A treatise of the sibyls so highly celebrated, as well by the antient heathens, as the holy fathers of the church : giving an accompt of the names, and number of the sibyls, of their qualities, the form and matter of their verses : as also of the books now extant under their names, and the errours crept into Christian religion, from the impostures contained therein, particularly, concerning the state of the just, and unjust after death / written originally by David Blondel ; Englished by J.D.

BOOK 1. (Book 1)

CHAP. I. That the most earnest Pursuers of Truth, are (as others) subject to mistakes.

THough (according to the judgement of Tertullian) * 1.1 it be much better for a man to be less knowing, then to know that which is worse, and to erre, then deceive, it being the Characteristick of that Charity, which is recommended by St. Paul, as the greatest of the * 1.2 Vertues, to believe, and hope all things; so far as con∣currence and compliance with reason may permit; yet ought not the credulity, which accompanies Charity, nor its hope (what latitude soever we may imagine to allow it) as it were out of a design to be enslav'd to impostures and circumventi∣ons, put out its eyes, for fear lest it should be in a condition to discover and elude them. And if it be requisite, it should be free from all servile stupidity, since it is the principall effect of the holy Spirit, who calls and conducts us, by the liberty of his Grace to that of Glory, it may with * 1.3 much more reason be expected it should be far from being subject to blindness, because it presupposes the conduct of Faith, which is in some sort the eye of the regenerate soul, in whom the simplicity of the Dove, * 1.4

which is, of it self, inclin'd candidly to interpret what there might be some difficulty to exempt from the censures of persons not easily satis∣fi'd, is ever attended by the prudence of the Serpent, whose vigilancy is employ'd to foresee and prevent surprises.

The same profession of piety, which encourages sincere souls to walk in an innocent confidence, is also their perpetuall remembrancer that Truth perswades by teaching, whereas, on the contrary, Impostors, who * 1.5 are loth to communicate themselves, even to their own Disciples, till such time as they have gain'd them, artificially endeavour to perswade, before they instruct: and, discovering, that they make it their main business to conceal what they preach, if so it may be said of those who smother what they would have the world acquainted with, that they preach it, make it appear, that they are therein diametrically opposite to the Truth, which blushes at nothing so much as the regret she conceives at her being undiscovered.

Hence comes it to pass, that the just and vertuous, having their brests open, and void of all dissimulation, are, according to the saying of the same Tertullian, likened to the Dove, which is the Figure of the holy Spirit, * 1.6 and loves the East, the Figure of Christ, and are willing to leave to Impostors the shamefull imitation of the Serpent, who arrogates to himself the image of God, the beast which shuns the light, hides himself as much as may be, that * 1.7 smothers all the prudence it hath in obscure places, that lurks in blind holes, that eludes those who would see it, by decietfull contractions of its own length, and goes in folds and wrinckles, and is never at once wholly seen. For (after the manner of Serpents) those who think it a glory to deceive, are never re∣duc'd to any complyance with truth, but by force, and can hardly avoid being at difference even with themselves, nor will express themselves to others; the malice, which they are ever guilty of who are engag'd in a design to surprize others (to make the event of their attempts the more certain) putting on all manner of masks, and leaving no wayes unsought, to prepossess the minds of the good, who thinking there can∣not be a greater subtilty, then to live without subtilty, imagine it some∣what unreasonable, to conceive, at the first sight, any suspicion of those by whom they had not as yet been over-reached. And thence it comes to pass, that the best men have this misfortune, upon no other ground then that they are the best, to be the more credulous, and inclining rather to security, then diffidence, easily give advantage to those, who, by their craft and insinuations, make it their design to triumph over their sim∣plicity.

CHAP. II. Instances of certain misapprehensions of Justin Martyr.

THough there be no Age which cannot furnish us with severall ex∣amples what effects Imposture hath had on such as have been most ardently zealous for the Truth, yet were it hard, in all the series of Time, to meet with any one more remarkable, then that of the mistake of Saint Justin, a Person very recommendable, if any may be admitted such:

First, for his Antiquity, since he dy'd but very little after the midst of the second Age of the Church. Secondly, for his knowledge, as being one, who (before his reduction to the Christain Faith) had, by profession, been a Philosopher. Thirdly, for his piety, since he became so constant a main∣tainer of the true Religion, as that he was, at last, honour'd with the Crown of Martyrdom. All these advantages might have rais'd him above the ordinary rate of men; yet have they not exempted him from being abus'd by certain advancers of foolish Stories, who having per∣swaded him to take the Idol of Semo Sangus, one of the false gods of * 1.8 the Sabini, for the Statue of Simon Magus, engag'd him (I know not * 1.9 how) to maintain his mistake in the presence even of some of the Hea∣thens, and that with so much confidence, as clearly discover'd, he said nothing but what he really believ'd. He it was also, who thought him∣self very much in the right, when he boasted, that he had seen at Pharos neer Alexandria, the remainders of the LXXII. Cells, where the Interpreters of the Bible had been employ'd in that Work; nay some others, as Saint Irenaeus, Saint Cyril, and Saint Augustine have believ'd him; and yet Saint * 1.10 Hierome (who; as well as the other, had been upon the place, and taken more particular notice thereof) does not onely laugh at it, but says, I know not who by his glozing hath built them. With the same security, dis∣puting against the Heathens, who (according to the observation of Ori∣gen) by way of derision, called the Christians Sibyllists, he opposes there∣to the Authority of Hystaspes, a supposititious Author, of whose Works there is, at the present, nothing extant; as also the Oracles of the Cumaean Sibyl, whom he pretends to have been the Daughter of Berosus, * 1.11 who was later then Cyrus by 250 years, and dyed in the 225 year of the foun∣dation of Rome, and the fourth of the reign of Tarquin, to whom many hold, that one call'd Amalthaea Sibylla, sold at an excessive rate, the books since known by the name of the Sibylline, and preserv'd in Rome for the space of above 440 years, till the civill wars of Sylla; not minding, it seems, that (according to the generall perswasion of the Romans) the Cu∣maean Sibyl had entertain'd Aeneas, who dyed 639 years before Cyrus pos∣sess'd himself of Babylon; nor yet reflecting on what Pausanias, an Au∣thor much about his own time, observes (from Hyperochus Cumanus, and other Ancients) 1. That the Sibyl who convers'd in that place, was called Demo; 2. That the Cumaeans had not any Oracle to shew of hers: 3. That she had not been preceded by any, but by Lamia, the daugh∣ter * 1.12 of Neptune, sirnamed by the Lybians, Sibylla; and Herophila, the daughter of Jupiter and Lamia, who had her residence sometimes at Ida in Phrygia, sometimes at Mapessos, sometimes at Samos, sometimes at Claros of Colophon, and sometimes at Delos and Delphi. 4. That her Monument and her Epitaph, grav'd upon a pillar, was at Troas: 5. That the Erythraeans would not onely have it that she was born among them of Theodo∣rus a Shepherd, and the Nymph Idaea, but also that she gave Hecuba the inter∣pretation of her dream: and, 6. That, after the Cumaean Demo, the Hebrews who live above Palestine, set up Sabba, the daughter of Berosus and Eriman∣tha, who went under the name of the Babylonian or Aegyptian Sibyl: Nor lastly, regarding, that the very argument, whereof he thought to make his greatest advantage, in order to the conviction of Pagan Idolatry,

expresly maintains, that she, who compos'd it, was wife to one of Noe's Sons, and of neere kin to him, who departed this life, 1697. yeares before Antiochus Soter was established in Babylon, and that Berosus (whose Daughter they would have her to be, meerely because her VVriting intimates her coming out of Babylon) could have been al∣low'd the name of Father: For these are her words. O the great joy I have had, since I have escap'd the destruction of the Deep, having * 1.13 before undergone many misfortunes, toss'd up and down by the waves with my husband, my sisters-in-Law, my Father and Mother-in-Law, and those who were married together. And elsewhere, When the World was overwhelm'd * 1.14 with waters, and that a certain man, who had undergone the tryall, was left alone, exposed to the waters, in a house cut out of the Forrest, with the beasts, and birds of the aire, to the end that there might be a Restauration of the World; to that man was I daughter-in-law, engendred of his blood.

By which words she clearly destroyes what she had writ some lines be∣fore; saying, that the Greeks took her for the daughter of Circe, and Gnostus, or rather Ulysses, whom she entitles known Father, because of the reputation of his name, never considering that 800. yeares and more, were slipped away, between the death of Noe, and the arrivall of Ulysses, at Cir••aeum. She further affirmes, that she came from Baby∣lon in Assyria, speaking so much the more improperly, for that Baby∣lon was neither built, nor named, till 153. yeares after the Deluge, nor was it of Assyria properly so called, but of another different Country, that is to say, of Sennaar, and that it took not the name of Assyria, till above 165. yeares afterwards. Nay, the impudence of the Impo∣sture is so much the more palpable, in that this pretended daughter-in-law of Noe, describes her selfe as a notorious strumpet, saying, Ah wretch that I am! what will become of me in that day, for all the things I set * 1.15 my mind upon in my folly, having no regard of either my Marriage, or my rea∣son? And again, What great evills have I heretofore committed, wittingly, * 1.16 and willingly, and how many other things have I imprudently run after, with∣out the least remorse thereat? I have taken my lustfull pleasure with ten thou∣sand, and have not had the least consideration of my marriage, &c.

CHAP. III. The supposititiousnesse of the Writings pretended to be Sibylline, ex∣emplified in severall particulars.

IF St. Justin Martyr had been but pleased, I will not say to look a little better about him, but only to open his eyes, and fasten them with ever so little recollection on what he read, he had met with a thousand instances of imposture in those pleasant Oracles, which he objected against the Heathens, employing against them three Verses out of the first book, as many out of the third, and seven out of the fourth. For he would upon the first sight, have perceived, that that ill-digested

collection, written in wretched Greek, and coming from the hands of a person who discovers his ignorance of the Hebrew, could not be attri∣buted either to Noah's daughter-in-law, who liv'd above 250. years be∣fore the confusion of Tongues, and consequently before there was any Greek; nor yet to the daughter of Berosus, born in the Metropolis of Chaldaea, and later; by almost 1700 years. Nay, he would have thought, that the Impostor, who had made it so much his business to gain reputa∣tion by a cheat of so great antiquity, had sufficiently discover'd him∣self an upstart:

1. In deriving Adam from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if it were a word of Greek ex∣traction. * 1.17

2. In saying, * 1.18 that the same word signifies, East, West, South, and North, by its four letters, though in the Hebrew and Chaldee it hath but three.

3. In supposing that the letters of the Name of God make up the number of 1697 which cannot be true, but onely writing it in Greek characters, and that barbarously too, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

4. In drawing, from those of the Name of Jesus, which he makes to consist of four vowels, and two consonants, the number of 888. which again cannot agree With the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is onely of five letters, all consonants, and exceed not the number of 391. unless it be in the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

5. In affirming that the duration of Rome shall be 948 years, be∣cause * 1.19 the number 948 arises from the Greek letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which make onely 251.

6. In placing Ararat (where the Ark stay'd) in Phrygia. * 1.20

7. In affirming that Phrygia was the first Countrey discovered after * 1.21 the Deluge, and that Noe, who continu'd in the Ark from the seventh day of the second Month, to the twentieth day of the second Month, in the year following, stay'd there but one and fourty days.

8. In imagining that the Fables of the Titans were true Histories. * 1.22

9. In supposing (according to the heresie of the Chiliasts) that Jeru∣salem shall not only be re-built again, but shall be the Imperiall seat of * 1.23 the Son of God, where the faithfull, having pass'd through the purga∣tory fire of the worlds conflagration, shall enjoy all manner of delights, corporeall and spirituall.

10. In feigning that the Eurotas, a River of Laconia in Peloponnesus, * 1.24 issues aut of Dodona in Epirus, and mingles with the Peneus, a river of Thessaly; Again, that Gog and Magóg are among the Aethiopians. * 1.25

11. In foretelling that the Italians shall become subject to the * 1.26 Asiaticks.

12. In maintaining, that Nero is the great Antichrist, that he is re∣tir'd * 1.27 into Persia, and that returning from Babylon with an army of Jews, he will destroy Rome, and set it on fire.

13. In confounding Alexandria with Memphis.

14. In feigning that Eliah shall come down from Heaven in a Cha∣riot; * 1.28 That Joshuah, rais'd again, shall restore the Jews; That Tyberius was to set upon Persia and Babylon; That Trajan, a native of Italica, in the extremities of Spain, was born among the Gauls; That Adrian

strangled himself with a string; That under Antoninus, sirnamed the * 1.29 Debonnaire, whom he impertinently calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and his two adoptive Sons, Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus, one whereof must necessarily survive the other, would be the end of the world; That Rome, being destroy'd in the 948. year after * 1.30 its foundation, should come to its period in the year of our Lord, 195. which was the third year of Severus: And lastly, after all this, in ac∣knowledging himself to be a Christian, by these words, which absolutely take off all the precedent suppositions; And yet we descended from the * 1.31 holy geniture of Christ, are called of the same blood.

For, from the consistency of all these remarks, this consequence must necessarily ••e deduced; that the Impostor, who took upon him the name of Noës daughter-in-law, and perswaded St. Justin, that he was the daugh∣ter of Berosus, was, by Profession a Christian, but ignorant of the He∣brew Tongue, and true Theologie, no less then of Geography and History, and that he compiled his Rhapsody between the year 138. wherein Adrian was by death deliver'd of his disease on the twelfth of July, and the year 142. or 151. in which Cardinall Baronius, with divers others, affirm, that justin presented his Apology to the Emperor Antoninus, and the Caesars his adoptive sons, and consequently, that this counterfeit piece was just come out of the Mint, and was not quite cold when he undertook the dispersing of it, and, by his example, recommended it to Athenagora, Theophilus of Antioch, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, the Author of the Work, called, The Apostolicall Censtitutions; Lactan∣tius, Constantine the Great, Eusebius, Optatus, Hierom, Augustin, Prosper, Palladius, Sozomenus, Junilius, &c who have all drunk out of the com∣mon shore, of the Sibylline Imposture, and that with so little difficulty, and so strong a prejudice, that nothing could ever offend their stomacks. If therefore so many great men, and Justin himself, who first broke the Ice before them, could find any relish in so unsavory a dish; and if they have (with a kind of emulation) serv'd it up, and commended it to others, with so much assurance, as begat an imagination, that, to ex∣press any horrour thereat, was to quarrell with God himself, who can think it strange, that the example of their credulity should be able in as high a measure to injure others?

CHAP. IV. The judgement of Antonius Possevinus, concerning the W••itings pretended to be Sibylline, taken into examination.

IT is no miracle to me, if, after the antiquity of the first Ages had been circumvented through the excess of their credulous sincerity, ours (though much refin'd from the scurf of ignorance, and forc'd by the ne∣cessity of so many difficult experiments, to be more cautious and dif∣fident should not be wholly free from the remainders of the same mis∣fortune, in so much, that we now find there are some very grave men,

such, for instance, as Onuphrius, Sixtus of Sienna, the Cardinalls, Baroni∣us and Bellarmine, and the Bishop of Norwich, Montague, enslav'd by the tyranny of the popular errour, fortifi'd by length of time, and consent of such Christians as are admirers of inveterate opinions. Yet can I not but express my dissatisfaction with the judgment of Antonius Possevinus, a Divine of the Society of Jesus, who, having discover'd the Imposture of the Sibylline books, hath chosen rather to think them corrupted, then sup∣posititious. I shall therefore in the first place, to make a full discovery of this forgetfulness in him, lay down his censure, with some observati∣ons thereupon, and afterwards examine the ground of his Sentiment. It is apparent (saith he) both from the Fathers and other Ecelesiasticall Writers, * 1.32 that there was not any Sibyl before Moses, to the end the world might know, that, if, in the Oracles publish'd under the name of the Sibyls, and compriz'd in eight Books, there be any thing relative to what was before the Age of Moses, it is counterfeit and false, as having been since sown by Satan, out of a design, that falshood, being thrust in together with truth, might bring into question the truth of other times. Of that kind is that which is attributed to the Sibyl of Moses, hinting at, and foretelling the Deluge, Lib. 1. p. 9. as also what is found written in the same Book, pag. 11. that the Sibyl her self, with her husband, her Father-in-law, Mother-in-law, her brethren-in-law, and others, was t••ss'd up and down by the waves in the time of the Deluge. But it is evident rom pag. 30. that those very things which have come abroad under the name of Oracles, were written fifteen hundred years after the Empire of the Greeks: whereof, whether we take the beginning from the reign of the Argives, or Sicyo∣nians, or Athenians; or whether it be taken from Moses, from the reign of Solomon, the Macedonian Empire, or the four Monarchies; those things which are called Predictions, will be frivolous, and after the things done. They will be found also to be wanting, as to truth, if the government of the Greeks began since Moses; for from the departure of Moses and Israel out of Aegypt, to the destroying of the Administration or Commonwealth and Government of the Jews, under Vespasian, are reckoned one thousand four score and two years. Further, what can be said, as to what we find in the fifth Book, p. 49. where the Sibyl affirms, that she had seen a second conflagration of the Temple of Vesta? And that (according to the testimony of Eusebius) it happened under the Emperour Commodus, in the year, 199. for in that year the Temple of Vesta, and the Palace, and the greatest part of the City was burnt, whereas the first conflagration happened in the 134. Olympiad. Whence it is to be con∣ceiv'd, that the Prophetess (if it may be lawfull to call her such) prophesy'd not before the birth of Christ, but long after, and pretends not to any thing beyond Commodus, since that in the eighth Book. p. 57. she says, that three Empe∣rours shall reign after Adrian, that is to say, Antoninus, the Debonnaire, An∣toninus the Philosopher, and Commodus. To this may be added, that it is apparent from the first Book of Lactantius Firmianus, Chap. 6. that each of the Sibyls writ her own Book, and yet that now they seem to be all the Work of one, because they all go under the name of the Sibyl, and that we cannot distinguish them, nor assign to any one her own, unless it be to the Erythraean, who put her name into her Poem, and is called Erythraea, (now that was the Work of the Erythraean, which takes up the third place among those Books.) The Author of the first Book, feign'd himself to be daughter-in-law to Noë:

the second and the seventh seems to personate a most impudent strumpet, pag. 56. though there want not some credible Authors, who affirm, that the true Sibyls were chast, and inspir'd of God. The sister of Isis challenges the fifth Book; * 1.33 the rest were publish'd under the names of uncertain Authors.

By way of Annotation upon this (granting what he sayes, as to the supposititiousness of the pretended Sibyl, as also that Moses is more an∣cient then any that have gone under that name;) I affirm,

In the first place, That the writing which goes commonly under that title, does not introduce Moses, but Noah himself, foretelling the Deluge, which speaks yet a little more confidence.

2. That from the departure out of Aegypt, to the taking of Jerusalem, by Titus, there are 1600. years compleat, 518. more then was thought.

3. That the Author of the Sibylline Books, does not affirm, he saw the second conflragration of the Temple of Vesta, but the last of Jerusalem; The house sometime so much desir'd by thee (says he to Rome) when I saw that house pull'd down, and set on fire the second time, by an impure hand; a house ever flourishing, and having God in it; which house he supposes that Christ himself, descending from heaven, will come and re-establish, together with Jerusalem, to reign there in his glory. Which manifestly argues, that (though threatning Rome with finall destruction) he writes, The Virgins shall not always find the Divine fire; yet he neither saw nor fore∣saw the conflagration that happened in the twelfth year of Commodus, which was but the 191. of our Saviour, but reflected on the Prediction of St. John, expressing, that Rome should be utterly burnt with fire, and be found no more at all: so that he thought it would be to no purpose to look * 1.34 there for Vesta's fire, and other Monuments of her Paganisme.

4. That if his intention had been to denote the conflagration hap∣pened under Commodus, he could not truly have call'd it the second; for that besides the first mentioned in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, and happen∣ing under the Consulate of Gracchus and Falto, in the third year of the * 1.35 135. Olympiad, and the 516. of Rome, there had been a second, ob∣serv'd by Tacitus, and other creditable Authors, under the Consulship of Bassus and Crassus, in the fourth year of the 210. Olympiad, which * 1.36 was the 817. of Rome, the 64. of our Saviour, and 11. of Nero.

5. That he doth not onely not pretend to any thing beyond Commo∣dus, but makes an apparent stop at Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, which latter he presum'd must needs (as being the younger by seven years) out-live the other. After him (saith he) whose name begins * 1.37 with a T. the note of the number three hundred, that is to say, Trajan, another shall reign, a person with a silver head; that is, one that was already arriv'd to grey hairs: or shall be, (as he speaks in the eighth Book) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, hoary, and his name [that is to say, Adrian] shall be deriv'd from the Sea [Adriatick] and he shall be good all manner of wayes, and shall know all things: and under thee (O man absolutely good, excellent all manner of wayes, and hoary headed) and under thy boughs [that is to say, thy adoptive sons] the last dayes shall come to pass; three shall reign [that is to say, Anto∣ninus, Marcus, and Lucius] but the last [that is, Lucius] shall obtain the so∣veraignty of all things. And in the eighth Book, After him [that is to say, Adrian] there shall reign three, who shall see the last days, filling the Name of the

heavenly God, whose kingdom is now and to all ages; that is to say, they shall be called Antonini, or (according to our manner of pronouncing) An∣donini, from the name Adonai, and Adonim; that is, Antoninus the De∣bonaire, Antoninus the Philosopher, and Lucius Verus Antoninus, who * 1.38 he pretends ought (as being the youngest) to survive the other two, suc∣ceed them, and continue til the 948. year of Rome, or the 195 of our Re∣demption, in which he would have been 67. years of age; never ima∣gining, that Lucius, by his irregularities, would prejudice his health, so as to be cut off in the flower of his age, in the midst of Winter, between the * 1.39 years 169. and 170.

6. That though Lactantius, carried away with the prejudice of his time, conceiv'd that the Books, called Sibylline, had no other Authours then the ancient Sibyls, celebrated by Varro; and that they had been chast and inspir'd of God; yet hath he not escap'd a mistake, as we shall make appear more at large hereafter.

7. That the Author of the third Book, neither was, nor would be thought the Erythraean Sibyl, but wife to one of the sons of Noah, come from Babylon to Greece; for those are her own words: These things I tell thee far from the walls of Babylon, &c. The men of Greece will say, I am of another Countrey, born in Erythraea, &c.

8. That the first Book is (as all the ensuing) of the same vein.

9. that the impudence and whoredom, so much bewail'd in the second and seventh books, were by the third acknowledg'd for the proper de∣scription of the pretended wife to Noah's son, who cries, Men will say, I am of another Countrey, and shameless. In a word, that all the eight books * 1.40 are the extravagant fictions of the same Impostor, who, under pretence of advancing the truth, hath perfidiously dishonour'd it.

CHAP. V. The recommendation of the Writing, pretended to be Sibylline, attri∣buted by Clemens Alexandrinus to St. Paul, examined.

TO qualifie, with more ease, the reproach consequent to so unwor∣thy an attempt, and in some sort, to save his reputation that was guilty of it, there are many, who (as it were out of a certain emulation) alledge that St. Paul himself recommended the reading of the Sibyls, and, to justifie their assertion, bring in Clemens Alexandrinus, speaking in these terms: Besides, the preaching of St. Peter, the Apostle, St. Paul * 1.41 will declare the same, saying, take also the Greek books, acknoweledge the Si∣byl, how she discovers one onely God, and the things that are to come; and taking Hystaspes, read, and you will find the Son of God much more manifestly and openly described. But I shall not stick to presume their pardon, though I affirm they heap evil upon evil. For if it be blame-worthy for a man (as St. Justin did) to subscribe a piece of forgery which he was not able to discover, how odious must needs be the malice of that false witness, who (to deceive Clemens Alexandrinus, and other Christians) would needs

maintain the supposititiousness of the Sibylline writings, by a worse Im∣posture, and feign that St. Paul himself had brought them into credit by his recommendation? If souls perfectly vertuous cannot without dif∣ficulty endure that Encomiums of chastity should be bestow'd on com∣mon Prostitutes, who among such as are truly Christian, will be able to suffer comparisons to be made between the Prophets of God, and per∣sons in the depth of an extravagant melancholy, between their celesti∣all Oracles and the disorder'd resueries of the other, and that the Proje∣ctor of so base a cheat should presume to give it the greater reputation, produce the Apostle as a complice of his sacrilegious insolence? And yet there are those who would, that, out of this vessel of election, should come the words alledged by Clemens; and whereas there cannot any such thing be found in his Epistles, they imagine them spoken by him in his popular Sermons, as if it were possible, that he, who sacrificed his life * 1.42 in a glorious martyrdom, in the 65. year of our Lord, should give his ap∣probation to a piece full of errors, and forg'd since the year 137. as it were out of a design, by that recommendation, to oppose the Autho∣rity, as well of the old Testament, and the Son of God himself, as his own preaching and the most excellent of his Epistles. For if, among the Heathens, the Sibyl and Hystaspes, have not onely declared one God, and manifested the things to come, but also describ'd the Son of God after a manner more clear and convincing, with what credit could David have written, It is in Jury that God is known; God sheweth his words unto Jacob, his Statutes * 1.43 and his Judgements unto Israel. He hath not dealt so with other nations; and as for his judgements, they have not known them? Or, how comes it that the Saviour of the World hath decided the case on the behalf of the Jews, saying, Salvation is of the Jews? And upon what ground doth St. * 1.44 Paul make this precise Declaration to the Lycaonians; God in times past, suffered all nations to walk in their own wayes: and speaking to the Atheni∣ans, (the most refin'd people of all the Europaeans) call the times pre∣ceding the publication of the Gospel, The times of ignorance; and main∣tain * 1.45 in his Epistle to the Romans the advantage of the Jew, to be much every way; chiefly, because that unto them were committed the Oracles of God: Again, * 1.46 that to the Israelites pertaineth the glory and the covenant, and the giving of * 1.47 the Law, and the service of God, and the promises; and put other nations, in comparison of them, into a qualification of such as are no people, and a * 1.48 nation voyd of understanding? Certainly, if the Gentiles (according to the pretended presupposition of St. Paul, in Clemens Alexandrinus) have been depositaries of the Oracles of God more clear and manifest then the Prophets, they neither have, nor ought to have granted, that God hath not shewen them his Ordinances and Judgements, and that on the Jews behalf (over whom they were notoriously advantag'd) the advantage was much every way. For since, before the Incarnation of the Messias, they had, in their hands, the illuminating predications of the Sibyls, which fur∣nish'd them with historicall descriptions of what in the Propheticall Writings, is but aenigmatically proposed, their time was not a time of ignorance, but of light and knowledge, more distinct then that of the Jews, and it must have been false, that God was only known in Jury; since that we do not esteem ignorant, at least comparatively to another, him who

in the same matter of fact, knowes as much, if not more, then the most knowing, and that these propositions are formally contradictory: the advantage is of the Jews, and the advantage is not of the Jews. Again, the advantage of the Jews over the Gentiles consists, having the Oracles of God committed to them; and, the Oracles of God committed to the Gentiles by the means of the Sibyls, are more clear and manifest then those of the Jews.

From all which I must needs inferr, that, it being impossible, a person sound in his intellectuals, should at the same time, hold both parts of the same contradiction, and there being yet a greater impossibility, that such as are inspir'd from God, should be guilty of such a miscarriage; St. Paul did not onely not say what is attributed to him in Clemens Alex∣andrinus, but could not have said it. And thereupon I shall desire the prudent Reader, to take four things into his consideration:

1. That he who hath presum'd to borrow his name, to gain the greater credit to his fond imaginations, does, by the generall descripti∣on he hath given us of what is contain'd in the pretended Sibylline pre∣dictions, saying, they declare one onely God, discover things to come, and the Son of God, clearly shew, that he alludeth to those very books, which are now extant of them, and consequently, that his work was hatch'd after that, entitled the Sibylline, and must needs be later then the year of our Lord, 137.

2. That, with Justin and Clemens, he acknowledges but one Sibyl, who manifested one onely God, which shews, it were to little purpose to look for different Authors for the eight books that are come to our times.

3. That the most clear and remarkable descriptions of the Son of God, pal∣pably relate to the designation as well of the four vowels and two con∣sonants, which make up the Greek name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the number precisely arising thence; as also the Acrostick of the eighth book, wherein we have consecutively the names of Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour, and Cross, with the Paraphrase on the greatest part of the history of the Gospel.

4. That the more express and historicall these descriptions are, the more apparent it is that they are supposititious, and written after the event, the Spirit of God having never thought it convenient to pro∣pose things to come otherwise then aenigmatically, and under the veil of severall figures, and there being no instance but onely of one person, whose proper name it hath express'd in its Oracles, that is to say, Cyrus, twice nam'd by Isaiah, 175. years before he was possess'd of the Mo∣narchy * 1.49 of the Universe.

