I ragguagli di Parnasso, or, Advertisements from Parnassus in two centuries : with the politick touch-stone / written originally in Italian by that famous Roman Trajano Bocalini ; and now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Monmouth.

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Title
I ragguagli di Parnasso, or, Advertisements from Parnassus in two centuries : with the politick touch-stone / written originally in Italian by that famous Roman Trajano Bocalini ; and now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Monmouth.
Author
Boccalini, Traiano, 1556-1613.
Publication
London :: Printed for Humphrey Moseley ... and Thomas Heath ...,
1656.
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Subject terms
Political science -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A28504.0001.001
Cite this Item
"I ragguagli di Parnasso, or, Advertisements from Parnassus in two centuries : with the politick touch-stone / written originally in Italian by that famous Roman Trajano Bocalini ; and now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry, Earl of Monmouth." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A28504.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

Pages

Page 314

The LIV. ADVERTISEMENT.

Guiccardine having spoken many things prejudicial to the reputation of the Marquiss of Piscara, In an Assembly of divers Vertuosi, that renowned Commander doth suffici∣ently justifie himself before Apollo.

DOn Francisco Ferrando d'Avalo, Marquiss of Pis•…•…aro, being told some few daies ago, that in an Assembly of the best Historians of this State of Pernassus, Francis Guiccardine had spoken words of him, tending much to his dishonour: Piscara, who was naturally high mind∣ed, and very proud, was so incenst at the injury done him by Guiccar∣dine, as he made his complaint to Apollo; to whom his Majesty, who very well knew Guiccardine's circumspect proceeding, and exact wis∣dom, answered, That it not being likely that Guiccardine should have spoken of him, otherwise then became a true Historian, and free from a∣ny passion of an ill-affected mind, he would, as in justice he ought to do, hear them both speak for themselves, before he would resolve any thing in the Cause: And that if he should find that Guiccardine, in speaking of a man of his quality, had unjustly wounded his reputation, he would take such course as he should think himself sufficiently satisfied. Which being said, he forthwith gave Guiccardine to know by the publick Cen∣sors, that he was to appear before him at ten of the clock the next mor∣ning, to make good the words which the Marquiss of Piscara pretend∣ed he had spoken to the prejudice of his reputation. At the news here∣of, the Literati, who were very curious, and hoped to hear somwhat of ex∣ecellent discourse in that point-blank argumentation, came in great num∣bers thither. Guiccardine failed not to meet at the appointed time, and free∣ly told the Marquiss, who was there likewise present, that he might very well have purchased favour from the Emperor Charls the fifth, by disco∣vering the conspiracy unto him, which many Princes of Europe had plot∣ted against him, but that in the worlds eye he had thereby purchased e∣ternal infamy; not only for that most men did firmly believe, that from the very beginning his intention was to prove false to Cesar, but for that though he had been still faithfull to him, yet that by so many cose∣nages, and such double-dealing, he should have encouraged so great Princes, and inticed them to joyn in conspiracies with himself, that he might have occasion to betray them, and aggrandise himself by sins which he had by fallacies and flatteries drawn on, appeared generally to be an action of infamy. Though all the Vertuosi thought this to be a very hainous impeachment which Guiccardine had made against the Marquiss; yet that Commander, who in most desperate cases was still most undaunted, answered Guiccardine, That it was an usual fault amongst Historians, but infinitely unsufferable, to be mistaken in their penetra∣ting into the hidden sense of their actions, who had done great things both in peace and war, and in rendring the true reasons thereof, to give

