The history of the reigns of Henry the Seventh, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary the first written by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; the other three by the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, Francis Godwyn, Lord Bishop of Hereford.

ANNALS OF ENGLAND, From the Year 1508, to the Year 1558. [ 1509]

BOOK I.

King HENRY the Eighth.

ANNO DOM. 1509. REG. 1.

AFter the death of Henry the Seventh, his only Son, Henry Prince of Wales, undertook the Go∣vernment of this Kingdom. He had then at∣tained to the Age of Eighteen years, and was richly adorned with Endowments both of Body and Mind. For of Stature he was tall, of a beautiful Aspect, and of Form through all his age truly beseeming a King: He was witty, docil, and naturally propense to Letters, until Pleasures (to which the Liberty of Sovereignty easily prompteth) did somewhat unseasonably with∣draw him from his Studies; to these you may add, a Great Spirit, aspiring to the glory both of Fortitude and Munificence. This towardliness was so seconded by the happy care of his Tutors, that if the end of his Reign had been answerable to the beginning, Henry the Eighth might deservedly have been ranked amongst the greatest of our Kings. For if you consider his first Twenty years, you shall not easily find any one, that either more happily managed Affairs abroad, or Governed more wisely at home, of that bare greater sway among his Neighbour Princes. This I think ought chiefly to be ascribed to the providence of his wise

Father, and his Grand-mother then still alive. For they took [ 1509] care, that he should have wise and virtuous Over-seers in his youth, by whose assistance having once passed the hazards thereof, he happily avoided those Rocks, whereon so many daily suffer wrack. But these either dying, or being so broken with age, that they could be no longer employed in affairs of State, and he himself being now come to those years, that commonly cast aside Modesty, (Modeslty, I say, the Guardian of that great Virtue,) then making use of no Counsellor but his Will, he fell into those Vices, which notwithstanding the glory of his former Reign, branded him deeply with the foul stains of Luxury and Cruelty. But remitting those things to their proper places, those Worthies appointed his Counsellors were;

• William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord* 1.1 Chancellour of England.
• Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester.
• Thomas Ruthal, Bishop of Durham.
• Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, Lord Treasurer of Eng∣land.
• George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury.
• Lord Steward of the King's Houshold.
• Charles Somerset, Lord Chamberlain.
• ...
  Knights.
  • Sir Thomas Lovel,
  • Sir Henry Wyat,
  • Sir Edward Poynings;

These men, the Solemnity of the dead King's Funeral being* 1.2 duly and magnificently performed, erected him a Tomb all of Brass, accounted one of the stateliest Monuments of Europe, which one would hardly conceive by the Bill of Accompts: For it is reported that it cost but a Thousand Pounds. The Monument is to be seen at Westminster (the usual place of our Kings Interr∣ments)* 1.3 in that admirable Chappel dedicated to St. Stephen, by this King heretofore built from the ground, a testimony of his religious Piety. I have read, that this Chappel was raised to that height for the summ of Fourteen thousand Pounds, and no more; and that he at the same time built a Ship of an unusual burthen, called from him, The great Henry, which by that time it was rigged, cost little less than that stately Chappel. But now, O Henry! what is become of that Ship of thine? that other Work (besides the reward of Heaven) will perpetually proclaim thy pious Munificence. Hence learn. O Kings! that the true Trophies of Glory are not to be placed in Armories and Arsenals, but (and those more durable) in Pious Works. Seek, first seek the Kingdom of God, and the righteousness thereof, and without doubt all other things shall be added unto you.

But to go on in my proposed course, although Henry the Eighth [ 1509] began his Reign the two and twentieth of April 1509, his Coronation was deferred to the four and twentieth of June. In* 1.4 the mean time, his Council thought it would prove a profitable policy for the King to marry Katherine the Widow of Prince Ar∣thur, his deceased Brother, and Daughter to Ferdinando King of Castile; for otherwise that huge mass of Money assigned for her Jointure must yearly be transported out of the Kingdom. Neither was there at first any other doubt made of this Match, than whe∣ther it were approved by the Ecclesiastical Constitutions, for as much as the Scripture (said some) forbad any man to marry his Brother's Wife. But this rub was easily removed by the omnipo∣tence of the Pope's Bull, in so much that presently upon the Dis∣pensation of Pope Julius, on the third of June, under a malignant Constellation, the Nuptials of these Princes were solemnized,* 1.5 and they both Crowned the four and twentieth of June next fol∣lowing, being St. John Baptist's day. At these Solemnities there wanted neither pomp, nor acclamations of the Estates of the Realm. But to shew that of Solomon to be true, The end of Mirth is Heaviness; five days had not yet run their course since the Coronation, when Margaret Countess of Richmond, the King's* 1.6 Grand-mother, made an exchange of this life with death. She was a very godly and virtuous Lady, and one who for her benefits to the Estate, deserved with all honour to be commended to the perpetual memory of Posterity: But her ever-living Works will so far set forth her praise, that the pains of any Writer will prove altogether needless. Yet notwithstanding, omitting other things, it will savour somewhat of Ingratitude, if I should not recount what she hath conferred upon our Universities. She founded two Colledges at Cambridge; one dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, and the other to St. John the Evangelist, and endowed them both with such large Revenues, that at this time besides Officers and Servants, there are about two hundred Students maintained in them: She also left Lands to both Universities, out of the Rents whereof, two Doctors, publick Professors of Divinity, to this day do receive their Annual Stipends. She lies interred near her Son, in a fair Tomb of Touch-stone, whereon lies her Image of gilded Brass.

ANNO DOM. 1510. REG. 2.

HEnry the Seventh, Father to this our Eighth, some few [ 1510] years before his death had caused an inquisition to be made throughout the Kingdom, of the breach of the Penal Statutes,* 1.7 saying, That Laws were to no purpose, unless the fear of Punishment did force men to observe them. But the Inquisition proceeding so

rigorously, that even the least faults were punished according to [ 1510] the Law, which inflicted a pecuniary Mulct; they that were touch'd (saith Polydor Virgil) cryed out, that this proceeded out of Covetousness, rather than Severity. But the wiser sort con∣ceived the King's intent to be, partly to curb the fierce mind of the People, bred up in faction; partly, that by these Fines he might not only weaken the rich, but also increase his own strength, and fortifie himself against civil Attempts (whereof he had lately seen some sparkles flie abroad) if so be any smothered coal should happen to break out into a flame. What-ever the matter was, many there were, who by accusing others sought the King's favour, and enlarged their own Estates, amongst whom two were chief; the one was called Richard Empson, the other Edmund Dudley, both Lawyers, and both for having served the King's turn, lately made Barons of the Exchequer. It is said that Empson was born at Torcester in Northampton-shire, his Father was a Sievier. Dudley, though he were well descended, yet being not befriended by Fortune, long strugled with Adversity. But after they had some Months taken pains in these matters, both of them arise to that greatness, that there were few of the Nobility, that would not crouch to them, and be ambitious of their favour. There∣fore it is not so much to be wondred at, if they grew exceeding wealthy: But this Wealth drew with it an Envy greater than it self, which nevertheless did them little hurt during the life of Henry the Seventh, but afterwards cast them both down as low as Envy could have wisht. The King upon his death-bed com∣manded in his Will and Testament, that restitution should be made to all, who had been wronged by the Exchequer. Where∣upon infinite numbers flocking to the Court, and demanding restitution, there could not a fitter means be thought of to stop their mouthes, than by committing of Empson and Dudley the occasioners thereof, to the People, as Sacrifices to appease their fury. They were therefore arraigned and condemned of high Treason. And these things were done presently upon Henry the Eighth his coming to the Crown. So their goods being seized upon, they for a whole year endured the miseries, that usually accompany a Prison, and yet were the Commons as eager against them as ever. Whence it should first arise I know not, but such a report there was, that the Queen had begged the poor mens Pardons. The Nobility disdaining, that such mean fellows had been heretofore so prevalent with their Prince, and the Commons being easily incited against them by some as eager enemies to them as themselves, cried out, that they were cheated of their just revenge, and wearying the King with continual petitions for their death, he was in a manner forced to satisfie them, Whereupon on the seventeenth day of August, they were both publickly beheaded. Such was the end of Empson and Dudley,

who abounding with Wealth, and flourishing under their Prince's [ 1510] favour, while they set light by all things else, became a Sacrifice to the giddy multitude. And it may serve to teach us to use our power moderately, and to take heed how we give offence to that Beast with many heads (I mean the People) which being angred, and having once got the reins, rageth like a tumultuous Sea. Dudley, left behind him a Son named John, who, as if he had been heir to his Father's fortune, being created Duke of Northumberland, concluded his powerful life with the like unhappy end; leaving much Issue behind him, even to our time, but yet whereof the heirs male have long since failed.

ANNO DOM. 1511. REG. 3.

THis year, on New-years-day the Queen was delivered of [ 1511] a Son, Heir-apparant to this Crown; but he out-lived not the three and twentieth of the ensuing February, to the great grief of the King and Kingdom.

About the same time there came Ambassadors from Ferdinand* 1.8 King of Arragon, who craved of the King his Son-in-Law fifteen hundred auxiliary Archers. He was then in hostility with the Moors inhabiting Africk. The King very willingly granted their request; and having levied the full number, embarqued them for Spain, in four Ships of the Navy Royal, under the command of Thomas Lord Darcy. They were scarce arrived there, when news was brought, that a Peace being made, Ferdinando stood in no farther need of their aid. Yet every one was liberally paid, the General, and those of greatest note that accompa∣nied him, were richly rewarded, and all being dismissed, with many thanks, safely returned home.

In their absence, Margaret Duchess of Savoy (who was Daughter* 1.9 to the Emperor Maximilian, and Governess of the Netherlands under Charles the Infant of Spain) prevailed with our King for the like number of Archers, she having then Wars with the Duke of Gueldres, against whom she meant to employ them. These men in the space of five Months did many brave exploits at Brimnost, Aske, and Venloo, under the command of Sir Edward Poynings, a brave Souldier, and in great favour with his Prince. Of them fourteen hundred returned home, much commended and well rewarded; the fortune of War had cut off one hundred. Four Captains in regard of their valour were Knighted by the Infant Charles, afterwards Emperor; viz. John Norton, John Fog, John Scot, and Thomas Lynd.

The King of Scots had then War with the Portugal, under pre∣text whereof one Andrew Barton, a famous Pirat, took all Ships* 1.10 that coasted either England or Scotland, affirming them always

to be Portugals, of what Nation soever they were, or at least [ 1511] fraught with Portugal Merchandise. The King sent Edward Howard, Lord Admiral of England, and his Brother the Lord Thomas Howard, eldest Son to the Earl of Surrey, with one John Hopton to take this Rover. When they had once found him out, after a long and bloody fight they took him alive (but mortally wounded) with his two Ships, and all his companions that survived the fight, and brought them to London.

ANNO DOM. 1512. REG. 4.

AS yet Henry had no War with any forein Prince, neither [ 1512] did the wiser sort wish that he should have any. But he, a young King, in the heat of one and twenty years, was trans∣ported with a vehement desire of War, which (saith the Proverb) is sweet to them that never tasted of it. Although he had about a year or two before made a League with Lewis the Twelfth of France, yet he was easily intreated by Pope Julius to renounce* 1.11 this Confederacy. This Pope, more like to that Caesar, whose Name he bare, than Peter, from whom he would fain derive his Succession, that like another Nero, sitting still he might from on high be a Spectator, while the whole World was on fire, had written Letters to our King, wherein he intreated his as∣sistance towards the suppression of the French; Who, without fear of God or man (these were the pretended Causes) had not only sacri∣legiously laid hold on the Revenues of the Church, had caused Cardinal William to usurp the Papacy, had upheld Alphonso of Ferara, and the Bentivogli in Rebellion against him; but had also farther decreed, to make Italy the Theatre of his Tyranny. Wherefore he conjured him by the Love of our Saviour, by the Piety of his Ancestors, whose aids were never wanting when the Church stood in need, and by the fast tye of Filial Obedience, that he would enter into the Holy League of the Estates of Italy, who had made choice of him for their General. Jealousie, and Reverence to the See of Rome so prevailed with him, that he easily condescended to the Pope's request. Yet that he might some way colour his action, he would needs inter∣pose himself as Umpire between the Pope and the French, whom by his Ambassadors he intreats to lay aside Arms; withal not obscurely threatning, that if he did not so, he intended to under∣take the defence of the Pope against him, the common disturber of the peace of Christendom. The French set light by this. Where∣fore War is proclaimed by a Herald, the French King commanded to part with the Kingdom of France, and the Duchies of Normandy and Aquitain, which he without right unjustly usurped. Then entring into League with Maximilian the Emperor, the Arragonois, and the Pope, they consult of assaulting the French with joynt

forces. The Arragonois invites us into Spain, that thence we might [ 1512] invade France, promising besides certain Troops of Horse, store of Artillery, Wagons for carriage, Munition, and many other things necessary for such an Expedition. Our King relying on his Father-in-Law his promises, levies a great Army, whereof he ships one part for Spain, and employs the other by Sea. Ed∣ward Howard, Lord Admiral, had charge of the Sea forces, who fought with the French Fleet in the Bay of Bretaigne. In which Fight there was no memorable thing done, besides the combat of the two great Ships, (the one having seven hundred English in it, under the command of Sir Thomas Knevet; the other nine hundred French, under Primauget, a Briton.) These Ships be∣ing both fast grapled, after a long fight fell both on fire, and were utterly consumed; not a man being saved, of whom it might be learned, whether this fire happened by chance, or were* 1.12 purposely kindled by a forced despair. Our other Army, under the command of the Lord Thomas Gray, Marquis of Dorset, amongst ten thousand tall English Souldiers, had five hundred Germans, under one Guint, a Fleming. This Army landed in Biscay, where they spent some Months in expectation of due performances from the Arragonois, who feeding them with promises only, tempered the heat of our Men, who were very eager upon the march for France. It happened that Gaston of Foix, Competitor for the Kingdom with John King of Navarr, dyed about the same time. The Navarrois had promised Ferdinand some aids toward this War. But now fearing no Competitor, he (whether out of inconstancy, or that he thought his affairs so required) secretly by his Agents makes a League with the French. Upon this Ferdinand turns his Arms* 1.13 upon the Navarrois, and strains all his strings to draw our men to the same attempt; but the Marquis of Dorset pleaded his Com∣mission, beyond which he could not with safety proceed. The Navarrois was utterly unprovided, and the Nobility so divided into the factions of the Egremonts and the Beaumonts, that he could do nothing. It was bruited that two mighty Kings came against him with no less forces, what should he do? To hope from France were vain; the French were too far off, and deeply engaged in other Wars. At the approach of the Spaniard he quits his Kingdom, and with his Wife and Children flying over the Pyrenaean Moun∣tains, makes Bern his receptacle. Ferdinand having thus gotten a new Kingdom, casts off all farther thought of France, only intending the confirmation of his Conquest; to which end he in∣treats of Henry the help of our Forces raised for France, and prevails; but to no purpose. For the English having their Bodies inflamed with the intolerable heat of a strange Climate, and the drinking of strong Wines, dropt down every where; insomuch that we lost about a thousand (some say eighteen hundred) men in an instant. Wherefore impatient of farther delay, they force their

Commanders to set sail homeward. The King was mightily enraged [ 1512] at their return, insomuch that he once thought to have punished them for their obstinacy: But the multitude of Delinquents proyed a pardon to all. They did forth in May, and returned a little before Christmass.

