Catholick Reli∣gion: He found General Preston and the Officers of his Army less tran∣sported with passion, and a blind submission to the Authority of the Nuncio than the other, and that they professed greater duty and obedience to the King, and that they seem'd to be wrought on by two Conclusions, which had been speciously infus'd into them: The first was, that the Lord

Lieutenant was so great an Enemy to their Religion, that though they should obtain any Conditions from the King to their advantage in that particular, he would oppose, and not consent unto the same. The other, that the King was now in the hand of the Scots, who were not like to approve that Peace had been made, all that Nation in Ulster refusing to submit to it. And if they should be able to procure any Order from his Majesty to disavow it, the Lord Lieutenant would undoubtedly obey it. These specious infusions the Marquis of Clanrickard endeavour'd to re∣move, and undertook upon his Honour to use all the Power and Inte∣rest which he had in the King, Queen, and Prince, on behalf of the Ro∣mish Catholicks, and to procure them such Priviledges, and Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion, as they could reasonably expect: And undertook, that the Lord Lieutenant would acquiesce with such di∣rections as he should receive therein without contradiction, or endeavour to do ill Offices to the Catholicks. He further promised, that if any Or∣der should be procured from the King during the restraint he was then in, to the disadvantage of the Catholicks, then He would suspend any obedi∣ence thereunto, until such time as his Majesty should be at liberty, and might receive full information on their behalf. And upon the Marquis of Clanrickard's positive undertaking these particulars; and the Lord Lieu∣tenant having ratifi'd and confirm'd all that the Marquis had engag'd himself for, General Preston, with all the Principal Officers under his Command, signed this ensuing Engagement.

WE the Generals, Nobility, and Officers of the Confederate Catho∣lick* 52.1 Forces, do solemnly bind and engage our selves, by the Honour and Reputation of Gentlemen and Soldiers, and by the Sacred Protestation upon the Faith of Catholicks, in the presence of Almighty God, both for our selves, and, as much as in us lies, for all Persons that are, or shall be under our Command, that we will from the Date hereof forward submit and con∣form our selves entirely and sincerely to the Peace concluded and proclaimed by his Majesties Lieutenant, with such additional Concessions and Securities, as the Right Honourable, Ulick Lord Marquis of Clanrickard hath under∣taken to procure and secure to us, in such manner, and upon such terms, as is expressed in his Lordships Undertakings, and Protestation of the same date hereunto annexed, and signed by himself: And we, upon his Lordships un∣dertaking, engage our selves, by the Bond of Honour and Conscience above∣said, to yield entire obedience to his Majesties Lieutenant General, and General Governour of this Kingdom, and to all deriving Authority from them by Commission to command us in our several Degrees: And that accor∣ding to such Orders as we shall receive from them, faithfully to serve his Majesty against all his Enemies or Rebels, as well within this Kingdom, as in any other part of his Dominions, and against all Persons that shall not joyn with us upon these terms, in submission to the Peace of this Kingdom, and to his Majesties Authority: And we do further engage our selves, under the said solemn Bonds, that we will never either directly or indirectly, make use of any advantage or power wherewith we shall be intrusted, to the ob∣liging of his Majesty or his Ministers, by any kind of force, to grant unto us any thing beyond the said Marquis of Clanrickard's undertaking, but shall wholely rely upon his Majesties own free goodness, for what further Graces and Favours he shall be graciously pleas'd to confer upon his faithful

Catholick Subjects in this Kingdom, according to their Obedience and Me∣rit in his service: And we do further protest, that we shall never esteem our selves disoblig'd from this engagement, by any Authority or Power whatsoever; provided on both Parties, that this engagement and underta∣king be not understood, or extend to debar or hinder his Majesties Catho∣lick Subjects of this Kingdom, from the benefit of any further Graces and Favours which his Majesty may be graciously pleas'd to concede to them, upon the Queen's Majesties Mediation, or any other Treaties abroad.

This was done about the end of November, 1646. at Sir Nicholas* 52.2 White's Castle of Leixleap; the Nuncio, with the other Army under Owen O Neal, having been about the same time compelled to raise their Siege from Dublin, and to retire for want of Provisions. Hereupon the Marquess of Clanrickard was made by the Lord Lieutenant, Lieutenant General of the Army, and was accordingly receiv'd by General Preston's Army, being drawn in Battalia: And General Preston at the same time receiv'd a Commission from the Lord Lieutenant, to command as Serjeant Major General, and immediately under the Marquess of Clanrickard. And shortly after, General Preston desired the Lord Lieutenant, to march with as strong a Body as he could draw out of his Garrisons, towards Kilkenny, where he promised to meet him with his Army, that so being united, they might compel the rest to submit to the Peace.

And here, that you may have some Divertisement, you shall see in what condition Hereticks are to be buried; to which end, we shall present you with a Copy of a Censure, under the Hand of Nicholas, Bishop of Ferns, against Francis Talbot, who died a Protestant.

The Body of Francis Talbot, who died an obstinate Heretick, and finally therein impenitent, is to be buried in Poenam Haereseos, & finalis Impeni∣tentiae, nec non in terrorem aliorum, with only one Candle at the Grave, at Nine of the Clock by Night, without a Bell in the Church or Street, with∣out Priest, Cross, Book, or Prayer; the Place of his Burial is to be in the Alley of St. Mary's Church-yard, near to the Garden of the Parsonage. All which, concerning the said Burial, we have order'd to be done with the ad∣vice of Men learned in Divinity; and who shall exceed this Manner of the said Francis's Burial, is to incur Church-Censures; no Wax Taper, or Can∣dle, or Torch, is to be used.

Given at the Fryers Monastery, the last of Decemb. 1646.

Nicholaus Episcopus Fernensis.

When the Marquess was come within less than a day's March, of the* 53.1 Place assign'd by General Preston, for the meeting and joyning their For∣ces together, the Marquess of Clanrickard, who attended upon the Lord Lieutenant, receiv'd a Letter from Preston to this effect: That his Officers being not Excommunication-proof, were fallen from him to the Nuncio's Par∣ty, and therefore he wished, that the Lord Lieutenant would proceed no fur∣ther, but to expect the issue of a General Assembly, that would be shortly

conven'd at Kilkenny, where he doubted not but that Things would be set right by the Consent of the whole Kingdom, which he said would be much better for his Majesty's Service, than to attempt forcing the Peace upon those who were averse to it.

Upon this new violation of Faith, the Marquess of Ormond was com∣pell'd (after some weeks stay in his Quarters) to return again to Dublin, where the Commissioners, who had been lately there from the two Hou∣ses* 53.2 of Parliament, had sowed such seeds of Jealousie and Discontent, as the Inhabitants refused to contribute further to the payment and support of the Army, (being in truth so far exhausted by what they had paid, and impoverished by their total want and decay of Traffick and Commerce, as they were not able much longer to contribute) so that the Marquess was forced in the cold and wet Winter, to draw out his half starved and half naked Troops, only to lye in the Enemy's Quarters, where yet he would suffer no Act of Hostility to be committed, or any thing else to be taken, but Victuals for the subsistence of his Men. And in this un-easie posture, he resolv'd to expect the result of the next General Assembly, which he suppos'd could not be so constituted, but that it would abhor the violation of the former Contracts and Agreements, and the in-excusable Presumpti∣on and Proceedings of the Congregation of the Clergy at Waterford; and that it would vindicate the Honour and Faith of the Nation, from the Reproaches it lay under, and from the exorbitant and extravagant Juris∣diction which the Nuncio had assumed. But he quickly found himself again disappointed; and, to the universal wonder of all, the new Assem∣bly publish'd a Declaration of a very new Nature: For whereas the Nun∣cio and his Party had committed to Prison those Noblemen and Gentle∣men, who had been Commissioners in treating and concluding the Peace, and had given out threats and menaces, that they should lose their Heads for their Transgression; the Assembly presently set them at liberty, and* 53.3 declared, That the Commissioners and Council had faithfully and sincerely carried and demean'd themselves in the said Negotiation, pursuant, and ac∣cording to the Trust reposed in them: And yet, in the same Declaration, declared, That they might not accept of, or submit unto the said Peace, and did thereby protest against it, and did declare the same invalid, and of no force to all intents and purposes. And did farther declare, That the Nati∣on would not accept of any Peace, not containing a sufficient satisfactory Se∣curity for the Religion, Lives, Estates and Liberties of the said Confederate Catholicks. And what they understood to be sufficient and satisfactory for Religion, &c. appears by the Propositions published before by the Congregation at Waterford, which they had caused the People to swear that they would insist upon; and which, instead of providing a Tolerati∣on of the Romish Catholick Religion, had, in truth, prov'd for the extir∣pation of the Protestant, when they should think fit to put the same in execu∣tion. Nor was the only Argument and Excuse, which they published for these Proceedings, more reasonable, than the Proceedings themselves, which was, That the Concessions and Promises made unto them, by the Earl of Glamorgan, were much larger, and greater security for their Religion, than those consented to by the Marquess: Whereas, in truth, those Con∣cessions and Promises made by the Earl, (as we have took notice) were dis-avowed and dis-own'd by the Lord Lieutenant, before the Peace was concluded, and the Earl committed to Prison for his Presumption; which though it produced some interruption in the Treaty, yet was the same

after resumed, and the Peace concluded, and proclaimed upon the Arti∣cles formerly mention'd; so that the Allegation, of what had been un∣dertaken by the Earl of Glamorgan, can be no excuse, for their violating the Agreement afterwards concluded with the Marquess. Whereby it appears, (let the most favourable Fucus imaginable be put upon it) that though they released the Commissioners for the Treaty, as justifiable, yet Herod and Pilate were then made Friends, each Party consenting to dam the Peace.

This last wonderful Act put a period to all Hopes of the Marquess of Ormond, which Charity and Compassion to the Kingdom and Nation, and his discerning Spirit, would fain have cherisht, in that in-evitable ruine and destruction both must undergo, from that distemper of mind that possessed them, and had so long boy'd them up, against his experience and judgement. And now those whose Natures, Dispositions, and Inte∣rest, made them most averse to the Parliament of England, grew more* 53.4 affrighted at the thoughts of falling under the Power of the Irish; so that all Persons of all humours and inclinations, who lived under his Govern∣ment, and had dislikes and jealousies enough against each other, were yet united and reconciled in their opinions against the Irish. The Coun∣cil of State besought the Lord Lieutenant to consider, whether it were possible to have any better security from them, for the performance of any other Agreement he should make, than he had for the performance of that, which they now receded from, and disclaimed. And since the Spring was now coming on, (whereby the number, power, and strength of their Enemy would be increas'd on all sides, and their hopes of Succours was desperate, and so it would be only in his election into whose power he would put those, who had deserved as well from his Majesty by do∣ing and suffering as Subjects could do) whether into the hands of the English, who could not deny them protection and justice, or of the Irish, who had not only dispoil'd them of all their Fortunes, and prosecuted them with all animosity and cruelty, but declared by their late carriage, that they were not capable of security under them) they therefore entreat∣ed him to send again to the two Houses of Parliament, and make some agreement with them, which would probably be for their preservation; whereas, with the other, what-ever could be done, it was evident it would be for their destruction. That which amongst other things of im∣portance made a deep impression in the Marquess, was the knowledge, that there had been from the beginning of these Troubles, a Design, in the* 53.5 principal Contrivers of them, entirely to alienate the Kingdom of Ireland, from the Crown of England, to extirpate not only the Protestant, but all the Catholicks, who were descended from the English, and who, in truth, are no less odious to the old Irish, than the other, and to put themselves into the protection of some foreign Prince, if they should find it impossible to erect some of the old Families. And how impossible and extravagant soever this Attempt might reasonably be thought, in regard, not only all the Catho∣licks of the English Extraction, who were in Quality and Fortune much superiour to the other, but many Noble, and much the best and greatest Families of the ancient Irish, perfectly abhorred and abominated the same, writ some. Yet it was apparent, that the violent Part of the Clergy, that now govern'd, had really that intention, and never intend∣ed more to submit to the King's Authority, whosoever should be intrusted with it: And it had been proposed in the last Assembly by Mr. Anthony

Martin, and others, That they should call in some forreign Prince for prote∣ction, from whom they had receiv'd Agents; as from his most Christian Majesty, Monsieur de Monry, and Monsieur de Molin; from his Catholick* 53.6 Majesty, Don Diego de Torres, his Secretary; from the Duke of Lorrain, Monsieur St. Katherine; and from Rome they had Petrus Franciscus Sca∣rampi; and afterwards Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, Nun∣cio Apostolick for Ireland, whose exorbitant Power was Earnest enough, how little more they meant to have to do with the King, and (as it would be thought) gave no less an umbrage, offence and scandal, to the Catho∣licks, of Honour and Discretion, than it incensed those, who bore no kind of Reverence to the Bishop of Rome; to whom (as their publick Ministers) they sent their Bishop of Ferns, and Sir Nicholas Plunket, as before, Mr. Richard Bealing; to Spain they sent Fa. Hugh Bourk; to Pa∣ris, Fa. Matthew Hartegan; and to the Duke of Lorrain, by general Commission, Theobald, Lord Viscount Taaff, Sir Nich. Plunket, and Mr. Geoffry Brown; some of whose Instructions we shall here give you, that the Temper of that Council, and the Affections of those Men, (what pretence soever veils their Designs) may appear from the Instruments themselves.

Kilkenny, 18. Jan. 1647.

By the Supream Council, and others, the Lords Spiritual and Tempo∣ral, here under-Signing, and the Commons of the Confederate Ca∣tholicks of Ireland.

Instructions to be observed, and by the Lord Bishop of Fernes, and Nicholas Plunket Esq Commissioners, appointed and authorized by, and in the behalf of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland, in the Court of Rome.

1 Imprimis. YOu are to represent unto his Holiness, the deplorable Condition wherein the Confederate Catholicks are; and for your better information, to take with you, the Draught of the Repre∣sentation of the present Condition of the Countrey, which you are to en∣large and second by your own Expressions, according to your knowledge; and therefore desire, in regard Ireland and Religion in it, is (humanely speaking) like to be lost, that his Holiness, in his great Wisdom and Piety, will be pleased to make the Preservation of a People, so constant∣ly and unanimously Catholick, his, and the Consistory of the Cardinals, their Work. And you are to pray his Holiness, to afford such present ef∣fectual Aids, for the preservation of the Nation, and the Roman Catholick Religion therein, as shall be necessary.

2. You are to let his Holiness know, That Application is to be made to our Queen and Prince, for a settlement of Peace and Tranquillity in the Kingdom of Ireland: And that for the effecting thereof, the Confe∣derate Catholicks do crave his Holiness's Mediation with the Queen and Prince, as also with the King and Queen Regent of France, and with the King of Spain, and all other Christian Princes, in all Matters tending to the Avail of the Nation, either in point of settlement to a Peace, or other∣wise.

3. The Confederate Catholicks, having raised Arms for the freedom of the Catholick Religion, do intend in the first place, that you let his Holiness know their resolution, to insist upon such Concessions and Agree∣ments in Matters of Religion, and for the security thereof, as his Holiness shall approve of, and be satisfied with; wherein his Holiness is to be prayed, to take into his Consideration, the imminent danger the King∣dom is in, according to the Representations aforesaid to be made by you, and so to proceed in Matters of Religion, as in his great Wisdom and Pie∣ty may tend best, and prove necessary to the preservation of it, and the Confederate Catholicks of Ireland.

4. You are to represent to his Holiness, That the Confederates think fit to insist upon, as security for such Agreements in Religion, as his Ho∣liness will determine, that the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governour or Governours of the Kingdom, from time to time, should be Roman Catholicks, unless his Holiness, upon the said Representation of State-Affairs here, or for some other Reason, shall think fit to wave that Proposition.

5. You are to represent to his Holiness, That the Confederate Catho∣licks desire, that all the Concessions to be made, and agreed on, for the setling of the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom, be publisht at the same time with the Temporal Articles of the Settlement, if his Holiness, on representation of the State of Affairs here, or for some other Advanta∣ges, shall not think fit to determine, or suspend the publishing of those or some of them for a time.

6. You are to represent to his Holiness, That no change or alteration is to be in any part of the present Government of the Confederate Catho∣licks, until the Articles of Peace, or Settlement, pursuant to the present Authority and Instructions, you, and the Commissioners to the English Court in France, have been concluded, and expected, and published in this Kingdom, by those intrusted in Authority over the Confederate Ca∣tholicks.

7. You are to take notice, That the resident Council now named, are the Persons to serve for the interval Government, until the next Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks, and the Assembly is at liberty to name others, if they please; and that no less than eight of the said Residents concurring, during the said interval, shall make any Act or Order, ob∣liging, and according as it is provided in the former Articles for the inter∣val Government, in the late rejected Peace, the Forts, Cities, Towns, Castles, and Power of the Armies of the Confederate Catholicks, to re∣main and continue in their hands, during the said interval Govern∣ment.

8. You are to take notice, That the Persons to be imployed into France to the Queen and Prince, are to finish their Negotiation with the Queen and Prince, pursuant to their Instructions, with all possible speed, after

they shall receive his Holiness's Resolution from you out of Rome, in the Matters referred as aforesaid to his Holiness; and you are to use all possi∣ble diligence, in procuring and sending his Holiness's said Resolution unto our said Commissioners, imployed to the Queen and Prince.

9. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to descend to such Conditi∣ons, as might be granted in Matters of Religion, then you are to solicit for considerable Aids, whereby to maintain War, and to ascertain and se∣cure the same, that it may be timely applied to the use of the Confederate Catholicks. And in case a Settlement cannot be had, nor considerable Aids, that may serve to preserve the Nation without a Protector, you are to make application to his Holiness, for his being Protector to this King∣dom, and by special instance to endeavour his acceptance thereof at such time, and in such manner, as the Instructions sent by our Agents to France, grounded on the Assembly, doth import, whereof you are to have a Copy.

10. Though Matters be concluded by his Holiness's Approbation with the Prince and Queen, yet you are to solicit for Aids, considering our di∣stress, and setting before him, that notwithstanding any such Aids, we have a powerful Enemy within the Kingdom, which to expulse, will re∣quire a vast charge.

11. You are to take with you for your instruction, and the better to enable you to satisfie his Holiness of the full state of Affairs here, the Co∣pies of the Instructions at Waterford, the Articles of the late rejected Peace, and Glamorgan's Concessions, and the Propositions from Kilkenny, to the Congregation at Waterford, in August, 1646.

12. If Moneys be receiv'd in Rome by you by way of Gift, Engagement, or otherwise, you are to bring, or send the same hither, to those in Au∣thority, and not to dispose the same, or any part thereof, otherwise than by Order from the general Assembly, or supream Council; and for all sums of Money so by you to be receiv'd, you are to give account to the Authority intrusted here over the Confederate Catholicks.

13. You are to manage the circumstance of your Proceedings upon the Instructions, according as upon the Place you shall find most tending to the Avail of the Confederate Catholicks.

Tho. Dublin.

Tho. Cashell.

Thom. Tuamen Electus, Ewerus Clougherensis, David Ossoriens. Joha. Episc. Roscotensis Fr. Edmundus Laglensis, Franc. Ardensis Episc. Robert. Elect. Coses & Cluomer, Francis. Patricius Ardack. Electus, Rob. Dro∣more Elect. Henry O Neal, Rich. Bealing, J. Bryan, Robert. Devereux, Gerald Fennel, Farren.

By the Command of the General Assembly,

N. Plunket.

These having been solicited, we shall now present you with their fur∣ther Instructions, to importune other Princes.

Instructions for France, Jan. 18. 1647.

YOu are to present your Letters of Credence, to his most Christian Majesty, and the several Letters you have with you, to the Queen, the Prince and Cardinal Mazarine, declaring the special affection of the Confederate Catholicks, to his Majesties service, upon all occasions, where∣in they may serve him.

You are to desire his most Christian Majesty, the Queen Regent, and Cardinal Mazarine, their Favourable and Friendly regard of the Affairs of the Confederate Catholicks, and to direct their assistance in what they may, to further the settling of the happy Peace of this Kingdom, with advantagious, and honourable Conditions, Commissioners being now sent, to conclude the same, if they may.

You are to let his most Christian Majesty, the Queen Regent, and Cardinal Mazarine know, That there be a considerable Enemy, in the heart of the several Provinces of this Kingdom; that yet we have many Cities and Parts, of the greatest consequence in our hands, and have sufficient stock of Men, to defend the Nation, and expel the Enemy, but do want aids of Money and Shipping, without which, we shall be in danger, the next Summer-service; and therefore to solicite for conside∣rable Aids in Moneys, to be sent timely, the preservation of the Catho∣lick Religion in this Kingdom, depending thereon.

If you find upon the place, that a settlement of Peace cannot be had, according to the several Instructions, that go with the Commissioners to his Holiness, and Christian Majesty, and Prince of Wales, nor such considerable Aids, that may probably prove for the Preservation of the Nation; then you are to inform your self, by correspondence with our Commissioners imployed to Rome, whether his Holiness will accept of this offer, of being Protector to this Nation; and if you find he will not accept thereof, nor otherwise send such powerful and timely Aids, as may serve to preservation, then you are by advice of other the Commission∣ers imployed to his Majesty, and Prince of Wales, and by correspondence had with the Commissioners imployed to Rome, and by correspon∣dence likewise with our Commissioners imployed since, if it may be timely had, to inform your self, where the most considerable Aids for pre∣serving this Nation may be had, by this offer of the Protectorship of the Nation, in manner, as by other Instructions into France, grounded on the same of the Assembly is contain'd, and so to manage the disposal of the Protectorship, as you, and the rest of our said Commissioners, shall find most for the advantage of the Nation.

The like Instructions for Spain, bearing the same Date.

Upon these, and other considerations, ever in his view, the Marquess thought it much more prudent and agreeable to the Trust reposed in him, to deposite the Kings Interest, and Right of the Crown of Ireland, into the hands of the Lords and Commons of England, who still made great profession of Duty and Submission to his Majesty, from whom it would

probably return to the Crown in a short time, then to trust it with the Irish, from whom less then a very chargeable War, would never recover it, in what state soever the Affairs of England should be; and how lasting, and bloody, and costly, that War might prove, by the intermed∣ling and pretences of Foraign Princes, was not hard to conclude: In that such Auxiliaries, many times prove dangerous Assistance, not being over∣tender, or much distinguishing betwixt the Party they come to assist, and that they come to subdue, when they are made Umpires in such Quarrels; as may be guessed by the Accompt in the 14th. Appendix: of which the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, being very sensible, they thus in March expressed themselves, and their condition, to the Parlia∣ment of England.

The Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, assembled in Ireland, of the present Estate, and distressed Condition of the Protestants in the said Kingdom, and their Address unto the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, for Relief.

WE, the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of Ireland, having by the Mercy of God, your Care of us, and the Industry of those intrusted by his Majesty, with the Government here, preserved unto us, the means of sitting together, and of delivering freely our thoughts, concerning the condition of this miserable Kingdom, whereof we are the representative Body, and finding withall the Government, our Selves, and indeed the Prote∣stants in the Kingdom, reduced to that final point of Extremity, that if not very speedily supported and preserved, all in these Parts must become a Prey unto the bloody and inhumane Rebels, and this City of Dublin, the chief Seat and Cittadel of this Kingdom, with the other Garrisons depend∣ing thereupon, be turn'd into the prime Seats and Strengths of those, who have given evident proof, that they aim not at less, then the extirpation of all Protestants, and the setting up the abominable Idol of the Mass, and Su∣perstition, and at the shaking off of all Loyalty and Subjection to the Crown of England: We therefore hold it our duty (as being also perhaps the last, which we by reason of the near approach of a powerful and pernicious Enemy, may have the means to discharge in this Capacity) to make the present Address, and Representation of our miserable Condition, to the most Honourable the Par∣liament of England, which, as it hath, in all times of common Danger, been the Fountain, from whence the Power and Lustre of the Crown of England in this Kingdom, hath sprung, so it is now the onely Sanctuary, unto which (in behalf of our selves, and the distressed Interest thereof) we can fly for Succour and Preservation. We hold it un-necessary to particularize our present Wants, and Miseries, and Imposibilities of further subsistance of

our selves, since they are too well known, even to our Enemies, in so much as it may be feared, that the benefit which we confidently expect, by the great diligence and Wisdom of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, may not arrive timely, for our Relief and Preservation; nor can we so misdoubt the Wisdom, Justice, and Piety, of those Honourable Houses (whereof we have had heretofore, very real and great experience, which we do here with all thankfulness acknowledge) as to fear that they will suffer the Protestant Religion, the Interest of the Crown of England, and of the Protestants in these important Garrisons, and Quarters, to be sacri∣ficed unto the fury of the merciless Rebels; But on the contrary, as we do earnestly desire, so are we most confident, that the Goodness and Wisdom of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, will so seasonably send over a sufficient Power, as well to subdue and suppress these merciless and bloody Rebels, as to maintain these places, accompanied with an assurance from the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, for enjoying those Conditions of Honour, subsistance and safety, which have been lately offer∣ed by their Commissioners, for, and in the name of the most Honourable, the Parliament of England, to those who have hitherto govern'd and pre∣servd them, and to his Majesties Protestant Subjects, and those who have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, unto which they may be pleased to joyn such further additions of Grace and Bounty, as to their Wisdoms and Goodness, shall be thought fit, as that they, and all the Protestants, and such others, as have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, may find Security and Preservation therein, whereby we may heartily joyn un∣der those, whom the said most Honourable, the Parliament of England, shall appoint, in prosecuting so Pious a War, and being Gods Instruments, for the bringing just Vengeance upon such Perfidious Rebels, and in resto∣ring the Protestant Religion, and Interest of the Crown of England, in this Kingdom, to its due and former Lustre, which we will ever strive (with the hazard of our Lives and Fortunes) to maintain.

While the Marquess was in this deliberation (being privy to the Parliaments actions) he receiv'd information, that the King was deli∣vered by the Scots, to the Commissioners of the two Houses of Parlia∣ment, who were then treating with him, for the settling of Peace in all his Dominions; and at the same time, several Persons of Quality, ar∣rived at Dublin, having been privately dispatch'd by his Majesty, with signification of his Majesties Pleasure, upon the advertisement he had receiv'd of the Condition of Ireland, to this purpose; That if it were* 56.1 possible for the Marquess to keep Dublin, and the other Garrisons, under the same intire Obedience to his Majesty, they were then in, it would be acceptable to his Majesty; But if there were, or should be, a necessity of giving them up to any other Power, he would rather put them into the hands of the English, then of the Irish; which was the Rule, the Marquess was to guide himself by, who had likewise his other very important conside∣rations, which, if all the rest had been away, had been enough to have inclin'd him to that resolution. The King was now in the Power, and hands of those, who rais'd a War against him, principally, upon the credit of those reproaches and scandals, that had perswaded the People to a belief of his inclinations to Popery; and of his contriving, or, at least, countenancing the Rebellion in Ireland, in which so

much Protestant Blood, had been so wantonly and cruelly let out: The Cessation formerly made, and continued with those Rebels, though prudently, charitably, and necessarily entred into, had been the most un-popular Act the King had ever done, and had wonderfully contributed to the Reputation of the two Houses of Parliament, if, according to the general opinion then currant, there should a Peace ensue, between the King and them; so that his Majesty would lose nothing by the Parliament being possessed of Dublin, and those other Towns, then in the disposal of the Lord Lieutenant: On the contrary, if they intended to pursue his Majesty, with continued and new reproaches, and thereby to make him so odious to his Subjects, that they might with more facility and applause, execute their horrible Conspiracy against his Life, there could* 56.2 be nothing so disadvantagious to his Majesty, as the surrender of Dub∣lin, to the Irish Confederates; which being done by the Kings Lord Lieutenant, would easily be interpreted, to be by his Majesties direction, and so make a confirmation of all they had published of that kind; and, amongst the ignorant seduced People, might have been a countenance to, though nothing could be a justification of their unparalell'd Deal∣ings.

Hereupon the Marquess took a Resolution, since he could not possibly keep it himself, to deliver it into the hands of the English; and to that purpose sent again to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, that he would surrender Dublin, and the other Garrisons to them, upon the same condition they had before offered; who quickly dispatcht their Ships with Commissioners, * 56.3 Men, and Money, and all other Provisions ne∣cessary to take the same into their possession. The Confederate Catho∣licks were no sooner inform'd of this, but they sent again to the Lord Lieutenant an overture of Accommodation (as they call it) yet the Messengers intrusted by them, were so wary, lest indeed by accepting what they proposed, they might be obliged to a Conjunction, that they refused to give their Propositions in Writing; And when, upon their Discourse, the Lord Lieutenant had writ what they had propounded, and shewed it to them, albeit they could not deny but that it was the same, yet they refused to Sign it: whereby it was very natural to conclude, that the Overture was made by them, onely to lay some imputation upon the Marquess, of not being necessitated to agree with the two Houses of Par∣liament, rather then with any purpose of submitting to the Kings Autho∣rity. At last (being so far pressed, they found it necessary to let the Marquess know in plain terms what he was to trust to) they sent him a Message in Writing, in which they declared, That they must insist upon the Propositions of the Clergy, formerly mention'd to be agreed at Waterford, and to which they had sworn; and that if he would have a Cessation with them, he must promise not to receive any Forces from the two Houses of Par∣liament in 6 or 7 months: Not proposing in the mean time any way how his Majesties Army should be maintain'd, but by a full submission unto all their unreasonable Demands: Notwithstanding all which, the Parliament failing to make that speedy performance of what they had promised, and their Commissioners not having (as it was agreed on) brought Bills sufficiently drawn to be accepted of, for 10000 l. and the Marquess having it thereby in his Power, fairly to comply with the Irish, if they had yet recovered the temper and discretion that might justifie him; He sent again to them, as well an Answer to their Overtures of accommoda∣tion,

as an offer not to receive any Forces from the two Houses, for the space of three weeks, if they would, during that time, consent to a Ceassa∣tion, that a full Peace might be treated, and agreed upon. To which Motion, they never vouchsafed to return any Answer; about the same time Owen O Neil (wisely foreseeing, that the Nuncio, or the Supream Council, did not enough consider, or foresee the evil consequences, that would undoubtedly attend the Lord Lieutenant's being compelled to leave the Kingdom, and to put Dublin, and the other Garrisons into the possession of the English Rebels) sent his Nephew Daniel O Neil, to the Marquess of Ormond, that if the Marquess would accept of a Cessation for two months, which he believ'd, the Assembly, or Supream Council, would propose (with what mind soever) he would promise, and un∣dertake, to continue it for a Twelvemonth; and in the mean time, he would use his utmost power, to procure a Peace. Owen O Neil was a man of an haughty, and positive humour, and rather hard to be inclined to submit to reasonable Conditions, then easie to decline them, or break his word, when he had consented; therefore the Lord Lieutenant re∣turn'd this Answer; that if he would give him his word, to continue the Cessation for a full year, he would accept it, when proposed from the Supream Council, for two months; and he would in the mean time, wave any further Treaty with the Parliament; yet sent him word, he would not hold himself by this promise, longer then fourteen days engaged, if he did not in that time receive such a positive effect of his Overture, as he expected. Owen O Neil accepted of the Condition, and with all possible speed, dispatched his Nephew Daniel, to the Supream Council at Clonmel, with a Letter containing his Advice, and another to the Bishop of Clogher, his chief Confident; to whom he sent Reasons at large, which ought to induce the Nation to desire such a Cessation. When the Council receiv'd the Letter, and knew that the Lord Lieutenant expected an Answer within 14 days, they resolved to return no Answer, till those days were expired, and during that time, committed Daniel O Neil to Prison, that he might not return to his Unkle; and when the time was passed, they releas'd him, on condition that he should come no more into their Quarters.

In the interim, the Parliament of Ireland, then sitting at Dublin, find∣ing into what straights the Kingdom was brought, and how his Excellency had strugled with the greatest difficulties imaginable, for his Majesties and their Interest; they, the 17th. of March, sent this Remonstrance, in acknowledgment of great Care and Indulgence.

The Remonstrance of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parlia∣ment assembled, declaring the Acknow∣ledgment of their hearty thankfulness to the most Honourable, James Marquis of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant General of Ire∣land, his Excellency.

WE the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament in our whole Body, do present our selves before your Lordship, acknowledging with great sense and feeling your Lordships singular goodness to us the Pro∣testant Party, and those who have faithfully and constantly adhered unto them, who have been preserved to this day (under God) by your Excellen∣cies providence and pious care, which hath not been done without a vast ex∣pence out of your own Estate, as also to the hazarding of your Person in great and dangerous difficulties: And when your Lordship found your self (with the strength remaining with you) to be too weak to resist an insolent (and up∣on all advantages) a perfidious and bloody Enemy, rather than we should perish, you have in your care transferred us into their hands, that are both able and willing to preserve us; and that not by a bare casting us off, but by complying so far with us, that you have not denied our desires of Hosta∣ges, and amongst them, of one of your most dear Sons: All which being such a free Earnest of your Excellencies love to our Religion, Nation, and both Houses, do incite us here to come unto you with Hearts fill'd with your love, and Tongues declaring how much we are oblig'd to your Excellency, profes∣sing our resolutions are with all real service (to the utmost of our power) to manifest the sincerity of our acknowledgment and affections unto you, and to perpetuate to posterity the memory of your Excellencies merits, and our thankfulness. We have appointed this Instrument to be entred into both Houses, and under the hands of both Speakers to be presented to your Lordship.

Rich. Bolton, Canc.

17 die Martii, 1676. intr. per Val. Savage Dep. Cler. Parl.

Maurice Eustace, Speaker.

Int. 17. die Martii, 1676. per Philip Fernely Cler. Dom. Com.

What effect this made upon his Excellency, you will here see.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

WHat you have now read and deliver'd hath much surpriz'd me, and contains matter of higher obligation laid upon me by you, than thus suddenly to be answer'd; yet I may not suffer you to depart hence, with∣out saying somewhat to you: And first, I assure you, that this Acknowledg∣ment of yours is unto me a Jewel of very great value, which I shall lay up amongst my choicest Treasures, it being not onely a full confutation of those Calumnies that have been cast upon my actions, during the time I have had the Honour to serve his Majesty here, but likewise an Antidote against the virulency and poison of those Tongues and Pens, that, I am well assur'd, will be busily set on work, to traduce and blast the Integrity of my present Pro∣ceedings for your preservation. And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, since this may perhaps be the last time that I shall have the Honour to speak to you from this Place; and since that next to the words of a dying man (those of one ready to banish himself from his Country for the good of it) challenge credit, give me leave before God and you here to protest, That in all the time I had the Honour to serve the King my Master, I never receiv'd any Command from him, but such as spake him a Wise, Pious, Protestant Prince, zealous of the Religion he professeth, the welfare of his Subjects, and in∣dustrious to promote and settle Peace and Tranquility in all his Kingdoms; and I shall beseech you to look no otherwise upon me, than upon a ready Instru∣ment set on work by the Kings wisdom and goodness for your preservation; wherein if I have discharg'd my self to his Approbation and Tours, it will be the greatest satisfaction and comfort I shall take with me, where-ever it shall please God to direct my steps. And now (that I may dismiss you) I be∣seech God long, long, to preserve my Gracious Master, and to restore Peace Rest to this afflicted Church and Kingdom.

But to return. In conclusion, the Commissioners from the two Houses of Parliament having performed all that on their part was expected, the Marquis of Ormond delivered up Dublin and the other Garrisons into their hands the 17th. some write the 18th. of June, 1647. on condition* 58.1 to enjoy his Estate, and not to be subject to any Debts contracted for the support of his Majesties Army under his Command, or for any Debts contracted before the Rebellion: That he, and all such Noblemen and Officers as desir'd to pass into any part of that Kingdom, should have travelling Arms, and free Passes, with Servants for their respective Qua∣lities: That he should have 5000 l. in hand, and 2000 l. per Annum for five years, till he could receive so much a year out of his own Estate: And that he should have liberty to live in England without taking any Oaths for a year; he engaging his Honour to do nothing in the inte∣rim to the prejudice of the Parliament. However, he delivered not up the Regalia till the 25th. of July, at which time he was transported (with his Family) into England; where they admitted him to wait on the King, and to give his Majesty an account of his Transactions: who re∣ceived him most graciously, as a Servant who had merited highly from him, and fully approved all that he had done. The straits his Excellency

was then put to, were great, and (in consideration into whose hands the Government might fall) his surrender of Dublin to the Parliament seem'd extreme hazardous: yet Providence so steer'd his Resolution in that act, as doubtless the ground of his Majesties Sovereignty, and the English pre∣servation (how many Channels soever it past through first) proceeded thence. Before He came away, the Soldiers had receiv'd such a tincture of Mutiny, as Mr. Annesly and Sir Robert King, for fear of violence, pri∣vately quitted the Kingdom, before which, they (with Sir Robert Mere∣dith, Colonel Michael Jones, and Colonel John Moore) took notice of the insolency of the Soldiers, to exact Contribution and free Quarters at their pleasure, forbidding them so to do, &c. by a Proclamation at Dublin the 20th. of June, 1647.

Soon after the Parliaments Commissioners were warm in the Go∣vernment (having▪ regulated their Militia) they put their Sickle into the Service of the Church, where they found many * 58.2 so ten••cious to the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy, and their Vows to their Ordina∣ries, as they could not be wean'd from the Liturgy of the Church of England, in which Ministery they desir'd to finish their Course with joy; and the 9th. of July, 1647. they unanimously publish'd a Declaration to that end, exactly drawn up with great Reason, Perspicuity, and Elo∣quence.

The time that the Marquis of Ormond agreed with the Parliaments Commissioners, was near the time that the Army had gotten the King into their hands, having taken him from Holmbey, out of the custo∣dy of the Commissioners, to whom the Scots had delivered him: And the Marquis of Ormond, at his arrival in England, found so many specious pretences and professions publish'd by that Party, which then had the whole Power of the Army, and consequently of the Kingdom, that very many believ'd his Majesties Affairs to be in no ill condition; more seeming respect was paid to his Person, and less restraint upon the resort of his faithful Servants to him, than had been from the time that he first put himself into the Scots power. The Army took upon them the Go∣vernment of the Kingdom, having solemnly declared, That there could be no reasonable hope of a firm and lasting Peace, if there were not an equal care to preserve the Interest of the King, Queen, and Prince, as of the Li∣berties of the People, and that both should be with equal care provided for together. In this time of freedom, and hypocritical compliance, the Marquis had free liberty of repairing to the King, where he gave him an account of all his actions, and of the course he had taken for the reviving and pre∣serving* 58.3 his Majesties Interest in Ireland, by setling a Correspondence with many Persons of Honour there, who would keep the two Houses of Parlia∣ment (how great an advantage soever he had given them, by the delivery up of Dublin, &c. into their power) if they refus'd to return to his Majesties obedience, from obtaining any absolute Dominion▪ in that Countrey; and who were most like to reduce the Nation from the Distemper with which they were transported, and to incline them to that submission that was due from them to the King; with all which, his Majesty was very graciously and abundantly satisfied, and gave the Marquis directi∣on, in case the Independent Army should proceed otherwise than they pretended, how he should behave himself, and comply with the Irish, if he could reduce and dispose them to be instrumental towards his or their own delivery. And when his Majesty discovered (by the double dealing,

and hypocritical demeanour of the Officers of the Army, of whom he had earlier jealousie than other men, as seeing farther into their dark Design the little good they meant him, he found it fit to receive some Overtures from the Scottish Commissioners, who were still admitted to reside at London, and to bear a part in the Managery of the Publick Affairs; and now plainly saw, that the Independent Army, which they had so much despised, was grown superiour to them, and meant to per∣form nothing less, than what they had so Religiously promised before the King was delivered up at Newcastle. The King hereupon commands the Marquis of Ormond to confer with the principal Persons of that Com∣mission, who seem'd very sensible of the dishonour their Nation had in∣curr'd, and resolved, by uniting the power of that Kingdom for his Ma∣jesties Service, to undo some of the mischief they had wrought: And de∣sired, that the Marquis of Ormond would likewise transport himself into Ireland, to try once more if he could compose the humours of that* 58.4 People to his Majesties obedience; that so those two Kingdoms, being en∣tirely reduc'd to their duty, might, with that assistance they were like to find in England, perswade the violent Party to comply with those mo∣derate and just Conclusions, which would establish the Peace and Tran∣quility of the whole in a full happiness to Prince and People. And from hence was that first Engagement design'd, which was afterwards so un∣fortunately conducted by the elder Duke Hamilton, and concluded with the ruine of himself, and of many Worthy and Noble Persons.

When the Army had by their civil and specious carriage and profes∣sions disposed the Kings Party to wish well to them, at least better than* 58.5 to the Presbyterians, (who seem'd to have erected a Model of a more for∣mid and insupportable Tyranny, and were less endu'd with the appea∣rances of Humanity and good Nature) and had (by shuffling themselves into new shapes of Government, and admitting Persons of all Conditions to assemble, and make Propositions to them in order to the publick Peace) given encouragement to most men to believe, that all Interests would, in some degree, be provided for; and so had brought themselves into an absolute Power over all Interests, they began to lessen their out∣ward Respects and Reverence to the King, to inhibit some of his Ser∣vants absolutely to resort to him; and more to restain the frequent ac∣cess of the People, who out of their innate Duty and Affection, delight∣ed to see his Majesty, they caused reports to be raised and scattered abroad of some intentions, in desperate persons, of violence upon his Ma∣jesties Person; and upon this pretence doubled their Guards, and put Officers of stricter vigilance and more surly disposition about him; so that whatsoever he said or did, or was said unto him, was more punctu∣ally observed. The Marquis of Ormond was look'd upon with a very* 58.6 jealous eye, and was forbid to continue his attendance on him, or to come within 25 miles of London; and that Article in the Agreement at the delivery of Dublin, (viz. That he should engage his Honour not to act any thing to the prejudice of the Parliament in a twelvemonth) there was an intention to put him in mind of, by a Letter from the Committee at Derby-house; but before the Messenger came where he had been near Bristol, he (knowing of the King's being close Prisoner in Carisbrook-Castle, and that it would be to little purpose to contest his Articles with the Parliament) privately shipt himself away for France,

where he arrived safely about the end of the year 1647. having spent in England little more than six months.

For a time we must leave the Marquis in France, and return to Co∣lonel Jones in Dublin, who (with those Forces that were left there by the Marquis of Ormond, and such as he brought and received out of Eng∣land, amounting in all to 3000) marched against Colonel Preston, ap∣proaching with his Leimster Forces to infest Dublin, and met him about* 58.7 12 miles from Dublin; who having gotten great advantage of ground, routed Jones, killed many of his men, and took not a few Prisoners, Jones himself escaping with much difficulty to Dublin.

Whether upon this accident, or otherwise, I cannot determine; but great divisions then arose betwixt the old English, who had Preston for their General, and the old Irish, who had Owen Roe O Neal for theirs: The old English had a gallant Army, consisting of near 10000 Foot and Horse, well Arm'd, and well Disciplin'd, who thought, that if they would offer themselves Instruments to destroy the old Irish, they might at any time have good Conditions from England; therefore under con∣fidence thereof, they went on with great resolution, determining to do what they could to make themselves Masters of Dublin, and of all the English Quarters thereabouts, the easier afterwards to facilitate their design against Owen Roe and his Confidents. Preston thus flesh'd with his late Victory, brought up his Army, possess'd himself of most of the Out-Garrisons, even within eight miles of Dublin, and thence went with* 58.8 a resolution to take in Trim, a Garrison of some strength, under Colonel Fenwick, wherein there lay a Regiment of Foot, and some Troops of Horse. Upon which, Jones seeing himself in this condition, march'd about the 17th. of July, with 1000 Foot and 400 Horse, to Sigginstown, burning by the way, Castle Martin, taking good Prey from Castle Bawn, and was over-took by the Enemy near Johns-town, who falling on his Rear, cut off many; where Captain Adam Meredith gallantly maintain∣ing the Pass, was kill'd: a Gentleman of clear valour, and greater hope.

In the interim, the distractions of the Soldiers (daily mutinous) were very great, the Soldiers threatning to deliver up the Town to the Re∣bels, if they were not speedily and better suppli'd with money and other necessaries. However, in this high distemper, Colonel Jones drew out, the first of August, 3800 Foot, and two Regiments of Horse, besides Ar∣tillery, to the relief of Trim, besieged by Preston; who upon his ap∣proach quitted the Siege, intending to follow the advice of a Person * 58.9 then at Leixlip (a Castle 10 miles from Dublin) of great trust and abi∣lities, that whilst Jones reliev'd Trim, he might attempt Dublin. Where∣upon Jones follows, being assisted by Sir Henry Tichburn from Tredagh, Colonel Moor from Dondalk, with the Newry, Carlingford Forces, as Co∣lonel Conway, with a Party of the Northern old British, making up in all 700 Horse, and 1200 Foot; and joyn'd Battel with Preston, effectually 7300 Foot, and 1047 Horse strong, besides what the Lord Costolough and the two Nugent's brought, at Dungans-Hill, the 8th. of August, 1647.* 58.10 where by plain valour Jones gain'd the greatest and most signal Victo∣ry the English ever had in Ireland; there was slain upon the place 5470, besides those afterwards which were gleaned up, which were many; amongst the slain, there were 400 of Colonel Kitto's Redshanks: There were taken Prisoners, 5 Colonels, 4 Lieutenant Colonels, 6 Serjeant-Majors,

32 Captains, 23 Lieutenants, 27 Ensigns, 2 Cornets, 22 Ser∣jeants, 2 Quarter-Masters, 2 Gunners, the Clerk of the Store, 13 Troop∣ers, and 228 common Souldiers: Preston hardly escaped with the Horse; he lost his Carriages and Cannon, being 4 demi-Culverings, each carry∣ing 12 pound Bullet, and 64 fair Oxen, attending the Train, which were of very great use. Of ours some were wounded, but not above 20 slain: Of Note, we lost only 2 Cornets, and one Captain Gibbs, who, over-heated in the Service, died in drinking Ditch-Water. After this Victory the Enemy quit and burnt the Naas Sigginstown, Harristown, Col∣lanstown, Castlewarding, and Moyglare. Nor had the effect of this Victory ended thus, but that Pay and Provision for the Army were so scant, as necessity inforced them to return to Dublin, where they were met with the News of 1500 l. newly arrived, a Supply incompetent to furnish them forth immediately, though it satisfied them there was some care taken for their Relief. And upon the certainty of this great Victory in Eng∣land, considerable Supplies were hastned, and 1000 l. sent Colonel Jones for his good Service. A little after which the Lord Inchiquin took in Ca∣hir Castle, the Town and Castle of Cashel, and 11 other Castles, in the County of Tipperary, which was exceeding well taken by the Parliament, no small Causes of Defection, having (a little before) been insinuated to them, of his Fidelity.

About the beginning of October Colonel Jones took the Field again, and* 58.11 having joyn'd with the Ulster Forces, under the Command of Colonel Monk, they march'd out near 2000 Horse and 6000 Foot, taking in Portleicester, Abboy, and several of the Rebels Castles and Garrisons; and so having got great Prey of Cattle, and other Pillage, they return'd to Dublin, and Colonel Monk went back into Ulster with that Party he car∣ried thence.

And in Munster the Lord Inchiquin was so active, as the Lord Taaff, ap∣pearing with a considerable Force, (as General of the Irish) advancing towards the English Quarters, he nobly encounter'd him (though with much dis-advantage both of Men and Ground) at Knocknones, the 13th.* 58.12 of November; where, after a sharp dispute, excellently carried, with much Gallantry and true Souldiery, as to the order of the Battle, he to∣tally routed him and his Forces; amongst whom fell Sir Alexander Mac Donel, alias Colonel Kilkittoth, the Rebels Lieutenant General, and his Lieutenant Colonel, besides some 4000 of their Infantry and Horse were slain, 6000 Arms recovered, 38 Colours of Foot, some Cornets of Horse, Ammunition, Taaff's Cabinet, besides his Tent, and many Concerns of importance, were also taken. We lost Sir William Bridges, Colonel of Horse, Colonel Gray, Major Brown, Sir Robert Travers, the Judge Ad∣vocate, and some other Officers, upon the routing of our left Wing, who gallantly however seal'd the Cause with their blood. They were 7464 Foot, and 1076 Horse, besides Officers; we not 4000 Foot, and 1200 Horse. Upon the arrival of this News, the House of Commons voted 10000 l. for Munster, and 1000 l. with a Letter of thanks, to the Lord Inchiquin.

Things thus succeeding, it might be thought rational, that the Lord Inchiquin, who had obtain'd so great a Victory over the Rebels, and thereupon was highly caressed by the Parliament, should now have had* 58.13 no Design to have alter'd his Party. But he (having been dealt with by those, who best knew how to wean him off) sets forth a specious Decla∣ration

against the Parliament, over-awed by Independents and the Army; and hearing of Laughorn's Insurrection, and the Scots Invasion, grew thence more encouraged, that amongst the Presbyterians he went for a Patron; and distributing a little Money amongst the Souldiers, won so upon them, as afterwards he carried his Design (for some time) un-dis∣covered, sending to the Parliament this Declaration.

Mr. Speaker,

IT is not without an un-answerable proportion of Reluctancy, to so heavy an Inconvenience, that we are thus frequently put upon the asserting of our own Fidelities, to the Services of the Honourable Houses; whereunto, as we have by several Evidences (the mention whereof we make without vain-glory) manifested our selves sincerely faithful, so hath it pleased the divine Providence, to prosper our Endeavours with very many improbable Successes; to the attainment whereof, though we have strugled through all the difficulties, and contended with all the sufferances, that a People, un-sup∣ply'd with all necessaries and secondary means, could undergo, yet have we en∣countred nothing of that dis-affection, or dis-couragement, as we find admini∣stred unto us, by a constant observation, that it is as well in the power, as it is in the practice, of our malicious and indefatigable Enemies, to place and foment Differences upon us, not only to our extream scandal and disgrace, (which we should the less resent, if their malice could terminate in us) but to the obstructing of the Supplies order'd and design'd for publick Service, and to the irreparable prejudice thereof, which our Enemies can value at so low a rate, as to put it into that bargain, they are in hand to make for our destru∣ction. It being very approvable by us, that several Persons in power there, do interpose their endeavours, to continue us (by the impeding of Sup∣plies) in a desperate, languishing, and perishable condition upon the Place, and in a despicable and doubtful esteem with the Honourable Houses. Where∣of there will need no other Instances, than that, after the several promises made by Letters, from the Honourable Committee at Darby-house, and Votes pass'd for transmitting Supplies unto us, especially in case of Major General Starling, his being sent to attend the Pleasure of the Houses, the only Remora then alledged to make stay of 7000 Suits of Cloaths, and 10000 l. in Money, being before design'd for our relief, there is no more than 2700 l. sent unto us in Money, and thereof but 1500 l. designed for the feeding of us, and the Souldiers under our Command. And that notwithstanding the sig∣nal Testimony given of our real intentions and affections, to that Cause and Service, in a late Engagement against the Rebels at Knockness, which we touch at, without any affection of vain-glory, the Votes then renew'd for our Relief, and the Order for our Indempnity, (which was conceived would not have found so much hesitation, with those whose Service we had only pro∣fest) are laid aside, and nothing effectual or advantagious done in order thereto, for our avane, save the transmittal of 2700 l. but on the contrary, new jealousies and distrust of us are re-embrac'd and fomented.

It is not therefore so insupportable a dis-comfort to us, to observe our own Lives exposed a sacrifice, to the malice of our now potent publick Enemies, who by the conjunction of three several Armies, are not more encouraged to

confront us in the Field, than we, by the art and practice used to with-hold those just and necessary Supplies from us, dis-abled to joyn Battle with them, as to observe our honourable Reputation and Integrity, (dearer to us than our Lives) brought into such frequent question, and unworthily mangled, de∣praved and slaughtered, by the calumnious aspersions of our powerful and pre∣vailing Adversaries, in despight of all our zealous and cordial Endeavours, to give indubitable testimony and evidence of our Fidelities. What if we be beyond any common measure afflicted and dismayed? We are confident, that all Persons of Honour will acknowledge, that we have much more than com∣mon cause.

And now that our Adversaries have prevailed to deprive us, not only of all hopes of subsisting here in your Service, but have proceeded for to provide, that we may not live hereafter but out of your Favour. So having intercept∣ed and perverted the comfort, we well hoped to have received from other te∣stimonies of our sincerity, they have only left us this Expedient, to testifie our mindfulness of our duty by, which is, to give humble intimation to that Honourable House, that we are involved in so great and extream exigencies of distress and universal want, with the pressure of three joynt Armies, upon our weak and naked Forces, that there remains no humane means discernable amongst us, to subsist by any longer in this Service, unless it shall stand with the pleasure and piety of those, in whose Service we have exhausted both our blood and livelihoods, to send us some seasonable and considerable Supplies, or that we should be inforced to entertain such terms, as the Rebels will give us, which of all things we abominate, as knowing our necessities will render them such, as must be both obstructive and dishonourable, and therefore shall resolve of making that the last Expedient, to preserve our own and many thousands of poor Protestants Lives by, or that it shall please the Honoura∣ble Houses to send Shipping to fetch us off. And so in discharge of our duties both to God and Man, we humbly offer to consideration, and remain.

Subscribed-by the Officers under the Lord Inchiquin.

This Remonstrance begat some Heats: Upon which many of the Sub∣scribers were sent for over, and committed; but upon submission, soon releas'd, and an Ordinance for their Indempnity publish'd.

But to return to the Marquess of Ormond, whom, not long since, we left in France; where finding himself at liberty, and out of the reach of his Enemy, he then projected again to visit Ireland, having made the* 59.1 Marquess of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, who (without any pause) had preserv'd their Allegiance entire, privy to what might best advance his Majesty's Interest, amongst those, who, opposing the Nuncio, seem'd resolute for his Majesty. And they (one in Connaght, the other in Mun∣ster) accordingly disposed the People to a ready complyance, whilst the Forces under the Nuncio were much weakned, partly by the defeat of General Preston, whose Army was routed and destroyed by the Parlia∣ment's Forces, within less than a month after they had compelled the Marquess to leave the Kingdom, and partly by the dislike the great Coun∣cil of the Confederate Catholicks had, of the demeanour of the Nuncio, and the experience they now had of his ill conduct, and the miseries he had brought them into, by forcing them to decline the Peace, which

would have been so advantagious to them, and against which, the gene∣ral Assembly at Kilkenny, the 2d. of March, 1647. published a Proclama∣tion,* 59.2 conformable to what the Congregation of the Clergy before had pass'd at Waterford the 12th. of August, 1646.

The Lord Inchiquin had likewise held correspondence with the Mar∣quess of Ormond, while he was in England; and as soon as the Marquess came into France, desired him to make what haste he could into Ireland, where he should find the Army, and all the important Towns of that Province, under his Command, ready to submit to him, and to be con∣ducted by him in the King's Service, any way he should command. And in the mean time he made an Agreement with the Irish, under the Com∣mand of the Marquess of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, with the Ap∣probation of the supream Council of the Confederate Catholicks, from May, 1648. to November following, and sent them 500 Horse, under* 59.3 the Command of Major Doily, to assist them in an Expedition they were then entred upon against the Nuncio, and Owen Roe O Neal, in which they prevail'd so far, that Owen O Neal found it necessary to retire to the great Towns, and they drove the Nuncio himself into the Town of Gall∣way, where he summoned a National Synod the 15th. of July, and they besieged him so close, that they compelled the Town (after near two* 59.4 months siege) to pay a good sum of Money, to be distributed amongst the Souldiers, and to disclaim any further subjection or submission to the Nuncio's unlimited Jurisdiction, which, in effect, had put all Ireland in confusion. And when he had (with less success than formerly) issued his Excommunication, the 27th. of May, 1648. against all those, who complied with the Cessation with the Lord Inchiquin, he was compelled in the end (after so much mischief done to the Religion he was obliged* 59.5 to protect) in an obscure manner, to fly out of the Kingdom; and com∣ing to Rome, had an ill Reception of the Pope, Temerariè te gessisti, said he; with which, and the Fate of Fermo, in his absence, he soon after died. Nor indeed had any of those Apostolick Nuncios in Ireland, much better Fate: Nicholas Sanders, an English-man, An. 1579. was sent Nuncio by Gregory the 13th. who wander'd in the Mountains of Kerry, and was there starv'd under a Tree. Owen Mac Egan, alias Eugenius O He∣gan, of Irish Birth, Vicarius Apostolicus under Clement the 8th. was slain, leading a Troop of 100 Horse against the Loyalists, An. 1602/3.

And because the impudent Injustice, and Imprudence of the Nuncio, and the lame Subjection of the People, to his immoderate Pride and Haugh∣tiness, was, in truth, the real Cause, or rather Fountain, from whence this torrent of Calamities flowed, which hath since over-whelmed that miserable Nation; and because that exorbitant Power of his, was reso∣lutely opposed by the Catholicks, of the most eminent Parts and Interests, and in the end (though too late) expelled by them; it will be but Ju∣stice to the Memories of those noble Persons, briefly to collect the sum of that unhappy Person's Carriage and Behaviour, from the time that he was first design'd to that Imployment. And in doing hereof, no other Language shall be used, than what was part of a Memorial, delivered by an honourable and zealous Catholick, who was intrusted to complain of the in-sufferable Behaviour of the Nuncio to the Pope himself, which runs in these very words, speaking of the Nuncio.