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so rash judgements, as they were oft times seen to blame worthy actions, and praise such as were to be blamed; and that he was very much scan¦dalized that there was not some severe Laws published by the Colledg of Vertuosi, against men who by their pens do daily occasion great shame, and irrepairable blame to others; which Laws should ordain, that Histo∣rians (as it well became their profession) should only meddle with the bare Narration of things done, and that they should leave the judgement thereof, and the Princes secret meanings therein to be judged of by the Reader, and that with all due reverence & respect to the place wherein he spake, they lyed who durst say, that from the beginning, Ierollimo Marone discovered unto him the conspiracy which was a framing by the greatest Princes of Christendom against Cesar, his intention was to prove false to his Master. For those who understood the true bounds of Po∣licy, knew that whilst a man communicates a conspiracy to any great Of∣ficer, which is in agitation against his Prince, the Officer ought at that very instant to resolve whether he liked the business or no; for to be doubtfull in such a case, was interpreted by Princes to be an ill-taken re∣solution, a mind not only contaminated, but already wholly putrified with the disease of Rebellion, and that he had not encouraged Marone (as Guicciardine had been bold inconsiderately to say) with an intention of double-dealing, nor yet to purchase his Princes favour by the sins of o∣thers; nor had he inticed the Princes who endeavoured to make him rise, to discover unto him all the particulars of the Conspiracy, but by strict tye of honour, and to serve his Master compleatly; as also because the weighty business which he had in hand did force him so to do: For such wounds ought not to be discovered to their Princes by wary Offi∣cers blindly bound up without knowledg of the particulars, but plainly laid open with perfect knowledg of every the least circumstance; and that for one like him, to have shewn the least negligence, or to have been never so little remiss in a business of so great jealousie, would have been thought so shameful an omission, as would have redounded to his appa∣rent damage, and perpetual blame; and that the reason hereof was very evident; for he who heard conspiracies plotted against his Prince, must have his eyes open, and his ears stretcht out, and must be exquisitely di∣ligent in perfectly understanding and discovering every particular; for by doing otherwise, a man might be justly thought by his Prince to be a foolish servant, and an unfaithful Officer; and that in such cases, negli∣gence was rather punished then excused; that therefore before he was to reveal the conspiracie to Cesar, as it became him well to doe, he would inform himself of all the particulars of each person that had a hand in it, and of every other necessary circumstance: and that he did not believe there was any one in that honorable place, who did not very well know, that no greater misfortune, nor mo•…•…e certain danger could befall a Soul∣dier of reputation, then to be sought unto by great Princes to betray his Master: For to quit a mans self of a business, to the undertaking whereof he is as good as compelled by the intreaties of powerfull per∣sonages, and think to save both his life and reputation, was to act the part of common ignorant people; and that the only way for a wise man to shun splitting against so dangerous a Rock, was to live with such a reputation of honour in all his actions, to be so ambitious of doing his Prince faithful servic, and appear so desirous of purchasing a place n his

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affection, as that these good parts, and honorable qualities might deter any one from communicating any such wicked affair unto him. But that though he had very much observed this rule, yet had it no waies a∣vailed him; he knew not by what dishonourable action, by what ap∣pearing avarice, or by what appearance of inclination to commit wicked∣ness, he had encouraged the Princes that conspired against Cesar, to make Marone acquaint him with a business so dissonant from his genius, so con∣trary to his nature. That he did not deny, but that after the noble vi∣ctory at Pavia, wherein his comportments were witnessed to the world by Paulus Iovius, he was not well satisfied with Cesar, as thinking his service not sufficiently acknowledged, nor himself enough rewarded; but that he did not think any such behaviour in a Prince so wise, should be thought sufficient to make one rebel against him; for if his distaste ar ose, from not being so highly favoured by his Prince, as he thought his fide∣lity deserved, they might consider, that by discovering the conspiracy, they had furnisht him with monies, whereby he might purchase so m•…•…ch of the Emperors favour as he knew he wanted, to obtain the Supreme dignity of General, and the Government which he so much desired of the Dutchy of Millan, and which afterwards he had, that no man who profest himself to be an honourable Souldier, could receive a greater af∣front, then being sought unto, to do an unworthy action; for whosoever treated with any one about such an action, shewed clearly that he thought him he treated with, to be a man inclin'd to wickedness. That he could not (as he knew it became him to have done) revenge this great injury done him by Marone, with his Dagger, because his Princes service, which required other resolutions from him, kept him from so doing. And that if his duty to Cesar had not moved him (as certainly it ought) to pro∣pagate such a machination, certainly he should have been moved there∣unto, more out of rage to revenge himself for that great injury which the Princes did him, when they seemed to esteem one like him, a Trai∣tor, and vainly ambitious, then out of any other reason: And that he should have been very simple, if he should have imbarqued himself in the business, by reason of their promises; who for reward of his treachery, assured him that they would make him King of Naples; for that Spani∣ards, of which he gloried to be one, were better pleased with such a lit∣tle Marquisat as Piscara, gotten by Loyalty, and by fighting valiantly in their Prince his service, then with the Kingdom of Naples, purchast by treachery. That Francisco Davalo was not so shallow-brain'd, nor so little vers'd in worldly affairs, as not to know, that the Princes of the League; who did so much covet his Rebellion, aimed more at keep∣ing Cesar from the total acquisition of the Dukedom of Millan, then at the making him King of Naples. And that it was known to him, as it was to the whole world, by so many sad examples which had happened, that great Princes, after they had imbarqued an ambitious personage, out of their several ends, in vaine hopes, and wrought him into the certain danger of treachery, and after having made good use of him, did so totally abandon their protection, not only because Graviorum Facinorum Ministri, quasi exprobran∣tes aspiciuntur. Tacit. lib. 4. Ann. but to give examples to their Sub∣jects, not to commit the like wickednesse, by proving compleatly •…•…famous, as they were likely to be the first who would deliver them up