ANNO DOM. 1513. REG. 5.

ABout the beginning of this year the King assembled the high [ 1513] Court of Parliament, wherein War against France was determined, and a mighty mass of Money granted by the Com∣mons. Whereupon, in the very beginning of the Spring a Fleet is set forth, consisting of two and forty Men of War, besides Vi∣ctuallers, and lesser Vessels. The Lord Admiral, who had the* 1.14 charge of this Fleet, too too eagerly hunting after Honour, by his rashness frustrated the designs of so goodly preparations. He attempts to land in the Haven near adjoyning to Brest, where striving in person to set foot first in the Enemies Countrey, he, with a Spear born over-board and drowned, was the only man of all that Fleet that came short home. He therein performed rather the part of a private Souldier, than of a Commander. For his death brought back this headless Fleet into England. Where the King makes the Lord Thomas Howard Admiral, in the place of his deceased younger Brother; exhorting him, by employing his service for his Countries honour, to revenge his Brother's inglo∣rious death. This new Admiral with great speed brings his Navy out of Harbour, and scouring up and down the Seas, strook such a terrour into the French, that not so much as a Fisher-boat durst peep abroad. At last he lands in Whitsand-Bay, ransacks all the Countrey thereabout, and without resistance returns safe to his Ships.

In the mean time the King having raised a mighty Army, arrives at Calais the last of June, with a Fleet of four hundred Sail. The one and twentieth of July he marcheth with all his forces into the French Territory; and having sent some Ensigns before to besiege Terovenne a City in Picardy, he takes his way thither, in∣tending* 1.15 in person to sit down before it with all the strength of his Army. By the way he meets the French near Dernom: They at first seem resolved to fight; but whether they distrusted their own strength, and so purposely declined an unequal combat; or (as by our side it is reported) that our Ordnance being conveniently placed disordered them, and that so they betook themselves to flight, as if it had been all one for us to see them, and conquer them, away they went, and could not any where afterward be discried by us. So without any let our Army came before Tero∣venne. This City had (according to the relation of our Writers)

four thousand Defendants, whereof six hundred were Horse. [ 1513] The place being so well fortified, it had been no hard matter to have defended it against a mighty Army, if so be they had been accordingly provided of other necessaries; but they were wanting. Wherefore they certified their King to what an exigent they were brought. But he had his hands full elsewhere. For the Spaniard had made an inroad into Aquitain and Navarre; and the Suisses having lately overthrown Tremoville at Novarr, had now coopt him up in Dijon in Burgoigne; insomuch that his Forces being by these occasions distracted, he himself had not under his Colours above twenty thousand Foot (the moiety whereof were Lansque∣nets, under the command of the Duke of Gueldres) and two thou∣sand five hundred Launces. With these he comes to Amiens, that the hope of Succours, he being so near, might encourage the Defendants. For it much concerned him that the Siege should be drawn out at length. In our Army were forty thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse, so that there was no likelihood of doing any good against us. Neither indeed did the French intend (espe∣cially at that time) to hazard the fortune of a Battel, the loss whereof, in the judgment of the more expert, would have been accompanied with no less than the loss of the Kingdom, which would easily have followed our Victory. The French King there∣fore sitting still at Amiens, left he might seem to neglect such a City (the danger whereof did throughly grieve him) sends some Troops toward Therovenne, with instructions to put into the City eighty Horse-men compleatly armed (but without Horses, the besieged desiring no other aid) if possibly it could be effected, as it easily was, by reason of the negligence of our Centinels. For indeed the desuetude of a long Peace had made our men altogether unapt for War. But the indiscretion of the French far surpassed our negligence. For whereas with the same hazard they might have victualled the besieged, and furnished them with other necessaries which they wanted; desiring (but too late) to amend this errour, they would needs effect it the same way as before. But our men had by this time raised a new Fortification to hinder their entrance, and had withal placed in ambush store of Horse, with fifteen thousand Foot, to cut them off in their retreat. The French came near the Walls, but finding all entrance debarred, returned without suspition of any intended mischief. They had not gone far, when some (as if they had been out of their Enemies reach) impatient of the heat, cast off their Helmets, some fell a drinking, most leave their Horses of service, and for their ease mount on little Nags. Our men charge them unawares, and without* 1.16 any resistance made, put them to rout. The French in this en∣counter lost three hundred Horse. There were taken Prisoners, Lewis de Longueville Marquis of Rotelin, Badi, Clermont d'Anjou, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 d'Amboise, Bayard, La Fayet, and Palisse (who escapt out of

Prison) with many others. It was then the opinion of most [ 1513] men, that this Victory (if we had but made due use of it) laid an easie way for us to the Conquest of France: For the French were so affrighted with the news of this overthrow, that they thought of nothing but flying; and the King himself with tears in his eyes bewailing his hard fortune, cast about for some place of refuge, and determined to post into base Bretaigne. But we looking no farther than Therovenne, brought our Prisoners into the Camp, and without farther proscution left the Enemies to their fears. The French call this The Battel of Spurs; because they trusted more to their Heels, than their Swords. The Theroven∣nois* 1.17 after this overthrow despairing of Succour came to a Parley; and by the advice of their King, yield up the City the three and twentieth of August, upon condition, That the Souldiers might depart with Bag and Baggage, Colours flying, and Drums beating; and the Citizens permitted to carry away their goods.

A few days before the City was yielded Maximilian the Empe∣rour* 1.18 came to our Camp, and (which deserves to be recorded to the eternal honour of our Nation) taking for pay a hundred Crowns a day, besides what was disbursed among his Souldiers, disdained not to serve under our Colours, wearing the Cross of England, and a party-coloured Rose, the usual Cognizance of our English Warfare. But he rather came to be a Spectator, than a Partaker in the danger. Wherefore when he saw into what straights our King was likely to drive the French, being weak, if he would press hard upon him, and pierce farther into the King∣dom; although he were a profest Enemy to the French, yet was he jealous of our prosperous proceeding; and therefore by all means perswaded Henry, To dismantle Therovenne, and thence to proceed to the Siege of Tournay: He blamed him (not without just cause) for his late setting forth, Summer being first well-near spent, Winter was now at hand, when it would not quit cost to maintain such an Army, good designs being not then to be put in execution: He told him, That Therovenne was so far from him, that it could not be kept without great difficulty; therefore he should do well to dismantle it, that it might not hereafter serve for a Bulwark to the the Enemy: That Tournay was a French City, but (like an Island with the Sea) sur∣rounded with Flanders and Hainault, and far divided from the rest of France: True it was, that it was well stored with inhabitants, and not meanly fortified; but that there was no other Garrison, than of Citizens, and those he should find effeminate; and for Provision, that they had none: He should therefore make speed and come on them unawares, and with a few days siege force them to yield: That the French King, if he intended to succour them, must first march through all Hainault, and pass over two or three great Rivers, amongst which were the Escaut and the Scarp: That the Souldiers should find good booties there, and the King himself the triumph of a most assured Conquest:

That the addition of such a City would be no mean increase of his Do∣minions, [ 1513] and so much the less care to be taken of it; for as much as it would be as easie for him to keep it in obedience, as it was for the French for the space of so many years to defend it, being placed amidst so many Enemies, that still had a greedy eye over it. King Henry by this time had so much of War, that he began to be weary of the toil thereof, and to cast his mind on the pleasures of the Court. Wherefore (although he wanted not Counsellors for the best) he followed the Emperour's advice, as being the more easie. The Flemings (who begged it of the King) had leave to rase the Walls of Therovenne, to fill the Ditches, and to burn all the Buildings except the Church, and the Chanons houses, which they (in regard of the dissentions usual to bordering Nations) very gladly performed.

Therovenne being thus taken and destroyed, away they march with all speed to Tournay, endeavouring by their celerity to prevent* 1.19 the fame of their coming. But the Citizens suspecting some such enterprize, had fortified themselves as well as the shortness of time would permit them; and the Peasants thereabouts bring all their goods into the City, as to a place of safeguard. The City was of no great circuit, yet at the beginning of the Siege it contained fourscore thousand People: by reason whereof Victuals began quickly to fail them, and they could no way hope for relief. The French King was far off, they had no Garrison, the Citizens bad Soldiers, two great Princes had begirt the Town with fifty thousand men; but they had an Enemy within, called Famine, more cruel and insupportable, than both. So having for some few days held out the Siege, the nine and Twentieth of September their lives being granted them, they yield; and to save them∣selves* 1.20 from spoil, pay a hundred thousand Crowns. The King makes them swear Fealty to him, and appoints Sir Edward Poy∣nings, a Knight of the Garter, their Governour. Next he gives order for store of Warlike provision, puts in a small Garrison, and builds a Cittadel for the confirmation of his Conquest. Nei∣ther amongst these Politick affairs did he neglect those of the Church. For the Bishop being proscribed, he conferrs the See with all the revenues, upon Thomas Wolsey, of whose first rising* 1.21 and immoderate Power we shall have much occasion to speak hereafter.

All things being thus ordered, because Winter came on a∣pace, he began to bethink himself of returning with his Army into England. This thought so far pleased him, that having been absent scarce four Months he took Ship, and about the end of October came home triumphing in the Glory of a double Con∣quest.

By the way he was entertained with the news of another Vi∣ctory, the Lord Howard Earl of Surrey having under his Fortune

slain the King of Scots. The King of France being encumbred [ 1513] with many Wars, had conjured James the Fourth King of Scots,* 1.22 By the ancient Laws of Amity, and the late League made between them, that He would not forsake him, entangled in so many difficulties. If He regarded not his Friend's case, yet he should at least look to Himself; sor whom it would not be safe to suffer a bordering Nation, always at enmity with Him, by such additions to arise to that height of power. The King of England busied with a forein War was now absent, and with Him the flower of the English Chivalry: He should therefore forth∣with take Arms, and try to recover Berwick, an especial Town of the Scottish Dominions, but for many years with-held by the English; He would easily be victorious, if He would but make use of this occasion so happily offered. It could not be, but this War would be for His Honour, and profitable to His Friend, if not to Himself: He should thereby also make known to His Enemies, that the Scottish Arms were not to be contemned, whose former Victories a long, and (to them) hurtful Peace had obscured, and buried in oblivion among the English. As for the charges of it, He need not be troubled, for that he would afford Him fifty thousand Crowns towards the providing of Munition and Ordnance.

These Reasons so prevailed with the young King covetous of glory, that notwithstanding he had lately made a League with our King, whose Sister he had married, and her vehement dis∣suasions, he proclaimed War against Henry, which proved fatal to him, bloody to his, and the cause of many ensuing calamities. So having raised a great Army, he breaks into our Marches, and besiegeth Norham-Castle belonging to the Bishop of Durham, the which having held out six days was at last yielded unto him. Thence he removes his Camp to Berwick, wasting all the Coun∣trey as he marcht with Fire and Sword. The news whereof are brought unto them, to whom the government of the Kingdom was committed in the absence of the King; and a levy being made through all the North parts of the Kingdom, Alnewike is ap∣pointed the rendezvous, where all the Troops should meet at a set day, that thence they might set forward against the Enemy, under the conduct of the Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey. Among the first (to his Father's great joy) comes the Earl's Son Thomas Lord Admiral, leading a veteran Troop of five thousand men of tryed valour, and haughty in regard of their former Naval Victories obtained under the command of this young Lord. After him came the Lords Dacres, Clifford, Scrope, Latimer, Canyers, Lumley, and Ogle, besides Sir Nicholas Appleyard, Master of the Ordnance, Sir W. Percie, Sir William Sidney, Sir William Bulmer, Sir John Stanley, Sir William Molineux, Sir Thomas Strangwayes, Sir Richard Tempest, and many other Knights.

These sitting in Council, thought it best to send an Herald to the King, to expostulate with him concerning the outrages committed: to complain, that He had without all right or reason spoiled the Countrey

of a Prince not only Ailied unto him, but also his Confederate; and [ 1513] therefore to certifie him, that they were ready by Battel to revenge the breach of League, if so be he durst await their coming but a few days, in a ground that might be fitting for the meeting of both Armies. The King makes answer by writing; wherein He re∣torts the violation of the League, calling God to witness, that King Henry had first by his many injuries shown evident signs of an alienated mind. For the English (he pretended) robbed all along the Marches of Scotland, without restitution or punishment: Andrew Barton, a stout and bonest man, had been unjusty slain by the King's command; and one Heron, who had murthered Robert Car a Scottish Noble-man, vaunted himself openly in England, the King taking no notice of so heinous a fact: Of these things he had often complained by his Ambassadors, but without effect. There was therefore no other way for him, but to betake him∣self to Arms for the common defence of himself, and his Kingdom, against the King's injustice. As for the meeting, he signified that he ac∣cepted of it, and appointed both time and place for the Battel.

Neither party failed the prefixed day. The Scot seeks to animate his men by taking away all hope of safeguard by flight, com∣manding* 1.23 them (I know not how wisely, but the event shewed how unhappily for them) to forsake their Horses, forasmuch as they were to trust to their Hands, not to their Horses heels; and by his own example shewing what he would have done, he alights, and prepares himself to fight on foot. The rest doing the like, the whole Army encountred us on foot, to whom, after a long and bloody fight, the fortune of the Victory inclined. The Scots had two and twenty pieces of great Ordnance, which stood them in no stead. For our men climbing up a Hill where the Enemy sate hovering over us, the shot passed over our heads. Our chief strength were our Archers, who so incessantly played upon four Wings of Scots (for the King divided his Army into five Battalions) that were but lightly armed, that they forced them to flie and leave their fellows, who yet stood stoutly to it. But the main Battel, where the King was, consisting of choice men, and better armed against our shot, was not so easily defeated. For the Scots, although they being inclosed as it were in a toyl, were forced to fight in a ring, made most desperate resistance, and that without doubt so much the rather, because they not only heard their King encouraging them, but saw him also manfully fighting in the foremost Ranks, until having re∣ceived wound upon wound he fell down dead. They say there fell with him the Archbishop of St. Andrews his natural Son, two other Bishops, two Abbots, twelve Earls, seventeen Barons, and of common Souldiers eight thousand. The number of the Captives is thought to have been as many. They lost all their Ordnance, and almost all their Ensigns: insomuch that the Vi∣ctory was to be esteemed a very great one, but that it was

somewhat bloody to us in the loss of fifteen hundred. This Field [ 1513] was fought the ninth of September, near Flodon-Hill, upon a rising Bank called Piperdi, not far from Bramston.

I am not ignorant, that the Scottish Writers constantly affirm the King was not slain in the field, but having saved himself by flight, was afterwards killed by his own people; and that the Body which was brought into England was not the King's, but of one Alexander Elfinston, a young Gentleman resembling the King both in visage and stature, whom the King (that he might delude those that pursued him, and might as with his own presence animate them that fought elsewhere) had caused with all tokens of Royalty to be armed and apparrelled like himself. But to let pass the great number of Nobility, whose carcases found about him suffi∣ciently testifie, that they guarded their true King, and conse∣quently that the counterfeit fought else-where: It is manifest that his Body was known by many of the Captives, who certainly affirmed, that it could be no other than the King's, although by the multitude of wounds it were much defaced. For his Neck was opened to the midst with a wide wound, his left Hand almost cut off in two places, did scarce hang to his Arm, and the Archers had shot him in many parts of his body.