He declar'd before he left Rome, That he would not admit either in his Company or Family; any Person of the English Nation. In his Voyage, be∣fore* 60.1 he arrived at Paris, he writ to his Friends in Rome, with great joy, the News, (though it prov'd after false) that the Irish Confederates had treacherously surprized the City of Dublin, while they were in truce with the Royal Party, and treating about an Accommodation and Peace. Arriving at Paris, (where he shut himself up for many months) he never vouchsafed (I will not say) to participate with the Queen of England, any thing touch∣ing Nunciature, or in the least degree to reverence or visit her Majesty, save only one time upon the score of Courtesie, as if he had been sent to her Ene∣mies, not Subjects. Being arrived in Ireland, he imployed all his Power to dissolve the Treaty of Peace with the King, which was then almost brought to perfection; and his diligence succeeded, of which he valued himself, re∣joyced, and insulted beyond measure. In his Letters he writ to Paris, which were after shewed to the Queen, and he may truely say, that in that King∣dom, he hath rather managed the Royal Scepter, than the Pastoral Staff, and that he aim'd more to be held the Minister of the supream Prince of Ire∣land, in Temporalibus, than a Nuncio from the Pope, in Spiritualibus; making himself President of the Council, he hath managed the Affairs of the supream Council of State; he hath, by his own Arbitrement, excluded from it those, who did not second him, though by Nobleness of Birth, Allegiance; Prudence, and Zeal to Religion, they were the most honourable; of these he caused many to be imprisoned, with great scandal, and danger of sedition; and, in short, he assumed a distributive Power both in Civil and Military Affairs, giving out Orders, Commissions, and Powers, under his own Name, subscribed by his own Hand, and made Authentick with his Seal, for the government of the Armies, and of the State, and Commissions for Reprizals at Sea. He stroke in presently after his Arrival in Ireland, with that Party of the Natives, who are esteemed irreconcilable, not only to the Eng∣lish, but to the greatest and best part of the Irish Nobility, and of the same People, to the most civil and most considerable of that Island. And the bet∣ter to support that Party and Faction, he hath procured the Church to be furnished with a Clergy and Bishops of the same temper, excluding those Per∣sons who are recommended by the Queen, who, for Doctrine and Vertue, were above all exceptions, all which is contrary to what your Holiness was pleas'd to promise. The Queen was not yet discouraged, but so labour'd to renew the Treaty of Peace already once broke, and disorder'd by Monsieur Rinuccini, that by means of her Majesty, it was not only re-assumed, but, in the end, after great disputes and oppositions on his part, the Peace was concluded between the Royal Party and the Confederate Catholicks, and war∣ranted not only by the King's Word, but also by the retention of Arms, Castles and Forts; and of the Civil Magistrates, with the possession of Churches, and of Ecclesiastical Benefices, and with the free exercise of the Catholick Reli∣gion. And all this would have been exhibited by a publick Decree, and au∣thentick Laws, made by the three Estates assembled in a free Parliament: By this Peace and Confederacy they would have rescued themselves, from the damages of a ruinous War, have purchased security to their Consciences, and of their temporal Estates, honoured the Royal Party, and the Catholicks in England, with a certain restitution and liberty of the King, whereon depend∣ed absolutely the welfare of the Catholicks in all his Kingdoms, the Catho∣lick Chair had quitted it self of all Engagements and Expence, with Honour and Glory. This Treaty of Peace on all sides so desirable, Monsieur Rinuc∣cini

broke with such violence, that he forced the Marquess of Ormond, the Vice-Roy of Ireland, to precipitate himself (contrary to his inclination and affection) into the arms of the Parliament of England, to the unspeakable damage of the King, and of the Catholicks, not only of Ireland, but also of England. He incensed the greatest and best part of the Catholick Nobility, and rendred the venerable Name of the holy Apostolick Chair, odious to the Hereticks, with small satisfaction to the Catholick Princes themselves of Europe, as though it sought not the spiritual good of Souls, but a temporal Interest, by making it self Lord over Ireland. And when the Lord Digby and the Lord Byron endeavour'd, on the Marquess of Ormond's part, to in∣cline him to a new Treaty of Peace, he did not only disdain to admit them, or to accept the Overture, but understanding, that the Lord Byron, with great danger and fatigue, came to Town, in the County of Westmeath, where he was to speak with him, he forced the Earl that was the Lord of it, to send him away (contrary to all Laws of Courtesie and Humanity) in the night∣time, exposed to extraordinary inconveniencies and dangers amongst those di∣stractions, protesting, that otherwise he himself would immediately depart the Town. By this Proceeding, Monsieur Rinuccini hath given the World an occasion to believe, that he had private and secret Commission to change the Government of Ireland, and to separate that Island from the Crown of England. And this Opinion is the more confirmed, since that one Mahony, a Jesuit, hath printed a Book in Portugal, wherein he endeavours to prove, that all the Kings of England, have been either Tyrants or Usurpers of Ire∣land, and so fallen from the dominion of it; exhorting all its Natives to get thither, and to use all Cruelty against the English, (with expressions full of Villany and Reproach) and to chuse a new King of their own Countrey. And this Book, so barbarous and bloody, dispersed through Ireland, is yet credit∣ed by the Catholick and Apostolick Chair: And the Continuation of the Hi∣story of Cardinal Baronius, was published at the same time, under the Name of Olderico Raynaldo, in which he endeavours to establish the supream Right and Dominion in the Apostolick Chair, even in Temporalibus, over Eng∣land and Ireland. I leave to every Man to consider, whether all these Acti∣ons are not apt enough to beget Jealousies, and naughty Blood, and whether I ought not, out of great respect to the publick Good, to represent, with some ardency to your Holiness, the Actions of Monsieur Rinuccini, so unpleasant, and directly contrary to those Ends, for which, it was supposed, he was im∣ployed. And I beseech your Holiness, if any King, not only Protestant but Catholick, had seen an Apostolick Nuncio to lord it in his Dominions, in such a manner as Monsieur Rinuccini hath done in Ireland, what Jealousies, what Complaints, and how many Inconveniencies would thereby follow? Thus as to the Nuncio, from the Confederates themselves.

Though he gives this account of himself: For the better understand∣ing of this, (saith he) Recourse must be had to the first rising of the Irish, which was upon this occasion: The Parliament of England, ha∣ving enter'd into an Agreement with the Kingdom of Scotland, called the large Treaty; in which there was a clause to joyn against the common Enemy, wherein the Catholicks of Ireland, as well as others (if not chiefly) did apprehend themselves comprehended; to ballance which, or to prevent the misery that might fall upon them thereby, be∣ing sensible of the Earl of Stafford's death, which purported some to be

sent as Governour, that was not like to carry so fair to them, as he had done, the same being to be approv'd (at least) by the Parliament then sitting. For better security, they endeavoured the supplanting all Pro∣testants within that Kingdom, and though (at that time) without Arms or Ammunition, got possession of most part of the Kingdom; where∣upon was established a Council of 24, part of Civil, and part Eccle∣siastical Persons, of which 12 were to reside in Kilkenny, or other place; as occasion and need called, with this Resolution, agreed to hold a Par∣liament every year, by, or in which, the said Council should be chang'd or continu'd. By this it was resolv'd, and after sworn by all the Catholicks, never to lay down Arms, until the Roman Church was settled, as of old in Ireland, and the King secur'd in all his Priviledges, that of calling, and putting period to Parliaments at pleasure, with a Negative voice, being chiefly meant, and then in great hazard to be lost. The Earl of Ormond, and Inchequin, Protestants, fearing the issue of this League, and fore-seeing the in-ability to oppose it, treated with the Earl of Clanrickard, Lord Muskery, and other Lords Catholicks, that possessed many Church-Benefices; a way erected by Queen Elizabeth, thereby to extinguish the Catholicks; and advertised them, that the Restitution of the Catholick Discipline, would out them of all the said Profits, gain'd them to the other side; though they continued still of the Council, in which they were a prevalent party, taking to them such (when any went out) as were of Ormond's mind and design: by which means a Peace was suddainly concluded, upon supposition, that the Af∣fairs of the Catholicks requir'd it, although there was no mention of the Interest of that Church in the Accord. About that time, the King sent to this Council, the Earl of Glamorgan, with full power to accord to the Catholicks, as they desired, if they should send him 10000 Men, as they had offered, Ormond then at Dublin (under pretext of Treating) drew Glamorgan thither, took from him his Commission, and made him Pri∣soner, and certified the King, that himself could make a far better and more advantagious Peace, with the Catholicks, which he did in 30 Ar∣ticles. This breach of Oath, made by the Council, gave occasion to the Nuncio, John Baptist Rinuccini, Archbishop and Prince of Firmo, who had brought some succours of Money and Arms into Ireland, to assemble the Clergy in Waterford, and Excommunicate all such as should adhere to the Peace: Which notwithstanding, the said Marquiss advanc'd to Kilkenny, to execute the same; but O Neil returning victorious from the defeat of 20000 Scots, in two Battles at Benburgh, and Tirconnel, Or∣mond goes back without doing of any thing; whereupon were im∣prison'd the 7 that signed the Peace. Ormond seeing himself out with the Catholicks, both because he had ill treated them, and by the violence exercised by his Army, no sooner return'd to Dublin, but he treated with the Parliament of England, for the delivery of the Towns he held; which was done accordingly. Coming after to London, where he expected to be gratified by the Parliament of England, proportionable to the service done them; but finding there no such disposition, he went secretly to the Queen at St. Germains, to justifie himself, and perswade her, That his rendring Dublin, and other Towns, were serviceable to the King her Husband, then Prisoner to the Parliament, because (said he) it is better that they have them, then the Catholicks, whom he affirm'd to have fail'd in their Fidelity to their King, although they renew'd the abovemention'd

Oath yearly. About this time, another Assembly of Catholicks, sent to the Queen, and the Princes her Children, to desire certain concessions in the absence; and because of the Detention of the King her Husband, deputing others to Rome, with Instructions to the former Deputies, to act jointly with these; but contrary, those to the Queen (not waiting the Resolution, or Concurrence of them at Rome) Muskery, and Brown, two of those Deputies, (notwithstanding the opposition of the Mar∣quiss of Antrim, who was chief) proposed, and obtain'd of the Queen, that she send into Ireland, the Marquess of Ormond, as formerly to be Lord Deputy, or Vice-Roy: Who being brought into that Kingdom, by the support of the said Supream Council, of which 7 always favour'd him, they again concluded a Cessation of Arms with Inchequin, then reduced to such necessities, that he was ready to fly into Holland, whi∣ther then he had dispatch'd part of his Goods, with good store of Mo∣ney, pick'd up there; The Suspension not to be hindred by the Nuncio, notwithstanding the offers of Money, to satisfie the pressing necessities, declar'd by the Council, together with Owen Roe O Neal's offer, to drive Inchequin quite out of Munster, at his own charge, and at the charge he would force out of those parts, by his Souldiers: But at this time In∣chequin was in a deeper Correspondence with the Scots Nation, which way, Ormond was also to biass his Designs. The Nuncio thus disappoint∣ed, called a new assembly of his Clergy, compos'd of Hugh O Rely, Primate of Ireland, Thomas Fleming, Archbishop of Dublin, Thomas Welsh, Archbishop of Cassel, John de Bourk, Archbishop of Tuam, and ten Bishops, who unanimously declared, That this Cessation of Arms, was much prejudicial to the Catholick Religion, and could not be em∣braced in Conscience, and so Excommunicated all that adher'd thereto. Hitherto the Council had born it self with some respect toward the Ca∣tholick Church, remembring the Clemency us'd by the Nuncio, in de∣livering some of them from Prison; but upon this last Excommunication, they so threatned him, that he was forced to go privately from Kilkenny, to a Castle, where Preston (by order of the Council) following, he fled to Gallway, and called there a National Council, to pacifie the Troubles of the Kingdom, which the aforesaid Council endeavour'd to hinder, forbidding the appearance of the Clergy, taking hold of divers Ecclesiastical Persons of his houshold, imprisoning them: So that the Nuncio despairing of re-establishing of the Affairs of the Catholicks, and having information, That Ormond had resolv'd (with all his Forces) to advance the Protestant Religion, and to destroy all opposers, and that the Supream Council of Catholicks, had declar'd their departure from the League, with their Confederates; he departed, arriving in France. In the interim, Owen Roe, judging, that he could not in conscience, joyn his Armies any longer with a Party, that called it self Catholick, and yet chas'd away the Nuncio, declar'd his separation from them, until they recal the Nuncio, and endeavour to obtain a Catholick Vice-Roy, and execute (in all other points) the Oath they had taken. This was taken very ill by the Marquess of Ormond, and his Council, who charg'd O Neal with a Design (under colour thereof) to oppose the Affairs of the King, which occasion'd him to object to them, not the aforesaid Oath, but a particular Declaration, which he had published; where he, with all his Officers profess, That they intend onely to re-establish the Catholick Religion, the Liberties of the Kingdom, and the Prerogatives

of the King, in their former Glory and Splendor: The Ormond Party Catholick, being in such perplexity, by reason of these differences, and their sleighting the Nuncio, appeal'd to his Holiness; but from Rome, it is certified, That the Pope (well understanding their deportment) refused to give Audience, before he had heard his Nuncio; Who in the end, ra∣ther receiv'd a Check (as before is mention'd) then an Approbation from his Holiness, for what he had done in Ireland.

And now, as to the difference betwixt their Generals, and our Pro∣ceedings thereupon.

Colonel Jones finding the Distractions amongst the Rebels, to grow* 60.2 very high, and that the old English, under the Marquess of Clanrickard, had taken the Castle of Athlone, and other Places from Owen Roe, and that Athy was besieged by Colonel Preston, and Owen Roe, came up to Re∣lieve it, and burnt and spoil'd the Countrey thereabouts, thought it high time, to be stirring out amongst them; and thereupon sent out some of his Forces, which took in the Garrisons of the Nabber, and Ballihoe, formerly surprized by the Rebels; But yet (not having his Provisions come from England) durst not himself stir forth, till he had sufficiently secured Dublin; which in the first place, he began more strongly to Fortifie, that it might receive no prejudice in his absence. About which time, Flemming (an active Officer among the Rebels) took in Cruces Fort, and Killaloe, two Garrisons in Pudsonbyes Quarters.

Next, Jones secured Sir Maurice Eustace, Colonel Gifford, Capron,* 60.3 Flower, Willoughby, and several others, who, continuing their affection to the Marquess, he suspected, and (by Order of the Committee of Derby-House) sent them to the Castle of Chester, detaining Colonel Byron, and Sir Thomas Lucas, Prisoners at Tredagh, suspecting these would deliver him, and the City, to the Marquess of Ormond, then every day expected, Lord Lieutenant out of France. The Scots Army under Duke Hamilton, about this time, entered England, to whose Proceedings, Major General Monro, sent over into Scotland, his Son or Nephew George Monro, with 2000 Foot, and 600 Horse, as Sir Robert Stewart, his Son, with a Troop, and Sir Fred. Hamilton his, with a Regiment, and se∣veral others, disaffected to the Parliament of England, in hope to settle (with advantage) there; By which means, Belfast, Carrigfergus, and Colrain, were left very weak, and much un-guarded, which Colonel Monk finding, and understanding how contrary to all compact, Monro had dealt with the Parliament of England, in sending over the Forces (main∣tain'd by them in Ireland) to fight against them in England; he began to think of some means, to make himself master of those Towns; he was at present at Lisnegarvy, and prepared a Party to go out to make an inroad into the RebelsQuarters; he march'd away in the morning; but having sent some Persons of trust, to remain near Carigfergus, to attend his advance thither, he return'd in the night over the mountains, and came at break of day to the Gates of Carigfergus, which he found open, and so enter'd* 60.4 without resistance; he seiz'd upon Major General Monro, and sent him Prisoner into England, where he was by the House of Comons com∣mitted to the Tower. Colonel Monk having thus seized upon Carigfergus, caus'd some Horse to march presently away to Belfast, which was surren∣dred into his hands by the Governor, and so was likewise Colrain, so as he presently became Master of all those Towns, disbanding, and sending away most of those Forces into Scotland, which oppos'd the Parliament,

and hindred those broken Troops of George Monro's, (which fled out of England, upon Duke Hamiltons defeat at Preston in Lancashire) from returning into Ireland, and did use all means to settle the Country in such a posture, as that the Interest of the Parliament, might be secur'd there. He planted Garrisons upon the Frontiers of Ulster, to hinder the incursions of the Rebels, and he gave the Quarters the Scots had, to such of the British as he found faithful to the service. This was about September, 1648. a Service very acceptable in England; in manifesta∣tion whereof, the Parliament sent him 500 l. and made him Governor of Carigfergus, by an Order of the 4th. of October, and sent over Cloaths for some of those Scottish Regiments which came into him, and 5000 l. in Money, for the two Provinces, of Ulster and Connaght, to be equally divided. Sir Charles Coot there being very active, not long after took in the strong Fort of Culmore, near Londonderry, seizing on (at the same time) Sir Robert Stewart, whom he sent Prisoner to the Parliament; upon which, the Scots Mutinied; but by a Letter from Sir Robert Stew∣art, they were pacified, and all the Affairs of that Province, managed by Sir Charles Coot, Sir Robert Stewart being at Liberty upon his Parole.

Before this, Townsend, and Doily, two Colonels under Inchequin in Munster, sent over to the Committee at Derby-House, some Propositions, for the surrender of the Towns in Munster, upon Condition of indempni∣ty, and receiving part of the Arrears for the whole Army; this was pretended to be acted by the consent of Inchequin, and that he with his own hand, had approved and interlin'd them in several Places. Hereupon, the Committee at Derby-House, sent back Colonel Edmond Temple, with an* 60.5 Answer to those Colonels, and Power withall to Treat with the Lord Inche∣quin, about somewhat more certain and more reasonable, to be propounded by him. But before his arrival there, Sir Richard Fanshaw, the Princes Secretary, was come from the Prince to Inchequin, with a Declaration of the Princes Design, to send the Duke of York into Ireland, with such of the revolted Ships as remain'd in Holland, and to let him know the hopes he had, that by his assistance, and the Army under his Command, both he and his Father might be restored: This so puft up Inchequin, as that he would hear of no Overtures, and made him absolutely dis-avow to have had any knowledge of the Propositions sent over, and thereupon imprisoned Townsend, and Doily, thereby putting an issue to that Nego∣tiation: Fortifying, besides all the Harbours against the Parliaments Forces, placing and displacing their Officers, as he thought most conve∣nient, to introduce the Kings keeping a Correspondence with the West of Ireland, as yet free to all Trade, and holding frequent intelligence with Jarsey, where the Prince, was said, would keep his Court; Thus the Interest of the Parliament was wholly lost in Munster, where Sir William Fenton, Colonel Fair, Captain Fenton, and other Officers (for their affections to the Parliament) being imprison'd, were exchang'd in De∣cember, for the Lord Inchequin's Son, imprison'd in the Tower, about October, 1648.

Near this time Owen Roe attempted to rescue Fort-Falkland, besieged by the Lord Inchiquin and Colonel Preston joyn'd; but he was repulsed with the loss of many men, as his Lieutenant General Rice Mac-Guire, and Lewis More, dangerously hurt; which put Owen to such straits, as he made an Overture to Colonel Jones, by his Vicar-General O Rely, to surrender

Athy, Mary-burrough, and Rebban, and lay down his Arms, if he and his Confederates might have the priviledges they had in King James's time: But Jones could better improve the Offers to a beneficial delay, than as∣certain any thing. Though afterwards Owen Roe and his Council of Of∣ficers, further offered, That if he, nor the new expected Army from Eng∣land, would not molest him in his Quarters, but give him leave to de∣part with his Forces into Spain, he would not joyn with Ormond, Preston, or Inchiquin.

And here we must resume our account of the Marquis of Ormond, who after he had in vain solicited supplies of Money in France, to the end that he might carry some Relief to a Kingdom so harrassed and worn, and be the better thereby able to unite those, who would be sure to have temptation enough of Profit, to go contrary to the Kings obedience; his Excellency was at last compelled being with great importunity cal∣led by the Lord Inchiquin and the rest, who were resolv'd to uphold his Majesties Interest to transport himself, unfurnish'd of Money sufficient, Arms or Ammunition considerable, and without any other Retinue than his own Servants, and some old Officers of the Kings: And in this Equi∣page* 60.6 he Embarqu'd from Haure de Grace in a Dutch Ship, and arriv'd about the end of September, 1648. at Cork, where he was receiv'd by the Lord Inchiquin, Lord President of Munster, and the Irish, with much con∣tentment; soon after whose arrival (even the 6th. of October) he pub∣lished the ensuing Declaration.

By the Lord Lieutenant General of Ireland.

ORMOND,

TO prevent the too frequent prejudices, incident through jealousies, distrusts, and mis-constructions to all undertakings, We account it not the least worthy our labour, upon the instant of our arrival, to pre∣pare this People, whose welfare we contend for, with a right understanding of those intentions in us, which, in order to his Majesties Service, we desire may terminate in their good.

To enumerate the several Reasons by which we were induc'd (for preser∣vation of the Protestant Religion, and the English Interest) to leave the City of Dublin, and other his Majesties Garrisons then under our Power in this Kingdom, in the hands of those intrusted by his two Houses of Par∣liament, were to set forth a Narrative in place of a Manifest. It may suffice to be known, that those Transactions had for one main ground this confi∣dence, That by being under the Power of the Houses, they would upon a happy expected composure of Affairs in England, revert unto, and be re∣vested in his Majesty as his proper right.

But having found how contrary to the inclinations of the well-affected to his Majesties restauration in England, the Power of that Kingdom hath unhappily devolv'd to hands, imployed onely in the art and labour of pulling down, and subverting the Fundamentals of Monarchy, (with whom a per∣nicious Party in this Kingdom do equally sympathize and co-operate.) And

being filled with a deep sense of the Duty and obligations that are upon us, strictly to embrace all opportunities of employing our endeavours, towards the recovery of his Majesties just Rights, in any part of his Dominions. Ha∣ing observed the Protestant Army in the Province of Munster (by special providence discovering the Arts and practises used to intangle the Members thereof, in engagements as directly contrary to their Duties towards God and Man, as to their intentions and resolutions) to have found means to ma∣nifest the Candor and Integrity thereof, in a disclaimer of any obedience to, or concurrence with those Powers or Persons, which have so grosly vari'd even their own professed Principles of preserving his Majesties Person and Rights, by confining him under a most strict Imprisonment, his Majesty also vouchsafing graciously to accept the Declaration of the said Army, as an eminent and seasonable expression of their fidelity toward him, and in testi∣mony thereof, having laid his Commands upon us to make our repair unto this Province, to discharge the duties of our Place.

We have as well in obedience thereunto, as in pursuance of our own duty, and desire to advance his Majesties Service, resolved to evidence our ap∣probation and esteem of the proceedings of the said Army, by publishing unto the World our like determination in the same ensuing particulars. And ac∣cordingly we profess and declare,

First, to improve our utmost endeavours for the settlement of the Prote∣stant Religion, according to the example of the best Reformed Churches.

Secondly, to defend the King in his Prerogatives.

Thirdly, to maintain the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliament, and the Liberty of the Subjects; that in order hereunto we shall oppose, to the ha∣zard of our lives, those Rebels of this Kingdom, who shall refuse their obe∣dience to his Majesty, upon such terms as he hath thought fit by us to re∣quire it; and we shall endeavour to the utmost, the suppressing of that In∣dependent-Party, who have thus fiercely laboured the extirpation of the true Protestant Religion, the ruine of our Prince, the dishonour of Parlia∣ment, and the Vassalage of our Fellow-Subjects, against all those who shall depend upon them, or adhere unto them. And that this our undertaking might not appear obnoxious to the Trade of England, but that we desire a firm Union and Agreement be preserved betwixt us, we do likewise declare, that we will continue free Traffick and Commerce with all his Majesties good Subjects of England; and that we will not in the least manner prejudice any of them that shall have recourse to our Harbours, either in their Bodies, Ships, or Goods; nor shall we take any thing from them, without payment of ready money for the same. And now that by his Majesties said Command, we have proceeded to re-enter upon the work of his Service in this Pro∣vince, We conceive no higher testimony can be given of his Majesties ac∣ceptation, or of the estimation we bear about us towards their Proceedings, than by resorting unto them in Person with his Majesties Authority, and exhibiting unto them the incouragement and satisfaction they may receive in this assurance, That as we bear an especial regard to their present un∣dertakings and performances, accompanied with a real sense▪ of their former sufferings; so lest there should any advantage be derived unto those, who endeavour to improve all opportunities of sowing sedition and distrust by this suggestion, that the former differences in Judgment and Opinion, which have induced persons to serve diversly under his Majesty, and the Parlia∣ment, will occasion prejudice, or ill resentments to arise towards such Persons, as have not formerly concurred in Judgment with others in his Majesties

Service. We do declare, that we are qualifi'd with special Power and Au∣thority from his Majesty, to assure them, that no distinction shall be made in any such Consideration, but that all Persons now interested and engaged in this Cause, shall be reflected upon with equal fervour and regard; and that we shall make it our endeavours so to improve and confirm his Majesties Gracious disposure towards them, as that we will never call to memory any past difference in Opinion, Judgment, Action, or Profession, to the prejudice of any Member of this Army, or any Person relating to it; but on the con∣trary, shall be very ready to attest our good affections towards them, in the discharge of such good Offices as shall be in our power; in return whereof, we shall onely expect their perseverance in their present Ingagements for his Majesties Service, with such alacrity, constancy, and affection, as may suit with their late publick Declaration and Professions. To whom we desire this assurance also may be inculcated, That as we shall in the future use our ut∣most care and diligence to provide for their preservation from the like hard∣ships, to those they have formerly undergone; so we have already employ'd our best industry and endeavours for the settlement of such a course, as we may (with most reason) hope, will, in these uncertain times, produce a con∣stant and competent Subsistance for them, enabling them to make such a pro∣gress in their present undertakings, as may, with the accomplishment of the great ends thereof, establish their own Honour and Content. Thus much we have thought fit to publish unto the World▪ to furnish it with an evidence of strong conviction against us, if we ever swerve (to the best of our power) from the just ways of maintaining the true Protestant Religion, the Honour and Interest of his Sacred Majesty, the just Rights of Parliament, the Liber∣ties of the Subjects, and the safety, quiet, and welfare of the People intrusted to our Care.

At Cork, 6. Octob. 1648.

Here it must not be forgotten, that during the time the Marquis was in France, and after the Parliaments Forces had, upon so great inequa∣lity of number, defeated the Irish, and in all Encounters driven them into their Fastnesses, the Confederate Catholicks had easily discern'd the mis∣chiefs they had brought upon themselves, by forcing the Kings Authority out of the Kingdom, and introducing another, which had no purposes of mercy towards them: And therefore they had sent the Lord Marquis of* 61.1 Antrim, who from the beginning had passionately serv'd them in their most intimate Concerns, the Lord Viscount Muskery, and others, as their Com∣missioners to the Queen of England, and to her Son the Prince of Wales, who were both then at Paris, to beseech them (since by reason of the King's imprisonment they could not be suffered to apply themselves to his Majesty) to take compassion of the miserable condition of Ireland, and to restore that Nation to their protection; making ample professi∣ons and protestations of Duty, and of applying themselves for the future to his Majesties Service, if they might be once again own'd by him, and countenanced and conducted by his Authority. And thereupon the Queen and Prince answered those Persons, That they would shortly send* 61.2 a Person qualifi'd to treat with them, who should have power to give them whatsoever was requisite to their security and happiness. With which An∣swer they return'd well satisfi'd into Ireland: So that as soon as the

Lord Lieutenant was Landed at Cork, he wrote, the 4th. of October, to the Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks then at Kilkenny, That he was, upon the humble Petition which they had presented to the Queen and Prince, come with full power to conclude a Peace with them, and to that pur∣pose desir'd, that as little time might be lost as was possible; and that Com∣missioners might be sent to him at his House at Carrick, whither he would go to expect them; within 14 miles of the Place where the Assembly then sate, who were so much gladder of his presence, by the obligation which they had newly received from the Kings Authority: For when the Nuncio and Owen O Neil had thought to have surprized them, and to have compelled them to renounce the Cessation, the Lord Inchequin being sent unto by them for his protection, had march'd with his Army to their relief, and forc'd O Neal over the Shannon, thereby restoring them to liberty and freedom, so that they return'd a message of joy and congra∣tulation to the Lord Lieutenant for his safe arrival, and appointed Com∣missioners to treat with him at the place appointed.

A Copy of the Marquis of Ormond's Letter to the Supreme Council afore-mention'd, was gotten by Colonel Jones, and sent over to the Com∣mittee of Derby-house; and being read in the House of Commons, it was Vo∣ted to be sent down into the Isle of Wight, to the Commissioners then Treating there with the King, to know if he would avow it; and in case he did disavow it, that then he would declare against the Marquis: Whereupon his Majesty signifi'd, That in case other things were compos'd* 61.3 by the Treaty, the Concerns of Ireland should be left wholely to the manage∣ment of the Houses. And in the interim writes to the Marquis of Or∣mond this Letter.

C. R.

RIght Trusty and Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well. Whereas We have received several Informations from Our two Houses of Parliament, concerning your proceedings with the Confederate Roman Catholicks in the Kingdom of Ireland, (the several Votes and Extracts whereof We do herewith transmit unto you) and forasmuch as We are now engaged in a Treaty of Peace with Our two Houses, wherein We have made such large Concessions, as We hope will prove the foundation of a blessed Peace. And We having con∣sented by one Article (if the said Treaty take effect) to entrust the Prosecution and Management of the War in Ireland to the Guidance and Advice of Our two Houses; We have therefore thought fit hereby to require you, to desert from any further Proceedings upon the Matters contained in the said Papers:

And We expect such Obedience unto this Our Command, that Our Houses desires may be fully satisfi'd.

Given at Newport in the Isle of Wight, the 25^th of November, in the 24^th Year of Our Reign.

To Our Right Trusty and Well∣beloved Cousin and Counsel∣lor, James Marquis of Or∣mond.

As soon as the Parliament received this Letter, some were of opinion that it should be immediately sent to the Marquis of Ormond; yet others (aiming at what afterwards was brought upon the Stage) laid it (as it's said) aside: We find by the event it produced nothing, for the Treaty proceeded, a Peace ensuing; though (as yet) Owen Roe was so far from being reconcil'd to the Supreme Council, or any that adher'd thereunto, as he fell most violently (in the end of November) upon the Earl of Clanrickard's Party, gaining Jamestown by Composition, and Drumrusk by the Sword, Rory Mac-Guire (the prime Instrument herein) with several other Officers and Common Soldiers, to the number of 4 or 500 being there slain; Owen Roe's Party afterwards putting all to the Sword, save Major Bourk his Wife and Children, cruelly harassing the whole County of Roscommon.

The 19th. of October, the Confederate Catholick's Commissioners came* 62.1 to Carrick, an House of the Marquis's, where he continued about twenty days, which they spent principally in matters of Religion; in treating whereof, they were so bound and limited by their Instructions, and could make so little progress of themselves, being still to give an account to the Assembly of whatsoever was propos'd or offer'd by the Lord Lieute∣nant, and to expect its Direction or Determination before they proceed; that for the husbanding of time (which was now very precious, the pre∣vailing Party in England every day more discovering their bloody pur∣poses towards the King) the Assembly thought it fit to desire the Mar∣quis to repair to his own Castle at Kilkenny, which they offered to de∣liver into his hands, and that (for his Honour and Security) he should bring his own Guards, who should have the reception due to them: And upon this invitation (about the middle of November) he went to Kil∣kenny; before the entry into which, he was met by the whole Body of the Assembly, and all the Nobility, Clergy, and Gentry, and in the same Town was receiv'd with all those requisite Ceremonies by the Mayor and Aldermen, as such a Corporation use to pay to the Supreme Authority of the Kingdom; so that greater evidence could not be given of an en∣tire union in the desire of the People of returning to the Kings obedi∣ence, or of more affection and respect to the Person of the Lord Lieute∣nant, who by his steady pursuing those professions he had always made, by his neglect and contempt of the Parliamentarians, and their prodi∣gious

Power whilst he was in England, by his refusing all Overtures made by them unto him for his particular benefit, if he would live in the King∣dom, and by their declared manifest hatred and malice towards him, was now superiour to all those Calumnies they had aspersed him with: and confessed to be worthy of a joynt trust from the most different and di∣vided Interests and Designs: However, there were so many Passions, and Humours, and Interests to be compli'd with, and all Conclusions to pass the Approbations of so many Votes, that it was the middle of Ja∣nuary before all Opinions could be so reconciled, as to produce a perfect and entire Contract and Agreement, which about that time passed with that miraculous consent and unity, that in the whole Assembly, in which there were Catholick Bishops, there was not one dissenting Voice: So that on the 17^th. of January, 1648. the whole Assembly repair'd to the Lord Lieutenant in his Castle at Kilkenny, and there with all solemnity* 62.2 imaginable presented him, by the hand of their Chair-man or Speaker, the Articles of Peace, as concluded, assented, and submitted unto by the whole Body of the Catholick Nation of Ireland; which he receiv'd, and solemnly confirm'd on his Majesties behalf, and caus'd the same that day to be Proclaim'd in that Town, to the great joy of all who were present, and it was with all speed accordingly Proclaim'd, and as joyfully re∣ceiv'd, in all the Cities and Incorporate Towns which professed any Allegiance to the King throughout the Kingdom; and for the better re∣ception thereof amongst the People, and to manifest the satisfaction and joy they took in it, the Catholick Bishops sent out their Declarations and Letters, that they were abundantly satisfi'd in whatsoever concern'd Religion, and the secure practice thereof: Certainly well they might, for unless it had been at such a time that his Majesty had been reduc'd to the utmost extremity, a Prince could be compell'd to such disingenious and hard terms, could never have been stood upon with a free and gene∣rous Prince; in as much as his present Majesty, in his Declaration for the settlement of Ireland, there takes notice, That no body could wonder that he was desirous (though upon difficult conditions) to get such an united Power of his own Subjects, as might have been able (with Gods blessing) to have prevented the infamous and horrid Parricide intended. But how in∣effectual this his Indulgence after prov'd, will appear, by these Wretches foolishly forfeiting all the Grace which they might have expected from him. But to proceed. When the Articles of Peace were presented (in that so∣lemn manner to him by the Assembly, after a Speech made by the Chair∣man* 62.3) The Lord Lieutenant express'd himself in these words.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

I Shall not speak to those expressions of Duty and Loyalty, so eloquently* 63.1 digested into a Discourse, by the Gentleman appointed by you to deliver your sence; you will presently have in your hands greater and more solid Ar∣guments of his Majesties Gracious acceptance, than I can enumerate, or per∣haps you your selves discern: For besides the provision made against the remotest fears, fear of severity of certain Laws, and besides many other

Freedoms and Bounties conveyed to you and your Posterity by those Arti∣cles, there is a door, and that a large one, not left, but purposely set open to give you entrance, by your future Merit, to whatsoever of Honour and Ad∣vantage you can reasonably wish: So that you have in present fruition what may abundantly satisfie, and yet there are no bounds set to your hopes; but you are rather invited, or (to use a new phrase, but to another and better end) you seem to have a Call from Heaven to exercise your Arms and utter∣most Fortitude, in the Noblest and Justest Cause the World hath seen; for let all the Circumstances incident to a great and good Cause be examined, and they will be found comprehended in that which you are now warrantably call'd to defend, Religion, not in the narrow circumscribed definition of it, by this or that late found out name, but Christian Religion is our Quarrel, which certainly is as much and fatally struck at (I may say more) by the blasphemous License of this Age, than ever it was by the rudest Incursions of the most barbarous and avowed Enemy to Christianity; the Venerable Laws and Fundamental Constitutions of our Ancestors are trodden under Impious, and, for the most part, Mechanick feet.

The Sacred Person of our King (the Life of those Laws, and Head of those Constitutions) is under an ignominious Imprisonment, and his Life threaten'd to be taken away by the Sacrilegious hands of the basest of the People, that owed him obedience; and (to endear the Quarrel to you) the Fountain of all the benefits you have but now acknowledg'd, and which you may further hope for by this Peace, and your own Merit, is endangered to be obstructed by the execrable murther of the worthiest Prince that ever Ruled these Islands.

In short, Hell cannot add any thing to the desperate Mischiefs now openly projected: and now judge if a greater and more glorious Field was ever set open to Action, and then prepare your selves to enter into it, receiving these few advices from him, that is throughly Embarqu'd with you in the Ad∣venture.

First, let me recommend to you, that to this, as unto all holy Actions, (as certainly this is) you will prepare your selves with perfect Charity, a Charity that may obliterate what-ever Rancor the long continued War may have contracted in you, against any that shall now co-operate with you in so blessed a Work; and let his Engagement with you in this, whoever he is, be (as it ought to be) a Bond of Unity, of Love, of Concord, stronger than the nearest Tyes of Nature.

In the next place, mark and beware of those, who shall go about to renew jealousies in you, under what pretence soever, and account such as the infernal Ministers, imploy'd to promote the black design on foot, to subvert Monarchy, and to make us all slaves to their own avaritious lusts. Away (as soon and as much as possible may be) with distinction of Nation and Parties, which are the fields wherein the seeds of those Rancour-weeds are sown by the great Enemy of our Peace.

In the last place, let us all divest our selves of that preposterous and ridi∣culous ambition and self-interest, which rather leads to our own threatned general ruine, than to the enjoyment of advantages unreasonably desired.

And if at any time you think your selves pinch'd too near the bone by those Taxes and Levies that may be imposed for your defence, consider then how vain, how foolish a thing it will be to starve a righteous Cause for want of a necessary support, to preserve your selves fat and gilded Sacrifices to the ra∣pine of a merciless Enemy.

And if we come thus well prepared to a Contention so just on our Parts, God will bless our Endeavours with success and victory, or will crown our Suf∣ferings with honour and patience; for what honour will it not be, if God hath so determin'd of us, to perish with a long glorious Monarchy? and who can want patience to suffer with an oppressed Prince? But as our Endeavours, so let our Prayers be vigorous, that he may be delivered from a more unnatu∣ral Rebellion, than is mention'd by any Story, now raised to the highest pitch of Success against him.

I should now say something to you as to my self, in Retribution to the ad∣vantagious mention made of me and my Endeavours, to the bringing this Set∣tlement to pass: But, I confess, my thoughts were taken up with those much greater Concernments. Let it suffice, that as I wish to be continued in your good Esteem and Affection, so I shall freely adventure upon any hazard, and esteem no trouble or difficulty too great to encounter, if I may manifest any Zeal to this Cause, and discharge some part of the Obligations that are upon me, to serve this Kingdom.

It will not here be necessary to insert the Articles of Peace at large,* 63.2 which are publickly known to the World, though we shall sum them up in brief. It is sufficient that the Lord Lieutenant granted all that was enough, in the Judgements of the Romish Catholick Bishops, and even of the Bishop of Ferns, (that Incendiary, and still waspish Prelate) requi∣site to a peaceable and secure profession of that Religion, with such coun∣tenancing of, and support to it, as from the first planting of it, it had never (in some respects) been possessed of in that Kingdom; but was likewise compelled so far to comply with the Fears and Jealousies of di∣vers, (who by often breaking their Faith, and from a greater guilt were* 63.3 apprehensive, that all that was promised to them, might not be hereafter observed) as to divest himself of that full and absolute Power, that was inherent in his Office, and was never more fit to be exercised, than for the carrying that Design, in which they seem'd all to agree, and to make 12 Commissioners * 63.4, (nam'd and chosen by the Assembly, to look to the observation and performance of the said Articles, until the same should be ratified, in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament) joynt sharers with him in his Authority: So that he could neither levy Souldiers, raise Money, or so much as erect Garrisons, without the approbation and con∣sent of the major part of those Commissioners; the danger and mischief of which limitation and restraint he foresaw enough, but found the uni∣ting that People, and composing them to an entire confidence in the Peace, (which could be compassed no other way) was so necessary, that he could not sacrifice too much to it: And then the abilities and the affe∣ctions of the Commissioners, were so well known and approved by him, that having most of them (in appearance) the same good Ends with him, he presum'd, he should with less difficulty be able to perswade, which were the nearest and most natural ways that conduced thereun∣to.

The Heads of the Articles of Peace, 1648.

1. THat the Roman Catholicks of Ireland have free Exercise of Religi∣on, all Penalties taken off, not obliged to the Oath of Suprema∣cy, to enjoy all Churches and Church-Livings they have in present pos∣session, and the Exercise of Jurisdiction therein.

2. That a Parliament be had within 6 months, or when after the Ro∣man Catholicks shall desire.

3. That all Laws made in the Parliament of England since 1641. in blemish of the Catholicks, are at the next Parliament to be vaca∣ted.

4. All Indictments against any Catholicks since 1641. be vaca∣ted.

5. All Impediments to be taken away, that Catholicks be elected in Parliament.

6. All Debts to remain as they were Feb. 8. 1641. notwithstanding any Attainder.

7. The Estates of the Knights, Gentlemen, and Freeholders of Connaght, Clare, Thomond, Limerick, and Tipperary, be secured by an Act.

8. All Incapacities of the Natives in Ireland be taken away by Act.

9. All Honours, Trusts, Imployments, or such like, be conferred as well upon Catholicks as Protestants.

10. That the King take 12000 l. per annum, in lieu of the Court of Wards.

11. No Noblemen to have more Proxies than two in Parliament, and all Blanks to be null.

12. That the depending of the Parliament of Ireland upon England, shall be as both shall agree and stand with the Laws of Ireland.

13. That the Council-Table meddle only with Matters of State.

14. That all Acts forbidding the Transport of Wooll, be null'd by the next Parliament.

15. That if any have been wrong'd by Grants from King James, or since, they may Petition, and have Relief in Parliament.

16. That divers particular Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who have been (as they conceiv'd) wrong'd, shall now be righted.

17. That all who had their Estates taken from them in Cork, Toughall, and Dungarvan, have restoration or Rent.

18. That in the next Parliament an Act of Oblivion pass to all in Ire∣land, and that adhered to them.

19. That no Officer of Eminency in Ireland farm the Customs.

20. An Act to pass against Monopolists.

21. That the Court of Castle-Chamber be regulated.

22. That the Acts for prohibiting plowing with Horses by the Tayls, and burning Oats in the Straw, be null.

23. An Act for taking off the Grievances of the Kingdom.

24. That Maritime Causes be determin'd in Ireland.

25. That no Rents be rais'd upon the Subjects, under pretence of de∣fective Titles.

26. That Interest-Money be forgiven from 1641.

27. That all this be acted, and be of force, till a Parliament agree the same.

28. The Commissioners for the Catholicks that treated, agree upon such as shall be Commissioners of the Peace, and hear all Causes under 10 l.

29. That all Governours of Towns, Castles and Places, made by the King, be with the Approbation of the Catholick Commissioners.

30. That none of his Majesty's Rents be paid, until a full Settlement in Parliament.

31. That the Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer do try Murthers, Stealing, and all inferiour Trespasses of that nature.

32. That hereafter such Differencies as shall arise between Subjects, be determin'd by a Court in Ireland, not transfer'd to England.

33. That the Roman Clergy, that behave themselves according to the Agreement, be not molested.

Lastly, That his Majesty please to grant what-ever else is necessary for the Roman Catholicks.

Upon which Peace, the Marquess of Ormond, the Lord Taaff, and that Party, engag'd to raise for Munster, 4000 Foot and 800 Horse; the su∣pream Council and Preston for Leimster, 4000 Foot and 800 Horse; In∣chiquin, 3000 Foot and 600 Horse; the Lord of Clanrickard for Con∣naght, proportionable to the first: In all, 15000 Foot and 3000 Horse, besides what Owen Roe (upon his uniting afterwards) might bring in, computed to be 5000 Foot and 500 Horse, that in the whole, a gallanter Army (had they been unanimous) could scarce have been mar∣shall'd.

With what Consent and Unity soever this Peace was made, by those who had any pretence to Trust, or to whom there was the least Deputati∣on of Authority and Power by the Nation, yet Owen O Neal (with whom* 64.1 the Earl of Antrim joyn'd) had the greatest Influence upon the Humours and Inclinations of the old Irish, who had given themselves up to the Nuncio, and who indeed had a better disciplin'd, and consequently a stronger Army at his Command, than the Confederates thought he could have gain'd to his Devotion, still refused to submit to it. So that the Lord Lieutenant, (as soon as the Peace was concluded) was as well to provide against him, to remove some Garrisons he held, which infested those who obeyed the Acts of the Assembly, and to prevent his Incursion, as to raise an Army against the Spring, to march against the English, who were possessed of Dublin, and all the Countrey, and important Places of that Circuit, and who, he was sure, would be supplied with all assistance of Shipping, Men, Money, Victuals and Ammunition, which the Parlia∣ment of England (who had now murthered their Sovereign, and incor∣porated themselves under the Name and Title of a Common-wealth) could send them. And he was in a worse condition to prevail against both these, by the unhappy Temper and Constitution of the Scots in Ulster, who, being very numerous, and possessed of the strong Towns, (though in pro∣fession they abhorred the Regicides, and were not reconcilable to Owen O* 64.2 Neal and his Party) were (as yet) as un-inclined to the Peace made with the Confederates, and far from paying an obedience and full submis∣sion,

to the Orders and Government of the Lord Lieutenant, maintain∣ing, at the same time, the Presbyterian Form in their Church, and an ut∣ter Independency in the State, and out of those contradictory Ingredients, compounding such a peevish and wayward Affection and Duty to the King, as could not be applied to the bearing any part, in the great Work the Marquess was incumbent to.

As soon as he heard of the Murther of the King, he proclaim'd our pre∣sent Sovereign, Charles the 2d. King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, at Carrick, the 16th. of Feb. 1648.

And being (by a Clause in his late Commission from his Majesty) qua∣lified with special Power and Authority, to make no distinction (in dif∣ference of Judgement) betwixt any who should subject their Assistance to his Majesty's Service, he soon won the Scots to a compliance, though under the shackles of their Covenant, who immediately us'd the most fa∣vourable Arguments they could, to win Sir Charles Coot to their Party. And to that end, (from the Congregation of the Presbytery at Belfast, the 15th. of Feb. 1648.) they tempt him (by several Representations) with their Sence: To which, the 7th. of March ensuing, Sir Charles Coot, and the Council of War, (held at London-derry) return'd these Reasons, for their Dis-agreement.

First, We find no part of God's Word authorizing us, being but a Branch of a subordinate Kingdom, to declare against the Parliament of England, under whom we serve, who are the visible Authority of both Kingdoms, and against an Army, acting by their Power, before we re∣ceive from themselves a Declaration, and Grounds of those Proceedings, wherewith they are aspers'd.

Secondly, For the Covenant we have taken, on which your Represen∣tations seem to be grounded, we cannot find, we have sworn to act, ac∣cording to the Principles you now declare: For, in some things, if we admit of your Representation, we shall be necessitated to act, against what we have sworn unto in the Covenant. For,

The first Article, wherein we are bound to a preservation of the present Discipline in Scotland; we are in the same Article obliged, to a Reforma∣tion of the same in England and Ireland, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the best Reformed Churches, which (no doubt) the Parliament will in due time establish: In the interim, we are un-satisfied with any Power, that acts in this Case, without their Direction.

For what you speak in relation to the King's Person, we have yet no certainty out of England, concerning that Matter, and it is an action of so transcendent degree, that till we receive some positive Resolution con∣cerning it from England, we ought not to proceed in giving our Sence of it.

In the 5th. Article of the Covenant, we are sworn to endeavour the continuing the Kingdoms in Union, in which we desire your selves to be Judges, if the publishing of your Representations, be a probable way to observe the Oath.

In the 6th. Article, we are sworn to defend those joyn'd with us in this Covenant, and not to suffer our selves directly or indirectly to combine against them: Now, till we receive a full Declaration of their falling from those Principles of this Covenant, how can we with safety to our own

Consciences, declare a War against them, without breaking the Cove∣nant in this Particular?

In the next place, We find some things in your Representations, where∣in (as we conceive) you are not rightly informed.

First, In that you say, The Parliament hath broken the Covenant, in opposing the Presbyterial Government; which can no ways appear, since the same Government, by their appointment, is observ'd throughout England, and that the Covenant obligeth them to establish the Govern∣ment no further, than is agreeable to God's Word.

Secondly, You say, That you have deeply sworn in the first Article, to maintain the Church-Government, as it is in the Church of Scotland; which they have not sworn, the part of the Oath, for preservation of the Go∣vernment, relating only to the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Reformati∣on of Religion, to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland.

Thirdly, 'Tis affirmed, That the Power now governing in England, doth labour to establish by Law an universal toleration of all Religions; which yet was never done by them.

Lastly, The sad Consequences which will un-avoidably follow, if we pursue the Intention of the Representations, are these:

First, By declaring such an open War against the Parliament, we should deprive our selves of all Succours and Supplies out of England, which have been hitherto a great part of our subsistence.

Secondly, The pursuing of such a War, will un-avoidably sow such Di∣visions amongst us, who, in these Parts, are of such different Principles and Practices, that we shall soon become instruments of our own ruine.

Thirdly, It will compel us, for our own preservation, to joyn with the Rebels, or desert this Kingdom.

And lastly, It will, without any lawful Call, engage us in a War against an Army, who have, under God, been the instruments of redeem∣ing England out of thraldom, and was not long since acknowledged to have been so instrumental, in setling Scotland in the Peace and Quietness it now enjoyeth, and this at the Charge of England, as the Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland doth thankfully witness.

These things therefore being duely weighed, we desire you, in the fear of God, seriously to take this our Answer into your Considerations, and to remember on whom the guilt of innocent blood will fall, if you inforce a War; and to set before your eyes, the punishment from Hea∣ven, which hath still attended the Endeavours of all, who have deserted the Quarrel in this Kingdom, to engage against the Parliament of England. From visible Judgements, we are resolv'd, by God's assistance, to take so good warning, as we will not be guilty of destroying the Cause, we have so long labour'd into countenance for your Representations, till we be better satisfied in our Consciences, though we will not directly or in∣directly countenance any Sectaries or Schismaticks, who-ever is truely so called, contrary to our Solemn League and Covenant; but we will, to the utmost of our Endeavours, continue faithful in the prosecution of the Rebels in this Kingdom, and their Abettors, wherein we shall not doubt of the Blessing and Protection of the Almighty, upon our lawful and just Endeavours. And for furtherance hereof, we desire, in the last place,

that we should all declare against the Peace last made by the Lord Mar∣quess of Ormond, as that which will (if not protested against) ruine and destroy your Service of this Kingdom, against the Rebels.

Here it's evident, that Sir Charles Coot could by no ways be brought on; yet the Peace being settled, his Excellency endeavour'd to work over Lieutenant General Jones to his Party; to which end his Excellency vouchsafed to write to him many Letters from Thurles, the 27. of March, 1649. all answer'd without the least compliance on Jones's side. He, by his Reply the 31. of March, 1649. charging the fatal and inhumane Act* 64.3 (perpetrated on his Majesty) to his Excellency's arrival in Ireland, du∣ring the Treaty at Carisbrook, whereby the sincerity of that Treaty was question'd, occasionally (writes he) producing what thereupon followed; so as in conclusion he professed, That were there neither King or Parlia∣ment,* 64.4 he should yet stand firm to his Principles, to preserve the English Interest in Ireland, that being a Cause alien from what was acted in Eng∣land, Foraign to his Work and Trust, which if he should not perform; would not easily be expiated by a slender or lean Manifest: upon which no more Letters pass'd betwixt them; though the Lord Inchequin in June,* 64.5 from the Camp at Finglass, 1649. renewed the Attempt, and was an∣swer'd with the like Resolution, and some Reflections on his Lord∣ship.

About which time, Ireland came again to be seriously thought of by the Parliament, though hitherto it was (in some respects) made a Stale for several Designs then on foot. Jones was much confided in; but it was thought requisite, the weight of that Business should lye on other shoulders, not his; Cromwel therefore (about the 28 of March) was voted General of Ireland, Skippon (under the Title of Martial General) having refused the Command; and these ensuing Votes passed there∣upon.

• 1. That such Regiments as should be alloted for the Irish Service, should have their Arrears audited, stated, and Debentors given for their respective Services.
• 2. That visible Security should be given, so that any Friend (or other, being intrusted with a Debentor) might receive it at a time prescrib'd by the Parliament.
• 3. That those who go for Ireland, should be first satisfied for their Arrears, since 1645.
• 4. That out of the 120000 l. per mensem, for England and Ireland, three months Pay should be given to those that go.
• 5. That private Souldiers, and non-Commission-Officers, should re∣ceive 2 Months Pay of Arrears; and Commission-Officers, under a Cap∣tain, one Months Pay.
• 6. That Magazines for Provisions be settled at Bristol, Chester, Liverpool, Beaumaris, and Milford.
• 7. That a sufficient Squadron of Ships be appointed for the Irish Coast.
• 8. That Ships should be Victuall'd at Dublin, Liverpool, and Beau∣maris, and a Court of Admiralty should be erected at Dublin, to prevent their coming into England, to dispose of Prizes, and so neglect the Service.
• 9. That the Pay of the Officers and Souldiers, should be according to the Irish Establishment, onely the Officers to receive for the present, the same Pay as here.
• ...

• 10. That an Hospital for sick and maim'd Souldiers, should be erected at Dublin.
• 11. That the Parliaments Forces already in Ireland, and those then ready to go over, should be in one Army, and one Establishment.
• 12. That 5000 Quarters of bread-Corn, 200 Tun of Salt, 200 Tun of Cheese, should be transported with those who now go over.
• 13. A Competent Train of Artillery, with Arms, Ammunition, &c. should be sent, and a care to be taken to send over Recruits of Horse, as there should be occasion.
• Lastly, That there be Recruits of Horse, Foot, Arms, Saddles, &c. ready to supply the Service of Ireland, to be sent over, as need shall require.

Thus provided, Cromwel prepares for his Journey; though to accom∣modate him with an Army of 8000 Foot, and 4000 Horse, no small difference arose betwixt the Presbyterian and Independent at that time, undermining each other, the Levellers being pragmatick; He, however, carried over some of the discontented Persons on each side, finding them there work enough against a common Enemy: And so prepared for his Journey, 120000 l. being borrowed of the City, upon the Credit of the Ordinance of 90000 l. a month. In the interim, he gets Sir Theophilus Jones, (who was sent to the Parliament from his Brother) dispatch'd for Ireland with 1500 Quarters of Corn, and 10000 l. in Money, little enough to hearten the Souldiers, frequently then deserting the Parlia∣ment, and flying to the Marquess of Ormond; yea, the Regiment the Parliament (sent under Colonel Tuthil, being made up of Voluntiers, most of those engaged in Colchester Design) mutinied, being sent over without Money, Provisions, or Cloaths, thereby indangering the City more then the Marquess.

The Scots, in the interim, in a Remonstrance and Declaration, (to which, on the least Motive, they are naturally inclin'd) of the general Assembly of the Church of Scotland, concerning present and eminent dan∣ger, the 13th. of Febr. 1649. declared, amongst other things, as Grie∣vances, That the standing Armies in Ireland, under the Marquess of Or∣mond, the Lord Inchequin, and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro, forgetting all the horrible cruelty that was exercised by the Irish Rebels, upon many thousands of the English and Scottish Nations in that Land, have enter'd into a Peace and Association with them, that they may the more easily carry on the old Designs of the Popish, Prelatical, and Malig∣nant Party; and the Lords of Ards, and George Monro, have by treachery and oppression, brought the Province of Ulster, and Garrisons therein, under their Power and Commands; which urging (with much violence) afterwards produced a Declaration from the King, in dislike of the Peace, 1648. much insisted on by the Irish, and indeed (as you will hear) begat the grounds of a future distast.

So that whosoever will wisely revolve and consider this wilde Con∣juncture of Affairs, and that to the subduing the Power, Strength, and Wealth, of the Parliament, and the equal malice and headiness of Owen O Neal, and his Party (as much, or in truth, more contracted against the Confederate Irish, then the Kings Authority) and the forming and dis∣posing the useless, and unprofitable pretences of affection in the Scots,

and reducing them to obedience, the Marquess brought over with him neither Men nor Money, considerable, nor any advantage, but that of his own Person, Wisdom, and Reputation, and was now (upon the Peace) to constitute an Army, not only of several Nations, and Religi∣ons, and of such Passion, and Superciliousness in these Opinions, which flowed from their several Religions, but of such men, who had for a∣bout the space of eight years, prosecuted a sharp War against each other, with all the Circumstances of Animosities, Rapine, and Revenge; and who were now brought into this Reconciliation and Conjunction, rather by the wonderful Wisdom, and Dexterity of the Principal Commanders, then by their own Charity and Inclination; And that in the forming of this Army, he had not above 6 or 7 Officers, upon whose skill in Martial Affairs, and affection to him, he could with any confidence depend; but was to make use of very many, who were utterly unknown to him, and such who either had no experience in the War, or who had been alway in the War against him; I say, whosoever without passion considers all this, will rather wonder, that the Marquess did not sink under the weight* 64.6 of the first Attempt, nay, that he could proceed with success, in any one Enterprize, then that an Army so made up, should upon the first mis-ad∣venture be dissolv'd into jealousies and prejudices, amongst themselves; and that all confusions should follow, which naturally attend such Com∣positions.

As soon as the Peace was thus concluded, proclaim'd and accepted, the Lord Lieutenant took a survey of the Stores of Arms, Ammunition, and other Provisions necessary for the Army, which was to be brought together in the Spring, and found all very short of what he expected, and* 64.7 what was absolutely necessary to the Work, and ways for raising of Mo∣ney, with which all the rest was to be supplied, in no degree to be depend∣ed upon; The Cities, and Incorporate Towns, where, upon the matter all the Wealth was, having never submitted further to the General Assembly, then by declaring themselves to be of their Party; but like so many Common-Wealths, order'd all Contributions, and payments of Money, by their own Acts and Determinations; nor would upon the most Emer∣gent occasions, suffer any Money to be rais'd in any other proportion, or in any other manner, then best agreed with their Humours and Conveni∣encies. So that the Commissioners, advised and besought the Lord Lieutenant, to make a Journey in Person, to such of those Corporations, as were best able to assist him, and by his own Presence, Assistance, and Interest, endeavour to perswade them, to express that affection to the Peace, they had professed; And thereupon he went with a Competent number of the Commissioners, to Waterford, which gave 8000 l. and 3000 Barrels of Corn; and from thence he went to Limerick, and then to Gall∣way, and Kilkenny, from which several Places, he procured the Loan of more Money, Corn, and Ammunition, then the General Assembly had ever been able to do, for most of which last, he was forced to bar∣gain with Patrick Archer, and other Merchants, for a Supply thereof, engaging the Kings Customs, and the tenths of Prizes, for payment; and by this means, which cost him much labour and time, he found himself in a condition, to draw several Forces together; which he did about the beginning of May, having made the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General of the Army; the Earl of Castlehaven, Lieutenant-General of the Horse; and the Lord Taaff, Master of the Ordnance, at the General Randezvouz

at Cashol, whilst the Scots reduc'd Ulster, and Connaght; and it being thought fit, to lose as little time as might be, in marching towards Dublin, as soon as any considerable number of men were once together;* 64.8 he sent the Earl of Castlehaven with some Forces, to take in several Gar∣risons, which were possessed by Owen O Neal in the Queen's County, which was the way he intended to march, and so would have no Enemy in his Rear; And the Earl of Castlehaven, accordingly took the Fort of Maryborrough, and other Places in that County, and Athy, and Re∣ban, in the County of Kildare, whereby their passage was open for the further March.

Having thus began the Campania, the Lord Lieutenant appointed a* 64.9 General Randezvouz for the whole Army, at Cloghgrenan, alias Glaugh∣grenan, an house of his upon the River Barrow, near the Castle of Ca∣terlaugh, where he made a Conjunction of all the Forces, Protestant and Irish; Who by the Wisdom and Temper of the Principal Officers, mingled well enough, and together about the end of May, made a Body, as (it's generally reported) of 3700 Horse, and 14500 Foot, with a Train of Artillery, consisting of four Pieces of Cannon; But when they were thus met, all the Money which could be rais'd by the Com∣missioners, or which had been rais'd by the Corporate Towns, was so near spent in drawing the Forces out of their Quarters, and in those short Expeditions into the Queen's County, and County of Kildare, that they could not have advanced in their March, if the Lord Lieutenant had not upon his own Private Credit, borrowed 800 l. of Sir James Preston, by means whereof, he gave the Common Souldiers four days Pay; and so about the beginning of June, marched from Cloghgrenan, and the same Evening, appear'd before Talbots Town, a strong Garrison of the Enemies, which together with Castle Talbot, two miles distant from the other, was within 3 days surrendred to the Marquess, upon promise of Quarter, which they had; and then he march'd to Kildare, which Town was likewise surrendred unto him; as were Castle Sallogh, and Castle Carby, at Kildare; He was compelled to stay 3 or 4 days, both for want of Provision, and for a Recruit of 2000 Foot, which by the Lord Inchequin's Care and Diligence, was then upon their March, and being join'd, he was in hope by a suddain and speedy Motion, to have engaged Jones, (who at that time, viz. 12. of June, was march'd from Dublin, as far as Johnstown, with his Army, consisting of 1000 Horse, and 3000 Foot,) and so having encouraged his Souldiers with 3 days Pay, (which he was likewise compelled to borrow on his Credit, out of the Pockets of Persons of Quality, attending on him, and of the Officers of the Army) he passed the River of Lifly; and Jones having upon intelligence of his Motion, in great disorder rais'd his Camp, and retir'd into Dublin; after that Major Cadogan, by his Command, had done notable and severe Service about Tecroghan, burning the Countrey, not in 5 years before Visited, and had beaten a part of the Marquess's Forces, though he got not so much by his Victory (though considerable) as Jones afterwards lost by Treachery, the Garrison of Allan being de∣livered up for 200 l. The Marquess encamped his whole Army at the Naas, twelve miles from Dublin, that he might maturely deliberate what was next to be undertaken, being now the middle of June.