Clemens might soon have observ'd this, if, to compass his design, he had made it as much his business to exercise his judgement, as exhaust his memory; but having resolv'd to make use of Heathens and Here∣ticks against themselves, so to undeceive them all, without taking heed himself of being surpriz'd, he, as well as others, is fallen into the snare, and the cloud of witnesses, he had to produce, suffer'd him not to see the bad marks which some of them carried in their very faces. According∣ly do we find, That this vast Wit, whom nothing escap'd, and who thought to make his advantages of all, and take away (as sometimes Israel did) all the treasures of Aegypt, after he had with a miraculous ostentation laid down the Depositions of 250. Heathen Authors, as well

Philosophers, as Historians and Poets, and given quarter to the most execrable Heretiques, such as Basilides, Carpacrates, Julius Cassianus, Epiphanes, Heracleon, Hermogenes, Isidorus, Marcion, Prodicus, Tatian, Va∣lentin; &c. and opened his brest to Apocryphall pieces; that is to say, the Prophesies of Enoch, Cham, Abacuc, Esdras, Parchor, and Sophony, the book of the Assumption of Moses, the Gospels of the Aegyptians and He∣brews, the Sermons of St. Peter, and St. Paul, the Traditions of St. Mat∣thias, the Epistle of St. Barnabas, the Pastor of Hermas; Brother to Pope Pius the first, (a piece which dazled the eyes of St. Irenaeus, and many others) hath also given credit to the counterfeit Sibyll, whose discourse he thought so much the more authentick, the more directly it contri∣buted to his design.

CHAP. VI. An accompt of severall instances of dis-circumspection in Clemens Alexandrinus.

SInce therefore it could not well be otherwise, but that this great man drawing out of so many severall sources, must needs, out of divers of them, bring up dirt rather then water; we shall not fear being thought awanting as to the respect we owe his memory, and the merit of his great abilities and knowledge, if we presume to affirm, that, in what we have left of his Works, we meet with many instances of dis-circum∣spection, weakness, and an excessive credulity. To come to particu∣lars, what is it else, when he says, after a very uncouth manner of speak∣ing, that the Word is the minister of the paternall will, and the second * 1.50 cause, which comes nearest the Father: That the Angels fell through for∣nication: That it is not lawfull for a man to touch blood; nor to swear: That Philosophy hath been, to the Gentiles, a Paedagogue to bring them to Christ, fo far, that it hath justified them; that thereby they have glorify'd God; and that it hath been their Testament, and the foun∣dation of all Christian Philosophy. That Numa, who dyed in the second year of the 27. Olympiad, 134. years before Pythagoras appear'd, and 168. years before he came into Italy, was a Pythagorean: That Semi∣ramis was Queen of Aegypt; That the Devil may repent: That it is in our power to be delivered from ignorance and bad choyce: That the soul makes the difference in the election of God: That man is saved through his own means: That in the time of Debora, Osius the son of Riezu was high-priest: That Solomon was Son-in-law to Hiram: That Rehoboam was father to Abiu, and Abiu to Athaman, and this last to Jehosaphat; and that Joram was father to Ozias: That Jonathan was son to Ozias; that Amos the Prophet was father to Isaiah: That Achaz was father to Osea, and Osea to Hezechias: That from the time of Samuel, to that of Josias, the Passover was never celebrated: That the false Prophet, Ananias, was son to Josias: That Nechao fought Josias neer the river Euphrates: That Helchias the high-Priest, was father to Jeremy, and that he dy'd imme∣diately

after he had read the book of the Law: That the ten Tribes carried away (according to the express certificate of the Scripture) in the sixth year of Hezechias, were brought into captivity in the fifteenth year of Achas, his father: That the transportation of the Jews under Sedechias, who was later then the birth of Moses, by about 1073. years, and the raising of David to the Throne, by 517. years, was after the former 1085. years, six months, ten dayes; and after the latter 492. years, six months, ten days precisely: That Zachary, who began * 1.51 not to prophesie to the people, till the second year of Darius, which was the first of the 65. Olympiad, is more ancient then Pythagoras, who began to come into reputation in the fourth year of the 60. Olym∣piad. That Moses, before his adoption, was called Joachim, and that * 1.52 now he goes under the name of Melchi: That he killed the Aegyptian by his word: that he was cast into prison, and afterwards got out by miracle: That the King, having heard the name of God pronounc'd, fell dumb, and was afterward miraculously restor'd: That it was to * 1.53 Philip o•…•… •…•…aviour said, Let the dead bury their dead: That the body is * 1.54 the Sepulchre of the soul: That Saint Matthias is Zachaeus the Publican: That the Sacerdotall Vestment was bordered with 360, bells: That the Son of God and his Apostles, did, after their death, preach in hell; that many were there converted; that there was so great a necessity of that predication, that otherwise God had been unjust: That our Saviour did not eat out of any need his body stood in of sustenance, but out of a fear of raising any ill opinion of himself in those who saw him: That * 1.55 he who is endu'd with knowledge, is free from all animal passion, and cupidity; that he is not overcome by any thing of voluptuousness; that he hath no further need of patience, temperance, &c. That he is impe••••able: That * 1.56 Saint Matthias was chosen, because he had shewen himself worthy to be an Apostle: That the Sun and the Stars were bestow'd on the Gentiles, to be adored by them: That by the worship of the Stars, they should have looked up to God: That it is lawfull to lye for the safety of another: That God * 1.57 would have a faithfull man to be so far his own guide, as not to need any other assistance: That after Marcion (whom he acknowledges to have * 1.58 liv'd under the Empire of Adrian and Antoninus) Simon did (for a short time) hear Peter preaching, &c. He discovers also, that he had not met with very skilfull Masters in the Hebrew, when he writ that Hosanna, * 1.59 interpreted in Greek, signifies light, glory, and praise, with supplication to the Lord: Again, that Abraham is, by interpretation, elected father of * 1.60 the sound, and gave other such Etymologies of the Hebrew names.

CHAP. VII. Reflections on severall supposititious pieces, whereby many of the ancient Christians have been imposed upon and abused.

ARe we then to think it much, after so many strange remarks, that he, who with an excessive easiness of belief, could take things from all hands; from Heathens; from Hereticks; from Judaicall Traditions; from the Apocriphall Writings of Christians, and (upon the credit of the false Pastor of Hermas) introduce our Saviour and his Apostles preaching in hell, should be drawn in to admit the predication father'd on St. Paul the Apostle, and swallow down the pretended Oracles of the Sibyl, which deriv'd their recommendation from it▪ And why should we make any difficulty, to acknowledg what expe••••ence pro∣claims, as it were, in the open streets? In the second Age, (the first year whereof had been signaliz'd by the decease of St. John the Evangelist) Satan, not satisfy'd with the open war there was against the Church, by the persecution of the Heathen, would needs fasten on her skirts a nu∣merous crue of Hereticks of all sorts, execrable in their Opinions, and deprav'd in their Manners, and made it his business to pull all into dis∣order within, by the uncontrolable licentiousness of forgers and Im∣postors, who with a certain earnestness, and in a manner, at the same time, have, either to gratifie some particular Heresie, or under the spe∣cious pretence of engaging against the Idolatry of the Heathen with greater advantage, out of a pious fraud, fill'd the world with adulterate and supposititious pieces. In so much, that it may be said, there was not any season more fruitfull in those pernicious excrescencies and Apo∣criphall Writings, then that Age, nor haply at any time a greater dis∣position in mens minds to give them credit and entertainment; the simplicity of some not permitting a perfect anatomy of the evil; and the confidence of those who were either satisfy'd therewith, or suspect∣ed it, inclining them to this opinion, that they might make some benefit thereof, to the confusion of falshood, and advantage of truth. Nay, those, whom learning had a little more refin'd, and a conversation with the Sciences made more capable of things, as such as being well ad∣vanc'd in years had forsaken the banners of Paganisme, were apt enough to bring into the Church some tincture of the Opinions they had been im∣bu'd with before; and thinking by the correspondence they still held with the Philosophers, to make them more susceptible of piety, imagin'd themselves concern'd in point of honour, to reconcile their own Maximes to Christianity, which, by that base allay, lost much of its naturall lustre and beauty. As therefore men were either totally hereticall, or incendiaries and troublesome, accordingly did they impose upon the credulity of the simple; some broaching and advancing false Prophesies and Histories; such as were those of Jaldabaoth, of Seth, of the sons of Seth, of Enoch, of Cham, &c. The Prayer of Joseph, the Assumption of

Abraham, Moses, Eldad, and Modad; The Testament of Moses, Esdras, Baruc, Abacuc, Ezekiel, Parchor, Zephany, the lesser Genesis, the Book at∣tributed to Zacharias, father to St. John; the Repentance of Adam, of James and Mambres; the Book of the Giant Ogenes, Jacobs Ladder, the Testament of Job, the greater and lesser Symphony; the Prophesies of Marsiades and Marsian, the Ascension of Isaiah, &c.

Others, vented counterfeit Gospels, such as were those of Eve, Peter, An∣drew, James the less, Philip, Barnabas, Matthias, Thaddaeus, of the Apostles, of the Aegyptians, of the Hebrews, of Judas, according to Basilides and Apelles; that which the Gnosticks call'd the Gospel of Truth and Perfecti∣on; whereto, upon the declination of the third Age, the Manichees, added that of Thomas, and some others, later Impostors, that of Nicodemus.

Others, false Acts; as those of Peter, Andrew, Paul, and Tecla, John, Philip, Thomas, forg'd in some part by Nexocharides, or Lucius Chari∣nus, and Manes, after whom, a new Impostor, 300. years after, puts upon the world the life of St. John, under the name of Prochorus; and a Rhap∣sodist, who liv'd about 860. years since, and took upon him the name of Abdias, the Babylonian, the lives of all the Apostles.

Others scatter'd abroad false Relations; such were the Books, enti∣tuled, The infancy of our Saviour; of the Questions of Mary; of the ex∣traction of Mary; of the Assumption of Mary; of the Nativity of our Sa∣viour; of the Lots of the Apostles; of the commendation of the Apostles, of the Ascension of Saint Paul; of the Itinerary of Saint Peter; of the preaching of Saint Peter; of the doctrine of the Apostles; of Apostolicall Constitutions; of the Controversie between St. Peter and Appion; of the Passion of St. Peter and St. Paul, by Linus; the Pastor of Hermas; where∣to, about the beginning of the fourth Age, Maximian the Emperor, caus'd to be joyn'd the Acts of Pilate.

Others disperc'd counterfeit Epistles; such as was that of Abgarus, Prince of Edessa, to our Saviour, with our Saviours pretended answer thereto; those that go under the name of St. Barnabas; of the B. Vir∣gin to St. Ignatius; of St. Ignatius himself; of St. Paul to the Laodiceans; of the same, a third Epistle to the Corinthians; as also a third to the Thessa∣lonians, the second to the Corinthians, wrongfully attributed to St. Clement.

Others started counterfeit Apocalypses; such as were those of Adam, Abraham, Eliah, Paul, Thomas, Stephen, &c.

Others there were, who, looking with a jealous eye on what ever was remarkable, among either Jews or Heathens, would needs make it con∣tribute to Christianity, and appropriate all the glory of it to the Church. Thus to rob the Grecian Jews of their golden-mouth'd Philo, it must be feign'd he had had some conversation with St. Mark; and to apply to Christian Monks (who began not till the times of Paul and Anthony the Hermits, whereof one dy'd the tenth of January, in the year 343 and the other the seventeenth of January, 358.) what he had expresly writ∣ten of the Esseni, a Sect much given to contemplation, seated neer Alexan∣dria, upon the Lake Maria, Eusebius himself (who had acknowledg'd as much in his eighth Book of Evangelicall preparation, Chap. 11.) does, in his Ecclesiasticall History, retract what he had deliver'd before, and, by his example, hath so prepossess'd those that came after him, that

St. Epiphanius was perswaded, that Philo spoke not of the Esseni, whom he * 1.61 names in express terms, but of the Tesseni, of whom he said not any thing either good or evil, supposing them to be some of the first Christians, and to have derived their denomination either from Jesse, the father of David, (whence St. Paul takes occasion, after Isaiah, to call out Saviour, the root of Jesse) or from Jesus himself. But all without any ground, for the description of Philo cannot any way be attributed to Christian Monks, since he says of his contemplative Esseni:

1. That they went away, so as never to return again, forsaking brethren, children, wives, kindred, &c. directly contrary to the command of Saint Paul, 1 Cor. 7. 12. &c.

2. That they spent the whole day, as well in reading the sacred books, and the Commentaries of the Ancients, to Allegorize upon them; as in the com∣posing of certain Hymnes: which shews their conversation to have been onely with the Old Testament, and their study therein wholly after the manner of the Jews.

3. That they met together every seventh day, that is to say, every Saturday.

4. That the most austere among them, did not break their fast, but * 1.62 onely on the sixth day, consequently Friday, contrary to the custom of the Christians.

5. That they celebrated the Pentecost as their principall Feast; and that in honour of the number of seven, seven times reiterated, a conceit not deriv'd from the Gospel, but the Discipline of Pythagoras.

6. That in their common Festivities, the Males were seated on the * 1.63 right hand, and the Females on the left, a custom which never was of any account in the Church.

7. That there was no flesh eaten among them; but onely leavened bread, salt and Hyssop.

8. That they drunk nothing but Water, Wine being accounted poyson * 1.64 with them; an evident testimony that their entertaiment had nothing common, either with the Eucharist, where there is such a necessity the Chalice should be fill'd with Wine; that those who endeavour'd to re∣duce it to Water, have been branded as Heretiques, under the name of Aquarii, and Hydroparastati; nor with the Love-feasts of the Primitive Christians, who used Wine freely, and in abundance, and condemned the Tatianites and Encratites, who abstain'd from it, as what might not lawfully be drunk, and call'd it, in imitation of the Esseni, The poyson of the Dragon.

9. That having ended their Feast, they spent the night in dancing and singing: first in two Quires, afterwards in one, in imitation of Moses * 1.65 and his sister Miriam, after the passage through the Red-Sea; a ceremo∣ny, which hath not onely never been observ'd in the Church, but hath been expresly condemn'd by her in the Councel of Laodicea, forbidding dancing, even at the marriages of Christians. * 1.66

10. That seeing the day break, turning towards the East, they pray'd; which done, every one return'd to his Cell; Which last ceremony, is all * 1.67 that might seem contrary to the common practice of the Jews, and to have some relation to that of the Christians, who, in their Prayers turn to

the East, whereas the Jews look'd towards Jerusalem, in what part soever of the world they made their supplications. But as to what he observes that this Sect of people were not serv'd by slaves, as esteeming that * 1.68 the possession of servants was absolutely contrary to nature, it speaks some∣what dissonant from the generall belief and practice, as well of the An∣cient Jews, who permitted slavery, as the Primitive Christians, who disal∣low'd it not, as appears by the words, both of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 7. 21. Philemon 16, and St. Peter, 1 Epist. Chap. 3. 18. but it was indeed, com∣mon to all the Esseni, of whom Philo said, There is not so much as a slave * 1.69 among them, but all are free, yet mutually serving one another; and they con∣demn Masters, not onely as unjust, defiling, holiness, but also as impious.

With the same design of making some advantage of Josephus, hath some bold hand or other inserted into his Antiquities, Lib. 18. cap. 4. certain words which are so much the less likely to come from him; for that they contain an honourable testimony, as well of the person of our Saviour, as of the holiness and truth of Christian Religion, from the pro∣fession whereof that Author ever stood at a great distance; besides, it is notoriously remarkable, that they are hedg'd in, so as not to have any coherence with the rest of his Discourse, either going before, or com∣ing after, and put into the place which they take up, rather out of af∣fection to some certain party, then any reason there was to do it.

Of the same thread is also (if I am not deceiv'd in my conjecture) that Encomium of St. John, inserted in the sixth Chapter; for, besides that, he describes him as a very good person, one whose advice it was to those Jews who exercised vertue, and were observers of justice one towards an∣other, and piety towards God, to become, as it were, one by Baptisme; and that this Discourse can speak no less of him who made it, then that he was a Disciple of St. John's, the contexture of the whole Story formerly concludes, and evidently shews, that it was thrust in (it may be) out of some zeal, but certainly with much want of sincerity. Tiberius (says Josephus) being extremely incensed, at the attempt of Aretas, writes to T. Vitellius, that he should declare war against him, and if he took him alive, to send him •…•…und in chains to him, if he were kill'd; that he would send him his head. Tiberius sent Orders to the Generall of his Army in Syria, that he should do these things; * 1.70 and Vitellius, (as it were, for the war against Aretas) prepar'd two Legions, &c. And it is to be noted, that the defeat of Herod by Aretas, happening seven years after the suffering of St. John (seeing Vitellius being upon his way to take his revenge of that affront, receiv'd four days before his arrivall at Jerusalem, the news of Tiberius's death) there is very little likelihood, that the Jews (who had delivered our Saviour to Pilate, though they had follow'd and ad∣mir'd him, after the martyrdom of St. John, which had not wrought any alteration in them) should have had, for so long time, so lively a remem∣brance, both of the unworthiness of his death, and the sanctity of his life.

It was also conceiv'd in the time of Origen, that Josephus, desirous to find out the cause of the destruction of Jerusalem, and the Temple, had said, * 1.71 that those things were happened to the Jews, in revenge of James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus, called Christ, since they had kill'd him, though a just person: and no doubt, these words were to be read in his time, in

the History of the Jewish war; but at present, there's no such thing to be found, and the falsification, as to that particular, hath lost its credit.

With the same observance of civility and sincere dealing, which makes us concern our selves many times, where we have least to do, was it, that Paulus Orosius, a Spanish Priest, who had read in Josephus, that, in the time of Claudius, about the year of our Lord, 46. Izates, King of * 1.72 the Adiabenians, had (with his mother Helene) embrac'd the Jewish Re∣ligion; that the said Princess, being come to Jerusalem to adore in the Temple, and to offer sacrifices (acts of devotion, proper onely to Ju∣daisme) had contributed very much to the relief of the City then hard put to it by the famine; must needs infer thence, that, having been con∣verted to the Law of Christ, she had made very great contributions towards the * 1.73 relief of the necessitous Christians in Jerusalem. But there needs no more to refute this mistake, then, First the magnificent Sepulchre of Helene, a monument which the Jews, the implacable enemies of the Church, would never have suffer'd to be erected to the memory of a Christian Princess so neer Jerusalem: Secondly, the Palaces which were known in Jerusa∣lem, as well by her name, as that of Monobazus her husband: Thirdly, the obstinate continuance of her Grand-children in that City, when be∣sieg'd by Titus, after the generall retreat of the Christians to Pella, there having not any thing been heard of this mistake, till the fifth Age, at the beginning whereof, Orosius writ; and so I return again to these of the second.

As it hath happened on the one side, that the excessive desire of ad∣vancing the credit of the true Religion, engag'd some in considerate Christians, to feign of the Jews, such things as were not true: So wanted there not those on the other, who thought themselves oblig'd to do the same offices to the Pagans, and thence came the supposititious Let∣ters, written under the name of Lentulus to Tiberius concerning the sta∣ture and beauty of our Saviour, and others from Pilate concerning his death. And whereas St. Paul had, during his abode at Rome, brought * 1.74 the light of the Gospel even into the Pr••••torium and gain'd to Christ, some of Nero's retinue; it gave many occasion to ••magine, that the paquet must needs (rather then to any other) be directed to Seneca, a man learned, grave, and by Profession a Stoick, that is, the Sect that came nearest, in appearance, to the perswasion of the Christians. Thence started up the Opinion of his pretended familiarity with St. Paul, and the Letters which it is reported he writ to him; the passion to Christianize so great a man, having prevail'd more on the refin'd Wit of St. Hierome, to make him a place in the Catalogue of Saints, and to authenticate his pretended Letters, though written in Latine bad enough, then the roughness of their stile, and the little gravity they discover, hath hither∣to had power to have them (as it were but just) proclaim'd counterfeit. Let us not therefore expect a more convictive proof of the force of these charming prejudices, then to find St. Hierome, one of the sharpest understandings of all Antiquity, so overcome with the fume thereof, as to have numbred, if not among the children, at least among the friends of the Church, a person who confounded her with the rebellious Jews, saying (according to the relation of St. Augustiue;) The custom of this * 1.75

most wicked race of people hath prevail'd so farr, as that now it is receiv'd all over the world, and the conquer'd have given Laws to their Conquerours; and one, who, having (with a Pagan resolution) made use of Iron, poyson, and the heat of the Bathes, to put a period to his life, took leave of it with these Idolatrous expressions; I pour out this liquour (his blood) to * 1.76 Jupiter the Deliverer.

But, if, to convince the incredulity of the Jews, the Church, deriving her proofs from their own Library, drew them by the collar to the ac∣knowledg'd revelations of their nationall Prophets; as to the true foun∣dations of her Faith; she could not deal with the Heathens upon terms so advantagious, there being not between them and her any common principle, other then the light of Reason, nor she finding any other Oracles in their hands, then what were prophane and deceitfull, as such as were the suggestions of the spirit of Errour, who is a liar and murtherer * 1.77 from the beginning. And yet there have risen up amongst such as had gi∣ven up their names to Christianity, those, who had the confidence to feign in its behalf, what it could not any way pretend to, and (producing to In∣fidels adulterate allegations) to prepare for it the solemnities of an ima∣ginary triumph: nay, they urg'd them with so much the greater shew of ostentation, the more certain they were that they had to do with adver∣saries, whose abilities went not much beyond a confused knowledge of names, whereof they were, in effect, ignorant of the things signi∣fy'd thereby.

CHAP. VIII. The different opinions of the Ancients concerning the Sibyls.

EVery one had heard talk of the Sibyls, Rome made it her brag, that she had books of them, wherein might be read her desti∣ny; but there was not any one fully satisfy'd as to the number, or times of those who had gone under that name, nor assur'd of the ground of their predictions. Diadorus Siculus had had no know∣ledge * 1.78 but only of one, to wit, Daphne, the daughter of Tiresias, taken at the sacking of Thebes, by the Epigoni, and plac'd at Delphi, some * 1.79 27. years before the taking of Troy, and of her he affirm'd, that Homer borrowed. But Virgil, and Pausanias, and Suidas, call her ••anto, and Clemens Alexandrinus, Art•…•…is, and Apoliodorus, in Lactan∣tius, attributes what Homer had borrowed to the Erythraean Sibyl; Plau∣tus, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Strabo, Pliny, Josephus, Justine Martyr, Athenagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, Celsus, Lucian, and Juvenal, speak of the Sibyl in the singular number, as acknowledging but one; only Strabo, (who assigns her residence at Erythrae) observes, that (some Ages after) she was seconded by another Prophetess of the same place, named Athenais; and Pliny relates, that in his time, there were, at Rome, three little Statues of the Sibyl, so ancient, as that they might have been thought the first of any, and to have been made in the time of Tarqui∣neus

Priscus, which relation of his, many have misunderstood, so con∣ceiving him, as if he affirm'd, they were the Statues of the three Sibyls. Martianus Capella gives us an account of two, that is, Erophila, the daughter of Marmessus, born in the Territories of Troy, otherwise call'd the Phrygian or Cumaean Sibyls; and Symmachia of Erythrae, the daughter of Hyperchus, or Hyperides. Solinus reckons three, the Delphick, whom he affirms (from Boethius) to have preceded the wars of Troy, and was * 1.80 a kind of Patroness to Homer; Eriphila of Erythrae, who follow'd the precedent not many years after, and gave notice to the Lesbians, long before it happened, that they should lose the soveraignty of the Sea; and the Camaean. Pausanias (as hath been already seen) numbers four; Lamia, otherwise called the Lybian Sibyl; Herophila, otherwise called the Delphick, or Erythraean; Demo, the Cumaean; and Sabba the Babylo∣nian. Aelian raised the number to ten, that is, the Erythraean, the Samian, * 1.81 the Aegyptian, the Sardinian, the Cumaean, the Judaick, and four others. Cle∣mens Alexandrinus, though he cites not any thing of them, but what's in the singular number, expresses himself in these terms, whence it may be inferr'd, he admitted divers; Manto, and a multitude of Sibyls, the Sami∣an, * 1.82 the Colophonian, the Cumaean, the Erythraean, Phyto, Taraxandra, the Macedonian, the Thessalian, the Threspotick. Lactantius (from Varro) affirms their number to be ten, and observes, that the first was of the Persi∣ans, of whom Nicanor, who writes of the Acts of Alexander the Macedo∣nian, makes mention. The second was the Lybian, mentioned by Euripides in the Prologue to his Lamia. The third, the Delphick; of whom Chrysip∣pus speaks in a book he writ, Of Divination. The fourth, the Cumaean, or * 1.83 of Cumae in Italy, named by Naevius in his books of the Punick War, and by Piso, in his Annals. The fifth, the Erythraean, whom Apolodorus the Erythraean affirms to have been of the same City with him, &c. The sixth, the Samian, of whom Eratosthenes hath written, consonantly to what he had found written before in the ancient Annals of the Samians. The seventh, the Cu∣maean, under the name of Amalthaea, who by others is also called Demophila, or Herophila, &c. The eighth, the Hellespontick, born in the country neer Troy, at the Town of Marpessus, near the City Gergithum, whom Heracli∣des of Pontus, writes to have li'vd in the time of Solon and Cyrus. The ninth, the Phrygian, who Prophesied at Ancyra. The tenth, the Tiburtine called Albunea, who is serv'd as a Goddess at Tibur, which stands not far from the * 1.84 River Anio, in the bottome whereof, it is reported, that her Image was found * 1.85 holding a book in her hand. Issidorus of Sevil follows Lactantius; save that, speaking of the Delphick, he addes, that she was begotten in the * 1.86 Temple of Apollo at Delphi: That the fourth was the Cimmerian of Italy: That the fifth, that is to say, the Erythraean called Erophila, was Originally a Babylonian, and that she was called the Erythraean, because her Verses were found in that Issand; and that the sixth, namely, the Samian, was called Samonota, from the Isle of Samos, whence she took her sirname. In a word, Suidas, who hath glean'd together all he could meet with in other Au∣thors, standing much upon the number of ten, in imitation of Lactanti∣us, says, that the Chaldaean or Persick, whose proper name was Sambetha, was descended from the most blessed man, Noah; That she spoke before of the things that are reported of Alexander the Macedonian; that Nicanor, who

hath writ the History of the life of Alexander, makes mention of her; that she foretold ten thousand things, concerning Christ our Lord, and his coming; that the rest agree with her, and that moreover, there is of hers four and twenty books, treating of all nations and places; Again, that her fathers name was Berosus, and her mothers Erymantha; that the Delphick was born at Del∣phi; that the Samian was called Phito, the Cumaean, Amalhaea, or Hero∣phila. And whereas Lactantius and Isidorus have written, that the Helle∣spontick had liv'd in the time of Solon and Cyrus, he makes this referr to the Town of Marpessus, and the little City Gergithum, which sometime were in Troas, in the time of Solon and Cyrus. And elsewhere, speaking of the Sibyl in generall, he makes this Discourse: The Sibyl was the daughter of Apollo, and Lamia; according to some, of Aristocrates and Hy∣dole; and (as others would have it) of Crinagoras; or, (as Hermippus af∣firms) of Theodorus. She is called Erythraea, because she was begotten at a place of Erythrae, called Batti, and now that place encreased into a City is called Erythrae. Some have thought her a Sicilian, others a Sardian, others a Gegithian, others a Rhodian, others a Lybian, others, a Lucanian, others a Samian, &c. The Sibyl Helissa hath written, in Verse, certain Prophesies, and Oracles. The Colophonian Sibyl, whose name was Lampusa, the daughter of Calchas, hath also written in Verse, certain Oracles, and Divi∣nations, and other things. The Thessalian Sibyl, whose name was Manto, was the daughter of Tiresias. The Sibyl by some, called Sarbis, by others Cassandra, by others Tarraxandra, hath also left Oracles. Nor have the Cu∣maean, and Threspotick Sibyls left us without their Oracles.