Thus was James the Fourth King of Scots taken away in the flower of his youth, who truly in regard of his Princely Virtues deserved a longer life. For he had a quick wit, and a majestical countenance: he was of a great spirit, courteous, mild, liberal; and so merciful, that it was observed he was often forced against his will to punish offendors. These virtues endeared him to his People in his life time, and made them so much lament the loss of him being dead, that (as all Historians report) they seemed to have lost only him in the whole succession of their Kings; which sufficiently argues the improbability of the Subjects pre∣tended Parricide.

But he had not fallen into this misery, if he would have hearkned to the advice of those, who perswaded him to have returned home before the Fight, contented with what he had already performed in the Expedition: that he should not upon so weak forces hazard the estate of his Kingdom: he had won glory-enough, and abundantly fulfilled his Friends request. But the French Agent, and some of the King's Mignons corrupted by the French urging to the contrary, this haughty Prince, even otherwise very desirous to give proof of his valour, was easily perswaded to await our great Forces already marching. His Body (if at least that were his, and not Elfinston's) being enclosed in Lead, and brought into England, was by our King's (I will not say cruel, but certainly inhumane) command cast in some by-corner or other, without due Funeral Rites, saying, that It was a due punishment for one who had perjurously broken his League; whereas

if we examine the premisses, we shall find he wanted not pro∣bale [ 1513] pretexts for what he undertook.

ANNO DOM. 1514. REG. 6.

THE next year having begun his course, Thomas Howard [ 1514] Earl of Surrey (he who had been victorious over the Scots) was created Duke of Norfolk, the title and dignity of his Ance∣stors.* 1.24 John his Father deriving his pedigree from Thomas de Bro∣therton, Son to King Edward the First; the Segraves and the Mowbrays (who had been all Dukes of Norfolk) enjoyed this Ho∣nour by right of Inheritance. But because in Bosworth-Field (where here he was flain) he took part with the Usurper, both he and his Posterity were deprived of that Honour. This Thomas dying in the year 1524, his Son of the same name succeeded him, who deceased in the year 1554. His Son Henry (a young Lord of great hopes) his Father then living was beheaded towards the end of this King's Reign. He left Issue Thomas the last Duke of Norfolk (who also lost his Head the year 1572) and Henry (at nurse when his Father dyed) a very learned and wise man, whom King James (no good man repining thereat) created Earl of Northampton. Thomas Duke of Norfolk had three Sons that sur∣vived him, Philip, Thomas, and William. Philip Earl of Surrey (and by his Mother, of Arundel) condemned the year 1589, and after dying in prison, left Issue Thomas, then a little one, who by King James his favour succeeded his Father in his Honours. His Uncle Thomas out of the same fountain of Royal Goodness was created Earl of Suffolk, with addition of the dignity of Lord Cham∣berlain. Beside these, this Family hath Charles Earl of Notting∣ham, Lord Admiral of England, Nephew by the Lord William his Father, to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, that famous Triumpher over the Scots. This is he, who in emulation of his Grandfather's glory, in the year 1588, under the fortune of Queen Elizabeth, most happily overthrew that vainly called Invincible Armada of Spain. Thomas also Viscount Bindon is derived from Thomas Duke of Nor∣folk, by his Son the Lord Thomas. So this noble House lately afflicted, now gloriously flourishing, hath four Earls and a Vis∣count, all brave and famous men, and of whom there will be oc∣casion of much to be spoken hereafter: I therefore thought it good in brief to set down their Genealogy, lest I should trouble the Reader with too often repetition of their Race upon each mention of the Name. At the time of this Duke's creation, others were also honored with new Titles; Charles Brandon made Duke* 1.25 of Suffolk, and Charles Somerset Earl of Worcester, and Edward Stanley Lord Mountegle, Sir William Brandon Standard-bearer to Henry the Seventh in Bosworth-Field, and there slain by the hand

of Richard the Third, was Father to this new Duke of Suffolk, of [ 1514] whose Education (he then a little one) King Henry having ob∣tained the Crown was very careful, and made him rather a Com∣panion than a Servant to the young Prince, of whose houshold he was. The Prince so greatly favoured him, partly for his Father's deserts, chiefly for his own, that he being afterward King, created him Viscount Lisle, and intending (at least many were so persuaded) to give him to Wife the Lady Mary his Sister, who afterward was married to the King of France; thought it first good to honour him with the Duchy of Suffolk, which this year at the feast of Candlemas was performed. But how he was frustrated of his hopes, and afterward beyond all hope en∣joyed her, shall be declared hereafter. Somerset, the natural Son* 1.26 of Henry of the House of Lancaster, the last Duke of Somerset; took his surname of his Father's Honour; whereas he should have been called Beaufort, or rather Plantagenet, according to the an∣cient name of our English Kings: He being Cousin-german to Henry the Seventh (whose Mother was Margaret, Sister to the Duke of Somerset) and famous for his many Virtues, of which that King was a quick and exact Judge, and was by him made Lord High Chamberlain of England. But having behaved himself very valiantly in this last Expedition against the French (wherein Guicciardin untruly reporteth him to have been slain) Henry the Eighth added this new Title (which his Posterity still enjoyes) to his ancient Honours. He was great Grandfather by his Son Henry and Nephew William, to Edward the now Earl, who being one of His Majesties most Honorable Privy Council, and Lord Privy Seal, doth by his virtues much more ennoble his so noble Ancestors.

The French King hearing of the overthrow of the Scots, per∣ceiving himself deprived of such a Friend and Confederate, seeing his Kingdom on fire about his ears, and none to rely upon but himself, determined (if so he might fairly and with credit) to renew his League with us. Pope Julius the Second, the Incen∣diary of Christendom was lately dead, and the French King himself was now a Widower. He therefore intends to try whether by marrying the Lady Mary the King's Sister, he might secure him∣self from War on our side, and by so near alliance gain the assured Friendship of so potent a Prince. Leo the Tenth succeeding Julius the Second, did openly side with the French against the Spaniard. He therefore earnestly soliciting a reconciliation, a Peace was con∣cluded* 1.27 profitable to the French, acceptable to us, and on the ninth of October the Nuptials were with great pomp solemnized. The* 1.28 French King was well stricken in years, his Wife a tender Vir∣gin of some sixteen or eighteen years of age, but wonderful beau∣tiful. Besides the forementioned reasons, the desire of Children (for he had no Male Issue) on his part, on her part the good of the publick weal, the authority of her Brother so willing, and

(which bears chiefest sway in a Womans heart) the supremacy [ 1514] of Honour in the title of a Queen, were motives to match so uneven a Pair. But many not without cause were persuaded, that she had rather have made choice of Brandon for her Husband (so her power had been answerable to her will) than the greatest Monarch in the World: neither was it long before she enjoyed her desire. For the King (as it often happens to elderly Men, that apply themselves to young Women) dyed the last of February, having scarce three Months survived his Wedding. The Queen might then lawfully, according to the Articles of agreement, return into England, which she earnestly desiring, the Duke of Suffolk was sent to conduct her; who becoming a fresh Suitor unto her, so far easily prevailed, that before their departure from Paris, they were there privately married. The Marriage was afterward by the King's consent celebrated at Greenwich, the thirteenth day of May of the ensuing year.

And now we must speak something of Wolsey's sudden and (for* 1.29 these our times) incredible rising, who having (as we have re∣lated before) been invested in the Bishoprick of Tournay, was within the year preferred to two other Bishopricks. That vene∣rable Bishop of Lincoln, William Smith, was lately deceased; who beside many other Monuments of his Piety, having begun in Oxford a College for Students, called Brazen-nose-College, was immaturely taken away before he could finish so good a work. So the See being vacant, it is conferred on Wolsey, now high in the King's favour. He was of very mean parentage (a Butcher's Son) and Ipswich (a Town in Suffolk, but of Norwich Diocess) where he afterward laid the foundation of a stately College, was the place of his Birth. He was brought up at Oxford, in Magdalen∣College, and afterward became Master of the Free-School thereto belonging. Among other Scholars, the Sons of the Marquess of Dorset were committed to his trust, and for his care over them, the Parsonage of Limington in Somersetshire (no very mean one) was bestowed on him. As soon as he had set footing there, he was very disgracefully entertained by Sir Amias Powlet, who clapt him in the Stocks, a punishment not usually inflicted upon any but Beggars and base people. What the matter was that so ex∣asperated him against Wolsey, a man not of least account, I know not: This I know, that Wolsey being afterward made Cardinal, and Lord Chancellor of England, so grievously punished this in∣jury, that Sir Amias Powlet was fain to dance attendance at London some years, and by all manner of obsequiousness to curry favour with him. There remains to this day a sufficient testimony hereof in a Building over the Gate of the Middle Temple in London, built by the Knight at the time of his attendance there, and decked round about very sumptuously with the Cardinal's Arms, hoping thereby somewhat to allay the wrath of the

incensed Prelate. But these things were long after this year. [ 1514] Wolsey, whether that he could not brook this disgrace, or beating a mind that lookt beyond this poor Benefice, left it, and became domestick Chaplain to Sir John Nafant Treasurer of Calais, by whose means he was taken notice of by Fox Bishop of Winchester, a man that knew rightly how to judge of good wits. He finding this young man to be very sprightful, of Learning sufficient, and very active in dispatch of Affairs, so highly commended him to King Henry the Seventh, (who relied much upon Fox's faith and wisdom) that he thought it good forthwith to employ him in Affairs of great moment. What need many words? he so far pleased the King, that in short time he became a great man, and was first preferr'd to the Deanry of Lincoln, and then made the King's Almoner. But Henry the Eighth, a young Prince, coming to the Crown, was wholly taken with his smooth tongue and pliable behaviour. For when all the rest of his friends advised him to sit every day in person at the Council-Table, that so by experience and daily practice he might reap Wisdom, and to accustom himself to the managing of Affairs of Estate: Wolsey advised him to follow his Pleasures; saying, That his Youth would not be able to brook their tedious Consultations; every Age of man had its Seasons, and Delights agreeable. They did not do well, that would force the King to act an Old man before his time, Youth being utterly averse from wrinckled Severity. It would come to pass hereafter, if God were so pleased, that what was now troublesom to him, would not be dis∣agreeable to riper years, nay prove perhaps a great pleasure. Until that time came, he should enjoy the present, and not by hearkning to others needless persuasions, any way interrupt the course of that felicity which the largeness of his Dominions would easily afford him. He should hawk and hunt, and as much as him list use honest Recreations. If so be he did at any time desire suddenly to become an Old man by inter∣medling with Old mens Cares, he should not want those (meaning himself) that would in the evening in one or two words relate unto him the effect of a whole days Consultation. This speech hitting so pat with the King's humour, made Wolsey so powerful, that whereas the King before favoured him as much as any other; he only was now in favour with and next the King, with whom there was nothing to be done but by him. For he was the man that was made choice of, who like another Mercury should pass between this our Jove, and the Senate of the lesser Gods, offering their petitions to him, and to them returning his pleasure therein. Wherefore he was even at the first sworn of the Privy Council, and besides the late collation of Tournay, upon the death of Smith he was also made Bishop of Lincoln. In the government of which Church he had not fully spent six months, before he was translated from Lincoln to the Archbishoprick of York, then vacant by the death of Cardinal Bambridge at Rome. Shortly after, (that I may

at once shew all his Honours) William Warham Archbishop of [ 1514] Canterbury leaving the place, he was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England, and by the Pope Legate à latere. Yet he stayed not there; but as if the Archbishoprick of York, and the Chancellorship of England had not been sufficient to maintain the port of a Cardinal, besides many other Livings he procured of the King the Abbey of St. Albans, and the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells. And not content with these, leaving Bath and Wells, he addeth the Bishoprick of Durham to that of York, and then leaving Durham seizeth on Winchester, at that time of greatest revenue of any Bishoprick in England. You now see Wolsey in his height, rich, his Prince's Favourite, and from the bottom raised to the top of Fortunes Wheel. What became of him afterward you shall know hereafter.

ANNO DOM. 1515. REG. 7.

THe League lately made with Lewis the French King, was [ 1515] confirmed by Francis his Successor, and published by Pro∣clamation in London, the ninth day of April.

ANNO DOM. 1516. REG. 8.

BUt the French King having taken into his protection the young [ 1516] King of Scots, sent John Stuart Duke of Albany into Scotland, to be Governour both of the King's Person and Kingdom. The* 1.30 first thing this Duke undertook, was, either to put to death or banish those, whom he any way suspected to favour the English. Insomuch, that the Queen Dowager (who by this time was married to Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus) forced to save her self by flight, came into England to her Brother, with whom she stayed at London a whole year, the Earl her Husband after a month or two without leave returning into Scotland. King Henry being displeased at these French practices, deals underhand with the Emperour Maximilian (with whom the French then contended for the Duchy of Milan) and lends him a great summ of Money, whereby he might hire the Suisses to aid him in the expelling the French out of Italy. But the Emperour, although he had levied a sufficient Army, returned home without doing any thing. He was indeed accounted a wise Prince, but unhappy in the ma∣naging of his Affairs: whether it were that Fortune waiwardly opposed him, or that he was naturally slow in the execution of his well-plotted Designs. But shortly after he intends a second tryal of his Fortune. Wherefore by his Ambassador the Cardinal of Suisserland, he yet borrows more Money of the King, which

was delivered to certain Merchants of Genoa, to be by a set day [ 1516] paid to the Emperour in Italy. But they, whether corrupted by the French, or not of sufficient ability to make return, deceived him; and so his second designs vanished also into air. I do not think it was the King's fault, although we might justly suspect, that the great Treasure left him by his Father being almost spent, and the French secretly offering Peace upon good terms, the friendship between him and the Emperour, which he had so dearly pur∣chased, began at length to grow cold. Certainly (to speak no∣thing of the League which was afterwards concluded with France) the Treasury was now grown so bare, that the King was driven to invent new ways for the raising of Money. The care of this business (as almost of all others) was committed to Cardinal Wolsey, who casting up the Exchequer-Accompts, found many deeply indebted to the King; and (whether by the negligence or treachery of the Officers) never yet called to account. Among others, the Duke of Suffolk was found to be a great debtor, who besides his own Revenues, received yearly out of France his Wives Joincture, amounting to sixty thousand Crowns. Yet notwithstanding he was fain to withdraw himself from Court, that by living thriftily in the Countrey, he might have wherewith to pay this debt. The Cardinal next bethinks himself of publick Misdemeanors of what sort soever: as Perjury, Rapes, Oppression of the Poor, Riots, and the like; the Offendors without respect of degree or persons, he either publickly punished in Body, or set round Fines on their heads. By which means the Treasury (before empty) was re∣plenished, and the Cardinal by the people much applauded for his Justice. These things having thus succeeded to his mind, he undertakes more in the same kind. He institutes a new Court, where the Lords of the Privy Council, with other of* 1.31 the Nobility should sit as Judges. The aforesaid Crimes, which then greatly reigned in this Kingdom, and were punishable in this Court, which (as I conjecture) from the Stars painted in the roof is called the Star-Chamber. He erected also the Court of Requests, where the complaints of the Poor were to be heard; and ordained many other things in the Civil government of the Kingdom, that were acceptable to the People, and are in use at this day, wherein he alike manifested his wisdom and love of his Countrey. Cer∣tainly they that lived in that Age would not stick to say, That this Kingdom never flourished more, than when Wolsey did, to whose Wisdom they attributed the Wealth and Safety that they enjoyed, and the due Administration of Justice to all without exception.