That which appeared worthy of debate was, whether the Army should first make an Attempt upon Dublin, in which it was believ'd

there were very many both Officers and Souldiers, and other Persons of Quality, well affected to the Kings service, and who had formerly served under the Marquess, and esteem'd him accordingly, who might make that work more easy; Or whether the Army should be first imployed in the taking in of Trim, Tredagh, and other out-Garrisons, from whence the City receiv'd much Provisions of all kinds, and from whence Provisions to the Army would be cut off, and much other prejudice might arise. But upon full consideration, the Council of War, which consisted of the General Officers, inclined to the former; concluding,* 64.10 that if they could take Dublin, all other places would quickly fall into their hands; and if they should delay it, and waste their Provisions in those lesser Attempts, there might probably arrive out of England, such supplies of Men, Money, and other necessaries to Jones, which were daily expected▪ as might render that important work almost impossible: Hereupon, the Lord Lieutenant marched the very next morning toward Dublin, and that afternoon, re-passed the whole over the River of Liffy, by the Bridge of Lucan, and encamped near that place, to rest his men a few hours: He marched very early in the morning, being the 19th. of June, and appear'd by nine of the Clock at a place called Castleknock, in view of the City; and hearing that Jones had drawn out all his Horse into the Green, not far from the Walls, he sent a Party of Horse and Musketiers to face them, while he drew his whole Body, within less then Cannon-shot of their Gates, hoping thereby to give some countenance to those in the Town, to raise some Commotion therein;* 64.11 and having spent some part of the day in this posture and expectation, after some slight skirmishes between the Horse, writes one; others say considerable, where the Earl of Clanrickards Regiment of Horse was sorely beaten, though they ralli'd twice; He found it necessary to draw off, and encamped that night at a place two miles from the Town, called Finglas, whither great multitudes of Roman Catholicks, whereof most were aged Men, Women, and Children, whom Jones had turned out of the City, repair'd to him, whom he sent with all due Order, for their Reception, into Quarters adjacent.

The Marquess was no sooner in his Quarters, then he receiv'd sure intelligence, that Jones had sent his Horse to Tredagh, from whence they would have been able to have distressed his Army several ways, and to have interrupted Provision which came out of the Countrey, out of the Magazines, which were at least 30 miles distant; And several Officers were of opinion; upon the view they had taken that day of the Enemy, and the countenance they had observed of their own men, that they were not presently provided for a formal Siege, and as ill to attack the Town by a brisk attempt; and therefore he resolv'd to remain encamp'd at that place for some time, whereby he might take the advantage of any opportunity, that within the Town would administer unto him: and presently sent the Lord Inchequin, Lieutenant-General of the Army, with a strong Party of Horse, to pursue Jones his Horse, which were sent for* 64.12 Tredagh; which he did so successfully, that he surprized one whole Troop, and afterwards encountred Colonel Chidley Coot, in the head of 300 Horse, whereof he slew many, and routed the rest, who in great disorder fled to Tredagh. The Lord Inchequin presently sent advertisement of this success, and that he had reason to believe, that if he pursued this ad∣vantage, and attempt the Town, while this terror possessed that

Party, he should make himself Master of it; whereupon (in respect of the great importance of the Place, the reduction whereof would pro∣duce a secure correspondence with, and give encouragement to the Scots in Ulster, who made great professions (in which they were ever free) of Duty to the King, and had now under the conduct of the Lord Vis∣count Montgomery of Ards, driven Sir Charles Coot into the City of London-derry, and upon the matter beleagu'd him there) the Lord Lieu∣tenant by the advice of the Council of War, approved the Lord Inche∣quin's Design, and to that purpose sent him two Regiments of Foot, and two Pieces of Artillery, and such Ammunition and Materials, as could be spared; wherewith he proceeded so vigorously, that within 7 days, he compelled the besieged to yield to honourable Conditions, so reduced* 64.13 Tredagh to the Kings Obedience, after he had been twice beaten off; the Town having not above 600 Men, who had spent all their Ammuni∣tion, left to defend so large a circuit, some of which afterwards revolted to the Marquess; and Colonel Coot, with 150 Horse, and near 400 Foot, march'd to Dublin.

There was now very reasonable ground for hope, that the Parliaments Party would quickly find themselves in notable streights and distresses, when it was on a suddain discover'd, how very active and dexterous, the spirit of Rebellion is to reconcile and unite those, who were possessed by it, and how contrary soever their Principles and Ends seem to be, and contribute jointly to the opposing and oppressing that Lawful Power, they had both equally injured and provoked. The Parliament Party, who had heap'd so many Reproaches and Calumnies upon the King, for his Clemency to the Irish, who had founded their own Authority and Strength upon such foundations, as were inconsistent with any tolera∣tion of the Roman Catholick Religion, and some write (so bitter are their Pens) even with Humanity to the Irish Nation, and more especially to those of the old Native Extraction, the whole Race whereof they had (upon the matter) sworn to an utter extirpation; And Owen O Neal himself was of the most antient Sept, and whose Army consisted onely of such, who avowed no other cause for their first entrance into Rebellion, but Matter of Religion; and that the Power of the Parlia∣ment, was like to be so great and prevalent, that the King himself would not be able to extend his Favours and Mercy towards them, which they seem'd to be confident, he was (in his gracious disposition) in∣clined to express; and therefore professed to take up Arms against the exorbitant Power onely of them, and to retain hearts full of Devotion and Duty to his Majesty; and who at present, by the under-hand and se∣cret Treaties with the Lord Lieutenant, seem'd more irreconcilable to the Proceedings of the General Assembly, and to the Persons of those whom he thought govern'd there, then to make any scruple of submitting to the Kings Authority, in the Person of the Marquess, to which and to whom, he protested all Duty and Reverence. These two so contrary and dis-agreeing Elements, had, I say, by the subtile and volatile spirit of Hypocrisy and Rebellion (the Arts of the time) found a way to in∣corporate together; and Owen O Neal had promised and contracted with* 64.14 the other, that he would compel the Lord Lieutenant to retire, and draw off his Army from about Dublin, by his invading those Parts of Leim∣ster, and Munster, with his Army, which yielded most, yea, all the Pro∣visions and subsistance to the Marquess, and which he presumed the Mar∣quess

would not suffer to be spoil'd and desolated by his Incursions: for the better doing whereof, and enabling him for this Expedition, Colonel Monk, Governor of Dundalk, (who was the second Person in Command, amongst the Parliaments Forces) had promised to deliver to him, out of the stores of that Garrison, a good quantity of Powder, Bullet, and Match, proportionable; for the fetching whereof, Owen O Neal had sent Farral (Lieutenant General of his Army) with a Party of 500 Foot, and 300 Horse. At that time Tredagh was taken by the Lord Inchequin; who, being there advertised of that new contracted friendship, resolved to give some interruption to it, and made so good hast, that with∣in few hours after Farral had receiv'd the Ammunition at Dundalk, he* 64.15 fell upon him, routed all his Horse, and of the 500 Foot, there were not 40 escaped, but were either slain, or taken Prisoners, and got all the Am∣munition, and with it so good an Account of the present state of Dun∣dalk, that he immediately engaged before it, and assisted by the Lord of Ards, (who a little before, had been chosen by the Presbyterian Mini∣sters, their Commander in Chief, thereby possessing himself of Carrigfer∣gus, and Belfast) in two days compelled Monk (who would else have* 64.16 been delivered up by his own Souldiers) to surrender the Place, where was a good Magazeen of Ammunition, Cloath, and other Necessaries for War; most of the Officers and Souldiers, with all alacrity engaging themselves in his Majesties service; though the Governor Shipt himself for England, and landing shortly after at Chester, he went immediately to Bristol, where Cromwel (the Parliaments Lord Lieutenant) was then to come for Ireland; who receiv'd him very courteously; but, af∣ter he had remain'd some days there, advised him to go up to the Par∣liament, to give them satisfaction, in the Cessation he had made with Owen Roe O-Neal, the 8th. of May, 1649. which he did; And the business of that Cessation being brought into the House, it was much resented; and after some debate, (more then ordinarily had on other occasions) several severe Votes passed against it; onely Colonel Monk, being conceived to have made it out of a good intent, for preserving the Interest of the Parliament, was held to be clear, and not thought fit hereafter to be question'd: But this was taken as a fair way of laying him* 64.17 aside; whereupon Colonel Monk retir'd to his own Estate, unhappy onely in being the Instrument of their preservation, who were not sensible of his Merits.

And now that all Parties might be kept entire, the Marquess of Or∣mond publishes a Declaration, upon Instructions from the King, design'd purposely for Ulster.

AFter my hearty Commendations, upon some Representations, that have been lately made unto us, we have thought fit, to send you down the ensuing Instructions:

First, That so far as your Power extends, you cause every Person, with∣out distinction, who have submitted to his Majesties Authority, and to the Peace of this Kingdom, to be put into the actual possession of his Estate, he paying, and contributing to the maintenance of the Army, and necessary burdens of the Countrey, proportionable to the rest of his Neigbours.

2. That you cause the Articles of War to be put in execution, amongst all the Forces under your Command, whereof we send you down herewithall a Copy.

3. Whereas it is well known to belong to us, as General of the Army, in this Kingdom under his Majesty, to dispose of all Military Offices and Com∣mands, whether in Chief or Subordinate, which Right we cannot in Ho∣nour suffer to be lost from the Sword; and whereas some Commissions lately have been Procured, giving Power to other Commanders, to name and place all sorts of Military Officers, under the respective Commands; in which Commissions nevertheless, and much more in the Instructions, there is an express reference to us, and to our Approbation, from which they are to re∣ceive their validity. We do therefore Order and Declare our Pleasure there∣by, That no Commander whatsoever, within the Province of Ulster, do assume to themselves, the nomination of Military Officers, as Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, Cornets, or Ensigns, upon pre∣tence of any late Commission, but leave them to our discretion, as in this Kingdom hath ever been accustomed.

4. If any Person shall speak or act to the prejudice of his Majesties Authority, or Affairs, let him upon proof be forthwith Imprisoned, and his Estate secured, and an Information sent up to us of the nature of his Crime, that we may give further Order therein. And if any Ecclesiasti∣cal Person in his Prayer or Sermon, shall presume to exercise the People to Sedition or Disobedience, or shall intermeddle in Pulpit or Consistory with the managery of Civil Affairs, or shall derogate from the present Go∣vernment or Governours of this Kingdom, or shall teach, that his Majesty is not to be admitted to the possession of his Crown, until he hath given sa∣tisfaction to his Subjects, or until he have taken such Oaths and Covenants, as are impos'd upon him, without his Consent, without Law, contrary to the Dictates of his own Conscience; upon proof thereof, without further Circumstance, let his Estate be confiscated to the use of the Army, and himself be either imprisoned, or banished, or tryed for his Life, as the Enemy shall deserve.

5. If there be any Person whose Loyalty is suspected, let the Chief in Command upon the Place, administer unto him the Oath of Allegiance; and if he refuse it, let them secure both his Person and Estate, and send up an information to us, that we may cause proofs to be made against him.

6. Although we cannot now take notice of the Scotch Army in this King∣dom, or of any, distinct from that which is committed into our hands by his Majesty; we expecting a joynt obedience of all Forces, English, Scotch, and Irish, indifferently, as branches of the Army under our Command; yet in respect your old Quarters are straightn'd by the Garrison of Belfast, by our very good Lord, the Lord Vicount Montgomery of the Ards; we are well pleased in lieu thereof, to assign unto you for the enlargement of your Quarters, so much of the Countreys of Antrim, as was possessed or enjoyed by Sir John Clotworthie's Regiment, now disbanded of them∣selves; and because we cannot but judge, that this dissolution of them pro∣ceeds from the aversness to his Majesties Service, and therefore we require that none of them be admitted into any Troops, as Horsemen, or Dra∣gooners.

7. For Answer to your other Proposition; if any Postage shall be sent down from them, or from the other Provinces of the Kingdom, into Ulster, for his Majesties Service upon any occasion: it is our Pleasure, they have their Quarter and Provision for the present in these Quarters, through which they pass; but the whole Province of Ulster is to contribute propor∣tionably towards the Charge.

8. Let the Siege of Derry be prosecuted by the common advice of the Lord Vicount Mountgomery of Ardes, Robert Stewart, Sir George Mon∣ro, and Colonel Audley Meryin.

9. We desire the said four Persons last mention'd likewise to consider and certifie, what fit Augmentation of Quarter and further Provision, may be as∣sign'd to the Regiment and Troops of Esteline without prejudice, or with the least prejudice to any other of his Majesties Forces.

ORMOND.

Upon the Lord Inchiquin's success at Dundalk, the lesser Garrisons of Newry, Narrow-water, Green-Castle, and Carlingford, were easily sub∣jected; and the Lord Inchiquin, in his return, being appointed to visit the Town of Trim, the onely Garrison left to the Parliamentarians in those parts, except Dublin, in two days after he had besieged it, he made himself* 65.1 Master of it, and so return'd with his Party (not impair'd by the Ser∣vice) to the Lord Lieutenant in his Camp at Finglass. Owen O Neil still continued his affection to the Parliamentarians; and when he found that his design of drawing the Marquis of Ormond's Army from Dublin could not prevail, he hastned into Ulster, and upon the payment of 2000 l. in* 65.2 money, some Ammunition, and about 2000 Cows, he rais'd the Siege of London-derry the 8th. of August, the onely considerable Place in that Pro∣vince, which held for the Parliament under Sir Charles Coot, and which was even then reduc'd to the last extremity, by the Lord Viscount Mount∣gomery of Ardes, Sir George Monro, Sir Robert Stewart, Colonel Audley Mervin, and others, and must in few days have submitted to the Kings Authority, if it had not (in that manner) been relieved by the Irish under O Neil, with whom Colonel Richard Coal, in the behalf of Sir Charles Coot (Lord President of Connaght) had made Articles of Cessation, (as Colonel Monk had done before) on the grounds of necessity, the 22. of May, 1649. the benefit of which he acquainted the State with, desiring that the Propositions presented by him might be accepted; which was thought by them a demand so extravagant, and of such dangerous con∣sequence* 65.3 to the whole Kingdom, as it was ill resented (Owen Roe and his Party having been first engaged in those horrid Massacres) and presently rejected: And though Sir Charles Coot was not censur'd, because it was presum'd he did it out of necessity; yet several Votes passed against him as to that Cessation, though he was continued in his Imployment; and having received the pleasure of the Parliament concerning the Cessa∣tion made by him with Owen Roe, presently acquainted him therewith, who, according to Articles betwixt them, did soon retire, and, as we shall see afterwards, came to an agreement with the Marquis of Or∣mond, finding he could not by any means (he could use) draw himself or his Party to be accepted of by the Parliament, an attempt he earnestly solicited, engaging to maintain their Interest with the hazard of his Life and Fortune against all opposers whatsoever; with whom joyn'd the Lords, Gentry, and Commons of the Confederate Catholicks of Ulster: though many were of opinion, that all that was done both by Sir Charles Coot and Colonel Monk, was transacted by the privity (if not consent) of the Grandees in England; but the Grounds to fasten this upon them could never be found, though the business hath been narrowly search'd

into: Known it was, that there was a Person sent over, and many Overtures made by a Priest O Rely to the Committee of Derby-house, but with whatreception, the certainty yet remains in the Clouds. However, Sir Charles Coot having by this means delivered himself from the strait∣ness of a Siege, and having received some new supplies of Men and Provisionsout of England, (Colonel Hunks being sent from Cromwel with Forces to his Relief) presently marched out, and clear'd the Countrey about him; and afterwards in October got such a strength together, as he went to Colerain, and took in that Town by Anslat, and so went on to the Siege of Carigfergus. However, he so resents the Parliaments slow supplies, as (in June this year) there is exhibited his complaint, truly a sad one, in reference to their neglect, and in conclusion desires either to be suppli'd answerable to his condition, or to be discharg'd from his Em∣ployment.

But to look backwards. All the Places of Moment near Dublin being (as we have shew'd) reduc'd by the Marquis Ormond's Party, who on the* 65.4 24th. of July took a view of his whole Army, and found it to consist of no less than 7000 Foot and about 4000 Horse, others write more; which though a good Force, was not equal to the work of forming a Re∣gular Siege of so large and populous a City as Dublin, and as unfit to storm it; therefore it was resolv'd still to continue the former design of strait∣ning it, until the necessities within abated the obstinacy of that Peo∣ple; for the better doing whereof, the Lord Viscount Dillon of Costiloe, was appointed to remain still on the North-side of the Town, with a Body of 2000 Foot and 500 Horse, to block it up, having two or three small Places of strength to retire to upon occasion; and that the Sea (as far as his Power might extend) might not be unprovided, his Excellency granted Letters of Mart, the 6th. of July, signed by Secretary Lane, to Captain Joseph Containe of Waterford, and others. And then the Lord Lieutenant march'd with the remainder of the Army over the River of Liffy to the South-side, to a Place called Rathmines, where he resolved to Incamp, and from whence, by reason of the narrowness of the River, he might discourage an attempt of sending Relief into the Town by Sea from England. And in truth, if he had come time enough to have rais'd a Work upon the Point, some interruption might have been given to that Enterprise; but it pleased God, that that very same day (the 25th. of July) the Marquis marched thither, in sight of his Army; a strong gale of Wind from the East brought into Dublin Harbour Colonel Rey∣nolds,* 65.5 Colonel Hunks, and Colonel Venables, with a good supply of Horse, viz. 600, and 1500 Foot, Money, and all other necessaries where∣of the Garrison stood in need, which marvellously exalted the spirits of those, who were devoted to the obedience of the Parliament, and de∣pressed the minds of them, who watched all opportunities of doing ser∣vice to the King. There were then in Dublin 5000 Soldiers, besides In∣habitants. However, the Marquis pursued his resolution, and encamped that night at Rathmines, and the next day made himself strong there, till, upon information, he was sure to receive an account of the state and condition of the Enemy, that he might better conclude what was next to be done.

There were many men within the City who found means to send the Marquis still advertisement of what was necessary for him to know, & some Ships (which brought Supplies for the Parliaments Forces there) brought

likewise intelligence from those that wished well to the Kings service, un∣to the Lord Lieutenant, and unto other Persons of Honour that were with him, and from several Persons of known Integrity, and who were like enough to know what was transacted in the Councils of the Parlia∣ments Party: It was informed, that this Supply, which was already land∣ed at Dublin, was all that was intended for that Place, and believed it to be sufficient to defend it against any Army the Marquis could bring to attaque it; and that Cromwel (who was known to be ready in England to Em∣barque with a great Army) meant to land in Munster, a Countrey but late∣ly fall'n from their Devotion, and where there were still many inclined* 65.6 to him, and thereby to compel the Lord Lieutenant to rise from Dublin. And it is very true, that at that time Cromwel was resolv'd to have pro∣ceeded in that manner, after he had with much seeming difficulty been brought to accept of the Place, the Presbyterians laying Wagers he would never come, and the Independents sought to divert him from it by their unexpected Mutinies, on a Tenent, That all were to enjoy their own Prin∣ciples. Yet upon this joynt intelligence of Cromwel's advance (for it came from some Persons to the Lord Lieutenant, and from others to the Lord Inchiquin) it was, upon consultation with the General Officers, con∣cluded absolutely necessary, that the Lord Inchiquin, being Lord President* 65.7 of Munster, should immediately, with a strong Party of Horse, repair into that Province, whereby at least the Garrisons there might be supported against any sudden attempt of the Enemy, if they should land there; and that, the Army being thus weakned by the Quality, as well as the Number of this Party, who were the best Horse of the Body, the Lord Lieutenant should retire to Drumnagh, being a Quarter of greater strength and security than that of Rathmines was, or could be made, and was at such distance, as might as well block up the Enemy as the other; and from thence, an interrupted Communication might be held with that Party, which encamp'd on the North side of the River. And upon this Conclusion, the Lord Inchiquin departed towards Munster. When it was known that his Excellency was to retire, the Officers and Soldiers expressed much trouble, and seem'd to believe the reducing of the Town not to be a matter of that difficulty as was pretended, if they could hinder the Parliamentarians Horse from grasing in the Meadows near the Walls, (which was the onely Place they were possessed of to that purpose) they could not be able to subsist five days; and it would be in their power to take that benefit from them, if they possess'd themselves of the Castle of Baggatrath, very near adjoyning to that Pa∣sture, which was already so strong, that in one night it might be made sufficiently fortifi'd. And this discourse (which was not indeed unrea∣sonable) got so much credit, that the Council of War intreated the Mar∣quis to decline his former resolution of retiring to Drumnagh, the Earl of Castlehaven, General Preston, Sir Arthur Aston, and Major General Purcel, having viewed Baggatrath, and assured the Lord Lieutenant, that it might be possess'd and sufficiently fortifi'd in one night.

It is no wonder that in an Army thus constituted and composed, the Marquis thought not fit, by his Authority, to restrain it from pursuing an Enterprise of so much Gallantry, and which had so much possibility of suc∣cess: and indeed, he still retain'd some hope of advantage by the affe∣ction of that City, and that (even in these last Supplies that were sent over) there were many that laid hold of that opportunity to transport

themselves, for the advancement of the Kings service, and with purpose quickly to change their Masters, so that he was contented to recede from his former resolution, and on the first of August at night sent a strong Par∣ty, viz. 1500 Foot, under Major General Purcel, to possess themselves* 65.8 of Baggatrath, with Engineers, and such other Materials as were ne∣cessary to fortifie it: and because he concluded, that the Enemy would immediately discover what they were doing, and would use their ut∣most endeavours to prevent the execution of a Design, which would bring such irreparable damage to them, he gave strict order for draw∣ing the whole Army in Battalia, and commanded, that they should stand in Arms all that night, himself continuing in the Field on Hors∣back till morning; as soon as it was day, he went to visit the Place that was to be fortifi'd, which he found not in that condition he expe∣cted; the Officer * 65.9 excusing himself, by having been misguided in the night, so that it was very late before he arrived there, though it was not an English mile distant from the Camp; wherewith the Marquis being unsatisfi'd, displac'd the Officer who commanded the Party, and put an∣other of good Name and Reputation into the Charge, and appointed him to make his men to work hard, since it appear'd, that in four or five hours it might be so well fortifi'd, that they need fear no attempt from the Town; and that they might be sure to enjoy so much time, he com∣manded the Army to remain in the same posture they had been all night; and about 9 of the Clock, seeing no appearance of any Sally from the Town, which he had so long expected, he went to his Tent to refresh him∣self with a little rest, which he had not obtain'd for the space of an hour, when he was awaken'd by an Alarm from the Enemy, and putting him∣self immediately upon his Horse, quickly found, that his Officers and Lieutenant General Preston had not been so punctual in their Duty as they ought to have been, but had quitted their Posts (out of an unhappy* 65.10 confidence, that the Besieged would not adventure, at that time of the day, to make any Sally) as soon as the Marquis went to repose himself; so that a strong Party out of the Town, about 10 of the clock in the morning, the 2d. of August, 1649. march'd directly to Baggatrath, and (with less opposition than ought to have been made) beat, roated, and dispers'd the Party that possess'd it; who, finding their Horse not so rea∣dy to assist them as they expected, quitted the Place with all imaginable confusion; which encourag'd Jones's Party (who were seconded imme∣diately by the whole Power in Dublin) to advance further towards the Army (which they discern'd to be in high disorder) than at their com∣ing out they intended. The Lord Lieutenant used all means to put the Horse in order, sending the Lord Taaff to command the Foot: But Sir William Vaughan (Commissary General of the Horse) being in the first Charge killed, they who followed him were immediately routed, not∣withstanding that the Forces from Dublin march'd onely in single Troops and Companies, having not time to draw together in Battalia; where∣upon so great a consternation seiz'd upon the spirits of all the rest, that the Marquis could prevail with none to stand with him, but the Regi∣ments of his Brother, Colonel Butler and Colonel Grady, some write Miles Reylye, with which he charged the Enemy, wherein (Colonel Grady be∣ing slain, and his Brother sore wounded and taken Prisoner) that Body was entirely broken; and from that time, it was not in his power, by all the means he could use, to rally any Party of Horse, and to make them

so much as stand by him; so that (when he was environ'd by the Ene∣my, attended with very few of his own Servants, and two or three Gen∣tlemen) he was forced to make his way through them, and to quit the Field; when a small Body of Foot, under Colonel Gifford (which still kept the ground, and valiantly defended themselves) finding that they were deserted by their Horse, were compelled to surrender their Arms to Jones; the Lord Taaff making his own way so prosperously, that he got to the North-side, where he found that Body (composed of the Lord Dillons, Sir Thomas Armstrongs, the Lord Moores, and Lieutenant Co∣lonel Purdons Regiments of Horse; Colonel Warrens, Colonel Walles; and Colonel Mich. Byrns Regiments of Foot) which had been left at Finglass in Arms, and which had not seen the Enemy that day; upon which, the Lord Taaff us'd all possible endeavours to perswade them to attempt a Recovery of what was lost, which, in so great disorder of the Enemy (which such success usually produceth) was not reasonably to be despaired of: But the apprehension, jealousies, fright and terrour, was so universal, that he could not incline them to it, nor to do more than (and that in great confusion) to provide for their own security: Whilst the Marquis directed his Letters to them, ordering therein the one half of them to go to Tredath, and the other half to Trym, for the security of those Places, whilst himself went to Kilkenny to rally what he could of the Army, and to raise what new Forces he should be able. This was the unhappy, and indeed fatal Defeat at Rathmines, by the Bishops at Jamestown, 1650, thought so improvident and unfortunate, as nothing happen'd in Christianity more shameful. Yet in his Excellencies Letter from Kilcolgan the 2d. of December, 1650. to the Assembly at Loghreogh so Answer'd, as hitherto no Reply hath been attempted. The news of which, and the consequences thereof, was receiv'd and pro∣claim'd (writes Walsh, fol. 583.) with much gladness and excess of ioy in Rome, as that which made for the Nuncio's Party. It was the first and onely loss that fell upon any Army or Party of which the Marquis had the Name and Title, (and here he had no more than the name) of the Supreme Commander, and these the whole Circumstances of it. In this Battel were slain on the place, and in the Chace, about 4000. and 2517 taken Prisoners, and two whole Cannon, three Demi-cannon, one long square Gun carrying a Ball of 12 Pound, one Saker-drake, one Mortar∣piece, all these Brass; besides 200 Draught-Oxen for the Train, and the richest Camp of Commodities an Enemy could well be Master of. But not to speak further of the sad misfortune of this great Commander, than whom, no man was more justly magnified for his Courage, con∣fided in for his Loyalty, relyed on for his Wisdom, trusted in for his Care to prevent ill Accidents, and Dexterity to take advantages; he was indeed looked upon as the Restaurator of his Countrey, and as the onely Person, by whose management of the Irish War, the injur'd King was like to arise out of his Fathers ruines to the Glory and Greatness he was born to; though upon this Defeat, those (whose Crimes were no otherwise to be veil'd than by this misfortune) cast the miscarriage thereof solely upon him; a Fate incident to great Men, to be extremely magnifi'd on Success, and upon any notable Disaster to be as much depress'd, and per∣adventure neither justly.

Soon after this Defeat, Jones was writ to by his Excellence, to have a List of the Prisoners he had taken from him. To whom it was repli'd,

My Lord, since I routed your Army, I cannot have the happiness to know where you are, that I may wait upon you.

Michael Jones.

This Defeat at Rathmines alter'd the result of Counsels at Court, till* 66.1 then very strong for his Majesties repair into Ireland, the Scots having given ill proofs of their Integrity and Faith: And certainly the Irish were at that time so disposed, as probably they would have submitted to his Majesty, what-ever afterwards might have been the result of their com∣pliance: And for the Parliament, they had at that time so inconsiderable a footing in Ireland, (possessing not a Garrison in Munster or Connaght, and in Ulster none but London-derry and the Fort of Culmore, as in Leim∣ster little but Dublin and Ballishannon) as his Majesties Presence (it was thought) would have wrought on some, reduced others, and brought in All.

When the Marquis (as we have said before) found the Consternation* 66.2 to be so great in his Soldiers, as they could not be contain'd from dis∣persing, and had sent Orders to those on Finglass-side to march to Tre∣dagh and Trim, for the strengthning of those Garrisons, which he believ'd Jones might, upon the pride of his late success, be inclined to attack; whilst himself went to Kilkenny, as the fittest Rendezvous to which he might rally his broken and scattered Forces, and from whence he might best give Orders and Directions for the making of new Levies: And in his March thither, the very next day after the Defeat at Rathmines, he made an halt, with those few Horse he had rallied together, and sum∣mon'd the strong Fort of Ballishannon, which he had before left blocked up by a Party of Horse and Foot, and (having found means to perswade the Governour to believe that Dublin had been surrendred, and that his Army was returning) he got that important Place into his hands, with∣out which Stratagem, Jones would have pursued his Conquest even to Kilkenny it self, which he had found in a very ill condition to defend it self: For in a whole weeks time after the Marquis's coming to Kilkenny,* 66.3 he could draw together but 300 Horse, with which he found it necessa∣ry that day sevennight after the Defeat, to march in Person to the re∣lief of Tredath, which was besieged by Jones, and defended by the Lord Moor; but upon the approach of the Marquis no nearer than Trim, the Siege was rais'd, and Jones return'd to Dublin, and his Lordship entred Tredath, whether he resolved to draw his Army as soon as might be, and issued out his Orders accordingly, hoping in short-time, (if no other misfortune intervened) to get a Body of Men together able to restrain those of Dublin, from making any great advantage of their late Victory: But he had been there very few days, when he received sure advertise∣ment, that Cromwel himself was landed with a great Army of Horse and* 66.4 Foot, and with vast Supplies of all kinds, at Dublin, where he arriv'd with∣in less than a fortnight, (viz. on or about the 15th. of August) after the unfortunate Defeat at Rathmines.

The Scene being now alter'd, and the War the Lord Lieutenant was to make could be onely Defensive, until the Parliamentarians should meet with a Check in some Enterprise; and his own Men by Rest, Discipline, and Exercise of their Arms, might again recover their Spirits, and for∣get the fears they had contracted of the Enemy. He in the first place there∣fore took care to repair the Works and Fortifications of Tredath, as well

as in so short a time could be done, and got as much Provision into the Town as was possible; and then with a full approbation of all the Com∣missioners, he made choice of Sir Arthur Aston, a Roman Catholick, and a Soldier of very great Experience and Reputation, (one at Reading and Oxford formerly confided in by his Majesty, a Gentleman of an An∣cient and yet flourishing Family in Cheshire) to be Governour thereof, and put a Garrison into it of 2000 Foot, and a good Regiment of Horse, all choice Men, and good Soldiers, with very many Gentlemen and Officers of good Name and Account, and supplied it with Ammunition and all other Provisions, as well as the Governour himself desired; and having done so, he marched with his Horse and small remainder of Foot to Trim, from whence he had sent to the Lord Inchiquin to bring up as many Men to Tecroghan the Rendezvous as he could out of Munster; now the apprehension of Cromwel's Landing there was over, and endeavour'd from all parts to recruit his Army, hoping (that before the Parliamen∣tarians could be able to reduce any of his Garrisons) he might be em∣powered to take the Field.

The 24th. of August, 1649. the Commons assembled in Parliament set forth a Declaration, declaring all Persons who had served the Parlia∣ment of England in Ireland, and had betrayed their Trust, or adhered to, or aided and assisted his late Majesty, or his Son, to be Traitors and Rebels, and accordingly to be proceeded against by a Court-Marshal; where∣by some were Sentenc'd, others sent into England, some Imprison'd there, and many disbanded, though they had serv'd against the Rebels from the first Discovery.

Upon Friday the 30th. of August, Cromwel marched out of Dublin, (having setled the Affairs of that City, Civil and Military, instituting Sir Theophilus Jones Governour in his absence) with an Army of 9 or 10000 Men, (chosen out of the General Muster, where appear'd a com∣pleat Body of 15000 Horse and Foot) came before Tredath, Monday the 2d. of September; of which the Marquess of Ormond was no sooner ad∣vertiz'd, than he came to Trim, to watch all opportunities to infest the Enemies Quarters; and having full confidence in the Town, and in the Experience of Sir Arthur Aston, (who had sent him several Advices to precipitate nothing, for that he doubted not to find Cromwel play a while) the goodness and number of the Garrison being such, that Cromwel would not be able to get the Town by any Assault: But here again he found his expectations disappointed, for the Enemy resolv'd not to lose their time in a Siege; and therefore as soon as they had sent their Summons the 9th. of September, and it was rejected, they made a Breach the next day with their Cannon, and storm'd the Place; and though they were for some time stoutly resisted, and twice beaten off, yet at the third Onset* 66.5 (led by Cromwel) they enter'd, and pursu'd their Victory with so much cruelty, that they put the whole Garrison in Arms to the Sword, not sparing those upon second thoughts, to whom (in the heat of the Action) some of Cromwel's under-Officers promised and gave Quarter; a crime, writes one (then in the Action) themselves were most guilty of, they again resuming Arms when they had engaged to lay them down: So that, except some few who (during the time of the Assault) escaped at the other side of the Town, and others, who mingling with the Rebels as their own men, disguised themselves, that they were not discovered, there was not an Officer, Soldier, or Religious Person be∣longing

to that Garrison left alive, besides those (after Decimation) sent to Barbadoes; and all this within the space of nine days after the Ene∣my appear'd before the Walls; and when very many Royalists as well as Irish were glad that they were engaged before the Place, that was likely to be so well defended, and to stop their further progress for that season of the year.

This indeed was a much greater Blow than that at Rathmines, and totally destroy'd and massacred a Body of near 3000 Men, with which, in respect of Experience, and Courage of the Officers, and Goodness and Fidelity of the common Men, the Marquis would have been glad to have found himself engaged in the Field with the Enemy, though upon some disadvantages: And he had not now left with him above 700 Horse and 1500 Foot, whereof some were of suspected Faith, and many new rais'd men: And though the Lord Inchiquin was ready to march towards him with a good Party of Horse and Foot, and the Lord Viscount of Ardes with the like of Scots; yet he had neither Money to give them one days Pay, or Provision to keep them together for 24 hours: The Commissioners were either dispersed, or their Orders for collecting Mo∣ney not executed or regarded; and when in those straits the Lord Lieu∣tenant issued out Warrants for raising of Men and Money, they com∣plain'd of the breach of Articles of the Treaty, and talk'd amongst themselves of Treating with the Enemy. That which was most con∣ciliable, and which all men saw was fittest to be practised, was, to put all their Men into Garrisons, and thereby secure the most considerable Places, and therewithall (Winter now approaching) to have prosecuted their Levies, and by good Discipline and Exercise of their Men, recover their Spirits against the Spring: But this was not at all in the Marquis's power to do, he was restrained by the Articles of the Treaty from ma∣king any new Garrison, and from changing any old Governours, with∣out the approbation of the Commissioners; and he and the Commissio∣ners together had not credit and power enough with the Chief Cities and Incorporate Towns, which were most worth keeping, and conse∣quently most like to be attempted by the Rebels, to force or perswade them to receive Garrisons. So Wexford, Waterford, Limerick and Gall∣way, the most considerable Ports of the Kingdom, declared, they would admit of no Soldiers; nor indeed did they further obey any other Or∣ders which were sent to them than they thought fit themselves. If this fa∣tal distemper and discomposure had not been discovered to be amongst them, it is not to be believed that Cromwel (what success soever he had met with) would have engaged his Army, which with being long at Sea, change of Air, and long Duty, was much weaken'd, and had contracted great sicknesses in the Sieges after the beginning of October; yet being encourag'd, and, in truth, drawn on by the knowledge of this humour and obstinacy of the Irish, against all Remedies that could preserve them, he withdrew his Forces from Tredagh, (having taken in first Trim, Dun∣dalk, Carlingford, Newry, and other smaller Garrisons thereabouts) and return'd to Dublin, having sent Colonel Venables down with some Forces to oppose George Monro, (who had a good Strength with him) and to relieve London-derry, but was not able to keep the Field: In his March, he was set upon in his Quarters by Colonel Trevor, who had 5 or 600 Horse with him, and gave him a desperate Attack; but the morning appearing, he was beaten out by Captain Meredith and his Troop, who

was appointed by Colonel Venables to charge him; this was upon his march towards Belfast, which was surrendred unto him upon Conditi∣ons from the Scots: And while he was here, he sent out a Party under Lieutenant Colonel Conally, who was encountred as he march'd to An∣trim by George Monro, and a good strength of Horse, and routed; Co∣nally was there slain by Colonel John Hamilton. Such are the Dispensa∣tions of the Almighty, as he did not live to receive the fruit of so great service as he had done to that Kingdom, in discovering the Plot. Moses saw the good Land, but never entred.

At Dublin Cromwel refresh'd his Soldiers a few days, and (intending to fish in troubled Waters) resolv'd presently to appear before Wexford; which the Marquis of Ormond suspecting, (upon Cromwel's return from Tredagh to Dublin) removed his Army from Castle Jordan down towards the Counties of Wexford and Kilkenny, there not onely to lie secure till Owen O Neil's Army should come up to him, (according to agreement, as you shall hereafter hear) but also ready to be drawn into either Wexford or Kilkenny, as there should be occasion. Cromwel (according to his resolution) the 27th. of September, march'd from Dublin; but be∣fore he march'd thence, (or presently after) he Cashiers the seven old Regiments which Jones had continued at Dublin, allowing the Colonels (for a little time) a small Pension, which he soon took off; though they were the first who (to that instant) had serv'd against the Rebels. And then he march'd towards Wexford through the County of Wickloe, (taking the People into protection, and not suffering the Soldiers in his Army to commit any spoil as he went, but to pay for all Provisions) in his march he took in several Castles and Garrisons, as Killingkerick, Arcklo, Little Limerick, Iniscorphen, alias Eniscorvy, Ferns Castle, and the Fort of Wexford * 66.6; and the first of October with his Army he sate down before Wexford, the Inhabitants whereof appear'd willing (under Colonel David Synnot their Governour) to make defence, albeit they had too long neglected the means thereof, and were at last (when part of the Enemies Army was lodged within half-Musquet-shot of their Walls) contented to receive an assistance of Men from the Lord Lieute∣nant, which (upon the first intimation) his Excellency hastned to them, of the choicest of those he had left, all Catholicks, (for that was still in∣sisted upon) under the Command of his Cousin Sir Edmond Butler, with near 1500 Men) who with some difficulty pass'd the River into* 66.7 that part of the Town which the Parliaments Army could not infest; but he had not been two hours in the Town, before Captain James Stafford, Governour of the Castle (whom the Lord Lieutenant would have remov'd from that Charge, not as being unfit for it, but because he was a Catholick, and had exercised that Charge during the time that the Confederates were in Arms against the King) gave up that Place to Cromwel, and took Conditions under him: Cromwel having thus gain'd the Castle, advanc'd his Flag upon the Castle, and turn'd the Guns against the Town; which the Townsmen perceiving, their hearts fail'd them, and the Soldiers in confusion quitted the Walls, not expecting the return of their Commissioners, who treating with Cromwel, had pro∣cured the safety of the Inhabitants of the Town, and the preservation of it from Plunder, as leave for the Soldiers to depart every one to their own homes, (they engaging not to bear Arms any more against the State of England) and lastly, of life to the Officers. Yet in great con∣sternation

(fear having surprized the Townsmen and Soldiers before their Commissioners return) they endeavour'd to pass over the Water for the safety of their lives: Which Cromwel's Soldiers perceiving, about 14. of October, presently clapt Scaling Ladders to the Walls, and entred the Town without any resistance, wherein all found in Arms were put to the Sword, to the number of 2000, amongst which was Sir Edmond Butler, endeavouring (when he discovered their Treachery) to escape, was killed, before he had been two hours in that City: Cromwel, in the interim not losing 20 men in the whole Siege, though (as you may see) Colonel David Synot, Governour of the Town and Castle of Wexford, had confidence by the Propositions he sent, (1.) That the Inhabitants of the Town should exercise (without disturbance) the Roman Catholick Re∣ligion. (2.) Their Religious Orders and Priests should enjoy their Mo∣nasteries and Churches. (3.) The Bishop Nicolus Ferns, and his Succes∣sors should have their undisturb'd Jurisdiction of their Diocess. (4.) Their Officers and Soldiers should march out with flying Colours, and the other punctilio's of Honour. (5.) Whosoever of the Inhabitants here∣after should desire to depart the Town, should have what-ever was theirs with them. (6.) That all Free-men should have their Immunities and Liberties hitherto enjoyed, they adhering to the State of England. (7.) None to be disturb'd in their Possession. (8.) Who-ever after∣wards should desire to depart, may have safe Conduct into England, or else-where. (9.) That all enjoy a full liberty of Free-born English Sub∣jects, in what Port soever they should Traffick in England. (10.) That no memory remain of any Hostility or distance betwixt the Parliament and those that kept the Town and Castle. All which, Cromwel account∣ing impudent, had no effect.

From this Torrent of Success and Corruption, no body will wonder, That Cromwel march'd thence without control, and took in Ross, a strong Town situate upon the Barrow, and far more considerable for Navigation than Wexford, the River admitting a Ship of 7 or 800 Tun to ride by the Walls; of this Place Major General Lucas Taaff was Governour, who had with him a strong Garrison, re-enforced by 1500 Men, even in the fight of Cromwel's Army, who (when he came before it) to save Blood, sent a Summons to the Town; which was answer'd suitable to his mind by the Governour: but the Great Guns sending in the next Summons, the Town was surrendred on condition the 19th. of October, That they within should march away with Bag and Baggage. Capi∣tulating for which, Taaff demanded Liberty of Conscience for such as should stay. To which Cromwel repli'd, That he medled not with any mans Conscience; but if by Liberty of Conscience was meant a Liberty to exercise the Mass, he judged it best to use plain dealing, and to let him know, where the Parliament of England had power, that will not be allowed.

The Marquis of Ormond, out of a too deep sense of the stupidity, nay* 66.8 madness and ingratitude of that People, (for whose Protection and De∣fence he had embarqu'd himself, his Fortunes, and his Honour) and whose jealousie and fond obstinacy, made the work of their own preser∣vation more difficult and impossible, than the Power of their Enemy could do, about this time desired nothing so much as an opportunity to fight Cromwel, and either to give some check to his swelling Fortune, or to perish (gloriously) in the action; and to that purpose drew all his

Friends to him, then about the Graige and Thomastown, with an intention to fight him, his Excellency's Army being exceedingly increas'd, by the conjunction of Inchiquin's and Owen Roe's Armies, had he not been divert∣ed by a false Alarm of the Enemy's, being gone as far as Bennets-bridge towards Kilkenny, whereby he was drawn thither for the defence of that City, otherwise he had engaged them before their getting to Car∣rick.

Ross being now in Cromwel's possession, he caus'd a Bridge of Boats to be made (under protection of the Town) over the River Barrow, and the Army to sit down before Duncannon, a strong Fort commanded by Colonel Wogan; but the Place being so well provided of all Necessaries, it was judged convenient not to lose time about it. And presently after Colonel Abbot reduced Enisteoge (a little wall'd Town, about 5 miles from Ross) to the Parliaments obedience. And about the same time, Colonel Reynolds, with 12 Troops of Horse, and 3 of Dragoons, march'd toward Carrick, having divided his Men into two parts; whilst the Be∣sieged* 66.9 were amused with the one Party, he enter'd a Gate with the other, taking the Place, and about 100 Prisoners, without the loss of one Man. But to look back.

From the time that the Peace was concluded at Kilkenny, the Lord Lieutenant well discerned the mischief he should sustain, by being to pro∣vide* 66.10 against the Attempts of General Owen O Neal, as well as against the English Forces, and that at least he could hope for no assistance from the Scots in Ulster, as long as they fear'd him. And therefore he sent Daniel O Neal, Nephew to the General, to perswade him to be included in the same Peace; but he was so un-satisfied with the Assembly, that he decla∣red he would have nothing to do with them, or be comprehended in any Peace they should make: But if the Marquess would consent to some Conditions he propos'd, he would willingly submit to the King's Autho∣rity in him. The Marquess was content to grant him his own Conditi∣ons, having indeed a great esteem of his Conduct, and knowing the Army under his Command to be better disciplined, than any other of the Irish. But the Commissioners of Trust would by no means consent to those Con∣ditions,* 66.11 whereby it is evident, (though these would be thought to ad∣here to the Marquess) that they had alien thoughts to his Majesty's Hap∣piness, and declared, if the Lord Lieutenant should proceed thereupon to an Agreement, it would be a direct breach of the Articles of Peace. And thereupon Owen O Neal made that Conjunction with Monk, as is before spoken of, and, about the very time of the Defeat at Rathmines, relieved Sir Charles Coot in London-derry, and thereby kept the King, from being entirely possessed of the Province of Ulster, which, but for that Action, would have been able to have sent strong Supplies of Men and Provisions, to the assistance of the Marquess. And it is well known, that while the Lord Lieutenant was in a hopeful condition to prevail against the Parlia∣ment, the Commissioners of Trust, and the principal Persons of Interest, had no mind to agree with General O Neal, out of animosity to his Person and Parts, and in confidence that the Work would be done without him: And others, who were of his Party, had as little mind that he should be drawn into a Conjunction with the Marquess, because they knew, if he was once engaged under him, they should no more be able to seduce him, to joyn with them in any Actions of Sedition. And upon these Reasons, the Persons, who were deputed by the Commissioners to treat with him,

and were known to have an Interest in him, on the one side perswaded Owen O Neal, that the Lord Lieutenant had broken the Articles of Peace, and that he could have no security, that what should be promised, should be performed to him; and on the other side informed the Marquess, that Owen O Neal insisted on such extravagant Propositions, that the Com∣missioners of Trust would never yield to them. But after the Arrival of Cromwel & his success against Tredagh, the Commissioners of Trust thought it high time to unite to him: And Owen O Neal himself discerned, how unsafe he should be, by the prevailing of the English Party, who, not∣withstanding the signal Service perform'd by him to them, had publickly dis-avowed the Agreement which their Officers had made with him. And thereupon, by the Interposition of Colonel Daniel O Neal, (at that time Governour of Trim) all Particulars were agreed betwixt the Lord Lieu∣tenant and him, the 12th. of October, 1649. with the Consent of the Commissioners of Trust; the management of which was committed to Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, and Sir Richard Barnwel Baronet, autho∣riz'd by the Lord Lieutenant, to conclude with General Owen O Neal, for whom there was the Bishop of Clogher, and Tirlagh O Boyle, who agreed in 18 Articles, about the time Cromwel was before Wexford: Insomuch that he promised to bring his Army within a few days, and joyn with the Lord Lieutenant, which (though himself lived not to accomplish, dy∣ing at Cloughoter-Castle, in the County of Cavan, about the beginning of* 66.12 December) was shortly after performed. So that about the time that Wexford was taken, the Lord Lieutenant was not without hope, by the advantage of a Pass, and by cutting off his Provisions, to have made Crom∣wel return to Dublin very hard, without losing a good part of his Army; when on a sudden, and all together, all the considerable Places in the Pro∣vince of Munster, as Cork, Toughal, Kinsale, Bandonbridge, Moyallo, and other Garrisons, revolted to the Parliament, and thereby gave them a* 66.13 safe Retreat, and free Passage, and necessary Provisions of all that they wanted, and Harbours for Ships, to bring all to them that they could desire.

The Lord Inchiquin being so totally betrayed by those Officers whom he trusted most, and had most obliged, and (that after he had in vain tryed to reduce them by force) he could not, without much difficulty, obtain the liberty and re-delivery of his Wife and Children to him, which when he had procur'd, he fled for safety into Thomond, to his Kin∣dred.

This Defection, in so fatal a Juncture of time, (when the straits Crom∣wel was in, by the Winter, and want of Provisions, had rais'd the Spirits of all Men, and when they looked upon themselves, as like to have at* 66.14 least some hopeful Encounter with him) was not a loss, or a blow, but a dissolution of the whole Frame of their Hopes and Designs, and intro∣duced a Spirit of Jealousie and Animosity in the Army, which no Dexterity or Interest of the Lord Lieutenant could extinguish or al∣lay.

From the first hour of the Peace, the English and Irish had not been without that prejudice towards each other, as gave the Marquess much trouble, and they were rather incorporated by their obedience and submis∣sion, to the Authority and Pleasure of their chief Commander, than uni∣ted by the same Inclinations and Affections, to any publick End. Inso∣much as before the Defeat at Rathmines, there were many of the Irish,

who much fear'd the swift success of the Army, and apprehended, the Lord Lieutenant's speedy reducing of Dublin, would give him such Power, and make him more absolute, than they desired to see him, and therefore were not sorry for that Mischief. On the other side, the English were much troubled, to see the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Marquess so restrain'd and limited by the Articles, and that the Army was neither re∣cruited, disciplined, nor provided, as it ought to be, solely by his want of Power; and they had a very low opinion of the Spirit and Courage of the Irish. But now upon this Defection in Munster, there was a Determi∣nation of all Confidence and Trust in each other; the Irish declaring, That they suspected all the English Nation, and made the Treachery of those, who so infamously had betrayed their Trust, an unreasonable Argument for jealousie, of those who remain'd in the Army, who being a handful of gallant Men, and of most un-shaken Fidelity to the King, were indeed, in respect of their Courage and Experience in the War, the Party to be principally de∣pended upon in any Action or Encounter, and of which the Enemy had only an apprehension.

Though the Season of the year, for it was now towards the end of No∣vember,* 66.15 and the Sickness that was in Cromwel's Army, made it high time to betake themselves to their Winter-Quarters, and such was their resolu∣tion; yet hearing of the gaining of Carrick, and of the present Distem∣per amongst those, who had the whole Strength the Lord Lieutenant was to trust to, and knowing all the Clergy had the full Dominion, in all in∣corporate Towns and Places of Importance, and would keep the People from submitting to those Expedients, which could only preserve them, he resolv'd to make an Attempt (with his Army, consisting of about 2000 Horse and 5000 Foot) upon Waterford, hoping to reduce that impor∣tant Place, before the Army should draw into Winter-Quarters, know∣ing well enough, that the Marquess could not keep the small Body he had together, many days, which was true: For he, having not Money to give them half a Weeks Pay, or Provision to serve half so long, was com∣pelled to suffer part of them, viz. the Scots, to go to their Quarters; who, upon the Plains of Lisnegarvy, (being joyn'd with Sir George Monro, to relieve Carickfergus) were, upon the 6th. of December, met with by Sir Charles Coot, who gave them such a blow, as they were afterwards ne∣ver able to make head in Ulster. However, the Marquess was resolv'd not to leave Waterford to the Enemy, though the Inhabitants had so ob∣stinately and disobediently refused to receive a Garrison, which would have prevented their present pressures; whereas they were now closely besieged to their Walls, on all that side of the Town which lay to Mun∣ster; the other being open, and to be reliev'd by the River Sure, which there severs Leimster and Munster, and washeth the Walls of the Town on that side. The Inhabitants seeing Destruction at their Door, abated so much of their former Madness, as to be willing to receive a Supply of Souldiers; yet under a condition, that they might be all of the old Irish of Ulster, who (under the Command of Owen O Neal) had long op∣pos'd the King's Authority, and were now newly joyn'd with the Mar∣quess, and in express terms refused any of their Neighbours and Kindred, the Confederate Irish Catholicks of Munster or Leimster, to the great of∣fence and scandal of that Part of the Nation, which had been as zealous for their Religion as any. However, since there was no other way to preserve them, the Lord Lieutenant was content to comply even with

that Humour; and so choosing a strong Party of near 1500 Men, and putting them under the Command of Lieutenant General Farral, who was the most acceptable to them, his Excellency himself march'd with them, and put them into the Town; which he had no sooner done, than Cromwel thought it convenient to raise his Siege, (having taken in Pas∣sage-Fort,* 66.16 within 2 miles of Waterford) and march'd to Dungarvan, de∣livered up the 3d. of December, where he found the Lord Broghal, who (partly by his own Interest, and the dis-affection in the Souldiers to the Lord Inchiquin) had gotten in all the Towns in Munster, that had for∣merly been under the Parliament: A Service most considerable, and such as was of very great advantage to Cromwel, who was now in great straits where to take up his Winter-Quarters, for his sick and distressed Regi∣ments, his Army, partly by sickness, partly by leaving Garrisons in the several Places he had taken in, being so much weakned and impair'd, so as he brought not, of all the Men he carried over with him, above 5000 Horse and Foot, to Dungarvan; where Colonel Jones, who sickned in* 66.17 his way thither, died, about the 18th. of December, 1649. of a Purple Fe∣ver; a Person certainly of much Gallantry, and one in the Discipline of the Army (whereof he was Lieutenant General) very exact, carrying his Victories oftner more by the dint of his Sword, than the number of his Men: And though he passes not, in the History of our Age, without some Reflections, as too obstinately adhering to Cromwel, whom he us'd to call, Companion in Labours, yet those who were intimate with him, had that certainty of his Worth, as nothing so much steer'd him in the Service of Ireland, as a just Reflection on the Murthers and Insolencies committed by the Irish on the Protestants, not otherwise to be pacified, than by a due Revenge: And had he surviv'd this Service, it is confidently believ'd, Cromwel (how well soever he spoke of him) would have found some Expedient to have laid him aside. Cromwel having thus gain'd Dun∣garvan, shortly after betook himself to his Winter-Quarters, garrisoning at Bandonbridge, Colonel Ewer, and his Regiment; at Kinsale, Colonel Stabber; at Cork, Colonel Phaier; and Colonel Cook at Wexford; and Youghal, and other adjacent Places, was assign'd the head-Quarters. Whilst the Marquess of Ormond, (sensible of what might be the product of so un-controul'd a Success, having left Waterford, in his thoughts full of the sence of the late benefit and preservation, which, by his vigilance, that City had receiv'd) in December, (a season much colder than usually had been observ'd in that Countrey) cast all ways imaginable to hinder the Enemy's future Attempt upon that Place, and to reduce Passage, Wex∣ford, and other Places, weakly▪ mann'd and provided by Cromwel. And accordingly he drew his Forces together, and, leaving them on the other* 66.18 side of the River Sure, himself with a Train only of 40 or 50 Horse, con∣sisting of his Friends and Servants, went into the Town, presuming he should be able to perswade them to submit to joyn, in whatsoever should manifestly appear for their own benefit or advantage. When he came into the Town, he found Lieutenant General Farral engaged in a Design to take Passage, a Place seized on by Cromwel, when he had retir'd from Waterford, and which was an in-convenient Neighbour to that City. Colonel Wogan (who had been seasonably sent by the Marquess into Dun∣cannon, even when the first Governour placed thereby the Confederate Catholicks, was ready to deliver it up to the Enemy, and who had with notable courage defended it against Cromwel, and in the end, after the

loss of a great number of his Men, compell'd him to retire) had agreed to meet Lieutenant General Farral, Commander of the Ulster Forces, at a Place and House appointed, and together to fall on Passage. Though the Marquess had not been informed of the contrivance of the Design, yet he knew well enough, what interpretation would be made of his Inter∣position, or Command, or Wariness, should he declare against it, there∣fore he was very willing it should proceed: The Matter was well laid, and carried with secrecy, being hopeful enough. Lieutenant General Farral had not been march'd from the Town many hours, when the Mar∣quess discovered (from some Place of prospect in the Town) a strong Party of Horse, marching in good order, the way that led to Passage, which belonging to the Enemy, made him conclude, that they had no∣tice of the Design. Whereupon he presently sent for the Maior of the Town, and shewing him the in-evitable danger their whole Party was in, (which was the only Srength against any Enterprize of the Enemy) if they were not instantly reliev'd, required him presently to send some Body over the Water, for the transporting (from the other side of the River) of a Regiment or two of Horse, with which he would himself endeavour to rescue them. How apparent soever the danger and mischief was, and how visible and natural soever the remedy, all the Commands and Entreaties he could use, could not prevail to get one Body, or their Consent, that any of his Horse should be suffered to march through the Town, without which they could not go to their Relief. When he had in vain tryed all the means he could invent, to convince and perswade them to so natural an Action, he caused all his Friends and Servants afore∣mention'd,* 66.19 to mount their Horses, and with all imaginable haste himself led them towards Passage, that he might at least discover (though he was not like to prevent) the loss that was to ensue. When he came within sight of the Town, he could discern a Party of Foot, marching in great haste and disorder towards him, being pursued by the Enemy's Horse, who had even over-taken them, having fallen upon the remainder, and either killed them upon the Place, or taken them Prisoners. Though the company which attended the Marquess, was too few to encounter the Enemy's Horse, with any considerable hope, yet he drew them up in that manner, on the side of an Hill, that the Enemy imagining their number to be more considerable, thought fit to lessen their pace, and to send small Parties to discover them; which being again entertain'd by the like num∣ber in like skirmishes, the Foot as much improving their March, they were in the end (by the Marquess's frequent opposing of his own Person, to retard the Enemy's pursuit) preserv'd; and so brought back with him into the Town, about half of those who had march'd thence, (the rest being killed or taken Prisoners by Colonel Zanckey) which also had been infallibly destroyed, if the Marquess had not taken that desperate course to redeem them, as he might in hope have recovered all the others, who were made Prisoners, and defeated all that Body of the Enemy, and con∣sequently have taken Passage, if the City would have permitted his Horse to have been transported over the River, and to have march'd through it.* 66.20 His Excellency's Forces had not better success in their Attempt to re-take Carrick, (governed by Colonel Reynolds) meerly through the want of Pick-axes and Spaces▪ though his confidence of the Design, (built on the brittle assurance of his Commanders) had brought him almost thither, where (if it had not been for Colonel Milo Power, who acquainted him

of his Armies being baffled, and of its removal thence) he had been sur∣prized by the Enemy. And the Lord Inchiquin's, Lieutenant Colonel Trevor's, Sir Thomas Armstrong's Expeditions against Wexford and Ross, ended in the like loss and misfortune. The Marquess however leaves no∣thing un-attempted to fortifie Waterford, what dis-couragements soever he had received by the Insolency of some Men, instigated by the Violence and Opiniastrise of the Clergy; In as much as he knew, Passage or the other Places could not be regain'd, without he might bring his Army over the River, which they would not admit of, nay! desiring that his Army might for a little time be but hutted under their Walls, where they should receive their Provisions and Pay, duely out of the Coun∣trey, and so should be a Security and Benefit to the Town, without the least damage in any Degree. This Proposition also found no more re∣gard then the former, and instead of consulting, with what Circum∣stances to comply with so just and necessary a Demand of the Kings* 66.21 Lieutenant, it was proposed in the Council of the Town, To seize on his Person, and to fall on all who belonged to him, as an Enemy; Which Advice met with no other Reprehension, then that for the present, the major part did not consent unto it. Of all which, when the Marquess was fully informed, he thought it time to depart thence, and to leave them to their own Imaginations; and so marched away with his Army, which after this Indignity, it was a thing impossible to keep them together; And (because the Principal Towns refused to admit them in) he was fain in the depth of Winter, to scatter them over all the Kingdom. The greatest part of the Ulster Forces were sent into their own Province, there to chuse a new General, according as their Conditions allowed them; for Owen O Neal was dead; And Luke Taaff with his Men, were sent back into Connaght, to my Lord of Clanrickard; The Lord Inchequin, with the remainder of such as belonged unto him, went over into the County of Clare; The Lord Dillon, with his, into Meath, and towards Athlone; all the rest were scattered several ways; Onely Major General Hugh O Neal, was admitted with 1600 Ulster Men into Clonmel, as Go∣vernor, whilst the Marquess went to his Castle of Kilkenny; From* 66.22 thence he dispatch'd the 24th. of December, an Account to the King, (who was then in the Isle of Jersey) of the true Estate of his Affairs in that Kingdom; By which his Majesty might see, how much Cromwel's Forces, who disclaimed any Subjection to him, prevail'd against his Au∣thority; And how it was equally contemned, deluded, or dis-regarded by his Subjects, who made all the Professions of Obedience and Duty to him; which was a Method, these ill times had made his Majesty too well ac∣quainted with. And from this time, which was towards the end of De∣cember, 1649. the Marquess never did, or could draw together into one Body, a number of 500. what endeavours he used to do it, will be mention'd in order hereafter.