Thus then (according to his account) the two Sibyls of Martianus Capella; four of those of Aelian, that is, the Erythraean, the Samian, the Aegyptian, the Sardian; three of those cited by Clemens Alexandrinus, that is, the Samian, the Erythraean and Phyto; five of those, mentioned by Lactantius, as also by Isidorus, who hath follow'd him, that is, the Li∣byck, the Erythraean, the Samian, the Hellespontick, and the Phrygian, all * 1.87 reduc'd to one Sibyl. Pausanias, who distinguishes the Libyck from the Erythraean, makes another kind of reduction, affirming, that the Phrygi∣an, the Samian, the Colophonian, the Delphick, and the Erythraean, were all but one and the same person, residing in severall places. Martianus Capella, gives us another after his dressing, making the Cumaean and Ery∣thraean one and the same Sibyl. And Justin Martyr, shoots his arrow much to the same mark, when he takes for one Sibyl, the Cumaean and the Babylonian, as Isidorus, after the Author of the book, De mirabilibus auscultationibus in Aristotle, confounds the Erythraean and Cumaean. And as the same Isidorus is extremely mistaken, when he reckons Erythrae (which was in the Continent over against Chio) among the Islands, and makes his Samonota fly with the wind: so Suidas, maintaining (after Justine Martyr) that the Chaldaick Sibyl was the daughter of Berosus, does in some sort agree with Pausanias, who places her among the last: but he palpably contradicts: First, what he had said of her being daughter to Noah, and more ancient then Alexander; and, Secondly, the sentiment of Varro, who had, in Lactantius, adjudg'd to the Persick (who was no other then the Chaldaick) the prerogative of Antiquity. Another contradiction of his, is, where he writes that

the Erythraean was 483. years after the war of Troy, in which assertion, he * 1.88 comes neer the opinion of Eusebius, who hath given her place in his Chro∣nologie, under the reign of Romulus, who began it 431. years after the taking of Troy; for in the next page, he acknowledges she was before the taking of that place, which confirms the sentiment, as well of Dio∣nysius Halicarnssaeus who relates that she was consulted by Aeneas, as that of Lactantius, who affirms (from Apollodorus) that she foretold the Greci∣ans the issue of the siege they were to make to that famous place; and that of Solinus, who observes, that she was some few years after the Delphick, who had liv'd before the expedition of the Greeks. Clemens Alexan∣drinus, lays it down for certain, that the Delphick (whom he names Ar∣temis, the daughter of Lamia, a Sidonian) liv'd before the time of Orphe∣us, who made one of the Argonauts, 79 years before the Trojan war; and in the mean time, Diodorus Siculus, (who calls her Dap••••e, the daughter of Tiresias) makes her taken, together with her father, 52. years after, at Thebes, by the Epigoni. Diodorus affirms further, that she was seated by them at Delphi; and Pausanias, that she came thither from Asia; Plutarch, from Helicon, and that she was the daughter of Lamia. On the other∣side, Isidorus and Suidas pretend, that Delphi was the place of her Nativi∣ty; nay, this later, who names her Manto, the daughter of Tiresias a The∣bane, seems to have forgotten his Geography, when he makes her a Thes∣salian, as if Baeotia and Thessaly, neighbouring Countries, had been in effect, the same Canton. What he writes also of Lampusa the Colophonian, the daughter of Calchas, contradicts not only what is affirmed by Pau∣sanias, who bestows the title of Colophonian Sibyl on Herophila, descended from Jupiter and Lamia, but also that probability, which seems not easily to perm••t, that the daughter of Calchus, an European, who had ac∣company'd the Greeks, should, be born in Asia. Virgil calls the Cu∣maean Deiphobe, the daughter of Claucus, and makes her contemporary with Aeneas; but there is not any one of the other Authors that speak of her, agrees with him about either her name, her extraction, or the time she liv'd in, but make her to flourish a long time after. Pausanias•• gives the Chaldaick the name of Sabba; Isidorus calls her Erophyla, and Suidas, Sambetha; and here I think it not unfit to observe by the way, the inadvertency of Possevinus, who making generall what Suidas had par∣ticulariz'd, sordidly imagin'd that all the Sibyls went, among the Chaldae∣ans, under the name of Sambethae. Pliny and Solinus hold that the Cumaean Sibyl having written three Books, burnt two of them, and sold the third to Tarquinius Superbus; but this latter pulls down with one hand what he had built with the other, relating this sale to have been in the 50. Olym∣piad, which was about the 35. year of Tarquinius Priscus, and the 47. be∣fore the reign of his Son; besides that Varro, in Lactantius, and Diony∣sius Halicarnassaeus, and * 1.89 Aulus Gellius (who in the mean time, attri∣bute it to the later Tarquin) and * 1.90 Servius, and Isidorus, and Suidas, af∣firm there were nine books, whereof six were burnt, and three remain∣ing, sold to Tarquinius Priscus. Eusebius not agreeing with the senti∣ments of others, nor indeed, with himself, gives entertainment to the Samian Sibyl, one while under Numa, and another under Tullus Hostilius: and Suidas (to satisfie the world, that there is nothing so fan∣tastick,

but there may be some brain which hath garret-room to receive it) contrary to the opinion of all Authors, who generally hold, that Sibyl is an Aeolick word, would have it pass among us for a Roman, as if it had been of the invention of the Latines, and receiv'd its originall from them.

CHAP. IX. The Precautions of Rome, while yet in Paganisme, to prevent the reading of the Books which she believ'd really Sibylline.

INto whose hands soever of the Roman Kings the Sibylline Writings fell, and whensoever it happen'd, is not much materiall; it is evident from the unanimous consent of all the Ancients; that they have been always kept under so strict a guard, that (as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus * 1.91 observes) the Romans kept not any thing, how holy or sacred soever, as they did those Oracles. Tarquin had, at the very begining, committed them to the custody of two persons of quality, who (under the title of Duum∣viri of the sacred things) had the express charge to preserve them re∣ligiously; as also to consult, read, and interpret them, when need should require; which was not put in execution, but in some extraordinary * 1.92 emergency, and was observ'd with so much rigour, that Tarquin in∣flicted the punishment of Parricides on M. Attilius, who had lent them, to be copied out, to Petronius Sabinus. Some 213. years after, that is to say, in the year of Rome 388. the number of the keepers being in∣creased to ten; their Colledge went under the name of The Decemviri of sacred things; and under their charge and inspection, the Writings of the Sibyl was kept entire 283. years, being disposed under ground in a chest of stone, plac'd in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, till the confla∣gration of the Temple, which happened in the year of Rome 671. and was the second of the 147. Olympiad, and the 83. before the Incarna∣tion of our Lord, under the Consulship of Scipio and Norbanus. Now these execrable Monuments of Heathenish Idolatry, coming by that ac∣cident to be consum'd with the other Ornaments of the Temple, to re∣pair the pretended damage of this imaginary loss, there were, after a * 1.93 solemn debate in the Senate concerning it, sent away three Ambassa∣dors, namely, P. Gabinius, M. Octacilius, and L. Valerius, who brought from Erythrae about a thousand Verses, which had been transcrib'd by private per∣sons. And thence it comes, that Dionysius H•…•…carnassaeus, speaking of that recovery, says, that, those which are now extant, are pieces glean'd up from * 1.94 severall places; some having been brought from the Cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia, according to the decree of the Senate, Ambassadors having been purposely sent to take Copies thereof; others came from other Cities, co∣pied out by private persons, among which there are some imposed upon the Sibyls, which are discover'd by those things which are called Acrosticks. Luctantius adds to what he had observ'd concerning the sale of the three Books of the Cumaean Sibyl to Tarquin, that, the number hath since been increased, upon

the repairing of the Capitol, as having been (under the name of some Sibyl or other) got together, and brought to Rome from all the Italick and Grecian Cities, especially from Erythrae. And whereas Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, had concluded his Discourse, with this protestation, I follow in this, what Terentius Varro hath related, Lactantius puts a period to this, with this conclusion, which is equivalent; We have already shewen that Varro hath delivered the same thing; and yet prejudicially to this, and contrary to what Dionys. Halicarnassaeus had gathered, as well from the Treatise of Varro, as the practice of his time, which was, that all the Oracles brought out of Italy and Asia to Rome, were so carefully kept in the same place; that none could have the sight thereof but the Commis∣sioners particularly entrusted with the charge of them, he sayes, The Poëms of all these Sibyls are publish'd, and all easily met with, except those of the Cumaean, whose books are kept secret by the Romans, who permit them not to be seen by any but the Quindecimviri. For if (as Pausanias assures us) the Cumaeans themselves had not any Oracle of the Sibyl to produce, what production could be made thereof at Rome, if so any were de∣sirous to do it? If the books of all the Sibyls were equally sought for up and down, were all committed to the oversight of the same Guardi∣ans, who kept them lock'd up altogether in the same place, and all preach'd one only God, especially those of the Erythraean esteem'd the most famous and most noble among them, what reason or likelihood is there, they should not be as highly valu'd and priviledg'd as those of the Cumaean? And if he cite Verses out of the Erythraean, with this particular remark there∣upon, That she inserted her own reali name into her Poëm, and foretold that she was to be call'd Erythraea, though she were originally of Babylon, shewing, that he speaks of the pretended Authoress of that Rhapsody, which we have at this day; how came it into his imagination, that the Heathens extraordi∣narily jealous of the secret of their Mysteries, would have been so care∣less of a piece, which they thought the noblest of all, and that was, in ef∣fect, so opposite to them, as that should it have fallen into the hands of the Christians, they must needs expect it would have been publish'd to their confusion?

But observe by the way, that he speaks of the Quindecimviri; for that between the year of Rome, 671. wherein the Capitol was burnt, and the 675. in which Sylla laid down the Dictatorship, fifteen men had been ap∣pointed to keep that collection which the Senate and People of Rome, had made of the Oracles they had met with up and down, through the diligence of their Embassadors. For though since that time (according to the observation of Servius) the number of these Guardians was aug∣mented to fourty, there was•…•…o alteration, either as to their former Title, or their Function; nay (after the coming of Christian Princes to the Empire) the fall of Paganisme, the cessation of the priviledges of its Ministers, the prohibition of sacrifices and the desolation of Temples, had not abolished either the Sibylline books, transferr'd by Augustus to the Temple of Apollo Palatinus, nor yet the ancient regulation made for the custody thereof among the In••idels, who (notwithstanding the loss of their credit) abated nothing of their courage in maintaining their inveterate customes. Ammianus Marcellinus relates, that in the * 1.95

year of our Lord, 363. The Sibylline books were consulted at Rome, by the command of Julian, and that the twentieth of March, in the night time, Apronianus being Praefect, the Temple of Apollo Palatinus was set on fire in the eternall City, where (had it not been for the assistances of all sorts of people) the greatness of the flames had consum'd the Cumaean Poëms. In like manner, from the Itinerary of Rutilius, Claudius Numatianus, it ap∣pears that they had been preserv'd even to the year of our Lord, 389. * 1.96 since that, that Author, who writ in the year of Rome, 1199, or the 416. * 1.97 of our Lord, objects to Stilico, kill'd by the command of Honorius, on the three and twentieth of August, 408. that he had not onely committed his rapines against Rome, by the arms of the Goths, but that he had before burnt the Destinies of the Sibylline assistance, as not presuming to fasten that exe∣cution on Honorius, who had commanded it out of revenge, for that the Idolaters had forg'd, I know not what Greek Verses, as if they had been * 1.98 communicated by the Divine Oracle, to some person that consulted it, wherein they made Christ really innocent; as to the Religion they abhorred, as of a sacriledge; but that Peter had by Magick founded the worship of the Name of Christ for 365 years, and that at the expiration of that number of years, there should be no more heard of it. But certain it is, that the Empe∣rour justly incensed at the impudence of a rascally sort of people, that durst presume to bark at the Dignity of the Religion he profess'd, and terminate the continuance thereof to 365. years, expiring under his fourth Consulship with Eutychianus, in the year of our Lord, 398. issu'd out his commands the year following, that the Sibylline books (whence the pretended Prophesie had been taken) should be burnt, and the Temples demolish'd. The year following, (saith St. Augustin) Manlius * 1.99 Theodorus being Consul, the time being already come, wherein (according to that Oracle of evil spirits, or humane fiction) there should have been no longer any profession of Christian Religion, &c. in the most eminent and known City of Africk, namely, Carthage, Gaudentius and Jovius, Governours under the Emperour Honorius, did upon the ninteenth of March, cause to be pulled down the Temples of the false gods, and their Images to be broken. Prosper Africanus confirms the same thing, though he attributes that command to Theodo∣sius, * 1.100 who dy'd at Millain, the seventeenth of January, 395. and the Edicts of the nine and twentieth of January directed to Macrobius, Prae∣fect * 1.101 of Spain, of the thirteenth of July to Eutychianus Praefect of the Praetorium in the East, and of the twentieth, and twenty ninth of August, to Apollodorus, Proconsul of Africk, do yet satisfie the world of it.

But however the case stands, it matters not; while the Sibylline books were in the custody of the Heathens, and they possessors of the Empire, the provision made on that behalf, was, that they should never be con∣sulted without express command from the Senate; the sight and read∣ing thereof was absolutely forbidden all, but the Quindecimviri; and all the places whence they had been gotten depending on the Roman Mo∣narchy, must necessarily have been oblig'd, to the same Law. Whence it came, that, as nothing more sharpens the edge of curiosity, then the rigour of prohibitions, and that the dis-satisfaction men conceive at their being incapable to exercise it openly, makes them beyond all rea∣son daring; so were they not a few, who endeavour'd to sift the secret

out of the Quindecimviri, or made their brags that they had learn'd part thereof of themselves. Nay, sometimes it came to that heighth, that the State became engag'd in the distractions occasion'd by that super∣stitious passion. Of that nature was what happen'd in the 710. year of Rome, when (to gratifie Caesar, and compell the Senate to honour him with the royall Diadem) those who were the Guardians of the Oracles, scatter'd abroad of themselves this false report, that (according to the * 1.102 saying of the Sibyl) the Parthians could not be destroy'd, nor the Common∣wealth be secure from their arms but by a King; which no doubt had been put to the triall of experience, had it not been for the murther commit∣ted in the person of Caesar the fifteenth of March the same year, which was the four and and fourtieth before our Saviour. Twenty years af∣ter, under the Consulship of the two Lentulus's, Augustus gave command to the Priests, to copy out with their own hands, those of the Sibylline Verses * 1.103 which time had defac'd, to the end that no other should read them. And to the same effect, Suetonius relates, that after he had taken upon him the charge of * 1.104 the High-priesthood, of the Divinatory Writings, as well Greek as Latine, he burnt above two thousand books brought together from all parts, and divulg'd, either without Authors, or under the names of Authors not much to be credited, and reserv'd onely the Sibylline, and that after tryall made thereof, he lock'd them up in two golden Drawers, under the basis of Apollo Palatinus: To which relates also that saying of Horace, Lib. 1. Epist. 3.

—Et tangere vitet Scripta Palatinus quaetunque recepit Apollo.

So that it was then in vain to look for them any more in the Capitol, or for any to pretend a more familiar acquaintance with them then be∣fore. Under the Consulship of Silanus and Norbanus, in the year of Rome, 771. which was the ninteenth after the Incarnation, according to our accompt now, and the fifth of Tiberius, a certain Oracle, which agreed not with the time of the City, put the people into no small disturbances: for it * 1.105 said, that, three times three hundred years being come and gone, an intestine se∣dition, and a kind of Sibaritick madness would prove the destruction of the Romans. But Tiberius found much falt with that Verse, as guilty of im∣posture, caused a review to be made of all the books which contain'd any pre∣diction, rejected some, as being of no worth or credit, and retain'd others. And in the eighteenth year of his Empire, which was the 785. of Rome, and the two and thirtieth of our Lord, under the Consulship of Domitius and Camillus, it was propounded in the Senate by Quintilianus, Tribune of the people, concerning the Sibyls book, which Caninius▪ Gallus, one of the Quinde∣cimviri, * 1.106 had requested might be receiv'd among other books of the same Prophe∣tess, and demanded it might be so established by Decree of the Senate. Which being uanimously granted, Caesar sent Letters, somewhat reprehending the Tri∣bune, as ignorant of the old custom by reason of his youth, and upbraided Gallus, that having grown old in knowledge, and the Ceremonies, he had nevertheless de∣manded the opinion of the Senators, it being uncertain who was the Author thereof; and before the Colledge had yielded their judgement; neither, as the custom was, the Verses having been read, and taken into consideration by the Masters. He further represented what abundance of vain things were pub∣lished under so celebrious a name; that Augustus had, under a certain penalty,

set down▪ a day, within which such books should be brought to the Praetor of the City; and that it was not lawfull for any to have them in their private possession. That the same thing had been decreed by their Ancestors; that after the burning of the Capitol, during the time of the civil war, their Verses were sought at Samos, Ilium, and Erythrae, through Africk also, Sicily, and the Colonies of Italy, (whether there were one Sibyl or many) and a charge was given to the Priests to distinguish the true Prophesies from the false, as near as might be by the judgement of man; so the book was referr'd to the examination of the Quin∣decimviri.

To be short, two and thirty years after, viz. in the year of Rome, 817. which was the 64. of our Lord, and the tenth of Nero, under the Con∣sulship of Bassus and Crassus, the City having been set on fire on the * 1.107 ninteenth of July, the fire could not be stopped, till it had devour'd the Pa∣lace, and Nero's house, and all about it. And though (as Tacitus observes) recourse was then made to the books of the Sibyl, yet the whole Quarter, where they had been disposed by Augustus, being destroy'd by the fire, it is very probable they were in no less hazard then they had been six and fourty years before, when the Capitol was burnt, as it was again af∣terwards in the year of Rome 822. in the month of December.

CHAP. X. The Motives which he might have gone upon, who was the first Pro∣jector of the eight books, which at this day go under the name of the Sibylline.

AFter so many irreconcileable differences, making it undeniably apparent, that the ancient Heathens never had any thing which might be rely'd on as certain, concerning their Sibyls; after the con∣flagration of the books sold by one of them to Tarquin, and the severall accidents, which since the time of Sylla, happened to that confused col∣lection which the superstition of the Romans had glean'd together from all quarters of the world; after the Senate had in the first place interpo∣sed their judgement on all that had been sent to them; and that Augustus had 65. years after, smothered to the number of two thousand books, such as were thought either supposititious, or of little consequence, and exercised his censure on the rest; after that Tiberius had, two severall times, taken into a re-examination the sentence of Augustus, to cull out as superfluous what he had any quarrell at; and the fire, if not devour'd or prejudic'd, at least come very near what had, after so many disquisi∣tions and retrivals, been preserv'd; who, I say, all these things consi∣dered, can think it strange, that Posterity should, from time to time, have been guilty of a presumption of furnishing the Romans with some new piece of that kind, though it were done meerly by reason of their being the more inquisitive after Writings of that nature, by how much they both were, and were oblig'd (by their own provisions, and orders to that purpose) to be ignorant of what they contain'd; and conse∣quently,

that they should deferr the publishing thereof, till after the death of Adrian, at which time, supposititious pieces of that kind had * 1.108 free toleration even among the Pagans, 74. years after the conflagrati∣on of Mount Palatine under Nero, and 69. after the desolation of the Capitol under Vitellius and Vespasian? And to give a check to the Autho∣rity of the Heathenish Prophetesses, and confirm this common principle of both the Jews and the Fathers, that, the most ancient monuments of Ido∣latry, were later then the Writings of Moses; and to raise a greater reve∣rence thereof in the Christians, who were not acquainted with any thing at so great a distance from their own times, they brought upon the stage Noah's daughter-in-law, who liv'd eight Ages before; and much about the same time that the Gnosticks (who called his wife Noria) made it * 1.109 their brag, among the Christians, that they had some of her Writings, out of a design, to corrupt the simplicity of the Church, by a suppositi∣tious piece, pretending to so great Antiquity, the Millenaries, and some counterfeit Christians, scatter'd up and down certain spurious Oracles and Predictions, under the name of one of his sons wives, especially among the Gentiles, imagining (not without some likelihood) that the curiosity of those blinded wretches would open a gap for the cheat, and dazle their understandings into admiration, and that the Christians over∣joy'd to find therein the condemnation of idolatry, the preaching of one only God, the prediction of the Incarnation of the Word, the redemption of mankind by the blood of the Cross, the generall resurrection, and the * 1.110 last judgement, would the more easily swallow down the venome of the imposture craftily instill'd among so many truths, and would be rather inclin'd to set up this new Engine to pull down errour, then to discover the mischievous intent of him who had invented it. Nay, further, to gain it entertainment (such as had sometime the Trojan Horse) with greater pomp, and to perswade people the more effectually, that among all nations of all Ages, there rose up witnesses equally authentick and creditable to maintain the same truth, there were spead abroad (under the title of Hermes, or Mercurius Trismegistus, whom Diodorus affirms to have been Secretary to Osiris, or Mitsraim, the son of Cham) certain * 1.111 Greek books of Paemander, and Asclepius, whereof the latter hath im∣posed upon good St. Augustine, and Prosper Africanus, and suborn'd a counterfeit Hystaspes, who, in the very heart of Persia, must be a main∣tainer of the truth in the Greek Tongue; and in fine (to raise up things to the greatest heighth of impudence) deriv'd from the name and re∣commendation of the Apostle St Paul, a certain reputation to such old wives tales, whereto, as to this particular, Clemens Alexandrinus hath (as we have already observ'd) given but too too much credit. For he, giving absolute credit thereto, hath (as well as some others of the Fa∣thers) made no difficulty at all to object them, (nay, with a certain ostentation) to the Heathen, who knew not what they spoke to them of. Nay, so far was the rigorous observance of the Ancient provision made on that behalf, (which reserv'd the reading of those Propheticall Books only to the Quindecimviri, and allow'd it not to them, but in case of extraordinary necessity) from raising (as it should have done) a jea∣lousie in the Christians, that those Writings, which came not to the know∣ledge

of any but the Guardians thereof, to whose custody they were committed, had no relation to, or any thing common with the pieces put into their hands; or that imagination from prevailing so far with them, as to weaken the resolution they had taken to make their advan∣tages thereof, that, on the contrary, it hath extremely fortified it, every one being apt to believe, that the very remorse of conscience, and the shame it was to see Idolatry condemn'd by the Sibyls, had occasi∣oned the prohibition of reading those Oracles; and consequently, that there was some ground to press the unbelievers with these earnest and stinging reproaches. You indeed have them [the Writings of the Sibyls] in your possession, but conceal them out of an aversion to the truth which they dis∣cover; You prohibit the reading thereof, because they speak what is contrary to your opinions. What is come to our hands of them, is onely the extract of what there is among your Archivi, where the Originals are still to be found, to your conviction; and yet you perversly deny it: or if they are not there, they have been out of a mischievous design suppressd. And as on the one side the retrench∣ments made at severall times by your chief Priests and Emperors, of such things as they were not pleased with, are to be look'd on as an effect of diabolicall rage against the worship of the true God; so may it be thought, on the other, that those accidentall fires, which have consum'd your evidences, proceeded from the train of an infernall malice, to the prejudice of the Religion we propose to you. But since it hath pleased the divine Providence, out of its excessive indulgence to∣wards you, to rescue out of so many horrid ruines brought about by the impla∣cable enemy of mankind, and opposer of your salvation, some small remainders of your ancient treasures, be not so irreclaimable against the cordiall re∣monstrances of those who kindly invite you to joyn with them in a consideration of their divine beauty, and such as you have so much the less reason to be jealous of, in that they press you purely upon the credit of Copies extracted our of your own Originals, of familiar arguments drawn out of your breasts, and your own domestick witnesses, whose depositions and testimonies (being much more valuable then the antiquity of all your devotions, and all your gods) deserve you should, without any further contradiction, afford them the submission due thereto in point of honour and soveraign Authority.

CHAP. XI. A Discovery of the mistakes of Constantine the Emperour, concerning the Sibyl and her Writings.

ALl these being imagin'd with abundance of ingenuity, and spoken with a more then ordinary measure of confidence, was enough to shew, that those, who gave entertainment to such conceptions, and ex∣press'd them with so much freedom, spoke consonantly to their per∣swasion, and without any indirect design. But if the violent prejudice which pre-possess'd their minds, were, on the one side, somewhat ex∣traordinary, the insolence of the cheat which occasion'd it was most unworthy, and their simplicity so much the more to be bemoan'd, by

how much it had been the more miserably over-reach'd and besotted with an imagination, that the counterfeit money, which was put into their hands to disperse, had been current amongst the ancient Heathens.

But above all, the first Christian Emperour, Constantine, was so far pre-possess'd with this opinion, that that great Monarch, (now 1330. years since) would needs undertake to maintain it in the face of the Church, and grounded his proof thereof on certain considerations, which so much heightned his piety, and the excellence of his great parts, that (if ever the Imperiall Diadem might have serv'd for a mask to disguise Truth) we were all oblig'd to entertain Her, put into that dress by so noble a hand: but since her dignity never had any dependance on the authority of men, and that Constantine had no other design then to make her more glorious, and not to gain any reputation to himself, by mis∣representing Her, and enslaving Her to falshood, it will be no presum∣ption in us (to the end she may appear in Her own true light) to take notice of his inadvertencies who hath misapprehended Her.

The first mistake we observe in him, is, where he sayes, That the Erythraean Sibyl (whom with Pausanias he places at Delphi, and, with * 1.112 Diodorus, calls Daphne) had written of her self, that she had liv'd in the sixth race after the Deluge. For besides that the daughter of Tiresias (taken by the Epigoni at Thebes, about 1212. years before our Saviour's time, above eleven hundred years after the Deluge, and consequently in the twelfth Age, or thirty sixth race after it) could not have said with any truth, that she was of the sixth, it is clear as any thing can be, that the Emperour had misunderstood the words by him attributed to her; since that, having formally distinguished that part of mankind which preceded the Deluge, into five races, and laid it down, as ac∣knowledg'd, That the last was that wherein the Gyants flourished, she * 1.113 expresly began the sixth, which he calls, The first, and golden Age, upon the disburthening of the Ark, wherein she, with a strange impudence, * 1.114 affirm'd, that she had been kept in one and fourty days, a thing which ne∣ver * 1.115 either came, or could come into the imagination of Daphne.

The second is, when, after he had said, That on a certain time, the Sibyl, fill'd with a divine inspiration, utter'd the 33. Verses, which make up the Acrostick of these words:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

he adds, It is manifest that Cicero, having read this Poem, translated it into the Language of the Romans, and inserted it into his Works, and that he was kill'd while Anthony had the supreme power of the Empire in his hands, and that Augustus (who reign'd 56. years) came after Anthony, and that Tiberius succeeded Augustus, in whose time was the coming of the Saviour into the World, and the mysterie of the most holy Religion came into reputation. For not to take much notice, that the Acrostick of the pretended Sibyl, such as we find it in the eighth Book of her Writings, consists of four and thirty Verses, among which Constantine hath left out this:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

which is the ninth, and (according to the translation of the ancient

Interpreter in Saint Augustine, and Prosper) rendered thus: * 1.116

Exuret terras ignis, pontumque polumque.

whence it follows, that the spurious Sibyl had writen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as hath been notoriously discovered by the Author, of the Tra∣duction copied by Saint Augustine, wherein the Latine Acrostick runs in this order of the Letters, Jesues Qreistos, &c. Nay, further, to pass by (as what's generally acknowledg'd, that Anthony was the contriver of Cicero's death; that Augustus reign'd 56. years afterward, or there∣abouts, and that Tiberius succeeded him; and not to urge, that though * 1.117 the most remarkable accidents of the reign of Tiberius were the Bap∣tisme and Passion of our Saviour, yet his coming into the World can∣not be properly attributed to that time, since he took flesh of the blessed Virgin, in the fourty second year of Augustus's government, and consequently, that he was going out of the fifteenth year of his age, when the same Augustus departed this life: Now, I say, to make any advantage of all this, I answer, that it is not onely not manifest, either from the reading, or the version, nor yet from the record pretended to be made thereof by Cicero, that any such thing was, but that (what is di∣rectly contrary) it is evident, from the very ground whence it might be imagin'd, that Constantine deriv'd his opinion, that is to say, from the second Book of Divination (written by Cicero, between the fifteenth of March, in the year of Rome, 710. wherein Julius Caesar was murther'd in the Senate, and the seventh of December, in the year 711. in which he was himself put to death by the command of Anthony,) that he nei∣ther did, nor could have done what is pretended.

The first reason is, for that he maintains in generall terms, that there is no Divination by inspiration, such as it is supposed, was that of the Sibyls. What authority (saith he) is there in that fury, which you call Di∣vine, * 1.118 which is such, as that a person distracted, seeth what a wise man sees not, and that he who is at a loss of humane abilities, should have acquir'd divine?