ANNO DOM. 1517. REG. 9.

THe Spring growing on, the fear of a Commotion in London [ 1517] increased with the year. The original and success whereof I will lay open at large, forasmuch as Enormities of this nature, by our wholesom Laws severely restrained, are so rare, that I remember, when I was a child, old men would reckon their Age from this day, by the name of Ill May-day. Long Peace having* 1.32 with us begate Plenty, the Mother and Nurse both of good and bad Arts, allured the most excellent Artificers of forein Nations to partake of our happiness, by frequenting the City of London. But the giddy multitude not conceiving what good became of communicating their skill unto us, took it very heinously, that Strangers should be permitted to enjoy the Priviledges of the City; and our home-bred Artificers did most especially complain, That their means were every day curtalled, for as much as no small part was necessarily to be defalked for the maintenance of these Strangers. This was now grown the common discourse; and had gon so far, that one Lincoln, a ringleader of this tumul∣tuous rout, did not stick to persuade some Preachers, publickly in the Pulpit to lay open these common grievances before the Estates of the Realm. Our Ladies Hospital in London, commonly called the Spittle, is famous for the Easter-Sermons; one of which was to be preached by Dr. Henry Standish (afterward Bishop of St. Asaph) a grave and learned man. Lincoln had assayed him, and had the denial, as in a matter, the very mention whereof a good Patriot should abhor. But Dr. Bell, a Divine who was after Standish to preach in the same Place, without fear or wit seconding their seditious attempts, did publickly in his Sermon read the Bill by them exhibited to him, taking for his Text that of the Prophet in the hundred and fifteenth Psalm: The heavens, even the heavens are the Lords; but he hath given the earth to the sons of men: Thence most foolishly concluding, that England was given to English-men only, and that therefore it was not to be endured, that Aliens should enjoy any part thereof. Many things by him spoken to this purpose, were accepted with great applause and approbation of the Vulgar, who out of extreme hatred to Strangers, breathed nothing but sedition. And to add more fuel to this fire, it happened that many outrages were about that time committed by some of these Strangers. This evil then thus spreading it self, Foreiners were every where ill intreated, and commonly knockt down in the streets, having not offered injury to any man. The authors of these riots being by the Lord Mayor committed to prison, a sudden rumor ran through the City, That on May-day next all Strangers should be massacred. This without doubt proceeded from some of this unruly crew, and was intended

as a watch-word to all the Faction; but the Strangers made so [ 1517] good use of it, that they had all withdrawn themselves before that time, and the Magistrates very carefully attended each occasion, endeavouring to crush all Tumultuous Designs in the shell. On May-day-Eve therefore (the next day being the Feast of the Apostles Philip and Jacob, the solemnity thereof is usually augmented by the liberty granted to the younger sort to sport themselves and to make merry) the Citizens in general are by Proclamation commanded to keep fast their doors, and to restrain their Servants from going abroad until nine of the Clock the next day. But before this had been throughly proclaimed, an Alderman walking in the streets, saw a troop of young men consisting of Apprentices and such like gathered together, and playing at cudgels. He sharply reproved them for not obeying the King's Edict, withal threatning to punish them, if they the sooner betook not themselves every one to his home. Words not prevailing, he laid hold on one or two, intending to have com∣mitted them. But what reckoning they made of Authority, their resistance in rescue of their Companions shewed; and by outcries giving an Alarm, drew together all the rest of their Faction in that quarter of the City. The fame of this hurliburly increased their numbers, by sending Mariners, Gentlemens Servants, Beggars, and Citizens, but the greatest part were Apprentices. Sedition like a torrent carried them headlong, and animated them to all villany. They break open the Prisons, set those at liberty, that were imprisoned for their outrages on Strangers, flie about the City as in a whirlwind, rob all Foreiners houses, and not con∣tent with their goods, seek after them for their lives. They found their nests, but the birds were fled. Having thus spent the night, in the morning hearing the King's forces to approach, most of them slipt away, only some three hundred remained (whereof eleven were Women) and being apprehended, supplied their places, whom they before had freed. They were all arraigned, only thirteen designed for death, whereof, nine suffered on divers Gibbets purposely erected in divers parts of the City. Lincoln, Sherwin, and two Brethren named Bets, Chieftains in this se∣dition, were carried to Cheapside, where Lincoln was deservedly hanged. The Executioner ready to turn off another, was pre∣vented by the King's gracious Pardon. The mind of man being prone to pity, we may imagine, that others were well pleased at the news; but certainly the condemned had cause to rejoyce. The Queens of England, the two Dowagers of France and Scotland (both of them the King's Sisters, and then at Court) became in∣cessant Petitioners to his Majesty, and on their knees, in the behalf of these condemned persons: and at length, Wolsey consenting (by whom the King was wholly swayed) their Petitions were granted to them, and to the poor men their lives. This was the last Scene

of this Tragical Tumult, the like whereof this well-governed City [ 1517] had not known in many Ages. For the Laws very well provi∣ded in that case, do under a great penalty forbid Assemblies, espe∣cially of armed men, if not warranted by publick Authority.

In August and September the Sweating-sickness (termed beyond* 1.33 Sea, Sudor Anglicus, or the English sweat) began, a disease utterly unknown to former Ages. Of the common sort they were num∣berless, that perished by it; of the Nobility, the Lords Clinton, and Grey of Wilton. The symptoms and cure you may find in Po∣lydor Virgil (in Anno 1. Henr. 7.) who (as confidently, as I believe truly) maintains, That, this disease was never till then known to be, much less to be mortal. As if there were a concatenation of evils, one evil seldom cometh alone. A Pestilence succeeded this former mortality, and so raged the whole Winter season in most parts of the Realm, that the King for fear of infection, at∣tended by a few, was fain every day to remove his Court from one place to another.

The eleventh of February was born the Lady Mary, afterwards Queen of England.

ANNO DOM. 1518. REG. 10.

THe Peace so long treated of between us and the French, was [ 1518] now in September at length concluded on these Conditions: That the Daulphin should marry the Lady Mary the King's only Child,* 1.34 and not yet two years old: That Tournay should be restored to the French: That the French should pay King Henry four hundred thousand Crowns, viz. two hundred thousand for his charge in building the Cittadel, for the Artillery, Powder, and Munition, which he should leave there; and other two hundred thousand Crowns, partly for the expence of that War, wherein the City was taken, and partly in regard of other Pensions that were due unto him.

For the payment of which summs, the French gave eight Ho∣stages; so saith Bellay. But our Writers speak of a far different summ, viz. Six hundred thousand Crowns for the City, and four hun∣dred thousand Crowns for the Cittadel: besides three and twenty thou∣sand Pounds Tournois, which the City of Tournay ought the King; and an annual Pension of a thousand Marks assigned to Cardinal Wolley for renouncing all claim and title to the Bishoprick of Tournay. For the confirmation of these Articles, the Earl of Worcester, and the Bishop of Ely, with some others, were sent into France, where both by the King and Princes of the Realm they were magnifi∣cently entertained.

ANNO DOM. 1519. REG. 11.

THis year, on the twelfth of January, in the sixty third year [ 1519] of his age, died the Emperour Maximilian, having to prevent a disease, to which he thought himself inclining, unsea∣sonably* 1.35 taken a Medicine of uncertain operation. His death bred an equal desire in the minds of two great Princes, who became Competitors for the Empire, Francis King of France, and Charles King of Spain. But Charles, although King of Spain, yet being by birth (born at Gand) and descent a German, at the age of nineteen years was chosen Emperour of Germany, with the full consent and suffrages of all the Princes Electors. This Election, how-ever other slight matters were pretended, was undoubtedly the cause of the ensuing dreadful War between these Princes. The French King taking this repulse impatiently, meditates nothing but re∣venge. And that his designs might no way be crossed by us, he labours amain for the confirmation of the Peace lately agreed upon between Henry and him. Therefore by the Admiral Bonivet he deals with Wolsey, that at an Enterview between the two Kings, the League might be ratified. To this end Henry intends to come to Guisnes, Francis to Ardres, and a convenient place between both is made choice of for their Enterview.

ANNO DOM. 1520. REG. 12.

HEreupon the King setting forward towards France, by easie [ 1520] journeys comes to Canterbury, intending there to keep his* 1.36 Whitsontide. The next day after being the twenty sixth of May, the new created Emperour Charles the Fifth in his return from Spain arrives at Dover, distant twelve miles from Canterbury. The King gladly entertaines the news, and although it were midnight, takes horse, and within little more than an hour comes by torch∣light to Dover-Castle, where the Emperour lay; who Sea-weary was then asleep. But being certified of the King's arrival, he suddenly apparelled himself, and met the King at the top of the stairs. They embraced and saluted one another, they long con∣ferred together, and the next morning (being Whit-Sunday) they* 1.37 rode together to Canterbury, the Emperour alway keeping the right hand, and the Earl of Derby bearing the Sword before them both. Canterbury is a City more famous for antiquity, than for modern beauty. To let pass, that it was above a thousand years since made an Archiepiscopal See, our Chronicles do sufficiently testifie, that both in respect of private mens fair Houses, and the magnifi∣cent structure of its Churches, it antiently excelled the bravest Cities of England. But within these few years it hath lost so much

of its greatness and beauty, that a man shall find little of Can∣terbury [ 1520] beside the name. Why it should so much in so short space decay, many reasons may be alledged: As the vicinity of London, which swelling like the Spleen, sucks both blood and moisture from all the other languishing Cities of the Kingdom. Likewise the subversion of St. Augustine's Monastery, the loss of Calais, and the pulling down of Archbishop Becket's Shrine, things which occasioned a great concourse of people, and did by their loss and overthrow much impair this Cities splendour. One only Orna∣ment thereof survives, which is the Cathedral and Metropoli∣tical Church, with such a majesty piercing the skies (saith Eras∣mus) that it a far off fills the beholder with devout amazement. This Church being at first dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, a few Ages past degenerated into the nick-name of St. Thomas. This Thomas, sirnamed Becket, having obstinately opposed Henry the Second, was in this Church slain by certain Souldiers; and being afterward canonized for a Saint, his Sepulcher mightily increased the glory of the place. For from those times even almost to our days, all sorts of people from all parts of Europe, super∣stitiously frequented the Shrine of this upstart Saint, with rich Oblations endeavouring to procure his favour. Hence the Mo∣nastery was so enriched, that of it and the Church Erasmus said, That every place was enlightened with the lustre of most precious and huge stones, and the Church throughout abounded with more than Royal Treasure. But the Shrine especially, that contained the Relicks of this Saint, was so embossed with Jewels, that Gold was the meanest thing about it. Hither accompanied with King Henry, came the Emperour Charles, but whether out of devotion or curio∣sity, I cannot say. But this is certain, that the Cardinal and the Clergy going in Procession, to the Church they went directly, where a great deal of time was spent in Ceremonious Worship, and Oblations at Becket's Tomb, not only by the Emperour, but even by him, who shortly after defaced the Monument, and seized upon that infinite Treasure, heaped up by the devout folly of many preceding Ages. From the Church they went to the Arch∣bishop's Palace, where the Queen, Aunt to the Emperour, a∣waited them, and very joyfully welcomed her Nephew. Three days were spent in banqueting pastimes, and then the Empe∣rour went to his Navy at Sandwich, the King and Queen to Dover, from whence they passed to Calais, that the intended Interview of the two Kings might work its due effects. The seventh of June was the appointed day; the place, between Ardres and Guisnes.* 1.38 There the two Kings mounted on Spanish Gennets, attended by such a multitude of Nobility, as the occasions of a hundred years before had not at once brought together the like, encountred each other, both in the flower of their age, the goodliest Princes of the world, and most expert in all kind of combats both on horse and

foot. It were needless to set forth the magnificence of these Princes, [ 1520] when the bravery of their attendants was such, that the place was thence named The golden Camp. Having embraced each other on horse-back, they alight and betake themselves to a Pavilion there purposely pitched: Henry attended on by the Cardinal of York, and the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk; Francis by the Admiral Bo∣nivet, the Chancellor du Prat, and some other Counsellors. Ha∣ving had familiar conference concerning some private matters, they gave order for erecting a Theatre, and enclosing a ground for a Tilt-yard, that so they might solace themselves, whiles their Council treated of graver matters, the conclusion whereof they might at leisure every day know by relation. Fourteen days these Princes gave each other the meeting, with great concourse of most famous Souldiers. Henry then entertained the French King at Guisnes, in a House made of Timber (framed partly in England, partly in Holland, and thence brought thither) wherein there were four Mansions: The out-side was covered with Cloth so painted, that it would have deceived the beholders for squared Stone; the in-side was hung with most rich Arras, so that it every way seemed a most artificial and stately Building. The form of it was much like that of the Exchange at Calais. It being afterward taken asunder, was transported into England, and so stood the King in little or nothing, saith Bellay. (Whereas we know, and that by Records, that there were sent over out of England for this Work, three hundred Masons, six hundred Carpenters, two hundred Pain∣ters, Glasiers, and other Artificers (in all eleven hundred) which for the space of two months laboured continually on this Fabrick.) The day ensuing, the French King prepares a Banquet: the Banqueting∣house was a Canopy every way extended sixty foot, which without was covered with Cloth of Tissue, within with blew Velvet pouldred with golden Flowers-de-Lys. At each corner was a Pavi∣lion of the same works; the cords were of blew Silk twisted with Gold of Cyprus, which was of great esteem. But a most impe∣tuous and tempestuous wind broke asunder the cords, and laid all this bravery in the dirt. Patience par force. The French King sud∣denly makes another Banqueting-house, in that place where there is now a Fort that takes its name from this Banquet. The pre∣parations were extraordinary, and the magnificence outstripped the reach of humane judgment. There wanted neither houses, woods, nor fields for disport; for many men brought them entire on their backs. But pleasures must have their intermission, and Kings if not by their Greatness, are by their Affairs severed. Henry therefore returns to Calais, and Francis to Boloign. The tenth of the ensuing month, the King gallantly attended, visited the Em∣perour at Graveling. The Emperour in requital accompanied him* 1.39 back to Calais. Shews and Banquets are Princes usual Entertain∣ments. To this end, the King so commanding, a round building

is made in the form of an Amphitheatre, eight hundred foot in [ 1520] compass. The sides were of planks; in the middle was a Pillar made of eight great Masts tied together. This Pillar supported the weight not only of the roof of the whole Fabrick, (whither as into a lower Heaven the Moon and Stars had descended) but Organs also, and places for the receipt of all sorts of Musick in abundance. These places were adorned with Tapestry, Statues, and curious Pictures, insomuch that the most fault-finding could not complain of any want in that kind. All things were now prepared for the entertainment of such a guest, and the Banquet ready to be served in, when the same mischance that befel the French Canopy, made our English Heaven and Earth meet together. God, as displeased with the mad prodigality of these two Kings, sent a tempest, the violence whereof scattered this counterfeit Hea∣ven, blew out above a thousand Wax-tapers, defaced the glorious Thrones prepared for these Princes, frustrated the expectation of the people, and forced the King to the necessity of another place. But to let pass the Tilting, Masques, and gorgeous Feasts during the six days the Emperour staid at Calais: In these several Enter∣views between all these Princes there was no one serious thing done, but this, that a firm Peace, a perpetual League, and faith∣ful Friendship seemed to be concluded on all sides. For who would have thought, that it had been possible for discord it self to have dissolved this knot, where Charles and Francis attributed so much to Henry, that they made him Umpire of all controversies that should arise between them? But that there is seldom any heed to be given to the Agreements of Princes, where they are tied by no other bands (as of Religion, Affinity, or manifest Utility) than that weak one of their plighted Troth, those foul dissentions, and bloody wars which afterwards rent all Christendom, and opened a way for that common enemy of our Faith, may be a sufficient example. The Emperour, after all these passages of courtesie and humanity, departs toward Graveling, mounted on a brave Horse covered with a foot-cloth of cloth of gold, richly beset with stones which the King had given him. He would often speak of his Aunts happiness, that was matcht to so magnificent a Prince. The King staid some few days after at Calais, from whence passing to Dover, he with all his train arrived safe at London. I cannot but envy their happiness, who in so little time saw three the mightiest Monarchs in Christendom, who for their exploits, and the great alterations happening under each of them, will without doubt be famous through all succeeding Ages.