Assoon as the Lord Lieutenant came to Kilkenny, he consulted with the Commissioners of Trust, without whose approbation and consent he could do no act, that was of importance; what remedy to apply to the disorder and confusion, which spread it self over all their Affairs; they had been still Witnesses of all his actions, of his unwearied pains and industry, and of the little fruit that was reaped by it▪ how his Orders and Commands, and their own, had been neglected and dis-obeyed in all those Particulars, without which an Army could not be brought or kept together; how

those places which the Rebels had possessed themselves of, had been for the most part lost by their own obstinate refusal, to receive such assistance from him, as was absolutely necessary for their preservation; and yet that they had rais'd most unreasonable Imputations and Reproaches on him, as if he had fail'd in their Defence and Relief. They had seen the wonderful, and even insupportable wants and necessities the Army had always undergone; and knew very well how all Warrants had been dis∣obeyed for the bringing in of Money and Provisions, for the supply thereof. And yet their Countrey was full of clamour and discontent, for the payment of Taxes, and being exhausted with Contribution; He de∣sired them therefore, to examine where any mis-demeanors had in truth been, and that they might be punished; and from whence the Scandal and Calumnies proceeded, that the minds of the People might be in∣formed and composed. The Commissioners for the most part had dis∣charged the Trust reposed in them; yet there were some amongst them, (too able and dexterous in Business) who alway malign'd the Person of the Marquess, or rather his Religion, and the Authority he represented; And what professions soever, they made of respect to him, still main∣tain'd a close Intelligence and Correspondence with those of the Clergy,* 66.23 who were the most dis-affected to his Majesties Interest; and who from the misfortune at Rathmines, had under-hand fomented and cherish'd all the ill humours and jealousies of the People. The Commissioners advised the Marquess, as the best expedient to satisfie the Countrey; that Or∣ders might be sent to them, to elect some few Persons amongst them∣selves, to send to Kilkenny, as Agents, to represent those Grievances which* 66.24 were most heavy upon them, and to offer any desires which might promote their security, alledging, that they could by this means be clear∣ly inform'd, how groundless those jealousies were, and the Artifices would be discover'd, which had been used to corrupt their affections: though the Marquess well saw how tedious and inconvenient this course might prove, and rather advance all the scandalous and seditious Designs, then suppress them; Yet he fore-saw as well, that if it were declin'd by him, he should be un-avoidably reproach'd, with not being willing to be informed of the just Grievances of the People, and consequently not to remedy them; And therefore without giving countenance to any such irregular Convention, by any formal summons of his own, he gave way that the Commissioners should write their Letters to that purpose, and accordingly the Agents did come thither from the several Countreys, to communicate and present their Complaints and Desires together, in January following; And the Lord Lieutenant received them with good Countenance, and wished them freely to consult together as soon as they could, to present whatsomever they had to say to him; to which, they should be sure to receive a speedy Answer.

About which time, Colonel Barry (who through the whole Scene had been intrusted by the Supream Council, to negotiate with the King, and was not ill thought of by the Marquess of Ormond) had then licence from Cromwel, to visit his Wife and Family at Castlelions, under the Parliaments obedience, where he transacted (through the Mediation of a noble Person) many Concerns, to the composing of Differencies with the greatest; though what tended to an Agreement with Inchequin, would never in the least be indulged; and the rest then spoke of had a fate, not seasonably to be composed.

In the mean time, the Bishops and Clergy of themselves, and without any Authority, received or desired from the Lord Lieutenant, Assembled at Cloanmacnoise, upon the River Shannon, upon whose Councils and Con∣clusions,* 66.25 all mens eyes were more fixed, then upon what the Agents should represent at Kilkenny; it being very evident, that many of the Catholick Noblity of the Kingdom, and some principal Persons of Qua∣lity and Interest, formally concurred with the Marquess; And the Com∣missioners of Trust, were for the most part, as zealous for the execution and observation of the Articles of Peace, and that the same might be rendred useful to the Nation: Yet the Clergy and Religious Persons, had found means to obstruct that Union, which was necessary for the carrying on the Work; and especially had that influence upon the Cor∣porate Towns, that no Garrisons would be admitted therein, or such Sub∣mission paid to the Lord Lieutenant, or the Commissioners Orders, as were essential to their own defence, and to the making War against the Enemy; So that all men were in suspence, what would be the issue of that Meet∣ing. And it cannot be denied, but that those Bishops, and that part of the Clergy which were best affected, and knew the ways which were most conducing to the happiness of their Countrey, prevail'd so far, that the Conclusions which were made there, seem'd full of respect for the Kings Service, and wholsom Advice and Council to the People; They declared how vain a thing it was, to imagine that there would be any security for the exercise of their Religion, for the enjoying of their Fortunes, or for the preservation of their Lives, by any Treaty with, or Promise from the Parliament. That they abhorred all factious Animosities, and Divisions, which raged amongst themselves, to the hindrance of the Publick Service; And therefore enjoyn'd all the Clergy, of what Quality soever, and Eccle∣siastical Persons, by Preaching, and all other means, to incline the People unto an union of Affection; and to the laying aside of all jealousies of each other, and unanimously to concur in opposing the Common Enemy; And ap∣pointed the Bishops and other Persons, to proceed with greater severity against those Religious and Spiritual Persons, who should under-hand cherish and foment those Jealousies and Divisions. In a word, they said so much, and so well, that when the Lord Lieutenant was informed of it, and when he saw the Extract of their Determinations, he conceiv'd some hope, that it might indeed make good Impression on the People, and produce a very good effect: The Particulars of which here follows.

The Copies of Acts and Declarations, by the Eccle∣siastical Congregation of the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, met at Clonmacnoise, the fourth day of December, 1649. And since Concluded.

By the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates.

WHereas heretofore many of the Clergy and Laity, did in their actions and proceedings, express much discontents and divisions of mind, grounding the same on the late difference of Opinion, happened a∣mongst the Prelates and the Laity; by which the Nation was not so well unit∣ed, as was necessary in this time of great danger, wherein all, as with one heart and hand, ought to oppose the Common Enemy. We the Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates of this Kingdom, met motu proprio, at Clonmack∣nose 4. Decembris, 1649. having removed all differences among us, (not entring into the merits of diversities of former Opinions) thought▪ good for re∣moving of all jealousies from our own thoughts, hearts, and resolutions; and from others, who had relation, or were adherent to the former diversity of Opinions, to manifest hereby to all the World, that the said Divisions and Jealousies grounded thereupon, are now forgotten, and forgiven among us on all sides, as aforesaid. And that all and every of us, of the above Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates, are now, by the blessing of God, as one body united, And that we will, as becometh charity and our Pasto∣ral charge, stand all of us as one intire Body, for the Interest and Im∣munities of the Church, and of every the Prelates and Bishops thereof; and for the Honour, Dignity, Estate, Right, and Possession, of all and every the said Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates. And we will as one intire and united Body, forward by our Councils, Actions, and De∣vices, the advancement of his Majesties Rights, and the good of this Na∣tion in general and in particular occasions, to our Power; and that none of us in any occasion whatsoever, concerning the Catholick Religion, or the good of this Kingdom of Ireland, will in any respect single himself, or be, or seem opposite to the rest of us, but will hold firm and intire in one sence as aforesaid; hereby detesting the actions, thoughts, and discourses of any, that shall renew the least memory of the differences past, or give any ground of future difference among us, And do in the Name of Jesus Christ, exhort all our flock to the like brotherly affection and union, and to the like de∣testation of all past differences or jealousies as aforesaid, arising hitherto among them. And we desire that this our Declaration be Printed, and Published in each Parish, by Command of the respective Ordinaries. Ut

videant opera vestra bona, & glorificent Patrem vestrum qui in Coelis est.

Datum apud Clonmacnose, 13. Decem. 1649.

Signed by,

Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casshel, Joan. Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicholaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procura∣rator Episcopi, Ossoriensis, Franciscus, Aladensis, Andraeus Finiborensis, Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacno∣sensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthur Dunensis, & Connerensis, Fr. Terentius Imolacensis, Fr. Patr. Ardagh, Oliverius, Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joa. Hussey Procurator Episco. Ardfertensis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator, Fr. Gregorius o Ferraile Provin. Ordinis Praedica∣torum Provin. Hiber. Fr. Thomas Mackeyernane Provin. Fratrum Mi∣norum Provin. Hiber. Walterus Clonfortensis Congregationis Secretar.

By the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Kingdom of Ireland.

WE the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates of the Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnose propria Motu, the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God, 1649. to consider of the best means to unite our Flocks, for averting Gods wrath fallen on this Nation, now bleeding under the evils that Famine, Plague, and War, bring after them, for effecting a present Union, Decreed the ensuing Acts.

1. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all Arch∣bishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, within their respective Diocesses, shall enjoyn Publick Prayers, Fasting, General-Confession, and Receiving, and other works of Piety, toties quoties, to withdraw from this Nation Gods Anger, and to render them capable of his Mercies.

2. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That a De∣claration issue from us, letting the People know, how vain it is for them to expect from the Common Enemy commanded by Cromwel, by Authority from the Rebels of England, any assurance of their Religion, Lives, or Fortunes.

3. We Order and Decree as an Act of this Congregation, That all Pastors and Preachers, be enjoyned to Preach amity. And for inducing the People thereunto, to declare unto them the absolute necessity that is for the same, and as the chief means to preserve the Nation, against the ex∣tirpation and destruction of their Religion and Fortunes, resolved on by the Enemy. And we hereby, do manifest our detestation, against all such Di∣visions between either Provinces or Families: or between old English,

and old Irish, or any the English or Scots adhering to his Majesty. And we Decree and Order, that all Ecclesiastical Persons, fomenting such Dis∣sentions, or un-natural Divisions, be punished by their respective Prelates, and Superiors, Juxta gravitatem excessus, & (si opus fuerit) suspendan∣tur beneficiali & Pastores à beneficio & officio ad certum tempus, Re∣ligiosi autem à Divinis juxto circumstantias delicti. Leaving the Laity offending in this kind, to be corrected by the Civil Magistrate, by Imprisonment, Fine, Banishment, or otherwise, as to them shall seem best, for plucking by the root so odious a Crime; The Execution whereof, we most earnestly recommend to all those having Power, and that are concerned therein, as they will answer to God for the evils that thereout may ensue.

4. We Decree and Declare Excommunicated, those High-way Robbers, commonly called the Idle-Boys, that take away the Goods of honest men, or force me to pay them Contribution; and we likewise declare Excommu∣nicated all such as succour or harbour them, or bestow, or sell them any Victualing, or buy Cattle, or any other thing else from them wittingly; Likewise all Ecclesiastical Persons, Ministring Sacraments to such Robbers, or Idle-Boys; or burying them in Holy Grave, to be suspended ab officio & beneficio, si quod habent, by their respective Superiors, juxta gravita∣tem delicti. This our Decree is to oblige within fifteen days after the Publication thereof, in the respective Diocesses.

Signed by, Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Casshel, Joan. Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetius Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicholaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procurator Episcopi Ossoriensis, Franciscus Aladensis, Andreas Finiborensis, Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clonmacnosensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthurus Dunensis, & Connerensis, Fr. Teren∣tius Imolacensis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverius Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joannes Hussey Procurator Episcop. Ardferten∣sis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator. Walterus Clonfortensis Congregationis Secretar.

By the Ecclesiastical Congregation of the Kingdom of Ireland.

WE the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, and Prelates of this Kingdom of Ireland, having met at Clonmacnose propria Motu, on the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord God, 1649. taking into our consideration, among other the Affairs then agitated and determinated for the preservation of the Kingdom, that many of our Flock are mislead by a vain opinion of Hopes, that the Commander in Chief of the Rebels Forces, commonly called, the Parliamentaries, would afford them good Conditions, and that relying thereon, they suffer utter destruction of Religion, Lives, and Fortunes, if not prevented. To un∣deceive

them in that their ungrounded expectation, We do hereby Declare as a most certain Truth, that the Enemies Resolution is, to extirpate the Ca∣tholick Religion, out of all his Majesties Dominions, as by their several Covenants doth appear, and the Practice where-ever their Power doth ex∣tend, as is manifested by Cromwel's Letter of the 19th. of Octob. 1649. to the then Governor of Ross. His words are: For that which you men∣tion concerning Liberty of Religion, I meddle not with any man's Conscience, but if by Liberty of Conscience, you mean a Liberty to ex∣ercise the Mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have Power, that will not be allowed of. This Tyrannical Resolution they have put in execution in Wexford, Drogheda, Ross, and elsewhere. And it is notoriously known, that by Acts of Parliament, called, The Acts of Subscription, the Estates of the Inhabitants of this Kingdom are sold, so as there remaineth now ••o more, but to put the Purchasers in possession, by the power of Forces drawn out of England. And for the common sort of People, towards whom if they shew any more moderate usage at the present, it is to no other end but for their private advantage, and for the better support of their Army, in∣tending at the close of their Conquest (if they can effect the same as God forbid) to root out the Commons also, and plant this Land with Colonies to be brought hither out of England, as witness the number they have already sent hence for the Tobacco Island, and put Enemies in their places.

And in effect this banishment, or other destructions of the common People, must follow the Resolution of extirpating the Catholick Religion, which is not to be effected, without the Massacring or Banishment of the Catholick Inhabitants.

We cannot therefore in our Duty to God, and in discharge of the Care we are obliged to have, for the preservation of our Flocks, but admonish them, not to delude and lose themselves with the vain expectation of Con∣ditions to be had from that merciless Enemy. And consequently we beseech the Gentry, and Inhabitants, for Gods glory, and their own safety, to the uttermost of their Power, to Contribute with patience, to the support of the War against that Enemy, in hope that by the blessing of God, they may be rescued from the threatned Evils, and in time be permitted to serve God in their Native Countrey, and enjoy their Estates, and fruits of their Labours, free from such heavy Levies, or any other such Taxes, as they bear at present: Admonishing also, those that are in-listed of the Army, to prosecute constantly according to each mans charge, the Trust reposed in them, the opposition of the Common Enemy, in so just a War, as is that they have undertaken for their Religion, King, and Countrey, as they expect the blessing of God to fall on their Actions. And that to avoid Gods heavy judgment, and the indignation of their Native Countrey, they neither plunder nor oppress the People, nor suffer any under their charge, to commit any extortion or oppression, so far as shall lye in their power to prevent.

Signed by, Hugo Ardmachanus, Fr. Thomas Dublin, Thomas Cashel, Joan▪ Archiep. Tuam. Fr. Boetios Elphyn, Fr. Edmundus Laghlinensis & Procurator Waterfordiensis, Emerus Clogher, Robertus Corcagiensis & Cluanensis, Nicclaus Fernensis, Edmundus Limericensis, & Procu∣rator Episcopi Ossoriensis, Franciscus Aladensis, Andreas Finibo∣rensis,

Joan. Laonensis, Fr. Oliverus Dromorensis, Fr. Antonius Clon∣macnosensis, Fr. Hugo Duacensis, Fr. Arthurus Dunensis, & Conne∣rensis, Fr. Terentius Imolacensis, Fr. Patric. Ardagh, Oliverus Deis Procurator Episco. Medensis, Dr. Joannes Hussey Procurator Episco. Ardfertensis, Fr. Joannes Cantwel Abbas, S. Crucis, Dr. Thadeus Clery Episcop. Rapo. Procurator. Walterus Clontfertensis Congregationis Secretar.

But the People weary of the War, the Plague encreasing, and ill pro∣vided to endure those Extreamities, Cromwel forced daily upon them, they flocked from all Places unto him, and liv'd under Contribution, whilst the Marquess of Ormond finding it in vain, to qualifie the Discontents at Kil∣kenny, went about the end of Christmas to the Marquess of Clanrickards, in Connaght, who consulting together, found nothing effectual to compose the differences, the Clergy still irritated amongst them; whereupon his Excellency returned to Kilkenny, where the Agents spent some time in preparing Heads of such Grievances, as they thought fit to present to the Lord Lieutenant, who called still upon them to dispatch; But (up∣on Conference with the gravest of the Commissioners) they found how groundless all those Slanders were, which they had believ'd before they came thither, and so could not agree of any Particular to complain of; Besides they met with some Disturbance there, for Cromwel (well knowing how the Marquess's small Forces were scattered abroad) march'd with a strong Party towards that Town; with which the Agents were so alarm'd, that they would stay no longer there, but desired the Marquess of Ormond to let them adjourn to Juni, in the County of Clare,* 67.1 which they did; and though they met there, yet they never agreed of any draught of Grievances to be presented, though they made ill use of their Meeeting, to propagate the Scandals and Imputations which had been groundlessly rais'd, and to inflame the People with the same untruths; Notwithstanding this Alarm and Danger the Lord Lieutenants Person, and the City were really in, all the Power and Authority he had, could not in ten days draw 500 Men together, to resist the Enemy; How∣ever the Townsmen appeared ready, and prepared for their defence, and the Marquess putting all his own Friends and Servants on Horseback, with which (making a Troop of about 100) he look'd with so good a Countenance upon the Enemy, that he retir'd; And shortly after the Lord Lieutenant committed the Charge of the Place, and the Countrey adjacent, to the Earl of Castlehaven; and went himself upon a more important Business to Limerick.

Cromwel (having continued in his Winter Quarters in Munster scarce two months) finding the Weather prove very favourable in the end of February, his Soldiers much recovered from the Distempers, which the change of Air had caused in them at their first coming over, marched out with a Body of 3000 Horse and Foot, and (having receiv'd all necessary Supplies from England) divided his Forces into two Parties, the one he led, the other was committed to Ireton's care, who march'd away to Carrick, there to re-inforce himself by the conjunction of Colonel Rey∣nolds.* 67.2 These Forces were to march into the Enemies Quarters two se∣veral ways, (the better to amuse the Enemy) and to meet together at a

Rendezvous near Kilkenny. Cromwel in his March took in Cahir-Castle, Kiltenan, Goldenbridge, Clogheen, and Roghil Castles, and seating him∣self before Callan, joyn'd with the other part of the Army under Ireton, enforced by the addition of the Forces under Colonel Reynolds and Colonel Zanckey, which, in their way, had took in Arkenon, Dun∣drum, Knoctover, Bullinard, and other Castles. The Forces being joyn'd, Callan, Cashel, Featherd, Graige, and St. Thomastown, with the Ca∣stles and Garrisons thereabouts, were easily subdued: And Cromwel re∣solving to besiege Kilkenny, (knowing it was strong) sent for Huson (Governour of Dublin) to march speedily to him with all the Forces he could conveniently draw together; which he did, and (by the way ta∣king in Ballisannon, Kildare, Leighlin, and other Places) joyns with Cromwel's Army near Goram, which was presently taken: From hence Cromwel with his Army, consisting of 16000 Foot and 6000 Horse, marches against Kilkenny; upon whose approach, the General Assembly fled to Athlon, and from whence the Earl of Castlehaven was drawn out with his Forces, by reason the Sickness raged so, having left Sir Wal∣thar Butler and Major Walsh, with about 50 Horse and 400 Foot to de∣fend the Place; where a Breach being made, and assaulted by Cromwel's Soldiers, they were beaten back with the loss of some Men, and about 600 Arms; though he had it surrendred to him shortly after upon these terms: 1. To deliver up the City and Castle to him, (viz. Cromwel) with all the Arms, Ammunition, and publick Store. 2. That the Inhabi∣tants should be protected in their Persons, Goods, and Estates, from the violence of the Soldiery, and they that would remove, to have three months after the date of the Articles. 3. That the Governours, Officers, and Soldiers might march away with their Bag and Baggage. 4. That the City should pay 2000 pounds to Cromwel. From hence Cromwel (having well refresh'd his Army after the Siege of Kilkenny) approaches Clonmel,* 67.3 Garrison'd by 2000 Foot and 120 Horse, under the Command of Hugh O Neal, who behav'd himself so discreetly and gallantly in its defence, that Cromwel lost near 2500 men before it, and had gone away without it, had not the Powder been spent, which forced the Governour and Sol∣diers in the night to forsake the Town, and go to Waterford, leaving the Townsmen to make Conditions for themselves; which they did, as to the safeguard of their Lives and Estates. Whilst these things were agitating, the Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Clanrickard, Castlehaven, and the Bishop of Clougher, held a Council at Baltimore in West-Meath, to consult the security of the Nation; which Cromwel hearing of, sent Colonel Reynolds and Sir Theophilus Jones, with 2500 Horse, Foot, and Dragoons, against them, with which they dispersed them, and those Forces which the Marquis of Clanrickard and the Earl of Castlehaven had brought out of Connaght to the Relief of Tecrogham, (within 20 miles of Dublin) and being joyn'd with the Dublin Forces, took in Trim, Bala∣huse, Finagh, and other Places. In the time that Clonmel was Besieged, the Bishop of Ross with 4000 Foot and 300 Horse endeavours its Relief, but is overcome by the Lord Broghil near Bandon-Bridge, and himself ta∣ken Prisoner, and hang'd in the sight of Caringdred; which Castle thereupon yielded to the Lord Broghil. In this Hurry, the Forces in Ul∣ster being (besides) much shaken by reason of several Interresses, the Nobility, Gentry, and Commanders for the King scattered a Declaration, that none who would submit to his Authority should suffer either in

Religion, or State; but it prevailed little. During the Leaguer of Clon∣mel, absolute Orders were brought to Cromwel from the Parliament for his sudden return; as also two Expresses from the Council of State to that purpose, which (after the compleatment of that Siege) he fulfilled, leaving the Kingdom about the end of May, 1650. having made Colonel Ireton his Deputy.

Here we cannot but take notice, that there were several Precepts by the Archbishop of Ardmagh and others, to pray for the success of Oliver's Forces; whilst Dominick Dempsy, a Franciscan, (esteem'd a grave and holy man, and therefore a leading Person) and Long the Jesuit, asserted, that (the King being out of the Roman Catholick Church) it was not lawful to pray for him particularly, or publickly in general on any other day than on Good-Friday, as comprehended amongst the Infidels, alias, Jews, Mahometans, Pagans, and Hereticks; and then for the Spiritual welfare of his Soul, not for his Temporal prosperity.

Though the Parliamentarians, by the Faction and obstinacy of the Irish, who could not hitherto be induced to make reasonable provision for defence, had prevail'd far, and possessed themselves of many good Places without considerable opposition, yet there remain'd a good part of the Kingdom free from their Power; the whole Province of Con∣naght was still entire, and the Cities of Waterford, Limerick, and Gal∣way in possession of the Catholicks, which might be made so strong, as not to fear any strength Ireton could bring before them, and are so situ∣ated for all advantages of Sea, that they might, being well supplied, maintain a War against the whole Kingdom: they had also the Forts of Duncannon and Sligo, as also the strong Castles of Caterlough, Athlone, Charlemont, Carlo, and Neanagh, from whence the Confederates might bring into the Field twice the number of Men which the Enemy had; so that there wanted onely Unity, Order, and Resolution to preserve themselves; to improve which, the Marquis of Ormond resolved to begin with Limerick, and if he could have disposed that City unto a full obedience, and to receive a Garrison, he made no question not onely to fortifie it against any attempt of the Enemy, but under the countenance of it, and by the security of the River Shannon, to Quarter his Troops, raise Contribution for their support, Discipline his Men, and, in effect by the Spring so to recruit his Army, that he might not suspect to pre∣vail against the Enemy where-ever he should engage: And to this purpose he went himself thither from Kilkenny, in January, hoping that the good resolution of the Bishops of Cloanmacnoise had well prepared the People to comply with him; but when he came thither, albeit he was receiv'd with outward demonstrations of respect, he found the temper not such as he desired, whatsoever the Bishops had declared; The Clergy had ob∣served none of those Directions, nor were any in so much credit as they who behaved themselves quite contrary to those Determinations. And if no way could be found to allay this Spirit, all his endeavours he saw would be without any fruit: Hereupon he resolv'd to try, whether that part of the Clergy which wished well to the Kingdom, could use as efficacious means to preserve, as the other, who desired confusion, did to destroy it: And upon advice with the principal Persons of the Catholick Nobility, and with the Commissioners of Trust, he did by his Letters of the 27^th. of February, 1649. desire as many of the Catholick Bishops as were

within convenient distance, to meet him at Limerick; which they accor∣dingly did the 8th. of March following.

When they came thither, he conferred with them in the presence of ••he Commissioners of Trust with all frankness, upon the distracted and disjoynted state of Affairs, and freely told them, That without the People would be brought to have a full confidence in him, and yield perfect obedi∣ence to him; and without the City of Limerick might be perswaded to receive a Garrison, and obey his Orders, it was not to be hoped that he could be able to do any thing considerable against the Enemy: He desired them therefore, if they had a mist rust of him, or a dislike of his Government, that they would as clearly let him know it; assuring them, that such was his desire of the Peoples preservation, that there was nothing within his Power consistent with his Duty to the King, and agreeable with his Honour, that he would not do at their desires for that end: Withall letting them see, that his continuance with the Name, and not the Power of the Lord Lieu∣tenant, could bring nothing but ruine upon the Nation, as well as dishonour on him. So that again he propounded to them in plain terms, Either that they would procure a due obedience to be yielded to him, or propose some other way by his quitting the Kingdom, how it might be preserved. After consultation together, they return'd with many expressions of respects and affection to his Person, and faithfully promis'd to endeavour all that obedience he desir'd; withall presenting (the 13th. of March) to him a Paper of Advice, which contained, as they said, certain Remedies, for re∣moving the discontents and disgusts of the People, and for the advancing of his Majesties Service: Amongst which they proposed, That a Privy Council might be framed by the Peers, and other of the Natives of the King∣dom, as well Spiritual as Temporal, to sit daily with him, and determine all the weighty Affairs of the Countrey by their Council; and many other Par∣ticulars, concerning the raising of Men, and conducting the War. To every one of which, his Excellency, from Limerick, gave them (sitting at Logh∣reogh) an Answer in writing, amongst which he told them, That he could not understand how the present distresses of the Kingdom could proceed from the want of a Privy Council, or how the framing of such a Council could advantage the management of the War, which by the Articles of Peace was to be done by the Commissioners of Trust, with whom he did al∣ways communicate all matters of importance; and therefore he could not think it fit unnecessarily to presume upon doing a thing, for which he had neither Power nor President, the Nomination of all Persons to be of the Privy Council being always reserv'd by the King to himself: Yet rather than he should be wanting in any thing that was in his power to satisfie the People in, he wished, that the particular Acts which the Privy Council had heretofore done, and were now necessary to be done, might be instanced, and as far forth as should appear necessary and fit, he would qualifie Persons, free from just exceptions, with such. And so answer'd all their Propositi∣ons, that they seem'd to be well satisfi'd therewith; and thereupon pub∣lished a Declaration, (dated at Loghreogh the 28th. of March, 1650.) in which they professed, That they did and would endeavour to root out of mens hearts all jealousies and finister opinions, conceiv'd either against his Excellency or the present Government; and that they intreated him to give them further Instructions, declaring that they were not deterr'd from the want of the expected Success in the Affairs of the Kingdom, but rather

animated to give further Onsets, and to try all other possible ways; and did faithfully promise, that no Industry of Care should be wanting in them, to re∣ceive and execute his Directions.

When the Marquis first proposed to the Commissioners of Trust, that Limerick and other Places might be Garrison'd, he offer'd to them the names of three Persons of the Roman Catholick Religion, and of eminent Quality, Reputation, and Fortunes, that out of them they might choose one for the Command of Limerick: But resolving afterwards to call this Assembly of Bishops thither, and to be there himself in Person, he deferred the proceeding further in it, till then, that with their own ad∣vice such a Person might be chosen for that important Charge, that should be beyond any possibility of a just exception from that Corporati∣on. Now he took all imaginable pains, and descended to all the Arts of Perswasion to satisfie those Citizens, who, he perceived, were the most leading men, of the necessity of their speedy receiving a Governour and a Garrison, for the preservation of their Interest, and whatsoever could be of any value with any People: But he was so far from prevailing with them, That they perform'd not those outward Civilities and Respects* 67.4 to him, which had been in no other Place denied. The Officer who Com∣manded the City Guards, neither came to him for Orders, or imparted them to him; no Officer of the Army, or any other Person, could, without special leave from the Mayor (which was often very hardly ob∣tain'd) be admitted to come to his presence, to receive his Commands and Directions for the resisting and opposing the Enemy, who at that ve∣ry time prevail'd in the County of Limerick: And to publish more the contempt they had of the Kings Authority, they committed to Prison the Lord Viscount Kilmallock, a Catholick Peer of the Realm, and an Of∣ficer of the Army, (the Lord Lieutenant being on the Place) for no other reason than for Quartering, for one night, some few Horsemen under his Command (by the Marquis of Ormond's Order) within the Liber∣ties of that City: All this being done so contrary to the Injunction which the Bishops had published for the direction of the People, and at a time when they were assembled there. And when the Marquis of Ormond despaired (their contempts being so high) of perswading them, to what absolutely concern'd their proper Interest, he thought it not agreeable to the Honour of his Master to remain any longer in the Place, where such affronts and contempts were put upon his Authority; and yet being willing still to expect some good effects from the observation and dis∣cretion of the Bishops, who could not but discern what ruine must im∣mediately* 67.5 attend such license and disobedience, he appointed all the said Bishops, and as many more as could be perswaded to come thither, and the Commissioners, to meet him at Loghreogh; where, about the 19th. of March, they attended him at Loghreogh.

When they appeared at Loghreogh, the Marquis represented to their memories what they had before been themselves witnesses of, and ob∣serv'd at Limerick, and the neglects he had born there; Desired them to remove those causless distrusts, which being maliciously infused into the Peo∣ples minds, did slacken, if not wholely withdraw their obedience from his Majesties Authority; and wished them to consider how impossible it was for him, with Honour, or any hope of success, to contend against a powerful, absolutely obey'd, and plentifully supplied Enemy; himself under such do∣mestick disadvantages of distrust and disobedience; and concluded, that if

the consequence of the Service could not induce them to be all of one mind, in putting a Garrison into Limerick; or, if being all of one mind, they could not induce the City to obedience and submission to such their determi∣nation, he could no longer entertain a hope of giving any check to the Enemy, and would thereupon consider how otherwise to dispose of himself. Both the Bishops and Commissioners were really (or at least seem'd so) and en∣tirely convinc'd of the necessity of erecting that Garrison, and of putting that City into a better posture of defence than it then appear'd to be in: The Commissioners, in whom that Trust was reposed by the Articles of Peace, order'd it to be done, and sent two of their own Members (viz. Sir Richard Everard Baronet, and Dr. Fennel) with their Order to Li∣merick, and with a Letter to the Mayor to conform thereunto; and the Bi∣shops writ to the Archbishop of Cashel and the Bishop of Limerick (both then at Limerick) desiring them to use their utmost endeavours to incline the City to submit to the direction of the Lord Lieutenant, and the Com∣missioners. And having done this, they departed to those Places they thought fit to dispose the People (as they professed) to all acts of con∣formity and obedience. But the Commissioners in short time return'd from Limerick, without having in any degree prevail'd with them to receive either a Governour or Garrison, or to conform themselves to any Orders the Lord Lieutenant, or the Commissioners should send to them, otherwise than as they agreed with their own inclinations: in stead of making choice of any of those three who were nominated to them for their Governour, they upon the matter declared, That they would keep that Power in their own hands; and for receiving of a Garri∣son, they proposed some particulars, what men of the Irish Catholicks, and what they would not, what course should be taken for the support of them, and through what hand it should pass, and many other things, directly contrary to the Articles of Peace which had been with solemnity proclaimed in that City, and unto which they had professed all sub∣mission.

All this perversness, obstinacy, and ingratitude, could not yet extin∣guish the affections and compassion the Marquis had towards them; and he clearly discern'd, that it proceeded not from the Spirit that was in∣cluded and confined within the Walls, but that it was the same that was generally working in other places: He was well enough satisfied, that they who were most passionately possessed with it, had no correspon∣dence with the Parliament, nor had a mind to be subjected to their Power; he was willing therefore to believe, that they had fancied and imagined to themselves some expedient for their own preservation, which could not fall within his comprehension; and that they might have con∣tracted a prejudice to his Person, or to his Religion, which might keep them from such an union and confidence as they might be reduc'd unto under some Catholick, who might be as zealous to preserve his Majesties Interest, and recover the Kingdom to his obedience; and he was the more confirmed in this his apprehension, by revolving the several passages which had hapned at his being at Limerick, during the time that they seem'd to pay him all respect when the Lord Inchiquin had been then with him, towards whom they had observed the Marquis had a great con∣fidence* 67.6 and friendship, as he well deserved: at which time▪ some princi∣pal Persons of the City, and with them some of the Bishops, had, under a shew of great confidence and trust, repaired to the Lord. Lieutenant,

and declared unto him, That all that indisposition and waywardness of the People, proceeded from the prejudice they had against the Lord In∣chequin, who had always (they said) prosecuted the War against them with the most rigour and animosity; and the Places and Persons which had been most at his devotion, having treacherously revolted to the Par∣liament, the People were not confident of him, and jealous, that the Marquis had too great a confidence in him; so that if he would dismiss that Lord, and discharge the Troops that yet remained under his Com∣mand, of which, some frequently ran away to the Parliament, not onely that City, but the whole Nation would, as one man, be at his disposal. While these insinuations were thus proposed to the Lord Lieutenant, other Persons (and those as leading men) with an equal number of Bi∣shops, applied themselves to the Lord Inchequin, and told him, That* 67.7 whilst the affairs were conducted by the Marquis of Ormond, they expected no good fortune; that they looked upon him as not of their Nation, and one so solicitous for the English Interest, and all English-men, that he was no∣thing regardful of them and theirs: But that his Lordship was of the most antient Extraction of Ireland, and under that notion look'd upon with great affection and reverence by the Irish; and if the Government and Command were exercis'd by him, there would be such an Obedience paid to him, that he would in short time grow strong enough to oppose the Enemy, and reco∣ver his Countrey. When these two Lords had communicated each to other (as they quickly did) the excellent Addresses which had been made to them, and agreed together how to draw on, and encourage the Proposers, that they might discover as much of their purposes as was possible, they easily found their design was to be rid of them both: And when they perceived (by the continuance of the same Friendship) that they had communicated with each other, they less dissembled to∣wards both, but proceeded with those disrespects which are mention'd before.

The Marquis having sadly considered all this, and that nothing might* 67.8 remain unattempted by him, that he could possibly imagine might tend in any degree to the recovery or preservation of the Kingdom, he ap∣pointed another meeting to be at Loghreogh the 25th. of April, and sum∣mon'd thither all the Catholick Bishops, as many of the Nobility as could with any security come thither, the chief Gentlemen of Quality of the Parts adjacent, and several Officers of the Army; where being met to∣gether, he gave them in the first place an Answer in writing to a Paper he had received from the Archbishop of Tuam, the first of April, intitu∣led, The Grievances presented by the Congregation of Prelates, assembled, propria motu, at Cloanmacnoise; in which he made it evident, how much they were mistaken in the matter of Fact, and that which was re∣ally amiss proceeded from themselves, and their not observing the Or∣ders and Rules they were bound by, and could not be prevented by him; and consented to all the good and practicable ways proposed by them∣selves for remedying the like for the future. He remembred them of the pains he had taken, of the Propositions he had made, of the Orders he had given, and of the Neglects, Disobedience, and Affronts he had re∣ceived, by which alone the Enemy made that progress in their Successes: He shewed them a Letter he had received lately from his Master the King, bearing date on the 2d. of February, from Castle Elizabeth in the Isle of Jersey, in answer to one writ from Kilkenny in December, in

which his Majesty signified his gracious pleasure to him, That in case of the continuance of that disobedience in the People, and contempt of his Au∣thority, he should withdraw himself and his Majesties Authority out of* 67.9 that Kingdom. Whereupon he told them, (having received so little ef∣fect of all the pains he had taken, and so ill returns for all the affection he had shewed to them) he was resolved to make use speedily of the liberty the King had given him, as to his own Person, which he found was rendred so unacceptable to the People; yet if they could propose to him any way how he might deposite the Kings Authority in such manner, as it might not be exposed to the same affronts it had received in him, and might be applied to the preservation of the People, and recovery of the Nation, he would gladly gratifie them, and would heartily wish, that they might receive that happiness by his absence, which they could not receive in his presence; and to that purpose desired them to consult se∣riously and maturely among themselves.

Upon this, all the Bishops, Nobility, and Commissioners of Trust, with the principal Gentlemen, expressed very much trouble at the reso∣lution the Marquis had taken, and on the last day of April (from Logh∣reogh) 1650, made an Address to him in writing under their several hands, in which, amongst other things, they told him, That they con∣ceiv'd themselves in duty bound for his better information of the inclinati∣on* 67.10 of that Nation, humbly to present to him, That however his Excellency might not have met with a ready concurrence to some Proposals made, for the advancing his Majesties Service, occasion'd through some misunderstanding in some few Persons and Places, yet the Country generally, and the Nation in it, as they had already (by expending their Substance in an extraordinary measure, and their Lives upon all occasions) abundantly testifi'd their sin∣cere and irremovable affections, to preserve his Majesties Rights and Inte∣rests intire to him; so they would for the future, and with like cheerfulness, endeavour to overcome all difficulties which the Enemies power and success had laid in their way, and that they who were there met (doubting not but the same was the general sense of the Nation) would with all care and ear∣nestness endeavour, not onely to conserve in the People such their good In∣clinations, but if any Person or Place should be refractory, or decline that obedience which is due to his Majesties Authority, they would contribute their best endeavours to reduce them, and make them conformable to the same. And after many other specious professions and protestations of their zeal to obey his Excellency, They humbly besought him to appoint Com∣manders in the several Provinces, to whom those of his Majesties Subjects (who by the excitement of the Clergy, ready with all alacrity to undergo, that care should be encouraged to take up Arms) might repair for the op∣posing the Power of the Rebels. How respective soever this Address was, and how solemnly soever it was represented (as neither the one or the other could be more formal) the Lord Lieutenant was resolved not to be longer satisfied with those general Declarations of their good desires and purposes; and therefore the very next day he sent them a Letter, containing what he would expect from them, which for the more clear manifestation of the whole Proceedings, shall be here faithfully inserted, and was in these words.

AFter our hearty Commendations, in Answer to your Letter of the last of April, we think fit to mind you, That upon our communicating unto you his Majesties Letter of the 2d. of Febr. we then acquainted you at large with what had passed at Waterford, (which being by us represented to his Majesty, occasion'd his sending the said Letter) as also, that we found the City of Limerick had taken example thereby to affront and contemn his Majesties Authority placed in us, and from us, by consent of the Represen∣tative of the Confederate Catholicks at the conclusion of the Peace, derived to the Commissioners; both which you pass over with an extenuation of those disobediences, and by attributing them to some mis-understandings, you seem in a manner to excuse them: Whereas we had reason to expect, that (suitable to your general professions) you would have resented the particu∣lar deportment of those Places, and proposed unto us how the Contrivers thereof might be brought to Justice, and the Places reduced to perfect obe∣dience: For as for your professions of care, and earnestness to endeavour, not onely to conserve in the People the good inclinations you find in them; but that if any Person or Place shall be refractory, or decline that perfect obe∣dience due to his Majesties Authority, you will contribute your best endea∣vours to reduce them, and make them conformable to the same, cannot be evidenced or made good by you, but by applying those your endeavours, where we give you particular undeniable instances of refractoriness and dis∣obedience; so there can be no instance thereof more pregnant, nor (if it be persisted in) more destructive to his Majesty and the Nation, than that of Limerick, to the immediate reducing whereof, we therefore thought, and do now expect you would effectually apply your selves. We are well satisfied, that the generality of the Countrey and Nation, who have given the proofs you mention of their sincere affections to preserve his Majesties Rights en∣tire to him, will persevere therein, if those upon whose example and advice they very much fix their resolutions be active and industrious to lead and exhort them thereunto. But we must withall let you know, that we cannot hope that those their good affections, and alacrity in defence of his Majesty, and their own Interests, can be successful, if the City of Limerick, and all other Cities and Towns, be not in perfect obedience, and immediately be put under a Military Government for Military matters, and thereby into a condition of defence and offence: Which to conceal from the People, were, towards them as great a treachery, as it would be in us a vain rashness, with∣out such obedience first gain'd, to attempt the opposing the strength and power of the Rebels. And therefore we must, and do declare, that as the par∣ticular refractoriness of the City of Waterford, hath more than any humane means contributed to all the successes of the Rebels in those parts, since our being at Waterford: And as the want of a strong Garrison in Limerick, (which we long since desired might be received there, but could not prevail) hath been the greatest visible means, whereby the said Rebels have with small or no resistance gain'd or destroy'd the County of Limerick, and other parts adjacent; so the entire loss of the Kingdom to his Majesty, and the destruction of the Nation, (which we have no hope to prevent, but by strongly and presently Garrisoning and Fortifying the said City) must be imputed to the obstinacy of that City, if it shall perfist therein.

As to those Distrusts and Jealousies of the People, occasion'd (as you say) for want of success in Services, the sense of their sufferings, and their appre∣hensions for want of redress of their Grievances: We answer, That both the

want of success, and the sense of their sufferings, whether from the Enemy, or the Souldier, cannot so reasonably be attributed to any humane Cause, as to the want of garrisoning the Army in principal Towns and Cities, wherein we cannot yet prevail, nor ever could, till by the Enemy's lying at one end of a Town, we were not, without articling and conditioning, permitted to put such Men as we could then get, in at the other end. For, for want of garrisoning the Army, and by being forced to quarter it at large, it was not possible to have them exercised, their Arms kept in order, nor they under ne∣cessary discipline; which, when they were to be brought together, rendred them worse than so many new rais'd Men, by how much they had contracted a licentious liberty, and habit of rapine and disobedience. Nor could we pre∣vent the Fraud in Muster, or reasonably exact a strict Account from Officers of Men so scatter'd, who, when they should be imployed upon Service, were forced (or pretending a necessity, wherein we could not disprove them) to range the Countrey, to get in the Means that should enable them to serve. As to their Apprehension, for want of redress to their Grievances, we under∣stand not what Grievances are thereby meant, unless those delivered unto us by the Archbishop of Tuam, on the first of April. For other Grievances, (though we long expected and desired them) we never saw, save a Paper given unto us on the 13th. of March, at Limerick, which for the Forgery, false Calumny, and other mis-becoming Passages contain'd in it, was (as such) dis-avowed by the Clergy then met; and to those given us on the first of April, we return'd herewith such Answers, as (considering the generality of them) is possible for us to give.

We have already, with the Advice of the Commissioners, and (as we be∣lieve) with the Approbation of such of the Bishops as were present, appoint∣ed the Earl of Castlehaven to command the Forces in Leimster; and in Munster, with like Advice and Approbation, we have imployed Colonel David Roch to command for a necessary Expedition; besides, there is al∣ways upon the Place, one general Officer, that will readily receive and imploy any, that shall be prevail'd with to take Arms, as is promised; and in case we find fitting Obedience and Reception from the City of Limerick, we shall in Person be ready to receive and conduct such Forces in the said Province.

In Ulster, we have, in pursuance to an Agreement made with that Pro∣vince, given Commission to the Bishop of Clogher; and in Connaght, the Lord Marquess of Clanrickard commands the Army.

We know no use to which any Money rais'd upon the People hath been im∣ployed, but to the maintenance of the Forces; if you do, we shall desire to be therein informed, to the end, that any past mis-application thereof may be examined and punished, and the like prevented in future.

To conclude, We seriously recommend to your Consideration, the ways of procuring such Obedience to his Majesty, and his Authority in the general, and particularly from the City of Limerick, as may enable and encourage us with Honour, and hope of Success, according to our desire, to use our utmost in∣dustry, and encounter all hazards, for the defence of this Kingdom and Nation, against the Tyranny that will certainly be exercised upon them, and the un∣supportable Slavery they will be subject unto, if the Rebels prevail. And so we bid you heartily farewel. For the Archbishops, Nobility, Bishops, the Commissioners authorized by us, in pursuance of the Articles of Peace, and others assembled at Loghreogh.

These.

From Loghreogh, May 1. 1650.

Your very loving Friend, ORMOND.

Upon the receipt of this Letter, they made another Address to the Marquess, (in writing) in which they said, They were very far from in∣tending by any expressions they had used, to excuse that Deportment of the City of Limerick; nor could any Man (they said) more feelingly than they, resent their personal Dis-respects towards his Excellency, while he was lately in that City, whereof they had in their Letters, then ready to be sent by a Committee, imployed by them to that Corporation, taken notice: And they did hope, that they would by their Deportment, hereafter merit to have it understood, that it proceeds from ignorance rather than malice; and that concerning the garrisoning of the City, the Clergy that had met lately there, and the Commissioners of Trust, had written very effectually to them, and imployed two of the Commissioners of Trust thither, to solicit their compliance to his Excellency, and to represent to them the danger and prejudice that would ensue their refractoriness: And though it had not taken that effect with them which was expected, yet they humbly offered his Excellency, that a second Essay was to be made, and his Excellency's further positive Commands to be sent thither, whereunto if they would not listen, they promised in as much as in them lay, that they would in their respective Degrees and Quality and according to their respective Powers, so far as should be thought fit and necessary, upon consideration had of what had been proposed hitherto between his Excellency, the Commissioners of Trust, and them, concerning the garrison∣ing of that City, co-operate to reclaim them, and bring them to a perfect obe∣dience; humbly desiring, that what resolution soever should be taken by that City, yet that his Excellency would be pleas'd not to impute it to any Dis-af∣fection in them, or want of Zeal in the Nation, to advance his Majesty's Ser∣vice. And in regard the transacting of that Business might take up some time, it was humbly desired his Excellency would be pleas'd, to apply his im∣mediate Care for the forwarding of the Service, and setling of Affairs in other Parts of the Kingdom, answerable unto the present dangers and condition wherein it was, that there might be some visible opposition to the growing Power of the Enemy. At the same time that they sent this Address to the Marquess, signed by the Names of the Bishops and Commissioners, which was the 2d. of May, 1650. they likewise sent the Archbishop of Tuam, and Sir Lucas Dillon, to Limerick, with as reasonable and pressing Letters to that Corporation, for receiving a Garrison, and obedience to the Marquess's Orders.

This demeanour in the Assembly, and all the visible Results of their Consultation, together with so deep professions of Loyalty to the King, and of respect to his Lieutenant, prevail'd so far with the Marquess, that he again declined his purpose of quitting the Kingdom, and thereupon dismissed a Frigat, which he had bought and fitted for his own Transpor∣tation; and though the Archbishop of Tuam and Sir Lucas Dillon return'd from Limerick, without that entire submission from the City which was expected, yet he was willing to make the best interpretation of their ge∣neral professions of Duty, and to believe that they would by degrees be induced to do what they ought; and that he might be the nearer to them, to encourage any such inclination, he removed to Clare, 12 miles from Limerick, and gave Orders to the Troops, which for conveniency of Quarters were scattered at a greater distance, to be ready to draw to a Rendezvous. And he was shortly after very reasonably induced to be al∣most confident, that the City was well disposed; for having one day (about the 11th. of June) visited some Troops, which he had assembled

within 4 miles of Limerick, and returning at night to Clare, the next day 2 Aldermen of the City came to him with this following Letter, from the Maior of that Corporation.

May it please your Excellency,

THe City Council have given me Command to signifie, and humbly to offer to your Excellency, That it was expected by them, that you would (being so near the City yesterday,) bestow a Visit upon it, which is no way doubted had been done by your Excellency, if your greater Affairs had not hindred you from the same, and yet do expect when those are over, your Excellency will be pleas'd to step hither, to settle the Garrison here, the which without your Presence, cannot be (as is humbly conceiv'd) so well done, or with that expedition, as our necessity requires, the Particulars whereof we refer to Alderman Piers Creagh, and Alderman John Bourk, their Relation, to whom we desire Credence may be given by your Excellen∣cy, and humbly to believe that I will never fail to be

Limerick, 12 June, 1650.

Your Excellency's most humble Servant, For his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governour of Ire∣land. John Creagh, Maior of Limerick.

This Letter might very well have raised an expectation and assurance, that there would be no more scruples of receiving a Garrison; yet the Aldermen who brought it, made such pauses in answering some necessa∣ry Questions, that the Marquess return'd them the same night with this Answer.

AFter our hearty Commendations, We have receiv'd your Letter of this days date, by the Conveyance of Alderman Piers Creagh, and John Bourk, and heard what John Bourk and the other had to say, as from that Corporation. In Answer whereunto, we imparted some Particulars unto them, wherein we expected satisfaction, which if you send us to the Rendez∣vous to morrow, (where we intend to be) we shall visit that City, and im∣ploy our utmost Endeavours in setling the Garrison necessarily desired there, both for the defence and satisfaction of that City. And so we bid you hear∣tily farewel.

From Clare, June 12. 1650.

To our very loving Friend the Maior of Limerick. These.

Your loving Friend, ORMOND.

The Particulars he proposed to them were, (1.) To be receiv'd in like manner, and with such respect, as the Lord Lieutenants heretofore had always been. (2.) To have Command of the Guard, giving the Word and Orders in the City. (3.) That there might be Quarter pro∣vided within the City, for such Guards of Honse and Foot as he should carry in, which should be part of the Garrison, and whereof a List should be given at the Rendezvous. The next day when the Marquess came to the Rendezvous, two Aldermen met him there, and inform'd him, that the City had consented to all that he had proposed to them, except only the admittance of his Guards, which they were unwilling to do; where∣upon he sent Messengers back with this Answer, That he intended not the drawing in of his Guards, out of any mistrust he had of the loyalty of the Ma∣gistrates of that City to his Majesty, or of their affection to himself, but for the dignity of the Place he held, and to prevent any popular Tumult that might be raised by desperate interested Persons against him, or the Civil Go∣vernment of that City, whereunto he had cause to fear, some loose People might by false and frivolous suggestions be too easily instigated. And to take away all possibility of suspicion from the most jealous, he told them, The Guards he meant to take with him, should consist but of 100 Foot and 50 Horse, and even those too to be of their own Religion, and such as having been constantly of their Confederacy, were interessed in all the Benefits of the Articles of Peace. And so, not imagining that they could refuse so rea∣sonable an Overture, he went towards the City; but when he came very near the Gates, the same Aldermen came again to him, to let him know, That there was a Tumult rais'd in the City by a Franciscan Frier, called Father Wolf, and some others, against his coming into the Town, and* 70.1 in opposition to the desires and intentions of the Maior, and the principal Citizens, and therefore disswaded his Excellency's going thither, until the Tumult should be quieted. So that the Lord Lieutenant was com∣pell'd, with that Affront, to return, and rested that night at Shanbuoly, three miles from the City, from whence he writ to them the sense he had of the Indignity offer'd him, And wished them to consider, not only by what Power they had been made a Corporation first, and by whose Protection they had since flourished, but also what solid Foundation of safety (other than by receiving the defence he had offer'd them) was or could be proposed to them, by the present Disturbers of their Quiet: And desired their present Answer, That in case he might be encouraged to proceed in the way he had laid down, of serving the King, and preserving that City from the Tyranny of the Rebels, he might immediately apply himself thereunto, or failing in his Desires there∣in, he might apply himself, and the Forces he had gathered for that purpose, to some other Service. But neither this, nor all he could do, upon subse∣quent Treaties and Overtures, moving from themselves, could not at all prevail with them, No! not his offer of putting himself into the City, and running the Fortune of it, when Ireton was encamp'd before it: But they* 70.2 continually multiplied and repeated their Affronts towards him, with all imaginable Circumstances of Contempt; and in the end, (that we may have no more occasion of mentioning the seditious Carriage of this unfor∣tunate City) broke open his Trunks of Papers, which he had left there, seized upon the Stores of Corn laid up there for the supply of the Army, when he believed that Place would have been obedient to him, and some Corn belonging to himself, and dispos'd of all according to their own pleasure, and receiv'd some Troops of Horse into the City, which con∣trary

to the Marquess's Order left the Army, and with those Troops levi∣ed and rais'd Contribution in the Countrey adjacent, upon those who had honestly paid the same for the use of the Army, according to those Or∣ders which they were to obey. And when the Marquess sent to the Maior, to deliver the Officer of the said Regiment as a Prisoner, to the Guard appointed to receive him, he could receive no other Answer, (and that not in a week) than that the Government of that City was commit∣ted to Major General Hugh O Neal, and therefore he the Maior would not meddle therein. And when the like Orders were sent by the Mar∣quess to Hugh O Neal, he return'd Answer, That he was only a Cypher, and not suffered to act any thing, but what the Maior and Council thought fit. So that, in truth, that City was no less in Rebellion to the King, than the Army under Ireton was, though it did for a time resist that Army, and could never have been subdued by it, if it had ever been in that obedience to the King, as by their obligation it ought to have been, and therefore must have less peace of Conscience to support them, in the Calamities they have since undergone.

In the Letter formerly inserted from the Marquess, of the first of May, it is said, That in pursuance of a former Agreement, he had granted a Commission to the Bishop of Clogher, for the Command of the Province of Ulster; It will be therefore necessary to express what that Agreement was, and the Proceedings thereupon: Amongst the Articles which had been made with General Owen O Neal, it was provided, that in case of the said O Neal's death, or removal by Advancement, or otherwise, before any settlement in Parliament, to which all the Articles of Peace related, that the Nobility and Gentry of the Province of Ulster, should have Power to name one to the Lord Lieutenant, or chief Governor for his Majesty, to Command in the place of the said O Neal; and the said Command, was to be conferred accordingly upon the Person so to be named, and according to his Power: Owen O Neal being dead, the No∣bility, Bishops, and Principal Gentry of that Province, made choice of the Bishop of Clogher to succeed him in the Charge, and having signi∣fied such their Election under their hands to the Lord Lieutenant, the first of April, he granted such a Commission to him as he was obliged to do.

James Marquess of Ormond, the Earl of Ormond and Ossory, Vicount Thurles, Lord Baron of Archlo, Lord Lieutenant General, and General Governor of the Kingdom of Ireland, Chancellor of the University of Dublin, and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter.

To our Trusty and Well-beloved Bishop, Ever Mac Mahon.

ORMOND.

WHereas upon the Treaty with General Owen O Neal, deceased, it was (amongst other Particulars) Concluded and Agreed upon, that in case of death or removal of him, such other General or Commander

in Chief, should be authorised by Commission from us, to Command his Ma∣jesties Forces of the Province of Ulster, Natives of the Kingdom; as should be by general consent of the Gentry of that Province elected, and made choice of for the same. And whereas in a general Meeting lately held by the Gentry for that purpose, it was agreed upon, and so represented unto us, that you should exercise that Command over the said Forces. We therefore upon the Consideration thereof, and of the Care, Judgment, Valour and Expedience, in Martial Affairs, as also of the readiness and good affections of you, to do his Majesties Service, have nominated and appointed, and we do hereby nominate and appoint you, the said Bishop Ever Mac Mahon, to be General of all his Majesties said Forces, of Horse, and Foot, of the Province of Ulster, Natives of the Kingdom. Giving thereby unto you, the said Bishop Ever Mac Mahon, full Power and Authority, to take the said Charge and Employment upon you, and the said Forces, and every of them, to Lead and Command according to the use and discipline of War, and such further Order and Instructions, as you shall from time to time receive from us, or other his Majesties chief Governor or Governors of this Kingdom, the time being, in that behalf, willing and hereby requir∣ing all the Officers, Troopers, and Soldiers, of the said Forces, to obey you, as their General, and to be at, and perform your Commands, as they shall issue unto them upon all occasions of his Majesties Service, as they will answer the contrary.

In witness whereof, we have Signed this our Com∣mission, and caused our Seal of Arms to be there∣unto affixed, at Loghreogh, the first day of April, 1650.