Secondly, for that he particularly observes, that the Author of the Verses which were kept at Rome, under the title of the Sibylline, was so far from doing what he did, by vertue of any inspiration, that it was the effect of a jugling and crafty invention, out of a design to cheat. We take notice, saith he, of these Verses of the Sibyl, which it is report∣ed fell from her in a fury, out of which it was thought not long since [that is to say, in the year 710] that the Interpreter [Cotta] would tell the Senate things that were not true, according to the common report of men, to wit, that if we would be safe, [from the Parthians] we must call him King, who in effect was our King. If this he in the Books, what man, what time does it particularly design? For, finally, he who hath composed these things, hath so done his work, as that (whatsoever should happen) it might seem to be fore∣told, the determinate observation of men and times being taken away. He hath also put on a vayl of obscurity, that the same Verses might seem applyable, * 1.119 one while to one thing; another, to another. But that the Poem is not the work of a person in fury, on the one side, the Poem it self declares it; for it is rather the effect of Art and diligence, then of transportation and extasie; and on the other, the Acrostick, as they call it, when there may some connexion be made of the first Letters of the Verse, as in some of Ennius's Poems; this cer∣tainly

is the work rather of an attentive mind then of a distracted.

Thirdly, in as much as he concludes that that the Poëms, commit∣ted, in Rome, to the custody of the Quindecimviri, tended rather to im∣piety, then the establishment of Religion. Wherefore (saith he) Let the Sibyl be still secret and sequestred from us, that (as it hath been ordered by our * 1.120 Ancestors) the books be not read without the permission of the Senate, as con∣tributing more to the putting off religious worships, then submission thereto. Let us treat with the Priests, that they would draw any thing out of them ra∣ther then a King, which neither gods nor men will ever hereafter suffer in Rome.

This he spoke in relation to the design of Cotta and his Colleagues, to have Caesar proclaim'd King, the poor man not in the least imagining that he was himself upon the threshold of his greatest misfortune, for having through an almost fatall inconsiderateness, contributed to the translation of the Royall power, which Caesar had been possess'd of, into the hands as well of a remote descendant [Augustus] of that Prince, as of Anthony his most inexorable enemy. And thence it may be deduc'd:

1. That he had not (though Augur) read the Sibylline books, in as much as he expresses himself in these terms, If that be in the books; and with greater reason, that he had not been the Interpreter of them, nor inserted into his Works any pieces thereof.

2. That though they had been absolutely at his disposal, yet would he not have taken the trouble upon him, either to transcribe ought out of them, or give any interpretation thereof, since he did not acknowledge there was any thing Divine in them, but onely artifice, mixt with im∣posture and impiety.

3. That it is not possible he should account the Sibyl (whatever she might be) a Prophetess, in as much as he deny'd there either were, or could be any Prophets; it being not imaginable in an understanding man, and a Philosopher, that after he had laid down this universall nega∣tive Proposition, No person was ever seiz'd by Divine fury, he would betray so much forgetfulness, as to maintain the contradictory affirmative, Some person (to wit, the Sibyl) hath been seiz'd by a Divine fury.

3. That what he observes of the Acrostick and the Poëm which was full of ambiguity and artifice, signifies, that it was (in his judgement) an attempt of subtil knavery, and not the effect of any Divine inspiration.

CHAP. XII. The sentiment of Cicero concerning the Acrostick attributed to the Sibyl, further clear'd up.

BUt I proceed further, and say, That though it were granted, that Cicero could have been perswaded that the Pieces kept at Rome in the custody of the Quindecimviri, were Divine, yet would he never have made that judgement, either of the eight Books now extant among us, nor yet of the thirty three Verses taken by Constantine out of the eighth.

He would not have made it of the whole body of the eight books; for all the Sibylline Oracles were (as being not much unlike the Centuries of Nostradamus) little fragments of Poetry writ down one after another, but distinguish'd as well in regard of the form as subject, and disposed by way of Acrosticks. Whence it is, that Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, writing under Augustus, and some few years after the death of Cicero, sayes, that The Verses attributed to the Sibyl, are discover'd by the Acrosticks; And Cicero himself, who had spoken of an Acrostick in the singular num∣ber, shews that the artifice of it was common to all the Poëms that went under the name of the Sibylline. In the Sibylline books (saith he) of the first * 1.121 verse of every sentence, is made the beginning of the contexture of all the Poëm, by the first Letters of that sentence; this is the work of a person that writes, not of one in a fury; of a man that does things with circumspection, not of one that is extravagant.

So that it might be saïd of these Pieces, that there was in them not a simple, but a double artifice, as wherein the first verse was written, as it were, in the frontispeece, and down along sideways, making the begin∣ing of the Poem, and containing, in order, the first letters of every of the following verses. Of that kind was that forc'd Preface which Athelme, Bishop of Sarisbery writ, about the year, 705. and put at the begining of this Poem, Of the praise of Virgins; the first verse, which was,

Metrica tyrones nunc promant carmina castos,

contains an Acrostick of all the rest of the work, so that as the first Let∣ter, that is, M, begins the whole body of the Preface; the second E, is the first Letter of the second verse; the third, which is T, of the third; and so of the rest. And hence it is apparent, that, though the Acrostick of thirty three, or thirty four verses, copied by Constantine, as also by St. Augustine, had been truly Sibylline, the rest of the eight books, ac∣cording to the presupposition of Cicero and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, could not be the like; since that there is not any Tract of an Acrostick * 1.122 elsewhere. But that those thirty three verses, whereof the Capitall let∣ters make up the name of our Saviour, neither have been, nor could be such as the ancient Christians believ'd them, is further apparent from this, that the first verse contains not the Acrostick of all that follows, and does not any way express the artifice: of the Sibylline verses, ob∣serv'd by Cicero. Whence it must necessarily follow;

First, that the person, who was the Author, as well of this part of the eighth book, as of all the rest of both that and the other books, which many upon such triviall grounds, would have us entertain for Divine Oracles, had onely heard so much of the Acrostick mention'd by Cicero, as that he never understood it.

Secondly, that it may with much more reason be believ'd, that he never had any sight or knowledge of the Sibylline books celebrated by the ancient Heathens.

Thirdly, that Constantine the Great, and those Fathers who were later then Justine Martyr, as Tertullian, and Optatus, dazled with the false lustre * 1.123 of an imposture, which carried some appearance of piety, were deceiv'd; not onely when they receive'd, with open arms, for Divine and Pro∣pheticall, what was not such; but also when (critically endeavouring

to find something of mystery in it, and striving to go beyond the Acrostick, which they so much, though without any just cause, admir'd) they shuffled together the capitall Letters of these five Greek words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to raise out of them the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies a Fish, and to gather thence, that our Saviour is the onely Fish of Salvation, and that the Christians are Pisciculi, the little fishes, whom he nourishes and enlivens in the Fish-pond of his Baptisme. For though it be most certain, that Baptisme is the washing of regeneration, and that * 1.124 our Lord and Saviour (who was the Author and consecrator thereof) is the Fountain of our spirituall life; yet was the ground whence they * 1.125 thought to derive this truth, most false. Nor do I make this remark out of any design to cast a blemish on those holy persons, who made their advantage of it (for who is not subject to be surpized?) but out of compassion, to see their plain dealing, and want of caution, so unwor∣thily play'd upon, and their piety so insolently abused by a sort of per∣sons, who (without any shame or conscience) have presum'd to lodge their own fantasticall imaginations in the most honourable places of Gods Sanctuary, one while as Propheticall Oracles, pronounc'd imme∣diately after the Deluge; another, as Apostolicall Predications, added some 2400. years after, to confirm and raise them into greater ve∣neration.

CHAP. XIII. The sentiment of Virgil in his fourth Eclogue examin'd and clear'd up and, that it hath no relation to the Writing pretendedly Sibylline, which was composed a long time after, made apparent.

HAving made the best advange he could of this Certificate of Cicero's on the behalf of the Sibyl, the Emperor Constantine pro∣duces that of Virgil, to the same purpose, the gravity of which second Witness deserves a more particular examination of what is alledged by him. I take no notice of the conceit which the Prince, who produces his testistimony, had, when he thought that this verse,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,

whereby he would express the Latine,

Jam nova progenies coelo demittitur alto,

is out of some other place of the Bucolicks then that which begins Sicelides musae; for though it be indeed out of that very Eclogue, and clearly dis∣covers that Constantine either had not read it exactly, or had it onely up∣on the report of some other, I shall not, I say, make any advantage of this mistake of little consequence, but intreat the Reader to remember, that whether he be pleased to reflect on the occasion of the Poem, or on the whole contexture of it, he shall not find any thing in it, which does not favour of Paganisme, and accordingly is so much the further from

Divine, or may shew, that the Author had his thoughts fixt on any Oracle which might set his fancy on work.

In the year of Rome, 713. which was the third of the Triumvirate, and the one and fourtieth before our Saviour, under the Consulship of, L. Antonius, and P. Servilius, Augustus, victorious over Cassius and Brutus whom he had defeated the Summer before, to recompence his old Soldiers, bestow'd on them the Lands beyond the * 1.126 Po, so that the In∣habitants of Cremona and Mantua were cruelly treated, and Virgil, then in the twenty ninth year of his age, had been put to great extremities (his estate being fallen to the share of Claudius, a Veterane, or Arius a Centurion, who coming to take possession thereof had put him into some danger of his life) had it not been for the support of Asinius Pollio, Alfenus Varus, and Cornelius Gallus, who procur'd his indemnity. And as (to represent the misery of the poor Mantuans) he had introduc'd Melibaeus crying out:

Shall ever I again my old aboad, &c. Shall th'impious Soldier have these new-plow'd Fields?

And Moeris, complaining that the new-comers said to the antient Inhabitants, Depart, and that Mantua had been too neer to sad Cremona, and said elsewhere, That unhappy Mantua had lost her fields; which Mar∣tial, * 1.127 in imitation of him, alluding to, writes, that Tityrus had lost his Lands * 1.128 neer wretched Cremona: So, to express his gratitude, he call'd Augustus the god who had been the Author of his quiet; and speaking of himself, * 1.129 sayes, that he had seen at Rome,

—That gallant * 1.130 youth, for whom Twice six dayes annually his altars fume.

And that he answering first his suit, said, Shepherds, feed your cattel as before, and let your Oxen plow: and celebrated Pollio, by his third and fourth Eclogues, Varus by the sixth and ninth; and Gallus by the tenth, be∣sides, * 1.131 that he had fill'd the fourth of his Georgicks with the praises of the last; But, (to comply with the humour of Augustus, who forc'd him fourteen years after, to kill himselfe, as guilty of some attempt against his life) he transform'd all into the Fable of Aristeus.

In the year of Rome, 714. which was the fourth of the reign of Au∣gustus, the first of Herod's, and the fourtieth before our Saviours coming, Pollio being raised to the Consulship, with Domitius Calvinus, and his wife brought to bed of a son, Virgil thought himself obliged to take occasion, upon these two honourable and pleasing accidents, to break forth into praises (I am loth to say flatteries) and vows for Augustus, for Pollio, and for his child. Thence is it that he says in his fourth Ec∣logue, that there was then coming on a new age, and a golden race of man∣kind beginning with the Consulship of Pollio, and the Nativity of Sa∣loninus his son, that, in Pollio's happy reign, all nations should be freed from fear of the Iron age, if any Track of it remain, Apollo, that is, Au∣gustus, already reigning who shall live the life of the gods, and be mixt with them, that is, converse familiarly with them and the Heroes, and shall rule the World by his mighty Father's power, Julius Caesar. That the little Saloninus shall be surrounded with such happiness, that the earth shall no longer bear any pernitious plant, nor Serpents, but produce As∣syrian

Roses, and play-games for his Infancy. That during his youth, Harvests and Vintages shall come without trouble, and honey from the Oak distill, though as yet there must be setting out of Ships, fortifying of Cities, War and Tillage. But when he shall have attain'd the age of a perfect man, there shall be no longer any commerce by Sea or Land, no Agriculture, or Mechanicks; forasmuch as all places shall bring forth all things. And thereupon, desiring Augustus, burthen'd with the weight of the Worlds government, to accept the honours due to him, he wishes him∣self a long life to describe his atchievements.

Now, what is there in all this, not suitable to a Heathen? Or, what is there that makes the least discovery of any Divine revelation? Nay, in∣deed, what is more remarkable all along, then that there is not any thing which speaks not the person wholly Idolatrous, as one, whose imagina∣tion cannot raise it self to ought more excellent then the fabulous state of the world under Saturne, but withall, promising himself (according to the Platonick principle) the restauration of it, in the revolution of the great Months of the long year, which that Philosopher imagin'd to him∣self should come, and mingling the frivolous hope of that feign'd pro∣sperity * 1.132 with the invocations of the fals Deities, so far as to cry out;

O chast Lucina, aid the blessed birth, &c. The Fates conspiring with eternall doome, Said to their Spindles, Let such ages come?

Accordingly, could not the good Emperour Constantine give any Christian interpretation to his Verses, without making them speak other∣wise then they do in themselves; For, whereas Virgil had said,

Tu modo nascenti puero quo ferrea primum Desinet, ac toto surget gens aurea mundo, Casta fave Lucina: tuus jam regnat Apollo. Téque adeo decus hoc aevi, te consule inibit Pollio; & incipient magni procedere menses. Te duce, siqua manent sceleris vestigia nostri Irrita perpetuâ solvent formidine terras.

O chast Lucina, aid the blessed birth, * 1.133 Who shall from Ir'n extract a golden Age, And to thy Phoebus all the world engage. Thou child being Consul, Pollio shall that year Be most renown'd, then glorious dayes appear. If any print of antient crimes remain, Thou shalt efface them in thy happy reign; And from perpetuall fear all nations free.

He makes him say,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Who would ever imagine (without notice given him aforehand) that those four Greek Verses were brought to express the seven Latine

ones of Virgil; or that any one should thence take occasion to discourse of the Adoration due to Christ, and the reconciliation of the World to God through his blood? Since they attribute that to the child newly born, which the Poet had expresly said of the Consul Pollio; * 1.134 they turn the prayer he made to Lucina, to be favourable to the little Saloninus, into a command directed to the Moon, to adore the Saviour of the World; and referr to the spiritual tranquillity of mens Consciences, effected by the remission of sins, what he had hinted at concerning the establishment of temporal peace, by a restauration of the government of Saturn, suc∣ceeding, under Augustus, * 1.135 the crimes of the Iron-Age, which was (according to his supposition) to give place to the Golden-Age, coming in under the Consulship of Apollo. Nor that onely, but they must also omit the clauses, which made mention both of that Consulship, and the reign of Apollo, by which name the Poet had meant Augustus; and the more pro∣bably, not onely for that the Heathens (as * 1.136 Macrobius observe) referr'd all the gods, whom they thought below the heaven, to the Sun, or Apollo: but also by reason of the particular devotion which Augustus had for Apollo, to whom (not many years after) he dedicated a magnificent Temple in the Mount Palatine; and that in his secret Debauches (as for instance, in his Banquet, sirnam'd Of the twelve gods) he had represented Apo•…•… and that with the greater Analogie, in regard of his being the great King among men, as the Sun amongst the Starrs, and was then in the prime of his age, being four and twenty years old; as the Sun, who never grow∣ing old, looks always with the same countenance.

According therefore to his first mis-representation, Constantine ima∣gin'd that Virgil had, by the multitude of new men, meant the Christian Church. But it is clear, that his imagination ran onely upon that race, which he supposed was (under the Consulship of Pollio) to begin the Golden-Age, after the expiration of that of Iron. From thence the Em∣perour comes to make this Remark, What can there be more manifest? for he adds, The Oracle of the Cumaean Prophecy is come to its period, clear∣ly signifying the Cumaean Sibyl. And I acknowledge, that Virgil (speak∣ing of the coming of the last Age of the Cumaean Prophecy) reflected on that of the Cumaean Sibyl: but I affirm withall;

First, That to alledge any such thing, is manifest to shoot wide from the Mark, and not to say any thing pertinent to the Discourse, which had preceeded, that is to say, that Cicero had copied out, and translated the Acrostick attributed to the Erythraean Sibyl. Erythraea, and Cumae, are they the same thing? And to persuade people, that those, who had spoken of the Inhabitress of one of those two places, are at no difference with the Authours, who maintain the other, was it not necessary to make it appear before-hand, that she made her residence in both successively?

Secondly, I say, that (this supposition being allow'd) it would not follow from the words of Virgil, that he had, or could have read the Sibylline Prophecy, since he was neither Patrician, nor Quindecem-vir (to whose Colledge that priviledge was reserv'd) nay, indeed, not of a competent age to be entertain'd into that Society, which consisted one∣ly of antient men; and not of young men, such as Virgil then was, as being about the thirtieth year of his Age.

Thirdly, That, though he had been one of the Quindecem-viri, yet can it not be granted, he could have any knowledg of those Cumaean Oracles, which had been brought to Tarquin; for they were destroyed fourty three years before, in the time of Sylla: & those, which Rome was possessed of in the time of Cicero and Augustus, were (according to the observation of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus) certain Collections, gotten out of a thousand several places, and went under the name of the Cumaean, improperly onely, in as much as they were disposed into the place of the real Cumaean ones.

Fourthly, That, though it were granted, that the true Cumaean Wri∣tings (which had nothing common with those reputed such at this day) had been preserv'd entire, and that Virgil had been of the number of those, to whom the reading thereof was allow'd: yet had he (accord∣ing to what is suppos'd) discover'd therein any thing of Prediction concerning the Saviour of the World, he would not (as he hath done). wholly have adapted the Sence of the Oracle to Pollio and his Son, and principally to Augustus, not onely in that place, but also above sixteen years after, in the sixth Book of the Aeneids, where he introduces An∣chises, saying to his Son Aeneas, of the Prince * 1.137 so highly qualified in the •…•…ucoliks; and called

—Heav'nly race, great progeny of Jove, &c. There, there's the Prince oft promis'd us before, * 1.138 Divine Augustus Caesar, who once more Shall Golden days bring to th' Ausonian Land, I'th Kingdoms where old Saturn did command.

All therefore, that can be with any reason gather'd from the allega∣tion, which he hath in a word made of the Cumaean Prophecy, is, that be∣ing carry'd away (as well as others of his time) with the common per∣swasion, that the Oracles, which were kept at Rome, in the place of the Cumaean, and, upon that occasion, went under their name, contained the Fate as well of that City, which pretended to Eternity, as of the Universe; and consequently were to regulate both, till the return of the great Platonical year, which should reinstate the world in the felicity of the Age of Saturn; and accordingly, to flatter the growing power of Au∣gustus, and to heighten with extravagant hopes the Ambition of Pollio, one of his greatest Benefactours, and most intimate Friends: he seems to have held it, as a thing most manifest, that that Age, crown'd with peace and glory, would be restored under the Monarchy of Augustus, and take its Commencement from the Consulship of Pollio.

The Emperour, prosecuting his design, saies, Virgil is not satisfied with this, but pressing farther, there being a necessity of his Testimony, what hath he more to say?

This sacred Order of Ages is rais'd for us, the Virgin comes, the second time conducting the desirable King.

Who then shall be the returning Virgin; but she, who is full of, and hath conceived by the Divine Spirit? And who hinders, but that the Virgin, who hath conceived, and is full of the Divine Spirit, still is, and continues a Virgin? He will also come the second time, and upon his coming will comfort the Uni∣verse. To this I answer;

First, That there is a great distance between the Greek and the Latine, which (as it were particularly, to point at the great Revolution of the Platonick-Year, and the Restauration of the Saturnian Age, and to discard all other speculations) spoke thus much,

—Now Time's great order's born again, The Maid returns, and the Saturnian reign;

So that (to render it exactly) it should have been written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Secondly, That, though the perpetual Virginity of the Blessed Mother of our Lord and Saviour, and the Conception of that great Sa∣viour by the Holy Spirit, and his happy return at the last Judgment, ought to be acknowledg'd by all the World: yet doth it not thence follow; that Virgil had any knowledg thereof, and much less, that he spoke ought of it. Besides, that in rigour it cannot be said of the Blessed Virgin-Mother; that she return'd into the World, when she Conceiv'd our Saviour: so as that, having been before upon Earth, she had been absent from it; to the end, she might return thither a∣gain in the fulness of time; or haply, that, having been brought forth * 1.139 once before, she was snatch'd out of it, and then return'd again into the World by a second Production: and consequently, That, which way soever it be taken, this Imagination will still have a savour of Ori∣genism, if not some thing worse.

To conclude therefore: since it is impossible, without great In∣conveniences, to adapt to the sacred Virgin this Discourse of Virgil; who neither did, nor could have thought of her: there will arise a ••e∣cessity to acknowledg, that the Phantasie of this poor blinded Prophet amounted to no more, then that the Kingdom of Saturn being to be re∣stor'd, the celebrated Virgin of the Heathens (that is, Urania, or Astraea) would return. Of whom Ovid, and Juvenal, had written; That, at the * 1.140 Commencement of the Iron-Age, the Virgin Astraea, the last of the Celestial Deities, had relinquished the Earth, flowing with Blood. So that, in the pretended Prophecy of Virgil, there is no other Virgin to be sought; but a 1.141 Astarte, or Hastoreth, and Astaroth, and Atargatis, that famous God∣dess of the Sidonians, which b 1.142 Salomon ador'd in his old age: which the c 1.143 antient Idolaters of Israel, and d 1.144 Apuleius, and e 1.145 Varro, and the f 1.146 Romanes in general called the Queen of Heaven: which Philo Biblianus, in (g) Eusebius, affirms (taking it from Sanchoniathon of Berytus) to have been the daughter of Uranus, Sister to Rhea and Dione, and one of the Wives of Cronus or Saturn, her Brother by the Father's side. For to lier it is, that he particularly gives the Title of Virgin. * 1.147 h 1.148 Tertullian calls her the Celestial Virgin, who promiseth rain; i 1.149 St. Au∣gustine, the Celestial Virgin worshipped by the Carthaginians; k 1.150 Apuleius (an African also, and a most superstitious Adorer of this imaginary Dei∣ty) the Virgin, which sumptuous Carthage serves, who riding on a Lion ascended to Heaven: upon which account it is, that in the antient Medals of Se∣verus, and Caracalla, she is represented riding on a Lion. And l 1.151 Lucian, who proposes her under the name of the Goddess Tyria, or Juno of Hie∣rapolis, says, (in two several places) that Lions carry her; which is af∣firm'd also by m 1.152 Macrobius.

CHAP. XIV. Remarks of some less Considerable Mistakes of the Emperour Con∣stantine, in the Explication of Virgil's fourth Eclogue.

THe Observations, which we have made of these Principal Mistakes of the plain-dealing Emperour Constantine, were enough, to take off the Credit of what other Conjectures he may have made upon the Poem of Virgil: yet, to make his Misapprehensions the more apparent, I shall not think much to add these further Remarks.

He says, in the first place,

"That the Poet had written; That Al∣tars

were to be erected, the Temples to be adorn'd, and Sacrifices to be offered to the new-born childe: but there is not a Syllable to this purpose in all the Eclogue. Then he is deceiv'd again; when he conceives it is of the same new-born childe, that the Poet said; He shall lead the life of the incorruptible God: for, besides that the Latine hath it, Ille Deûm vitam accipiet, The life of the Gods; it is most evident, that the words of these Verses, and the two next ensuing, were by the Authour applied to Augustus: under whom had happened the Birth he so much celebrated. As to these insi∣nuating Expressions, The Flocks shall not be afraid of the great Lions; The Serpent shall be crush'd, and the noisome Plant destroy'd; Assyrian Amomum grews every where; upon occasion whereof the Emperour observes, that, The Faith shall not be daunted at the greatness of Royal Courts; that, The Serpent, and Death, are overcome by Jesus Christ; that, The Church shall spread it self from Syria all the world over: I so acknowledg the undeniable Truths of those Remarks; as, while I admit them, to af∣firm withall, that they have not been rationally deduced. For Virgil, having no more in his fancy, then to promise the Reign of Augustus the felicity of that of Saturn, makes a Description of the Advantages there∣of, suitable to the imagination, which the Heathens had of the first Race of men, and their Lives: so, as they are represented by a 1.153 Ovid, when he says;

* 1.154 The yet-free Earth did, of her own accord, (Untorn with Ploughs) all sorts of Fruit afford. —Warm Zephirus sweetly blew On smiling Flowers; which without setting grew. Forthwith the Earth Corn, unmanured, bears; And every year renews her golden Ears. With Milk and Nectar were the Rivers fill'd; And Hony from green Holly-Oaks distill'd.

Add to this; That, from the Analogie, and resemblance, there may be between the Descriptions of Heathen Poets, and those we finde in the Scripture, (where we read, that, under the Reign of the Messias, b 1.155 There shall be a handfull of Corn sown upon the Top of the Mountains; the Fruit whereof shall shake like Lebanon, and the People of the Cities shall flourish like Grass of the Earth; and, c 1.156 The Wolf also shall dwell with the

Lamb; and the Leopard shall lie down with the Kid; and the Calf, and the young Lion, and the Fatling together; and a little childe shall lead them: And the Cow, and the Bear shall feed; their young ones shall lie down together: and the Lion shall eat straw like the Ox: And the sucking childe shall play on the hole of the Asp, and the weaned childe shall put his hand on the Cockatrice's den; they shall not hurt, nor destroy:) there is not any ground to conclude; That the Idolatrous Writers had any sentiment of the future; and, That they themselves, or their Sibyls, were Divinely-inspir'd: because there seems to be a consonancy, as to the Words and Sense, between them and the Prophets. For, besides that the Bible was Translated into Greek, two hundred and nine years before the Birth of Virgil, the Writings of the Prophets had not been, even before, absolutely kept from the knowledg of the Gentiles. Nay, it being supposed, that, having had some ac∣quaintance with the Prophetical Oracles, they might have adapted the words thereof to the Description of their Mythological Golden Age un∣der the Reign of Saturn; and apply'd to things pass'd what the Spirit of God denounc'd as to come: there were not any inconvenience at all; provided it be remembred, that these People have not pronounc'd the Sentences of Celestial Predictions otherwise, then as Parrats, with∣out meaning, or aiming at, any thing thereby; but to heighten their particular Fancies with something, that were strange and borrow'd. Thus it is more then probable, that Virgil, for example, (it being granted, he had seen somewhat of the Prophecy of Esay in the Greek) having no other design, then in Hyperbolical Terms to express his wishes for the Prosperity of Augustus's Reign, and the Felicity of his Friend Pollio, had no more in his Fancy, then the restauration of the Saturnian Age; and accordingly makes a Description of it, not onely suitable to that of Ovid, in the first Book of his Metamorphoses; where, to represent the Tranquillity of the first Inhabitants of the Earth, not interrupted by any trouble, and that, (as yet) there was no object of Fear, he says; that it was not, till the coming in of the Iron-Age, that Poison began first to be mingled, War to be made, &c. and that, after the Deluge, the Earth first brought forth Monsters, and among others, Python; whose Serpentine Figure was unknown to the new Race of People: but also in a manner the very same, with what he makes himself elswhere; viz. in the first of his Georgicks, speaking of Jupiter;

Before Jove's time, &c. * 1.157 All common was, and, of her own accord, The Earth full plenty freely did afford. He to soul Serpents deadly Poison gave, Commanded Wolves to prey, and Seas to rave, Robb'd leaves of Hony, Fire conceal'd, and Wine, Which ran before in Rivers, did consine: That various Arts by Study might be wrought Up to their height:—

For, having the same Idaea in his mind, his desire was to make a Pa∣storal Representation of it; speaking of the Security of the Flocks, and the cessation of the Production of Serpents, and venemous Plants: never minding, whether any such thing had been written by any other, upon

some other account. All therefore he would have said amounts but to this; that as (according to the Opinion of his Time) there had been neither Serpents, nor Poisons, nor hurtfull Creatures, nor War, under Sa∣turn: so there should not be any of all these under Augustus: and, con∣sequently, there is no more Mysterie in what he writes in his Fourth Eclogue; that,

Every where Assyrian Roses grow, —And the unpruned Thorn Shall dangling Grapes with purple Clusters fill:

then when he said, in the Third,

Such Joys as thine, who loves thee, Pollio, share; For him flows Hony, Shrubs Amomum bear.

For no body needs be told, that the fertility of Briers and Thorns in bearing Roses and Grapes is much alike, and that there were no less Miracle in one then in the other.

As to what Constantine adds, That the Poet, having exclaim'd against the War, and Towers, or Fortresses, hath describ'd the Saviour engaging in the War of Troy, and that, in his Eclogue, Troy signifies the world; I cannot but so much the more pity, the more apparent it is, that he considered not the whole discourse, on which his speculation is grounded. For first, Virgil does not exclaim onely at War and Fortifications of places, but also at Navigation and Agriculture, things most innocent, not to say necessary, if not to the being, at least to the convenience of mens being in the world.

2 He speaks not of the War of Troy, otherwise then by way of ex∣ample, as he had proposed in matter of Navigation, the expedition of the Argonauts, and alledged those two facts, as two illustrious Argu∣ments of that great Revolution, which he supposed must have followed that of the Platonical year, and began under the Monarchy of Augustus.