ANNO DOM. 1521. REG. 13.

EDward Stafford Duke of Buckingham was about this time ar∣raigned [ 1521] of high Treason. He was descended of a Family, which whether it was more antient or noble, is questionable.* 1.40 He derived himself by a direct line from Robert de Stafford, to whom William the Conquerour gave large revenues, which his posterity greatly enlarged, by matching with the Heirs female of many noble Families. By the Lady Ann, Daughter to Thomas of Wood∣stock Duke of Glocester, who was Brother to Edward the Third, he participated of the Blood Royal. The first honourable Title of the Family was of Lord Stafford, the next of Earl of Stafford, as was Edmund, that married the Daughter to Thomas of Woodstock. Hum∣phrey Son to Edmund was created Duke of Buckingham by Henry the Sixth, who left that Honor to his Son Humphrey, who was Grand∣father to this Edward by his Son Henry the third Duke. How Henry assisted the Usurper Richard the Third, in oppressing Edward the Fifth, how he after conspired with the Earl of Richmond (after∣wards Henry the Seventh) against the Usurper, but was cut off by the Tyrant before he could bring any thing to pass; the Histo∣ries of those times declare. Edward his Son restored to Blood and Dignities by Henry the Seventh, for his Descent, Wealth, and Honors, inferiour to none but the King, not content with this, was by N. Hopkins a Charterhouse-Monk induced to believe that Heaven had decreed to cut off King Henry, after whose death he should reign, and the Crown be for ever established on his poste∣rity. This the Monk affirmed, God the Governour of all things, had revealed unto him. He further advised him by liberality and courtesie to win the minds of the people, for the time was at hand wherein this should certainly come to pass, if it were not through his own default. The Duke (no sot, but blinded by ambition) gave such credit to the Monk, who was either mad, or else flattered him in hope of reward, that although the time prefixed for these Miracles were past, yet was he still in hope, fed the Impostor with gifts, who fed him with air, secretly vili∣fied the King, and gave profusely to all. Nay he could not for∣bear, but at length he must brag of the Jugler's promises, as he did to a Gentleman named Charles Knevet, to whom he boldly unmasked himself, and gave a reason of his actions. Upon Kne∣vet's accusation he was arraigned, and condemned the thirteenth of May, and on the seventeenth publickly beheaded. His death was lamented by many, and the rather for that he was no way faulty, but in his vanity and pride, which overthrew him. Being a child, I have heard antient men say, that by his bravery of Ap∣parel, and sumptuous Feasts he exasperated the King, with whom in these things he seemed to contend. But he could by no means

bear with the intolerable pride of the Cardinal, whose hatred not [ 1521] improbably proved fatal unto him, rather than did the King's dis∣pleasure: for many times Princes are with less danger offended, than their Mignons. There goes a tale, That the Duke once holding the basin to the King, the Cardinal when the King had done, presently dipped his hands in the same water, the Duke disdaining to debase himself to the service of a Priest, shed the water in his shooes. The Cardinal therewith incensed, threatned him, that He would sit upon his skirts. The Duke to shew that he slighted his threats, and withal, that the King might take notice of the Cardinal's malice, came the next day to Court, richly (as he usually was) apparelled, but without skirts to his Doublet. The King and many others demanding what he meant by that strange fashion, he answered readily, That it was done by way of prevention, for the Cardinal should not now sit upon his skirts. He thought he had put a jest upon the Cardinal, to whose infor∣mations, as proceeding from envy and spleen, he hoped the King would hereafter give the less credit. But he missed his mark: for most men were of opinion, that the Cardinal's malice crushed him rather, than did the weight of his own offences. It was the saying of Charles the Emperour, upon the report of his death, That the Butcher's Dog had killed the fairest Hart of England. How∣soever it came to pass, the King who had hitherto ruled without bloodshed, induced by the former reasons (so the Records run) permitted his hands to be stained with the blood of this poor Prince; many lamenting, that the indiscreet credulity of one man, having not attempted ought against the Estate, should be the over∣throw of so noble a Family. If I might lawfully pry so far into God's judgments, which are indeed inscrutable, I would be bold to impute the punishment of the Son to the Father's treachery, who conspired with the Usurper against his lawful Prince, Edward the Fifth, who by his assistance was deprived of his Life and Kingdom. But forasmuch as that being touched in conscience, he manifestly repented this fact (for seeking to oppress the Tyrant, whom he himself had raised, he perished miserably) the Divine Justice (I think) so far regarded his repentance, that his poste∣rity are nevertheless Peers of the Realm, by the title of Lord Staf∣ford. The first point of Wisdom is, not to run into Errour; the next, quickly to amend it.

The King having written a Book against Martin Luther, sent* 1.41 it as a Present to Pope Leo the Tenth. This Leo, not yet thirty eight years old, was by the combination of the Junior Cardinals elected Pope. In which dignity he behaved himself according to his years, profusely spending the Treasures of the Church in hawking and hunting, and other pleasures not deemed over-honest. Need began at length to pinch him, and money must be had. Whereupon he resolves to make use of his Keys, against the most

subtil locks; and strongest bars, ever yet held prevalent. Indul∣gences [ 1521] of all sorts, without distinction of time or place, must now publickly be set to sale. St. Peter's Church (this was the pretence) was out of repair, towards which a certain summ of money given, would purchase Pardon of Sins, not only for the Living, but for the Dead also, whose Souls should thereby be redeemed from the pains of Purgatory. But whatsoever was pretended, every one palpably saw, that these Pardons were granted to get money for his own relief. And forasmuch as the Commissioners de∣manded it after an impudent and shameless manner, they in most places incurred the dislike and indignation of the people, espe∣cially in Germany, where they saw this faculty of redeeming Sould from Purgatory, was either sold for little or nothing, or played away in their Taverns. But what speak I of the Commissio∣ners? That which made the Germans most impatient, was that the heedless Pope had given to his Sister Magdalen the profit of the exactions of Indulgences in many parts of Germany, and that so openly, that every one must needs know it. For all Ger∣many spake it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this money was not gathered for the Pope or the Treasury of the Church. (whereby peradventure some part of it might be employed to good uses) but was exacted to satisfie the greediness of a Woman. At that time lived Martin Luther,* 1.42 a Doctor of Divinity, and an Augustine Monk, one who under a religious Habit, did not consecrate himself to idleness, but to God. It is reported, how truly I know not, that recreating him∣self in the fields, his companion with whom he then discoursed, was suddenly stricken dead with Thunder. He thereupon falling into due consideration of the uncertainty of death, and of judge∣ment, left the study of the Civil Law, to which he then ap∣plied himself, and renouncing the world, betook himself to a Cloister, where for his deportment he was beyond exception, for Learning (especially divine) he was scarce matchable. Upon this horrible abuse of the authority of the Keys, being inflamed with a pious zeal, he could not contain himself, but boldly and bitterly inveighed against this gross impiety. Neither stayd he there, but (storm the Pope never so much) proceeds to other enormities in the Church of Rome, some whereof that Church hath since reformed, the rest religious Princes, by Luther awakened out of their dead sleep of Superstition, notwithstanding the pra∣ctices of Rome, have (God be thanked) exploded. New opinions (especially in matters of Religion) are of themselves always odious. Henry being offended with Luther's new (as the world then deemed them) Tenets, thought it would prove to his honour, by writing against Luther; to manifest his Learning and Piety to the world. Hereupon under his name a Book was set forth, better beseeming some antient and deep Divine, than a youthful Prince (whom although he earnestly endeavoured it, yet his affairs would not

permit to bury himself among his Books) which many thought [ 1521] to have been compiled by Sir Thomas Moor, some by the Bishop of Rochester, and others (not without cause) suspected to be the work of some other great Scholar. Whosoever wrote it, Luther replied in such sort, that although his holy zeal were approved by many, yet those many could have wished him more temperate, and re∣spective of the Majesty of Kings. This Book was so acceptable to the Pope, that according to the example of Alexander the Sixth, who entituled the King of Spain, Catholick; and of that Pope, whosoever he were, that gave the French King the title of Most Christian; he decreed to grace King Henry and his Successors with* 1.43 that honorable one of Defender of the Faith. Which several Titles are by these Princes retained to this day. But Leo long survived not his gift, about the end of the year dying (as is suspected) by poison. In the mean time the exulcerated minds of the Emperour and the French King (according to the nature of ambitious hatred, that for its own ends makes all causes just) burst out into open Wars; for the composing whereof each of them had formerly agreed to refer themselves (if any differences should arise) to the arbitrement of Henry. He therefore sends to each of them Am∣bassadors,* 1.44 the Cardinal of York, the Earl of Worcester, and others, who should, if it were possible, reconcile these enraged Princes. All they could do, proved but an endeavour: for when they thought they had compassed their desires, sudden news came, that the Admiral Bonivet had by force taken Fuentaraby, a Town of the Emperour's in Biscay. The Emperour would not then ratifie the Agreement, unless this Town were redelivered; which the French denying to do, all fell to pieces again, and the War was renewed. After their devoir in this cause, our Ambassadors went directly to Bruges to the Emperour, of whom for a fortnight, which was the time of their stay there, they had Royal entertainment. But he held the Cardinal in so great esteem, that it was apparent he was not ignorant, how powerful the Cardinal was with his Prince. And here perhaps it would not be amiss (in regard of these times) to let the Reader know the pomp and state of this Cardinal, how many Gentlemen attended him apparelled with Velvet, and adorned with Gold-chains, and then how many were cloathed in Scarlet-coats, the skirts whereof were guarded with Velvet the full bredth of a hand. But let him guess Hercules sta∣ture by the length of his foot. Such was the bravery of his attendants, that in Christiern King of Denmark, and other Princes then residing at Bruges, it bred amazement. It was also reported, that he was by Gentlemen of the best rank served on the knee, a kind of state which Germany had yet never known. He spent a huge mass of money in that Ambassage, and that (as it is thought) not against his will. For he by all means sought the Emperour's favour, hoping that Leo, although much younger, either cut off

by treachery, or his own intemperance, might leave the world [ 1521] before him: And then were it no hard matter for him, being under-propped by the Emperour and our King, to be advanced to the Papacy. Wherefore at the first bruit of his death he posted away Pacey the Dean of Pauls into Italy, with Mandates to certain Cardinals whom he thought respected him, that they should do their best in his behalf. But before he could reach Rome, he was certainly informed, that Adrian (sometimes Tutor to the Empe∣rour, and then Viceroy of Spain) was already elected, by the name of Adrian the Sixth.

ANNO DOM. 1522. REG. 14.

VVOlsey nevertheless was as full of ambitious hope as ever. [ 1522] For Adrian was a decrepit weak old man, and there∣fore not likely (as indeed he did not) to survive him. In the mean time he might make an ascent, by which his ambition might climb. He therefore seeks to advance the Emperour's designs more than ever, and to that end he persuadeth Henry to denounce War against the French; for that he denied to surrender Fuentaraby, and had broken the Covenants made between them, in not standing to the Arbitrement of Henry, as both Charles and Francis had com∣promised; at what time it was likewise decreed, that Henry should declare himself an Enemy to the obstinate refuser. The French discerning the storm before it came, arrests all English Ships, com∣mits the Merchants to prison, and seizeth their goods to his own use; stops all Pensions due either to Henry for Tournay, or to his Sister the Dowager of France, for her Joincture. The French Ships and Merchants in England find the like entertainment, the Ho∣stages given by the French for the 'foresaid summs, are committed to close prison, and the French Ambassador confined to his house. Levies are made throughout England, and great preparations for another Expedition into France: To which the King being wholly bent, Ambassadors suddenly arrive from the Emperour; whose request was, That he would joyn his forces with the Imperials: and that, if it so pleased him, Charles would within few days be in England, that so they might personally confer and advise what course they were best to run. Many reasons moved the Emperour by the way to touch at England. His Grandfather Ferdinand being dead, his presence was necessarily required in Spain, whither he must pass by England. He feared lest this breach betwixt us and France, might easily be made up, he being so far distant. He had an Aetna in his breast, which burned with extreme hatred toward the French, and was confident, that his presence would raise our sparkle to a flame. They might personally treat and conclude more safely and securely than by Agents and Posts, of whom in

matters of moment no wise man would make use, unless forced [ 1522] by necessity. But the chief cause (as I conjecture) of this his se∣cond coming into England, was, that he was weary of Wolsey, with whom he saw it was impossible long to continue friend. For the Cardinal by his importunity, one while for the Papacy, another while for the Archbishoprick of Toledo, did much molest him, who had determined to afford him nothing but good words. He disdained not in his Letters to a Butcher's Son, to use that honorable compellation of Cousin, and whether present or absent, he afforded him all kind of honour whatsoever. But when the Cardinal craved any earnest of his love, some excuse or other was found out to put him by, yet so, as still to entertain him with hopes. But Wolsey was subtil, and of a great spirit. And these devices were now grown so stale, that they must needs be perceived. Charles therefore neglecting his wonted course by Wolsey, studies how to be assured of the King without him. For this no fitter means could be thought of, than this Interview. The King was naturally courteous, loved the Emperour exceedingly, and reposed great confidence in him. Charles therefore hoped that by the familiarity of some few weeks he might make the King his own. But Henry (he thought) would not long continue so, unless he could some way lessen his favour toward the Cardinal. This he hoped might be effected by admonishing the King, that he was now past the years of a child, and needed no Tutor, that it was not fit he should suffer himself to be swaied by a Priest, one in all reason better skilled in the mysteries of the Altar, than of State, against which in this respect (besides the abuse of his power) he must needs be some way (though perhaps unwillingly) faulty. The addition of some aspersions withal were thought not to be amiss, which if not true, should at least carry a shew of truth. That the Emperour practised something in this kind, the consequences make it more than probable. Henry being a noble Prince, and one that scorned money as much as any one breathing, was glad of the Emperour's coming; yet was his Treasury very bare, and so great a Guest could not be entertained without as great expences. Charles upon notice of the King's pleasure, attended by the Marquess of Dorset, the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, the Lord De La-ware, and* 1.45 others of the English Nobility, comes from Graveling to Calais, from whence he passed to Dover, where he was received by the Cardinal, who was accompanied with two Earls, ten Bishops, ten Abbots, thirty six Knights, a hundred Gentlemen, thirty Priests (all these apparelled in Velvet) and at least seven hundred Ser∣vants. Two days he staid at Dover before the King came. At length he came, and welcomed him with all Princely entertainment, pro∣fessing, that no greater happiness could betide him on earth, than the enjoying his Majesty's most desired company, though but for so short a time. From Dover, taking Canterbury in the way, they

came to Greenwich, where the Queen awaited the longed for pre∣sence [ 1522] of her Nephew. From thence to London, where they were received by the Citizens with the solemnities usual at the Coro∣nation of our Kings. At Whitsontide both Princes came to Pauls, where they heard the Cardinal say Mass. Sports agreeable to the entertainment of such a Guest, were not wanting. But when mention was made of renewing the League, Windsor was thought fittest for the Treaty, it being not above twenty miles from London, and a place altogether as it were composed for pleasure. Windsor* 1.46 is situated in a large Plain, upon the banks of the River Thames. The Castle (being the chiefest in England, for strength comparable to that of Dover, but far exceeding it in greatness and beauty) is built on a hill. This Castle contains besides the King's Court, a goodly Church by Edward the Third dedicated to the Blessed Virgin and St. George; adjoyning to which is the College, where are the houses of the Dean, Prebendaries, and Vicars Choral, where also live twelve Souldiers discharged of the Wars (called Knights) and having pensions, who in their habits are bound daily to frequent the Church, there to pray unto God for the Knights of the Illustrious Order of the Garter. Of this Order the Castle is the Seat, where according to the first Institution, the Knights are to be installed, on certain days are to Offer and to do some other duties. Here, upon Corpus Christi day these Princes having on the Robes of the Order, in their stalls heard Mass, and receiving the Sacrament, bound themselves by Oath invio∣lably to observe the Conditions of this new League, the chief Articles whereof were these:

That they should with joint and as great Forces as they could, in∣vade* 1.47 France: That the Emperour should yearly pay to the King as much as was due to Him and his Sister, from the French, viz. 133000 Crowns: That the Emperour should at convenient years take to Wife his Cousin-german the Lady Mary, the King's only Child (who after reigned, and at age of forty years was married to Philip the Emperour's Son;) That he by whose default it should happen, that this match should not succeed, should pay the other 500000 Crowns: And for assurance of this, the Emperour should put St. Omers and Aires into the King's hands.