In execution of which, the Bishop with great activity and courage proceeded, in infesting the English Garrisons and Army in that Province, as much as was in his Power; And having an Army, consisting of about 5000 Horse and Foot, about the 20th. of June, 1650. (when the Lord Lieutenant himself could not draw 1000 men together, or keep them, if together the space of 48 hours) he encountred not far from London-derry, with Sir Charles Coot, who Commanded the Parliaments Forces in Chief in that Quarter, and was then inferior in Foot to the Bishop, though otherwise he had a great advantage of him, by having near treble* 71.1 the number of Horse; Notwithstanding which inequality, the Irish (for a while) behaved themselves handsomly, but in the end, were to∣tally defeated; so that the Bishop was compelled after he saw the day was irrecoverably lost, to quit the Field with a small party of Horse; The next day in his flight, he had the misfortune near Eniskelin, to meet with the Governor, Major King of that Town, in the Head of a Party, too strong for him, against which however, the Bishop defended him∣self with notable courage, though after he had received many wounds, he was taken Prisoner, and soon after, by the positive Order of Sir Charles Coot (whom within less then a year, he had reliev'd, when in great extremity) hang'd. This was a most happy Victory for the Parlia∣ment, in that 3000 of the Rebels were there slain, all meer Irish, out of an opinion they could not prosper, as long as they had any English joyn'd with them, and for that end, had throughly purg'd their Army,

which (being stiled by them, the Confident Victorious Army of the North) had a full return of Gods Vengeance, they being the first In∣cendiaries and Actors in those barbarous Cruelties, which ensued their Insurrection: This was the unfortunate end of that unhappy Prelate, of whom since he bore so great a Part in the Troubles of Ireland, and was much superior in Parts, to any man of that Party, it will not be im∣pertinent or uncharitable to mention some Passages of his Life, that thereby his nature and disposition may be the better collected, and indeed the spirit and temper of mind, which those kind of men were possessed with, who had the greatest abilities to do hurt. Some few years before the Rebellion, this Ever Mac Mahon, being then an Arch Priest, and residing for the most part, in or near Dublin, repair'd (as you have heard) to a Prime Instrument of State, and discovered to him the Con∣trivances abroad, in reference to bring Troubles upon that Kingdom, who being thereupon Pardon'd, still (as any thing of that nature pro∣ceeded) inform'd the State thereof: And though (according to the formality of Law) he should have sued out his Pardon, yet that he might still be confided in by the Confederates, (who knew not who the Discoverer was) he meerly trusted to the Kings Mercy and Clemency, and through the Government of the Earl of Strafford, he prov'd faithful to the Crown. From the beginning of this Rebellion, his Power was very great with those that were opposite to any Reconciliation, upon the first and 2 Con∣clusion of Peacy by the Confederate Catholicks, continuing firm to that Party which followed Owen O Neal, or rather Govern'd Owen O Neal, who commanded that Party; and over and above those demands which concern'd Religion, (to which they seem'd to adhere with more then ordinary zeal, and thereby drew a dependency of that Clergy to them,) they insisted upon the Restitution of the great Estates in Ulster, which was not in the Power of the Crown to make, without violation of several Acts of Parliament, and defeating many descents and purchases, which had passed without any interruption or claim for the space of 150 years. This impossible expectation kept both Owen O Neal, and the Bishop of Clogher, from concurring with the Confederate Catholicks, in the Peace they made with his Majesty, 1648. and the Animosity they contracted against the Confederates, inclined them to relieve London-derry, when (as is remembred before) it was even ready to be reduced by his Ma∣jesties Forces, rather then to submit to the Peace made by them with the Lord Lieutenant: To whose Divisions, the State of England (saith Rely Archbishop of Armagh) ows their present Possession of Ireland, and therefore infers that that Party of the Irish Natives, ought to be not onely on that account Favour'd and Trusted, but because also, they never had affection for the King or his Family: Yet after they had found it necessary to make that agreement with the Marquess, in 1649. (being neglected by the Parliament) it must be acknowledged, that the Bishop per∣formed and observ'd it very justly, (as he was punctual in what he promis∣ed) and applied himself with all dexterity and industry to the advancement of his Majesties Interest; so that during his time, he restrain'd the Clergy from making any Acts, which might discourage the People from their Obedience to the Kings Authority. And the Duke of Ormond acknow∣ledges, that for these 20 years he had to do with the Irish Bishops, he never found any of them, either to speak the Truth, or to perform their Promise to him, onely the Bishop of Clogher excepted, who du∣ring

the little time he lived after his submission to the Peace, and Com∣mission receiv'd from him, he could not charge. And therefore, how incon∣venient soever his Service had been to the Peace and Happiness of that Nation, his Death was very unseasonable▪

Upon the news of the Bishop of Clogher's defeat, the 26 of June, the Lady Fitzgarret (after a well-regulated defence) surrender'd up her Castle of Tecrochan, to Colonel Reynolds, and Colonel Huetson (who had taken in Kilmallock, Harristown, Naas, Ballymole, Rabridge, Tallo, Athy, Maryborrough, Dermots Castle, besides the Places mention'd be∣fore.) And on the 19th. of August, followed the surrender of Carlow, (which, by the care of Ireton, together with Waterford, and Dun∣cannon, had since the beginning of June, been close blocked up) which Preston understanding, surrender'd also Waterford within few days, on Conditions, which brought with it the delivery of the strong Fort of Duncannon: about the same time, Charlemont and Caterlagh, were surrender'd to Sir Charles Coot, and Colonel Venables, after they had took in Culmore, London-derry, Eniskillen, (which was deliver'd by Sir George Monro, to Sir Charles Coot, for 500 l. though a little before, he had receiv'd 1200 l. from the Marquess of Clanrickard, for to secure it,) Colrain, also Ardmach, Carrickfergus, Knockfergus, Belfast, Cloughou∣ter, Castle Jordon, Carlingford, Margrave, Monaghan, Liskelaghan. In the mean time, Colonel Henry Ingolsby, (who was sent to block up Limerick at a distance) overcame 3000 Rebels coming to its Relief, whereof 900 were slain, the rest routed and taken Prisoners. In August, the Lord Inchequin (gathering Forces in Kerry) was disturb'd by Co∣lonel Phaer, who in his return thence, took in the Castle of Kilmurry, and thence went against the Lords, Roch and Muskery, who headed the Rebels in the West. The Army having refresht it self at Waterford, Ireton from thence intended for Limerick, yet wanting Provision for such a Siege, takes his Journey through the County of Wicklow, which afforded him 1600 Cows, besides Sheep, and other Provisions; From thence Sir Hardress Waller, with an equal share of the Booty, was sent with a considerable Force to straighten Limerick, (who in his way near Limerick, took in Bally-Glaughan, Bally-Cubbain, and Garrygaglain, three strong Castles) whilst Ireton, and Sir Charles Coot, (joyning Forces) appear'd before Athlone, to try if they could gain that Garrison; but finding the Bridge broke, and the Town on this side burnt, Sir Charles Coot staid there to straighten it, whilst Ireton taking two Castles in Mac Colcohe's Country, and the Burr, (which the Enemy had left and burnt) presently seated himself before Limerick, where he had certain Intelli∣gence, that the Marquess of Clanrickard (who upon notice of the Ene∣mies being at Athlone, march'd with considerable Forces towards its Relief, if any thing should have been attempted) had retaken the two Castles, and laid Siege to the Burr, to whose Relief Colonel Axtell, Governor at Kilkenny, (having made a conjunction at Rocrea, with the Wexford and Tipperary Forces) resolutely marched; whereupon the Marquess of Clanrickard's Forces under their chief Commander, (he being gone with the other part of his Army towards Limerick) re∣treated to Meleake Island, (a strong Fastness) but were beaten thence the 25. of October, with the loss of near 1500 Men, 200 Horse, Waggons, and Baggage: Upon this success, the Irish quitted all their adjacent Gar∣risons, and Ireton (the Winter coming hard on) drew off from Limerick,

(having settled the Garrisons round about it) with about 1200 Men, and took in Neanagh, (a strong Castle) in Low Ormond, upon whose surrender, Castleton and Dromaneer, yielded also, whence (endea∣vouring to gain Killalough Pass, though without effect) he went to his Winter Quarters about the 10th. of November, at Kilkenny. To pro∣vide for whom, and the Forces in Ireland, the Parliament was at a great stand, (the Prosecution of the War in Scotland, having exercis'd the uttermost Force they could raise) so as they now began to cast about, which way might be most likely to disburthen themselves of some part of that Charge; And for this purpose, they appointed Commissioners to be sent into Ireland, which were four Members of Parliament, Mr. Corbet, Colonel Ludlow, Colonel Jones, and Mr. Weaver; The main Errant they went upon, was, to find out some means in that Kingdom, for the raising of certain sums of Money yearly, towards the maintenance of the Army; These were designed about the beginning of October, and were to be in readiness to imoark at Milford-Haven, by the midst of December, 1650.

But to return to the Marquess of Ormond, (whose endeavours could not work the Confederates to any reasonable resistance, though they saw their Cities and Towns won on every side,) who towards the end of July, receiv'd a Letter subscribed by two Persons, who Stiled themselves Archbishops of Dublin and Tuam in these words.

May it please your Excellency.

THis Nation (become of late the Fable and Reproach of Christi∣anity) is brought to a sad Condition, notwithstanding the fre∣quent and laborious Meetings and Consultations of Prelates; we find jealousies and fears deep in the hearts of men, thorns hard to be plucked out; we see most men contributing to the Enemy, and rendring their Persons and Substance useful to his malice, and destructive to Religion, and the Kings Interests: This Kind of men (if not timely prevented) will betray ir-remediably themselves and us. We find no Stock or Sub∣sistance ordered for maintaining the Souldiery, nor is there an Army any way considerable in the Kingdom, to recover what is lost, or defend what we hold; So, as humanely speaking, if God will not be pleased, for his Mer∣cies sake, to take off from us the heavy Judgment of his Anger, we are fair for losing Sacred Religion, the Kings Authority, and Ireland; The four Archbishops, to acquit their Consciencies in the eyes of God, have re∣solved to meet at Jamestown about the 6th. day of the next month, and* 72.1 to bring along as many of the Suffragans, as may repair thither with safety. The end of this Consultation is, to do what in us lies for the amendment of all Errors, and the recovery of this afflicted People; if your Excel∣lency shall think fit in your Wisdom, to send one or more Persons to make Proposals for the safety of the Nation, we shall not want willingness to prepare a good Answer, nor will we dispair of the Blessings of God, and of his Powerful Influence, to be upon our Intentions in that Place: Even so we conclude, remaining,

Your Excellencies most humble Servants, Fra. Tho. Dub. Joh. Archbishop Tuamen.

24. July 1650.

For his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

Whosoever reads this Summons or Intimation, will believe it to be Satis pro Imperìo; and that such a Direction, To send one or more Per∣sons to make Proposals unto them, for the safety of the Nation; and such a negligent expression, That we shall not want willingness to prepare a good Answer, could not proceed but from a Superior to an Inferior Depen∣dant: However as the Marquess knew it would be to no purpose to in∣hibite their Meeting, so he thought fit to write to them in this manner.

AFter our hearty Commendations, we received yours of the 24th. of* 73.1 July, on the first of this month, and do, with much grief acknow∣ledge, that this Nation is brought into a sad Condition, and that by such means, as when it shall be known abroad, and by story be delivered to Posterity, will indeed be thought a Fable; For it will seem incredible▪ that any Nation should so madly affect, and violently pursue the Ways lead∣ing to their own Destruction, as this People will appear to have done; And that, after the certain ruine they were running into, as evidently and fre∣quently discovered unto those, that in all times and upon all occasions, have had Power to compel or perswade them to what-ever they thought fit; and it will be less credible, when it shall be declared, as in truth it will be, that the Temporal, Spiritual, and Eternal Interest, and Safety, even of those that had this Power, and that have been thus forewarn'd, did consist in making use of it to reclaim the People, and direct them into the ways of Preservation. To be plain, it cannot be denied, but the Disobe∣dience we have met with, (which we at large declared unto many of you, who with divers others of the Nobility and Gentry, were assembled at Loghreogh, in April last) were the certain ready ways to the Destruction of this Nation, as by our Letters of the first of May, to that Assembly, we made apparent. Antient and late experience hath made evident, what Power those of your Function have had, to draw the People of this Nation to what they thought fit; whether your Lordships have been convinced that the Obedience which we desired, should be given to his Majesties Au∣thority, in us, pursuant to the Articles of Peace, was the way to preserve the Nation, we know not; or whether your Lordships have made use of all the means at other times, and upon other occasions, exercised by you, to procure this necessary Obedience, we shall not now determine: Sure we are▪ that since the said Assembly, not onely Limerick hath persisted in the like Disobedience, for want of due Compliance from those Places, but principally from Limerick, it hath been impossible for us to raise or imploy an Army against the Rebels, for to attempt it any where on the other side of the Shannon; but near Limerick, and without the absolute command of that City to secure it, could be no other then the certain Ruine of the Design, in the very beginning of it, the Rebels Power being such, as to dissipate with ease, the foundation that should be laid there; and to have done it on the other side of the Shannon, was impossible, since the ground∣work of the Army must be raised and supported from thence, which while it was in forming, would have exhausted all the substance of those Parts, and not have effected the work, for want of such an Army, (which with Gods assistance) might certainly have been raised long since, if Limerick had obeyed our Orders. The Rebels have without any considerable Re∣sistance from abroad, taken in Clonmel, Tecroghan, Catherlagh, and reduced Waterford, and Duncannon, to great, and we fear irrecove∣rable

Distress; The loss of these Places, and the want of any visible Power to protect them, have doubtlesly induced many to contribute their Substance, and personal assistance to the Rebels; from which, whither they might have been with-held by Church censures, we know not, but have not heard of any such which issued against them; and lastly, for want of such an Army, the Rebels have taken to themselves the Contribution, which might considerably have assisted to support an Army, and preserve the Kingdom. If therefore the end of your Consultation at Jamestown, be to acquit your Consciencies in the eyes of God, the amendment of all Errors, and the re∣covery of this afflicted People, as by the Letter, giving us notice of your Meeting, is professed, we have endeavoured briefly to shew, that the spring of our past losses, and approaching Ruine, ariseth from Disobediencies, and it will not be heard to shew, that the spring of those Disobediencies ariseth from the Forgeries invented, the Calumnies spread against the Government, and the incitement of the People to Rebellion, by very many of the Clergy. That these are Errors frequently practised, and fit for amendment, is no more to be doubted, than without they be amended, the affection of the Peo∣ple will continue, and (as it is to be feared) end in their utter Destruction; which if prevented, by what your Consultation will produce, the happy effect of your Meeting will be acknowledged, without questioning the Autho∣rity by which you meet, or expect Proposals from us, which other then what we have formerly, and now by this our Letter made, we hold not necessary. And so we bid your Lordships heartily farewel. From Roscom∣mon, the 2d. of August, 1650.

To our very good Lords, the Arch∣bishops, and Bishops, met at James∣town.

Your Lordships very loving Friend, ORMOND.

Upon the Receipt of this Letter the several Bishops who met at James∣town, sent the Bishop of Dromore, and Doctor Charles Kelly, to the Lord Lieutenant with this Letter of Credit.

May it please your Excellency.

WE received your Letter of the second Currant, where to our grief* 74.1 and admiration, we saw some expressions, that seem meant for casting a blame upon us of the present sad Condition of the Kingdom, which we hope to Answer to the satisfaction of your Excellency, and the whole Nation; In the mean time we permit this Protestation, as we are Christian Catholick Prelates, that we have done our Endeavours with all Earnestness and Candor, for taking away from the hearts of the People, all Jealousies and Diffidencies, that were conceiv'd the occasion of so many disasters that befel the Nation: And that in all occasions, our Actions and Co-operati∣ons were ready to accompany all your Excellencies Designs, for the pre∣servation of all his Majesties Interests in this Kingdom; whose State be∣ing in the present desperate Condition, we thought it our Duty to offer unto

your Excellency our sence, of the onely possibility we could devise for its Preservation; And that by the Intervention and Expression of my Lord of Dromore, and Doctor Charles Kelly, Dean of Tuam, who shall clearly deliver unto your Excellency, our thoughts and good intentions, as to this effect: Praying your Excellency to give full Credit, to what they will declare in our Names in this Business, which will be still own'd as our Command laid upon them, and the Declaration of the sincere hearts of

Your Excellencies most humble Servants, H. Ardmagh, Jo. Archiep. Tuam, Jo. Rapotensis, Nico. Fernensis & Procurator Arch. Dublin, Eug. Kil∣more, Walt. Clonfert & Procurator Leghlin, &c.

Jamestown 10. Aug. 1650.

When (viz. the 12. of the same) the two Persons had delivered their Credential Letter to the Lord Lieutenant, he wished them, in regard of the importance of the Matter they were instructed with, to set down what they had in Command in Writing; whereupon they presented him the 13th. with this following Letter.

May it please your Excellency.

WE being intrusted by the Clergy met at Jamestown, to deliver a* 75.1 Message unto your Excellency, importing their advice, what the onely means is, as they conceive, that may serve to free the Nation from the sad Condition, whereunto it is reduced at present, do in obedience to your Excellencies Commands, signified for giving in the Substance of the said Message in Writing, humbly present the same as followeth. That whereas they doubt not your Excellency hath labour'd by other hands, to bring the best Aids that possibly could be had from abroad, for the Relief of this gasping Nation, yet finding now in their Consciencies no other expedient Remedy for the preservation thereof, and of his Majesties Interests there∣in, more prevalent then your Excellencies speedy repair to his Majesty, for preventing the Ruine and Dissolution of all, and leaving the Kings Authority in the hands of some Person or Persons faithful to his Majesty, and trusty to the Nation, and such as the affection and confidence of the People will follow, by which the Rage and Fury of the Enemy may re∣ceive Interruption; They humbly offer this important Matter, of the Safety or Destruction of this Nation, and the Kings Interest, to your Wisdom and Consideration, hoping the Kingdom by your Excellencies Presence with his Majesty, and intrusting safely the Kings Authority, (as above) may with Gods blessing, hold out until reliev'd with Supplies from his Ma∣jesty; The Prelates will in the mean time, do what lies in their Power to assist the Person or Persons so intrusted. The great Trust his Majesty doth repose in your Excellency, the vast Interest in Fortune, Alliance, and Kin∣dred, you have in this Nation, and your experience in the management of Affairs of greatest Consequence, will, (we doubt not) added to other the Reasons proposed by us, induce you to embrace this Advice, as pro∣ceeding

from our pious Intentions, that look onely on the preservation of the Catholick Religion, the support of his Majesties Authority, and the Estates, Liberties, and Fortunes, of his Subjects of this Kingdom, which we humbly offer, as

Your Excellencies most humble Servants, Fr. Oliver Dromore, Charles Kelly.

Aug. 13th. 1650.

Though the Marquess did not expect, that the Meeting of the Bishops and Clergy in that manner at Jamestown, would have produced any better effect, than their former Meetings in other Places had done, yet he could not imagine, that their Presumption would have been so great, as it ap∣pear'd by this Message to be. And when he communicated it to the Com∣missioners of Trust, they were no less seemingly scandalized at it, and believ'd, that upon serious Conference with the Bishops, they should be able to reform their Understandings and their Wills, and therefore desi∣red the Marquess, that instead of sending a particular Answer to the Matter of the Message, he would write to them, To give him a Meeting at Logh∣reogh,* 75.2 on the 26th. of the same month, to the end, that upon a free Confe∣rence, they might be induced to understand how pernicious a thing they had advised, in order to their own security. And the Bishop of Dromore, and Dr. Kelly, return'd with this Proposition, and the Marquess, making no doubt of their Compliance, so far as to meet at the Place appointed, went thither at the day assigned; but they, instead of meeting him themselves, sent their Bishops of Cork and Clonfert, (no otherwise intrusted then) to receive his Answer to the Proposition they had made, for his leaving the Kingdom: To which, when he saw he could not draw them to a Confe∣rence, he, the 31. of August, return'd, That they might well remember, that upon the Disobediences he had formerly met with, he had obtain'd leave from his Majesty to have departed the Kingdom, and that if themselves the Bishops, Nobility and Gentry, met together, had not in April last, in Wri∣ting and Discourse, given him assurance, that they not only desired his stay, but would endeavour to procure such obedience to him, as might enable him with hope of success to have gone on in the War, he would have made use of the liberty given unto him by his Majesty, to have freed himself from the vexation which he had since endured, and the dishonour which he fore-saw he should be subject to for want of Power, without which (as he then told them) he should be able to do nothing considerable for the King or the Nati∣on: That he had transmitted those Assurances to his Majesty, with his own resolution to attend the Effects: That he plainly observed, that the Division was great in the Nation under his Government, yet it would be greater upon his removal, of which, in a free Conference, he would have given them such pregnant Evidence, as he held it not fit to declare to them by writing. For these and other Reasons he told them, That unless he was forced by in-evita∣ble necessity, he was not willing to remove out of the Kingdom, and desired them to use all means within their Power, to dispose the People to that Du∣tifulness and Obedience that became them.

This wrought nothing on the Temper of those Men, who were resolv∣ed not to be satisfied with any thing the Marquess could say unto them: Insomuch that (within few days after they had receiv'd his Answer from

Loghreogh, at the time when the Parliamentarians were strong in the Field, and had then passed the Shannon, if they had not been restrained by* 75.3 the few Troops the Marquess still kept on foot) they published an Excom∣munication against all those, of what Quality soever, who should feed, help, or adhere unto the Lord Lieutenant; in which, this Circumstance is observable, That though they did not publish this Excommunication until the 15th. of September, it was enacted in their Assembly at James∣town the 12th. of August, which was within two days after they had sent the Bishop of Dromore, and Dr. Kelly, to perswade the Marquess to leave the Kingdom, and the day before they delivered their Message: So that they thought any thing that the Lord Lieutenant should return to them, would be impertinent to the Matter in hand; or if they were not so de∣lighted with their own Proceedings, that they have themselves carefully published to the World in Print, would it be believ'd, that Persons, who in the least degree pretended the care of the Peoples welfare and security, could at such a time, when a potent Enemy was in the Field, set all Men loose from all Government, Civil and Martial, and not direct them whom they should follow and obey: For if it be said, That they were advised to return to their Association, and until a General Assembly of the Nati∣on could be conveniently called, unanimously to serve against the com∣mon Enemy, since no Persons were named or appointed to conduct them, it must be acknowledged, that they were left without any direction at all, to the rage and fury of those, who intended nothing but their Re∣duction.

Together with their Excommunication, they published, in the head* 75.4 of the Army, a Declaration, entituled, A Declaration of the Archibishops, Bishops, and other Prelates and Dignitaries of the Regular and Secular Cler∣gy of the Kingdom of Ireland, against the continuance of his Majesty's Au∣thority in the Marquess of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, for the mis-government of the Subjects, and the ill conduct of his Majesty's Army, and violation of the Articles of Peace.

If the Archbishops, Bishops, and Secular and Regular Clergy of Ireland, will take upon them to declare against the King's Authority, where his Majesty hath placed it, and will make themselves Judges of his supream Minister, for the government of the Subjects, and the ill conduct of his Majesty's Army, they assume an Authority to themselves, that no other Christian Clergy ever pretended, and sufficiently declare to the King, how far they are from being Subjects, or intending to pay him any Obedience, longer than they are govern'd in such Manner, and by such Persons, as they think fit to be pleas'd with. If the Marquess of Ormond had mis-govern'd the People, and conducted his Majesty's Army amiss, the Clergy are not competent Judges of the one or the other. And for the violation of the Articles of Peace, the Commissioners, nominated and appointed to pro∣vide for the due execution of them, were the only Persons who could de∣termine and remedy such Violation, and who well knew there was no cause for their complaint. But on the other hand, (as hath been before mention'd) these Men obstructed that concurrence and obedience in the People, without which those Articles could not be observed, or the secu∣rity of the People provided for.

The Preface of that Declaration (according to their usual method) justified and magnified their Piety and Vertue, in the beginning and car∣rying on the War, extolled their Duty and Affection to their King, in

submitting to him, and returning to their Allegiance, when they said, they could have better, or as good Conditions from the Parliament of England, intimated what a vast sum of Money they had provided, near half a Million of English pounds, besides several Magazines of Corn, with a fair Train of Artillery, great quantity of Powder, Match, Ammunition, with other Materials for carrying on the War, and many other Particu∣lars of that nature, the monstrous untruths whereof doth sufficiently ap∣pear, in what hath been said before. The Marquess having been forced to borrow those little sums of Money, out of the Pockets of his Friends, (and to spend all that he raised upon the sail of a good quantity of his own Land; for the support of his Wife and Children) to enable the Army to march, which was not then (what-ever hath been since) re-paid to him. And the Magazines of Corn and Ammunition, and other Materi∣als for War, being so absolutely un-furnished, that it was not possible for him to reduce those small Forts of Maryburrough and Athy, held by Owen O Neal's Party, till he had by his own Power and Interest, procured some Supplies before clearly mention'd, so far were these Men from ma∣king that Provision they brag of. What Conditions they might have had from the Parliament of England, may be concluded by the usage they have since found, (nor if they were put to it, would they be able to prove their Assertions) divine vengeance having made that Party more merci∣less towards them, whose forwardness, obstinacy, and treachery against the King's Authority, contributed most to their Service, than those who worthily opposed them, and were most enemies to their Proceed∣ings.

They endeavour'd by all imaginable Reproaches and Calumnies, to lessen the Peoples Reverence towards the Lord Lieutenant, laying such Aspersions on him in the said Declaration, as might most alienate their Affections, though themselves knew them to be un-true, and without co∣lour. They complained that he had given Money, Commissions for Co∣lonels, and other Commands, unto Protestants, and upon them consumed the substance of the Kingdom, who most of them either betrayed or de∣serted the Service; whereas they knew well, that there was not one Pro∣testant Officer, to whom the Lord Lieutenant gave a Commission, who betrayed any Place committed to him, or otherwise treated in order to their support, than all the other Officers of the same condition in the Army; nor did they quit the Service, until many of them had gallantly lost their Lives, and that the Clergy had so far incensed the People against them, only for being Protestants, that the Marquess was compelled to give them leave to depart the Kingdom, or otherwise to dispose of them∣selves; and the Parliament Commanders gave Passes to such as would de∣part the Kingdom, and gladly entertain'd such as went over to their Party.

They accused him of Improvidence in conducting the Army, after the defeat at Rathmines, of not relieving Tredath, of permitting Play, Drink∣ing, and Licentiousness in the Camp, and as bold Aspersions, as, without Excommunication, might gain credit with the People, and reflect upon his Honour, where he was not enough known. Whereas the Action at Rathmines is before set down at large, and the taking of Tredath by a Storm, when it was scarce apprehended: And it is notoriously known, that in his Person he was so strict and vigilant, that he gave not himself freedom and liberty to enjoy those Pleasures, which might very well have

consisted with the Office and Duty of the most severe General; and that in above three months time, (which was from his first drawing the For∣ces to the Rendezvous, till after the misfortune at Rathmines) he never slept out of his Souldier's Habit. So that the malice and craft of those un∣reasonable and sensless Calumnies, are easie enough to be discerned, and can only make an impression upon vulgar minds, not well informed of the Humour and Spirit of the Contrivers.

They magnified exceedingly the Merit of the Prelates, the Declarati∣on they had made at Cloanmacnoise, their frequent expressions of their Sin∣cerity; and most blame the Marquess, for not making use of their Power and Diligence, toward the advancing the King's Interest; but rather, for suspecting and blaming them by his Letter to the Prelates at Jamestown, (before-mention'd) and they said, words were heard to fall from him, dangerous as to the Persons of some of the Prelates. To all which, little need be said, since there is before so just and full mention of their fair De∣clarations, Professions and Actions, which accompanied them: And for the danger the Persons of some Prelates were in, they will be ashamed to urge, when it is known, that their Bishop of Killalough was brought to him in custody, even after he had sign'd this Declaration and Excommu∣nication, and set at liberty by him, and whom the Bishops themselves, in their Letter (of the 12th. of September, 1650.) to the Earl of West∣meath, &c. do acknowledge to be preserved by the Marquess; and for which many will rather expect an Apology, than for any Jealousie he could entertain of the Persons, who behaved themselves in that manner towards the King's Lord Lieutenant.

They charge him with having represented to his Majesty, that some Parts of the Kingdom were dis-obedient, which absolutely deny any Dis-obedience by them committed; and that thereby, he had procured from his Majesty a Letter, to withdraw his own Person, and the Royal Authority, if such dis-obedience was multiplied, and so leave the People without the Benefit of Peace. This was the Reward his Excellency (out of his Envy to a Catholick Loyal Nation) prepared for their Loyalty and Obedience, seal'd by the shedding of their blood, and the loss of their substance. Whether the obstinate and Rebellious carriage of Waterford, Limerick, and other Places, (which brought destruction upon them∣selves) did not deserve and require such a Representation to be made unto the King, may be judged by all men, upon what hath been before truly set down of those Particulars; and if the Places themselves had not acknowledged that dis-obedience, yet the Prelates seemed to lament those Acts of Dis-obedience, and most earnestly disswaded him from leaving the Kingdom, promising all their endeavours to reduce the People to Obedience, (which was onely in their Power to have done) else the Marquess would not so long have exposed Himself and his Ho∣nour to those Reproaches, or suffered his Person with the Impotent Title of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to have remained in that Kingdom; and every day to hear of the rendring and betraying of Places to the Ene∣my, which he could no more remedy, then he could infuse a Spirit of Obedience, Unity, and Understanding, into that unhappy infatuated Nation; Yet he was so far from wishing, that his Majesty should abso∣lutely withdraw his Royal Authority from them, (how unworthy so∣ever they made themselves of it) that he offered to leave the Kings Power, in the Person of the Marquess of Clanrickard, as he afterwards

did, hoping, that since their great exception was to him for being a Pro∣testant, they would with all Alacrity have complied with the other, who is known to be a most zealous Roman Catholick, yet a great Roy∣alist.

They reproach'd him, That while he was an Enemy to the Catholicks, he had been very active in unnatural executions against them, and shed∣ding the blood of poor Priests and Churchmen: But since the Peace, he had shewed little of action, keeping himself in Connaght, and Thomond, where no danger was, or the Enemy appear'd not. Here you see, they would neither suffer him to have an Army to oppose the Enemy, nor be content that he should retire into those Places where the Enemy could least infest him, and from whence with those few Troops which re∣mained with him, he defended the Shannon, and kept the Enemy from getting over the River, while he staid there. And for the former activity and success against them, which they were content to impute to him, it was when he had a free election of Officers, an absolute Power over his Garrisons, where he caused the Soldiers continually to be exercised, their Arms kept in order, and from whence he could have drawn his Ar∣my together, and have march'd with it to what place he would: which advantages he was now without, and the Enemy possessed of; and there∣fore it was no wonder, that they now obtain'd their Victories, as easily as he had done formerly; But since they were so disingenious and un∣grateful, (there being many amongst them, whose lives he had saved, not without suspicion of being favourable to them, when he should have been just) to charge him with being active in unnatural executions against them, and in shedding the blood of poor Priests and Church-men; and for the Improvement and Propagation of Calumny, it hath pleased some Persons, to cause that Declaration to be Translated in Latin, and Printed, thereby to make him odious to the Roman Catholicks, and have named two Priests, who they say were by his order Executed, and put to death in cold blood, and after his promise given to save their lives, whose names were Mr. Higgins, and Mr. White. It will not be imper∣tinent to set down at large the Case of these two Persons, that from thence, men who have no mind to be deceived and mislead, may judge of the Candor and Sincerity of those Persons, who would obtrude such Calumnies to the World.

It must therefore be known, that when these two Priests were put to death, the War was conducted and carried on by the two Houses of Par∣liament; that the Government of Ireland was in the hands of the two Lords Justices, who upon the inhumane and barbarous Cruelties first practised by the Irish Catholicks, in the beginning of the Rebellion, had forbidden any quarter to be given to those whom they found in Arms, and principally against all Priests, known Incendaries of that Rebellion, and prime Actors in exemplary Cruelties; and the Marquess of Ormond was then onely Lieutenant General of the Army, and received all Or∣ders from the Lords Justices and Council, who having intelligence that a Party of the Rebels intended to be at such a time at the Naas, or∣der'd him to draw some Troops together, with hope to surprize them; And the Lieutenant General marching all night, came early in the morning into the Town, from whence the Rebels (upon notice) were newly fled; In this Town some of the Souldiers found Mr. Higgins, who might it's true have easily fled, if he had apprehended any danger in

the stay; When he was brought before the Marquess, he voluntarily acknowledged that he was a Priest, and that his Residence was in the Town, from whence he refused to fly away with those that were guilty, because he not onely knew himself very innocent, but believ'd he should not be without ample Evidence of it, having by his sole Charity and Power, preserved very many of the English Protestants, from the rage and fury of the Irish, and therefore he onely besought the Marquess to preserve him from the violence of the Souldiers, and to put him securely into Dublin, to be tried for any Crime; which the Marquess promis'd to do, and perform'd it, though with so much hazard, that when it was spread abroad amongst the Souldiers, that he was a Priest, the Officer into whose Custody he was intrusted, was assaulted by them, and it was as much as the Marquess could do to relieve him, and compose the mu∣tiny. When he came to Dublin, he informed the Lords Justices and Council of the Prisoner he had brought with him, of the good Testi∣mony he had receiv'd of his peaceable Carriage, of the pains he had taken to restrain those with whom he had Credit, from entring into Rebellion, and of very many charitable Offices he had perform'd, of which there wanted not Evidence enough, there being many then in Dublin, who own'd their Lives, and whatever of their Fortunes was left, purely to him, so that he doubted not, but that he would be worthy of their Protection: Within few days after, when the Marquess did not suspect the poor man to be in danger, he heard that Sir Charles Coot (who was Provost Martial General) had taken him out of Prison, and caused him to be put to death, in the morning before or assoon as it was light; of which Barbarity, the Marquess complained to the Lords Justices, but was so far from bringing the other to be question'd, that he found him∣self to be upon some disadvantage, for thinking the proceeding to be otherwise then it ought to have been: This was the Case of Mr. Higgins, and this the Marquess's part in it; and the poor man was so far from complaining of his breach of Promise at his death, (how confidently soever it be aver'd) that he exceedingly acknowledged the Favour he had receiv'd from his Lordship, prayed for his Prosperity, and lamented his want of Power to do that, which the World saw his inclination prompted him to.

The proceeding against Mr. White, was very different, and in this manner; The Marquess being upon his march with his Army, he quar∣ter'd one night at Clonin, an house of the Earl of West-Meaths, who was residing there with his Wife and Family; when he was at Supper, (many of the Officers being at the Table) the Lady of the House (upon some whisper she receiv'd from a Servant) expressed some trouble in her Countenance, which the Marquess (who sate next her) perceiving, asked her what the matter was, she told him in his ear, that she was in great apprehension of an honest man who was in her house, and much fear'd the Souldiers, confessing he was a Priest; The Mar∣quess replied, that if he was in the house, and kept himself there, he was in no danger; for, as the Souldiers would attempt nothing while the Marquess stai'd there, so he would leave a Guard at his departure, that should secure it against Straglers, or any Party that should stay be∣hind; which he did accordingly. In the morning when he was ready to march, he receiv'd information, that the Rebels were possessed of a Pass, by which he was to go; whereupon he sent some Troops to get

a Foard, three miles from the way the Army was to march, and by that means, to come upon the Rear of the Rebels by the time the Army should come to the Pass; which being done, after a short Encounter, in which many were killed, the Rebels were put to flight, and the Pass gain'd: In this action, Mr. White was taken on Horse-back with a Case of Pistols, who desired to be brought to the Marquess, which being done, he told him he was the Person, for whom the Countess of West-Meath had besought his favour the night before, and that his Lordship had promised that he should be safe; The Marquess told him, if he were the same Person? it was his own fault that he was not safe, if he had staid in the house he was in, this had not befaln him? that it was now out of his Power to preserve him, himself being bound to pursue those Orders which the Lords Justices had given him; Nevertheless, he did endeavour to have saved him, at least till he might be brought to Dublin: But the whole Army possessed with a bitter spirit against the Romish Clergy, mutinied upon it, and in the end compelled the Marquess to leave him unto that Justice, which they were authoris'd to execute, and so put him to death. Who can now upon these two Instances, and no other can or have been given, reasonably and honestly say, that the Mar∣quess hath had his hands defiled with the blood of Priests? And from the time that he had the chief Power committed to him, there was not one Priest (how Maliciously, Rebelliously, or Treacherously soever, they behaved themselves against the Kings Service, and the Person of the Lord Lieutenant) who suffered death, but also all other acts of Blood and Rage, which are not necessary, though hardly avoidable in the most just War, were declined and discountenanced by him; nay! for his Re∣spect to affairs of this nature, (that they might be evenly, and without passion carried on) did he not often undergo (even with his own Party) a suspicion of not being sufficiently faithful? The Consequences of which had many Censures: The truth is, the Rebellion was odious to him, yet his desire (often to reclaim the Irish by Mercy) palliated, what other∣wise might have finished (some thought) the War, sooner then it had its Determination.

I shall pass over the many Tautologies, and impertinent Calum∣nies in the said Declaration, all which are sufficiently answer'd and clear'd, by what is already contain'd in this Narrative, and shall * 75.5 onely insert their conclusion in their own words, as followeth.—For the prevention of these Evils, and that the Kingdom may not be utterly lost to his Ma∣jesty, and his Catholick Subjects, this Congregation of Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates and Dignitaries of both Clergies of this Kingdom, found our selves bound in Conscience (after great delibera∣tion) to declare against the continuance of his Majesties Authority, in the Person of the Lord Marquess of Ormond, having by his Misgovern∣ment, ill Conduct of his Majesties Army, and breach of Publick Faith with the People, in several Particulars of the Articles of Peace, ren∣dred himself incapable of continuing that great Trust any longer, being questionable before his Majesty, for the aforesaid Injuries and ill Go∣vernment, to which effect, we will joyn with other Members of this Kingdom, in drawing a Charge against him: And we hereby mani∣fest to the People, that they are no longer obliged to obey the Orders and Commands of the said Marquess of Ormond, but are, until a General Assembly of the Nation can be conveniently called together,

unanimously to serve against the common Enemy, for the defence of the Catholick Religion, his Majesties Interest, their Liberties, Lives, and Fortunes, in pursuance of the Oath of Association, and to observe in the mean time the form of Government the said Congregation shall pre∣scribe, until otherwise ordered by an Assembly, or until upon Applicati∣on to his Majesty, he settle the same otherwise. And we do Fulminate the annexed Excommunication of one date, with this Declaration against all opposers of the said Declaration.

Here we are arrived at one of the most fatal Conclusions of a despe∣rate* 75.6 People any History ever mention'd; yet (as the case stood) it was not possible for his Excellency to chastise their folly and madness; such a reverence and esteem this unhappy Nation hath ever had of their Cler∣gy, that a seditious Frier (and he happily none of their highest Order neither) could take the Colours in the head of a Regiment, and (pro∣nouncing damnation to those who should presume to march) contrary to the General's command, caused the Soldiers to throw down their Arms, and disband, as fell out in an Expedition at Kilkenny. Nor was it possible for the Marquis of Ormond to procure Justice to be inflicted in a Civil or Martial way upon an Ecclesiastical Person, let his crime be what it would: since even they whose zeal and affection to his Majesties Ser∣vice was unquestionable, and who were as highly offended at the in∣tolerable carriage and proceedings of the Bishops and Clergy as they ought to be, and whose duty was not in the least degree shaken by their Declaration and Excommunication, were yet so tender of those Immuni∣ties and Priviledges which were said to belong to the Church, and so jea∣lous of the behaviour of the People in any case, which should be declared a violation of those Priviledges, that they would by no means have an hand in inflicting capital punishment upon any Church-men, without the approbation and co-operation of the Bishops, who were not like to be so hard-hearted as to consent unto any judgment upon the Accessories in those crimes, in which themselves were the Principal: So that he must not onely have determined by his own single will and judgment, what was to be done in those Cases, but he must have executed those determi∣nations with his own hand. And this consideration obliged the Marquis to all those condescensions and sufferings, and upon all occasions to en∣deavour to dispose and perswade those Prelates from any obstinate and ruinous resolutions, rather than to declare them to be enemies, whom he could neither reform or punish.

The Excommunication was no sooner published by the Congregation, and consented and approved by the other part of the Bishops and Clergy,* 75.7 sitting at Galway, but they quickly discerned how imprudently, as well as unwarrantably they had proceeded in order to their own ends; and that they had taken care onely to dissolve and disband all their Forces, with∣out making any kind of provision for the opposition of the Parliaments Forces, who had quickly notice of their ridiculous madness, and were thereupon advancing with their whole Power upon them; the people generally, who foresaw what must be the issue of that confusion, thought of nothing but compounding with the Enemy upon any condition; the Nobility, prime Gentry, and the Commissioners of Trust, who saw their whole Power and Jurisdiction wrested from them, and assumed and ex∣ercised by the Congregation, continued their application to the Lord

Lieutenant, and desired him not to leave them exposed to the confusion which must attend his departure. The gravest and most pious Clergy la∣mented the unskilful spirit of the rest; and even some of the Bishops, and others, who were present at the Congregation, and subscrib'd to the Excommunication, disclaim'd their having consented to it, though they were oblig'd to sign it for conformity: So that they found it necessary within less than three days after the publishing it, to suspend that dread∣ful Sentence; and yet that it might appear how unwillingly they did those acts of sobriety and gentleness, it will not be amiss to set down the Letter it self, which the Titular Bishop of Clonfert, and Doctor Charles Kelly writ to the Officers of the Army, under the Command of the Lord Marquis of Clanrickard to that purpose, which was in these words.

SIRS,

YEster day we received an Express from the rest of our Congregation at* 76.1 Galway, bearing their sense to suspend the effect of the Excommu∣nication proclaimed by their Orders, till the service at Athlone be performed, fearing on the one side a dispersion of the Army, and on the other side have received certain intelligence of the Enemies approach unto that Place, with their full force and number of fighting men, and thereupon would have us concur with them in suspending the said Excommunication▪ As for our part, we do judge that suspension to be unnecessary, and full of inconveniencies, which we apprehend may ensue, because the Excommunication may be obeyed, and the service not neglected, if the People were pleased to undertake the service in the Clergies name, without relation to the Lord of Ormond: Yet fearing the censure of singularity in a matter of so high a strain against us, or to be deem'd more forward in Excommunicating then others; also fearing the weakness of some (which we believ'd the Congregation fear'd) we are pleas'd to follow the major Vote, and against our own opinion concur with them, and do hereby suspend the said Censure as above; provided al∣ways, that after the Service perform'd, or the Service be thought unne∣cessary by the Clergy, or when the said Clergy shall renew it, it shall be presently incurred, as if the said Suspension had never been interposed. And so we remain,

Your assured loving Friends in Christ, Walter Bish. of Clonfert, Charles Kelly.

Corbeg. Sept. 16. 1650.

If this Authentick Truth (of which there is not room for the least doubt) were not inserted, who could believe it possible, that men endu'd with common understanding, and professing the Doctrine of Christia∣nity, and Allegiance of Subjects, could, upon deliberation, publish such Decrees? And who can wonder that a People, enslaved to, and condu∣cted by such Spiritual Leaders, should become a Prey to any Enemy, though supplied with less power, vigilance, and dexterity, than the Parliaments Forces always were, who have prevailed against them, and

who by all kind of reproaches, rigour, and tyranny, have made that froward and unhappy Congregation pay dear Interest, for the contempt and indignity with which they prosecuted their Sovereign and his Authority.

His Majesty that now is, being about this time in Scotland, in prosecu∣tion of the recovery of his Kingdoms, was by the Kirk Party, which pos∣sess'd* 76.2 the Power of that Kingdom forced to sign a Declaration, By which the Peace concluded with the Irish Catholicks in 1648. by Authority of the late King of ever glorious memory, and confirmed by himself, was pro∣nounced and adjudged void, and that his Majesty was absolved from any observation of it: And this not grounded upon those particular Breaches, Violations, and Affronts, which had been offered to his Majesties Autho∣rity, and contrary to the express Articles, Proviso's, and Promises of that Treaty; but upon the supposed unlawfulness of concluding any Peace with those Persons, who were branded with many ignominious reproaches. And though this Declaration in point of time issued after the Excommu∣nication at James-town, yet the notice of it came so near the time of the* 76.3 publication of the other, that the Clergy inserted it in their Declaration, as if it had been one of the principal Causes of their Excommunication, thereby deluding the People, as if that expedient of their Excommuni∣cation had been the onely foundation of security to the Nation, and their particular Fortunes.

When the Marquis first heard of that Declaration in Scotland, he did really believe it a Forgery, contrived either by the Parliament, or the Irish Congregation, to seduce the People from their Affection and Loy∣alty to the King; but soon after, viz. the 13th. of October, being assured of its authentickness, he immediately (with the advice of the Commissioners* 76.4 of Trust) issued his Orders, (viz. the 24th. of October) for the meeting of an Assembly at Loghreogh, on the 15th. of Novemb. and in the mean time, on the 23d. of Octob. for the better composing of the minds of men, and preventing those distempers and jealousies which might be infused, he writ from Enis to the Commissioners of Trust, and took notice of that Declaration which was published in Scotland, and told them, That however the affronts put upon his Majesty had been many, and were ob∣stinately persisted in to that day, and in such Places, whereupon evi∣dently depended the preservation or loss of the whole Kingdom, where∣of he had several times given notice to them, and followed the ways ad∣vised by them for the reclaiming the said Places without success; yet con∣sidering the Declaration gain'd from his Majesty, was without hearing what could be said by the Nation in their own defence, and such as in∣volved it generally (without exception) ••n the guilt of Rebellion; he thought it fit to let them know, That (since the Declaration was by undue means obtain'd from his Majesty) he was resolved, by all the means it should please God to offer unto him, and through all hazards in the behalf of the Nation, to insist upon, and insert the lawfulness of the conclusion of the Peace, by vertue of the aforesaid Authority, and that the said Peace was still valid and of force, and binding unto his Majesty and all his Subjects: And herein he told them he was resolved, by the help of God, to persist, un∣til both himself, and such as should in that behalf be intrusted and autho∣rised by the Nation, should have free and safe access to his Majesty; and until, upon mature and unrestrained consideration of what might on all sides be said, his Majesty should have declared his Royal pleasure upon those Af∣fronts

that had been put upon his Authority. Provided, that in the mean time, and immediately, First, That all the Acts, Declarations, and Excom∣munications issued by the Bishops (met at James-town in August last) against his Majesties Authority in him, and the Peoples giving obedience thereunto, should be by them revoked; and such assurance given, as should be agreed by him and the Commissioners of Trust, that they nor any of them should attempt the like for the future; and that they should contain them∣selves within the bounds prescribed by the Articles of Peace, whereof they are Parties. Secondly, That it should be immediately declared by the Commissioners of Trust, that the said Declaration, Excommunication, and other Proceedings of the said Bishops, was an unwarrantable usurpation upon his Majesties just Authority, and in them a violation of the Peace: And that in case the Bishops should not give the assurance before expressed, or having given it, should not observe the same, that they would endeavour to bring the offenders to condign punishment, pursuant unto, and as is prescribed by the Laws of the Kingdom, as disturbers of the Peace of the Kingdom, and obstructors of the means of preserving the same. Thirdly, That the like De∣claration should be made by all that derive Authority from his Majesty, Ci∣vil or Martial, and by the respective Mayors, Aldermen, Common-Coun∣cils, Burgesses, and other Magistrates in all the Corporations of the King∣dom. Fourthly, That the Lord Lieutenant should be permitted to make his free and safe Residence in any Place he should choose, within the Limits not possessed by the Parliament. Fifthly, That he should be immediately suffered to Garrison such Places, and in such manner, according to the Articles of Peace, as he should find necessary for the defence of the Kingdom. In the last place he wish'd them, That some present course might be taken for his support, in some proportion answerable to his Place, yet with regard to the Kingdom; which last, he said, he should not have proposed, but that he was deprived of all his own Fortune, whereupon he had wholely subsisted ever since his coming into the Kingdom.

The Commissioners of Trust received this Letter with all demonstra∣tions* 76.5 of respect and satisfaction, and the very next day return him an Answer, in which, after they had lamented the issuing out of that Procla∣mation in Scotland, they said, It greatly comforted them to understand, that his Excellency was resolv'd through all hazards in behalf of the Nation to insist upon, and assert the Peace, and persist in so doing, until he, or such as should be intrusted and authorized by the Nation, should have free and safe access unto his Majesty: And as to those Proviso's which were expressed as necessary Con∣ditions for the continuing amo••••st them his Majesties Authority, which (not∣withstanding the Declaration they said, they did still reverence and embrace (beside their general profession to act what lay within their power in the ways of his Majesties service) for his Excellencies satisfaction, they return'd these ensuing Answers. As to the first, concerning the revocation of those Acts, Declarations, and Excommunications issued by the Bishops, and as∣surance demanded, that nothing in that kind should be attempted for the future. They said, That his Excellency, to whom they had often express'd their resentment of their proceedings, might be confident, they would la∣bour as far as in them lay to see his Excellency satisfi'd in that particular; and to that end they would all, or some of them, with his allowance, and as he should think fit, repair to Galway to treat with the Prelates on that

Subject. Unto the second, they answered, That albeit they knew by those Censures of the Bishops his Majesties Authority was invaded, and an un∣warranted Government set up, contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom, and that they were assured, no Subject could be justly warranted by that Ex∣communication, to deny Obedience to his Majesties Authority in his Ex∣cellency; yet being of opinion, that a publick Declaration of that kind in that conjuncture of Affairs, ought properly, and would with more countenance and Authority move from an Assembly than from them; and that by such a publick Declaration than from themselves, they should wholely obstruct the way to prevail with the Prelates to withdraw those Acts, which was desired by the former Proposition, and likewise endanger the Union that was necessary at present in opposing the common Enemy, and prejudice the hopes of a more perfect Union for the future, wherein the preservation of the Nation would principally consist. They did therefore humbly beseech his Excellency to call an Assembly of the Nation, from whom such a Declara∣tion as might be effectual in that behalf, and might settle those Distracti∣ons could onely proceed: Tet if in the mean time, and before the meeting of that Assembly, those Censures then suspended should be revived, they would endeavour to suppress their influence upon the People by such a Declaration as should become Loyal Subjects, and men entrusted to see all due obedience unto his Majesties Government over the whole Kingdom. To the third they answered, That they would, at all times, and in such manner as his Ex∣cellency should think fit to prescribe, invite all his Majesties Roman Ca∣tholick Subjects to such a Declaration, which yet, until they should under∣stand the Clergies sense upon the first Proviso, they said, they did humbly as fit for a time to forbear. To the fourth, they answered, That whatsom∣ever his Excellency should find to be within their power, and would direct to be done concerning the Place of Residence for his Person, they would rea∣dily obey his Lordships command therein. To the fifth they answered, That upon conference with his Excellency of the Places fit to be Garrison'd, and the number of Men fit to be put in them, they would, according to the Articles of Peace, use their utmost endeavours to have such Garrisons, so agreed upon, admitted. And to the last they said, They had at all times been ready and willing, that his Excellencies Charge should be supported out of the Revenue of the Kingdom; and that they were now ready to con∣cur in assigning any of the Dues already accrued, or such as should grow due hereafter, or to impose any new Allotment upon the Subject towards his maintenance.

When the Lord Lieutenant perceived, that the temper and desire of the Commissioners of Trust was so different from that of the Congre∣gation, and that in truth they were afflicted and scandalized at the ex∣orbitancy of the other; and that they thought they should be able to reduce them from the destructive Counsels they were engaged in: He would not, upon any experience or judgment of his own, restrain them from attempting what was not impossible to compass, and which many* 76.6 would have concluded would be compassed if attempted, and which, what other effect soever it had, would make evident, that there was not a concurrence in the Nation in those Acts which were likely to destroy the Kingdom: And therefore he willingly consented, that the Com∣missioners should go to Gallway, where the Committee of the Congre∣gation resided, whereof the Bishop of Ferns was one, to whom they

shewed the Letter they received from the Lord Lieutenant, and desired them to consider the state of the Kingdom, and to know from them what they conceiv'd remain'd, that might best tend to the preservation of the Nation, without keeping the Kings Authority amongst them; for that many of the most considerable would instantly make their conditi∣ons with the Enemy, if the Kings Authority were taken away; and that there was no hope of keeping or leaving that Authority, but by re∣voking the Excommunication and Declaration: For the Lord Lieute∣nant would not stay to keep it, nor would he leave it, nor the Marquis of Clanrickard undergo it, but on these terms: And hereupon they used all those Reasons and Arguments which cannot but occur to all men, who are not blinded with Passion and Prejudice, to induce them to such a Retraction, as could onely advance the happiness, or indeed the subsi∣stence of the Nation.

But the Bishops were inexorable, and instead of abating any of that* 76.7 fury they had formerly express'd, (that added new contumelies and re∣proaches to all the Authority of the King they said, They observ'd by the Lord Lieutenants Letter, that he had informed his Majesty of the Dis∣obediences and Affronts that had been put upon his Authority, and con∣sequently, that he had suggested matter unto his Majesty, for making that Declaration against the Peace: That they had perused the Declaration which had been published in Scotland, disavowing the Peace: And that they were of opinion, for ought appeared to them, That the King had withdrawn his Commission and Authority from the Lord Lieutenant: That in the said Declaration, the Irish Nation (as bloody Rebels) were cast from the protection of the Kings Laws and Regal Favours. And therefore it might be presum'd, that he would not have his Authority kept over such a Nation to govern them; whereas they had been of opinion, (and all their endeavours had been employ'd) to keep the Kings Authority over them: But when his Majesty throws away the Nation as Rebels from his protection, (withdrawing his own Authority) they could not understand the mystery of preserving the same with them, or over them, nor how it could be done: That they believed the best remedy (the Kings Authority being taken away by that Declaration) of meeting the Inconveniency, of the Peoples closing with the Parliament, is the returning to the Confederacy, as they said was intended by the Nation, in case of the breach of Peace on his Majesties part; that, they said, would keep an union amongst them, if men would not be precipitately guilty of the breach of their Oath of Association, which Oath, by two solemn Orders of two several Assemblies, was to continue binding, if any breach of the Articles of Peace should happen on his Majesties part: That the Kings Authority and the Lord Lieutenants Commission being recalled by that Declaration, they were of opinion, that the Lord Lieu∣tenant had no Authority to delegate his Authority to any other. And if they must expose their Lives and Fortunes to the hazard of fighting to the making good of that Peace, seeing the danger was alike to defend that, or get a better Peace, why should they bind themselves within the limits of those Articles so disowned? And so with several Tautologies, urged the Declaration in Scotland, as a ground and excuse for all their pro∣ceedings, when what they had done (as we have before took notice of) was before the issuing forth of that Declaration. In fine, they con∣cluded, they could not consent with safety of Conscience to the revoking

their Declaration and Excommunication demanded by the Lord Lieute∣nant, nor to give assurance to him, or the Commissioners of Trust, for not attempting the like for the future. And to manifest their inveterate malice against him, being in Galway) the Captain of the Guard of the Town, commonly called, The Captain of the Guard of the young men, did make search for him in the said Town as after a criminal person, or a fugitive, thereby endeavouring to bring contempt and scorn upon him, and his Majesties Authority placed in him.

And now you must know, they would not make this Declaration in* 76.8 case of Conscience of so vast an extent and importance, without (for∣sooth) setting down their Reasons under their hands, which (for the Doctrine sake) I would not conceal from the world, that it may better judge of those Spiritual Guides, who made themselves guilty of that mass of mischief and ruine that flowed from thence.

Their first Reason was, Because the Kings Authority was not in the Lord Lieutenant, nor was then (they said) power in them to confer a new Authority on him, which would be destructive to the Nation if it continued in him, and preservative in another; and that, they said, was their sense when they declared against the Kings Authority in his Per∣son; so that though they had presumption enough to take the Kings Au∣thority out of his Lieutenants hands by their Declaration and Excom∣munication, and to inhibit all men to submit unto it, they had now mo∣desty to confess, they had not power to confer any new Authority on, their Faculty of destroying being more prevalent than that of pre∣serving.

Their second Reason was, They feared they should lose the few Churches remaining under his Government, as they had lost under him all the Churches in the Cities of Waterford, Kilkenny, Wexford, Ross, Clonmel, Cashel, Featherd, Kilmallock, and the rest; in which, they said, they agreed with the Maccabees, Maximus vero & primus pro sanctitate timor erat Templi: By whose ill Government those Cities were lost, ap∣pears by what hath been said before, and how well the few that were then left were kept, after they had forced the Marquis to depart the Kingdom, is well known to the World.

The third Reason they thought fit, was, Because the Lord Lieutenant had declared at Cork, that he would maintain, during his life, the Pro∣testant Religion, according to the example of the best Reformed Churches; which might be the same with the Covenant for ought they knew. They said, They could not expect from him the defence of the Catholick Religion, which was a strange objection against a Protestant Lieutenant of a Protestant King, under whose Government they pretend∣ed to be desirous to live: And whatsoever had been declared by the Lord Lieutenant at Cork in that particular, before the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace, and Published and Printed the 6th. of October, 1648. and well known to the Bishops, who after the same, and notwithstanding that Declaration, with all demonstrations of cheerfulness gave their consents to that Peace, which they now think fit to break, because of that De∣claration.

The fourth Reason was cast in the same mould, The scandal over the World, to make choice of one of a different Religion, especially in Rome, where his Holiness expected, that a Catholick Governour should be placed over them, (according to his Agreement or Articles (as it was re∣ported)

with the Queen of England, which the Marquis knew to be an aspersion) and they said, They did fear the scourges of the War, and the Plague that had faln so heavy upon them, were some evidence of Gods anger for putting Gods Cause and the Churches under such an hand; whereas that trust might have been managed in a Catholicks hand, un∣der the Kings Authority. Which Reason indeed had most ingenuity in it; and whensoever they digested their malice and their preju∣dice in those Personal Reproaches and Calumnies, which they knew to be most untrue, if they had frankly declared and excepted against him for being a Protestant, they had more complied with the dictates and integrities of their hearts. And yet it might appear a very unskilful and imprudent suggestion, to make the humour of the Court of Rome, the Rule of obedience to their Sovereign, and to discourse of choosing a Person of what Religion they thought fit to be his Vice-gerent; as if they, not he, were to be consulted in it, which would administer much cause of jealousie unto a Protestant King, and to his Protestant Subjects, if it were not well known to them, that some of the Catholick Nobility and Gentry of the Nation were Enemies (at least seemingly) to those re∣solutions, that unhappy part of the Catholick Bishops did broach and pro∣pagate, which alone have reduced that Nation to the calamities it then and since underwent.

The fifth Reason, that they should find no favour nor countenance, but reproach and disgrace from any Catholick Prince, Church, or Laity, while the Marquis Governed; when in truth, since that time, and that their proceedings have been taken notice of, the Catholick Princes have looked upon them as incapable of any succour or countenance, and have accordingly left them to the rage of their Persecutors. Their other Rea∣sons were more Vulgar, and too often before recited; exceptions to his Person, in respect of the ill success of his Conduct, and the prejudice the People had to him in regard of the same: And the too considerable Corporations remaining (which were Limerick and Galway) were at so great distance with the Lord Lieutenant, that they were resolved to ap∣pear (as in their intentions and actions they conceiv'd they were) faith∣ful to the Crown, and obedient to the Kings Authority, if placed in an∣other Person. To which suggestions, nothing need to be added to what hath been said in this Discourse, of the demeanor of those particular Places; nor can the observation be avoided, That it was the natural practice of this Congregation, to use all their industry and artifice to infuse jealousie and sedition into the People, and distrust and obstinacy into the Cor∣porations; and then to urge that jealousie, prejudice, and indisposition of the People and Corporations, to countenance any thing they thought fit to do or oppose. They concluded, that the event of War being uncertain, if the Nation should be reduced to a condition of agreeing with the Enemy, the Lord Lieutenant would not be a fit man to agree for the exercise of their Religion, for their Churches, Altars, or any thing concerning the same. And therefore they said, That the best way that occurred to them in this pressing exigency, for the union of the Nation, and keeping them from agreeing with the Enemy, was, That the Marquis of Clanrickard, (in whom, according to the sense of the Congregation at James-town, they desired the Kings Authority should be left) that he might Govern the Nation, with the consent of all Parties, and the Kings Authority be taken away from the Lord Lieutenant until an Assembly: And to

that end, that a free and lawful Assembly might be made, to sit to judge upon the Peoples preservation, and to decree and order what should be best and safest for the defence of the Nation. Touching the Kings Au∣thority to be kept over them, and the Peace to be asserted and made good, or to renew the Association, or any thing else they should find best and most expedient, and unto that they would willingly submit; for they said, they never intended to hinder an Assembly, or to give Laws to the People; all that they endeavour'd was, to defend the Altars, and Souls entrusted to them: And as they were of opinion, that the Soldi∣ers would follow the Marquis of Clanrickard, and the People obey him, so they would contribute their best endeavours to that effect. They further gave assurance, that if any free and lawful Assembly (upon due consideration of their own state and condition) should find it the best way, for their own safety and preservation, to make an Agreement with the Enemy, as they intended never▪ by the grace of God, to grant away from them by an Affirmative consent to the Churches and Altars, (if forced from them, they were blameless) so would they not hinder the People from compounding with the Enemy for the safety of their Lives and Estates, when no way of offence was appearing, though, upon such an Agreement, they saw, that they alone should probably be losers of Lives, States, Churches, Altars, Immunities, and Liberties: But in such Contracts with the Enemy, if any should happen (which they wished God would avert) they should pray and conjure the Romish Clergy of England, that that of the Maccabees might be recorded of them to future Ages, Erat pro uxoribus & filiis pro fratribus & cognatis minor solicitudo, maximus vero & primus pro sanctitate erat timor Templi. And this was the Answer delivered to the Commissioners of Trust, upon the 5th. day of November, 1650. at Galway, by the Bishops of Killala, Ferns, Kilmacduogh, Clonfert, Kilfinara, and Dromore, (after several and long Conferences, with the Commissioners of Trust, who were Authorised by the Nation) unto the Proposals presented by the Commissioners to the Committee of the Congregation, the 29th. of Octob. 1650.

Here we cannot avoid observing, by the express words of the Con∣clusion, upon their Reasons in their Conference with the Commissioners, that though they seem'd to desire, that the Marquis of Clanrickard (whose zeal to the Romish Religion, and Interest in the Nation, was so notorious and confessed, that they durst not publickly repine at his known affection and integrity to the King) might govern the Nation with the consent of all Parties, and that the Kings Authority in the Lord Lieutenant might be left in him; yet they declared, they meant it should onely be until an Assembly (which they well knew, by the ex∣press terms of the Articles of Peace, could be onely lawfully conven'd by the Lord Lieutenant) and then that Assembly should judge of the Peo∣ples preservation, and to decree and order what should be the best and safest for the defence of the Nation; touching the Kings Authority to be* 76.9 kept over them, the Peace to be asserted and made good, or to renew the Association, or any thing else they should find best and most expedient: So that they intended no other Honour to the Marquis of Clanrickard, than that by his countenance and reputation they might perswade the Lord Lieutenant to leave the Kings Authority behind him, and that he should call an Assembly (which they would otherwise do themselves) which they were sure should be constituted, for the most part, of such

Men, as would follow their Dictates, by which himself should be divested of that Power, and the King deposed from any further Dominion over them, when they perswade any foreign Prince to take them into his Pro∣tection; which practice they quickly set on foot. And for the further manifestation of their Affection and Loyalty to the King, which they can∣not endure should be called yet in question, it is observable, that these Men, who had so often contradicted and controuled the express Acts of every Assembly, that had been convened since the beginning of these Troubles, and now commanded the People, under pain of damnation, not to yield any obedience to the King's Authority in his Lieutenant, and declared, that they could not (with the safety of their Consciences) consent to the Propositions which he had lately made, for the uniting the Nation in defence of the Peace, so advantagious to their Liberty and Re∣ligion, which the Commissioners, intrusted by and for the Nation, thought so reasonable: These Men, I say, made no scruple of professing and de∣claring, that if an Assembly, upon due consideration of their state and condition, should find it the best way for their safety and preservation, to make an Agreement with the Enemy, they would not hinder the People from compounding with them, for the safety of their Lives and States:* 76.10 Which being seriously considered, we cannot sufficiently wonder, at the strange stupid resignation of their Understandings, who believed (or ra∣ther at the wonderful contempt of those Understandings, which would be perswaded to believe) that this Congregation had loyal Purposes to∣ward the King, or that they never intended to hinder the Assembly, or give Law to the People, when they cancell'd all fundamental Laws broke through all Acts of their own Assembly, and forbad the People to pay any obedience to the King's Vicegerent, who had only the lawful Power of Government over them.