3 If by War of Troy he had meant the conquest of the World by our Saviour, he would certainly have excepted it out of the number of those (wars) which, in his judgement, deserved to be exclaimed at: and if he was unwilling (which he could not have denyed without crime) to celebrate it with its due praises, he would not have presumed to accuse, and put it into the rank of things condemnable. But having detested all Navigation and Wars absolutely, he (to confine himself to some known fact) alledges the voyage of Tiphys and the Argonauts to Colchos, and the going of Achilles to the Trojan wars: who yet was not General in the Grecian Expedition, but went under the command of Agamemnon, and did not conquer Troy, but died before the taking of it. Whence it is manifest, he could not be any way taken for a Type of our Saviour, who was not under the charge of any other Chief, but hath onely been known by the Title of a 1.158 Captain of the host of the Lord; nor ever made use of any Army for the Conquest of the world, but hath effected it b 1.159 by himself; nor c 1.160 came into the world to judge and destroy the world (as Achilles went to Troy to lay it desolate, but to save it, and to d 1.161 reconcile it to God by his blood.

So Virgil says, that the equipping of Fleets for Sea, and the under∣taking of Wars would be discoveries of the ancient fraud; that another

Tiphys should undertake the Conduct of another Argo; and, that the great Achilles should be once more sent to Troy; to shew, that he was far from approving any thing of War: and particularly, that he accounted not the Designs of Tiphys and Achilles among the commendable; but among the criminal Enterprises of the Iron-Age of old. So that those, who think, that (under the Coverture of these borrowed Names) his Design was to speak of the spiritual War between the Saviour of the World and the Devil, imagining by that means to make him a Prophet of his Victory, make him a Blasphemer of his Majesty; from which he must notoriously derogate, by making a parallel between the glory of his ad∣mirable Combat, and the remainders of the antient Fraud.

He had represented the Felicity of Augustus's Reign so great; that all parts of the Earth should bear all kinds of Fruits, and that there would be no farther use of Cultivation. Upon which Constantine, (who should have remembred, that this Fiction was onely a Pastoral Hyperbole, grounded on the antient Mythologie of the Saturnian-Age, wresting those Words to his own advantage, asked, Whether any one, in his Wits, could imagine this of the Race of men, and of a childe born of a man; What reason there was that the Earth should be without sowing and labouring, and the Vine should not feel the Pruning-hook, and be exempted from other hus∣bandry; How it could be conceived, that that was said of humane Race, that Nature, who is subservient to the Ordinance of God, should be the Executress of the command of man: inferring from all this, that the joy of the Elements, described by the Poet, signified the descent of a God, not the conception of some man.

I answer, that Nature indeed does not properly ow Obedience to any word, but that of its Authour; that in effect the Earth, since the Fall of man, never was, nor ever will be, without need of Cultivation; and that no body either could, or can imagine, that it hath, or ought to be in that condition, without renouncing his Reason. But I think it withall as true, that it is no less an Errour to deny; that the Heathens were guilty of such an Imagination, as believing, and peremptorily writing, that to the first Race of men, under the Golden-Age, all things happened accord∣ing to their Wishes, without any trouble, and that the same Happiness would infallibly return: and it having been the particular Supposition of Virgil; that it would happen, not onely under Augustus, but for his sake, it were a strange course, to cure the extravagance of his Imagina∣tion, which was in effect absurd and groundless, to bring it into question (contrary to the plain matter of Fact) whether he ever had any such, and thereupon convert his Discourse into Allegories, which he never dream'd of.

Virgil, concluding his Poem, had said, speaking to Pollio's little Son,

Begin, sweet Babe, with Smiles thy Mother know, * 1.162 Who ten long Months did with thy burthen go: Sweet Babe, begin; whose Smiles ne'r Parents blest; No Goddess grants him Bed, no God a Feast.

Which words, as they had a formal relation to the Heathenish Opini∣on; that the Sun, and Moon (together with Love, and Necessity) are the two principal Deities, which preside at the Birth of men: so they shew'd,

that Pollio's Wife, who had been very much indisposed during her Pregnancy, should, after her Delivery, make her self known to her childe by her joy; that that Joy was, as it were, the Earnest of the child's Blessing; as it were a signification of Misfortune to him, if his Parents were not joyfull at his Birth.

But the Emperour, transforming the Discourse of Virgil according to his own way, makes him say, Begin, laughing, and lifting up thy sight, to know thy Mother, who should be dear to thee: for she hath carried thee in her womb many years: thy Parents have not smiled on thee at all, thou hast not been put in a Couch, nor had splendid Banquet. Whereupon he adds, by way of Comment upon it, How have not the Parents smiled on this childe? Certain∣ly, it was because he, who begot him, is a certain Power, that hath no Qualities; nor can be figured by the delineation of other things; nor hath a humane body. Now, who knows not, that, being a holy Spirit, it can have no experience of Coiti∣ons? And what inclination, and desire, can be imagined in the disposition of that good, with a greediness whereof all things are inflamed? Or what compli∣ance is there between Wisdom and Pleasure? But let these things be said onely by those, who introduce, I know not what, humane generation of God, and en∣deavour not to cleanse their minds of every bad Word, and Work.

What a small matter needs there to divert men from the Truth; since the pure Imagination of a Mystery, where there is not any, is able to do it. Certain it is, that, as God the Father hath neither Qualities, nor Fi∣gure, nor Body, nor Passions, nor Desires; so the eternal Genera∣tion of his Word hath nothing common with that of men. But nothing of all this coming to the knowledg of Virgil, and his words neither ex∣pressing, nor capable of expressing it; (since the Greek, properly speaking, is a corruption of the Latine,) which tended to no other end, then to promise Happiness to Pollio's young Son: to what purpose have some thought to Philosophize, as they have done? For there had been no occasion given, had they not altered the Sense, by supposing (as many have done) that Pollio's little childe had laughed assoon as he was born; and that, upon that extraordinary Laughter, the whole Prediction of his Happiness had been grounded; and imagining, that Virgil had said of the child's Laughter what he meant of the Mother's; as also that she had born him several years; and that, he was not descended of Parents, subject to, either any inclination to Laughter, or the natural necessity of Sleep and Rest. For should that Great man have returned to Earth again, he might with reason have said to Constantine, what St. Augustine said since to Julian the Pelagian; Restore me my Words, and thy dreaming Imaginations will vanish.

CHAP. XV. That it cannot be said, That Virgil, in his Fourth Eclogue, disguised his own Sentiment.

THe same thing may also be said of the same Emperour's supposing; that the Poet spake Figuratively, and disguised the Truth, out of a fear, that any of the Potentates of the Royal City should charge him with writing against the Laws of his Country, and dcrogating from what had sometime been the sentiment of his Ancestours concerning the Gods; and, that he wished the prolongation of his own life, to see the coming of our Saviour. For, as it happened (about three hundred years since) that the Poet Dante, mov'd by an Admiration of that incomparable Wit, would needs de∣liver him out of his Hell; in like manner, the good opinion Constantine had conceived of him, hath made him read in his Poem, what indeed is not in it, out of such an Imagination, as those have, who, looking up to the Clouds, think they see such and such Figures therein. And thence comes it, that he hath spoken so much to his advantage; though without any ground, either in Truth it self, or indeed, in the very outward Dress of his Work, which was not done according to the certain Pattern of any antient Oracle of the Sibyls, nor yet to the eight Books now extant among us, and which were writ above one hundred fourscore and six years after the Consulship of Pollio; but was design'd, onely to express the desire, which Virgil had to comply with Augustus, and Pollio, and to insi∣nuate more and more into their Favour. Whereupon I conclude; That the antient Paganism (what Opinion soever Constantine, and others, may have had to the contrary) hath not given any Testimony, either in fa∣vour of these pretended Sibylline Oracles, which openly oppose Idola∣try; or yet to confirm the perswasion, which the Fathers have had thereof.

CHAP. XVI. That Apollodorus had no knowledg of the Eight Books, called the Sibylline.

FOr to think (with the generality of modern Christians) that Apollodo∣rus, the Erythraean, had seen the Third Book; because (as a 1.163 La∣ctantius observes from Varro) he had affirmed of the Erythraean Sibyl; That she was of his City; and that, she had Prophecied to the Greeks, going to Ilium, that Troy should be destroyed; and, that Homer should write Lies: is a manifest abuse. The Words we read to this purpose, are these;

b 1.164 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Troy, I compassionate thy Miseries: A c 1.165 fair Erinnys shall from Sparta rise; Which Europe, and the Asian Realms will vex, But thee, 'bove all, with many Woes perplex; Her self much crown'd with Fame, that never dies. An d 1.166 Aged Man, Authour of many Lies, Shall flourish next, of unknown Country, blind His Eyes; but of a clear, quick-sighted Mind. He his conceptions into Verse shall frame, And what he writes, stile with e 1.167 a double Name; Profess himself a Chian, and declare Th' Affairs of Ilium, not as they were, Yet clear, both in my Words and Verse; for he The first, that looks into my Works, shall be.

This, I say, is a manifest Mistake. For

First, It is no hard matter to imagine, that the Impostour, who com∣posed the Eight Books of the Sibyls, and had impudently taken upon him the name of Wife to Noah's Son, two hundred years after the Death of Varro; who died, according to Eusebius, in the seven hundred twenty and sixth year of Rome, f 1.168 might at his ease, and long enough be∣fore, have read what he had alledged out of Apollodorus, who was more antient, whether in his Latine, or in the Greek Text of Apollodorus; and that he could do no less, for his own Reputation, then produce, as a pro∣bable Argument of his pretended Antiquity, what he had found in him.

Secondly, For that Apollodorus, who attests of the Erythraean Sibyl; that she was born in his City, and acknowledged a Native thereof, whe∣ther by common Report, or upon the Credit of her Writings, could not have said any such thing of our Counterfeit Sibyl; who says she came from Babylon, and was Noah's Daughter-in-law, and formally denyes, that she was by Country an Erythraean, and charges the Greeks with Imposture, for presuming to derive her thence. A manifest Argument; that Apol∣lodorus could not ground his pretension on her contradictory Testimo∣ny: but that the Counterfeit Sibyl, having seen (as being later by many Ages) what he had written, took occasion to oppose it, as incompatible with his Fiction.

Thirdly, For that she quarrels with the Greeks; for having said, of her, things, which not any one in particular could be convinced to have affirmed: to wit, That she was the Daughter of Circe, and, by Father, of Gnostus; for all those among the Antients, who have left any thing be∣hind them, have made the Erythraean Sibyl, the Daughter of Jupiter, or of Apollo and Lamia, or of Aristocrates and Hydole, or of Crinagoras, or, in fine, of the Shepherd Theodorus and the Nymph Idea; and not any one, of Circe: besides, that indeed they could not have done it without Absur∣dity. For, how could it have come into their minds, to make her born at Erythrae, a City of Asia; if they had thought her the Daughter of Circe, by Nation an Italian, born, and dwelling near Rome, upon the Mount called, to this day, by her name, Monte Circello?

I pass by (as of less Consequence) the Stupidity of that pretended Prophetess, who (to put a slur on the reputation of Homer) betrayed her own Ignorance; saying, That Homer should write not truly, but clearly, of Ilium; because he should see her Works. For, who will say, they are things incompatible, To say the Truth, and, To speak clearly? Are they, who speak Truth, necessarily obliged to conceal themselves; and Liers, to dis∣cover themselves? Or, can it be said, that the Consequence is good, He hath my Verses; therefore, He shall not speak the Truth: unless it be presup∣posed, that those Verses are full of Untruths, and teach him, that hath them, to Lie? But the Books, pretended to be writ by the Sibyls (though they have for these fourteen hundred years, and still do, dazle the eyes of many) swarm with such Impertinences.

CHAP. XVII. That Pausanias hath not written any thing, which may give credit to the Books, mis-named the Sibylline.

NOr is there any more reason, we should take the Discourse of a 1.169 Pausanias, who says, The Isle of the Rhodians hath been much shaken; so that the Oracle of the Sibyl, which had been given concerning Rhodes, is come to pass, for any confirmation of what the pretended Sibyl had writ in two several places, b 1.170 The greatest unhappiness, that may be, shall happen to the Rhodians. For he speaks of the Earth-quake, which happened in that Isle, almost two Ages before, under Augustus; soon after which Tiberius had in a manner raised it again, through his c 1.171 con∣tinual Residence therein, from the year of Rome 748. to the year 755. (upon which account it is, that the Epigram of Antiphilus calls him its Restorer;) and the pretended Sibyl d 1.172 threatens it with a Ruin, to come at the end of the World; when Rome, having accom∣plished its Period, nine hundred fourty and eight years, shall be so de∣stroyed by Nero, returned from Persia, that it shall become 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is to say, a street, Delos shall be no more, and Samos be turned into an Heap of Sand. Which may serve to justifie the mistake of Tertullian; who, thrusting into his Book De Pallio these last words, dis-joynted from the Precedent and Consequent, applies them to that Desolation of those Isles, which reached to his Time; saying, Of the Isles, Delos no longer is; Samos is become Sand; and the Sibyl is no Lier: whereas he should neces∣sarily have concluded; That she had lyed, in referring to the end of the World, and of Rome, what had happened long before; as also, that all the eight Books, in three whereof the Mis-fortune of that Isle was recapitulated in the same Terms, were (contrary to the Opinion, since embraced by Lactantius) the Draught of one and the same hand.

CHAP. XVIII. That the Prohibition, made to read the Books, called the Sibylline, and that of Hystaspes, adds no Authority thereto.

THere is yet less ground to rely on the Words of a 1.173 Justine Martyr, writing to the Emperours; Through the working of Evil Spirits, is it come, that it is forbidden, upon pain of Death, to read the Books of Hysta∣spes, •…•…he Sibyl, or the Prophets; that so those, who read them, might, by fear, be diverted from taking cognizance of good things: for we not onely read them without any fear; but also (as you see) we recommend them to your in∣spection, knowing they would be acceptable to you all. Yet, if we perswade but a little, we gain much; for that, as good Labourers, we shall receive a reward from the Master. For though we may (with some likelyhood conjecture, that the Antient Prohibition, to read the Prophetical Books, was much more strictly observed, after the discovery of the forged Pieces of Hystaspes, and the Sibyl, among the Heathens; and that they had a particular aversi∣on for those, who gave credit thereto: Yet is there not found in their Books any Law to that purpose; nor does it appear, that they made it much their business to prevent the reading of those Writings, which they, justly, esteemed Supposititious, and such, as had never been among their Archivi; nor yet that they decreed any Punishment to be inflicted on the Readers, and Admirers, of the Prophets of Israel: since the ex∣ercise of the Jewish Religion had been always tolerated in the Empire, and the Synagogues were continued every where. And, if the liberty of such, as were inclined to Judaism, was less, after the tumult of Barcho∣chebas, and the whole Nation more hated: yet did not that Hatred occa∣sion the interdiction of the Prophetical Books; but onely the Banish∣ment of the natural Jews out of Palestine, and some addition to their Taxes. And, as Justine neither says, nor could have said, That the Pro∣hibition, made to read the Fatidick Books in the Empire, was more parti∣cularly levelled against the Christians, then others; since it was so general, that it comprehended all Nations under the Romane Jurisdiction, with∣out distinction or exception; and that it is manifest, it was done upon occasion of the Books laid up first in the Capitol, and afterwards under the Base of Apollo Palatinus: So was there not any ground to imagine, that it proceeded from the suggestion of Devils rather, then from a deep Political Prudence; which very rationally apprehended, that these Oracles, for which the Common People, though they knew them not, had so great an esteem, upon this very account, that they introduced Novelties into the antient Superstition, and (if I may so express it) clad it in a new Dress, notoriously derogated from the Customes, derived from Father to Son, were likely to fill mens minds with fruitless Curiosities, and (as Cicero says) Valebant ad deponendas Religiones.

As for the Supposititious Pieces of Hystaspes, and the Sibyl; which, under pretence of teaching the Worship of one God, and recommend∣ing

unto men the Mysteries of Christian Religion, filled it with false Opi∣nions, and raised upon some sound Foundations a mud-wall of Chimeras: the Heathens justly laughed at them. Every one (whatever Justine Mar∣tyr, and many others, imitating him, might think) was obliged to be∣lieve it an Artifice of the Devil, suggesting it into the minds of some be∣sotted Zealots, to lie, that the Truth might be believed, and (accord∣ing to the Observation of Saint Paul) b 1.174 do evil, that good might come of it. And a compliance with so unworthy an Imposture, and the con∣fidence to produce it (as Justine, and others, out of simplicity, did,) should not have satisfied any, that would have advised, ever so little, with Reason. For St. Justine himself, minding things more calmly, might easily have perceived; First, That he mistook, as well the Prohibition, made by the Romanes, to read the Fatidick Books, as the Motive of it. Secondly, That he was as much to blame, in applying it to the Oracles, lately forged. Thirdly, That the Heathens never had them in their pos∣session, nor knew of them. Which makes me wonder; how it hath been, or can be possible, for any Christian to entertain a perswasion; that the sight of such adulterate Pieces should contribute to the advancement of true Piety: when the account of their Extraction is as flat, and impu∣dent; as if some Jew, having lately forged VVritings, full of criminal Accusations against the Saviour of the World, should maintain to the very faces of the Christians, That he found them in the New Testament; That the Apostles were the Authors thereof; and, That the Church (having always had them in her custody) hath concealed them, out of very shame for the Imposture of him, whom she adores. But as, to prevail any thing with the Jews, the way were not, to press them with Apocry∣phal Revelations of unknown Prophets, feigned to have been of their Nation▪ for that such an Imposture would be so far from convincing them, that it would exasperate them against the Authours of it; And again, as, for the pulling down of Mahumetism, it were no Prudence to bring in (as from Mahomet) a new Alcoran, directly opposite to his Cheat: So was there not any probable reason, for any to promise themselves, from the supposititiousness of the Books of Hystaspes, and the Sibyl, any other of the Heathens, then a more inveterate detestation of Christiani∣ty; some Professours thereof being engaged in so wicked a Design, and that with so strange and incredible confidence, against them. Ac∣cordingly, was it not God's pleasure, that any good should be the effect of such an Imposture; for it filled men (not provided against such Sur∣prises) with erroneous Prejudications, and brought into repute, among the first Christians, the extravagant Imagination of the Millenaries, and filled their minds with vain and sottish Conceptions of the World to come.

CHAP. XIX. That the Letter, written by L. Domitius Aurelianus to the Senate, gives no Credit to the Sibylline Writings.

NOr can we, lastly, derive any recommendation of the eight Books of these false Oracles, which have been preserved even to our Times, from the Letter, which the Emperour Aurelian, engaged in the Marcomannick War, writ to the Senate, in the year of Christ, two hundred and seventy one; saying, a 1.175 I cannot but wonder, (Holy Fathers) you have been so long time in doubt, whether the Books of the Sibyls should be opened; as if you were to treat in some Christian Church, and not in the Temple of all the gods. For, though Cardinal b 1.176 Baronius (who writes Valerian for Aurelian) infers thence; That it was not safe for the Christians, to read, and search into the Sibylline Books: as if that Prohibition, which had been made five hundred and fourscore years before our Saviour, had concerned them more, then others; and that the Church had ever had an inclination to look into such Ordures: Yet is it most certain, that Aurelian meant not the eight Books we now have against Idolatry; but those, which the Quindecem-viri had in their Custody, under the Base of Apollo Palatinus, in favour of Idolatry; and that there is a thousand times more reason, to conclude from his Letter, what c 1.177 M. Petavius, the Jesuit, hath very well observed, to wit, That the Christians had an horrour for the reading of such prophane Books in their Churches, where they permitted not the read∣ing even of the Apocryphal Books, excluded out of the Canon of the Bible; as the Councel of d 1.178 Laodicea hath since expresly decreed The Emperour says then,

That the Delay of the Senate had been excu∣sable in an Assembly of Christians; who could not have touched Books that taught Idolatry, but with an extreme remorse, and would have thought it an intolerable pollution of the Purity of the Church to introduce those execrable Monuments into it: but, that there should no such scruple arise in the minds of an Assembly, consisting of persons, wholly devoted to the Worship of the gods, and met toge∣ther in their common Temple.

Accordingly Cardinal Baronius, as it were, came to himself, and to perswade us, that no good could be ex∣pected from the Sibylline Oracles, acknowledges, e 1.179 That the Hea∣thenish Priests, being greater Enemies then all others, under a feigned pretence of Religion, bad out of them taken occasion to raise the Persecution against the Christians. Which they could not have done, had they expresly taught matters of Piety. And certainly this is remarkable, let there be as much search, as may be, made in what Histories relate of the Consultations, which Rome from time to time held about them, it will be found; that she never had any recourse thereto, but the Consequence was some new Abomination. For, if the Dispute was of Sacrificing, after some extraordinary manner, to the Infernal gods, and instituting Solemn Games to them; if about sending for the Mother of the gods from Pes∣sinus

in Phrygia, and Aesculapius from Epidaurus, which is now Ragusa; or about Sacrificing a Gaul of either Sex, to appease the Devils, under the Names of Jupiter, Juno, Cybele, Saturn, Apollo, Venus, Ceres, Bac∣chus, &c. the Orders for it were taken out of them. f 1.180 See Varro, (De Lingua Latina, lib. 5. De Re Rustica, lib. 1. cap. 1.) Cicero, (Epist. Famil. lib. 1. 7. & Verrina ult.) Livy, (Decad. 1. lib. 3, 4, 7, 10. Decad. 3. lib. 1, 2, 5, 9. Decad. 4. lib. 1, 5, 7, 10. Decad. 5. lib. 1, 2, 3, 5.) the Epitome of Florus, (Decad. 3. lib. 2, 9. Decad. 4. lib. 1. Decad. 6. lib. 9.) Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, (lib. 1, 3, 10.) Tacitus, (Annal. 15.) Solinus, (cap. 7.) Valerius Maximus, (lib. 1. cap. 1, 9.) Plutarch, (in Poplicola, Fabio Maximo, Mario, &c. and his Book, entituled, De iis, qui tardè à Numine corripiuntur,) Pausanias, (Phocaic. lib. 10.) Capitolinus, (in Gor∣diano Juniore) Trebellius Pollio, (in Gallienis) Vopiscus, (in Aureliano & Floriano) Sextus Aurelius Victor, (in Claudio) Ammianus Marcellinus, (lib. 22, 23.) Macrobius, (Saturnal. lib. 1. cap. 17.) Servius, (upon Aeneid. 6.) Zosimus, (lib. 2.) & Procopius, (Gotthic. lib. 1.)

CHAP. XX. Other Remarks of Forgery, tending to shew the Supposititiousness of the Sibyilline Writing so called.

SOme of the Fathers, as Clemens Alexandrinus, who, in the first of his Books, entituled, Stromata, transcribes these three Verses of an Idolatrous Sibyl;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Ye, Delphians, who Apollo's Servants are, To you great Jove's mind I'me come to declare, Being with my Brother Phoebus much incens'd.

And a 1.181 Lactantius, who acknowledges, that, after consultation with the Sibylline Oracles, the Romanes beset themselves to appease Ceres, send∣ing Ambassadours to Enna, and had made search in Asia for the Mo∣ther of the Gods; and St. Augustine, b 1.182 who takes notice of the Trans∣portation of Aesculapius: might well (had they lai'd Prejudice aside) have concluded; That the Poems, out of which they drew Proofs against Idolatry, though for no other reason, then that they were di∣rectly opposite to the Oracles, consulted by the Romanes, could not be of the same Vein with those antient Sibyls; which had been, for so many Ages, the Admiration of the Heathen, and the proper ground of their Superstition. For how should it come to pass, that the same Mouth should, at the same time, breath Life, and Death? They had al∣so another very clear Proof; to wit, That not any thing of all, that is

related by the Heathen, as from the Sibyls, is, either as to the Substance, or in express Terms, in the eight Books of the pretended Daughter∣in-law of Noah. For where shall we finde, in all that simple Rha∣psody, the least Track of what c 1.183 Cicero, and d 1.184 Dionysius Halicarnas∣saeus, and (e) Livy, and f 1.185 Suetonius, and g 1.186 Solinus, and h 1.187 Plutarch, and i 1.188 Pausanias, and k 1.189 Dion, and l 1.190 Ammianus Marcellinus, and Zosimus, and Procopius, and (if you will) m 1.191 Lucian, and Eustathius (upon the De∣scription of the Universe, written by Dionysius the African,) cite for Sibyl∣line? And Saint Augustine, who had observed in his Book Of Grammar, that there were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Three mischievous K. designed in the Sibylline Books; where could he have found them in these? Nay, they should have thought it a violent presumption of their Supposititiousness; that not one of the Heathens ever cited, I will not say, one Verse, or one Hemistick, but the least conceit, taken out of these Books. For if (as is presupposed) the Romanes had had them in their Custody with the rest; could they have always forborn to make some Mention, or give some Account of them?

But, to make it appear, that the Christians had not any knowledge of the Pieces, which were in the Custody of the Quindecem-viri; and, that the Heathens had never admitted any thing, of what the Christians op∣posed thereto, as taken out of their Bosoms: excepting onely those three Verses, which we just now Transcribed out of Clemens Alexandri∣nus, (Strom. 1.) the three ensuing, cited by n 1.192 Theophilus Arch-Bishop of Antioch, against the Generation of the Gods according to the Heathen; If they should engender, and continue immortal, there would be more Gods ge∣nerated, then men, and there would be no place left for Mortals, where they might subsist: these two others, of the same Vein, copied by Lactantius, o 1.193 There will be Fire, and Darkness; when he shall come in the midst of the black Night: and p 1.194 Hear me, ye Mortàls, the eternal King reigns: and this Exclamation, in Prose, attributed to the Erythraean Sibyl by q 1.195 Con∣stantine the Great, Why (Lord) dost thou impose on me a necessity of Prophe∣cying, and dost not reserve me rather, raised up on high from the Earth, till thy blessed coming? I say, besides these four Shreds, there is not a Verse produced by the antient Christians, since Justine Martyr's Time; which may not be read, either word for word, or in Terms equivalent, in the body of those Eight Books attributed to the Daughter-in-law of Noah: which being mangled, and imperfect, in many places, nothing hinders; but that the Allegations of Theophilus, and Lactantius, might be drawn out of them. Now, what the Fathers have not derived, but from this source, clearly proves they knew not any other, and that it was not opened to them by the Heathen; who not onely drew not any thing out of it; but cryed out against it (assoon as ever it appeared) by their Charges of Forgery put in against it: as is apparent by the Words of r 1.196 Celsus, saying to the Christians; You have with good reason proposed the Sibyl: but it is now in your own power to thrust in at randome, among the Pieces which are hers, many things, that are reproachfull: (for this Dis∣course was an earnest Charge against the Christians, concerning the Sup∣positiousness of the Eight Books;) as also by s 1.197 Constantine's own Ob∣servation, writing, upon occasion of the pretended Acrostick of the

Erythraean Sibyl; There are many, who believe not, that the Sibyl foretold things of our Saviour; and acknowledging, that the Erythraean Sibyl was a Prophetess, have a jealousie, that some one of our Religion, not unfurnished with a Poetick Vein, is the Authour of those Poems: that they are adul∣terate; but, nevertheless, called the Oracles of the Sibyl. Whereto t 1.198 Origen's Answer gives no great satisfaction. He affirms, (says he of Celsus) that we have thrust in, among the Writings of the Sibyl, many things, and such, as are reproachfull; and does shew, neither what we have thrust in (which he might have done, if he could have shew'd Copies, more antient, and uncorrupt; and such, as had not what he conceives to have been foisted in) nor yet that those things are injurious, and reproachfull. For it was not Celsus's intention, to acknowledg, that the eight Books, out of which the Fathers had made Extracts, were legitimate; and to quarrel onely at the insertion of some things, that were false: but to reproach the Christians, that they had shuffled together (as much as lay in their power) those eight Books, Pieces notoriously spurious, among the Writings of the Sibyl, which were pretended to be legitimate.

Secondly, Origen's Reply, that, to prove the spuriousness of the things produced by the Christians, it was necessary, to shew Copies that were more antient, more correct, and such, as wherein those things were not, was no way to the purpose. For, first, The complaint of Celsus no less concerned the body of the eight Books; then the Sentences, extracted out of them by the Christians. Secondly, His Negative was not, These eight Books are not perfect; but, They are not Legitimate: and, taking them for Suppositi∣tious, and shuffled in (among the Legitimate Works) not long before, he thought not himself obliged to seek out (what could never have been found •…•…ntient Copies of an Imposture newly advanced.