One would have thought it had passed the reach of humane policy, to have dissolved this band. But shortly after broken it was, and could never after be firmly knit again. After eight days stay at Windsor, these Princes went to Winchester, and from thence to Southampton, where was the Emperour's Fleet, consisting of a hundred and eighty Ships. Here on the first of July the Emperour took Ship and made for Spain.

In the mean time the Earl of Surrey having gathered a Fleet, landed near Morleys in Bretaigne, forced the Town, and burned it.

And having wasted all the Countrey thereabout, he went into [ 1522] Picardy, to joyn with the Imperials. Some Forts they took and razed. They besieged Hesdin, but without success: For Winter coming on, and our men dying apace of the Flux, they were fain to set sail homeward.

I will conclude this year with an ignominious and fatal loss* 1.48 to Christendom, the Isle of Rhodes, being on Christmas-day taken by the Turks, while Christian Princes disagreeing about matters of nothing, ruine themselves, and invite the Miscreant to propagate his long since too too formidable Empire. God grant they may at length, considering the common danger, rouze up themselves, and with joint-resistance repell this Enemy of Christ's Cross, who although he be far enough from some, is too near to the farthest.

ANNO DOM. 1523. REG. 15.

CHristiern the Second, King of Denmark, by the rebellion of [ 1523] his Subjects driven out of his Kingdom, had resided some while with the Emperour, whose Sister he had married. The* 1.49 fifteenth of June, accompanied with his Wife, Niece to Queen Katherine, he landed at Dover. At London they abode some days, with that due honour that kindred and Princes give to one ano∣ther. The fifth of July they returned toward Calais. In the mean time a Parliament was held at London, wherein the States being certified of the necessity of War, and what a fair occasion was offered for the recovery of France, but that the War was like to be defective, in regard of the weakness of its sinews; a great summ of money was easily granted. The Kings of France exact money of their Subjects at their pleasure; the Kings of England do not usually, without a Parliament, wherein the pretence of War with France was wont to be a great motive of the Subjects libe∣rality. And indeed France was at this time greatly distracted, being oppressed with so many Enemies abroad, and having to do with undermining Treachery at home; insomuch that our advan∣tages, if wisely followed, seemed to promise us whatsoever we could hope for. Francis was on the one side pressed with the War of Milan, on the other side by the Emperour: At home Charles* 1.50 Duke of Bourbon revolted from him, by Letters inciting our King to the recovery of his hereditary (as he acknowledged) Right in France, whereto, respectless of pain or peril, he promised his faith∣ful assistance. Neither was this offer to be slighted; for he had conceived an implacable hatred against his Prince, and was able to make a great party in France. His valour and experience were after manifested by the greatness of his exploits performed in a short space, Francis being taken prisoner by him, Rome sacked by

his conduct, the Pope besieged in the Castle of St. Angelo, and [ 1523] fain at last to ransom himself and his Cardinals at a mighty rate. These notable advantages were all let slip through the never satis∣fied ambition and malice of one man; but so, that it made way for that great alteration which afterward happened in the estate of the Church. Blessed be that almighty Power, that converts the wicked designs of men to the good of his Church, and his own glory.

The Parliament being dissolved, the Duke of Suffolk is sent into France with thirteen thousand men; viz. six hundred Launces, two hundred Archers on horse-back, three thousand Archers on foot, five thousand Halberdiers, seventeen hundred drawn out of the Garrison of Calais, and two thousand six hundred Pioners. The English and Imperials joining, invaded the French Domi∣nions, took Roye, Mondidier, Bohain, Bray, Chasteaubeau, and marching within twenty two leagues of Paris, put the City in a terrible affright, until the Lord of Brion, sent by the King with the com∣fortable news of the coming of the Duke of Vendosme with four hundred Launces, makes them take heart again. After these exploits, our Forces toward the end of December were recalled.

In the mean time, on the fourteenth of September died Pope* 1.51 Adrian the Sixth; in whose place Julius Medices was after two months elected. Here Wolsey again failed in his hopes, who ex∣pected by the help of the Emperour and the King, to have suc∣ceeded Adrian. But the Emperour never intended this dignity for him (for he did his best for Julius.) Neither indeed had he been willing, could he have advanced him to the Chair. For the Cardinals were in so short a time weary of Adrian, who was a stranger, and little acquainted with the Court of Rome. And the College repined to see any other sit in St. Peter's Chair, than an Italian, or at least one bred up in Italy. Nevertheless Wolsey was so incensed against the Emperour, by whose default (he was verily persuaded) it happened that he missed of the Papacy, that now bidding hope farewel, he was possessed with a desire to be revenged on the Emperour for his conceived injury. He therefore on a sudden turns French, and to hinder the Emperour's proceedings, procured our Forces to be called home, pretending the ill season of the year, with promise that the next Spring they should be re∣turned again.

ANNO DOM. 1524. REG. 16.

BUt Charles having not given any just cause of breach, Wolsey [ 1524] dared not publickly to profess his affection toward the French, with whom notwithstanding by the intercourse of one John Joa∣chim a Geniuese he maintains intelligence, and without the privity

of Henry lays the platform of a new League. The War was very [ 1525] hot between the Emperour and the French. Francis had already taken Milan, and with a mighty Army sate down before Pavia, vowing not to rise from thence until he had taken it. The Duke of Bourbon and the Imperials were in number little inferiour, and stood in want of nothing but money (indeed all in all) wherewith the Pope, the Venetians, and our Henry were to furnish him. Clement, although he had obtained the Papacy chiefly by Charles his means, detained the money which his predecessor Adrian had promised; saying, it beseemed not his Holiness, to intermeddle with the Wars of Princes. The Venetians at first answered coldly, at length plainly denied; for they stood in awe of the French, and were jealous of the Emperour's ambition: And the malicious Cardinal had so played his part with Henry, that the Imperials disappointed of the monthly summs due from him, were ex∣ceedingly distressed. Now Wolsey to make a separation between* 1.52 these two Princes, told the King, that he certainly found that the Emperour did but delude him: that he had indeed promised to marry the King's Daughter; but a rumour was raised by the Spaniards, That this match would be little either for his profit or his honour, forasmuch as upon the point, the Lady Mary was but a Bastard, begotten, it is true, in wedlock, yet incestuously, the match being by the Ecclesiastical Constitutions made unlawful: for he could not lawfully marry Queen Catharine, who had been before married to his Brother Prince Arthur: That both the Old and New Testaments were express against such conjunctions, and that therefore it lay not in the Pope to dispense with them. It is certain that the Emperour's Ambassadors had thus discoursed with Wolsey upon this very point, and Wolsey made his use of it accordingly. He knew the King doated not on his Queen, and buzzed these things in his ears, in hope he would bethink himself of a new Wife. This taking as he desired, and the King lamen∣ting, that for lack of Issue he should leave the Kingdom to a Child, to a Woman, to One, whom, in regard the lawfulness of her birth was questionable, he could not with safety make his Heir; the Cardinal proposed unto him for Wife Margaret Duchess of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a beautiful Lady, and Sister to the King of France. He knew, that upon his Divorce from Catharine, and Marriage with the other, Henry must of necessity fall foul with the Emperour, and without hope of reconciliation, strongly adhere to the French. That this Divorce was for these reasons set on foot by Wolsey, the Imperial Historians do all accord; neither for ought I ever read, do Ours deny. But howsoever it came to pass, this is certain, That Henry instead of furnishing the Emperour with the money he had promised, demanded all that he had already lent.

ANNO DOM. 1525. REG. 17.

RIchard Pacey Dean of St. Pauls, had been not long before sent to Venice as an Agent concerning our affairs in Italy. He* 1.53 was a very Learned man, and worthy (had God been so pleased) of a better Destiny. He knew not the change of the King's mind, But perceiving the monthly pay due from the King, according to promise came not, of whose Honour, which now lay at stake, he was very tender, he was much discontented. To salve all, he assaied to take up so much money of certain Merchants, with whom it seems he in part prevailed. But the summ was so small, that it stood the Imperials in as small stead, and yet so great, that it exceeded the ability of his private estate to make satisfaction. Upon notice of the King's alienation from the Emperour, he fell irrecoverably distracted.

In the mean time the Duke of Bourbon and the Imperials were* 1.54 in so great distress and want of all things, that unless they could by some stratagem or other draw the French to commit all to the fortune of a Battel, the Army must needs disband. They disquiet and try the French (especially in the night preceding St. Matthias∣day, which was the day of the Emperour Charles his nativity) with many false Alarms. They make two Squadrons of Horse, and four of Foot. The first consisting of six thousand Lansquenets, Spaniards; and Italians, under the command of the Marquess of Guasto; the second of Spanish Foot, under the Marquess of Pescara; the third and fourth of Lansquenets, under the Viceroy Launoy and the Duke of Bourbon. They came to a Wall called the Park-wall, and under the covert of the night cast down above sixty paces, enter within it, the first Squadron taking the way to Mirabell, the rest marching toward the King's Army. The King thought the Imperials went to Mirabell, as making choice of the plain open fields to fight in. He was unwilling to leave the besieged at liberty, and yet the Plains were advantageous for his Horse. He therefore commands his Artillery to be discharged, which some∣what endamaged them, and though unwilling, draws his Forces out of their trenches (than which the Imperials desired nothing more) and opposed the whole strength of his Army against them. But passing before the Cannon, hinders their execution. They that took the way to Mirabell, now turn head, and both Armies engage them∣selves in a cruel fight, wherein the King more following Shadows than Substances, and the idle rumours of the vulgar, than the means of a most certain and glorious Victory, is overthrown and taken prisoner, losing beside the flower of the French Nobility (almost all either taken or slain) at one blow the Duchy of Milan, the possession whereof had made him Lord of the greatest part of Lombardy. Pope Clement, who had left the Emperour for the

French (which he afterward repented) often advertised the King, [ 1525] that the Imperials were in great distress and want, that they con∣tinually mutinied for lack of pay; that he had taken so sufficient order with the King of England and the rest of the Confederates, that they should continue bare enough of money. If therefore he would but hold his hand, and forbear to fight, necessity enforcing the Imperials to disband, he should be victorious without blood∣shed. But he was not capable of so good advice. His Forces were great (yet short of his account, his Captains treacherously abusing him, in not furnishing those numbers of Foot for which they re∣ceived pay) and it were equally a dishonour to him, either to seem to avoid the Enemy, or to lie still so long at a Siege, to no purpose. The Divine Power having decreed to chastise him, per∣mitted him through impatience to run headlong into these errours, which so deeply plunged him in those calamities, that without God's especial favour had proved fatal to him and his France.

When I consider this and many other the like chances hap∣pening as well in the course of a private man's life, as in publick affairs, I cannot but wonder at the sottish valour of this Age, wherein rather than endure the touch of the least (though false) aspersion, we will run the hazard both of life and fortunes. How many brave men do we daily see, wonderful ingenious in this kind of folly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who standing upon I know not what Points of Ho∣nour, upon the least offence challenge the field, and wilfully seek out their own destruction. What in God's name is become of the patience of that lingering Fabius, who quietly bearing the bitter taunts and mocks of his Souldiers, of the People, and the Senate, yet brought home an easie, though late Victory? We are certainly too blame, with the Dog we catch at the shadow and lose the substance. Of our Saviour we shall learn, that it is the highest point of Fortitude, In patience to possess our Souls. And according to Aristotle, true Valour is regardless of ill language.

Mordear approbriis falsis, mutemque colores? Falsus honor juvat, & mendax infamia terret Quem, nisi mendosum & mendacem?

It is Horace:

Back-bitten, must I needs turn pale for it? False honours please, and lying slanders fright, Whom, but the unworthy and vain-glorious wight?

In the Tent of the captive King, the Letters of the Pope and our King, concerning their late League with the French, being found, the Duke of Bourbon now knew the cause why supplies of Money came in so slowly: And Prat, Leiger here for the Emperour, upon notice of it, without leave withdrew himself from Court, and on the ninth of April secretly departed the land. In the mean

time Henry little suspecting that these secret compacts were known [ 1525] to the Emperour, about the end of March sent Ambassadors to him Cutbert Tonstal Bishop of London, and Sir Richard Wingfield Knight of the Garter; by whom He did congratulate his late vi∣ctorious success, admonishing him to a close pursuit of his fortunes: That if his Imperial Majesty intended with greater forces to oppress the already vanquished; in regard of the strict tie of Friendship between them, his necessary endeavours should in no sort be wanting. What answer the Emperour gave I know not. It is very likely he paid the King in his own coin, and dissembled with the Dissembler; but having courteously entertained our Ambassadors, as courteously dismissed them.

But the King wants money, and must now dissemble with his Subjects. He pretended War with France, and with this key hopes to open his Subjects coffers. The expectation of supplies by a Parliament would prove tedious; some shorter course must be taken. Money is therefore demanded by Proclamation, and* 1.55 that no less than according to the sixth part of every man's Move∣ables. Divers great personages appointed Commissioners, use all fair means to draw the people to contribute. But although they sate in Commission in divers parts of the Kingdom at one and the same time, they were so far from prevailing, that as if the people had universally conspired, it was every where denied, and the Commissioners very ill entreated, not without further danger of sedition and tumult. Hereupon the King calls a Parliament to be held at London; wherein he professeth himself to be utterly ignorant of these intolerable courses by such burthenous taxations. The King disclaiming it, every one seeks to free himself. The Cardinal was at last fain to take all upon himself; protesting, That as a faithful Servant, he had no further end in it, than the profit of his Lord the King; and that he had advised not only with his Ma∣jesties Council (which they all acknowledged) but also with the Learned in the Laws both Divine and Humane whose opinion it was, That the King might lawfully take the same course that Pharaoh did, who by the ministery of Joseph sequestred a certain portion of every mans private estate for the publick good. But the dislike of the people, oc∣casioned by this (though fruitless) project, was greater than could be removed by this excuse.