The more extravagant and unreasonable these Proceedings were of the Congregation and Clergy, the more confident many honest and wise Men were, that the Assembly of the Nation would regulate and controul that il-limited Power, and utterly dis-avow all that they had done; and therefore they who were exceedingly offended and enraged against the Congregation, were solicitous and importunate with the Lord Lieutenant to call an Assembly: And though he had too much experience of the Nature and Temper of the People, and of the transcendent Power the Clergy should still have over any Assembly, or at least over the People, when the Assembly had done what it could, to hope for any good effect from it: And though he saw, he should thereby the more expose his own Honour, and (which he considered more) the Dignity of his Master, to new Insolencies; yet since he resolved to leave the Kingdom himself, and was only un-resolved, whether he should leave the King's Authority behind him, liable to the same Indignities and Affronts, in the Person of the Marquess of Clanrickard, which it had been subject to in his own, and could have no kind of assurance that it should not, but by the Professions and Protestations of an Assembly, he did resolve to call one, and issued out his Letters for their meeting upon the 15th. of November, 1650. at Loghreogh, where they met accordingly. And the Bishops, for remov∣ing* 76.11 (as they said) of any Jealousies that any might apprehend of their Proceedings, declared and protested, That by their Excommunication and Declaration at James-town, they had no other aim, than the preservation of the Catholick Religion, and the People; and that they did not purpose to

make any visible Usurpation on his Majesty's Authority, nor on the Liberty of the People, confessing, that it did not belong to their Jurisdiction so to do. With which Protestation (so contrary to what they had done, and which in truth they had so often made, even at the time they did all things con∣trary to it) the Assembly was satisfied, and did not so much as make another Protestation, that the Bishops had done what they ought not to do, nor exact a Promise from them, that they would not do the like in time to come. So that the Lord Lieutenant was resolv'd to look no more for satisfaction from them, nor expose the King's Authority any fur∣ther, by leaving any Deputy behind him, but prepared for his depar∣ture.

When the Assembly understood his Resolution, and saw plainly that he was even ready to depart, his Goods and many of his Servants being on Ship-board, they sent four Members, the Lord Dillon, Clanrickard, &c. of their House, to him at Kilcogan, with an Instrument in writing, (bearing date from Loghreogh, the 7th. of December) in which they re∣peated, (concerning the Excommunication and Declaration) what the Bishops had protested in that Assembly; and of his Excellency's Letter; dated the 16th. of November last, recommending to them, as the chief End for which that Assembly was called, the removing of all Divisions, as the best way to their Preservation. They the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Gentry met in that Assembly, conceiv'd, That there was not a better Foundation or Ground for their Union, than the holding to and obeying his Majesty's Authority, to which they owed and ought to pay all dutiful Obedience: And they did thereby declare and protest, That their Allegiance unto his Majesty's Authority was such, and so inherent in them, that they would not be withdrawn from the same, nor was there any Power in the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, Gentry or People, Clergy or Laity of the Kingdom, that could alter, change, or take away his Majesty's Authority, they holding that to be the chief Flower of the Crown, and the support of the Peoples Liberty, which they did thereby protest, declare and avow, and that they did esteem the same, and obedience thereunto, essentially, inviolably, and justly due from them, and the chiefest means under God, to uphold their Union and Preservation: And they said, They did unanimously beseech his Excellency, in his great affection to the advancement of his Majesty's Service, and his hearty desires of the Nations Preservation, to which, they said, he had Relations of the highest Concernment in Blood, Alliance, and Interest, to leave that Authority with them, in some Person faithful to his Majesty, and acceptable to the Nation: To which Person, when he should be made known to them, they would not only afford all due obedience, but would also offer* 76.12 and propose the best ways and means, that God would please to direct them to, for the preservation of his Majesties Rights, and the Peoples Interests and Liberties, and for the begetting a ready obedience in all Places and Persons, unto his Majesty's Authority.

This Advice (though it carried with it a particular Respect from the Assembly unto the Lord Lieutenant, and an acknowledgement of the faith∣ful and hearty Affections he had always had, for his Majesty's Interest and Service in that Kingdom, contrary to the scandalous Declaration) gave not the Marquess the least confidence, that his Majesty's Authority could find more respect in the Person of another, than it had met with in him: Therefore he writ to them by the same Messengers, That he had sent the Authority to the Lord Marquess of Clanrickard, to govern that

his Majesty's Kingdom and People, provided, that their Declaration might be so far explain'd, as to give the Marquess of Clanrickard full satisfaction, that the expressions they made, touching the obedience they owed and resolv∣ed to pay unto his Majesty's Authority, was meant, the Authority placed in his Lordship, or any other Governour, deriving or holding his Autho∣rity from his Majesty: And that they esteem it not in the power of any Per∣son, Congregation, or Assembly whatsoever, to discharge or set the People free from obeying his Lordship, or any other such Governour, during the continuance of the said Authority in him; without which, he said, he could not (in Duty to his Majesty) leave his Authority, subject to be tossed to and fro, at the uncertain Fancies of any Man or Men, and without any pro∣bability of saving the Nation, which could be no otherwise effected, than by an absolute chearful obedience of the People, unto the Authority placed over them. And so having directed the Marquess of Clanrickard, (who sub∣mitted to that Charge out of pure obedience, and only that he might not decline the Service, which they would say would have preserv'd the Na∣tion) not to assume the Charge, except the Assembly gave him full sa∣tisfaction in the Particulars required by him, the Lord Lieutenant (fol∣lowed* 76.13 by the Lord Inchiquin, Colonel Vaughan, Colonel Wogan, Colonel Warren, and some 20 more Persons of Honour) about the middle of De∣cember embarqued himself at Galway, (in a small Frigat called the Eliza∣beth, of 28 Tuns, and 4 Guns) for France, after he had refused to receive a Pass from Ireton, who offer'd it, choosing rather the Seas and Winds, in that rough and blusterous season of the year, than to receive an obligation from him, having upon the most abstracted Considerations of Honour and Conscience, faithfully adhered to his Majesty and the Crown of Eng∣land, without any regard had to his own Estate and Fortune, as in the Act of Settlement, fol. 99. is at large exprest. And after being tossed at Sea for the space of some weeks, and his other Ships, in which his Ser∣vants and Goods, and many other Passengers were lost, he arrived in Ja∣nuary, at St. Malos in Britany; from whence he went to Paris, and soon after into Flanders; thence he was imployed in a Service answerable to his Fidelity, touching the Duke of Gloucester, (then in the Talons of the Jesuits) whom with singular Prudence and Success he recovered: After∣wards he was imbarqued in many Concerns of the Crown, to the hazard of his Person; whilst the Lord Inchiquin, who had run the Gantlet on all sides, retired into Holland, a Person certainly of much Valour and good Conduct, shewing both in an exemplary manner, whilst he engaged for either Party: Nor can his change of Sides (to which some say he was too mutable) be so properly imputed to any defect of Judgement, as the unhappy Crisis of the Times; his own expressions making it clear, That had all things been the same they were pretended to be, he would have con∣tinued as he was; but Impostures being discovered, he thought it ill to persist in their Fellowship. Afterwards indeed he chang'd his Religion, and thereby gave a suspicion, that though he fought against his Countrey∣men, he had a reverence for their Idea. Certain it is, he affected much to be President of Munster, nor could any thing have barr'd him of it, since his Majesty's happy Return, wherein his Servants had the fruits of their Fidelity, but his change of Religion, which equally prejudiced the Lord Dillon, in the Presidency of Connaght, truely observable in them both.

We have before spoken of four Commissioners sent from the Parliament, who as soon as they arrived in Ireland, (it is necessary to tell you) pre∣sently applied themselves to the Work afore-mention'd; they set out some Proclamations, and travelled into the several Provinces of the Kingdom, using the best means they could to raise Moneys by Sequestrations, and other ways; but by reason of the multitudes of Rebels which infested all the Garrisons, and came up so continually about them, little was to be done in that way.

The Lord Lieutenant was no sooner under sail, than the Assembly ap∣plied* 76.14 themselves to the Marquess of Clanrickard, who was then at his House at Loghreogh, and besought him to assume the Government, as Lord Deputy of Ireland, according to the Power left with him by the Lord Lieutenant: But the Marquess absolutely refused to do it, except they satisfied the Proviso that was left in the Lord Lieutenant's Letter to them, and that he saw such an union amongst them, as might free the King's Authority from the Affronts it had been exposed unto. Hereupon the As∣sembly unanimously professed all obedience to his Majesty's Authority, as it was vested in him, and petition'd him to assume it, without which they said the Nation would be expos'd to utter ruine. And the Bishop of Ferns, (hitherto averse to the Royal Authority) more particularly importuned him, in the Name of the Clergy, not to decline a Charge, which could only preserve the King's Power in that Kingdom, and the Nation from de∣struction, promising so entire a submission and co-operation from the whole Cler∣gy, that his Authority should not be disputed. In further assurance of which, the General Assembly issue forth this Declaration.

By the General Assembly of the Kingdom of Ireland.

ALthough this Assembly hath endeavour'd by their Declaration, of the 7th. of this month, to give full testimony of their Obedience to his Ma∣jesty's Authority, yet for further satisfaction, and for removal of all Jealou∣sies, we do further declare, That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, Gentry, or People, Clergy, or Laity of this Kingdom, shall not attempt, labour, endea∣vour, or do any Act or Acts, to set free or discharge the People, from yield∣ing due and perfect Obedience to his Majesty's Authority, invested in the Lord Marquess of Clanrickard, or any other Governour or Governours of this Kingdom.

And in case of any such Labour, Act, or Endeavour, by which any mischief might ensue, by seducing the People, we declare, That no person or persons shall or ought to be led thereby, but by their disobedience on any such grounds, are liable and subject to the heavy censures and penalties of the Laws of the Land in force, and practis'd in the Reign of Henry the 7th. and other Ca∣tholick Times.

Nevertheless it is further declared, That it is not meant or intended by any thing herein contained, that this Nation will not insist upon the perfor∣mances of the Articles of Peace, and by all just ways and means provide against the breach and violation of the same.

And inasmuch as his Majesty is at present (as we are informed) in the hands of a Presbyterian Party of the Scots, who declared themselves Ene∣mies to this Nation, and vowed the extirpation of our Religion, we declare, That it is not hereby intended to oblige our selves to deceive, obey, or observe any Governours that shall come, and duely nominated or procured from his Majesty, by reason of, or during his being in an un-free condition, that may raise a disturbance in the present Government, established by his Majesty's Authority, or the violation of the Articles of Peace.

Loghreogh, 23d. of Decemb. 1650.

Copia vera Joh. Comyn, Dep. Cler.

There was then in the possession of the Roman Catholicks, the entire Province of Connaght, in which they had the strong Castle of Athlone, the strong and important Town and Harbour of Gallway, Sligo, and many other lesser Forts and Places of strength. They had also a good part of the Province of Munster, and in it the City of Limerick, which by the strong situation of it, and the advantages it might have from Sea, could alone (with the help of Gallway) have maintain'd War against all the Parliaments Forces in Ireland. They had many Parties of Horse and Foot in Leimster, Munster and Ulster, under Clanrickard, Castlehaven, Dillon, Muskery, the Earl of Westmeath, Hugh O Neal, Dungan, Moor, Preston, and others, which being drawn together, would have constituted a greater Army than the Enemies were Masters of. And the Marquess of Clanric∣kard had argument enough of hope, if he could have been confident of the union of the Nation; and that he might reasonably have promised himself, if he could have been confident of the Affection and Integrity of the Clergy, which at length they promised with that solemnity, that if he had not confided therein, the fault would have been imputed to him, for they could do no more (on their part) to create a belief in him. He was therefore content to take the Charge upon him, and obliged them presently to consider of the way to keep all the Forces together, when he should have drawn them together, and to secure the two Towns of Gall∣way and Limerick with strong Garrisons, which was the first Work con∣cluded on all hands necessary to be performed.

Very few days had passed, (after the Lord Deputy had upon such their* 77.1 Importtunity and Professions, taken the Government upon him) when it was proposed in the Assembly, (before their Condition was impaired by any other progress, or new success of the Enemy) That they might send to the Enemy, to treat with them, upon surrendring of all that was left, into their hands; an Inclination the Nuncio was long before inclin'd to, perswading the supream Council (when there was but so much as a speech of Truce) to joyn rather with the Parliamentary Scots, than the Royal∣ists, and pray'd for the success thereof, in hopes, that thence much good might accrue to the Catholick Religion. And when the same was oppo∣sed with indignation, by the major part of the Assembly, the Bishop of Ferns himself who had so lately importuned the Marquess of Clanrickard, to assume the Charge of Lord Deputy, and made such ample promises in the Name of the Clergy) seem'd to concur with those who were against treating with the Enemy, but instead of it very earnestly pressed, That they might (in order to their better defence) return to their ancient Confe∣deracy,

and so proceed in their Preservation, without any respect to the King's Authority. And this Motion found such concurrence in the Assembly, from the Bishops, Clergy, and many others, that many of the Officers* 77.2 of the Army, and some of the principalest of the Nobility and Gentry, found it necessary to express more than ordinary passion in their contradi∣ction: They told them, They now manifested, that it was not their Preju∣dice to the Marquess of Ormond, nor their Zeal to Religion, that had transported them, but their dislike of the King's Authority, and their reso∣lution to withdraw themselves from it: That they themselves would constant∣ly submit to it, and defend it with their utmost hazard, as long as they should be able; and when they should be reduced to Extremity, (that treating with the Enemy could no longer be deferred) they would (in that Treaty) make no provision for them, but be contented that they should be excluded from any benefit thereof, who were so forward to exclude the King's Authority.

Upon these bold though necessary Menaces, to which they had not been accustomed, the Clergy and their Party seem'd to acquiesce, and promised all concurrence; inasmuch as from this very time, all the Fa∣ctions and Jealousies which had been before amongst them, seem'd (out∣wardly) quieted, though the Irish (in all Quarters of which the Enemy were possessed) not only submitted and compounded, but very many of them enter'd into their Service, and marched with them in their Armies; and the Lord Deputy grew as much into their dis-favour, as the Lord Lieutenant had been; and his being a Friend to the Marquess of Ormond, destroyed all that Confidence, which his being a Papist had merited from them.

The Lord Deputy hereupon, and in consideration of many resorting to the Parliaments Quarters, issued forth this Proclamation.

By the Lord Deputy, General of Ireland.

CLANRICKARD.

WHereas divers of the Tradesmen, and other Inhabitants, have for∣merly lived in the Quarters, in obedience to his Majesty, within this Kingdom, have of late withdrawn themselves from their respective Ha∣bitations there, and be-taken themselves into the Garrisons and Quarters, under the Power of the common Enemy, for their particular and private ad∣vantage, thereby to avoid contributing to his Majesty's Army, to the great dis-advantage thereof, and the support of the adverse Party, which probably might be destroy'd, had it not receiv'd this Relief.

For Reformation whereof, we do hereby publish and declare, That whoso∣ever of the said Inhabitants or Tradesmen, shall not within 14 days after publication hereof, withdraw themselves and their Goods, from the Garri∣sons and Quarters of the Enemy, wherein they now remain, to the Quarters in obedience to his Majesty: And whosoever, after the time aforesaid, shall presume to live within a Mile to any of the said Garrisons, shall be liable to the Confiscation of their Goods and Chattels, and shall be prosecuted against, as adhering in all respects to the Enemy, and Traitors to his Majesty.

And whereas many idle and desolate Persons, commonly call'd by the Name of Tories, and others, under pretence of going about to his Majesty's Ser∣vice, and frequently exact Meat, Drink, and Money, from the Subjects, com∣mitting many Outrages, and using their Will for Law, to the ruine and de∣vastation of the Kingdom.

For prevention whereof, we do hereby publish and declare, That any Per∣son or Persons, of that Condition or Nature, who within 14 days after pub∣lication hereof, shall not in-list themselves in his Majesty's Army, shall be un-horsed and dis-arm'd, where-soever taken or found, and in their Per∣sons proceeded against as Traitors. And we require and command the Com∣manders in chief of his Majesty's Army, to take Order, that this our Procla∣mation receive due execution.

And to the end that no Man may plead ignorance thereof, we require all Mayors, Sheriffs, Soveraigns, Portiffs, and Bayliffs, in whose hands these shall come, on receipt thereof, within the respective Liberties, in the most publick Places, to cause it to be proclaimed. Given under our Hand and Seal at Arms, the 2d. day of January, 1650.

God save the King.

But to return to the Parliaments Forces, who (whilst the Marquess of Ormond was thus variously treated by the Confederates) took in the Castle of Carlow, as the 27th. of July, Caterlagh, and the 10th. of Aug. Waterford, commanded by General Thomas Preston, and the strong Fort of Dungannon, under Giles Smith, the 14th. of Aug. as in the North, Char∣lemont, that nothing indeed they attempted, but resigned to their Power.

Ireton this Winter continued at Kilkenny, because the Plague (which* 78.1 the Summer before had so exceedingly raged at Dublin▪ as 'tis reported, there died thereof, 17000 Persons) was not yet ceased, whence he caus∣ed several Parties to be sent abroad, which did notable Service in divers Parts of the Countrey; as in taking in Balimoy, in the Kings County, and in chasing back into Thomond, the Earl of Castlehaven, as also in frighting the Lord Muskery to his Fastnesses in Kerry, who (whilst the Army was prosecuting the Earl of Castlehaven) had burnt the Town and Parts near Mackrump, whilst the Rebels surprized two Troops of Horse, and a Company of Foot, belonging to Colonel Zanckey, about the midst of February.

About the 21. of February, Colonel Huson, with 1600 Foot and 700 Horse, march'd to the County of Westmeath, to reduce some Garrisons, and to prevent the Rebels raising of Forces there. When he came to Te∣crogham, he heard Colonel Preston and Sir John Dungan had besieged a Castle of theirs, in the Kings County, to whose Relief he marched as far as Terrills Pass, where he heard that Colonel Reynolds had dispersed them; thence turning towards Mullingar, he took in Kilbridge, wherein he found 200 Barrels of Corn, and the next day enter'd Mullingar; where∣upon the Enemy quitted Tuets-town, Ledwicks-town, and Disert, where he heard that Colonel Reynolds had taken in Donore, in which was found 500 Barrels of Corn; and having garrison'd Ballimore, thence march'd to Ballimallock, (a Pass upon the Aine) and took it, and Sir Thomas Nugent's Castle, in one day: Thence drawing towards Finagh, he en∣camped

against Tough's Castle, which (after the third shot) was deliver∣ed him, where hearing that Phelim Mac Hugh with 1500 Foot, was marching on the other side of the River, to the re-enforcement of Fi∣nagh,* 78.2 he sent Sir Theophilus Jones with 400 Horse, and his own Regiment of Foot, to encounter him, who fell upon them, killing O Cahan, and di∣vers considerable Officers, with about 400 private Souldiers, and taking Prisoners Colonel Mac Donel his Lieutenant General, 1 Major, 12 Cap∣tains, 12 Lieutenants, 15 Ensigns, the Quarter-Master, and about 376 private Souldiers, and non-Commission Officers, Sir Theophilus perform∣ing in this, as in all other Expeditions, excellent Service; whilst Colonel Huson stormed Finagh, but was repulsed with some loss, though he had it surrendred the next day upon Conditions, bearing date the 14th. of March, 1650. which Surrender brought in five adjacent Castles.

About May, 1651. Order was taken in England, for sending over Re∣cruits* 78.3 of Foot, and Money to pay and raise Men; but by reason of the numbers sent into Scotland, there could not many or much be spared; but what could be procured, came over very opportunely to re-inforce the Army, then ready to march to the Siege of Limerick; Ireton having appointed Sir Charles Coot with 2000 Horse, and as many choice Nor∣therly Foot, to march into Connaght, by the way of Sligo, which he did, seating himself before that strong Fort, as though he would have be∣sieged it; but perceiving that the Irish from all Parts were drawing to its Relief, he drew off, and passing (not without difficulty) the Curlew Mountains, enter'd Connaght, and had Athlone, (by the Lord Dillon) Portumna, with some other Places of no great strength, delivered to him: whilst Ireton, with the main Army, passed the River Shannon, about Kil∣lalow, where the Rebels were gathered together, but made little resist∣ance,* 78.4 and presently fell down before Limerick, where he entrenched himself, and made a formed Siege.

During which, he and others intercepted frequent Intelligence from the Bishop and Mayor of Limerick, That unless they were effectually re∣liev'd (and that speedily) the Commonalty would force them to deliver the City upon Conditions to the Enemy; Upon which the Lord Broghil* 78.5 (by orders from Ireton) drew all the Forces of the County together, to impede the Lord Muskery, then marching out of the County of Kerry, with a considerable Force; and though he made many halts, (seeming as if he intended another Design, then the Relief of Limerick) yet (being narrowly watched) the Scouts brought certain Intelligence about the 22. of June, that his Body of Horse marched from Dromagh, towards Castleliskin, one of the fastest Places in Ireland, and directly in the way to Limerick; upon which the Lord Broghil hastned towards them, and about midnight (in a horrid storm of rain and wind) fell upon their Horse-Guards, and beat them in; upon which their Camp took so hot an alarm, as he drove them soon to the Place from whence they came, thereby securing the Army before Limerick; The Enemy in the interim getting over the Blackwater, and afterwards were pur∣sued by the Lord Broghil, till (finding a convenient ground to draw up their Battle in) they were faced by him, who kept the Right Wing, Major Wally the Command of the Left, and Major Cuppage the Foot, so happily on each part secured, that though indeed the Irish never more resolutely, and in better order maintain'd their Station, they were at last wholly routed; Bogs and Woods (usually their safety) being not

near them. The chief Prisoners that day taken, were Lieutenant Co∣lonel Mac Gillacuddy, Commanding young Muskeries Regiment, a man more Popular then Muskery himself, Major Mac-Gillariagh, an old Spa∣nish Souldier, Major Mac-Finine, and some considerable Commanders of Horse.

But to return to the Marquess of Clanrickard; who (notwithstanding* 78.6 all the fore-mention'd Discouragements, some whereof he expected not,) hearing of Sir Charles Coot's intentions of entring Connaght, issued out his Orders to all the Forces, (which for conveniency of Quarter, and the more to infest the Enemy, were scattered over the Provinces) that they should meet at the General Rendezvous, at the time and place appointed; Re∣solving with as much expedition as he could, to engage the Enemy; where hearing that Sir Charles Coot (to whom Ireton had left the Care of that Province) was marched towards Athlone, he made all possible haste to fall in his Rear, or to wait his Motion; but after he had gone two days march towards that Place, he received certain Intelligence, that Sir Charles had taken Athlone, and (being furnished with all ne∣cessary Guides) was marched towards Gallway, to block it up; where∣upon he made what haste he could back the same way he came, and sent Orders to the Earl of Castlehaven, (General of the Horse) to meet him with the Forces under his Command, at a certain Village, where the Deputy would expect him. The Enemy being then within less then a Mile, with their main Body, and onely a narrow Pass between them, which the Lord Deputy doubted not to defend, until all his Forces should come up, and then resolved to sight them, which was the onely thing he desired, and thought himself to be in a very good posture to do it: But the Earl of Castlehaven, before he would advance to the Lord Deputy, thought it convenient to secure a single Pass over the River Shannon, whereby the Enemy might possibly get over, that so the Enemy might be entirely engaged, where the Lord Deputy was without any danger in the Rear; But by the time the Earl had marched some miles, he heard the report of Muskets, and looking back, he saw the two Troops of Horse he had left to secure that Pass, and the 60 Foot, running, and dis∣persing, without being pursued; for the Enemy having Intelligence of the Earl's march, sent over 2 or 3 Boats with Musketiers from the other side of the River, and landed without opposition at the Castle scituate on the Pass. Upon which news (notwithstanding the Earl's Commands or Intreaties) his Army in that Consternation, (without the sight of an Enemy) fled and disbanded; insomuch, that of 4000 which in the morning the Body consisted of, the Earl brought not with him to the Place where the Lord Deputy was, above 40 Horse; whereupon the Lord Deputy saw he was in no case to engage the Enemy; that he should be quickly attacked in the Rear, by that part of the Army which had already, and speedily would pass the River; and that the same fright pos∣sessed his men, who had hitherto kept the Bridge, and who now began to yield ground; and that in truth, very many of his Souldiers had that night run away; And thereupon he drew off, and marched away, both Horse and Foot: (when they were gotten out of danger of the Enemies pur∣suit,) And from this time, the Lord Deputy could never draw any conside∣rable and firm Body into the Field, nor make any opposition to the Enemies Progress; The Irish in all Places submitting to, and compounding with

them, murmuring as much now against the Lord Deputy, as they had before against the Lord Lieutenant.

Before the Lord Lieutenant had left the Kingdom, he had sent the* 78.7 Lord Viscount Taaff, who had been an Eye-Witness of all his Proceedings, and had in vain labour'd to compose and dispose the minds of the Clergy to the Kings Service, to give the King an Account of the Affairs of Ire∣land, and how impossible it would be to preserve his Authority in that Kingdom, without some more then ordinary Supplies from abroad; which joyning with the most considerable and Loyal Part of the Irish, might have kept the Refractory in awe. His Lordship landed in Flan∣ders, the King being then in Scotland, and quickly understood how unlikely his Journey into that Kingdom was, to advance the Business upon which he came, or indeed that he should be admitted to the Presence of the King, from whom most were remov'd that attended him thither; and thereupon he staid in Flanders, and found an opportunity to present the Condition of the Papists of Ireland, in such manner, to the Duke of Lorrain, (who being nearly Allied to the King always, professed singu∣lar affection to his Majesty and his Interest) as in the end, he prevail'd with him to send them some Relief; And assoon as it was known that the Lord Lieutenant was landed in France, the Duke sent a Person of Principal Trust about him (the Abbot of St. Katharines) into Ireland, with a Credential, as his Ambassador to the Clergy, and Catholick No∣bility and Gentry of that Kingdom, to treat with them, in order to their receiving Aid and Supplies from the Duke; and to the end, that his High∣ness might in truth understand in what Capacity they were to be re∣lieved, and how much they could themselves contribute thereunto; it being not then known that the Marquess of Ormond had left the Kings Authority behind him, but rather conceiv'd, that upon those many Pro∣vocations and Affronts which had been offered to him, he had withdrawn (with his Person) the Countenance and Authority they had so much undervalued, and so little deserved. When the Abbot landed in Ireland,* 78.8 which was about the end of February, (and within little more then 2 months after the Lord Lieutenant departed thence) he heard that the Marquess of Clanrickard was the Kings Deputy, and thereupon he gave him presently notice of his arrival, addressed himself to him, shew∣ed his Commission and Credentials, and assured him, That the Duke his Master had so entire an Affection to the King of England, (the preserva∣tion of whose Interest in that Kingdom, was the chief Motive to him to offer his Assistance) that if he had known any Person had been intrusted there with his Majesties Authority, he would have addressed himself unto him, and no other; And that he finding his Lordship invested with that Power, did (what he knew his Master expected at his hands) apply him∣self unto him, with, and by whose Direction, he would alone steer himself, through that Negotiation: He told him the Duke had already disbursed 6000 Pistols, for the supplying them with those things he heard they stood most in need of, which were brought over by a Religious Parson who came with him, and that he was ready to be informed, of what they would desire from his Highness, that might enable them to resist their Enemy, and that* 78.9 he would consent to any thing that was reasonable for him to undertake. Hereupon, the Lord Deputy appointed a Committee of the Com∣missioners of Trust, together with some Prelates, to confer with the Ambassador, to receive any Overtures from him, and to present them

with their Advice thereupon unto him. They met accordingly, and receiv'd the Propositions from the Ambassador; but they were so dis∣agreeable to the professions he had made of respect to the King, and indeed so inconsistent with the Kings Honour and Interest, as there was great reason to suspect, that they proceeded rather from the Encourage∣ment and Contrivance of the Irish, then from his own temper and dis∣position; and this was the more believ'd, when instead of returning the Propositions to the Lord Deputy, they kept the same in their own hands, put out some of those who were appointed by him to be of the Committee, and chose others in their Places, and proceeded in the Treaty, without giving the Deputy an Account of what was demanded by the Ambassador, or what they thought fit to offer unto him. Of all which the Deputy took notice, and thereupon forbade them to proceed any fur∣ther in that way, and restrain'd them unto certain Articles which he sent them, which contain'd what he thought fit to offer to the Am∣bassador, and gave them Power onely to Treat: Notwithstanding his positive Direction, they proceeded in that Treaty with the Ambassador, and sent an Advice to the Lord Deputy to consent unto the Articles propos'd by him, since they said he would not recede from what he had proposed, and that it was much better to submit to the same, then that the Treaty should be broken off. The Lord Deputy as positively declared, that what was demanded, was so derogatory to the Honour of the King his Master, and destructive to his Interest, as he would never agree to it, and resolved presently to leave the Town. And when the Ambassador sent to him to desire to see him, and take his leave of him, he absolute∣ly refused, and sent him word, That he would never pay his Civility to,* 78.10 or receive it from, a Person who had so much swarv'd from the Proposi∣tions made by himself, and who had presumed to make Propositions so dishonourable to the King his Master; and he believ'd so contrary to the good Pleasure of the Duke of Lorraign; And that he would send away an Express to the Duke, to inform him of his Miscarriage, and he presumed he would do Justice unto the King upon him.

When the Prelates saw that no obstinacy in the Ambassador, nor Im∣portunity from them, could prevail with the Lord Deputy, to shew what influence they had upon that Treaty, they perswaded the Am∣bassador to consent to the same Propositions he had formerly (no doubt by the same Advice) rejected; and thereupon to make the sum formerly disbursed by the Duke at his coming out of Flanders, full 20000 l. and the Lord Deputy sent a couple of Gentlemen * 78.11 into Flanders, to Treat further with the Duke of Lorraign, according to such Commissions and Instructions as he gave them. The Bishop of Ferns * 78.12 about the same time left Ireland, and came likewise to Bruxels; and having (without the Privity of the Lord Deputy) receiv'd some secret Trust and Delegation from the Prelates of Ireland, and Credit from them, to the Duke of Lor∣raign, he quickly interessed himself in that Treaty, and took upon him the greatest part in it, and that which he said was the sence of the Nation: He reproach'd the Persons imployed and trusted by the Lord Deputy, with all the Proceedings which had been in Ireland, by the con∣sent of the Confederate Catholicks, inveighed against their opposing* 78.13 the Nuncio, and appealing against the Excommunication issued out by him, he told them (and all this by a Letter under his hand) that he was clearly of opinion, That the Excommunication was just and lawful,

and that the greatest Statesmen, Souldiers, Citizens, and People disobeying, and now obstinate, are and were delivered to Satan, and there∣fore forsaken of God, and unworthy of Victory, and of his Holy Blessing; And thereupon he said, he did with all sincerity and charity offer his own humble opinion what was to be done by them, which was to the end, the Agreement they were making with his Highness the Duke of Lorraign, might become profitable to the Nation, and acceptable in the eyes of God, that they would immediately with humble hearts, make a Submission unto his Holiness in the name of the Nation, and beg the Apostolical Benedicti∣on, that the light of Wisdom, the Spirit of Fortitude, Vertue, Grace, Success, and the Blessing of God, might return again to them: He told them the necessity of doing this was the greater, for that the Person from whom they came with Authority, (the Marquess of Clanrickard the Lord Deputy) was for several causes Excommunicated, a jure & Homine, and that he was at Rome reputed the great Contemner of the Authority and Dignity of Churchmen, and a Persecutor of the Lord Nuncio, and some Bishops, and other Churchmen; And after many rude and bitter reproaches against the Deputy, he used these words▪ Do you think God will prosper a Contract grounded upon the Authority of such a man? and shortly after, he said that if the Duke of Lorraign were rightly in∣formed of the Business, he would never enter upon a Bargain to preserve or rather restore Holy-Religion in the Kingdom, with Agents bringing their Authority from a withered cursed Hand: And then concluded for my part (upon the denial to hear my humble Prayers, which I hope will not happen) I will withdraw my self as a man dispairing of any fruit to come from an unfound Trunk, where there is no Sap of Grace: And am resolved to communicate no more with you in that Affair, but rather to let the Prince know, he was building his Resolutions of doing good upon an unhallowed foundation, and that God therefore (unless himself will un∣dertake to obtain an Absolution for the Nation) will not give him the Grace to lay down the Lapis Angularis of his own house again, in that Kingdom. This Letter bare date at Bruxels the 20th. of July, 1651. the Persons to whom it was directed, being then in the same Town.

What the issue of that Treaty was, and what regard there was had therein to the King's Honour, we have (in the next Place) reason to mention; And the rather for that those, whom the Marquess of Clan∣rickard authorized to Treat with the Duke of Lorraign, had most per∣fidiously wav'd his Instructions, resuming to themselves a Deputation and Authority from the People and Kingdom of Ireland; An Insolency so great, as the Lord Deputy resents it with a just Indignation. First we shall give you their Agreement, then his Letter.

An Agreement betwixt Charles the 4th. Duke of Lorrain, and Theobald Lord Viscount Taaff, Sir Nicholas Plunket, and Jeffrey Brown, deputed and authorized by the People and King∣dom of Ireland.

1. THe most Illustrious Duke is to be vested with Royal Power, un∣der the Title of Protector Royal of Ireland.

2. Because Religion is the prime End and Subject of the Treaty, all is to begin with an Imploring Application to the Pope, for his Paternal Benediction and Help, That he will not be wanting in things Spiritual or Temporal; in consideration whereof it is Protested, that constant perpetual Obsequiousness of Duty and Faithfulness, shall be paid to his Holiness, and the Apostolick See.

3. In consideration of this Royal Protector's Power granted, the Duke is by War to prosecute the Kings Enemies, and afford him all possible Assistance.

4. The said Duke is to do nothing in Derogation of the Kings Au∣thority or Jurisdiction in Ireland, but rather to amplifie it: And having restored the Kingdom and Religion to its due pristine Estate, he is to re∣sign cheerfully the Kingdom to the King.

5. Before Resignation as aforesaid, the Duke is to be re-imbursed all by him pre-impended in this Business; and for this Re-imbursment, a general and exact Obedience to the Duke, in Faith and Fidelity from the Kingdom and People, is made and to be observ'd, without reservation to any other Superiority whatsoever.

6. The Duke is not to fail on his part, to expel out of Ireland, Here∣ticks, Enemies to the King and his Religion, and to recover and defend all things belonging to the faithful Subjects of Ireland.

7. The Duke is Solely and Absolutely to exercise all Military Power for the present and future in Ireland, as to the nomination of all Com∣manders, and guiding all Martial Proceedings at his own Pleasure, and in his own Person, unless he in his absence substitute some other Catho∣lick Person.

8. The Duke is to introduce no Innovation in the Towns, &c. to him assigned, repugnant to the Securities, Priviledges, Immunities, Pro∣prieties, Lands, Estates, or antient Laws of the Irish, reserving onely to himself, Authority to apply Remedies to any thing accruing, wherein publick prejudice may be concern'd.

9. The Duke is not to interpose in Administration of Judicial or Civil Affairs, but leave them to be proceeded in, according to the Fundamental Laws, and publick Form of the Kings chief Governor, and the Assem∣bly instituted.

10. The manner of calling Assemblies to be as formerly, unless com∣plaint arise against their Government, or other extraordinary Emergencies hinder; And then according to the antient Laws, the cutting off the Assembly, is to be at the Pleasure of his Highness.

11. When the work is done in Ireland, by consent of a General Assem∣bly, the Duke promises to afford Agents to the King against Rebelling Adversaries in other Kingdoms.

12. In case the Duke cannot go in Person into Ireland, it is free in his Choice and Pleasure to depute any other man of Catholick Piety, who shall be independent on the Militia, and in Civil Matters shall be receiv∣ed to all manner of Councils, in the same right as any other Counsellor or Commissioner.

13. All Cities, Castles, Lands, taken from the English, shall revert to the Owners, if Catholicks, who have constantly persevered in the Catholick Quarters under the Duke; Yet the Duke's Military Power shall be intire over the same, to Garrison and dispose of them for pub∣lick Security, at his Pleasure.

14. All Pay to the Souldiers, is to pass from the Duke, as well out of the publick Revenues, as the Duke's Coffers when that fails; Pro∣vided that the Duke disburses of his proper Money for publick uses, for the future to be repaid him, as his former Disbursements.

15. All Goods of Enemies and Dilinquents, are to be converted to the publick Military Charges, and towards rewarding great Merits by the Duke, with advice of the General Assembly.

16. The Duke, besides 20000 l. already contributed, promises all further Accommodations and Supplements for War, together with his Power and Industry, what is not above the reach of his Faculties, and beneath the necessities of the War, towards the repayment whereof, as well principal as the annual provenue and use thereof, the whole Nation of Ireland is to be liable until the last penny be paid; And for Caution in the mean time, the Duke is to be seized and possessed in his own hands, of Galway, Limerick, Athenry, the Castle and Town of Athlone, and Waterford, and the Royal Fort of Duncannon, (when recovered from the Enemy) and these are to remain to him and his Heirs until full and in∣tire satisfaction receiv'd, and to pay just Obedience, and be garrison'd and commanded at his Pleasure.

17. In laying of publick Taxes, and levying the same for the Dukes satisfaction, the Duke do proceed by Advice of the General Assembly, and all aggrieved Parties in case of inequality, to seek Redress from the General Assembly.

18. For liquidating and stateing the Dukes Disbursements, a certain Method shall be agreed on between the Duke and the said Transactors, but for the Persons to be intrusted in that Charge, the General Assembly is to alter them at their Pleasure.

19 The Duke shall make no Peace nor Cessation, without the Lord Deputy or General Assembly.

20. The Lord Deputy and General Assembly, shall make no Peace without the consent of the Duke.

July 22. 1651.

Signed, Charles of Lorraign.

The Lord Marquess of Clanrickard, Lord De∣puty of Ireland, his Letter to the Duke of Lorraign, Octob. 20th. 1651.

May it please your Highness.

I Had the Honour on the 12th. of this instant, to receive a Letter from your Highness, dated the 10th. of September, wherein you are pleased to express your great zeal for the advancement of the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom, your great affection to the King my Master, and your good opinion of this Nation, and your compassion of their sufferings, and your great readiness to afford them aid and assistance, even equal with your own nearest concernments; and that your Highness received such satisfaction from the Queen and Duke of York, as did much strengthen those resolutions, so as they might sooner appear, but for the stay made here of Monsieur St. Catherin, and his long Northern Voy∣age upon his return, and referred what concerned the agreement, to the relation of those Commissioners I had imployed to your Highness, to treat upon that subject of Assistance and Relief for this Kingdom. I with much alacrity congratulate your Highness pious intentions, for the preserva∣tion of the Catholick Religion, your great and Princely care to recover his Majesties Rights and Interests, from his Rebel Subjects of England, and the high obligation you put upon this Nation, by your tender regard of them, and desire to redeem them from the great miseries and afflictions they have endured, and the eminent dangers they are in; And it shall be a principal part of my ambition, to be an useful instrument to serve your Highness, in so famous and glorious an enterprize. And that I may be the more capable to contribute somewhat to so religious and just ends; First, in discharge of my conscience toward God, my duty to the King my Master, and to dis-abuse your Highness, and give a clear and perfect in∣formation, so far as comes to my knowledge, I am obliged to represent unto your Highness, that by the title of the Agreement and Articles therein contained, made by those Commissioners I imployed to your Highness, and but lately come into my hands, They have violated the trust reposed in them, by having cast off, and declined the Commission and Instructions they had from me, in the King my Masters behalf, and all other Powers, that could by any other means be derived from him, and pretend to make an agreement with your Highness, in the name of the Kingdom and People of Ireland, for which they had not, nor could have any war∣rantable Authority; and have abused your Highness, by a counterfeit shew of a private Instrument, fraudulently procured and signed (as I am in∣formed) by some inconsiderable and factious Persons, ill-affected to his Majesties Authority, without any knowledge or consent of the ge∣nerality of the Nation, or Persons of greatest Quality or Interest there∣in, and who under a seeming zeal and pretence of service to your High∣ness, labour more to satisfie their private ambitions, then the advantage of Religion or the Nation, or the prosperous success of your Highness generous undertakings; And to manifest the clearness of mine own pro∣ceeding,

and make such deceitful Practices more apparent, I send your Highness herewith an authentick Copy of my Instructions, which accompanied their Commission, when I imployed them to your Highness, as a sufficient evidence to convince them. And having thus fully manifested their breach of publick Trust, I am obliged in the King my Masters name, to protest against their unwarrantable proceedings, and to declare all the Agree∣ments and Acts whatsoever concluded by those Commissioners, to be void, and illegal, being not derived from, or consonant to his Majesties Authority, being in duty bound thus far to vindicate the King my Masters Honour and Authority, and to preserve his just and undoubted Rights from such deceitful and rebellious Practices; as likewise with an humble and respective care, to prevent those prejudices that might befal your Highness, in being de∣luded by counterfeit shews, in doing you greater Honour; where it is ap∣parent, that any undertaking laid upon such false and ill-grounded Prin∣ciples, as have been smoothly digested and fixed upon that Nation, as their desire and request, must overthrow all those Heroick and Prince-like Acts, your Highness hath proposed to your self, for Gods glory and ser∣vice, the restauration of oppressed Majesty, and the relief of his distres∣sed Kingdom, which would at length fall into intestine broils and divi∣visions, if not forceably driven into desperation; I shall now with a hopeful and chearful importunity upon a clear score, free from those de∣ceits, propose to your Highness, that for the advancement of all those great ends you aim at, and in the King my Masters behalf, and in the name of all the Loyal Catholick Subjects of this Nation, and for the pre∣servation of those important cautionary Places, that are security for your Highness past and present disbursements, you will be pleased to quicken and hasten those aids and assistances, you intended for the relief of Ireland; and I have with my whole power, and through the greatest hazards, striven to defend them for you, and to preserve all other Ports, that may be at all times of advantage and safeguard to your Fleets, and Men of War, having yet many good Harbours left; but also engage in the King my Masters name, that whatsoever may prove to your satisfaction, that is any way consistent with his Honour and Authority, and have made my humble applications to the Queens Majesty, and my Lord Lieutenant, (the King being in Scotland) further to agree, confirm, and secure, what∣soever may be of advantage to your Highness; and if the last Galliot had but brought 10000 l. for this instant time, it would have contributed more to the recovery of this Kingdom, then far greater sums delayed, by en∣abling our Forces to meet together, for the relief of Limerick, which cannot but be in great distress after so long a Siege, and which if lost, (al∣though I shall endeavour to prevent it) will cost much treasure to be re∣gained. And if your Highness will be pleased to go on chearfully, freely, and seasonably, with this great work, I make no question, but God will give so great a blessing thereto, as that my self, and all the Loyal Subjects of this Kingdom, may soon and justly proclaim, and leave recorded to posterity, that your Highness was the great and glorious restorer of our Religion, Monarch, and Nation; and that your Highness may not be dis∣couraged or diverted, from this generous enterprize, by the malice or in∣vectives of any ill affected, it is a necessary duty in me, to represent unto your Highness, that the Bishop of Ferns (who as I am informed, hath gained some interest in your favour) is a Person, that hath ever been vi∣olent against, and malicious to his Majesty's Authority and Government,

and a fatal Instrument in contriving and fomenting all those divisions and differences that have rent asunder this Kingdom, the introduction to our present miseries, and weak condition: And that your Highness may clearly know his disposition, I send herewithal a Copy of part of a Letter written by him * 80.1, directed to the Lord Taaffe, Sir Nicholas Plunket, and Jeffery Brown, and humbly submitted to your judgment, whether those expressions be agreeable to the temper of the Apostolical Spirit, and considering whose Person and Authority I represent, what ought to be the reward of such a crime. I must therefore desire your Highness, in the King my Masters be∣half, that he may not be countenanc'd or intrusted in any Affairs, that have relation to his Majesties Interest in this Kingdom, where I have constantly endeavoured, by all possible service, to deserve your Highness good opinion, and obtaining that favour to be a most faithful acknowledger of it, in the ca∣pacity, and under the title of,

Your Highness most humble and obliged Servant, CLANRICKARD.

Athenree, 20th. Octob. 1651.

Thus the Lord Deputy very faithfully discharged his duty; and great cause there was to protest against such proceedings of the Confederates, they putting his Majesties Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of a Fo∣reign Prince, and in that, assuming to themselves the name of The King∣dom and People of Ireland, as if there had been no other Party or People in the Kingdom (or not considerable) but themselves alone; and as if then in Ireland there had been no Power or Government but theirs onely, his Majesties Authority in the hands of his Deputy not regarded or con∣sulted. They also (the Confederates) in that giving up the Kingdom in∣to the Power of a Stranger, colouring their Treason with a flattering Clause, and an empty and insignificant Title to their Natural Prince in Reversion, and by Resignation, when the new Protector, commanding all, should please to do it; he being first satisfi'd of all Disbursments, Charges, and Claims whatsoever, he himself being Auditor: A Con∣cern of that importance, as we seldom find, where others have been called in upon Assistance (especially on such Encouragements) that they have quitted their hold without effusion of much blood, or an absolute dis-inherizon of the right Owner: And therefore the Lord Deputies foresight of such an Evil, doth commend him faithful to his Prince, and just to his Nation. Nor can it be doubted, that the Attestation of this Peer (one that hath run the hazard of his Countreys safety) should be further credited than what the Bishop of Ferns, or any obscure loose Frier (how prodigal soever in their Calumnies) should or can publish in the bitterness of their spirit, a crime incident to their Faculty, being ill affected to his Majesty, worse to his Governours.

One of the principal Motives, which induced the Marquis of Clan∣rickard to submit to that Charge, and to undertake a Province which he knew would be very burthensome and grievous in several respects, was the joynt promise, That the City of Limerick, and the Town of Galway, would pay all imaginable duty to him. The Clergy obliged themselves in that particular with all confidence, and the Deputies of the Places pro∣mised

all that could be desir'd: But when the Lord Deputy found it ne∣cessary to settle that business, they would neither receive a Garrison or Governour from him; and when he offered himself to stay in Lime∣rick, (when Ireton was drawing before it) and to run his Fortune with them, they refused it, as peremptorily as they had done to the Lord Lieutenant. It is true, both Limerick and Galway were contented to re∣ceive Soldiers; but they must be such onely as were of their own choo∣sing, not such either in number or quality as the Lord Deputy would have sent to them, or as were necessary for their security: They chose likewise their own Governour, or rather kept the Government them∣selves, and gave the Title to one, whom they thought least like to con∣tradict them; and, in a word, behaved themselves like two Common∣wealths, and obey'd the Deputy no farther than they were inclined by their own convenience; they who compounded with the Enemy in the Countrey, corresponded with them in the Town, and thereby gave the Enemy intelligence of all that passed: Wonderful diligence was used to* 80.2 make it be thought, that the Independents were not uncharitable unto Papists, and that they wished not any compulsion should be used in mat∣ter of Religion; and when the acts of cruelty and blood, of putting their Priests and Prelates to an ignominious death, (of which there were new instances every day) were mentioned: It was answer'd, Those proceed∣ings were carried on by the power of the Presbyterians, very much against the Nature and Principles of the other Party.

This license of Communication, and the evil consequences that must attend it, was enough understood by the Lord Deputy, but could no more be prevented, reformed, or punished, than he could infuse a new heart or spirit into the People; one instance will serve the turn: There was in the Town a Frier, Anthony Geoghean, who had always adhered* 80.3 to the Nuncio, and opposed the King's Authority to the utmost of his power, several Letters written by him into the Enemies Quarters were intercepted, and brought to the Lord Deputy, in which, though there were many things in Cypher, there appeared much of the present state and condition of the Town; and in one of them, dated the 4th. of Febr. 1651. he thus writes, If the service of God had been as deep in the hearts of our Nation, as that Idol of Dagon, (a foolish Loyalty) a better course for its honour and preservation had been taken in time. The Lord Deputy believed the crime to be so apparent, and of such a nature, that (what Complices soever he might have) none would have the courage to ap∣pear in his behalf: And that he might give the Clergy an opportunity to shew their zeal in a business, that concern'd so much their common safety, he referr'd the examination of the Frier unto the Bishops (where∣of there were three or four in Town) and to some other of the principal of the Clergy, and appointed them to require him to produce the Cypher which he had used, and to examine him to whom the Let∣ters were intended (they being directed to counterfeit and suppositious names.) The Cypher was accordingly produced, and thereby many ex∣pressions (in the Letter) appear'd to be full of neglect and reproach to the King and others, of insolence and contumely toward the Lord Deputy; they mention'd little hope was left of relief from the Duke of Lorrain; and that they resolved to send one to treat with the Rebels, and had found private means of conveying one to that purpose: The Frier promised to use all his diligence to dispose the Catholicks to have a good opinion of the Indepen∣dents, 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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and made some request concerning himself. All that he alledged for his defence was, That the Letters written by him were to one who was employ'd by the Court of Rome; that he had no ill meaning against the King or Deputy, and that he had himself a Trust from Rome, and Instructions from the Secretary of the Congregation, De propaganda Fide, and the Bishops certifi'd that they had seen the Instructions, and that they did not relate at all to the Temporal State. And this was all the sa∣tisfaction and justice the Lord Deputy could procure, though he writ several Letters of Expostulation to the Bishops thereupon: Whether this be a part of the Priviledges and Immunities of the Catholick Roman Church, and enjoy'd in any Catholick Countrey, and whether it can be indulged to them in any other Countrey where the Authority of the Bi∣shop of Rome is not submitted unto, we must leave to the World to judge and determine. In the interim, If Protestant Kings and Princes are pro∣vident and severe for the prevention of such practices, and for the esta∣blishing their own security, this must not be imputed to an unreasonable jealousie of, or a prejudice to the Roman Catholick Religion, but to the confident presumption of those men, (under the vizard of universal obedience) who have pretended Religion for their warrant or excuse, for the most unlawful and unjustifiable actions.

This was the obedience and submission they paid to the Kings Autho∣rity and Government: Let us see now what Government they provided for themselves, and what course they (who were still jealous of being be∣tray'd by those who were trusted by the King) took for their own secu∣rity and preservation; and what power the Bishops and Clergy had to support their own Interest and Dignity, after they appear'd to have enough to destroy or suppress that of the King. The City of Limerick was entirely govern'd by the Clergy. We have shewn you how the Herald (in proclaming the Peace of 1646.) was affronted there; as also of their contumelious behaviour towards the Marquis of Ormond in 1650. We must now take notice of their carriage to the Marquis of Clanrickard, to whom (contrary to their obligation and solemn promise) they continued the same obstinacy, refusing to receive such a Governour and Garrison as he thought fit to give them, or to entertain him in the Town with the Power and Authority of Deputy, after he had assum'd that Place and Title upon their own importunity, and promise of obedi∣ence; however, he sent thither such men, both Officers and Soldiers, as they desired, and no other.

During the Siege of Limerick, (now straitly begirt by Ireton) Sir Wal∣ther Dungan stormed Ross-town and Castle Jordan; and the notable Quarter-beater Nash killed Colonel Cook, coming with a Party from Cork, but was slain in the onset, though his Party was victorious; whilst at Limerick the Besieged made many fierce Sallies, to the loss of the As∣sailants: for in one, of 1000 men, they killed above 300 of the Besiegers; and upon Ireton's attempt against the Island before the Town, the 15th. of July, 1651. an hundred and twenty of his men were lost, with their Leaders, Major Walker, Captain Graves, and Captain Whiting: Ireton not∣withstanding resolved not to depart without it, though the Governour (Hugh O Neal, who had so gallantly defended Clonmel) refused to hear∣ken to any Conditions, in hopes that the Winter would force him off, or that himself might receive necessary Supplies from without: But shortly after he perceived what he was to trust to; for before Ireton had

close besieged it a month, and sooner than the Inhabitants were press'd with wants, the Commonalty began to discourse of Treating with the Enemy, all the considerations of what they might undergo hereafter (through timerousness occurred to them, and the improbability of their receiving any succours proportionable to their wants: Yet it was very hard for them to Treat, it being notoriously known, that Ireton would except very many principal Persons amongst them, to whom no mercy should be shown; nor could they expect any Conditions for the exercise of their Religion they had been hitherto so jealous of. The Governour had onely the Title and power to set Watch, but the Mayor kept the Keys, and had many of the principal Officers at his devotion; so that upon the 23d. of October, a mixed Councel of Officers, and of those of the Civil Government, met in the Town-house, to consult what was best to be done in order to the Treaty with the Enemy, (contrary to the in∣tentions of the Governour, who was resolved to hold it out to the last) and after a long debate, it was concluded by the major part, that they would proceed to a Treaty, and that they would not break it off upon the exception of any persons, for Quarter or Confiscation of their Goods: and the next day was appointed for the choosing of the Commissioners to be sent unto the Enemy. The result of the former days debate being known in the Town, they no sooner met for the Election of the Commis∣sioners for the Treaty, than the Bishops of Limerick and Emly, with the Clergy, came to the Town-house, and threatned them to issue out an Excommunication against them, if they proceeded in those Counsels, the effect whereof would be, to deliver up the Prelates to be slaughter'd; notwithstanding which, they proceeded to the naming the Persons who should treat for them. Whereupon the Bishops published their Excommu∣nication, with a perpetual Interdict of the City, which was fixed on the doors of all the Churches and Chappels in the Town. But alas! those Fulminations had been too loosely and impertinently used to retain any vertue in time of need; and as Catholick as the Town was, (and there was not one Protestant in it) the Excommunication wrought no effect. That very night Colonel Fennel, and the other Officers of the Combina∣tion that press'd on the Treaty, possess'd themselves of St. John's Gate, and Cluam's Tower, driving the Guards from thence; and when the Go∣vernour came thither, and demanded by what Authority they were there, (he having given them Orders to Guard another Quarter of the Town) they answered, The best of the Town knew, and approved what they did: And it was very true, the Mayor Thomas Strick was of their Party, and delivered the Key of that Port to Colonel Fennel, though he denied it to the other Party that opposed the Treaty. The Governour called a Coun∣cil of War, and sent for Colonel Fennel to appear before them, who re∣fused to come; and being supplied with Powder from the Mayor, he turned the Cannon upon the Town, and declared, That he would not quit* 80.4 the place that he was possessed of, till the City should be yielded to the Enemy. The Commissioners were sent out to Ireton, who would give no other Conditions than, That the Garrison should lay down their Arms, the Offi∣cers retaining their Swords, and march to what Place they would, except those exempted from mercy, (who of the Clergy, Soldiers, and Citizens amounted to the number of 24.) The Inhabitants had three months time assign'd them to transport their Persons, and three months more to remove their Goods within any Place the Kingdom appointed, in which they might

live. In brief, these were their Conditions; but in respect of many things very considerable in the Articles themselves, we shall here give them at large.

Articles agreed upon the 27^th day of October, 1651. by and between Henry Ireton, the De∣puty General, on the one Part; and Bar∣thol. Stackpoll, Recorder of the City of Lime∣rick, Dom. White Alderman of the same, Nicholas Haly Esq Lieutenant Colonel Piers Lacy, Lieutenant Colonel Donnogh O Brion, and John Baggot Esq Commissioners ap∣pointed by, and on the behalf of the Go∣vernour and Mayor of the said City, to Treat and Conclude for the Surrender thereof, on the other Part.

THat the City of Limerick, with the Castle, and all the Places of Strength in the City, be surrendred into the hands of the said Depu∣ty General of Ireland, for the use of the Parliament and Common-wealth of England, upon or before the 29th. of Octob. instant at Noon, together with all the Ordnance, Arms, Ammunition, and other Furniture of War therein, and all the Goods of any kind, not allowed by the ensuing Articles, to be carried away, or kept by the Owners; and this without waste, spoil, or imbezilment; and the full possession of Johns Gate and Priors Mill shall be delivered unto the said Deputy General, or such Guards as he shall appoint, (not exceeding one hundred men for Johns Gate) this day by Sun-Jet; and for performance hereof, the above-named Lieutenant Colonel Piers Lacy, Lieutenant Colonel Donogh O Brion, Alderman Dom. White, and Nicholas Haly Esquires, shall remain as Hostages with the said Deputy General, until the surrender of the said City.

2. That in consideration hereof, all persons now in the City, (except such as are hereafter excepted) shall have Quarter for their Lives, liberty of their Persons, their Cloathes, Money, and other Goods; so as to be free from Pillage, Plunder, or other hostile violence in their Persons or Goods, during their continuance under the said Deputies safe conduct or protection, by vertue of the ensuing Articles respectively. But whereas through the practices of some Persons, more eminent and active than the rest, both amongst the Clergy, Military Officers, and Citizens, and other sorts of men, which, in the large Conditions formerly tendred for surrender, have been rejected, the subsequent occasions or opportunities for timely making of Con∣ditions, neglected and avoided, the dispositions and desires of many Persons within, to that purpose, opposed, resisted, and restrained, and the genera∣lity

of the People partly deluded and deceived, (to the keeping of them in vain expectations of relief, from one time to another) and partly over∣awed, or enforced by their power, to concur and contribute thus long to the obstinate holding out of the Place; therefore the Persons hereafter named, with Major General Hugo O Neil the Governour, Major General Purcel, Sir Jeffery Gallaway, Lieutenant Colonel Lacy, Captain George Wolfe, Captain Lieutenant Sexton, the Bishop of Emly, John Quillen a Domini∣can Frier, David Roch a Dominican Frier, Captain Laurence Welsh a Priest, Francis Wolfe a Franciscan Frier, Philip O Dwine a Priest, Al∣derman Dom. Fanning, Alderman Thomas Stretch, Alderman Jordan Roach, Edmond Roach Burgess, Sir Richard Everard, Doctor Higgen, Maurice Baggot of Baggots-town, and Jeffery Barron, (being, as afore∣said, the principal, appearing in such practices in this Siege, and the hold∣ing out so long) as also Evan the Welsh Soldier, who ran into Limerick, and all other persons that have been employed, and come into the City as Spies since the fourth day of June last, shall be excepted and excluded from any benefit of this Article, or any Article ensuing; and such of them as can be found within the Garrison, shall be rendred up at mercy upon the surren∣der of the City: And any such Person or Persons, as shall be found to hide or conceal any of the said excepted Persons, or be privy to their conceal∣ment or attempt of escape, and not discover or do their best endeavour to prevent the same, shall thereby be understood to have forfeited the benefit of these Articles to themselves; but otherwise, none shall lose that benefit for other mens default, in their concealment or escape, or for the not ren∣dring them up as aforesaid.

3. That all Officers, Soldiers, and all other persons now in the City, (not excepted in the last precedent Article) shall also have liberty to march away with their Clothes, Bag and Baggage, Money, and all other their Goods, of what kind soever, except Arms, Ammunition, and other Utensils of War, (carrying nothing but their own) to what Place or Places they shall choose respectively within the Dominion of Ireland, not being a Garrison for the Parliament, (all the Field-Officers of Horse and Foot, and Captains of Horse, with their Horses, Pistols and Swords, and other the Commis∣sioned Officers with their Swords onely) and shall have three months time af∣ter the surrender, to remove any Goods of their own, that they shall not think fit soever to carry with them: And such of them as shall choose to go to any Garrison or Parties of the Enemy, shall have Convoy or safe Conduct for that purpose, for such time as shall be requisite for their march, at the rate of ten miles a day, and shall have Carriages and Provisions allowed from the Countrey at the usual Rates.