Thi•…•…y, To require a Pagan to produce antient Copies of the true Sibylline Writings, was to make a ridiculous, and uncivil request to him: since, first, There could not have been, through the whole Romane Em∣pire, besides the Original, preserved under the Base of Apollo Palatinus; but that onely Copy, which had been Transcribed by the High Priests, in the Time of Augustus. Secondly, For that it was not in any case per∣mitted, that any private Person should read, or interpret it; and that the Quindecem-viri themselves, whose particular Privilege it was, durst not attempt any such thing, without the express Order of the Senate. Whence it follows; that the Heathens had good reason to Charge with Imposture the Pieces, produced by the Fathers, upon this account parti∣cularly; That they saw them in their hands, and by them published: nor could the Christians justly press them to produce what none of them could come at, and was to continue locked up under the Key of a per∣petual secret.

But, all this notwithstanding, Origen's Answer was not necessary; Celsus does not demonstrate, that the things which he conceives shuffled into the Works of the Sibyl are reproachfull, or detractive; therefore they are not such. For, though the imputation of Heathenish Superstitions be not properly detraction; but a most true, and most just, reproach of their Impiety: yet was it a Detraction, according to their Opinion, and to bring the Charge by a Sibyl (that is, the Person, the most unfit to act such a part)

was to exercise a kind of Detraction, against her Memory, and to bear a false Testimony under her Name, very well deserving to be taken off by the general complaint of all the Unbelievers. Wherefore the De∣fence of Origen, against the Objection of Celsus, who (as Contempora∣ry with Justine Martyr, and Lucian, who dedicated his Pseudo-mantis to him) had seen the breaking forth of the Imposture, being but an Elusion, and no more, Saint Augustine hath had a thousand times more reason, to leave it to the Adversaries of the Church, to acknowledge, or dis∣claim, at their own choice, the eight Books, pretended to be Sibylline; saying, u 1.199 Therefore, though they should not believe our Scriptures, their own (which they read with blindness) are fulfilled upon them; unless it happen, that some may say, The Sibyl's Prophecies are but the Fictions of the Christi∣ans. And again; x 1.200 But what other Prophecies soever there pass concern∣ing Christ, some may imagine forged by the Christians, and therefore there is no way so sure, to convince such, as are Strangers in this matter, and to con∣firm those of our own Profession; as by citing the Prophecies, contained in the Jews Books.

I would to God the Church's children had continued in these Terms, and so have cleared their hearts of the evil Ambition of having been the Authours of some Pious Frauds, and conceive an holy shame at their being employed in those, which Imposture had endeavoured to in∣troduce into the House of God. For, though they had not thought it fit, to make any reflection on the Arguments I have brought against the spuriousness of the Sibylline Writings, they needed no more, then to have called to account those, that produced them, whence they had had them, taking them up sharply with the ensuing Demands, or the like; How could these Sacred Privileges of the Empire, and Religion, come •…•…o your hands? By what Artifices could you (you, who call your selves The Faithfull) possess your selves of the Treasure, committed to the Custody of the Quindecem-viri, the sworn Enemies of your Faith? How comes our Age to be so happy, as to have the advantage to discover, and make publike the Predictions, which had been concealed above six hundred and twelve years? Especially, seeing the lateness of their Discovery, made after the Death of Adrian, the confident Publication of the highest secret of Paganism, and the con∣trariety of the Consequences, arising from its Publication, to all, that Antiquity had heard of it, for six Ages before, might have given them more, then a presumption of the Imposture, particularly to Justine Martyr, who writ his Apologie five years, or ten at most, after the Advance∣ment of it.

And here I can do no less, by the way, then advertise the Reader; that he, who, after the year four hundred and six, took upon him, un∣der the name of that Holy Doctour, to answer the Questions of the Greeks, seems to be mistaken, when, having writ, That y 1.201 the end of this World is the Judgment of the Wicked by Fire, according to what is said in the Writings of the Prophets, and Apostles, he adds, As also of those of the Sibyl, according to what is said by the blessed Saint Clement, in the first Epistle to the Corinthians. For, first, The Epistle of Saint Clement (which hath in some manner received a second life, fifteen years since, when England restored it to the Church of God) says nothing of the Sibyl, and

though there be a Leaf wanting at the end, yet is there not any likely∣hood; that, in that later part, which contained the Conclusion of all the precedent Discourse, woven up of Scriptures, the Holy Martyr should have recourse to the Authority of a strange Testimony, and draw out of a prophane Source.

2. The Allegation of the Sibyl's Words, concerning the Judgment by Fire, is in the Sixth Chapter of the fifth Book of the pretended Aposto∣lical Constitutions: where the fourteen last Verses of the fourth Book of the Counterfeit Sibyl have been inserted, after the Texts of the Prophets, and Apostles; as of Genesis, Chap. ii. 7. and Chap. iii. 14. Isaiah, Chap. xxvi. 19. Ezekiel, Chap. xxxvii. 13. Daniel, Chap. xii. 2. St. Matthew, Chap. iv. 23. St. Luke, Chap. xxi. 18. and St. John, Chap. v. 28. and xi. 43. so, that it is evident, that the Authour of the Answers to the Questions of the Greeks was extremely mistaken, negligently confounding the Con∣stitutions, unjustly attributed to St. Clement, with his Epistle to the Co∣rinthians.

3. If the recourse to the Testimony of the Sibyl really be in the said Epistle; it would be an Argument of the corruption of that precious Jewel of Christian Antiquity, rather then a legitimate Confirmation of the Authority of the Books, pretended to be Sibylline, which we have demonstrated to have been forged after the Death of Adrian; that is to say, thirty eight years after the Martyrdom of St. Clement, and sixty after his Banishment to Chersonesus.

CHAP. XXI. That it cannot, with any likelihood of Truth, be maintained, That the Books, called the Sibylline, were written by Divine Inspiration.

HAving (according as the necessity of Reason, and Truth, re∣quired) presupposed, that the eight Books, pretended to be Si∣bylline, are the Fiction of some bold, and busie Christian, who would needs have his own fantastick Imaginations pass for Oracles: This Question, Whether they were writ by Divine Inspiration, falls of it self to the ground. For, it would argue a total Eclipse of sense, and under∣standing, to think, that God, who is the source of Truth, would be the adviser of an Imposture, and to say he were Authour of it, no less, then stark madness; since a 1.202 there is no communion between the light of Wis∣dom and the darkness of Lying. Whereof the Result is, That the Sibyls (from whose Oracles the Idolatrous Romanes always derived Encou∣ragements of Impiety to heighten their Superstition) neither were, nor could be, (in that regard) the communications of the Spirit of God; to whose Glory, and Worship, those Divinations were directly op∣posite. So that I cannot conceive any thing, but an over-earnestness of Dispute, should force St. Hierome to make such ostentation of the Sibyls, and maintain, against Jovinian, b 1.203 That They had, for their Livery, Vir∣ginity;

and that Divination had been the reward of their Virginity: for it is an horrid Reward, to be made the Instrument of the Devil, to publish his Lies, and to contribute to his Deceits. Nor can I see, how the greatest of Ills can be ranked among Goods, nor (at hazard, to say something to the advantage of the Sibyls) that any Advantage can be made of this improbable shift; that they made any other Predictions, then these, which induced the Pagans into Errour; and that, upon the account of them, and their Virginity, they have been thought worthy recommendation. Not, that I would deny; but it had been as pos∣sible for God, to declare by those women the Secrets to come, as to make Balaam's Ass to c 1.204 speak, or move Balaam himself to Prophecy the coming of the Messias one thousand, four hundred, ninety, and two years before it happened: especially, seeing St. d 1.205 Augustine, expounding these words of Saint Paul, e 1.206 Whom he had before promised by his Prophets, took, from the Prejudice he had conceived thereof, occasion to write; That there have been Prophets, who were not of him; in whom also we finde some things, which they have sang, as having heard them of Christ; as it is said of the Sibyl. But I hope, he, and the other Fathers, will pardon me; if I presume to answer: That they have grounded their Opinion on a broken Reed; to wit, the Authority of the eight Books of the pre∣tended Daughter-in-law of Noah. For,

First, They have taken for very antient a Piece, that was very new, and adulterate.

Secondly, Though it were as antient, as they thought; yet could it not be Divine; for this very reason, that it contains (as hath been al∣ready observed) abundance of Errours: which no man, unless lost to his Senses, will ever impute to Celestial Revelation.

Thirdly, Though it were granted, that those Pieces are as free from Errours, as they are full of them, and that their Original is to be taken much higher, then the Birth of our Saviour, yet would Hilary, the Deacon, deny, that it necessarily followed thence, that they came from God. f 1.207 The spirit of the world, (saith he) is that, which possesses persons subject to Enthusiasms; who are without God: for it is the chiefest among the worldly Spirits. Whence it comes, that he is wont, by conjecture, to fore-tell the things which are of this World; and it is he, who is called Python, or the Pro∣phecying Spirit; it is he, who is deceived, and deceives by things, that have a probability of Truth; it is he, who spoke by the Sibyl, imitating ours, and desirous to be numbred among the Celestial.

For my part, I freely confess, it were a very hard matter to maintain; that the eight Books of the Sibyls, which copy out the best part of the History of the Gospel had been written before our Saviour's coming into the Flesh, and •…•…at they were the Productions of some Python, or Prophe∣cying Spirit: but it is evident, that Hilary, reflecting on the fond Imagina∣tions, wherewith they are pestered, chose rather to think them the Work a Fanatick, then a Divine Person; and in that, (though contrary to the Opinion of many of the Fathers), he is much in the right. For, though we should lay the Spunge on all the marks of their Supposititiousness before alleged, yet could we not any way wipe out that Character, which the said Rhapsody hath (with its own hands) imprinted so deep in

its forehead, that it is remarkable in the chiefest of those great men, who would acknowledg its authority, and oppose it to the Heathens.

CHAP. XXII. The Sentiment of Aristotle concerning Enthusiasts taken into Con∣sideration.

ARistotle a 1.208 had been of Opinion, That, the heat of Melancholy being near the place of Intelligence, many were taken with Frantick and En∣thusiastical Diseases; That thence came all the Sibyls, Bacchides, and inspired Persons, that is, when they became such, not through disease, but the tempera∣ment of nature; and thereupon alleges, that, Maracus of Syracuse was a better Poet when he was besides himself; discovering thereby, That (accord∣ing to his Sentiment) to say of a woman, that she was a Sibyl, was to put her into the qualification of Hypochondriacks, and such, as are subject to black Choler.

But the common Opinion of the Heathens was, that the Sibyls were seized by a supernatural power, and not warmed by a simple Ebullition of black Choler; and that their being so seised made (while it lasted) so strong an impression upon their minds, that it deprived them of all Intelligence and Memory. Thus Heraclitus, in b 1.209 Plutarch, affirms, that the Sibyl had with her frantick mouth said things, which are neither ridi∣culous, nor gaudy, nor adulterate. Virgil introduces Helenus, speaking to Aeneas of the Cumaean Sibyl;

Thou the enraged Prophetess shalt see;

And elswhere, making a Description of her Transports, he uses these express terms:

This said, her colour straight did change, her face And flowing Tresses lost their former grace; * 1.210 A growing passion swels her troubled breast, And fury her distracted soul possest.

And a little after,

When she, not able to endure the load Of such a pow'r, strives to shake off the God, The more she chaf'd, the more he curbs her in; Tames her wilde breast, and calms her swelling spleen.

And again,

—Then Phoebus slakes His curbing reins, and from her bosom takes His cruel Spurs, granting a little rest: Soon as her Fit, and high Distraction ceas'd.

Lucan's Description is much to the same purpose; and Claudian, in imitation of them, calls the Place of the Cumaean Sibyl

The Porch of the enraged Sibyl.—

But this Description, which naturally expresses the violent possession of an evil Spirit, tormenting the person it seises, in stead of raising an horrour in the Writer of the eight Books attributed to the Sibyls, en∣flames

him with an emulation; insomuch, that that impertinent person hath not been ashamed to attribute to the God of glory extravagant sallies, like those of the Devils, and to say of himself what the pro∣phane Poets had writ of their Prophetesses:

c 1.211 Corpore tota stupens trahor huc, ignara quid ipsa Eloquar; ipse sed haec mandat Deus omnia fari:

And elswhere,

d 1.212 Sed quid cor iterùm quatitur mihi? ménsque, flagello Icta, foràs vocem prorumpere cogitur, omnes Ut moneam.—

And again,

e 1.213 Ut mihi divino requieta à carmine mens est, Orabam magnum genitorem, vis ut abesset; Sed mihi suggessit vocem sub pectora rursum, Pérque omnes terras praecepit vaticinari.

And that she came from Babylon f 1.214 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, furious, or fanatick.

All which affords us a manifest Argument, that the unhappy Impostour, who took upon him to play the Sibyl, was besotted with such an extrava∣gant conceit, that he would, upon any terms, be taken for an Enthusiast, and make the world believe, that the presence of some Celestial virtue produced the same in his mind, as the invasion of Satan does in those of possessed persons, whom he deprives of their Senses, and Transports with fury.

Nor are we (to excuse so extravagant a passion) to make any ac∣count of those words of the eighth Book,

Novi ego arenarum numerum, mensúmque profundi, Tellurisque sinus, tenebrosáque Tartara novi, Quot fuerint homines, quot sint, quótque futuri, Astrorum numeros, stirpes, frondés que quot usquam, Quot sint quadrupedes, quot pisces, quótque volucres.

For, besides the impossibility there is to reconcile this insolent brag, I know all things, with the precedent confession, I know not what I say, any other way, then by attributing it to that alienation of spirit, which he would have described when he said, I know not what I say: it is ab∣surdity enough, but to think, that the g 1.215 Father of mercies, who disposes his gifts with infinite Wisdome, and an intention they should tend to the advantage, either of those which receive them, or others, would puff up the heart of any man with the windy knowledg of things absolutely unprofitable; such as are those, which the Counterfeit Sibyl much glories in. For what advantage will it be to mankind, or thy self, that thou know the number of the Sands, of the Leaves, of the Fishes, &c. Will this variety of knowledg make thee any way better, or further thee in the way to salvation, more then another, who shall have learned, from the great h 1.216 vessel of Election, who had been i 1.217 caught into the third heaven, and there heard words not capable of being uttered, this admirably-modest protestation, k 1.218 I determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified? If there∣fore there were nothing else to be quarrelled at in the eight Books of the Counterfeit Sibyl; but the insupportable vanity of the Authour, it

should be more then sufficient to deprive him of his pretended Dignity of Prophet, and to condemn his Verses to be blown away (as sometimes those of the Cumaean Sibyl) disturbed in their order,

And to the wanton Winds a Sport be made.

CHAP. XXIII. That it was unadvisedly done by the Author of the Sibylline Writings, to put himself into the number of the Enthusiasts.

BUt it may be these insolent Expressions, the affectation of Enthusi∣asin, and the other sleights of Imposture, are not in the Original, and that the Fathers, who have had the said Writings in great esteem, have not found them therein. On the contrary, Justine Martyr (to satisfie us, that he very well knew as much) takes particular notice of it, and observes them to the Greeks, adding to that Discourse of Menon in Plato, concerning such as foretell things to come, a 1.219 We shall say no less, then that those are Prophets, and they have Extasies, being inspired of God, when they become famous for delivering many, and great things, and know not any thing of what they say, the ensuing Application, He clearly, and ma∣nifestly, saw into the Oracles of the Sibyl. For she had not (as the Poets have) the power to correct her Poems, after she had writ them, and to polish them, especially, as to what concerns the exact observation of Measures; but she accomplished what was of her Prophecy, during the time of the inspiration, and, the inspiration failing, she no longer remembred the things she had said. Hence comes it, that all the Verses of the Sibylline Poems were not preserved. For we our self being at the City (of Cumae) understood so much from those, who led us up and down, and shewed us the places, where she spoke her Oracles, and a certain Urn made of Brass, where they said her Reliques were conserved. They also gave us this account, as having it from their Predecessours, That those, who received the Oracle, being people without instruction, many times failed in the ex∣act observation of measures, and said this was the reason, why some Verses were without measure; viz. that the Prophetess, after the Extasie of inspiration was over, remembred not the things she had said, and that those, who writ them, by reason of their ignorance, had lost the exact measure of the Verses. And a little lower; Submit to the most antient of all the Sibyls, whose Books, it is so hap∣pened, are preserved all the World over; and who, by Oracles, proceeding from a certain powerfull inspiration, hath taught you concerning those, who are called Gods, that they are not such.

In like manner Constantine introduces the Sibyl, making her com∣plaint to God, that he imposed upon her a necessity of Divining. Suidas, for his part, makes this Observation of the Chaldaean Sibyl, The Prophetess is not her self the cause, that her Verses are imperfect, and without measure; but those, who took Copies of them: as not keeping close to the impetuosity of her way of delivery, and being not well read in Grammar. Besides that, with the inspiration, the memory of the things she had said failed her, and, for that reason, her Verses are imperfect, and the sense halting. Whether it be that this

is come so to pass, through the dispensation of God; to the end, that her Oracles should not be known to many unworthy of them, or that length of time hath been the cause of that, as well as many other things. Besides that, it is not to be ad∣mired, if the obscurity of the things said by the Prophetess, and the frequent Transcription of her Books, have occasioned the confusion of the sense, and mea∣sures of the Verses. Whereto b 1.220 Marcus Antimachus adds (as taking it from Lactantius, whom he ridiculously makes Priest of the Capitol, converted to the Christian Religion upon reading of the Sibylline Wri∣tings.) That, what is to be had of the Sibylline Books, is not onely easily slight∣ed by those, who are troubled with the disease of the Greeks: for that it is easie to recover it (for scarce things seem more precious) but also is thought not to de∣serve any credit; because there is not an exact measure observed in the Verses. Now this is the fault of the Transcribers c 1.221 (who were not able to reach the impetuosity of her way of delivery, and were not well read in Grammar) and not of the Prophetess; for when the inspiration was over, she no longer remembred the things she had spoken.

CHAP. XXIV. That the Fathers, who were surprised by the pretended Sibylline Writings, supposed the Authour to have been an Enthusiast.

IT is manifest then, that both the Antient, and Modern Christians have been so far from being ignorant, or distrustfull of the Enthusiasm of the pretended Sibyl; that they have taken it for the fundamental Prin∣ciple of the Opinion they had of her Poem, and been carried away with reports, without reserving to themselves (as reason would have re∣quired) the privilege to examine them. For,

First, Justin Martyr, giving credit to the Discourses of those among the Cumaeans, who had shew'd him the Antiquities of their City, dissents from the common perswasion; viz. that the Cumaean Sibyl did not one∣ly speak her Verses; but also writ them upon Leaves, which the Wind carried away: upon which occasion a 1.222 Virgil brings in Aeneas, making this Prayer,

Blest Virgin, not to Leaves thy Verse commit;

and b 1.223 Javenal says to his Readers, to excite their Attention,

Credite me vobis folium recitare Sibyllae.

Secondly, He makes but an ill Parallel between the Stories, which the Cumaeans had entertained him with, concerning their Prophetess, and these spurious and upstart Oracles, which he said were preserved all over the World; never considering, that the Cumaeans never knew any thing of them, and their very being so common, as he imagines, should as well have raised a distrust in him, as in the Greeks, who knew there was not any thing more carefully kept at Rome, then the Sibylline Oracles; which had been got together from all places, as far as the power of the Empire extended.

Suidas also, thinking to alledg sufficient excuses for the Poems attri∣buted to the Chaldaean Sibyl, hath onely made a Discovery of his own Im∣pertinence: For,

First, Upon what score would he have the Transcribers to be so igno∣rant? Is there any likelihood, that the Heathens, who thought them Di∣vine Sentences, would employ the simplest among them, to put toge∣ther things, which they accounted so precious, and Sacred?

Secondly, Is it not a great mistake, to think, that God (whose Works are ever suitable to his own Majesty, that is to say, Divine, and Perfect) could ever have pronounced Verses, that were imperfect, both as to their Sence, and Measure, to those, whom he inspired?

Thirdly, Could the want of Measure, and Sence, which was obvious to all the world, hinder the knowledg of the unworthy, more then of the worthy? Or are the later in a greater capacity, to finde sence, and order, where there is not any, then the former?

Fourthly, Can any one say, that this manifest, and by-all-acknow∣ledged, imperfection proceeds from God; but he must withall sacrile∣giously accuse him of having, by his dispensation, opposed his own inten∣tion, by making fruitless (at least in part) what he had (as is supposed) vouchsafed to reveal for the advantage of men?

Fifthly, What disorder could length of time, and frequent Transcripti∣ons, have occasioned in the pretended Oracles of the Sibyls; when they were in the time of Justin Martyr, (that is, at their very Hatching) imperfect? And, as for the Copies, which some Christians (deceived by their own credulity) with abundance of Zeal dispersed abroad, who sees not, that, besides their being absolutely unknown to the Heathens, who received them onely from their hands, they were taken out of one another, with great care, and by persons, who professed Letters; as Justin Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Lactantius, &c. so, as that they they should rather have diminished, then multiplied the Faults: as indeed it is evident; that the Different Lections, which are found in the citations of these Fathers, are not Corruptions, that have disfigured, and defaced the Work, pretendedly Sibylline; but Corrections, which have bettered it, and made it less imperfect, then it was? And certainly, what hath really occasioned the Blanks, and other Defaults, that are in it, hath been no∣thing else, but the affectation of that incomparable Antiquity; which the Impostour, who first advanced it, made so great ostentation of, with an Impudence, and malicious vanity, as great, as what was, one hundred and sixty years since, betrayed by Johannes Annio, a Jacobine, after∣wards Master of the Sacred Palace at Rome; who would needs fill the Universe with Supposititious Books, under the Names of Berosus, Mega∣sthenes, (whom he transforms into a Chimaerical Metasthenes) Zenophon, Archilochus, Philo, &c, and scatter up and down Italy, especially in the Places about Viterbo) Pieces of Marble, made infamous by the Inscription of his Invention, and Forgery c 1.224. For the Counterfeit Sibyl, to bring her Name into greater Veneration, and (instead of absolutely smothering the Discoveries of her Imposture) to shift all the blame upon the Tran∣scribers, Progress of time, and the irretrivable loss it hath occasioned in the most precious things of Antiquity, put out her ill-digested collecti∣on,

maimed, and imperfect, imagining (what indeed the event hath confirmed) that the Readers would entertain it (as the wretched Ruins of a great Wrack) with more compassion, then rigour; and rather hug, and cherish the miserable remainders thereof, then censure it according to its deserts. Thus, having confuted all the Suppositions of Suidas, I have with the same labour destroyed those, which Antima∣chus borrowed out of his Dictionary, to make a present of them to Lactan∣tius; so that all I have to do is, to advertise by the way; that, as this man had no reason to imagine Lactantius taken out of the College of the Capitol-Priests, and brought to the Profession of Christianity by the reading of the pretended Oracles; so was it most weakly done of him to look for them at the Capitol in the Time of Constantine: since that, three hundred years before, Augustus had transferred them thence, un∣der the Basis of Apollo Palatinus, where they continued till twenty five years after the Death of Constantine, according to the Observation of Ammianus Marcellinus.

CHAP. XXV. The common Sentiment of the Fathers concerning Enthusiasts.

COme we now to see, whether true Theologie, and the Sentiment of the Fathers, clear, and confirmed from Age to Age, may permit; that the pretended Sibyl (who said of her self what the Idolatrous Heathens writ of their Prophetesses) should have been taken by some of the antient Christians for a Prophetess, and truly inspired of God. It was so certain among the Heathens, that their Sibyls had been possessed and when they Prophecyed) cast into such an alienation of Spirit, that (according to the Testimony of Diodorus) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to act the Sibyl, signi∣fied among them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to act the part of a person inspired, and transport∣ed. And Suidas himself acknowledges; that, to say of a man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He Sibyllizes, hath the same sence, as if it were said of him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, He is seduced, He behaves himself like one, that hath the Gift of Divination. Now it might seem, that the Prophets felt some motion, like that of those, who foretold things to come; since that, as we read of Saul, a 1.225 when the evil Spirit from God was come upon him, he Prophecied, whereas the Scripture gives us expresly to observe, b 1.226 that the Spirit of God was also upon him, as upon Samuel, and David; adding, that he went on, and Prophecyed, untill he came to Naioth in Ramah; that c 1.227 he stripped off his cloaths also, and Prophecied before Samuel in like manner, and lay down naked all that day, and all that night. Besides, the LORD, threatning the Israelites by Hosea, says; d 1.228 The Prophet is a fool; the Spiritual man is mad. So the Captains, sitting with Jehu in Ramoth-Gilead, spoke no less disadvantageously of the Prophet, sent by Elisha to anoint Jehu King of Israel, asking; e 1.229 Why is this mad fellow come to thee? And Schemaiah the Nehelamite, stirring up Zephaniah, and the other Priests, against Jeremiah, writ to them; f 1.230 The Lord hath made thee, &c. that ye

should be Officers in the House of the Lord for every man, that is mad, and maketh himself a Prophet. And Saint Ambrose doth, in appearance, ac∣knowledg it, by this Discourse; g 1.231 There are certain h 1.232 Madnesses, and alienations of spirit, which are true, and (it may be) of the Prophets; who, i 1.233 being transported, as to their understanding, Prophecied, being so filled with the Spirit of God, that to some they seemed mad: when, not minding their own safety, many times naked, and bare-foot, as Esay the Prophet did, they ran among the People; crying, not what they would themselves, but what the Lord commanded them.

But (for the beter understanding of all these Passages) the Christian Reader is onely to remember; that, as the Prophets (though they did not any action, that was irregular, or void of reason) passed for Mad men in the apprehension of the profane; such, as might be the Captains at Ramoth-Gilead, and Shemaiah, the Presecutour of Jeremiah: so the Devils egged on their Foretellers of things to come, to play the Apes, and imitate the Prophets, and to brag (even when they were at the height of their Extravagance) of Inspirations, equal with theirs. So that, if the true Prophets, moved by Celestial Grace, discovered the operations of it, by some action suitable to their condition; upon which account Saul (being among them) stripped himself of his Royal Robe, and lay upon the ground, humbling himself before God, and celebrating the glo∣ry of his Infinite Power, according as the Spirit gave him to speak: on the contrary, when he was overpressed with Melancholy, and tormented by the evil Spirit, which put him into Madness, and Ecstasie, he spoke also, in that condition, as if he had Prophecyed. And Saint Ambrose minds us of the difference, there is between the servile transportation of Pos∣sessed Persons, which darkens the light of their minds, binds up its Fa∣culties, makes their Reason unprofitable, and forces them to violent mo∣tions, and that holy Ravishment of the Prophets; which, filling them with admiration, and joy, refined their understanding, and left them the free use of their ratiocination, yet in such manner, as to diver them from all humane Considerations, and bend their thoughts to an extraor∣dinary submission to God. Upon which account he said, They cryed, not what they would themselves; but what he commanded: intending to ex∣press thereby the violence they did themselves, by renouncing their own will, that they might, the more freely, pursue the motions of his Grace: and observed further, that they minded not their own safety; representing, that they regarded not the preservation of their Lives, nor their own convenience; but were always ready to Sacrifice themselves, and protest with St. Paul; k 1.234 None of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto my self. Nor did he absolutely pronounce; that the action of the Prophetick Spirit upon the Person, who was thereby inspired, made him a Fool, or so drew him out of himself, as that he was without reason, and had no other motion, then what was forced: but that (inclining him to do, not what his own ratiocination suggested to him; but what it self advised him to) it many times put him upon such extraordinary actions; that those, who vouchsafed not to consider the signification thereof, were (by their own corrupt judgment) induced to attribute them to Madness, and Extravagant Transportation: which obliged

him to say, not that He was, but that To some he seemed Mad.