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into the power of their incensed Prince; as (to leave the more hatefull examples of modern times) the world saw it formerly fared with Charls Duke of Burgundy, towards the unfortunate and ill advised Count Saint Paul, unluckily imployed by him; and that though Spani∣ards were thought by all men to be puft up with the wind of Am∣bition, yet was it not that vain-glory, with which some Princes of Europe have of late years swoln many French Ballowns, and not a few Flemmish Pilots. But that those of his Nation being ve∣ry hard to be imbarqued in the getting of great riches by indi∣rect waies, sinned only in their too immense desire of being ho∣noured and respected in the places, which they by their faithfull service had deserved of their Prince; and that they were far from coveting by oblique and shamefull waies, those greatnesses which they saw they could not arrive at, with secure peace and quiet: that to be a Coy-Duck for other mens ambition, so to becom afterward the peoples laughing-stock, or Town-talk, was a thing abhorred by his Spain; and that it would have been too great a folly for one like him, to suffer himself to be perswaded that the Kingdom of Naples, which was alwaies hereditary in the bloud of Spain, and which would never accept of any Baron of the Kingdom, though some of them had been very powerfull and ambitious, and who by the effusion of their bloud, had driven out Princes borne of the Royal bloud of France, who would have con∣quered it, would accept of him, who was inferior to many Barons of that Kingdom, and of a Nation so hatefull to the Neapolitans.

That in Hereditary Kingdoms, as was that of Naples, Kings were there borne, not made or chosen: And that those fools who would aspire thereunto by any other means then by lawfull succession of the bloud-Royal, did climbe up a Mountain of misery, to fall down headlong with the greater shame into the valley of infamy: And that if any one should compasse it by fraudulent means, he would be like those ridiculous Kings of Beffana, who that they might afford pastime to the rabble-rout, failed soon after their creation. That he had alwaies kept firm to the resolution which he was born with; rather to die a glo∣rious Commander, then a shamefull King. That he had rather sought to deserve, then that he ever coveted greater Titles then that of a Marquiss; and that having observed by what he had read, and in consideration of the present times, that all con∣spiracies begin merrily, with high thoughts, but end basely with weeping, he was contented to serve the Prince whom God had set over him, with those means which he had beene pleased to bestow upon him; for too immense greatnesse promised by For∣reign Princes to such as he was, were but breaknecks.

Apollo was so well pleased with Pescara's Apology, as he answered Guicciardine, who still affirmed, that to intice the prime Princes of Europe, with so much duplicity of heart, to joyne with him in conspiracy, of purpose that he might have the better occasion to discover it afterwards, had rendered the

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Marquiss eternally infamous, that Pescara had not inticed any Prince to joyne with him in framing any conspiracy against the Emperor, that afterwards he might make advantage by reveal∣ing it: In which case he would justly have incurred infamy; but that much to his praise he had used requisite double deal∣ing, to discover the Complices of the Conspiracy, and every o∣ther particular, which for his Masters better service, he was to know; and that the Marquiss was the more to be praised, for that by his honourable fraud, he knew how to overcome the Princes so artificial deceits; and that upon that occasion he had so fully done what became him to doe, as he deserved to be imi∣tated by every worthy Commander who might fall upon the like misfortune.

In Conspiracies which are communicated to others, both he who accepted thereof, and joyned therein, and he who refused, yet held his peace, incurred the same penalty; in so dangerous affairs, the best counsel was to precipitate into the sudden, but clear revelation of so unfortunate enterprises: And that in the most mortal infirmities of Conspiracies, two of the Politick Hip∣pocrates his Aphorismes were very true: That, Qui deliberant desci∣verunt, and that In ejusmodi conciliis periculosius est deprehendi quàm audere.

And that they that were desired to enter into a Conspiracy, were fooles, and self-murderers, if in so miserable a case they pitcht their thoughts onely upon the sweet of revenge, the accumula∣ting wealth, or preferments to Principalities, and Kingdoms, which might be propounded to them in reward of such wicked actions; and those wise and charitable, who held before their eyes the pi∣ctures of Fetters and Gibbets, which are the right rewards, and certain acquirements of desperate and ambitious people, and of such as were giddy-headed.

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