And yet this project was not altogether fruitless, the King's apparent want affording a sufficient pretext of deferring the War with France until another year. Neither was it the King's intent to make use of his advantages over the French, who now lay open to all his blows. Henry having put away his Wife, the Emperour must needs be netled, and then the amity of France would stand him in some stead. Indeed Catharine was a noble and a virtuous Lady, but she had lived so long, as to make her Husband weary* 1.56 of her. He affected the Daughter of Sir Thomas Bolen, Treasurer

of his Houshold. Her he intends to marry, and to be divorced from [ 1525] the other: For he did in his soul abhor this incestuous Match, and it stood not with the publick weal, that he should live single, especially the lawfulness of his Daughters birth being so questionable. He married not again for his pleasure, but to settle the Kingdom on his lawful Issue. The Learned (as many as he had conferred with) did generally pronounce the first Marriage void: yet would he have it lawfully decided, that with a safe conscience he might make choice of a second. Thus far had Wolsey willingly led him, hoping to have drawn him to a Match in France. But he was of age to choose for himself, and had al∣ready elsewhere setled his affections.

And the more to manifest his love, on the eighteenth of June* 1.57 he created his future Father-in-Law Sir Thomas Bolen, Viscount Rochfort. At the same time were created Henry Fitz-roy the King's natural Son by Elizabeth Blount Daughter to Sir John Blount Knight, Earl of Nottingham, and Duke of Richmond and Somerset: Henry Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the King's Cousin-german, Marquess of Exceter: Henry Brandon, eldest Son to the Duke of Suffolk by the King's Sister the Dowager of France, Earl of Lincoln: Thomas Manners Lord Roos, Earl of Rutland: Sir Henry Clifford, Earl of Cumberland: and Robert Ratcliff Lord Fitzwalter, Viscount Fitz∣walter.

Cardinal Wolsey this year laid the foundation of two Colleges,* 1.58 one at Ipswich the place of his birth, another at Oxford, dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, by the name of Christ-Church. This latter, though not half finished, yet a magnificent and royal Work, a most fruitful Mother of Learned Children, doth furnish the Church and Commonwealth with multitudes of able men, and amongst others, acknowledgeth me (such as I am) for her Foster∣child. The other, as if the Founder had also been the foun∣dation, fell with the Cardinal, and being for the most part pulled down, is long since converted to private uses. The Cardinal's private estate (although it were wonderful great) being not suf∣ficient to endow these Colleges with revenues answerable to their foundation, the Pope consenting, he demolished forty Monaste∣ries* 1.59 of meaner note, and conferred the lands belonging to them, on these his new Colleges. It hath been the observation of some, That this business, like that proverbial Gold of Tholouse, was fatal* 1.60 to those that any way had a hand in it. We will hereafter shew what became of the Pope and the Cardinal. But of five, whom he made use of in the alienation of the Gifts of so many Religious men, it afterward happened, that two of them challenging the field of each other, one was slain, and the other hanged for it; a third throwing himself headlong into a Well, perished wilfully; a fourth, before that a wealthy man, sunk to that low ebb, that he after begged his bread; and Dr. Allen the fifth, a man of especial note, being Archbishop of Dublin, was murthered in

Ireland. I could wish, that by these and the like examples, men [ 1525] would learn to take heed how they lay hands on things conse∣crated to God. If the Divine Justice so severely punished those that converted the abused (yet not regarding the abuse, but fol∣lowing the sway of their ambitious desires) goods of the Church to undoubtedly better uses; what can we expect of those that take all occasions to rob and spoil the Church, having no other end, but only the enriching of themselves.

Luther had notice of Henry his intended Divorce, and that from Christiern the expelled King of Denmark, who eagerly soli∣cited him to write friendly unto the King; putting Luther in hope, that Henry being a courteous Prince, might by mild perswasions be induced to embrace the Reformation which Luther had begun. And indeed Luther foreseeing the necessary consequences of this Divorce, was easily intreated, and did write unto the King in this submissive manner:

He doubted not but he had much offended his Majesty by his late* 1.61 Reply: but he did it rather enforced by others, than of his own accord. He did now write, presuming upon the King's much bruited humanity; especially being informed, That the King himself was not Author of the Book against him, which thing he understood was captiously cavilled at by some Sophisters. And having occasion to speak of the Car∣dinal of York, he called him the Caterpillar of England: He under∣stood, the King did now loath that wicked sort of men, and in his mind to favour the Truth. Wherefore he craveth pardon of his Majesty, beseeching him to remember, that we being mortal, should not make our enmities immortal. If the King would be pleased to impose it, he would openly acknowledge his fault, and blazon his Royal Virtues in another Book. Then he wished him to stop his ears against those standerous tongues that branded him with Heresie: for this was the summ of his Doctrine, That we must be saved through Faith in Christ, who did bear the punishment of our sins in every part, and throughout his whole body, who dying for us, and rising again, reigneth with the Father for ever. That he taught this to be the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles: and that out of this position he shewed, what Charity was, how we ought to behave our selves one towards another, that we are to obey Magistrates, and to spend our whole life in the profession of the Gospel. If this Doctrine contain any Impiety or Errour, why do not his Adver∣saries demonstrate it? Why do they condemn him without either lawful hearing or confutation? In that he inveigheth against the Pope and his Adherents, he doth it not without good reason; for asmuch as for their profits sake, they teach things contrary to what Christ and the Apostles did, that so they may domineer over the Flock, and maintain themselves in Gluttony and Idleness. That this was the mark at which their thoughts and deeds aimed; and that it was so notorious, that they themselves could not deny it. That if they would reform themselves, by changing their idle and filthy course of life, maintained by the loss and wrong of

others, the differences might easily be composed. That his Tenets were [ 1525] approved by many Princes and Estates of Germany, who did reverently acknowledge this great blessing of God, amongst whom he wonderfully desired he might rank his Majesty. That the Emperour and some others opposed his proceedings, he did not at all wonder: for the Prophet David had many Ages since foretold, That Kings and Nations should conspire against the Lord and against his Christ, and cast away his yoak from them. That when he did consider this and the like places of Scripture, he did rather wonder that any Prince did favour the doctrine of the Gospel. And to conclude, he craved a favourable Answer.

The King made a sharp Reply to Luther's Letter, accusing him* 1.62 of base Inconstancy. He stands in defence of his Book, which (he said) was in great esteem with many Religious and Learned men. That he reviled the Cardinal (a Reverend Father) was to be regarded as from him from whose impiety neither God nor man could be free. That both Himself and the whole Realm had found the profitable and wholesom effects of the Cardinal's endeavours, who should reap this fruit of Luther's railing, that whereas he loved him very well before, he would now favour him more than ever: That among other of the Cardinal's good deeds, this was one, that he took especial care, that none of Luther's leprosie, contagion, and heresie, should cleave to, or take root in this Kingdom: Then he upbraided him with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 marriage with a Nun, a crime as heinous and abominable as any.

At this Answer (which the King caused to be printed) Luther grieved much, blaming his friends that had occasioned it; saying, That he wrote in that humble manner only to please his Friends, and that he now plainly saw how much he was mistaken. That he committed the like errour in writing friendly at the request of others, to Cardinal Cajetan, George Duke of Saxony, and Erasmus, the fruits whereof were, that he made them the more violent. That he shewed himself a fool, in hoping to find Piety and Zeal in Princes Courts, in seeking CHRIST in the Kingdom of Satan, in searching for John Baptist among the Cloathed in Purple. But being he could not prevail by fair means, he would take another course.

The late mention of Erasmus puts me in mind of a Book written by him either this or the year passed, at the entreaty of the King and the Cardinal (as he himself in an Epistle confesseth) enti∣tuled, De Libero Arbitrio; whereto Luther made a quick Reply, writing a Book De Servo Arbitrio.

ANNO DOM. 1526. REG. 18.

MAny reasons might move the Emperour to seek the conti∣nuation [ 1526] of a Peace with England. The French (although they concealed 〈◊〉〈◊〉, their King being not yet at liberty) intend to* 1.63

revenge their late overthrow: The Turk prepares for Hungary, [ 1526] the King whereof (Lewis) had married Ann the Emperour's Sister: Almost all Italy by the Pope's means combined against Charles, whose power is now become formidable: And Germany it self, the Boors having lately been up in arms, being scarce pacified, doth yet every where threaten new tumults. In this case the enmity of Henry must necessarily much impeach his proceedings. But many things again urge him on the other side: his Aunts disgrace; (for of this he long since had an inkling) the late League concluded under-hand with the French; but that which swaied above all, was, the dislike of his promised match with the King's Daughter. That the Queen his Aunt might be recon∣ciled to her Husband, there might yet be some hope. The League with France (especially the French King's case being now so de∣sperate) might be as easily broken, as it was made: But this Match did no way sort to his mind, which he had either for love, or for some other private respects, setled elsewhere. Isabella Sister to John King of Portugal, was a brave beautiful Lady, and had a Dowry of nine hundred thousand Ducats. Mary was neither marriagable, nor beautiful; yet her by agreement must he marry without any other Dowry than those four hundred thousand Crowns which he had borrowed of Henry. The Wars had drawn his Treasury dry, and his Subjects in Spain being required to re∣lieve their Prince, do plainly (perhaps not without subornation of some principal persons) deny it, unless he marry Isabella, one in a manner of the same Lineage, of the same Language and Nation, and of years sufficient to make a Mother. By way of service (Custom growing to a Law) they are to give their King at his Marriage four hundred thousand Ducats: if he will in this be pleased to satisfie their request, they promise to double the usual summ. For these reasons, when Henry sent Ambassadors to treat again (whether sincerely or no, I cannot say) concerning the renewing of the League, the Marriage of the Lady Mary, and of War in France to be maintained at the common charge of both; Charles answered but coldly, and at last even in the very Nuptial solemnities sends to excuse his Marriage to the King, whereunto the undeniable desires of his Subjects had in a manner forced him. Some do farther add, that concerning that part of the Embassage, of War against France, our demands were such, as if they had been purposely coined by Wolsey to force the Emperour to the prio∣rity of an apparent breach. For the King demanded no smaller share in the Conquest, than Picardy, Normandy, Guien, Gascoign, with the title of, King of France; and that the Emperour par∣taking both of Peril and Charge should himself serve in Person. But Charles wanting money, and tired with continual peril, if he regard either his safety and ease, or his profit, must not give his assent, especially considering, that the captive-King made larger

offers, and those with Peace, than these, yea although he became [ 1526] victorious, with War, the event whereof being always doubtful, no man can assure himself of wished success. Neither indeed did Henry expect any other issue of his Embassy, than a flat refusal. For at the same time he deals with the Regent (the captive-King's* 1.64 Mother) to send over some trusty person, with whom he might consult of the main chance; which she gladly did, dispatching away the Lord of Brion President of Rouen, and John Joachim with a large Commission, and Instructions by all submissive and fair language to perswade the King to persist in the prosecution of this new League. For indeed she much feared, lest the conside∣ration of his advantages over the tottering Estate of France might make him flie off again. France was already distressed: what would it be, if the Emperour pressing hard on the one side, and Duke of Bourbon a home-bred enemy revolting, besides many other occasions, the English should infest it on the other side? In England these Agents found their entertainments such, that they could not but hope well, especially making means to the Cardi∣nal, who yet swayed the King. Wolsey long since disaffected the Emperour, but now made his hate apparent. Charles before the Battel of Pavy sent no Letters to the Cardinal, but entirely written by himself, and subscribed, Your Son and Cousin, CHARLES.

After this Victory he sent one or two, subscribed barely with his Name, without the usual solemn form, or any signification of favour or respect. These were evident tokens of an alienated mind, and Wolsey durst view hates with him. Neither did he deal otherwise with Henry, than as one beneath him; being now puffed up with the conceit of that great Victory, for the obtaining whereof Henry did bear a part in the charge, though indeed not so great as he promised. The King's affairs now stood upon those terms, that renouncing the strict alliance with the Empe∣rour, hitherto by so many ties kept inviolable, he must make a party with the French.

Brion therefore at the Council-Table having audience; De∣plores his Prince's calamity, and the miseries inflicted upon his Countrey by their late overthrow. He calleth to mind what Trophies the English erected in France, when the Estate of it was most flourishing, withal acknowledging, that France being now as it were in the Sun-set of its Fortune, occasion was offered of advancing the English Colours far∣ther than ever. But it would neither beseem so magnanimous a King, nor would it be for the good of England, at this time to invade it. A generous mind scorneth to insult over one already dejected. Neither would the Victory, beside the fortune of War, want its dangers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be communicated with one, already become so potent, that no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 than the united Forces of all Europe would serve to stop the current of his fortune; which must necessarily be done, unless we could be content willingly to undergo the miseries of a Spanish servitude. He therefore

craved of his Majesty, that leaving the Emperour (who puffed up with [ 1526] his late success, contemned his best Friends) he would vouchsafe to make a League with the King his Master, whom in this so great a time of need if he would be pleased to raise as it were from the ground, he should by so great a benefit oblige him to a faithful Friendship, which he should upon all occasions be ready to manifest, unless for foul Ingrati∣tude he had rather undergo the censure of the Christian World.

Having delivered thus much in Latin, Sir Thomas More (after∣ward Lord Chancellor) returned this answer in Latin likewise:

That the King was well pleased, that the French acknowledged he wanted not power to revenge old injuries; that having felt his Force, they should also tast of his Bounty; that he would do the utmost of his endeavour to set their Captive King at liberty. Which if he effected, he hoped when he had occasion to make use of their King, he would not be unmindful of so good a turn freely done in so urgent a season. In the mean time he was content to make a perpetual Peace with them. As for the Emperour, he would consider what to determine of him.

So a most firm League is concluded with the French (the* 1.65 Regent undertaking for her Son) and a separation from the Em∣perour so openly made, that the first thing concluded between them was, That it should not be lawful for the French King in lieu of his ransom to consign any part of his Kingdom to the Emperour. The French were glad of this League, who now began to conceive some hope of good, being secure of England. Indeed it made so great an impression in the heart of Francis, that in his care of our affairs for many years together he shewed him∣self mindful of so great a benefit. These things were done in the Winter season.

A little after, Francis having been a year Prisoner in Spain,* 1.66 was upon these Conditions at length set at liberty:

That as soon as be came into France, he should consign the Duchy of Burgoigne to the Emperour: That he should quit the Sovereignty of Flanders and Arthois: That he should renounce all his right pre∣tended to the Duchy of Milan and Kingdom of Naples: That he should restore to his honours the Duke of Bourbon, and the rest that had revolted with him: That he should marry Eleonor the Emperour's Sister, Queen of Portugal: That he should pay the whole summs of money heretofore due to the King of England, his Sister the Queen of France, and Cardinal Wolsey; The payment whereof the Em∣perour had undertaken, that we might not be endamaged by partaking with him.