Tertullian went yet much further; when, drunk with the cup of Mon∣tanus, he esteemed highly of those Ecstasies, and Transportations, which so ravish a man out of himself, that he looses (either wholly, or in part) the freedom of his Ratiocination. But in regard Justin Martyr (as well as he) was of opinion; That those Alienations, which he pre∣tended to have been in the Cumaean Sibyl) might proceed from Divine Inspiration, it is of some consequence, as well to clear up his sentiment, as to consider what judgment Antiquity hath made thereof: and that the rather, for that we have now some l 1.235 Divines, who imagine; That God does sometimes send such strong, and violent, Irradiations of his Love, as strike through the Hearts of men, like Thunder-bolts, force those, who receive them, to cry out, and do so cast them down, that they are as it were dead. Further, That the Persons, who are honoured with such an Illumination, have motions of Piety so impetuous, that they cannot pray unto God; and, when they attempt it, suffer incre∣dible pains, their Bodies not being able to bear the vehement motions of so great a Devotion. In his Book Of the Soul, m 1.236 he hath this Discourse; (which Pamelius unjustly applies to Prisca, or Maximilla, dead fifty years before) There is at this day among us a n 1.237 Sister; on whom are fallen the Gifts of Revelations, which she endures, in spirit, in the Church, during the Divine Solemnities, by Ecstasie. And in another place (having supposed, that the Ecstasis, that is to say, the deep sleep, that fell upon Adam, was o 1.238 the force of the holy Spirit, working Prophecy) he adds; p 1.239 God sent him an alienation of spirit, which is a spiritual force, wherein Prophecy consists: and lower; q 1.240 We say, That Ecstasie is a sally out of sound sence, somewhat like Madness. Item; r 1.241 This shall be the pro∣perty of the said alienation of spirit; that it comes not through any injury done to health; but according to natural reason: for it does not exterminate the un∣derstanding; but force it out of the way. It is one thing to shake, another to move it; one thing to overturn it, another to exercise it. What therefore proceeds from the Memory argues the sound constitution of the Mind; if the soundness of the Soul be stupified (the Memory remaining entire) it is a kinde of Madness. Wherefore we are not said to be Mad, but to Dream: and so, it is then, if ever, that we are wise; for our knowledge, though in Umbrage, yet is not extinct, save that it may then seem to be wanting. And s 1.242 elsewhere, wresting to a wrong sence the words of the Gospel, t 1.243 concerning Saint Peter's not knowing what he said, he put this Question, How not knowing? was it through simple errour, or u 1.244 want of reason? w 1.245 Wrest∣ing also the sence of Saint Paul's Discourse, he hath these Expressions; Let him take out some Psalm, some Vision, some Prayer, in a spiritual way onely, that is in Ecstasie, in alienation of spirit. And against Praxeas; x 1.246 Neither Peter, nor John, nor James, were sensible of the Vision of God without a denial of Reason, and alienation of spirit; for which we maintain (in the cause of new Prophecy) that Ecstasie, that is, alienation of spirit, is consistent with Grace. For it is necessary, that the man ravished in spirit (especially, when he sees the glory of God, or when God speaks by him) disclaim his own sentiment; being overshadowed by the power of God: concerning which there is a Dispute be∣tween us, and the Psychici. And indeed Saint Hierome expresly numbers

y 1.247 among the Books, written by z 1.248 him against the Church, six Volumes, Of Ecstasie, and a seventh, Against Apollonius; wherein he endeavours to main∣tain whatever the other quarrels at: his Design being, to vindicate Monta∣nus, who had written thus; a 1.249 Behold, man is like a Viol, and I am the Bow: man lies him down to rest, and I watch. Behold, the Lord, who takes mens Hearts out of them, and who also bestows Hearts on them: and Maximilla, who held this strange Discourse; b 1.250 The Lord hath sent me, (&c.) forced me, I being both willing, and unwilling, to learn the knowledg of God.

The Church therefore, formally condemning the Opinion of those, who believed, that God made Ecstatick, and transported such, as he in∣spired, and that he exercised violence on their spirits, expressed her self,

By Claudius Apollinaris, Bishop of Hierapolis, to this effect: c 1.251 Mon∣tanus, through an insatiable covetousness of Primacy, giving access in his Soul to the Adversary, being of a sudden transported in mind, and out of himself, was inspired, and began to speak, and to pronounce strange words: and his Pro∣phetesses were filled with an adulterate spirit, so as that they spoke, with a trans∣portation of their understanding, unseasonably, and after a strange manner: and Theodotus, his Complice, was besides himself, and delivered up to the spi∣rit of Errour.

By Miltiades, Disputing against the same Montanus. (b) That false * 1.252 Prophet; being in a Transport of spirit (which is attended by Confidence, and want of Fear) began by a voluntary Ignorance, which turned into an involunta∣ry Madness of the Soul; in which manner they cannot shew that any Prophet (either of the Old, or New Testament) hath been transported.

By St. Irenaeus, who set forth, in the same colours, one of the Prophe∣tesses of the Marcosians. e 1.253 Being foolishly swollen, and puffed up by the said words, and having her Soul warmed by the expectation of what she should Pro∣phecy, and her Heart beating more, then it should, she presumed to utter things Fantastick, and whatever occurred to her thoughts, vainly, and audaciously; in regard she is set on by a vain spirit, according to what a better, then we, hath said of such People: to wit, that a Soul, enflamed by vain air, is a presumptu∣ous, and shameless thing.

By f 1.254 Clemens Alexandrinus, giving the Impostours of his Time this Touch; They Prophecied in Ecstasie, as the servants of an Apostate.

By Origen, who esteemed that kind of Emotion unworthy the Holy men of God. g 1.255 The Prophets were not (as some imagine) alienated in spi∣rit, and spoke not through any violence of the spirit: If any thing (saith the h 1.256 Apostle) be revealed to another, that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace: Whence he shews; that he, who speaks, is at liberty to speak, when he will, and to hold his peace, when he will.

By St. Basil, who presses the same Doctrine in these Terms. i 1.257 There are some, who say, that the Saints Prophecied, being out of, or besides, them∣selves; the humane understanding being shadowed by the Spirit: but this is contrary to what the Divine presence doth promise; that it should alienate in spirit him, who is seised of God, and that, when he is full of Divine Instructi∣ons, he should, himself, be deprived of Ratiocination, and, while he contributes to the advantage of others, should reap no benefit from his own Discourses. In a word, How does it stand with Reason; that, through the Wisdom of the Spi∣rit, a man should become as one besides himself? And, that the spirit of

Knowledg should deliver what is incohaerent? For neither is light the Authour of Blindness; but stirs up the Visual Faculty implanted by Nature: nor does the spirit cause obscurity in mens minds; but raises the Understanding to the contemplation of things intelligible, cleansing it from the stains of sin. Nor is it improbable, that, through the Design of the evil Spirit (who lays his Ambushes to ensnare humane Nature) the mind is confounded: but to say, that the same is effected by the presence of the Holy Spirit, is impious.

By St. Epiphanius, who, strongly seconding him, says. k 1.258 When there hath been any necessity, the Holy men of God have foretold all things with the true spirit of the Prophets, and a strong Ratiocination, and an understanding, reaching the sence of what was said. Again; The Prophet spoke with a clear ratiocination, and, consequently, saying all things with a certain vigour, as l 1.259 Moses, the servant of God, who was faithfull in all his House. The Prophet in the Old Testament is called the Seer, m 1.260 The Vision of Isaiah, the Son of Amos, which he saw, &c. n 1.261 I saw the Lord, &c. And, af∣ter he had heard what the Lord said unto him, coming towards the people he saith, The Lord saith these things. Do you not see, that this is the Dis∣course of one, who comprehends, and not of one, who is besides himself, and that he expressed not himself, as one that was transported in his understanding? In like manner Ezechi••l, the Prophet, hearing the Lord speak thus to him; o 1.262 Take thou also unto thee Wheat, and Barley, and Beans, &c. p 1.263 and bake it with dung, that cometh out of man, answers, q 1.264 Ah! Lord God, behold, my Soul hath not been polluted: for, from my youth up, have I not eaten of that, which dieth of it self, or is torn in pieces, neither came there abominable flesh into my mouth. For, know∣ing that the Oracle had come to him from the Lord, to serve for a Threat, he was so far from being distracted in his understanding; that he r 1.265 delayed to do it: but that he was of that Opinion, is to be attributed to the settledness of his thoughts, which may be argued from his expostulation, Ah! Lord God, &c. This indeed being proper to the true Prophets, to have their reason fortified by the Holy Spirit, by Instruction, and Discourse. Daniel also, had not he s 1.266 know∣ledg, and skill, in all Learning, and Wisdom, and comprehended his own imaginations••? He, who resolved the Riddles of Nebuchadnezzar, and explica∣ted, in such manner, what the other had seen in his Dreams, that he presently gave him the Interpretation thereof, with a settled spirit, and, out of a superabun∣dance of the gift of God; having an intelligence of things above all men, through the riches of the spirit truly instructing the Prophet, and those, who (by the means of the Prophet) were honoured with the Precepts of Truth? But what t 1.267 these promise to Prophecy, they declare; being not well in their wits, nor comprehend∣ing the meaning thereof: for their words are elusive, ambiguous, and such, as are uncapable of a right sence.

By St. Chrysostome, who writes; u 1.268 Hence we learn also another thing; to wit, That the Prophets were not as those, who foretell things to come: for there, when the Devil breaks in upon the Soul, he blinds the Understanding, and so darkens the reasoning Faculty; that they utter what they have to say, their un∣derstanding not knowing any thing of what is said; but affording a Sound, as an inanimate Pipe, &c. But the holy Spirit does not so; but suffers the heart to know what it says. For, if it knew it not, how should it say, that the word is good? The Devil, as an enemy, and one, that professes open Hostility, fights

against the humane soul; but the Holy Spirit, as taking care of it, and ready to do it good, communicates his counsel to those who receive it, and reveals unto them things divine with understanding. And elswhere; x 1.269 If any one hath been seised by the unclean spirit, and hath divined, as being besides himself, he hath been reduced to that condition, bound by the spirit, not knowing what he said. For it is proper to such, as foretell things to come, to be out of themselves, to suf∣fer violence, to be drawn, pushed forward, dragged, as one, that is mad. The Prophet is not so; but, with a watchfull understanding, and settled dispositi∣on, and knowing what he uttereth, he saith all things, &c. After that by certain Ceremonies, and Observations, some one had bound the Devil in the man, the man foretold things to come, and was tormented in Divining, and torn to pieces, and was not able to bear the impetuosity of the Devil, &c. Such is the violence, which they suffer, who are once delivered up to the Devils; that is, they are alie∣nated from their natural understanding, &c. The evil spirit filling the Pro∣phetess with Fury, she immediately unbound her hair; behaved her self, as one distracted, and foamed at the mouth, and spoke extravagant things, as if she had been drunk, &c. Our Prophets prophecied as became them, knowingly, and with absolute liberty; and they were accordingly their own Masters, to speak, or speak not, as they pleased: for they were not forced by necessity; but ho∣noured with power. Upon which account it was; that Jonas fled, and Ezekiel deferred, and Jeremiah excused himself: God not pressing them by necessity; but advising, admonishing, threatning them; not darkning the understanding. For it is the property of the Devil to make a tumult, to cause madness, and much obscurity, and the property of God, to illuminate, and teach, with apprehension, the things, that are necessary. Again; y 1.270 To the end a man should not con∣tend, nor move any sedition; he shews that the gift is subject: for in that place he calls the efficaciousness of it, the spirit; but if the spirit be be subject, how much more thou, who dost possess it, shalt not thou be just in contending?

By z 1.271 Saint Hierome, who, treating of the same matter, says. We are also to observe, that this assumption, or charge, or weight, of the Prophet, is a Vision; for he speaks not in Ecstasie, (as Montanus, and Prisca, and Maxi∣milla fondly imagine) but what he prophecies is the Book of the Vision of one, who understands all he says, and makes it appear in the midst of his People; that his Vision is the weight of the Enemies. Again; a 1.272 We are to observe, that the assumption, or charge, whereof we have already spoken, is the Vi∣sion of the Prophet, and that (contrary to the perverse Doctrine of Montanus) he understands what he sees, and speaks not as a fool, nor gives (as distracted Women do) a sound, without any signification. Whence it comes, that the Apostle commands, b 1.273 that, if any thing be revealed to another, that sitteth by, the first should hold his peace. For, (saith be presently after) c 1.274 God is not the Authour of Confusion, but of Peace. Whence it is manifest; that, when any one holds his peace of himself, and gives way for another to speak, be can either speak, or hold his peace, at his pleasure; but that he, who speaks in Ecstasie, that is, against his will, is not at liberty to speak, or be silent. And again; d 1.275 The Prophets spake not in Ecstasie (as Montanus, with his foolish Women, dreams) so as they knew not what they uttered, and (when they in∣structed others) were themselves ignorant of what they said; of which (sort of people the Apostle says, e 1.276 Understanding neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm: but, according to Solomon, in his Proverbs, f 1.277 The Heart

of the Wise teacheth his Mouth, and addeth Learning to his Lips) they also knew, themselves, what they said. For, if the Prophets were Wise men (which we cannot deny) and g 1.278 Moses, learned in all Wisdom, spoke to the Lord, and the Lord answered him; and it is said of Daniel to the Prince of Tyrus, h 1.279 Art thou wiser, then Daniel? and David was wise, making his brag in the Psalm, i 1.280 Thou hast manifested unto me the unknown, and hidden things of thy Wisdom: how could the wise Prophets (like irrational Creatures) be ignorant of what they said? We read in another place of the Apostle; k 1.281 That The Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Pro∣phets: so as that it is in their power, when to be silent, and when to speak. But, if that seem weak to any one, let him consider this saying of the same Apostle; l 1.282 Let the Prophets speak, two, or three; and let the other judg: If any thing be revealed to another, that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace. How then can they hold their peace, since it is in the power of the Spirit, who speaks by the Prophets, to be silent, or to speak? If then they understood what they said, all was full of Wisdom, and Reason: and it was not an empty Sound, that came to their Ears; but God spoke in the spirit of the Prophets, according to what another Prophet says; m 1.283 The Angel, that talked with me; and, n 1.284 Crying in our Hearts Abba, Father; and, o 1.285 I will hearken what the Lord shall say unto me, &c. p 1.286 If what the Prophet said be called Vision, let us hear no more of the Extravagances of Montanus; who thinks, that the Prophets foretold things to come in Ecsta∣sie, or Madness; for they could not see what they were ignorant of.

By q 1.287 Hilary the Deacon, who interprets these words of St. Paul; r 1.288 To one is given by the Spirit the word of Wisdom, after this man∣ner; That is, Prudence is given him, not through the assistance of Letters, but by the irradiation of the Holy Spirit; that his Heart might be illuminated, and Prudent; and that he might discern the things, which were to be avoided, and which were to be pursued. Again, upon these words, s 1.289 He that speaketh in an unknown Tongue edifieth himself; but he, that Prophecieth, edi∣fieth the Church, he makes this Remark; For it may be, in regard he alone knows what he says, he alone is edified: for he, who Prophecies, edifies all the people; when what he says is understood of all.

By the Authour of the Commentary upon the Epistles, attributed to Saint Hierome, whereof I should make no account (since it is, if not the Work of Pelagius, as it seems to be, sufficiently pestered with Pelagianisms) if Primasius, Bishop of Adrumetum, had not almost wholly Copied it into his own; even that very Passage, where that man (whoever he were) Contemporary of St. Augustine, interpreting the words of St. Paul, or∣dering him, that spoke in a strange Tongue, to be silent in the Church, and to speak to himself; and to God, when there is not any to interpret, writes, Let him prudently keep it to himself, and to God, that he hath that grace. And upon these words; The Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets, he adds; He, who hath the spirit of the Prophets, is subject to the other Pro∣phets, by the society of Grace: whereby he is not jealous; that another should Prophecy, when it is revealed to him.

By Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus, who upon these Words, t 1.290 The Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets, declares; That the Gifts are called Spirits.

By Primasius, Bishop of Adrumetum, who concludes from the same place; u 1.291 That The Spirit of Humility, and Charity, ought to be in the Prophets; because God is not the Authour of Pride, and Dissension, who dwells not in them, but of Peace; because the things they Prophecy are known to them. And, from the last Verse of the same Chapter; He, who is a true Prophet, no doubt, knows, and stands not in need of admonition, or reproof; be∣cause w 1.292 he judgeth all things: yet he himself is judged of no man.

By Remy, Arch-Bishop of Lyons, confounded (by Villalpandus, and others) with St. Remy of Rheims, x 1.293 when having read the Text of St. Paul in the Singular number; The Spirit of the Prophets is subject to the Pro∣phets, he observes, That The Holy Spirit is, after a certain manner, sub∣ject to all the Saints: for that it forces them, not of a sudden to break forth into speech, as the evil Spirit doth in Possessed Persons, and Lunaticks; but leaves them at liberty to speak, or be silent. Then adds; Otherwise, if we read in the Plural Number, The Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets; we must understand, by Spirits, the Gifts of the Holy Spirit; that is to say, the Tongues, the Virtues, the Casting out of Devils, the advice of Wise men. Now these Gifts are in such manner subject to the Elect; that, when they please, they exercise them, and, when they please, they keep them, as it were concealed. By these Words is given us to understand; that, although many Doctours were together, who knew by the Holy Spirit what they ought to say; yet are they not always so compelled by the Holy Spirit, but that, one being silent, the rest may also be silent.

By Oecumenius y 1.294 who inserts these Words in his Chain upon the same Passage; He calls the Spirits of the Prophets the spiritual Gift it self. Then to the end no man should say, And, how can I be silent; for the Holy Spirit inspiring forces a man to speak, whether he will, or no? No (saith he) for the Gift is subject to the Prophet; that is to say, it is in his power to speak, or be silent: contrary to what happens in Di∣viners; for those, after their Enthusiasm (even against their wills, as Pos∣sessed Persons) say what they would not. If then the Gift be subject to the Prophets; would it not be inconvenient, that you should be subject to what profits in common; so as that, when it were requisite to be silent, you should be silent?

Consonant thereto, is the common Sentiment of the Modern Latine Interpreters: as Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris; Nicholas de Lyra, a Franciscan; Thomas de Vio; Cardinal Cajetan; Ambrose Ca∣tharin, Arch-Bishop of Conza; James de Feure D'Estaples, John de Gagny, and Claudius Cuillaud, Doctours of Sorbon; Francis Titelman, of the Order of Saint Francis; Arias Montanus, of the Order of Saint James; •…•…anuel Sà, of the Society of Jesus; and others, whom, for brevity •…•…ke, I forbear to mention.

CHAP. XXVI. Consequences following upon the common Sentiment of the Fathers concerning Enthusiasm.

FRom all the precedent Testimonies it follows; First, That there never was any Body deprived of their Understanding, by the efficaci∣ousness of any celestial Inspiration.

Secondly, That whoever says, he is compelled, transported, and alienated in spirit, does, by that very allegation, discover, that he is not moved by the Holy Spirit.

Thirdly, That the Sibyls, who (by the Confession of all Antiquity) were Mad, during the time of their Enthusiasm, were Women, not one∣ly Heathens; but possessed with Evil Spirits.

Fourthly, That the name of Sibyl having never been used, but to denote Persons of that condition, could never have been appropriated to any of the Holy women mentioned in Scripture. So that, as a 1.295 Glycas, who bestowed it on the Queen of Sheba, did, in so doing, treat her very unworthily: so b 1.296 Onuphrius, writing, That Deborah, the Wife of Lapi∣doth, an Hebrew-woman, mentioned in the fourth Chapter of Judges, might be the most antient of all the Sibyls, and that there might be added to her Miriam, the Sister of Moses, and Aaron, as may be read in Exodus, and, lastly, Huldah, the Wife of Shallum, of whom are read many things in 2 Chron. 34. under Josias, King of Judah••; not onely contradicts himself, in that, to the pre∣judice of his Supposition concerning Moses's Sister; whom he places among the Sibyls, he conceives Debora, who was not born, till one hun∣dred, fourscore, and one years, after the Death of Miriam, was the most antient of them all but hath also (for want of reflection) put a notori∣ous Affront upon those Devout and Religious Ladies, in comparing them to Possessed Persons, and Sorceresses; such as were all those, whom the Heathens put into the qualification of Sibyls, because of their Transpor∣tation, which they believed to have been Divine.

Fifthly, That the Authour of the eight Books, entituled the Sibylline (upon this very account, that he brags of having pronounced his Oracles with alienation of spirit, by violence; and not knowing what he said) hath dis∣claimed the quality of Prophet; which he would have usurped, and de∣served: we should apply to his Fantastick Imaginations the Judgment, which St. Epiphanius made of those of Montanus; c 1.297 Those are the Dis∣courses of an Ecstatick, and one, who comprehends not what he says; but shews another Character, then the Character of the Holy Spirit, who spoke by the Prophets.

Sixthly, That, if the pretension of the foresaid bold Forger argued him guilty of the greatest Impudence imaginable, that of the Authour of the Predication of St. Paul, which refers the Heathens, to the Sibyl, and Hystaspes, was yet more unworthy, and more sacrilegious.

Seventhly, That St. Justin, who maintains the Transportation of the

Cumaean Sibyl, and attributes to her the Verses he had extracted out of the eight Supposititious Books, under the name of Noah's Daughter-in-law, went upon a most false ground, and such, as was contrary to the perswa∣sion of the whole Church, and to the form of Disputation between the Orthodox, and the Montanists, and such Fanaticks.

Eighthly, That the same St. Justin, and Clemens Alexandrinus after his Example, having taken occasion to celebrate the Counterfeit Sibyl, as a Prophetess; and to recommend Hystaspes, as inspired of God, from their having found somewhat to their commendation in the pretended Predication of St. Paul, have injured their own Reputation, by contract∣ing an over-confident familiarity with Apocryphal Writings. For, though their Learning, and the Rank they held in the Church, exempted them from the rigour of the Prohibition, made since by St. Cyril to his Ca∣techumen, saying to her; d 1.298 Read not any thing of the Apocryphal Books; yet had they as great reason, as St. Hierome, to cry out; e 1.299 Let us hear no more of the fond imaginations of Apocryphal Authours; and to conceive the same Horrour thereof, as he would have raised in Laeta, and his little Disciple, Pacatula; giving them this remarkable Advertisement; f 1.300 Let her beware of all the Apocryphal Books; and, if at any time she have an inclination to read them, not for the truth of the Tenets, but out of a reverence for the Signs [which are observed therein] let her know, that they are not of those, under whose Names they go, and that many evil things are crept into them, and that it is the Work of a great Prudence to seek Gold amongst Dirt, &c. Let her Delight be in the spirits of those, in whose Writings the purity of Faith is unquestionable; and let her read the others so, as to judg of them rather, then follow them. If the examination of Books of doubtfull Autho∣rity was recommended to a simple Maid, how much more should it have been the care of those Great men; for whom Christianity hath a venera∣tion, as its chiefest Doctours? And, if the most inconsiderable among the Laity should be armed with Precautions in reading, how much more re∣quisite was it, that the Guids of the Church should read things with at∣tention, and vigilance? But, the desire of profiting out of all things, of taking advantages every where, of forcing Truth even out of the mouth of Falshood, and to become like Torrents, whose violence carries away what ever they meet with, hath made many of the Fathers, that nothing might escape the greediness of their Memory, neglect the best occasi∣ons they could have had to make Discoveries of their Judgment; and not onely endeavour to draw to themselves all the apprehensions of the Heathen, as well solid, as ill-grounded (as those great Rivers, which con∣tain in their Chanels Golden Sand, and Dirt, mixed together) but also triumph in that kind of employment, wherein there must sometimes be foul Play; as if it had been lawfull for them to say with Aeneas, in Virgil,

—g 1.301 Dolus, an Virtus, quis in hoste requirat?

Thence came it to pass; that St. Hierome, carried away with the violent Stream of this strange Prejudice, made no difficulty to alledg for his Discharge, that the Fathers h 1.302 were forced to speak, not according to their own Opinion, but to say what was necessary against what the Gentiles maintained; and that St. Paul, himself, grasped at all he touched; that he turned his Back, to gain the better; that he pretended a Flight, that he might

Kill; that the Testimonies, he made use of, speak one thing in their proper Places, and another in his Epistles; that there are some captive Examples, which fight not at all in the Books, whence they are taken, yet serve him to get the Victory: as if ever the Apostle of God had, by his own Example, autho∣rised the Licentiousness either of wresting the Scripture; or stealing, for Truth sake, a shamefull, and basely-obtained, Victory, by a dissimula∣tion of his own sentiment; or of thinking all means indifferent, nay com∣mendable, so it tended to the prejudice of Errour; or of seeking (ac∣cording to the Maxim of Anaxagoras) all things in all things, and setting up (to play the expert Merchant, acording to what is recommended to Christians, by the Authour of the Constitutions, i 1.303 as from the Apostles) an open Bank in Religion. But it is not given to all to thrive in this Spiritual Truckage, and (with Virgil, who boasted he gathered Gold out of En∣nius's Dung) to finde the Gold of Christianity in the common-Sewers of Apocryphal Writings.

CHAP. XXVII. Certain Dis-circumspections of the Fathers, concerning the Writing mis-named the Sibylline, considered.

TO give the last Touch to this Discourse of the Sibyls, we have yet to observe some slight Forgetfulnesses, as well of the Antient, as Modern. For Example, St. Augustine a 1.304 says; that Virgil confesses, he had transferred, out of the Sibylline Poem, these words, which may be applied to our Saviour;

If any Print of Antient Crimes remain, Thou shalt efface them in thy happy Reign; And from perpetual fear all Nations free.

and, That (it may be) the Poet meant thereby something of the onely Saviour of the World; which he thought it necessary to confess. Again, b 1.305 That He should should not easily have believed of the Sibyl, that she had spoken of Christ, were it not, that one among the Poets, the most eminent of the Romane Lan∣guage, before he spoke of the Restauration of the World things, which seemed to be sufficiently consonant to the Reign of our Saviour Jesus Christ, begins it with this Verse, saying,

The last Time comes, which Sibyl's Verse declare: and that no body questions, but that the Cumaean Poem is the Sibylline. And c 1.306 elswhere, that Virgil shews, that he said not these words of himself, In thy happy Reign, when he says, The last Time comes. Whence it is ap∣parent, without any contradiction, that that was said by the Cumaean Sibyl.

To which I answer, First, That Virgil does not say, he either had, or could have, taken any thing out of the Cumaean Poem; which could not be come at by a Person of his Quality; but that the last Time, which was to accomplish the Destinies, foretold by the Cumaean Poem, was then coming in.

Secondly, That from this Discourse it does not any way follow, that

the Cumaean Sibyl had uttered what the Poet writ; but that she foretold the Fate of the Empire to its last Time: whereof (according to his manner) he makes a Description.

Thirdly, That if there be any Piety in the Application of his words to our Saviour, it is wholly groundless: the meaning of the Authour having been absolutely different, as hath been shewed already, and not any way discovering he had any knowledg, or indeed Suspicion, of the Salvation of the Elect by Jesus Christ.

d 1.307 Isidore of Sevil, having presupposed, that the Gauls were so called, because of their Whiteness; since 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Greek, signifies Milk, adds, Whence it comes, that the Sibyl calls them so; when she says of them,

—With Gold their White Necks are adorn'd:

And yet it is not certain;

First, That these Words are not the Sibyl's, but e 1.308 Virgil's, repre∣senting, in magnificent Terms, the Sculpture of the Buckler, bestowed by Vulcan on Aeneas.

Secondly, That Isidore mistook the words of Lactantius, who had (ac∣cording to the Observation of St. f 1.309 Hierome) in this third Volume to Probus, held this Discourse; The Gauls were antiently, by reason of the Whiteness of their Bodies, called Galatae; and the Sibyl calls them so. Which the Poet would express, when he said;

—Their Milkie Necks enchac'd in Gold;

when he might as well have said, White. For it is evident;

First, That he attributes not to the Sibyl the Words, which Virgil made use of; but onely the Use of the word Galatae, derived (accord∣ing to the common Opinion) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies Milk.

Secondly, That he would not say, that Virgil took his Conception from the Sibyl; but that he (as well, as the other) reflected on the Etymologie of Galatae, derived fron 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and applied to the Gauls, by reason of the Whiteness of their Bodies. Besides, in the pretended Sibylline Writing, upon which Lactantius onely cast his eye, the word Galatae is not used to signifie our Western Gauls; who are therein called g 1.310 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and their Land h 1.311 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but to design the numerous Colony they had sent into the East of Gallo-Grecians, or Asiatick Gauls: and the Counterfeit Sibyl hath not any where insinuated, that these Gauls de∣rived their Name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but Lactantius presupposed it as likely, though without any necessity.

CHAP. XXVIII. That the Conjecture of Cardinal Baronius, concerning the Cor∣respondence between Virgil, and Herod, is not maintainable.

CArdinal a 1.312 Baronius, fixed in the Imagination; that Virgil had learned from the Sibylline Verses, the approaching Advent of the great King; and that he had out of flattery wrested the Sence, and ap∣plied it to Pohio's Son, alledges the Authority of the Emperour Constan∣tine; whereto we have answeredalready: then makes this Observati∣on;

The said Maro might also have understood something from the Hebrews concerning this Business; f••r Herod, King of the Jews (when he came to Rome) had often (as b 1.313 Josephus writes) been entertained at the House of Pollio, Virgil's great Friend. Now, I intreat the Reader to consider, that all this is nothing, but Wind. For

First, Josephus, who acknowledges, that Pollio was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the number of those, who made greatest account of Herod's Friendship, does not particularly denote of which Pollio he speaks, and it is generally known; that, besides C. Asinius Pollio, Virgil's great Friend, mentioned by Pliny, c 1.314 there was at the same time, in Rome, Vedius Pollio, a man no less familiar with Augustus, then Asinius; as is ob∣served by the same d 1.315 Pliny.