4. That such of the Citizens and Inhabitants interested in the City, as are not excepted in the second Article, and shall not presently march, as aforesaid, but desire to continue longer in the City, shall (upon application for that purpose to the said Deputy General, or the chief Officer commanding in Limerick after the surrender) have license given them to stay, either for such further time as the said Deputy General, or the said chief Officer pre∣sent, shall find convenient; or until further warning given them to depart: and in case of such license given till further warning, shall have four months time allowed from and after such warning, for the removal of themselves and their Families, and six months for the removal of their Goods; and during such further time limited, or in case of reference to further warning during their continuance there to the time of warning given; and for the said four

months, and six months after respectively, shall be protected in their Persons, Families, and Goods, from all injury and violence; and at any time as they shall desire, which in the said space or spaces respectively, shall have liberty and safe conduct for the removal of themselves, their Families, and Goods, to any Place or Places within this Dominion, not being Garrison'd for the Parliament, as aforesaid; and if they shall not be admitted to reside else∣where in protection within this Dominion, they shall have liberty for them∣selves, their Wives, Children, and Goods, to pass beyond the Seas: Pro∣vided, that they pay their due proportion of what Taxes, and other Contribu∣tion, shall be charged upon the City, from the day of the surrender, to the day of the removal, in due proportion with other Places in Ireland, and be∣have themselves as becomes: And such of the said Citizens and Inhabitants (as having not license to stay until further warning) shall, within a month after the surrender, be ordered to depart, shall have the same benefit of the third Article, as those that march away immediately upon the surrender.

5. That all such Persons now in the City, as shall desire to live peaceably, and submit to the Parliament of England, (except the Persons excepted in the second Article aforegoing, and except all Clergy-men, Priests, and Friers of any Order) shall, upon their application to that purpose, have pro∣tection to live quietly, at any such Place or Places, within this Dominion, as they shall desire, and the said Deputy-General find convenient to ad∣mit: But such Protection shall not be understood to extend either to the assuring of them, either in the enjoyment of their Lands or other Hereditaments, or to the granting of other indempnity, or freedom from question, or prosecution to Justice in a Judicial way, for any Crimes they may be guilty of, except to such as shall be found fit to have that mercy and fa∣vour expresly granted to them, or to others, for a certain time to be limited for that purpose; but to such as shall have protection for a limited time, either Citizens or others, it is intended they shall be freed from any Suit or Censure in the Civil Judicature, for things done in relation to the War, during the time limited.

Memorandum, as to the fourth Article aforegoing, it is intended, That the Citizens not excepted against within a month, may tarry (without par∣ticular application) and have four months, after warning given, to re∣move themselves and Families, and six months to carry away their Goods.

Memorandum also, That all Soldiers or other persons (not excepted in the second Article) who through sickness are disabled to remove themselves at present, shall have liberty to march away when they shall recover, and have equal benefit with others in their conditions respectively. And that from twelve of the clock this day, there shall be Cessation of all acts of Hostility on either part. But the Persons besieged not to come without the Walls, except into the Island, and the way leading to it; nor the Be∣siegers to come within the Walls or Island, saving into St. John's Gate, until the time limited for surrender, without license from the other Party respectively.

And lastly, it is agreed, That no Person shall be understood to forfeit the benefit of any the Articles, for another mans breach thereof, unless he be found to be consenting thereto, or privy to it, without discovering or en∣deavouring to prevent it. Provided this extend not to indempnifie the Ho∣stages in case of fail or of surrender.

In testimony whereof, the Parties first above-mentioned, have inter∣changeably set their Hands and Seals to, the day and year first above mentioned.

Bar. Stackpoll.

Don. O Brien.

Dom. White.

Pierce Lacy.

Nich. Haly.

John Baggot.

It cannot be believ'd, that these unequal and severe Conditions would have been accepted from any Army, not strong enough to have imposed upon a People unwilling to submit to them, and in a season of the year that alone would have secured a Place less provided for resistance; but that Colonel Fennel (the same night these hard demands were sent into the Town) received in St. Johns Gate Tower 200 men from Ireton, and the other were removed into another Fort, called Price's Mill, where af∣ter they had continued two days; and the People of the Town not yet agreeing what they would do, a Drum was sent through the City, com∣manding all manner of Soldiers in pay within the Town, to repair to our Ladies Church, and there to lay down their Arms; which was pre∣sently obeyed; and the Soldiers being bid forthwith to leave the Town, Ireton, the 29th. of October, marched in, and receiving the Keys, was without any contradiction quietly possessed thereof, causing as many of the excepted Persons as could be found to be committed to Prison, and made Sir Hardress Waller Governour of the City.

In this manner was Limerick defended by the Catholick Irish; and this obedience did the Prelates and Clergy, in their need, receive from those, over whom they had power enough to seduce from the Duty they owed to the King, and from submitting to his Authority; and now was the Harvest that they gathered the fruit of all their labours: The Instances of severity and blood which Ireton gave upon his being possess'd of this Place, were very remarkable: Edmund O Duyr, the Bishop of Limerick, had the dexterity and good Fortune, that either by marching out amongst the Common Soldiers, or by concealing himself with some faith∣ful Friend in the Town, (which is not so probable) to escape their hands, and afterwards died at Brussels, pursued with the malice of the Nuncio∣nist Zealots; whilst Ireton manifested what his portion would have been, by the treatment they gave to Terlagh O Brien, the Bishop of Em∣ly, whom they took, and without any formality of Justice, and with all reproaches imaginable, caused him to be publickly hanged. This unhap∣py Prelate had, from the beginning, opposed with great passion the Kings Authority, and most obstinately adhered to the Nuncio, and to that Par∣ty still which was most averse from returning to their Allegiance, and was thus miserably and ignominiously put to death, even in that City, whence he had been a principal Instrument to shut out his Majesties Au∣thority.

It may be remembred in the former part of this Discourse, that when the King at Arms proclaim'd the Peace at Limerick in 1646. one Domi∣nick Fanning (a Citizen of the Town) rais'd a Mutiny, which Rabble affronted the Herald, and wounded the Mayor, and was himself, by the Nuncio, (for that good service) made Mayor in the former's place: This man continuing the same bitterness of spirit against the King's

Authority, always opposed the receiving of a Garrison from the Lord Lieutenant. This Dominick Fanning being one of those 24 which Ireton had excepted, found a way, amongst the Common Soldiers, to get out of the Town, notwithstanding all the diligence that was used to discover him: When he was free, and in safety, he returned to the Town to fetch some Money that he had privately hid, and to make some provision for his subsistance, which he had not time to do before: But going to his own house, his Wife refused to receive him, or to assist him in any thing; whereupon he departed, and after he had walked up and down the streets some time (the weather being extreme cold) he went to the Main-guard, where was a good Fire, and being discovered to be a Stran∣ger, and asked who he was, voluntarily confessed that he was Dominick Fanning, for whom such strict search had been made; he was thereupon apprehended, and the next morning carried before the Governour, and immediately hanged. The same Fate had Frier Wolf, and Alderman Thomas Strich, who (when the Lord Lieutenant would have entred that Town in 1650. for its preservation) rais'd a Tumult, and shut the Gates against him. And this very Colonel Fennel (who by possessing himself of the Port, and turning the Cannon upon the Town, betray'd it to the Ene∣my) though he had for the present the benefit of the Articles, was with∣in few months after taken by them, and (without any consideration of his last merit) hanged as the rest had been. In a word, All those who had been the first causers and raisers of the Rebellion, (or who with most malice and obstinacy opposed their return to the Kings obedience) and had the misfortune to fall into the Enemies hands, as the Bishop of Ross, (whose Fate we have before told you) Jeffery Baron, (who kept Water∣ford from receiving the Lord Lieutenant, taken afterwards at Limerick and there hanged) and many others, were made examples of the like nature.

About the same time that Limerick was surrendred, Sir Charles Coot defeated a Party of the Fitz-Patricks and O Duyr's Forces, (who had re∣gain'd Meleke Island after the taking of it by Colonel Axtel) undergo∣ing a resolute defence thereof to the baffling of his Foot, which were worsted two or three times together; but the Gallantry of his Horse re∣covered the Honour, making 300 resolute Irish accept of Quarter for their Lives, some 300 being slain and drown'd.

This business of Limerick being over, Ireton within a few days, with∣out drawing his Army nearer than the Castle of Clare, (which he and Sir Charles Coot joyntly took in) sent a Summons to the City of Gallway, offering therein Limerick's first Conditions, wishing them withall to put him to no more trouble, lest they far'd as Limerick did through their stubbornness; adding such other threats, as he thought most like to make impressions upon them; and a great impression they did make. But Ireton dying at Limerick the 26th. of November, having contracted a Feaver through his continual Watching and Services through the whole Siege of Limerick, they had a little respite; and being united under the Command of General Preston, the Town of Gallway address'd themselves to the Lord Deputy, and desired his assistance, promising all obedience to his Majesties Authority in him: Nor was he so much discourag'd by their former carriage, and their having accepted the Articles made with the Duke of Lorrain, and their declaring him to be their Protector, with∣out ever communicating it to the Lord Deputy, as to decline having

further to do with them. But upon their first Address to him, he sent his Secretary to them with some Directions, and shortly after went him∣self thither, having summon'd such of the Nobility, Prelates, and principal Gentry, as could with safety repair thither, to consult what might yet be done for their defence, they having still Men enough dispersed in several Parties to resist the Enemy, if they were drawn together, and united amongst themselves; and the Town of Galway was so good a Port, that any Supplies or Succours might come from abroad to them.

Upon Ireton's Death, the Commissioners (formerly mention'd to re∣side* 81.1 at Dublin) made Lieutenant General Ludlow Commander in Chief, till the Parliament in England should take further Order about that Con∣cern. In the interim, Sir Charles Coot with his Party straightned Gal∣way, blocking up their Harbours, and approaching with his Fortifications nearer by Land, which wrought so far upon the Assembly there, that in February they importun'd the Lord Deputy, to give them leave to send to Lieutenant General Ludlow, (who by this time was come to aid Sir Charles Coot in the Siege) for a safe Conduct for their Commissioners, to treat of Conditions for the settlement of the Nation; upon which they would submit to the Government of the Parliament, professing to the Lord Deputy, that they would in the mean time make such preparation for their defence, that if the Parliament would not give them good and ample Conditions, they would sell themselves at such a dear Rate, that should make their Conquest of little use to their Enemy. Upon which, the Lord Deputy, the Marquess Clanrickard, the 14th. of February, 1651. writes to the Commander in chief of the Parliaments Forces, and in con∣clusion had no grateful Reply: Which when the Irish found, that they could not have so much as a safe Conduct sent for their Commissioners, nor could be admitted so much as to treat for the Nation, but only that particular Places and Persons might be admitted to compound for them∣selves, as others had done, their spirits fail'd them; and after a very lit∣tle deliberation, and before they put the Enemy to the trouble of storm∣ing them, (without so much as consulting the Lord Deputy, or asking his leave, though he was within less than half a days journey of the Town) they enter'd into a Treaty, and in a short time after, viz. the 12th. of May, surrendred the Town to Sir Charles Coot, for the use of the Parlia∣ment of England, upon such Conditions, as would not be yielded to by the Commissioners, or the Parliament: Though afterwards this Difficul∣ty was composed, and many considerable Garrisons in Connaght followed the example, whilst many were amazed, to see (upon what easie terms) they parted with their last important Town, (a Place of great strength, and had they been resolute, invincible) having still (in loose Parties over the Kingdom) more Men in Arms to have defended it, than the English could have brought against the Town. Upon which and other Circumstances, the Irish in Leimster and Munster▪ being reduc'd to straights, meditate a Compliance, some under the Earl of Westmeath, others under Muskery, but oppos'd by the Ulster Confederacy.

Ireton's Funerals being over, (which were performed with great So∣lemnity, on the 6th. of February following, in Henry 7th's Chappel, since buried under Tyburn) the Parliament consulted, whom they should make Deputy (as they called it) in Ireton's room: And Major General Lam∣bert (a Commissioner in Scotland) was by Cromwel (the Parliaments Lord Lieutenant) nominated thereunto: Whereupon he presently ap∣peared,

but seem'd unwilling to accept of the Charge; a Difficulty soon removed, making in a little time all things ready for his departure, inas∣much as Waggons with his private Provisions, a recruit of Souldiers, and Money, were in readiness to be sent away. But Cromwel's Commission determining in the end of April, it came into debate in the House, whe∣ther it should be renewed again; but he offering to lay it down, it was accepted; so there being no Lord Lieutenant, they voted, there should be no Lord Deputy, and that Major General Lambert should be only Commander in chief of the Forces there: And about the 4th. of July, 1652. Colonel Charles Fleetwood, (who had lately married Ireton's Re∣lict) Lieutenant General of the Horse, was made Commander in chief of the Forces in Ireland; he hastned his Dispatch, and used great diligence to get over to his Charge.

In the mean time, several things were under debate in the House, for setling of Ireland: That great Act for Confiscation of all the Rebels Lands, was passed the 12th. of August; and another appointed to be brought in, for setling the Adventurers Estates for Ireland, which passed the 26th. of September, 1653. and was confirmed, 1656. But these requiring much time, the Commander in chief went away about the midst of August, and left them to receive a Dispatch in his absence. He had a very prosperous Passage, and arrived within few days after his departure: He setled his Residence at Kilkenny, by reason Dublin and the Parts adjacent were at that time much infected with the Plague. He found the War of Ireland drawing on to a conclusion, the Rebels being Masters of few considerable Forts and Castles, throughout the whole Countrey, Roscommon-Castle and James-town having yielded the 3d. of April to Colonel Reynolds, as the strong Hold of Ross in Kerry did, the 27th. of June, to Lieutenant General Ludlow, and the strong Fort of Inchlough, the 1st. of August, to Colonel Zanckey: And their Forces were so weak, as they were not able to keep the Field, and so dispersed, as they had already in Parties come in, (as did the Earl of Westmeath, the Lord Muskery, Colonel Connor, O Roe, Sir William Dungan, Sir Francis Talbot, and many others, to the number of 800.) upon the Kilkenny Articles, which were (in a manner) to submit unto discretion, and subject themselves to a Trial, for the Murthers commit∣ted in the beginning of the Rebellion; all found guilty thereof were except∣ed from Pardon, their Estates confiscated, and the others who had only assist∣ed in the War, were to forfeit two parts of their Estates, and be banished: And accordingly great numbers of them were transported into Spain, the latter end of this Summer.

Yet the Marquess of Clanrickard did not leave the Kingdom in many months after the Surrender of Galway, but endeavour'd by all means possi∣ble to draw the scattered Forces together, that he might prosecute the War afresh, according to his Majesty's Letters, (in the years 1650, and 1651.) encouraging him to his continuance in Arms, as advantagious (by way of Diversion) to his then intended progress of promoting his Design in Scotland, and coming into England. And to that end, the 16th. of May, the Marquess of Clanrickard, with the Connaght Forces, marched to Balli∣shannon, which he took by storm, and presently after Dungal-Castle, where the Ulster Forces under Sir Phelim O Neal, the O Relie's, and Mac Ma∣hon's joyned with him; but upon intelligence that Sir Charles Coot and Colonel Venables were marched against him, he retired to Armagh, in∣tending for Raphoe: Whilst Sir Charles Coot (in his pursuit of him) re∣took

Ballishanon and Dungal-Castle, gaining also Sligo, Ballymote, and ma∣ny other Garrisons; so as the Marquess was forced to shelter himself in the Isle of Carrick.

And having receiv'd his Majesty's Command, to take care of his own security, that he fell not into the Enemy's hands, he having no Port to friend, where he might choose a Vessel, and being so betrayed by the Irish, as not securely to stay 24 hours in a Place) was compelled to have a Pass from the Parliaments Forces, not excepting any other Conditions for himself, than that he might for some time remain secure in their Quar∣ters, without taking the Oath usually imposed by them, and have liberty to transport himself, and 3000 Irish more, into any Prince's Countrey and Service, then in Amity with England; which was granted; and in March, 1652. he was transported into England, in a Vessel belonging to the Parliament, after he had born the Title of the King's Deputy in Ire∣land, little more than two years, not with greater submission from the Catholick Irish, than had before been paid to the Lord Lieutenant; and so retired to London, where not long after he died, and was thence carri∣ed to Summerhill, (a pleasant Seat of his own, which Bradshaw had in Custodium) near Tunbridge in Kent, and was buried in the Parish-Church. He was a Person much respected for his Integrity, and, though of a con∣trary opinion to those then in Usurpation, looked on as a Favourer of the English, and one that no ways indulged the Cruelties and Pretensions of the Irish.

This was the Fate of that unhappy Nation, both under Protestant and Roman Catholick Governours, neither having had the credit to be Masters of the Irish Temper, fomented by the Insolencies of the Priests, and what∣ever might instigate them against the English Government.

Soon after the Marquess of Clanrickard's Departure, the lesser Concerns of that Nation were (with little trouble and charge) brought in obedi∣ence to the Parliament, who declared, the 26th. of September, 1653. That the Rebels were subdued, and the Rebellion appeased and ended; and thereupon proceeded to the Distribution of their Lands, in pursuance of the Act for Subscriptions, 17 Carol. 1. Some time before which, a High Court of Justice was setled in Ireland, a Name we have reason not to mention, without horrour and astonishment, considering who was summoned to such a Tribunal, which certainly would never have been, how vain, how ambitious, how prodigious soever some mens Success was, (a Strumpet often leading one to Attempts above their first thoughts) had not the Rebels of Ireland (for carrying on their pernicious Practices) avouched the sacred Authority for their pretence and colour; that though these with Pilate, washed their hands from the Blood of this Righteous One, yet they have, as the shame, so the guilt of that Royal Blood on themselves, who originally gave the occasion of such a Discourse, which afterwards was made one of the pretended Causes, for the most barbarous and inhumane Act ever perpretated: Inter tragicoe Fortunoe Exempla om∣nibus* 81.2 retro seculis memorandus. Upon which, eloquent Du Moulin, one of the clearest Lights of the French Church, honouring me with a Letter on that Subject, thus passionately discovers his Resentment; La Morte de vostre bon Roy d'une facon si indigne, & si horrible par les Maims des In∣dependans, M'outre le Coeur de Douleur: C'est une action sans Example, & un opprobre ineffacable a nostre Religion; vostre Nation tant Genereuse a elle perdu tout Courage? Les Escossoes se taisent ils la dessue? Mais quoy! Il

faut Mettre le doigt sur la bouche, & adorer les Conseils de Dieu, qui sont Inscrutables.

It is observable, (let some foam as they please) that there were none, (who so much as pretended to have a Reverence for the Church of Eng∣land) that ever had the least hand in this foul and ugly Business. An in∣stance of that is in what the Lord Chancellor Hide acquainted the Par∣liament with, in express words from his Majesty, when he was imployed in an Embassy to Spain; That the Horrid Murther of his Royal Father, was not the Act of the Parliament, or People of England, but of a very wretched and little Company of Miscreants in the Kingdom, fol. 41. Upon which, Monsieur Moses Amiraldus, (the Excellent French Divine) hearing of the Protestant Religion aspersed as seditious and treasonable, writ a Piece in French, in vindication of the Protestant Religion, and de∣dicated it to our King (Charles the 2d.) in the time of his Exile, when Militiere and others, would have inforced the barbarous Martyrdom of his Royal Father, as a just Motive to his apostatizing, and not trusting his safety to the Protestant Religion; whereas all these blustering Storms, (as the Bishop of Derry observes in his excellent Tract against Militiere) radicated him deeper in his Religion; that what these intended for his evil, proved his good. And certainly whatsoever conspired to compleat so execrable a Design, as the Murther of the King, nothing contributed more than the Irish, deluding his Sacred Majesty so long with their Pro∣mises of a competent Army, whereby he relying on them, (too confi∣dently assured of their Ability and Power to perform it) deferred those Agreements, which else he might have seasonably composed at home.

And could there ever be an equaller Distribution of God's Vengeance, than that they by a parallel Court, should suffer the loss of their Estates, Lives and Fortunes? Which, though un-usual, was the only Expedient; sufficiently set forth in the ensuing Speech of the Lord Lowther's, a Person of that Gravity and Worth, as whatsoever may be said by others, can ne∣ver reach the State of the Question, more fully (with less animosity, and greater truth) than he hath done, at the Trial of Sir Phelim O Neal, in February, 1652. The first Court of this nature (whereof Justice Don∣nelan an Irish Native was President, and Commissary General Reynolds, and Justice Cook, Assistants) was at Kilkenny, the 4th. of October, where the Supream Council of the Rebels sate in 1642.

The Lord Lowther's Speech, at the Opening of the High Court of Justice, at the Trial of Sir Phelim O Neal.

YOu have well understood, how that by this Commission which hath now been read, the Right Honourable the Commissioners of the Parliament, of the Common-wealth of England, for the Af∣fairs of Ireland, by vertue of the Power and Trust committed to them, have here erected, constituted, and appointed, a High Court of Justice.

And have constituted and appointed Persons therein nominated, or any 12 or more of them, to be Commissioners and Judges of the said Court.

And have authorized them to make inquisition for Blood, and that in three main Points.

1. To hear and determine all Murthers and Massacres, of any Protestant English, or other Person or Persons whatsoever, within this Nation, done or committed by any Person or Persons whatsoever, (both principal and accessaries) who since the 1st. day of October, 1641. have killed, slain, or otherwise destroyed any Person or Persons in Ireland, which at the time of their being so killed, slain or destroyed, were not publickly enter∣tained and maintained in Arms, as Officers or private Souldiers, for and on the behalf of the English against the Irish.

2. To hear and determine the Charges, Crimes and Causes, of all and every Person and Persons, (both principal and accessaries) who since the said 1st. day of October, 1641. have killed or destroyed any Person or Persons, entertained or maintained as Officers or private Souldiers, for and on the behalf of the English against the Irish, the said Person so kil∣ling or destroying, not being then publickly entertained and maintained in Arms, as Officers or private Souldiers, under the Command and Pay of the Irish against the English.

3. To hear and determine the Charges, Crimes, and Causes, of all such Persons, that have killed or slain, or otherwise destroyed any Person or Persons, after Quarter given, contrary to the Rules of War: And to bring to Trial, Judgement, and condign punishment, the Principals and Acces∣saries to those Crimes, that is to say, the Actors, Contrivers, Councellors, Advisers, Promoters, Abettors, Aiders and Assisters, of any the said Mur∣thers, Massacres, or killing after Quarter given, contrary to the Rules of War.

This Commission doth likewise furnish the Commissioners, with all necessary Powers requisite for this great Service, and necessarily conducing to these Ends.

By this Commission we may well observe, for the comfort of all the good and faithful People of this Land, the Justice and Wisdom of the High Court of Parliament, of the Common-wealth of England, and of their Right Honourable Commissioners here for the Affairs of Ire∣land:

1. Their Justice, in bringing these Crimes to Trial.

2. Their Wisdom, in ordering this honourable, just and equal form of Trial.

1. Their Justice and zeal of Justice appears in this, That in all their Treaties and Articles concerning Ireland, they would never admit of any the least hope of impunity, for these barbarous and cruel Murthers and Massacres, and breach of Quarter, nor of any thing that might give im∣pediment, unto the faithful and impartial inquisition after all that inno∣cent Blood, which the merciless Murtherers have wickedly shed in this Land.

2. Their Justice and zeal of Justice appears, in that they have omitted nothing too dear to them.

But have with admirable charge, resolution and contancy, overcome all hazards and perils, and have with a vast expence of English Blood and Treasure, prosecuted this War, (which was but an execution of Justice) to this conclusion, and effected this fair and impartial inquisition for inno∣cent Blood, to put away innocent Blood from the Land; for our righte∣ous God, the righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth, hath revealed it in his holy Scripture, that he will not have such wickedness to pass without condign punishment.

For there are three things which the Lord hates, viz. Oculos sublimes, Linguam mendacem, Manus effundentes innoxium sanginem, Prov. 6. 17.

Their Wisdom appears in this:

1. In that, as good Husbandmen, they prepare the re-plantation of the Land, by rooting out the noisom Weeds, that always would over-grow and destroy the good Corn, as we have found by sad Experience.

And certainly both in Religion and Prudence, it is undoubtedly neces∣sary to clear the Land by Justice, of this innocent Blood, the innocent Blood of Christians, most wickedly and cruelly shed upon the Land, against the Laws of God and Man, of Nature and of Nations, the Laws of the Land, and the Rights and Rules of War, and the Bonds of Huma∣nity and humane Society.

2. In ordering this form of Trial by an High Court of Justice, for the impartial inquisition, trial, and condign punishment, of these Murthers, Massacres, and breach of Quarter: For 'tis manifest to any Man of sound judgement and right knowledge in the Law, That that ancient and excel∣lent Trial at the Common Law by Juries, Freeholders of the proper Coun∣ties and Hundreds, or Baronies, where the Facts were done, was neither convenient nor possible for the decision of these Causes, as the present Constitution of the Common-wealth now is.

Where now can these numbers of indifferent Jurors be had, Liberi & legales Homines, free from all exceptions and challenges, out of which the Juries may be equally impannell'd, for the trial of the Prisoners, that are or shall be charged with these Crimes?

How can all the effectual Forms, absolutely requisite to that Trial, be observed in all these Cases, if we do but consider the legal Challenges, both for the Common-wealth and for the Prisoners, to the Array, to the principal Pannel, to the Pales, the peremptory Challenges, the Challen∣ges for Causes, inducing favour or affection, hatred or enmity, or for Crime, and how in that course could rightly be the Trial of the Articles of War: So that that course of Trial, not being now apt for the decision of these Causes:

The Commissioners of Parliament have, in wisdom and prudence, erected and constituted this Fair, Honourable, Equal, and Indifferent course of Trial, by erecting an High Court of Justice, for the hearing and determining of these Causes:

Wherein are Soldiers for the Articles, Rules, and Laws of War; Judges for the knowledge of the National Laws; others that have Cog∣nizance of the Civil Laws, and other Men of great Experience, Reason, and Judgment; and all of them Men of Honour and Integrity, to be the Triers and Judges in these Cases.

Having thus far opened the Commission, and manifested this form and course of Trial to be Honourable, Just, and Equal, I conceive it re∣quisite a little to consider the Laws against Murther, which are to be as Land-marks and Guides, to direct and lead us in the right way of Judg∣ment in this great Work and Service.

Let us take a brief view of the Laws of God, held forth unto us in the holy Scriptures; and of the other Laws against Murther. And herein consider, first,

The Law against Murther in the beginning, in the infancy of the* 82.1 World, before the Flood, a general Deluge over the World.

The Law against Murther immediately after the Flood.* 82.2

The Moral Law of God.* 82.3

The Judicial and Political Law of the Jews.* 82.4

The Law under the Gospel.* 82.5

The Law of England.* 82.6

The Law of Ireland.* 82.7

Jus Belli, the Law of War.* 82.8

This same horrid sin of Murther, this Devil, crept into the World; it began in the beginning, what can expulse this Devil?

We find in the holy Scriptures, that the Devil was the first Murtherer* 82.9 and Lyar, and that he is the Father of Murtherers and Lyars. The unbe∣lieving Jews bragged they had Abraham to their Father, and yet they sought to kill Christ; whereupon our Saviour tells them, that they are of their Father the Devil, and the lusts of their Father they will do: He was a Murtherer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, because there is no truth in him: When he speaketh a Lye, he speaketh of his own. So that from hence the Lyars and Murtherers take their beginning, and from hence these inseparable Twins make and derive their Pedigree and Descent from the Devil; (viz.) He was a Lyar and a Murtherer from the beginning; and he is the Father of Lyars and Murtherers.

The first and eldest of these in the Stock and Progeny, was Cain:* 82.10 Non sicut Cain, qui ex maligno erat & occidit fratrem suum, & propter quid occidit eum, quoniam opera ejus maligna erunt fratris, autem ejus justa.

And therefore John saith, Not as Cain, who was of that wicked one, and slew his brother; and wherefore slew he him, because his own works were evil, and his brothers righteous.

Wo unto them, saith he, for they have gone in the way of Cain. This* 82.11 way of Cain is chalked out unto us in the beginning of the holy Bible, Gen. 4. 8. that he talked with his brother Abel; and it came to pass when they were in the field, that Cain rose up against Abel his Brother, and slew him. As soon as this innocent Blood was shed upon the Earth, the cry thereof ascended up to Heaven. And the Lord said to Cain, What hast thou done? the voice of thy Brothers blood crieth to me from the ground▪

Gen. 4. 10, 11. And now thou art accursed from the earth, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy Brothers blood from thy hand. When thou tillest the ground, it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her strength; a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the Earth.

The Learned Divines observe upon the Text, that whereas our Tran∣slation is, The voice of thy Brothers blood crieth unto me; the Original is, The voice of thy Brothers bloods, in the Plural Number; for in killing Abel, he did not onely kill him, but also all that posterity, the whole Line that should have descended from Abel; and therefore thy Brothers bloods crieth unto me from the ground. It is not the single blood, as one of the murthered that crieth for vengeance, but even the blood of all that Posterity, as should have descended from him, crieth to Heaven for Vengeance against the Murtherer.

We find this innocent blood of Abel, shed in the begining of the World, still in remembrance, uttering her voice in the highest strain, and crying against Murtherers even to the Worlds end.

Our Saviour denouncing several woes against the Scribes and Phari∣sees,* 82.12 tells them, that they should kill the Prophets that should be sent unto them, that on them may come all the righteous blood shed upon the earth, even from the blood of righteous Abel, unto the blood of Zacharias son of Barachias, whom they slew between the Temple and the Altar.

By faith Abel offered unto God a more acceptable Sacrifice than Cain, by* 82.13 which he obtained witness that he was righteous, God testifying of his gift, and by it he being dead yet speaketh.

And we are come to Jesus the Mediator of the New Testament, and to* 82.14 the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than that of Abel.

The blood of righteous Abel is still in remembrance, and yet speaking. And in the latter end of the Bible, Revel. 6. 9, 10. we find the Souls of them that were slain for the testimony of Jesus under the Altar, crying with a loud voyce, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not revenge our blood on them that dwell on earth. So that the blood of righteous Abel, and all the innocent blood shed on the Earth, yet speaketh, and still crieth for vengeance and justice against the Murtherers. And, to conclude the Case of Murther before the Flood, we find, that one of the main causes which provoked Gods wrath, and brought that great destruction of the whole World by Noah's Flood, was, because the earth was filled with vio∣lence, Gen. 6. 11, 18. And will not that which destroyeth the whole World, over-whelm these Nations, if they be not purged by Justice?

The Law against Murther after the Flood.

* 82.15

Now because the Old World perished through violence, God, in his new re-establishment of the World, provided against violence, and for the preventing of Murther ordered this to be one of his first Fundamental Laws.

Surely the blood of your lives will I require, at the hands of every beast* 82.16 will I require it, and at the hands of man, and at the hands of every mans brother will I require the life of man. Ver. 6. Whoso sheddeth mans blood, by man shall his blood be shed; for in the image of God made he man.

The Moral Law of God delivered upon Mount Sinai, and written* 82.17 by God himself in Tables of Stone, and by his Spirit engraven in every mans heart, Thou shalt do no murther, Exod. 20. 13.

The Judicial Law.

* 82.18

Next to the Moral Law of God, I come to the Judicial and Political Law of the Jews.

He that killeth any man shall surely be put to death.* 82.19

There are several Cases of Murther put, and upon every of them the Law is delivered, That the Murtherer shall surely be put to death.

Moreover you shall take no satisfaction for the life of a Murtherer which* 82.20 is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death.

Ye shall not pollute your Land wherein you are, for blood defileth the* 82.21 Land, and the Land cannot be cleansed of blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that sheddeth it.

Thine eye shall not pity, but life shall go for life.* 82.22

Upon these Laws, I will onely put a case or two, which I conceive may be useful to us upon these points, in the discharge of this service.

The case of Agag King of the Amalekites, whose life Saul spared, being* 82.23 brought before Samuel the great Judge in Israel.

And Samuel said unto him, As thy sword hath made women childless, so* 82.24 shall thy Mother be childless among women. And Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal.

The next case is that of David; David writes to Joab, by Uriah; to* 82.25 set Uriah in the fore-front of the hottest of the Battel, and to retire from him that he may be smitten and die: Joab did so, and so Uriah was slain.

The Lord, by Nathan the Prophet, tells David, That he had killed* 82.26 Uriah with the sword of the children of Ammon, and therefore the Sword shall never depart from his house.

The case of Joab is remarkable.

Joab was a kinsman to David, and he was Captain of his Hoast, he* 82.27 did many great Services, and grew old in his Service; yet for all this; David charges Solomon, that he should not let his hoary head go down to the grave in peace; because he had shed the blood of war in peace, in killing of Abner and Amasa. And though Joab flies to the Tabernacle and took hold* 82.28 of the horns of the Altar, yet Solomon commands him there to be slain, to take way the innocent blood which Joab had shed, in killing Abner the son of Ner, Captain of the hoast of Israel; and Amasa the son of Jether, Ca∣ptain of the hoast of Judah.

I will onely add Ahab's case.

Ahab covets Naboth's Vineyard, his Wife Jezebel undertakes the bu∣siness; Ahab leaves the matter to her management, she writes Letters in Ahab's name, feals them with his Seal, and so carries the business, that Naboth is stoned to death, and Ahab takes possession of the Vineyard.

The Lord sends Elijah the Prophet unto Ahab, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Hast thou killed, and also taken possession, &c. In the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth shall dogs lick thy blood; even thine. And of Jezebel also saith the Lord, The dogs shall eat Jezebel by the walls of Jez∣reel.

I have remembred these Cases and Presidents, because they may be useful to us in this service.

That of Agag and Joab, to admonish us not to spare Murderers.

That of Ahab and David, to instruct us, that the Authors, the Con∣trivers,

the Counsellors, and the Abettors, are guilty of the Murther as well as the Actors, be their Plots and Devices never so subtilly and se∣cretly carried.

I come next to the Law under the Gospel.

* 82.29

Those Laws against Murther are confirmed by our Saviour in the Go∣spel, Matth. 26. 52. Revel. 13. 10. He that killeth with the sword, must be killed with the sword.

Verily I say unto you, Till Heaven and Earth pass away, one jot* 82.30 or tittle shall in no wise pass from the Law till all be fulfilled. And in Verse 21. approves the Law against Murther; and also reproves the narrow and literal Gloss and Exposition of the Pharisees upon it, and gives us a larger and more spiritual sense of it, (viz.) that whosoever is angry with his brother without cause, is in danger of judgment.

The Law of England.

* 82.31

Murther, by the Law of England, is a Felony of death, without benefit of the Clergy or Sanctuary; and by the Law it is esteemed so high and grievous a Crime, that it is prohibited by many Acts of Parliament to grant any Pardon for Wilful Murder. This Law of England answers to that of Deuteronomy, Thine eye shall not pity, but life shall go for life.

The Laws of Ireland.

* 82.32

By the Laws of Ireland Wilful Murther is High Treason, which is of a Temporal offence, esteemed in Law to be the highest Crime, and hath been censur'd with the severest Judgment and Punishment; (viz.) for a man to be drawn upon a Hurdle to the Place of Execution, and there to be hanged by the neck, to be cut down alive, his Intrals and Privy Mem∣bers to be cut forth of his Body, and burnt within his sight, his Head to be cut off, and his Body to be divided into four Quarters or Parts, &c.

For a man to be drawn upon a Hurdle to the Place of Execution, and there his Bowels to be burned.

It is considerable, why, and upon what grounds or reasons, Murther was made a more horrid and execrable Crime in Ireland than in England, and punished with a greater severity, (viz.) both with Torture and with Death, the Statute Decimo Hen. 7. in Ireland, which enacts it to be so, gave the reason of the difference.

Praying the Commons (saith the Law) Forasmuch as there have been un∣usual Murthers, of malice prepense, used and had in this Land of Ireland, &c. contrary to the Law of Almighty God, without any fear of due punishment in that behalf: Therefore the Statute doth enact Wilful Murder to be High Treason. That sin was grown universal in Ireland, and therefore the pu∣nishment must be extraordinary; the universality of the crime causeth the increasing of the punishment, or the severity thereof; Ut metus ad omnes poena ad paucos perveniet. But it will admit another Quoere, How it came to pass, that Malice and Murther was universal in Ireland more than in England? I conceive these two Reasons may be given for it as new.

1. We have been these many years weltring in blood, by the frequent Rebellions in Ireland, that have silenced the Laws.

2. Their was a main defect in their Irish Laws and Customs, (viz.) their Brehowne Law, which the Irish continued amongst themselves, and the degenerate English embraced it, notwithstanding the introduction of the just and honourable Laws of England. Now by their Irish Cu∣stome or Brehowne Law, Murther was not punished with death, but onely by Fines, or a pecuniary Mulct, which they called an Errick. Therefore when Sir William Fitz-Williams, being Deputy, told Mac-guire, That he was to send a Sheriff into Fermanagh, (being lately before made a Coun∣ty) The Sheriff, said Mac-Guire, shall be welcome, but let me know his Errick, the price of his Head aforehand, that if my People cut it off, I may put the Errick upon the County.

Now for the reformation of these grievous abuses in the Land, in the 10th. year of King Hen. 7. in the Government of Sir Edward Poinings Knight, then Deputy of Ireland, there were three good and profitable Statutes made, which were called Poinings Acts, (viz.) the Statute of 10 H. 7. cap. 8. for the reviving, confirming, and putting in execution of the Statute of Kilkenny, held before Lionel Duke of Clarence; by which Statute at Kilkenny, the Brehowne Law was abolished, and decreed to be no Law, but a lewd Custom.

The Statute of 10 H. 7. cap. oct. by which it was Enacted, That if any person took any money, or other amends, for the death of his Kinsman or Friend, then the Law would permit (meaning the Law of England) the same shall be Felony by this Law, the Errick was taken away.

The Statute of 10 H. 7. cap. vicessimo primo, by which Murther is made High Treason in the Actor, Provoker, and Procurer of it. So that by these three Statutes, their Brehowne Law and lewd Custom was abolished, their Errick taken away, and Murther declared to be High Treason. And thus you see how it came to pass, that Murther is a greater offence, and more severely punished in Ireland than in England; and by these good Laws, that horrid and execrable Crime and Monster of Blood and Mur∣der was chain'd up, or at least fetter'd and restrain'd in Ireland, until its breaking loose upon us in this last and most barbarous and cruel Re∣bellion, with that inhumane violence, and unsatiable thirst of innocent Blood, with the savage Butcheries of Men, Women, and Children, with∣out respect either of Age, or Sex, or Quality, as no History or Age can parallel.

It appears by a Cloud of Witnesses, the execrable Cruelties of the Mur∣therers were not satisfied with the variety of Tortures and cruel Deaths of the living, by Striping, Starving, Burning, Strangling, Burying alive, and by many Exquisite Torments put to death the living; so that a present dispatch by death was a great Mercy: So cruel are the Mercies of the wicked.

But their hellish rage and fury stayed not here, but also extended it self even unto the Babes unborn, ripping them out of their Mothers womb, and destroying even those innocent Babes to satiate their savage cruelty. Nor staid it here, but extended also to the ransacking of the Graves of the Dead, dragging the dead Bodies of the Protestants out of their Graves, because they might not rest in their Hallowed Ground.

Nor did yet their execrable malice stay here, but became boundless, not onely to the devastation and the destruction of the Houses, Castles,

and whole substance of the Protestants, and whatsoever tending to Civi∣lity, but also even to the utter extirpation of the English Nation, and Protestant Religion out of this Land of Ireland; all which the Murderers (for of them I speak) acted with that bruitish outrage, as though Infi∣dels, or rather the wild Beasts of the Wilderness, Wolves, and Bears, and Tigres, nay, Fiends and Furies, had been brought into the Land.

If any think this Language too harsh, let them consider, how the ho∣ly Ghost ranks and couples the Murderers with Dogs, Rev. 22. 15. For without the holy City, the heavenly Jerusalem, are Dogs, and Sorcerers, and Whoremongers, and Murderers, and whosoever loveth and maketh a lye.

No, no, Swans language to express either the woful miseries which the Protestants have suffered, or the abominable cruelties the Murtherers have committed, are here tolerable.

I have not words to declare, how the Murderers in this horrid Rebel∣lion have violated all Laws of God and Man, all Faith, all Bonds of Cha∣rity and Humane Society, and how perfidiously they have broken all the Rules, and Rights, and Laws of War.

The Laws of War.* 82.33

In republica maxime sunt observanda Jura belli.

By the Law, and Rules, and Rights of War, Quarter warrantably given, ought inviolably to be observed; it is a Fundamental Law of War, That Faith is to be kept with an Enemy, Fides cum hoste servanda; this hath been observed among the Heathens, Infidels have kept this Faith, the Turks observed it; but, by the Popes Dispensation, the Christians once broke their Articles with the Turks, whereupon the Lord gave a signal Victory to the Turks against the Christians; the Story is well known: The practice of the Murderers in this Rebellion hath been according to the old Popish Tenent, Nulla fides cum Haereticis.

And so, contrary to the Laws of War, many Protestants were mur∣dered after Quarter given, (of which Crime, both are said to be guilty.) But, that which exceeds all that can be spoken, makes their sin exceed∣ing sinful, and their wickedness most abominable, is, That they began this butchery and cruelty even then, when the Protestants were in per∣fect amity with them, and joyned to them not onely in peaceable Neigh∣bourhood, but even in those Bonds that they pretend to hold most invio∣lable, (viz.) Gossiprick, Fosterage, and such like Ties of Friendship and Alliance.

When they enjoyed so licentious a freedom of their Romish Supersti∣tion, and free use of their Mass, they had their Titular Arch-bishops for every Province, their Titular Bishop, with his Dean and Chapter, for every Diocess, and their Secular Priest for every Parish in the Land, be∣sides a monstrous multitude of their Votaries and Regular Clergy: They had their Abbots, Priors, Monks, Nuns, Jesuits, Frieries, Monasteries, Nunneries, Religious Houses, and Convents, in the principal Towns and Cities of the Land, even in this City of Dublin, the residence of the State; so that Father Harris, a Secular Priest of their own, published in Print, That it was as hard to find what number of Friers were in Dublin, as to count how many Frogs there were in the second Plague of Egypt.

They did not onely exercise all their Superstitious Rites and Ceremo∣nies, but also the Papal Jurisdiction, as by Law they had Vicars General, and kept their Provincial Courts and Consistories, and Excommunicated the People, delivering them to Satan: When they enjoyed the benefit of the same Laws with us; nay, the end and force of the Law was in some cases abated as to them, which was not dispensed withall as to the Pro∣testants: The Popish Lawyers were permitted to practice, and the Pa∣pists admitted to Sue forth their Liberties and Ouster lemains▪ and to bear and execute the Office of Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, &c. without taking the Oathes of Allegiance or Supremacy, which was not permitted to the Protestants. And these Popish Lawyers, Priests, Jesuits, and Friers, have been the principal Incendiaries and Firebrands of all those horrible Flames which have thus consumed the Land, and were the chief Ring-leaders of this horrid Rebellion, that the publick Burthens and Charges of the Common-wealth were born more by the Protestants than by them, con∣sideration being had to their numbers, and quality of Possessors of Inhe∣ritance.

And that of the Subsidy granted in Decimo Car. whereof they raised so great a clamour both in England and Ireland, the Protestants paid above one third part of the whole, besides the Clergy, though neither the Quantity or Quality of Lands of Inheritance, then holden of them in the Land, did amount to more than a fifth part; and besides all this▪ the Protestants had contributed to the charge of their Committees, towards the obtaining of Grace in Bounties, in sending Commissioners for them; and even then when the British and Protestants had improved the Lands of the Irish Papists, and enriched their Estates, and brought into the Land Husbandry, Trades, Manufactury, Traffick, Merchan∣dize, &c. by which means, increase of Wealth grew in the Land to that abundance, that the Irish grew not onely Rich but Honourable; also they were made Earls, Viscounts, Lords, Baronets, Knights, &c. And when they enjoyed all this, and much more (if time did permit to declare it) then, even then, without any provocation, suddenly to rise up to this heighth of cruelty, to murder some hundreds of thousands of these Protestants, that lived peaceably and friendly with them, and that be∣fore they could take Arms in their hands for their defence; these things, I say, makes the sins of Murder, Violence, and Cruelty, unmeasurably sin∣ful and detestable.

But I fear I have been too long and too troublesome, both to you and my self, I will conclude. It is well known how the loud cry of innocent Blood of many thousands of Christians ascending up to Heaven, and the devout and fervent prayers of many of Gods dear Saints and Servants, have solicited the Throne of Justice, that this happy and blessed day might come, wherein Justice might impartially be executed against those Murderers, whose cruelties have made this Land a Field of Blood.

And now since the high and righteous Providence of God, by those many and signal Victories given to the Arms and Forces of Ireland, hath sent down from Heaven this day of Justice unto us in this Land; we ought to return him all praise and thankfulness for this unspeakable mercy. And since the trust of this great work, by the same Provi∣dence, is committed unto us, let us stir up his Grace within us, and faith∣fulness of our minds and Souls, to the faithful discharge and execution of

this great trust. Sedes Judicanda est quasi Thronus Dei, saith old Bracton, that learned Chief Justice in Henry the Thirds time. I well remember, and have often thought upon the counsel of Jethro to Moses, Exod. 18. 2. Thou shalt provide thee out of all thy people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and set them to judge the people. Where∣upon Moses having constituted Judges over the People, gave them this charge, (viz.) Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righte∣ously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great. Ye shall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is Gods. Deut. 16. 17.

Give me leave likewise to mind you of Jehosaphat's charge to the Judges, 2 Chron. 19. 6, 7, 9, 11. Take heed what you do, for you judge not for man but for the Lord, who is with you in judgment. Wherefore now let the fear of the Lord be upon you, take heed and do it, for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts. This shall ye do in the fear of the Lord, faithfully, with a perfect heart, and shall judge the cause that shall come before you, between blood and blood, &c. Deal cou∣ragiously, and the Lord shall be with you.

There is also an excellent Rule for Judicature, put in the case of the Gibeonites abuse of the Levites Wife, Judg. 19. 30. the Crime was hor∣rid, the Case extraordinary; There was never such a deed done, or seen before in Israel; the Tribes were moved at it, and upon the Assembly, the Rule is given, (viz.) Consider of it, take advice, and speak your minds. This certainly is an excellent Rule of Judicature, (viz.) first,

1. Consider of it, consider well the Case, and consider all the Circum∣stances of it; beware that no guilty person escape, nor innocent person be condemned: For he that justifieth the wicked, and condemneth the just, even they both are an abomination to the Lord, Prov. 17. 15.

2. Take advice and consult with others; Lean not to thine own under∣standing, saith the wise Solomon, Prov. 4. 5. In the multitude of Coun∣sellors there is safety. Be not rash, nor sudden, or hasty to give judg∣ment. Qui festinat ad judicium proper at ad poenitentiam, Prov. 11. 14.

And therefore right grave and ponderous are the Entries of the Judg∣ments in the Common Law, scil. Quibus lectis & auditis & per justiciari∣os his plenius intellectis & matura deliberatione me praehabita, &c. adjudi∣catur, &c.

When we have patiently heard, and fully understood the Parties, and Proofs, the Witness, and whole Case, and have search'd into all the Parts and Circumstances of it, and when we have advisedly considered, de∣bated, and consulted of it, and taken mature deliberation thereupon; then according to the charge of Jehosaphat, Let us deal couragiously, give Sen∣tence, and fear not the face of man, for God is with us.

It is no less impiety to absolve the Guilty, than to condemn the In∣nocent.

Thus Sir Gerrard Lowther, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, one principally imployed in the weightiest Affairs at Oxford and Westminster, by the Marquess of Ormond, with his Majesties Approbation; that it cannot be said, we have here presented you with the froth of a Fana∣tick, or one less interressed in the State, then one to whom the greatest Concerns thereof had been frequently communicated: Yet because his Speech (being spoke at the opening of the High Court of Justice) may be thought Apocryphal, and so not to be admitted for Doctrine, yet may be read for instruction of Manners, we shall soon present you with some thing Orthodox.

Many at Kilkenny, Waterford, Cork, Dublin, and other Places, un∣derwent the Censure of the High Court of Justice, though the number of those that suffered, exceeded not 200. for that the Sword, Plague, Famine, and Banishment, had swept away vast numbers; amongst whom one Tool, a notable Incendiary of Wicklow, was one, against whom Edmund Reily the Irish Priest, and Vicar-General, (afterwards Archbishop of Ardmagh,) appearing in 1653. as a Witness, was there* 82.34 accused for the chief Author of surprizing and burning (in Cessation time) the black Castle of Wicklow, and consequently too of murther∣ing of all those were in it, upon which he was seized and committed; Yet, for his service in betraying the Royal Camp at Rathmines▪ suffered no further punishment.

In distributing of Lands, a course was thought of, how the Eng∣lish might enjoy them freely, without disturbance of the Irish, (for the future) ever ready to fall upon them; and therefore many of the Natives were transplanted into Connaght, and, according to the Extenu∣ation of their Crimes, had more or less Land allotted them, which they enjoyed freely, and (in several respects) was a great conveniency to them, and not less security to the English; They (being now in a Bo∣dy) might be better watched then several, where they would have been sure (on every opportunity) to have disturb'd the Peace.

One of the last Commanders amongst the Irish, which bore up against the Parliament, was Moitogh O Brian, who, being at last forced into his Fastnesses, obtain'd in March, 1653. the usual Articles of Transpor∣tation; By the favour of which, not less then 27000 Men, had that year been sent away; so as through the numbers that had been killed, died of the Plague, Famine, and had been Transported, the scarcity of People was very considerable; To supply which, Fleetwood writ that several Colonies might be sent over, offering very good Conditions to such Families that would Transport themselves; whereupon great numbers of all sorts of Sex flocked into Ireland, which Fleetwood much indulg∣ing;* 82.35 Cromwel thought requisite (for the greater strengthening of his own Party) to make his Son Harry Lord Deputy, which he did in 1655.* 82.36 and soon after Lord Lieutenant, a Person who openly shewed himself against the Anabaptists, (then raging) and countenanced the Uni∣versity, then in a low Ebb, bestowing upon it Bishop Usher's Library, composed of the choicest and best picked Books, extant, carrying himself, so as some of the Rigour of his Father was thereby taken off, and that disor∣dered Nation brought into the Condition of a flourishing State; Yet af∣terwards,* 82.37 (when he might have had many to have seconded him) he tamely yielded, in 1659. the Government to Steel, the Parliaments* 82.38 Lord Chancellor, and Miles Corbet, their Chief Baron of the Exchequer;

his Brother Richard having surrendred the Protectorship in England, very meanly, with a submission (as he termed it) to Providence; So that Family expired.

And the Affairs of England growing every day full of change, Ireland (understanding what Sir George Booth had nobly attempted in England) grew thence early in its dutiful Address to his Majesty; And Sir Theo∣philus Jones, (further'd by his Reverend Brother) Colonel Warren, Bridges, Thompson, Lisle, Warder and Temple, seized Dublin Castle; Sir Charles Coot about the same time, preferring an Impeachment of Treason against Ludlow, Tomlinson, Corbet, and John Jones; and weighing the Consequences of the present Distempers, he (together with the Council of the Officers of the Army, present at Dublin) the 16th. of February, 1659. made a Memorable Declaration con∣cerning the Re-admission of the Secluded Members; about the same time, sending Captain Cuffe, to attend Colonel Monk into England, a Ge∣neral Convention being the 7th. of February, before Summon'd by the Vigilance and excellent Contrivance and Industry of Doctor Dudley Loftus, in which Sir James Barry (afterwards Lord Baron of Santry) was Chairman: Several Affairs (of greatest Consequence) came there to be considered. First, the Arrears of the Souldiers, (they were to be fastned to the Design, by their Interest, and by the discharge of what was due to them) then what was most popular, (and look'd least to the mark they aim'd at) came under consideration, in as much as they continued till May, 1660. having readily accepted of the Kings* 82.39 Declaration from Breda, of the 14th. of April, 1660. laying hold (by their Declaration, of the 14th. of May,) of his Condescentions, as the fittest expedient to cement the divided Interests in his three King∣doms, which his Majesty (in his Printed Declaration for the settlement of Ireland) takes especial notice of, in these words, That our good Sub∣jects, the Protestants (not Usurpers, as the Irish in their Case entitle them,) in our Kingdom of Ireland, have born a very good part in the Blessing of our Restitution, and that they were early in their dutiful Ad∣dresses unto Us, and made the same Professions of a Resolution, to return to their Duty and Obedience to Us, during the time of Our being beyond the Seas, which they have since so eminently made good, and put in practice. And here I cannot pass over, that when the Irish Brigade came to assist Lambert, against Sir George Booth, (now Lord Delameere) and were in the North with him at that time, advancing to know what General Monk intended; they under Redman, and Bret, first drew back, though some of their Officers (in their canting mood) thought to have wheedled General Monk into a Compliance. The Convention gave his Majesty 20000 l. the Duke of York 4000 l. and the Duke of Glocester 2000 l. and in May adjourned to the first of November, a stand∣ing Committee remaining in the interim. And the 18th. of December, 1660. his Majesty by his Letter, approved of this Convention, which met again the 22. of January, and Sir William Dumvell was appointed Chairman; it continued till May, 1661. Before they determined, they had by a Committee, very sensible and gallantly defended (at Court) the English Interest, against the Irish; who (by reason of the Peace which had been made with them in 1646. and 48.) thought they had very much to plead for his Majesties favour, when upon the whole, it was proved, that if any of them were afterwards Loyal, the generality

disobeyed whatever had been indulged them; and the Contract was not to be understood to be made with a Party, but the Community; of which more in its due place.

His Majesty was no sooner setled in England, but (upon both Houses of Parliaments apprehension of the late Rebellion, and the Irish flock∣ing at his Return into England) he within few days published his sence of that horrible Conspiracy, in the ensuing Proclamation.

By the King. A PROCLAMATION Against the Rebels in Ireland.

C. R.

CHarles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scot∣land, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all Our loving Subjects of England and Ireland, Greeting. We taking notice by the Information of the Lords and Commons, now Assembled in Parliament, That after the vast expence of Blood and Treasure for the suppressing of the late horrid Rebellion in Ireland, begun in October, 1641. There are yet many of the Natives of that Our Kingdom, deeply guilty of that Rebellion, who have of late broke out into new Acts of Force and Violence, some Murthering, Robbing, and Despoil∣ing several of Our English Protestant Subjects there planted, and others of them by force Entring upon, and Disquieting the Pos∣sessions of several Adventurers and Souldiers there, to the great and manifest disturbance and hinderance of Our English Planta∣tion. And being very sensible of the innocent bloud of so many thousands of Our English Protestant Subjects, formerly slain by the hands of those barbarous Rebels, and of new mischiefs of the same kind, likely to fall out, as the sad issue and consequents of so unhappy beginnings. Do therefore, by the advice of the said Lords and Commons, now assembled, as well to testifie Our ut∣ter abhorring of the said late Rebellion, as to prevent the like for the future; and for the present establishment of the Peace of that Our Kingdom, hold it Our duty to God and the whole Protestant Interest, to Command, Publish, and Declare, and do by this Our Proclamation, accordingly, Command, Publish, and Declare, That all Irish Rebels (other than such as by Articles have liberty to reside in these Our Dominions, and have not since forfeited the benefit thereof) now remaining in, or which here∣after shall resort to England or Ireland, be forthwith apprehend∣ed,

and proceeded against as Rebels and Traitors according to Law. And that the Adventurers and Souldiers, and other Our Subjects in Ireland, their Heirs, Executors, Administrators, and Assigns, who on the first day of January last past were in the Possession of any of the Mannors, Castles, Houses, Lands, Te∣nements, or Hereditaments, of any the said Irish Rebels, shall not be disturbed in such their Possessions, until We, by the advice of the Lords and Commons, now assembled as aforesaid, or such Parliament as We shall call in England or Ireland, shall take further Order, or that they be Legally evicted, by due course of Law: And all Our Justices of Peace, Mayors, Sheriffs, and other Officers, both Civil and Military, both in England and Ireland, are hereby required to be aiding and assisting in the execution of this Our Proclamation, as often as occasion shall require.

Given at our Court at Whitehal the first day of June, 1660. in the Twelfth Year of Our Reign.

Afterwards (assoon as such matters for so great a Business could be* 83.1 brought about) his Majesty, the 8th. of May, summon'd a Parliament at Dublin, in which passed the great Act of Settlement, after that his Majesty had published, the 30th. of November, 1660. His Gracious Declaration for the settlement of his Kingdom of Ireland, and sa∣tisfaction of the several Interests of Adventurers and Souldiers, and other Subjects there; wherein as to the Irish; first, such are considered, as came in upon the Cessation; secondly, those who honestly and faith∣fully performed what they promised in the Peace; and thirdly, such as being beyond Seas, cheerfully receiv'd and obeyed his Majesties Com∣mands abroad; all which are comprehended in several Articles, pro∣ceeding from these Heads; and the Souldiers and Adventurers, by them∣selves. These also who had the Fortune (whether through Loyalty or Suspicion, that they were not able to bear up against the English In∣terest) to withstand the Nuncio, have in the Act of Settlement their Fortunes, and themselves secur'd memorable to Posterity; who being fewer then those that bowed not their knees to Baal in Israel, we can∣not but mention, it being a Reward for their eminent Sufferings.

And because the voice of a Parliament, next to the delivery of the Law from Mount Sinai, ought to impress the greatest Reverence on the heart and affections of the People, I shall here present you with the Pre∣amble to the Bill of Settlement in Ireland, 1662. which in brief commits that to Posterity, no Paint can ever Palliate.

An Act, 14 Carol. 2.

WHereas an * 84.1 unnatural Insurrection did break forth against your Majesties Royal Father, of ever blessed memory, his Crown and Dignity in this your Majesties Kingdom of Ireland, upon the 23. of October, in the year of our Lord God, 1641. and manifest it self, by the Murthers and Destruction of many thousands of your said Majesties good and loyal Subjects, which afterwards universally spreading and diffusing it self over the whole Kingdom, setled into, and became a formed and almost National Rebellion of the Irish Papists, against your Royal Father of blessed me∣mory, his Crown and Dignity, to the destruction of the English and Pro∣testants inhabiting in Ireland; The which Irish Papists being represented in a General Assembly chosen by themselves, and acting by a Council, called by them, The Supream Council of the Confederate Roman Catholicks of Ireland, did first assume, usurp, and exercise the Power of Life and Death, make Peace and War, Levy and Coin Money, and many other Acts of Soveraign Authority; Treating with Foreign Princes and Potentates, for their Government and Protection, and afterwards acted under a Fo∣reign Authority, by all the said ways, disowning and rejecting your Royal Fathers, and your Majesties undoubted Right to this Kingdom, even while they treacherously used his, and your Majesties Names; in the outward forms of their Proceedings; withal impiously seeming by words and shews to swear unto that, which by the whole Series of their Deeds, they denied; And moreover, presuming to pretend his late Majesties Sacred Authority, even for their worst actions; all which they did (amongst other their evil De∣signs) to frighten his good Protestant Subjects from their Loyalty, to blast his Majesties Honour, and to widen the Breach between his said Majesty, and his seduced Subjects in England; The which Ends, by their said wicked Stratagems, they did too successfully and mischievously effect.