Secondly, Though Herod came four several times to Rome; yet is it impossible, to make the conceit of Baronius to suit with any one of them. For the first Journey he made thither was in the year of Rome 714, during the Consulship of Pollio, to implore the assistances of the Senate against the Parthians; and then he was in a private Condition, made little stay, had other Things in his thoughts, then Discoursing with Virgil (who was then onely beginning to come into Repute, without minding ought of Religion) and, having his Imagination employed how to get (as he afterwards did) the Crown of Judaea, he would have been more likely to entertain Virgil, and Pollio, with the Rising of his own Glory, then of that of our Saviour; whom the Scripture calls the e 1.316 King of the Nations, and f 1.317 the Day-spring from on high. As for the other three, they were all of them some years after the Death of Virgil; which happened on the two and twentieth of September, in the year of Rome, 735. For the first was in the year of Rome, 738. to carry away the children of Mariamne into Judaea; the second, in the year 744. to accuse them before Augustus; and the last, in the year 746. to restore into favour Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, his Ally. So that Virgil was not then in a Condition to learn any thing, either of him, or of any of his Retinue; or, yet, of his Friend Pollio.

Thirdly, Josephus does not say; that Pollio was ever Host unto, or entertained, Herod at his House: but that he lodged his Children, from the year of Rome, 733. at which time Virgil was in Greece, to the year 738. which was the third after his Death. And it is so far from being a good Consequence, Pollio entertained in his House the Children of Herod; there∣fore, He received Herod himself into his House: that the contrary seems rather to be inferred, He lodged the Children of Herod; therefore, He could not, at the same time, lodg Herod himself, their Father; who had a Royal Retinue about him, and was more vain-glorious, then any Prince of his Time. I press not, that Cardinal Baronius (directly contrary to the Em∣perour Constantine, who commends the Piety of Virgil) censuring his pro∣phane Flattery, renders him so much the more criminal, for that, having learned of the Jews the Mysterie of the Messias, he, out of a voluntary Malice, applied the Prophecy to Pollio, and his Son. All which considered, gives me the Confidence to affirm; that the presumed communication of Virgil with the Jews is a groundless Imagination, and no more.

CHAP. XXIX. That the Opinion of Anthonius Possevinus concerning the Sibyls, and their pretended Writings, is not more rational, then that of Cardinal Baronius.

ANthony Possevin, carried away with the Tortent of the common Opinion, makes (as the rest) no small Stir with the Sibyls; saying, That a 1.318 Plato, Iamblichus, Porphyrius, and the other Academicks, of whose Doctrine b 1.319 Petrus Crinitus hath written, have treated of the Sibyls. c 1.320 Cicero hath treated of them, and Pliny; and, before them, Varro in his Books Of Divine things, To Caesar; As also afterwards, Cornelius Ta∣citus, Solinus, Fenestella, Marcianus Capella, Virgil, Servius, and others; and of the Greeks, besides the Platonists, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Suidas, Aelian in his Books De varia Historia; nay, among the Christians, and antient Greek Fathers, Eusebius, Justin, Clemens Alexandrinus, Stratonicus Cumanus, Theophilus in his Books to Autolycus; and, among the Latines, Lactantius, Hierome, Augustine, &c. Now, many of the Fathers d 1.321 have affirmed; that these Sibyls had foretold things through the inspiration of God; and the Apostle St. Paul exhorted the Gentiles to read their Oracles, as Cle∣mens Alexandrinus hath left in writing, &c. Peter Garcias Galarza hath so Treated of all this whole matter; that, comparing the Verses of the ten Sibyls with the Prophecies of the Holy Scripture, he hath shewed the admirable Harmony between them.

But the Reader will be pleased once more to consider the inconsi∣derateness of this, otherwise learned, man; who cites, among the Authours, that have spoken of the Sibyls, Theophilus of Antioch, and, in his Apparatus, questions, whether he should be admitted into that number; saying, Theophilus of Antioch, in Case that Theophilus ever writ of the Sibyls. For

First, The Heathens knew not of any Sibyl, but the Idolatrous; as hath been already proved, and cite not any thing of what the Christians thought Sibylline: the Christians, on the contrary, made no account of what the Heathen esteemed, and confining themselves to the Rhapsody of the eight Books, which go under the Title of the Sibylline Oracles, were deceived, thinking them to be the antient Sibyls; and consequent∣ly the Testimony of neither Heathens, nor Christians, is not strong enough to authenticate them; in as much, as the former have charged them with Forgery; and the later, who made account of them, were circumvented; and their Design to bring them into credit proves inef∣fectual upon this account, that (according to the Civil e 1.322 Maxim) The consent of him, who is mistaken, is null.

Secondly, St. Paul neither was, nor could be, the Authour of the Re∣commendation attributed to him; but some Apocryphal Writer, who (impiously-bold) took his Name upon him, to deceive the World with more ease.

Thirdly, Eusebius does not so much, as name the Sibyls in the fifth Book of his History.

Fourthly, The Name of Stratonicus was never heard of, among the Fathers of the Church. Cumae is not found to have produced any Eccle∣siastical Writers: and Possevin, himself, grants as much; for that he does not allow his Stratonicus any place in his Apparatus Sacer.

Fifthly, It was no hard matter for Galarza to finde a Conformity be∣tween the Prophets and the Writings of the Counterfeit Sibyl, since she was (whatever she may seem to the contrary) a Christian by Prosession; and that she writ them one hundred, thirty, and eight years after the Birth of our Saviour: onely it is to be remembred; that this Confor∣mity is not such, as is imagined; and that the pretended Prophetess, to whom it is attributed, was full of Errours, and a corrupt Divine. If therefore we must (with Possevin) blame Opsopoeus the Printer of Basil; it should be, for having inserted this confused Medley into the Body of Orthodox Writers, and added thereto the Oracles of the false Gods; when nothing of it is Orthodox, or ought to finde place in the Christian Library. And, as to what is added by Possevin; That It had been more expedient to set apart some few things of many, and particularly what might be taken, as most certain, out of the Writings of the Fathers, with Notes, or a Paraphrase thereupon; such as Constantine the Great hath put before the Cumaean Sibyl cited by Virgil; or Lactantius before Firmia∣nus; or Augustine before the Acrostick produced by Cicero: it is an Er∣rour infinitely beyond what he was guilty of before. For it will never be expedient to propose to Christians, as a Direction, the Stumbling-Blocks, against which the Fathers fell, much less to raise them into an ad∣miration of Supposititious Pieces. Besides, it is inconsiderately done by some, to alledg either the Paraphrase of Constantine; who hath put Virgil, and his Poem so unmercifully to the Rack: or the Acrostick of the eighth Book of the Sibylline Oracles; which Cicero no more thought on, then he did on the Story of Apuleius's Ass.

The End of the First Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Adver. Valen∣tin.
• * 1.2

  1 Cor. 13. 7. 13.
• * 1.3

  Rom. 8. 20.
• * 1.4

  Matth. 10. 16.
• * 1.5

  Tertul. loco ci∣••to.
• * 1.6

  Ibid. Matth. 3. 16. Luke 1. 78.
• * 1.7

  Tertul. loc. citat.
• * 1.8

  Semo Sangus.
• * 1.9

  Simon Magus.
• * 1.10

  Lib. 3. c. 26. Catech. 4. De Civit Dei, l. 18. c. 42. In Ezech. l. 10. c. 33. Epist. 104. Lib. 5 advers. Cels.
• * 1.11

  Tatian sayes, that he dedi∣cates his three books of the Chaldaick Hi∣story to Antio∣chus Soter, who began hisreign in the year of Rome, 472. or the 472. after the death of Cyrus. Ph••cai. lib. 10.
• * 1.12

  Of the same opinion is Plu∣tarch, De Py∣thiae Orac. i
• * 1.13

  Lib. 1. ad finem.
• * 1.14

  Lib. 3. ad finem.
• * 1.15

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.16

  Lib. 7. ad finem.
• * 1.17

  Lib. 1. p. 7.
• * 1.18

  ΑΔΑΜ. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. l. 2. p. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lib. 1. p. 8. The Hebrew letters. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 produce but 41. Lib. 1. p. 12.
• * 1.19

  Lib. 2. p. 58.
• * 1.20

  Lib. 1. p. 10.
• * 1.21

  Lib. 1. p 9. 11. 7. p. 53.
• * 1.22

  Lib. 1. p. 11.
• * 1.23

  Lib. 2. p. 14. 17. 18. 3. p. 34. 49.
• * 1.24

  Lib. 3. p. 22.
• * 1.25

  Lib. 3. p. 26.
• * 1.26

  Ibid.
• * 1.27

  Lib. 5. p. 41, 43, 44. 49.
• * 1.28

  Lib. 8. p. 57. Lib. 2. p. 15. Lib. 5. p. 41. Lib. 5. p. 46. Lib. 5. p. 41. Lib. 8. p. 57.
• * 1.29

  Lib. 8. p. 57.
• * 1.30

  Lib. 8. p. 59.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 8. p. 66.
• * 1.32

  Appar. Sacr. verbo Sibylla∣rum.
• * 1.33

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.34

  Apoc. 18. 8 21
• * 1.35

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.36

  Annal. 15.
• * 1.37

  Marcus was born in the year 121. and Lucius in the year 128. Lib. 5.
• * 1.38

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.39

  Ga'en. de prae∣cogn. post. c. 9.
• * 1.40

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.41

  Strom. lib. 6. p. 136.
• * 1.42

  Baron. Appar. 19. Sixt. Sen. Bibl lib. 2. Possevin. Ap∣par. & Bib. Sel. lib. 2. c. 71. Lib. 17. c 20.
• * 1.43

  Psal. 147. 19, 20.
• * 1.44

  Joh. 4. 22. Acts 14. 16.
• * 1.45

  Acts 17. 30.
• * 1.46

  Rom. 3. 1, 2.
• * 1.47

  Rom. 9 4.
• * 1.48

  Rom. 10. 19.
• * 1.49

  Isai. 44. 28. and 45. 1.
• * 1.50

  Paedag l. 1 c. 2. p. 80. Strom l 7. 695. 702. 3. Lib. 3. c 2. Str••▪ l. 3 p. 450 & lib 4 p 550 Padag l. 3 c. 3. Ibid c 11 Strom. lib 1. p 280. 309. 18, 19 lib 6▪ 636, 63•• 48 Strom lib 1. p 304. 5 p. 548. Lib. 1. p. 307. P 310 P 311. Lib 5 p 615. Lib 6 p 662 Lib 1. p 324. P 325. p. 326. P. 327 P. 328.
• * 1.51

  P. 332.
• * 1.52

  P. ••43.
• * 1.53

  ••ib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 428.
• * 1.54

  P 349. lib 4 p 529 Lib. 4 p. 488. Lib. 5. p. 564. Lib. 6. p 637. 638, 639. P. 649.
• * 1.55

  P. 650. 51, 54.
• * 1.56

  Lib. 7. p. 706. 47. Lib. 6. p. 667. P. 669.
• * 1.57

  Lib. 7. p. 730. P. 748.
• * 1.58

  P. 676.
• * 1.59

  Paedag. l. 1. c. 5.
• * 1.60

  Strom. l. 5. 549.
• * 1.61

  Pag 688. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Pag. 690 91.
• * 1.62

  Pag. 692.
• * 1.63

  P. 695.
• * 1.64

  P. 696.
• * 1.65

  P. 647.
• * 1.66

  Can. 53.
• * 1.67

  P. 698.
• * 1.68

  P. 696.
• * 1.69

  P. 678.
• * 1.70

  In this placeis inserted a Dis∣course of 20. lines concern∣ing St. John, his Baptisme, death, and the defeat of Herod.
• * 1.71

  Advers. Cels. lib. 1. Euseb. Hist. lib 2. c. 23. Hieron. Catal.
• * 1.72

  Antiq lib. 20. cap. 2.
• * 1.73

  Oros. lib. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.74

  Phil. 1. 13. 3. 8. 4. 22.
• * 1.75

  De Civit. Dei lib. 6. c. 11.
• * 1.76

  Tacit. An∣nal. 15.
• * 1.77

  Jo. 8. 44.
• * 1.78

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.79

  Aeneid. 10. Baeotic. lib. 4. Lib. 1. cap. 6. Lib. 1. 4. 6. & 10. Lib. 13. 17. Lib. 7. c. 33. 13. cap. 13. Antiq. l. 1. c. 5. Apol. & Legal. Exhort. ad Au∣tolyc. lib. 2. Apud. Orig l. 7. In Peregrino & Pseudomanti. Lib. 34. c. 5.
• * 1.80

  Cap. 7.
• * 1.81

  De Var ••••ist. l. 12 c. 35.
• * 1.82

  Strom. 1.
• * 1.83

  Lib. 2. 1. 6.
• * 1.84

  Tivoli.
• * 1.85

  T••veron.
• * 1.86

  Orig l. 8. c. 8.
• * 1.87

  Constantine the Great, in his Oration to the Assembly of the Saints, follows Pausanias, in that he main∣tains, that the Erythraean Si∣byl was at Del∣phi; but he leaves him a∣gain, when with Diodorus Siculus, he calls her Daph••••
• * 1.88

  Saint Cyril in his first book against Julian, places the Erythraean Sibyl under the 9 Olym∣piad, and di¦stinguishes her from Herophi∣la, whom he makes to flou∣rish in the 17. Olympiad. Strom 1. p. 304. 323.
• * 1.89

  Noct. Attick. lib 1 c 14.
• * 1.90

  Servius in Aeneid lib 6. Suidas, verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tres libros à Si∣bylla Erythraea Romam allatos, ait, sive sub Tarquinio, sive sub Consulibus, itaque sibi non constat.
• * 1.91

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.92

  Dionys. l. 4. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.93

  Lactant. lib. 2. cap. 6. ex Fe∣nestella.
• * 1.94

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.95

  Lib. 23.
• * 1.96

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.97

  Quamvis sede∣cies denis & mille peractis, Annus praetere jam libi nonus eat.
• * 1.98

  August. de Ci∣vit. Dei lib. 18. cap. 53.
• * 1.99

  Cap. 54. Idem Epist. 201, 2. 53, 54, 67.
• * 1.100

  De promis. l. 3. c. 38.
• * 1.101

  Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. 10. c. 15. 16, 17, 18.
• * 1.102

  Dion. lib. 46. Sueton. in Cae∣sare Plutar. in Caesare. Cicer. de Divin. lib. 2.
• * 1.103

  Dio. lib. 54.
• * 1.104

  In Octavio. cap. 13.
• * 1.105

  Dio. lib. 57.
• * 1.106

  Tatit. Annal. 6.
• * 1.107

  Sam 2. Annal. 15 Dio. lib. 6. Suet. in No•…•…on.
• * 1.108

  See in Lucian the suppositi∣tious Oracles advanced in favour of Alex∣ander Abonoti∣chites, and Pe∣regrinus, noto∣rious cheats.
• * 1.109

  Epiph. haeres. 26. calls her Barthenos.
• * 1.110

  Colos. 1. 20.
• * 1.111

  Philo Biblia∣nus from San∣chomathon, a Reritian called de Saturno, Eu∣seb praep. l. 1. c. 20. Bibl. De Civit. Dei, l. 8. c. 23, 24, 26. De Promiss. l. 3 c. 38.
• * 1.112

  Orat. ad Sanct. coet. c. 18.
• * 1.113

  Lib. 1. p. 8.
• * 1.114

  Ibid. p. ••1.
• * 1.115

  Ibid.
• * 1.116

  De civit. Dei. ••. 18. c. 23. De promis. l. 3. c. 6. 14.
• * 1.117

  From the ••7. of Novem. in the year 711. to the 29. of August, in the year of Rome, 767.
• * 1.118

  De Divin. l. 2. c. 110.
• * 1.119

  Cap. 111.
• * 1.120

  Cap. 112.
• * 1.121

  C. 12. Aiqui in Sibyllinis ex primo versu cu∣jusque sententiae primis literis il∣lius sententiae carmen omne praeiexitur.
• * 1.122

  The same thing may be said of the verses, which Zosimus attri∣butes to the Sibyls, and for the same rea∣son.
• * 1.123

  Tertul. de Bapt. c. 1. Optat. l. 3. August. de civ. Dei, l. 18. c. 23.
• * 1.124

  Tit. 3. 5.
• * 1.125

  Psal. 36. 9.
• * 1.126

  Servius upon the ninth Ec∣logue, sayes, that the Inha∣bitants of Cre∣mona having entertain'd the forces of Bru∣tus, Cassius, and Anthony, Au∣gustus, over∣coming An∣thony, gave a∣way their lands; but he is mistaken, since that do∣nacton had been made ten years before the war against Ant••ony.
• * 1.127

  Ecl 9.
• * 1.128

  Georg. l. 2.
• * 1.129

  Ecl. 1.
• * 1.130

  For that Au∣gustus, born in Sept. 23. 691. was then in the 22 year of his age.
• * 1.131

  Donatus in Vir∣gils life, writes, that Cicero had seen his Buco∣licks; but it is more likely, he took (from the recovery of his estate) occasi∣on to write them two years after Cicero's death.
• * 1.132

  As when he says, in the 6. of the Aeneid•…•… Longa ••tas, meaning a thousand years.
• * 1.133

  J. O.
• * 1.134

  To keep close to Virgil, it should have been rendred, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.135

  Virgil had indeed said Our crime, out of a reflection, that he, and all those who had preceeded the Consulship of Pollio, had been under the Iron-Age, and partici∣pated of the crime thereof.
• * 1.136

  Saturn lib. 1. cap. 17.
• * 1.137

  Marcellus, whose Death is bewayl'd by Anchises, in the sixth Book of the Aeneids, died in the year of Rome 731. Ec. 4.
• * 1.138

  Aen. 6.
• * 1.139

  Gal. 4. 4.
• * 1.140

  Metam. l. 1. v. 2. Satyr. 2.
• a 1.141

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• b 1.142

  1 King. 11. 5.
• c 1.143

  Jer. 7. 18. 44. 17 25.
• d 1.144

  Lib 9.
• e 1.145

  De Ling. Lat. lib. 4.
• f 1.146

  P Victor in descript. Re∣gionis 12.
• * 1.147

  De praep. lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• h 1.148

  Apol c. 23.
• i 1.149

  De Civit. Dei. l. 2. c. 4.
• k 1.150

  Lib 9.
• l 1.151

  De Dea Syria.
• m 1.152

  Saturn. lib. 1. cap. 23.
• a 1.153

  Metam. 1.
• * 1.154

  Sandys.
• b 1.155

  Psal. 72. 16.
• c 1.156

  Isa. 11. 6, 7 8, 9. and 65. 25.
• * 1.157

  J. O.
• a 1.158

  Josh. 5. 14.
• b 1.159

  Heb. 1. 3. Luke 19. 12.
• c 1.160

  Jo. 3. 17. 12. 47.
• d 1.161

  2 Cor. 5. 19. Ephes. 2. 13. Colos. 1. 20.
• * 1.162

  J. O.
• a 1.163

  Lib. 1. c. 7.
• b 1.164

  Lib. 3. pag. 28.
• c 1.165

  Helene.
• d 1.166

  Homer.
• e 1.167

  Ilium & ulysses, in the Iliads and the Odysseis.
• f 1.168

  Twenty seven years be∣fore our Savi∣our, and nine years before the Death of Virgil.
• a 1.169

  Corinthior. lib. 2. pag. 47.
• b 1.170

  Lib. 4. pag. 38. & lib. 8. pag. 54.
• c 1.171

  Dio, lib. 55. Patere. lib. 2.
• d 1.172

  See lib. 3. pag. 27. & lib. 4 pag. 38. & lib. 8. pag. 59. And these fine allu∣sions: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.173

  Apol. 2. pag. 82.
• b 1.174

  Rom. 3. 8.
• a 1.175

  Vopiscus, in Aureliano.
• b 1.176

  Appar. Sect. 20.
• c 1.177

  Doct Temp. lib. 13. ad A. D. 271.
• d 1.178

  Can. ult.
• e 1.179

  A. D. 272. Sect. 20.
• f 1.180

  Josephus, in the first of his Antiquities chap. 5•…•… cites the words of a Pagan Sibyl; who says, That the Gods having sent Winds, o∣verthrew the Tower, and gave to every one his own Language; and thence it hap∣pened, that the City was named Babylon: which the Counterfeit Sibyl hath ex∣pressed in part, (lib. 3. pag. 21.) borrowing from Josephus.
• a 1.181

  Lib. 2. cap. 4, 7.
• b 1.182

  Lib. De Ci∣vitate Dei.
• c 1.183

  De Divinat. lib. 1, & 2. E∣pist. 7. lib. 1. Famil.
• d 1.184

  In the places before-cited.
• f 1.185

  In Julio.
• g 1.186

  Cap. 8.
• h 1.187

  In the places before-cited, and in Theseo, De∣mosthene, Cice∣rone; and the Book, De Py∣thiae Orac.
• i 1.188

  Lib. 2. p. 97. Achaic lib. 7. pag. 41 2. Pho∣caic. lib. 10. pag. 626.
• k 1.189

  In Caesare, Tiberio, & Ne∣rone.
• l 1.190

  Lib. 13.
• m 1.191

  In Pere∣grino, & Pseu∣domanti.
• n 1.192

  Lib. 2. Ad Autolyc.
• o 1.193

  Lib. 7. cap. 19.
• p 1.194

  Lib. 7. cap. 24.
• q 1.195

  Orat. ad sanctorum coe∣tum. cap. 20.
• r 1.196

  Apud Ori∣genem, lib. 7. contra Celsum.
• s 1.197

  Ad San∣ctorum coetum.
• t 1.198

  Lib. 7. contra Celsum.
• u 1.199

  De Civit. Dei, lib. 18. cap. 46.
• x 1.200

  Augustin. ibid. cap. 47.
• y 1.201

  Resp. ad Quaest. 74.
• a 1.202

  2 Cor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 6. 16.
• b 1.203

  Lib. 1. cap. 26.
• c 1.204

  Numb. 22. 28.
• d 1.205

  Opposit: in∣choatae, in Ep. ad Rom.
• e 1.206

  Rom. 1. 2.
• f 1.207

  1 Cor. 2. 12. apud Am∣brosium.
• a 1.208

  Problem. Sect. 30. q. 1.
• b 1.209

  De Pyth. Orac.
• * 1.210

  J. O.
• c 1.211

  Castal. edit. pag. 193.
• d 1.212

  Pag. 214.
• e 1.213

  Pag. 238.
• f 1.214

  Pag. 282.
• g 1.215

  2 Cor. 13.
• h 1.216

  Acts 9. 15.
• i 1.217

  2 Cor. 12. 4.
• k 1.218

  1 Cor. 2. 2.
• a 1.219

  Exhort. ad Graec.
• b 1.220

  Praef. in libros Sibyl∣linos.
• c 1.221

  These words are transcribed out of Suidas, and unjustly attributed to Lactantius, who says no such thing.
• a 1.222

  Aeneid. 6.
• b 1.223

  Satyr. 8.
• c 1.224

  And, about the year 1520. one John Wolf, an Inhabitant of Zuikaw, in Woitland, with like sincerity, produced the Epitaph of the Sibyl Suani∣childa, Daugh∣ter of Ulba and Cygneus, de∣scended fron•• Cygnus, the Son of Hercu∣les: wherein Langius, who made a great noise about it, was deceived.
• a 1.225

  1 Sam. 18. 10.
• b 1.226

  1 Sam. 19. 23.
• c 1.227

  Verse 24.
• d 1.228

  Hos. 9. 7.
• e 1.229

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings 9. 11.
• f 1.230

  Jer. 29. 26.
• g 1.231

  In Psal. 39.
• h 1.232

  Insaniae.
• i 1.233

  In excess•• mentis positi.
• k 1.234

  Acts 20. 24.
• l 1.235

  Andr. du Val, a Doctour of Sorbon, in the Life of Sister Mary of the Incarnation, a Carmelite Nun.
• m 1.236

  Tertullian. lib. De Ani∣ma, cap. 9.
• n 1.237

  At Car∣thage; where Prisca, and Maximilla (who never were out of Phrygia) ne∣ver were.
• o 1.238

  Cap. 11.
• p 1.239

  Cap. 45.
• q 1.240

  Cap. 27.
• r 1.241

  Cap. 45.
• s 1.242

  Advers. Marcion.
• t 1.243

  Luke 9. 33.
• u 1.244

  Irratione?
• w 1.245

  Lib. 5. Advers. Mar∣cion cap. 8.
• x 1.246

  Advers. Prax. cap. 15.
• y 1.247

  De Scripto∣ribus Eccles. verbo Apol∣lonius.
• z 1.248

  Tertullian.
• a 1.249

  Epiphan. Haeres. 48. cap. 4.
• b 1.250

  Ibid. c. 13.
• c 1.251

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16.
• * 1.252

  (d) Ibid. c. 17.
• e 1.253

  Lib. 1. c. 9.
• f 1.254

  Strom. 1.
• g 1.255

  In Ezek. Hom. 6.
• h 1.256

  1 Cor. 14. 30.
• i 1.257

  In Isai. Serm. 1. Praef.
• k 1.258

  Haeres. 48. cap. 3.
• l 1.259

  Heb. 3. 2, 5.
• m 1.260

  Isa. 1. 1.
• n 1.261

  Chap. 6. verse 1.
• o 1.262

  Ezek. 4. 9.
• p 1.263

  Verse 12.
• q 1.264

  Verse 14.
• r 1.265

  It is in the Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but it is likely it should be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• s 1.266

  Dan. 1. 4.
• t 1.267

  Montanus, and his Fol∣lowers.
• u 1.268

  In Psal. 45. 1.
• x 1.269

  In 1 Cor. 12. Homil. 29.
• y 1.270

  Homil. 36.
• z 1.271

  Praef. in Nahum.
• a 1.272

  Praef. in Haba••.
• b 1.273

  1 Cor. 14▪ 30.
• c 1.274

  Verse 33.
• d 1.275

  Praef. in Isai. 33.
• e 1.276

  1 Tim. 1. 7.
• f 1.277

  Prov. 16. 23.
• g 1.278

  Acts 7. 22.
• h 1.279

  Ezec. 28. 3.
• i 1.280

  Psalm.
• k 1.281

  1 Cor. 14. 32.
• l 1.282

  Ibid. 29, 30.
• m 1.283

  Zach. 1. 9.
• n 1.284

  Gal. 4. 6.
• o 1.285

  Psalm.
• p 1.286

  In Isai. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• q 1.287

  Apud Ambrosium.
• r 1.288

  1 Cor. 12. 8.
• s 1.289

  1 Cor. 14. 4.
• t 1.290

  1 Cor. 14.
• u 1.291

  In 1 Cor. 14.
• w 1.292

  1 Cor. 2. 15.
• x 1.293

  In 1 Cor. 14. 32.
• y 1.294

  See him also upon the 2d Epistle of St. Peter, chap. 1. verse 20, 21.
• a 1.295

  Annal. part. 2.
• b 1.296

  I. ib. De Sibyllis.
• c 1.297

  Haeres. 48. cap. 4.
• d 1.298

  Catech. 5.
• e 1.299

  In Isai. lib. 17. cap. 64.
• f 1.300

  Epist. 7.
• g 1.301

  Aeneid. lib. 2.
• h 1.302

  Apol. ad Pammach. pro libris Advers. Jovin.
• i 1.303

  Lib. 2. cap. 36.
• a 1.304

  Epist. 155.
• b 1.305

  Exposit. in∣choat. Epist. ad Roman.
• c 1.306

  De Civitat. Dei, lib. 10. cap. 27.
• d 1.307

  Orig. lib. 9. cap. 11.
• e 1.308

  Aeneid. lib. 8.
• f 1.309

  Praef. in lib. 2. Com∣ment. in Epist. ad Galat.
• g 1.310

  Lib. 5.
• h 1.311

  Lib. 7.
• a 1.312

  Appar. Sect. 23.
• b 1.313

  Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 15.
• c 1.314

  Lib. 36. cap. 5.
• d 1.315

  Lib. 9. cap. 23, 53.
• e 1.316

  Jer. 10. 7.
• f 1.317

  Luke 1. 78.
• a 1.318

  Biblioth. lib. 2. cap. 71.
• b 1.319

  De Honesta Disciplina, lib. 7. cap. 1.
• c 1.320

  De Divin. lib. 1, & 2.
• d 1.321

  Hierom. lib. 1. contr•• Jovin. Euseb. lib. 5. Hist Eccles. Lactant. lib. 1. Divin. Instit. August. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 23. De Civ. Dei. Just. Martyr, lib. 4. Advers. Gentes.
• e 1.322

  Cod. lib. 1. Tit. 18. cap. 9. A. D. 305. Decemb. 8.