Before this Preamble (to the Act of Settlement) pass'd, the Irish (by their Agents in England) had an unusual Favour of inspecting that Bill, and objecting what they thought fit; which they did in the presence of the Commissioners sent out of Ireland, by the Convention, and Lords Justices and Council, even before his Majesty, his Council, and the Committee of Lords, for the Affairs of Ireland, to that end especially appointed. The debate continuing (touching this grand Instrument) from the 8th. of July, 1661. till March following, in which the Irish most insisted against the Preamble, for that it seem'd to involve the whole Nation, in the first designing and raising of the late Rebellion in Ireland, and in the barbarous Circumstance thereof: whereas they would pretend, it was onely the act of a few Persons of broken for∣tunes, followed with the rude multitude, &c. Praying that nothing might be contain'd in that Preamble, in Derogation to his Majesties Articles of Peace, or the blemish of his Majesties Loyal Catholick Subjects, delivering in at the same time, their Reasons against previous Reprisals, the variances between the Declaration, and Act of Settlement, and their defence for their Articles of Peace: Insisting much upon their Loyalty,

after the Lord Lieutenants departure, the Catholicks unanimously (in their Assembly) joyning (if you dare credit their reports?) with the Lord Deputy, to oppose the Usurpers, as the best means to divert the Parliament, from preventing the Kings Designs in England and Scot∣land; for which his Majesty (as they say) return'd them thanks, they rejecting then many advantagious offers from Ireton, though they were in a low Condition; and so continued faithful till the Lord Deputy was driven to the Mountains, and they at liberty to compound for themselves, many of which went beyond-Sea to serve his Majesty; All which they insist on, as a great test of their Loyalty; whereas it can never be made evident, as is alledged, that Proposals were made to that Assembly by the Usurpers, and refused by them, for the enjoyment of their Rights, Priviledges, and Inheritances, alike with others under their Govern∣ment; for indeed such Proposals were never made nor offered to them in their most flourishing Condition; but it is confessed, such Terms were tendred and refused by them, as were agreeable to a conquering Army to give, as that of the Usurpers then was, and to a broken scattered Party to expect, as the other was; being then reduced to Bogs and Woods, as their best Holts; and yet the Terms so offered and rejected by the Assembly together, were soon after embraced by all of them, divided into Parts, on which they submitted and laid down Arms, having by their Condi∣tions, liberty to transport themselves into Foraign Parts, or to stay in the Kingdom: And therefore, it doth no more consist with their Ho∣nour, then with Truth to say, they were forced by banishment, to an opportunity of serving his Majesty beyond-Seas, from whence they date their Merits from him; which was more then his late Majesty of blessed memory could obtain from them, although obliged thereunto by Allegiance, and Articles, when his Distress and their Power were subli∣mated to the highest Pitch, and his Prerogative lay at the stake, as he did often complain of: The Commissioners from the Lords Justices and Council, besides this, produced the Instructions of the Supream Coun∣cil, to their Agents for Rome, France, Spain, (offering the Crown to either of them that would accept of it) together with the Excommu∣nication of the Marquess, now Duke of Ormond, and the order of Publi∣cation thereof; whereupon Sir Nicholas Plunket (who subscribed the said Instructions, and principally insisted on the forementioned Particu∣lars) was sent for by the Committee of Lords, who had the Examina∣tion of that Affair, and acknowledging his hand-writing, Report thereof was made to his Majesty and Council, by whom it was ordered about the 14th. of March, 1661. That no more Petitions or Addresses should be received by the Irish, to the obstruction of the Settlement of that King∣dom; and that Sir Nicholas Plunket should thence-forward no more presume to come into his Majesties Presence, nor to Court; Likewise there was produced an Oath previously taken by several of the Popish Nobility, Clergy, and others of the Gentry of Ireland, before the Articles of Peace, made in 1648. (which they so much insist upon) wherein they swear and engage, That if those Articles of Peace were not in every par∣ticular for their advantage performed, they would not be concluded by any thing therein; Which appear'd to be so damnable a Piece of Treache∣ry, as it was highly resented in Council, and the rather, for that his Grace stood up, and justified that to his knowledge it was a Truth.

And lest the memory of so great a Deliverance should slip out of our thoughts, I shall in the next place present you with the Anniversary Act, for its observance, that this may be to us (not less then the Passover to the Israelites) for a Memorial and a Feast to the Lord, throughout our Generations, by an Ordinance for ever.

AN ACT FOR Keeping and Celebrating the three and twentieth day of October, as an Anniversary Thanks∣giving in this Kingdom.

WHereas many Malignant and Rebellious Papists and Jesuits, Friers, Seminary Priests, and other Superstitious Orders of the Popish pretended Clergy, most disloyally, treacherously, and wickedly, con∣spired to surprize His Majesties Castle of Dublin, His Maje∣sties principal Fort of this Kingdom of Ireland, the City of Dublin, and all other Cities and Fortifications of this Realm, and that all the Protestants and English throughout the whole Kingdom, that would not joyn with them, should be cut off, and finally by a general Rebellion, to deprive our late Sovereign Lord of ever blessed memory, King Charles the First, of this his ancient and rightful Crown and Sovereignty of this Kingdom, and to possess them∣selves thereof; all which was by the said Conspirators, plot∣ted and intended to be acted on the three and twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord God, One thousand six hundred forty and one; a Conspiracy so generally inhu∣mane, barbarous, and cruel, as the like was never before heard of in any Age or Kingdom; and if it had taken ef∣fect, in that fulness which was intended by the Conspirators, it had occasioned the utter ruine of this whole Kingdom, and the Government thereof. And however it pleased Al∣mighty God, in his unsearchable Wisdom and Justice, as a just punishment, and deserved correction to his People for their sins, and the sins of this Kingdom, to permit then and afterwards, the effecting of a great part of that De∣struction, complotted by those wicked Conspirators, whereby many thousand British and Protestants have been massacred, many thousands of others of them have been

afflicted and tormented, with the most exquisite torments that malice could suggest, and all Mens Estates, as well those whom they barbarously murthered, as all other good Subjects, were wasted, ruined, and destroyed; yet as his Divine Majesty hath in all Ages, shown his Power and Mer∣cy, in the miraculous and gracious deliverance of his Church, and in the protection of Religious Kings and States, so even in the midst of his Justice, he was graciously pleased to extend Mercy to his Majesty, and to this his Kingdom, and good Subjects therein, not only in merci∣fully discovering to the then Lords Justices, by one Owen O Connelly, a meer Irish Man, but trained up in the Protestant Religion, who out of a sense of his Duty and Loyalty to his Majesty, and for the preservation of his good People, and as an effect of that Religion he was trained up in, re∣vealed that hideous and bloody Treason, not many hours before the appointed time for the Execution thereof, but also in preserving the said Castle and City of Dublin, and some other Cities, Towns, and Castles, in the Kingdom, from the bloody hands of the barbarous Conspirators, as also in thereby rendring deliverance of the Lives of the said Lords Justices and Council, and of all the British and Pro∣testants in Dublin, and in the said other Cities, Towns and Castles preserved, and of sundry other British and Prote∣stants, faln into the hands of those rebellious Conspirators, and likewise in sending us Succours out of England hither, by the Piety, Care, and Wisdom, of our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the First, whereby with Gods blessing the good Subjects of this Kingdom, have hitherto continu∣ed safe under his mighty Protection, notwithstanding the unexampled rage and implacable malice of those merciless Rebels. Wherefore as we do most humbly and justly ac∣knowledge Gods Justice, in our deserved punishments in those Calamities, which from the Councils and Actions of those Conspirators, and their Adherents, have faln upon us in this Kingdom in general, so we do in like manner ac∣knowledge, that even in exercising of that his Justice, he remembred Mercy also, and magnified his Mercies to us, in those great Blessings which we humbly confess to have proceeded, meerly from his infinite Goodness and Mercy, and therefore to his most holy Name we do ascribe all Ho∣nour, Glory and Praise. And to the end this unfeigned

Thankfulness may never be forgotten, but may be had in a perpetual Remembrance, that all Ages to come may yield Praises to his Divine Majesty for the same, and have in me∣mory that joyful Day of Deliverance, Be it therefore Enact∣ed by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, with the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by Authority of the same, that the three and twentieth day of October shall be kept and celebrated, as an Anniversary holy day in this Kingdom for ever, and that all Persons do at that day for∣bear all bodily Labour, and the exercise of their Trades, and that all and singular Ministers in every Cathedral and Parish Church, or other usual place for Common-Prayer, within this Realm of Ireland, shall always upon the three and twentieth day of October, say Morning Prayer, and give thanks to Almighty God, for that most happy and miracu∣lous Deliverance and Preservation, far above the expectati∣ons of those wretched Conspirators: And that all and every Person and Persons inhabiting within this Realm of Ireland, shall yearly upon the three and twentieth day of October, diligently and faithfully resort to the Parish Church or Chap∣pel accustomed, or to some usual Church or Chappel, where the said Morning Prayer, Preaching, or other Service of God shall be used, and then and there abide orderly and soberly, during the time of the said Prayers, Preaching, or other Service of God, there to be used and ministred. And because all and every Person may be put in mind of his Duty, and be then the better prepared to the said holy Ser∣vice, Be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that every Minister shall give warning to his Parishioners, publickly in the Church at Morning Prayer, the Lords day next before every such three and twentieth day of October, for the due observation of the said day, and that after Morning Prayer, or Preaching, upon every such three and twentieth day of October, they read publickly, distinctly and plainly, this pre∣sent Act.

And, besides our private Thankfulness, that we may know what the Church is enjoyned by his Majesties Command, (given at Whitehall, the 15th. of August, in the 18th. year of his Reign, 1666.) I must refer you to the Office of the Church.

Here one might well have thought this bloody Scene should have been fully closed, the event of so horrid a Conspiracy, having by God and Man been severely chastized: But as if Heaven were still to be dared, and Majesty affronted, no sooner was this State setled in so wonderful a manner, as it drew the whole world to look on it as a miracle; but the grand Incendiaries of the late Rebellion, Archbishops, Bishops, and others of that Union, (openly owning their Profession) appear'd in publick, in as much as the Parliament of England was enforced to take notice of their Insolency, as an encouragement to Popery, beseeching his Majesty, that Plunket, the Titular Archbishop of Ardmagh, and Tal∣bot, Archbishop of Dublin, should be apprehended, to answer what might be objected against them: And as an Evidence of their Parties Activeness and Insinuation, the Lord of Ossory, Lord Deputy, and the Council, by a Proclamation, dated at the Council Chamber in Dublin, the 11th. of July, 1664. shew, Whereas information hath been given unto us by divers Gentlemen, and others of the Popish Religion, that several pretended Chapters have been, and are to be soon called in several Parts of this Kingdom, and Meetings appointed by Persons dis-affected to his Majesties Government, and to the publick Peace and Quiet, who take opportunities from those Assemblies, to diffuse and spread abroad (amongst the People of that Religion Seditious Doctrines, to the great dissatisfaction of all those, who are peaceably and loyally inclined, &c. They therefore to the avoiding the Con∣tagion, that by such Delusions might be ingendered, and those Dangers, which by the continuance and seducement of the said Persons, and other turbulent Spirits, are endeavour'd) caution'd and forewarn'd, That none should presume to assist, abett, or countenance them; and that those (who were engaged therein) should, upon their Duty of Allegiance to his Majesty, forbear any further Proceedings, &c. All which were afterwards blank'd over, as indeed they had the fortune to be strangely palliated, together with what the Bishop of Ferns had discovered to the Earl of Sandwich, (pas∣sing through Galacia to Madrid) of Edmond Reylie, Archbishop of Ardmagh's purpose, to raise the Irish again into Rebellion; though some to delude the Age, made a Loyal Formulary or Remonstrance of their Obedience, whilst being admitted at Dublin, into a National Synod of their own, 1666. (an Indulgence not yet fathom'd) they there split themselves into Parties, and (the 15th. day of their meeting) broke up, without the least satisfaction to the End they were connived at; so as from their Principles its natural to conclude, That whatever a Prince must expect from such men, it must be in subordination to the Popes Ap∣probation: A Reflection on the like made King H. 8. say, that he found the Clergy of this Realm were but his half Subjects, or scarce so much, every Bishop or Abbot, (at the entering upon his Dignity) taking an Oath to the Pope, derogatory to that of their Fidelity to the King; which contradiction, he desired his Parliament to take away, and it occasion'd (writes my Lord Herbert, Fol. 335) the final renouncing of the Popes Authority, about two years after. The Clergies Oath is given at large, in Walshe's Epistle to his Loyal Formulary, Fol. 19. which draws me into a further consideration of the late War.

A War in which were interessed (on several Principles) some of the greatest Princes and States of Europe, the Pope, Emperor, France, Spain, Lorraign, and others, who (professedly, or under-hand) con∣tributed Money, Arms, Council, or Countenance.

A War many years in contriving, and (what makes it the more stu∣pendious) so secretly and unexpectedly carried on, (villany hates the light) that considering how far the Conspiracy was spread, and who were engaged in it, it is scarce credible, that no apprehension of its event should in the least be discovered, more then what Ever Mac Mahon imparted, 1631. The apprehension of which soon passed over, as did also some other petty suspicions, rais'd I know not from what improbable and confused Rumors, amusing, rather then convincing the Judgment of such, as were most concern'd in the notice of them; so as till the 22. of Octob. 1641. late at night, (on the very point of the Plot being acted) nothing seem'd certain or infallible, that if God had not been very mer∣ciful, all had been surprized, before any one had been suspected.

A War not confined to some Province, or parts of Provinces in Ire∣land, as Tyrones, Desmonds, and the rest had been; but as if the De∣sign were the joynt Act of the whole Kingdom, all seem'd to have one head, few excepted, whose Honour is the greater.

A War not arising from small beginnings, as some of the former, which from private Interest, at last espoused greater; But this in its first appea∣rance, drove all before it, like some Infections, speedily diffusing its Ve∣nome through the whole Body.

A War, for which the most diligent enquiry, could not have found within the Nation, a Head (in Popularity or Parts) for such an under∣taking: The occasion doubtless of security in most, and whereby the State Politicks of that time were deluded, they having their eyes open onely, on what might have been from abroad suspected, not (much less fear'd) at home, the loud alarms of a Massinello, a Person of none or of broken Fortunes, of little Power, or of less Brain, (but any thing, even what is under foot, and next at hand, may easily be taken up, and made by Divine Justice, a sufficient Scourge for a provoking People) such was that Sir Phelim O Neal esteem'd, till then generally a very Buffoon in Converse, but after own'd and Honour'd as a Principal in that undertaking; Yet being therein rather the hand then the head, proving, however, the Fire-brand of his Countrey, that being the Eng∣lish of Phelim an Totan, or smoaking Phelimy, a Name (on this occasion) given him in way of Honour by his Irish Rhimers, and wherein he him∣self after gloried.

Finally, a War dismal to the English and Protestants of Ireland, in its beginning; so dismal, as no example through the World ever equall'd it, in the Circumstances that accompanied the Butcheries, Massacres, Cruelties, yea, the mercy of the Rebels in that War; though in the end, fatal to the Irish themselves, above any thing that ever befel that Nation, so as the greatness of their Sufferings, may well testifie the remarkable∣ness of their Crimes, sutable to the innocent blood they had barbarously shed, and the devastations they had made of a most flourishing and well setled Kingdom.

Notes

• * 1.1

  In his Letter to the Lord De∣puty Went∣worth. the 5. of Novemb. 1633. as formerly in a Letter to Bi∣shop Laud of the 1st. of A∣pril, 1630.
• * 1.2

  In his Depo∣sitions annexed to the Remon∣strance of the state of the Re∣bellion of Ire∣land, p. 24.
• * 1.3

  In his Answer to the two last Papers of Ux∣bridge, con∣cerning Ire∣land, fol. 569.
• * 1.4

  Fol. 934.
• * 1.5

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, p. 10.
• * 1.6

  Grandson of Sir Hen. Sidney, that Excellent and Noble Per∣son, who had, at times, been eleven years Governour of Ireland.
• * 1.7

  Sir Benjamin Rudyard's Speech in Par∣liament, Aug. 28. 1641.
• * 1.8

  The Lords. Lord Viscount Gormanston, Kilmalloc, Castiloe, Baltinglass. The Commons. Leimster. Nich. Plunket,—Digby, Richard Fitz-Garret, Nich. Barnwell, Esquires. Munster. Sir Hardress Waller, Jo. Welsh, Sir Donnogh Mac-Cartie. Connaght. Robert Linch. Geffry Brown. Thomas Bourk. Ulster. Sir Wil. Cole. Sir James Mont∣gomery.
• * 1.9

  Sir Iohn Tem∣ple, in his Trea∣tise of the Irish Rebellion, p. 13. A Piece of that Integrity few can equal, none exceed: He hav∣ing (as a Pri∣vy Counsellor) opportunity to view and con∣sider all Dis∣patches, rarely obvious to o∣thers; and be∣ing singular In∣tire and Inge∣nious, adven∣tur'd then into the List, when some dar'd scarce think on the Attempt: A Considerati∣on (in reference to what he suf∣fered) very considerable; though more, in that to this day (what ever hath been bark'd against other accounts of the Rebel∣lion) never any thing was objected against his.
• * 2.1

  The life of A∣gesilaus, fol. 624.
• * 2.2

  Appendix 1.
• * 2.3

  p. 72.
• * 2.4

  p. 74.
• * 2.5

  In Annal. Eliz. fol. 311. Anno 580.
• * 2.6

  Fol. 743.
• * 2.7

  Dr. Bates Elench. Mot. par. 2. p. 19.
• * 2.8

  Caesar Willi∣amson in his Epist. to his Oration in sus∣cepti diadema∣tis diem. Car. 2.
• * 2.9

  Thom. Rivii Jur. Consult. Regiminis An∣glici in Hiber∣nia Defensio in Analecten, lib. 1 p. 1.
• * 2.10

  Sir William Cole gave the first light of the Rebellion.
• * 2.11

  In his Let∣ter, 28. of May, 1677.
• * 2.12

  Sir J. T. in his Hist. p. 17. l. 12.
• * 2.13

  Mac-Mahon's Examination abbreviated.
• * 3.1

  O Conally's Ex∣amination.
• * 5.1

  Appendix 2.
• * 5.2

  Pryn's Ab∣brev. of Archbi. Laud, fol. 301.
• * 5.3

  Dr. Bernard in his Funeral Oration on the Primate, p. 39.
• * 5.4

  Conspirare caeperunt ad Proregem cum familia oppri∣mendum, Ca∣strum Dubli∣nense (ubi om∣nis apparatus bellicus) ex improviso in∣tercipiendum. Camd. Eliz. fol. 311. P. 27.
• * 5.5

  Sir John Tem∣ple's History of the Rebelli∣on, p. 28.
• * 5.6

  As in Sir J. Temp. p. 57. and in the Answer to the Remonst. at Trym, p. 22.
• * 5.7

  Commissions of Martial-Law granted to se∣veral of the prime Irish.
• * 5.8

  Strangers in∣hited (by Pro∣clamation) the City.
• * 5.9

  A Garrison sent to Tredath.
• * 5.10

  The Rebels pretend a Com∣mission under the King's Broad Seal.
• * 5.11

  Fol. 289.
• * 5.12

  Walsh, 121.
• * 5.13

  Appendix 3.
• * 5.14

  The Rebels of Cavan's Re∣monstrance.
• * 5.15

  Dr. Jones's Relation of Ca∣van, p. 17.
• * 5.16

  Keilagh and Crohan Castles notably de∣fended.
• * 5.17

  Who having shaken off his obedience to the English Go∣vernment, quits Miles, sound∣ing English, and takes Mulmore.
• * 5.18

  Since (Anni•• scil. 1671 & 1672.) one of the Lords Ju∣stices, as now Viscount Gra∣nard, who then not above 17 years of age, had been on all Services.
• * 5.19

  Printed at London, Aug. 11. 1642.
• * 5.20

  The States Pro∣clamation against unne∣cessary Persons flocking to the City. Appendix 4.
• * 5.21

  The Parlia∣ment meet.
• * 5.22

  The Irish Re∣monstrance an∣swer'd. p. 65.
• * 6.1

  The Contents of the Long∣ford Letter.
• * 7.1

  Sir Ben. Rud∣yard's Speech in defence of Religion.
• * 7.2

  Appendix 5.
• * 7.3

  The Parliament Prorogued.
• * 7.4

  The Lord Keeper. The Lord Pri∣vy Seal. The Lord High Chamberlain. Lord Admiral. Lord Marshal. Lord Chamber∣lain. Earl of Bath. Earl of Dorset. Earl of Lei∣cester. Earl of War∣wick. Earl of Hol∣land. Earl of Berks. Earl of Bristol. Lord Visc. Say. E. Mandevile. Lord Goring. Lord Wilmot. All of his Ma∣jesty's most Honourable Privy Council.
• * 8.1

  As in his Ma∣jesty's Reply to the House of Commons Answer, concer∣ning Licences to Persons to go into Ireland, is at large ex∣pressed upon Mr. Pym's Speech, at a Conference with the Lords, the 25th. of Jan. 1641. therein affirm∣ing, That since the stop upon the Ports, a∣gainst all Irish Papists, by both Houses, many of the chief Commanders (then in the Head of the Rebels) had been suffer'd to pass, by his Ma∣jesty's immedi∣ate Warrant; sufficiently de∣tested in his Answer. The Party sent to re-inforce Tredath, be∣trayed to the Rebels.
• * 8.2

  With the Troop of Horse, which some ac∣cuse of much negligence, not to say worse. Sir Char. Coote sent to relieve Wickloe Fort. Beats the Ene∣my there.
• * 8.3

  His Majesty sends Money, Arms and Am∣munition, into Ireland out of Scotland.
• * 8.4

  Fol. 290.
• * 8.5

  Nicholas Dowdall.
• * 8.6

  The Author of the English and Scotch Bresbytery, p. 222.
• * 9.1

  The States Ma∣nifest, in An∣swer to Netter∣vile and his Accomplices fears.
• * 9.2

  The Lords Ju∣stices Vindica∣tion of Sir Charles Coote.
• * 10.1

  See Sir J. Tem∣ple, part 2. p. 30. as the Answer to the 9th. Ar∣ticle of the Re∣bels Remon∣strance at Trym, p. 78.
• * 10.2

  His Majesty's Works, fol. 393
• * 13.1

  About the midst of De∣cember the Re∣bellion breaks forth in Mun∣ster.
• * 13.2

  The Rebellion appears in Connaght.
• * 13.3

  The Reasons, why each Pro∣vince burst not (at once) into a flame.
• * 13.4

  The Author of the English and Scotch Presbytery, p. 222.
• * 13.5

  Scobels Acts▪ fol. 197.
• * 13.6

  Sir Simon Har∣court arriv'd out of England with the first Forces.
• * 13.7

  Sir Charles Coote goes to Swoards.
• * 13.8

  Five Regi∣ments more arriv'd out of England.
• * 14.1

  His Majesties Proclamation against the Re∣bels, the first of January.
• * 14.2

  His Majesties Reasons, why his Proclama∣tion came out so late.
• * 16.1

  The Rebels, notwithstand∣ing his Maje∣sty's Proclama∣tion, grew more united.
• * 16.2

  The Insolen∣cies of the Poli∣titian's Catech. briefly reflect∣ed on, and what the English are charged with.
• * 16.3

  The Rebels en∣deavour prin∣cipally to make themselves Ma∣sters of Leim∣ster.
• * 16.4

  The Rebels be∣girt Tredath.
• * 16.5

  The Situation of Tredath.
• * 16.6

  The Siege of Tredath, and its strength.
• * 16.7

  Sir John Net∣terviles.
• * 16.8

  Sir Hen, Tich∣born enters the 4th. of Novemb. Governour of Tredath.
• * 17.1

  This Captain John Morris was Page to the Countess of Strafford, one of singular cou∣rage through the whole War, and a Colonel in England, and Governour of Pontfract Ca∣stle; for which Service (hav∣ing past many Fortunes) he was Condemn'd and Executed at York, the eight of Au∣gust, 1649. The first Relief of Tredath, the xi. of January.
• * 17.2

  The second Re∣lief Febr. the 14th.
• * 17.3

  Appendix. 6th.
• * 17.4

  In his Speech the 13th. of Febr. 1662. p. 17. 38.
• * 17.5

  Tredath being freed, several of the Lords of the Pale offer (upon Conditions) to come in.
• * 17.6

  The Earl of Ormond visits Tredath with 3000 Foot and 500 Horse.
• * 17.7

  Dundalk as∣saulted and gain'd.
• * 17.8

  Sir Phelim O∣neal being dis∣appointed at Tredath, reven∣ges himself on the British in other Parts.
• * 17.9

  The Irish taunt the Lords of the Pale with old Miscarria∣ges.
• * 17.10

  The King of∣fers to go for Ireland.
• * 17.11

  Sir Simon Har∣court's Expedi∣tion into Wick∣low.
• * 17.12

  Lieutenant Colonel Gibson pursues the Design, and took Carrick∣main.
• * 17.13

  May in his Hist. 8. p. 174.
• * 17.14

  The Marquiss of Ormonds Expedition.
• * 17.15

  The Battle of Kilrush.
• * 17.16

  Some Transa∣ctions in Con∣naght.
• * 17.17

  The Lord Lisle lands at Dub∣lin.
• * 17.18

  This Lady Offalia was the only Daughter of Gerald, eld∣est Son of Ge∣rald, Earl of Kildare, (who died before his Father, Brother of Thomas, be∣headed the 28. of H. 8.) She was Entituled Lady Offa∣lia, by the spe∣cial Favour of King James, in an Award be∣twixt her and George, late Earl of Kil∣dare, else she could not have had that Title, properly be∣longing to the eldest Son of the Earls of Kildare.
• * 19.1

  The Lord Lisle and Sir Charles Coot relieve the Lady Offalia.
• * 19.2

  They take in Trym.
• * 19.3

  The Rebels re∣solve to sur∣prize Sir Charles Coot in Trym.
• * 19.4

  Sir Charles Coot slain at Trym.
• * 19.5

  The Battle of Balintober, fought at a Place called now Na Nart, the mid-way betwixt Oran and Balintober.
• * 19.6

  The account of some Affairs in the North.
• * 19.7

  See the Article 6. of Aug. 1642. Kings Works, fol. 534.
• * 19.8

  The Affairs in Munster.
• * 19.9

  Mountgarret lodges at Moy∣allo.
• * 19.10

  The Lord Mus∣kery (contrary to his promi∣ses) takes part with the Re∣bels.
• * 19.11

  A contest (up∣on Mount∣garret's leav∣ing Moyallo) who should be Chief.
• * 19.12

  Barry chosen General; Mus∣kery, &c. styl∣ed, The Coun∣cil of War.
• * 19.13

  Bealing's vain Summons of the Castle of Lismore.
• * 19.14

  The Lord Pre∣sident's ad∣vance to Talloe.
• * 19.15

  Dungarvan taken by the Lord President.
• * 19.16

  The Battel near Cappaquin, the first in Muster well fought and managed.
• * 19.17

  The Earl of Barrymore took in Clogh∣leagh.
• * 19.18

  Ardmore Castle taken in.
• * 19.19

  The Fort of Dunganon.
• * 19.20

  Limerick.
• * 19.21

  C. Archerstown.
• * 19.22

  Rathbarry Ca∣stle.
• * 19.23

  Dundede and Dunowen Ca∣stle.
• * 19.24

  Asketon.
• * 19.25

  Castle Matrix.
• * 19.26

  Castle of Loe∣gar.
• * 19.27

  Castle Kilfinny.
• * 19.28

  An Abbreviate of Sir William Cole's Services, in his Fort of Eniskillin.
• * 19.29

  Sir Frederick Hamilton's En∣terprises.
• * 19.30

  The Rebels un∣der Garret Bar∣ry beaten before Cork.
• * 19.31

  Sir William St. Leger, Lord President of Munster, vigi∣lant and faith∣ful.
• * 19.32

  The Lord Pre∣sident of Mun∣ster dies.
• * 19.33

  The Lord In∣chequin chosen in his Place.
• * 19.34

  The Lord In∣chequin's ex∣cellent service at the Battel of Liscarrol.
• * 19.35

  Carickfergus delivered to the Scots.
• * 19.36

  The Bill of Loan passed at Westminster.
• * 20.1

  Several Sums prescrib'd.
• * 20.2

  In a Declara∣tion to all his loving Subjects, in Answer to the Remon∣strance of the Commons, the 15th. of De∣cemb. 1641.
• * 20.3

  The King ex∣presses his deep Resentment for Ireland.
• * 20.4

  His Majesty's sense of Ire∣land, and the Parliament's Return.
• * 20.5

  Ireland neg∣lected.
• * 20.6

  The Parliament makes use of part of the Mo∣ney collected for Ireland.
• * 20.7

  In his Answer to the Parlia∣ment's Petition, the 28th. of April, 1642.
• * 20.8

  Appendix 7th.
• * 20.9

  In his Colle∣ction of Acts and Ordinances of Parliament, fol. 197.
• * 20.10

  Fol. 740. The General Assembly at Kilkenny. As also Mahone in his Disput. Apologet. p. 101.
• * 21.1

  The Preamble to the Oath of Association.
• * 21.2

  The Oath of Association.
• * 22.1

  The Propositi∣ons.
• * 22.2

  Their Seal.
• * 23.1

  The Confede∣rates Commis∣sion to a Pri∣vateer.
• * 23.2

  Appendix 8.
• * 23.3

  Custodiums al∣lotted to the Soldiers.
• * 23.4

  Appendix 9.
• * 23.5

  The Lord Mac-Guire and Mac-Mahon sent into England.
• * 23.6

  Their Trial at Westminster.
• * 23.7

  Mac-Mahon's Execution.
• * 23.8

  The Lord Mac-Guire's end.
• * 23.9

  The 20th. of August, 1642.
• * 23.10

  Causes why Af∣fairs prospered no better.
• * 23.11

  The Lord Lisle's Expedition in∣to Westmeath, &c.
• * 23.12

  Cap. Vaughan's Resolution.
• * 23.13

  October, 14th.
• * 23.14

  In Declar. 22. Octob. 1642.
• * 23.15

  Goodwin and Reynolds ar∣rive in Ireland.
• * 23.16

  See H••••b. Col∣lect. fol. 248.
• * 23.17

  They leave Ire∣land.
• * 23.18

  Colonel Monk relieves Bala∣nokil.
• * 23.19

  Necessity of all things in Dub∣lin, upon the withdrawing of the Parliaments Committee.
• * 23.20

  Sir Richard Greenvile re∣lieves Athlone▪ The Battle at Raconnel.
• * 23.21

  The Lords Ju∣stices coin Plate with his Maje∣sty's Stamp.
• * 24.1

  The Lords Ju∣stices Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England touch∣ing Ross, &c.
• * 24.2

  The Marquess of Ormond's Expedition a∣gainst Ross.
• * 24.3

  Ross Battle.
• * 24.4

  The Army from Ross re∣turn and quar∣ter in Dublin, to the further burthen of that City.
• * 25.1

  The Armies Remonstrance.
• * 25.2

  The Confede∣rates Petition sent to his Ma∣jesty.
• * 26.1

  The Protestant Committe's Petition to his Majesty.
• * 27.1

  His Majesties Answer.
• * 27.2

  The Irish Re∣monstrance.
• * 27.3

  The Parl. De∣claration con∣cerning the Rise of the Re∣bels. Husb. Collect. fol. 248.
• * 27.4

  Sir J. T. Hist. Irel. the Pref.
• * 27.5

  Printed by Edw. Husb. 1644.
• * 28.1

  His Majesties first Letter of the 23d. of April, touch∣ing the Cessa∣tion.
• * 28.2

  An Abbreviate of the War in Munster.
• * 28.3

  The English Army routed.
• * 28.4

  The Irish worsted before Cappaquin.
• * 28.5

  Colonel Myn after the Cessa∣tion, went into England with his Regiment, oftentimes en∣countring Massy (who joyntly exprest much valour) And in a con∣flict near Hart∣pury-fields in Glocestershire was slain by Massies Forces, 1644. and by reason of his Gallantry, bu∣ried at Glocest∣er, with the loss of the English Regiment he brought from Ireland. San∣ders H. C. 1. Fol. 731. The transacti∣ons in Con∣naght. Galloway Fort taken by the Irish.
• * 28.6

  Castle Coot Besieged.
• * 28.7

  The Irish break the Cessation.
• * 28.8

  Sir Jo. Borlase, Sir Hen. Tich∣born, Lords Justices.
• * 29.1

  His Majesties second Letter about the Ces∣sation.
• * 29.2

  See Husbands Collect. Fol. 160.
• * 30.1

  The Lords Justices Letter to his Majesty of the present state of Ire∣land▪
• * 30.2

  Fol. 216.
• * 31.1

  His Majesties third Letter concerning the Cessation.
• * 31.2

  The Treaty towards a Cessation.
• * 31.3

  The Irish Com∣missioners, the 23. of June, 1643. first pre∣sented them∣selves to the Lieutenant-General.
• * 32.1

  Their Com∣mission from the Supream Council.
• * 32.2

  The Treaty deferred, a∣gainst which the Commissio∣ners excepted.
• * 34.1

  The Insolencies of the Irish, in Reply to a Warrant of the State.
• * 34.2

  Colonel Monk against Preston.
• * 34.3

  The Lord Moor killed.
• * 34.4

  Read Husband's Collect▪ fo. 340.
• * 34.5

  The Rebels ve∣ry audacious and active up∣on the very point of the conclusion of the Cessation.
• * 34.6

  The Cessation concluded.
• * 34.7

  His Majesties Motives to the Cessation, fol. 355. Octob. 19. 1643.
• * 35.1

  Reasons given in by the Judges for the conti∣nuance of this Parliament, against a free one sought by the Rebels, Sept. 13. 1643.
• * 36.1

  His Majesties fourth Letter touching the Cessation, and his care of his Army.
• * 36.2

  Annals Eliz. Anno 1595.
• * 36.3

  The Cessation begat great heats betwixt▪ the King and his Parliament.
• * 36.4

  His Majesties Answer to the Commissioners last Paper at Uxbridge, fol. 557.
• * 37.1

  Monro's Letter to the Lords Justices in dis∣like of the Ces∣sation.
• * 38.1

  The Supream Council's Let∣ter from Kil∣kenny, to the Lords Justices, touching the Scots breach of the Cessation.
• * 38.2

  Several Regi∣ments trans∣ported into England.
• * 39.1

  The Oath im∣posed upon the Souldiers go∣ing for Eng∣land.
• * 40.1

  See his Maje∣sties Message from Oxford, the 24. of Jan. 1645. Fol. 227.
• * 40.2

  View their Letter again of the 15th. of Octob. 1643.
• * 40.3

  Octob. 24. 1644.
• * 40.4

  The Irish break the Cessation.
• * 40.5

  Agents being to go from the Rebels to Ox∣ford, the Pro∣testants Peti∣tion the State, that they might have some to attend (at the same time) his Ma∣jesties Pleasure.
• * 40.6

  Motions made upon the Ces∣sation, that some of the Confederates should be ad∣mitted unto their dwellings.
• * 40.7

  The Marquis•• of Ormond made Lord Lieutenant the 21. of Jan. 1643.
• * 40.8

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant regu∣lating of the Army.
• * 40.9

  The Establish∣ment of which, with the rates set on each Commodity, (according to an Act of Council made at the Council Board the 4th. of December) was by Pro∣clamation at the Castle of Dublin, pub∣lished the 9th. of December, 1644. As the 12th. of Oct. preceding, there had pas∣sed one of the same nature, though this more large.
• * 40.10

  Appendix 10. 11.
• * 40.11

  The Lord Vis∣count Muskery, Sir Robert Tal∣bot, Dermot Mac Trag O Bryan, &c. The Confede∣rates sent their Agents to Ox∣ford.
• * 40.12

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant from the Council Board sent others.
• * 40.13

  Sir William Stewart, Sir Gerard Low∣ther, Sir Philip Percival, Ju∣stice Donnelon, to whom were added, being resident at Ox∣ford, Sir George Radcliffe, Sir William Sam∣bach.
• * 40.14

  Captain Wil∣liam Ridge∣way Esquire, Sir Francis Hamilton, Sir Charles Coote, Captain Wil∣liam Parsons, the Insolencers of the Confe∣derates. Appendix 12. The Protestant Committee of the Irish Par∣liament, pres∣sed the execu∣tion of the Laws against the Rebels, &c.
• * 40.15

  The Lord Cottington, Earl of Bristol, Portland, Lord George Digby, Sir Edward Nicholas, Sir John Culpe∣per, Sir Edward Hide, &c. These of the Council much troubled be∣twixt the con∣tests of the Rebels and Protestants.
• * 40.16

  The Irish A∣gents seeming∣ly mov'd, at what they were from the Con∣federates in∣forced to stand upon.
• * 40.17

  The King's Ad∣monition to the Irish Agents at their depar∣ture.
• * 40.18

  Appendix 13.
• * 41.1

  The Irish A∣gents Behavi∣our on their Return into Ireland.
• * 41.2

  The Earl of Glamorgan's unjust Manage∣ment of the King's Affairs in Ireland. Legible in his Message, dated at Oxford, 29. Jan. 1645.
• * 41.3

  July 18. 1644
• * 41.4

  The Lord In∣chequin, The Lord Broghil, Sir Wil. Fenton, Sir Percy Smith, Lieut. Col. Wil. Brocket, Lieut. Col. Tho. Serle, Serjeant Major Muschamp
• * 42.1

  The Lord In∣chequin's re∣volt to the Par∣liament after the Cessation.
• * 42.2

  The Scots pre∣serve them∣selves against the incursions of the Rebels.
• * 42.3

  1645.
• * 42.4

  The Lord D. principal Secre∣tary.
• * 42.5

  The Lord I. from Ascot, 27. Aug. 1645.
• * 42.6

  In a Letter printed at Ox∣ford, pag. 3.
• * 42.7

  Col. Fitz-Williams's Let∣ter to Lord D. 16. July, 1645.
• * 42.8

  In his Letter from Caerdiff, 3. August, 1645
• * 44.1

  To whom, and the Irish A∣gents, the King in his Letter to the Queen, Jan. 30. 1644. advises not to give much Countenance.
• * 44.2

  1646.
• * 44.3

  The first Peace concluded.
• * 46.1

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant, upon Agreements on all sides, re∣pair'd to Kil∣kenny, expect∣ing there to receive Ad∣vance for his Majesty's Ser∣vice.
• * 46.2

  In his Works▪ fol. 320.
• * 46.3

  A Congregati∣on of Clergy are summon'd, contrary to his expectation, to Waterford.
• * 46.4

  They inveigh against the Peace they had lately consent∣ed to.
• * 46.5

  The King of Arms barba∣rously used at Limerick.
• * 46.6

  The Confede∣rates treachery to cut off the Lord Lieute∣nant▪
• * 46.7

  The Congrega∣tion at Water∣ford declared Peace void.
• * 46.8

  The Nuncio's exorbitant car∣riage.
• * 47.1

  The Oath taken by Ge∣neral Preston.
• * 47.2

  The Nuncio besieges the Lord Lieute∣nant in Dublin, and the Conse∣quences there∣of.
• * 47.3

  Some of the Supream Council being appointed to confer with the Lord Lieu∣tenant, the Nuncio admo∣nishes them not to proceed.
• * 48.1

  That nothing yet might be ill resented of by the Lord Lieutenant, the Supream Council wins on his Patience.
• * 49.1

  The Nuncio's Excommuni∣cation.
• * 49.2

  Matth. 16. 18, 19. John 20. 23.
• * 49.3

  2 Cor. 2. 11.
• * 50.1

  The two Ge∣nerals, Preston and O Neil, being with the Nuncio, en∣gaged to sit down before Dublin, sends a Letter with Propositions.
• * 51.1

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant in great straits at the approach of the Nuncio to Dublin.
• * 51.2

  Upon the Irish breach of faith, the Lord Lieu∣tenant made a shew of deli∣vering all into the Parlia∣ments hands.
• * 51.3

  Sir Gerr. Low∣ther, Lord Chief Baron▪ Sir Francis Willoughby, Sir Paul Da∣vis, Knights.
• * 51.4

  The Parliament of England Voted Philip Lord Lisle Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
• * 51.5

  He arrives in Ireland.
• * 51.6

  Knockmohun, a strong Garri∣son, Sir Rich. Osborn Go∣vernour.
• * 51.7

  His Expedition with his Com∣mission soon de∣termin'd, being oppos'd by those who af∣terwards were accus'd.
• * 51.8

  7th. of May.
• * 51.9

  The Confede∣rates (upon Re∣cruits out of England) piece again with the Lord Lieute∣nant.
• * 51.10

  Sir Thomas Wharton, Sir Rob. King. Sir John Clot∣worthy, Sir Rob. Mere∣dith, Knights. Rich. Salway Esq.
• * 51.11

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant not be∣ing admitted to send to the King, the Trea∣ty with the Par∣liaments A∣gents broke off.
• * 51.12

  The Marquis of Clanrickard's fidelity.
• * 52.1

  Upon the Mar∣quis of Clan∣rickard's free dealing with the Confede∣rates, General Preston and others sign an Engagement.
• * 52.2

  Upon this there seem'd to be some A∣greement be∣twixt the Lord Lieutenant and Confede∣rates, they ta∣king Commis∣sions from the Lord Lieute∣nant.
• * 53.1

  Yet after all the Officers of General Preston being not Ex∣communicati∣on-proof, the Lord Lieute∣nant was again disappointed.
• * 53.2

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant returns to Dublin, which being not able to sup∣ply his Souldi∣ers, they were forced to be quarter'd on the Countrey, where nothing but Victuals were taken by them.
• * 53.3

  The Assembly at Kilkenny justifie the Commissioners, yet agreed with the Con∣gregation at Waterford.
• * 53.4

  The Irish being in all things sound treache∣rous, those who were most a∣verse to the Parliament, yet now wished the Lord Lieute∣nant might conclude with them.
• * 53.5

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant's Con∣viction, that the Irish in∣tended to re∣nounce the Crown of Eng∣land.
• * 53.6

  A Motion to call in a for∣reign Prince.
• * 56.1

  The Kings An∣swer to the Lord Lieute∣nant, upon his signification of his Streights in Dublin.
• * 56.2

  The Lord Lieutenant de∣livers Dublin to the Parlia∣ments Com∣missioners, though upon his inclination, the Irish endea∣vour to delude him.
• * 56.3

  Arthur An∣nesly, Esq. Sir Robert King, Sir Robert Me∣redith, Colonel John Moore, Colonel Mi∣chael Jones, who carried over a Regi∣ment of Horse, and 1000 Foot, and was made Commander in chief of all the Forces, within the Province of Leimster, and Governor of Dublin, who upon his en∣trance, upon the Place, found 11 old Regiments of Foot, which he reduced to 7. viz. The Earl of Kildare's, the Lord Moor's Sir Henry Tich∣burn, Sir John Bor∣lase, Jun. Colonel Fran∣cis Willoughby, Colonel Baily, and Flowers, in all about 4000. no Recruit be∣ing sent to any of them.
• * 58.1

  1647▪
• * 58.2

  Edw. Parry, Laonensis, Jac. Margetson nunc temporis Ar∣machanus, Ben. Culme, Anibr. Anngier, Ja. Sybald, Godf. Rhodes, Hen. Hall, (exin. E∣pisc. Acadensis) Jos. War. Jo. Brookbank, Gil∣bert. Dean, Dud. Boswell, Rob. Parry, Joan. Creigh∣ton Can. Edw. Syng, (exin. Ardfertensis) Rob. Dickson, Rand. Ince, Hen. Byrch, Rich. Powell.
• * 58.3

  The Marquis of Ormond hav∣ing free access to the King, ac∣quaints him of the Impression he had made in many for his Service.
• * 58.4

  Some of the Scots being convinc'd of what they had done amiss in his Majesties Service, better resolve, and en∣courage the Marquis of Or∣mond to return into Ireland.
• * 58.5

  The subtilty of the Indepen∣dent Army.
• * 58.6

  The Marquis now suspected by the Army▪
• * 58.7

  Gen. Preston routs Colonel Jones.
• * 58.8

  Preston's ad∣vance on a de∣sign to Dublin.
• * 58.9

  The Lord Digby.
• * 58.10

  Dungan-hill Battel, the 8. of Aug. 1647. by some term'd Linch-Knock Battel.
• * 58.11

  Jones's and Monk's good Service.
• * 58.12

  The Battle of Knocknones, or Knockness.
• * 58.13

  Inchiquin me∣ditates the Al∣teration of his Party.
• * 59.1

  The Marquess of Ormond pro∣vides to return into Ireland, pre-possessing the Marquess of Clanrickard, and the Lord Taaff, with the Design.
• * 59.2

  The Lord In∣chiquin, of the same Party.
• * 59.3

  1648.
• * 59.4

  The Nuncio pursued close, and then quits the Kingdom.
• * 59.5

  Viz. 23. of Feb. 1648/9.
• * 60.1

  An Express of the Nuncio's Behaviour.
• * 60.2

  Jones (finding Clanrickard active) stirs forth, and takes in someCastles.
• * 60.3

  Several sus∣pected to be for the Mar∣quess of Or∣mond, sent in∣to England.
• * 60.4

  Colonel Monk seizes on Ca∣rickfergus.
• * 60.5

  Some suspici∣ons that the Lord Inche∣quin would have submitted to the Parlia∣ment. The Lord In∣chequin taken off his inclina∣tions, by hopes of greater Ho∣nour.
• * 60.6

  The Marquis of Ormond's re∣turn into Ire∣land.
• * 61.1

  The Marquis of Antrim and the Lord Mus∣kery sent to the Queen and the Prince in France, to con∣sider the Con∣federates Con∣dition.
• * 61.2

  The Queen and Prince's An∣swer.
• * 61.3

  His Majesties Answer to the Parliaments Message touch∣ing the Lord Lieutenant.
• * 62.1

  The Confede∣rates Commis∣sioners come to the Lord Lieu∣tenant at Car∣rick.
• * 62.2

  The Peace of 1648. con∣cluded.
• * 62.3

  Sir Richard Blake Knight.
• * 63.1

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant's Speech upon the pre∣senting of the Articles of Peace.
• * 63.2

  The LordLieu∣tenant, by the Commissioners of Trust, infi∣nitely abridged in his Office.
• * 63.3

  The Commissi∣oners of Trust.
• * 63.4

  Thomas Lord Viscount Dil∣lon of Costeloe, Lord President of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Viscount Mus∣kery, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alex∣ander MacDon∣nel Esq Sir Lu∣cas Dillon Knight, Sir Ni∣cholas Plunket Knight; Sir Ri∣chard Barn∣wal Baronet, Geoffry Brown, Donnogh Ocal∣lagham, Tir∣lagh O Neal, Miles Reily, Gerald Fennel, Esquires.
• * 64.1

  Owen O Neal and Antrim refuse to sub∣mit to the Peace
• * 64.2

  The Scots not yet willing to joyn in the Peace.
• * 64.3

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant treats with Jones to come in.
• * 64.4

  1649.
• * 64.5

  Inchequin does the like, but in-effectually.
• * 64.6

  The difficulty the Lord Lieu∣tenant encoun∣tred in form∣ing his Army.
• * 64.7

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant finds Arms and Mo∣ney no ways answerable to his expectati∣on.
• * 64.8

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant consti∣tutes the Offi∣cers of the Ar∣my, to march against Dublin.
• * 64.9

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant begins the Campaign in May, but was forced to use his own Credit to begin the service, some write but with 8000 Foot, and 2000 Horse.
• * 64.10

  Dublin resolv'd to be first at∣tempted.
• * 64.11

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant appears before Dublin.
• * 64.12

  The Lord In∣chequin defeats a Party of Jones's Horse sent to Tre∣dagh.
• * 64.13

  The Lord In∣chequin takes in Tredagh.
• * 64.14

  Owen O Neal, and the Parlia∣ments Party agree.
• * 64.15

  Inchequin routs Farral.
• * 64.16

  Takes in Dun∣dalk.
• * 64.17

  Colonel Monk dismissed the Parliaments Service.
• * 65.1

  Inchequin takes in Trim.
• * 65.2

  Owen O Neal (in behalf of the Parliament) raises the Siege of London∣derry.
• * 65.3

  Sir Charles Coot censured for his compli∣ance with Owen O Neil.
• * 65.4

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant, upon the view of his Army, found it considerable ra∣ther to Block up the City, than make a Regular Siege.
• * 65.5

  Colonel Rey∣nolds, Hunks, and Venables, arrive at Dub∣lin.
• * 65.6

  Cromwel ac∣cepts of the Lieutenant∣ship.
• * 65.7

  The Lord In∣chequin (sus∣pecting Crom∣wel might land in Munster) went thither.
• * 65.8

  A Party sent to fortifie Bagga∣trath under Purcel.
• * 65.9

  Major Gene∣ral Parcel.
• * 65.10

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant's Forces routed at Rath∣mines.
• * 66.1

  The Defeat at Rathmines al∣ter'd Consulta∣tions.
• * 66.2

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant from Rathmines re∣tires to Kil∣kenny.
• * 66.3

  Colonel Jones besieging Tre∣dath, was raised by the Lord Lieutenants coming to Trim.
• * 66.4

  Cromwel lands at Dublin.
• * 66.5

  Cromwel gains Tredath by Storm, &c.
• * 66.6

  Near Enis∣corfy there was a Monastery of Franciscans, which, upon the approach of the Army, quitted the Place, and their Provisions very considerable.
• * 66.7

  Cromwel takes in Wexford.
• * 66.8

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant sought all opportuni∣ties to fight Cromwel.
• * 66.9

  Carrick taken in.
• * 66.10

  The Means the Lord Lieute∣nant took to reduce O Neal.
• * 66.11

  The Commissi∣oners of Trust dissent from the Lord Lieute∣nant.
• * 66.12

  O Neal dies.
• * 66.13

  The Garrisons in Munster re∣volt to the Par∣liament.
• * 66.14

  The Revolt of the Munster Garrisons begot a Jealousie in the Irish Army.
• * 66.15

  Cromwel makes his Attempt upon Water∣ford, but draws off to his Win∣ter-Quarters.
• * 66.16

  Cromwel draws off from Wa∣terford, goes to Dungarvan.
• * 66.17

  Colonel Jones dies about the 18th. of Decem.
• * 66.18

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant's Endea∣vour to impede Cromwel.
• * 66.19

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant's gallant Attempt to re∣lieve the Party that went to take in Passage.
• * 66.20

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant disap∣pointed in re∣taking of Car∣rick, and good Service done by Colonel Milo Power.
• * 66.21

  The Treachery of Waterford against the Lord Lieute∣nant.
• * 66.22

  His Account of the State of Ireland to the King.
• * 66.23

  The Clergy, the Fomentors of all mis-con∣ceits against the Lord Lieu∣tenant.
• * 66.24

  His desire to clear their sus∣picions, being (by their Or∣ders onely) met at Kilkenny.
• * 66.25

  The Clergies Assembly at Cloanmacnoise, whence they intitle their Merits.
• * 67.1

  The Deputies of the Coun∣ties adjourn to Juni.
• * 67.2

  1650.
• * 67.3

  The Siege of Clonmel.
• * 67.4

  Limerick so far from comply∣ing, as it per∣formed not outward Civi∣lity.
• * 67.5

  The Assembly appointed at Loghreogh.
• * 67.6

  The Citizens of Limericks animosity a∣gainst the Lord Inchiquin.
• * 67.7

  The Citizens of Limerick insi∣nuate to the Lord Inchiquin as much against the Lord Lieu∣tenant, as be∣fore they did against him.
• * 67.8

  The second As∣sembly at Logh∣reogh.
• * 67.9

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant had li∣cense from the King (on the disobedience of the Irish) to withdraw.
• * 67.10

  The Assembly at Loghreogh address to the Lord Lieute∣nant, upon his resolves to leave the King∣dom.
• * 70.1

  Wolf's Insur∣rection.
• * 70.2

  Limerick still refractory and contemptious.
• * 71.1

  The Bishop of Clogher de∣feated. His Character.
• * 72.1

  The Confede∣rate Clergies Resolution, to meet at James∣town.
• * 73.1

  The Lord Lieu∣tenants Reply to the Clergies insolent Letter.
• * 74.1

  The Clergies Answer.
• * 75.1

  The Bishop of Dromore, and Doctor Kelly's Negotiation with the Lord Lieutenant.
• * 75.2

  The Message from the Bi∣shops being justly resented by the Lord Lieutenant, he writes to them to meet him at Loghreoh, but they augment their Con∣tempts.
• * 75.3

  The Bishops of Jamestown (in∣stead of what might have been offered with Respect to the Lord Lieu∣tenant) inso∣lently publish∣ed an Excom∣munication.
• * 75.4

  A malicious Declaration from the Bi∣shops of James∣town, with Ani∣madversions thereupon.
• * 75.5

  In that Walsh is at large in his Append. of Instruments, Fol. 99.
• * 75.6

  The obstinate obedience of the People to the Clergy, and the miserable result there∣upon.
• * 75.7

  Upon the Ex∣communicati∣on, People (be∣ing absolved from the Lord Lieutenant) think of agree∣ing with the Parliamentari∣ans.
• * 76.1

  The Bishop of Clonfert and Dr. Kelly's Let∣ter to the Offi∣cers of the Ar∣my, giving them reasons why the Ex∣communicati∣on should be suspended.
• * 76.2

  His Majesties Declaration (beingthen in Scotland) a∣gainst the Peace of 1648▪ concluded with the Rebels, they being infamous
• * 76.3

  August 12.
• * 76.4

  The Lord Lieutenant (upon the cer∣tainty of the Kings Decla∣ration) sum∣mons an As∣sembly at Logh∣reogh, to clear the doubts a∣rising on the King's Decla∣ration.
• * 76.5

  The Commis∣sioners reply to the Lord Lieu∣tenant's pre∣ceding Letter.
• * 76.6

  The Commis∣sioners of Trust go to the Com∣mittee of the Congregation at Galway, but could not re∣duce them to reason.
• * 76.7

  The Bishops grew high, al∣ledging the Lord Lieute∣nant had sug∣gested the grounds for his Majesties late Declaration. Motions to re∣turn to their former Confe∣deracy.
• * 76.8

  The Commit∣tee's Reasons why they pur∣sued their De∣claration a∣gainst the Lord Lieutenant, &c. and his reply.
• * 76.9

  The Confede∣rates violent for an Assem∣bly, that their Affairs might be ordered by them.
• * 76.10

  After all, the Confederates agree, that if compounding with the Enemy should be best for the People, that should be consented to.
• * 76.11

  The Assembly at Loghreogh, before-menti∣on'd, meets: the Result there∣upon.
• * 76.12

  Though the Lord Lieute∣nant had been so used, as not to be confident of the Confe∣derates obedi∣ence to his Ma∣jesty's Autho∣rity, he yet at their Request deputes the Marquess of Clanrickard Deputy, at the same time charging their Crimes home.
• * 76.13

  The Lord Lieu∣tenant departs the Kingdom, Lord Inchiquin, &c.
• * 76.14

  The Condition the Confede∣rates were in, when the Mar∣quess of Clan∣rickard accepts of the Govern∣ment.
• * 77.1

  The Confede∣rates, notwith∣standing the good Condition they were in, and their Pro∣mises to the Deputy, think of treating with Ireton. Vide Carue Annal. Hib. p. 339.
• * 77.2

  Others offer to return to their Confede∣racy, without respect to the King. Some yet seem'd affectio∣nate to the King.
• * 78.1

  Ireton's Ser∣vice from Kil∣kenny.
• * 78.2

  Finagh taken by Colonel Hu∣son. Sir Theophilus Jones's excel∣lent Service.
• * 78.3

  1651.
• * 78.4

  Ireton sits down before Limerick.
• * 78.5

  The Lord Brog∣hil routs the Lord Muskery, coming to re∣lieve Limerick.
• * 78.6

  The Marquess of Clanrickard thought to have engaged Sir Charles Coot, but by a misfortune on the Earl of Castlehaven's men, he and his Army were scattered.
• * 78.7

  The Lord Taaff intended to have gone to the King, but being prevent∣ed enters into a Treaty with the Duke of Lorraign.
• * 78.8

  The Duke of Lorraign's A∣gent lands.
• * 78.9

  The Lord De∣puty impowers a Committee to treat with Lorraign's A∣gent.
• * 78.10

  The Deputies honourable Reply to the Agent.
• * 78.11

  Sir Nicholas Plunket, Jef∣frey Brown Esquires.
• * 78.12

  Nicholas French.
• * 78.13

  Part of the Bishop of Fern's insolent Letter against the Lord Deputy.
• * 80.1

  Which was part of that Letter mentio∣ned before, giv∣ing his Chara∣cter of the Lord Deputy.
• * 80.2

  The Confede∣rates cherish'd in a good opi∣nion of the In∣dependents.
• * 80.3

  Frier Geoghe∣han's carriage against the State.
• * 80.4

  Hugh O Neal, M. G. Patrick Purcel, David Roch, Sir Ri∣chard Everard, the Bishops of Limerick and Emly, Frier Wolf, Dominick Fanning, Al∣derman Tho∣mas Strick, &c.
• * 81.1

  Ludlow made Commander in Chief on Ire∣ton's death
• * 81.2

  Hist. nostr. Temp p. 348.
• * 82.1

  .1 ☜
• * 82.2

  .2 ☜
• * 82.3

  .3 ☜
• * 82.4

  .4 ☜
• * 82.5

  .5 ☜
• * 82.6

  .6 ☜
• * 82.7

  .7 ☜
• * 82.8

  .8 ☜
• * 82.9

  .1 ☜
• * 82.10

  1 Joh. 3. 12.
• * 82.11

  Jude ver. 11.
• * 82.12

  Matth. 23.
• * 82.13

  Heb. 11. 4.
• * 82.14

  Heb. 12. 24.
• * 82.15

  ☞ 2.
• * 82.16

  Gen. 9. 5.
• * 82.17

  ☞ 3.
• * 82.18

  ☞ 4.
• * 82.19

  Exod. 21. 12 & 24. Levit. 17. Numb. 35.
• * 82.20

  Numb. 35. 31.
• * 82.21

  Ver. 33.
• * 82.22

  Deut. 19. 21.
• * 82.23

  1 Sam. 15. 32.
• * 82.24

  Chap. 15. 3.
• * 82.25

  1 Sam. 11. 15.
• * 82.26

  2 Sam. 12. 9, 10.
• * 82.27

  1 Kings 2. 5.
• * 82.28

  2 Sam. 20. & 10.
• * 82.29

  ☞ 5.
• * 82.30

  Matth. 5. 18.
• * 82.31

  ☞ 6.
• * 82.32

  ☞ 7.
• * 82.33

  ☞ 8.
• * 82.34

  1653.
• * 82.35

  1654.
• * 82.36

  1655.
• * 82.37

  1658.
• * 82.38

  1659.
• * 82.39

  1660.
• * 83.1

  The Heirs of Sir Lucas Dil∣lon, Knight. Sir Robert Tal∣bot, Baronet. The Heirs of Sir Valentine Blake, Baronet. Sir Richard Blake, Knight. Doctor Gerrald Fennel. Geffrey Brown. John Brown of the Neal. John Walsh, Thomas Terril, Edmund Dillon, John Talbot of Mallahide. Francis Cogh∣lan of Kilcol∣gan, in the Kings County. Robert Nugent of Cartlan∣stown. Sir John Bourk of Derry Mac∣laghney. Thomas Arthur Esquire, Doctor in Physick. Gerrald Flem∣ming of Castle Flemming. Luke Bath of Ackarn. Burtholomew Stackpoole, Es∣quires.
• * 84.1

  At the pas∣sing of which Act, his Grace the Duke of Ormond en∣larg'd so well and elegantly on the Subject, as his Speech cannot be om∣mitted without a blemish to the History. Appendix 15.