For the performance of these and other things of less moment, Francis not only bound himself by Oath, but also delivered his two Sons, Francis the Daulphin, and Henry Duke of Orleans, who should remain Hostages in Spain until all things were duly per∣formed. Francis, as soon as he entred into his Realm ratified all the Articles of the Treaty, but that concerning the Duchy of

Burgoigne, which he pretended he could not alienate without the [ 1526] consent of his Subjects. Having therefore assembled the Estates of the Countrey for the debating of this matter, upon a sudden in the presence of the Emperour's Ambassadors is publickly pro∣claimed the League made between the Kings of England and of France, the Pope, the Venetians, Florentines, and Suisses, (called the Holy League) for the common liberty of Italy. The Ambas∣sadors much amazed, and seeing small hopes of the Duchy of Burgoigne (for which they came) return into Spain, and advertise the Emperour, that if he will be content with a pecuniary ransom, and free the two Princes, the King was willing to pay it; other Conditions he was like to have none.

In the mean time Solyman not forgetting to make his profit of* 1.67 these horrible confusions, invaded Hungary with a great Army, overthrew the Hungarians, slew King Lewis the Emperour's Brother∣in-Law, and conquered the greatest part of the Kingdom. For the obtaining of this Victory our Rashness was more available to him, than his own Forces. The Hungarians in comparison of their Enemies were but a handful: but having formerly been many times victorious over the Turks, they perswaded the young King that he should not obscure the ancient glory of so warlike a Nation: that not expecting the aids of Transylvania, he should encounter the Enemy even in the open fields, where the Turks in regard of their multitudes of Horse might be thought invincible. The event shewed the goodness of this counsel. The Army con∣sisting of the chief strength and Nobility of the Countrey was overthrown, a great slaughter made, and the King himself slain, with much of the Nobility and chief Prelates of the Realm, and among them Tomoraeus Archbishop of Colocza, the chief author of this ill advised attempt.

I cannot omit an odd jest at the same time occasioned by Wolsey his ambition. It was (but falsly) rumoured that Pope Clement was dead. The Cardinal had long been sick of the Pope, and the King lately of his Wife. Wolsey perswades the King, there was no* 1.68 speedier way to compass his desires, than if he could procure him to be chosen Pope, Clement being now dead. Stephen Gardiner a stirring man, one very learned and that had a working spirit, did then at Rome solicit the King's Divorce from Queen Catharine. Wherein although using all possible means, and that Clement was no friend to the Emperour, yet could he not procure the Pope's favour in the King's behalf. Nay, whether he would not cut off all means of reconciliation with the Emperour, if need were, or whether being naturally slow, he did not usually dispatch any matter of great moment speedily; or peradventure (whereto the event was agreeable) that he perceived it would be for his profit to spin it out at length; or (which some alledge) that he was of opinion, that this Marriage was lawfully contracted, so that he

could not give sentence on either side without either offence to [ 1526] his Conscience, or his Friend; the Pope could not be drawn to determine either way in this business. These delays much vexed the King. If matters proceed so slowly under Clement, on whom he much presumed, what could he expect from another Pope, one perhaps wholly at the Emperour's devotion? He therefore resolved to endeavour the Advancement of Wolsey to the Chair; from whom he promised to himself a success answerable to his desires. Henry therefore sends away speedy Posts to Gardiner with with ample instructions in the behalf of Wolsey, willing him to work the Cardinals, some with promises, others with gifts, some with threats, others with perswasions, and to omit no means that might be any way available. But this was to build Castles in the Air. The messenger had scarce set forth, when report that had made Clement dead, had again revived him.

ANNO DOM. 1527. REG. 19.

THe sixth of May, Rome was taken and sacked by the Imperials [ 1527] under the conduct of the Duke of Bourbon, who was himself slain in the assault marching in the head of his Troops. The* 1.69 Pope, Cardinals, Ambassadors of Princes, and other Nobles hardly escaping into the Castle of St. Angelo, were there for some days besieged. At length, despairing of succours, and victuals failing, the Pope, for fear he should fall into the hands of the Lansquenets for the most part seasoned with Luther's Doctrine, and therefore passionate enemies to the See of Rome, agreeth with the Prince of Auranges (after the death of the Duke of Bourbon chosen General by the Army) yielding himself and the Cardinals to him, who kept them close Prisoners in the Castle. Rome was now subject to all kind of cruelty, and insolencies usual to a conquered City intended for destruction. Beside Slaughter, Spoil, Rapes, Ruine, the Pope and Cardinals were the sport and mockery of the licentious multitude. Henry pretended much grief at this news; but was inwardly glad that such an occasion was offered, whereby he might oblige Clement in all likelihood (as he had just cause) offended with the Emperour for this so insolent and harsh proceeding. Whereupon he dispatcheth Wolsey into France, who should intimate to the King, his perpetual Ally, what a scandal it was to all Christendom, that the Head of it should be oppressed with Captivity, a thing which did more especially concern Francis his affairs. The Cardinal set forth from London about the begin∣ning of July, accompanied with nine hundred Horse, among which were many Nobles; the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Lon∣don, the Earl of Derby, the Lords Sands, Montegle, and Harendon, besides many Knights and Gentlemen. Wolsey found the French

King at Amiens, where it is agreed, that at the common charge [ 1527] of both Princes, War shall be maintained in Italy to set the Pope at liberty, and to restore him to the possessions of the Church, Henry contributing for his part thirty thousand Pounds sterling a month. Upon the return of the Cardinal, Francis sent into England Montmorency Lord Steward and Mareschal of France, for* 1.70 the confirmation of this League, and to invest the King with the Order of St. Michael. He arrived in England about the middle of October, accompanied with John Bellay Bishop of Bayeux (after∣ward Cardinal) the Lord of Brion, and among others Martin Bellay the Writer of the French History, who in this manner describes the passages of this Embassage: Montmorency arriving at Dover was honourably received by many Bishops and Gentlemen sent by the King, who brought him to London, where he was met by twelve hundred Horse, who conducted him to his lodging in the Bishop of Lon∣don's Palace. Two days after, he went by water to Greenwich four miles beneath London, where the King oft resideth. There he was very sumptuously entertained by the King and the Cardinal of York. Having had Audience, the Cardinal having often accompanied him at London and Greenwich, brought him to a house which he had built a little before, ten miles above London, seated upon the banks of Thames, called Hampton Court. (The Cardinal gave it afterward to the King, and it is this day one of the King's chiefest houses.) The Ambassador with all his Attendants was there feasted by him four or five days together. The Chambers had hangings of wonderful value, and every place did glitter with innumerable vessels of Gold and Silver. There were two hundred and fourscore Beds, the furniture to most of them being Silk, and all for the entertainment of Strangers only. Re∣turning to London, we were on St. Martin's day invited by the King to Greenwich to a Banquet the most sumptuous that ever I beheld, whether you consider the Dishes, or the Masques and Plays, wherein the Lady Mary the King's Daughter acted a part. To conclude, the King and Montmorency having taken the Sacrament together, the King for himself, Montmorency in the behalf of Francis swore the observation of the League. The King bestowed great gifts on every one, and dismissed Montmorency, who left the Bishop of Bayeux Leiger for his King, to endeavour the continuance of the amity begun between these Princes.

Shortly after were sent into France Sir Thomas Bolen Viscount Rochfort, and Sir Anthony Brown Knight, who together with John Clerre Bishop of Bath and Wells, Leiger in France, should take the French King's Oath, not to violate the late League in any part, and to present him with the Order of the Garter.

We had now made France ours. Nothing remained, but to let the Emperour know the effects of the late Confederacy. To this end Sir Francis Pointz and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King at Arms are dis∣patched* 1.71 away to the Emperour, to demand the molety of the

booty gotten in the Battel of Pavy, and the Duke of Orleans (one [ 1527] of the French King's Sons left Hostage for his Father) to be deli∣vered to Henry, who had born a share in the charges of that War, and therefore expected to partake in the gains: To command him to draw his Army out of Italy, and not to disturb the peace of Christendom by molesting Christ's Vicar. This if he refused to do (neither was there expectation of any thing else) they should forthwith defie him. They execute their Commission, and per∣ceiving nothing to be obtained, Clarencieux and a certain French Herald being admitted to the Emperour's presence, do in the names of both King's proclaim War against him. Charles ac∣cepts it chearfully. But the Ambassadors of France, Venice, and Florence craving leave to depart, are committed to safe custody, until it be known what is become of his Ambassadors with these Estates. The report hereof flies into England, and withal, that Sir Francis Pointz and Clarencieux were committed with the rest. Whereupon the Emperour's Ambassador is detained until the truth be known, as it shortly was by the safe return of them both. But Sir Francis Pointz about the beginning of the next Summer died suddenly in the Court, being infected with the Sweating Sickness. The same happening to divers other Courtiers, and the infection spreading it self over London, the Term was adjour∣ned, and the King fain to keep a running Court. But these were the accidents of the ensuing year.

ANNO DOM. 1528. REG. 20.

POpe Clement was of himself naturally slow; but his own [ 1528] ends made him beyond the infirmity of his nature protract* 1.72 time in this cause concerning the King's Divorce. Bearing him∣self as neuter between the Emperour and the French King, he makes them both become jealous of him. And War being re∣newed in Italy, he perceives himself likely again to become a prey to the Conquerour. Which if it should happen, he must betake himself to the King of England, of whose help he was certain, as long as his cause did uncertainly hang in suspence. But if he should determine in the behalf of the King, would he in grati∣tude be as beneficial, as hope (or fear of offending) had made him? That he much doubted.

These thoughts possessing the Pope, Caesar's affairs in Italy began to decline, almost all the Towns throughout the Realm of Naples out of hatred to the insolent Spaniard, and affection to the French, making offer of their Keys, and receiving Garrisons of French. Clement therefore did not now much stand in awe of the Emperour,* 1.73 much against whose mind he was intreated to send a Legate into England, Lawrence Campegius, Cardinal and Bishop of Sulisbury,

who together with the Cardinal of York should have the hearing [ 1528] of this Cause so long controverted to no purpose. And the more to testifie his affection to the King, he did by a Decretal Bull (but privately drawn) pronounce the King's Marriage with Ca∣tharine to be void. This Bull was committed to the Legate, with these instructions, That having shewed it to the King and the Cardinal of York. He should withal signifie to them, that he had authority to publish it: but not to give sentence, until he received new instructions; telling him, that he was content the King should enjoy the benefit of it (and it may be he was then so minded) but that it stood him upon to have this business delayed, until he had sufficiently secured himself from the Emperour. These were the pretences of the old Fox to the Legate. But his meaning was to make use of all seasons, and to turn with the weather. The ninth of October to London comes the Legate, the King having given order to the City for his solemn entertainment. But the old man's infirmity frustrated their preparations: he was grievously tormented with the Gout, and would be privately brought into the City. After a few days rest, catried in a Chair, he was brought to the King's presence, to whom his Secretary made a Latin Oration, wherein having much complained of the extreme cruelty of the Imperials in the sacking of Rome; he used many words to signifie, that the King's pious bounty shewed in his liberally relieving him in so needful a season was most acce∣ptable to the Pope and the whole College of Cardinals. To this speech Edward Fox (afterward Bishop of Hereford) returned an answer in Latin, wherein he declared, That his Majesty was much grieved at his Holiness calamity, for as much as man is naturally touched with a feeling of anothers miseries. That He had not only performed what could be expected from him as a man; but had also done the part of a friend for a friend, and what was due from a Prince to Christ's Vicar on earth. He did therefore hope, that in regard of his filial obedience to the Holy See, if it should happen that He should stand in need of its assistance and authority, his Holiness would be pleased readily to grant those things, which it might beseem a Son to crave of the common Mother. Thus much passed in publick. The King and the Le∣gates conferring in private, Campegius assured the King of the Pope's forwardness to pleasure him. Campegius was indeed no bad man, and spake truly, what he thought. For Clement knowing how difficult a matter it was to deceive a man that was no fool, by one conscious of the guile, and that was not deceived himself; made the Legate believe, that in this matter of the Divorce he would be ready to do for the King whatsoever he should demand.

After these passages, the Legates spent six, whole months in con∣fultation only concerning their manner of proceeding in the King's Divorce. In the mean time the King understanding, that among his Subjects, but especially the women kind, this his action was

much traduced, as if he took this course more to satisfie his Lust, [ 1528] than his Conscience; to give a stop to all farther rumours, having assembled all the Nobles of the Realm, Judges, Lawyers, and as many of the better fort of Commons as could conveniently attend, upon the eighth of November made an Oration to this effect:

Twenty years have almost run their course (faithful and loving* 1.74 Subjects) since We first began Our Reign among you: In all which tract of time we have by God's assistance so behaved Our Self, that We hope We have neither given you cause to complain, nor our Enemies to glory. No forein power hath endeavoured ought against you, but to his own loss; neither have We employed Our Arms any where, but We have trium∣phantly erected Our glorious Trophies. So that whether you consider the sweet fruits of plentiful Peace, or the glory of Our Warlike ex∣ploits, We dare boldly avouch, We have shewed Our Self not unworthy of Our Ancestors, whom (without offence be it spoken) We have in all points equalled. But when we reflect upon the necessary end of Our frail life, We are surprized with fear, lest the miseries of future times should so obscure the splendour and memory of Our present felicity, that as the Romans did after the death of Augustus, so you may hereafter be forced to wish with tears, either that We had never been, or might have perpetually lived to govern you. We see many here present, who in regard of their age might have been parties in the late Civil Wars, which for eighty years together so miserably rended this Realm, no man knowing whom to acknowledge for his Sovereign, until the happy Con∣junction of Our Parents did not resolve, but took away all cause of far∣ther doubt. Consider then, whether after Our death you can hope for better days, than when the factions of York and Lancaster distracted this Realm. We have a Daughter, whom we the more affectionately tender, because she is Our sole Issue. But we would have you know, that having lately treated with Our dear Brother of France, concerning a match between this Our Daughter, and Henry Duke of Orleans his younger Son, both of Us were well pleased with this alliance, until one of his Privy Council made a question of Our Daughter's birth; for it was much to be doubted, lest she were to be held illegitimate, being begotten of Us and that Mother, who had before been married to Our deceased Brother: saying, it was utterly repugnant to the Word of God, that any one should marry his Brother's Widow; wherefore he was of opinion, that this match with Our most beloved Spouse was to be deemed no other than incestuous. How grievously this relation afflicted Us, God the Searcher of Our hearts knows. For these words did seem to question, not only Our dear Con∣sort, and Our Daughter, but even the very estate of Our Soul, which after death must necessarily undergo eternal and inevitable torments, if being admonished of so horrible an Incest, We should not endeavour an amendment; And for your parts, you cannot but foresee how great dangers by reason of this doubt do threaten you and your Posterity. Being therefore desirous (as the case indeed required) to be resolved in this

point, We first conferred with Our Friends, and then with the most [ 1528] learned in the Laws both Divine and Humane; who indeed were so far from satisfying Us; that they left Us more perplexed. 'We therefore had recourse to the Holy Apostolick See, to the Decree whereof we think it fitting, that Our Self and all others should be obedient. To this and no other end (We call immortal God to witness) have We procured this Venerable Legate. As for the Queen Our most beloved Consort, what∣soever women may tattle, or ill willers mutter in private, We do wil∣lingly and ingenuously profess, that in nobleness of Mind she far tran∣scends the greatness of her Birth: So that if We were now at liberty and free for a second choice, We take God to witness, among all the plenty of the worlds Beauties we would not make choice of any other (if lawfully we might) than of this Our now Queen, one in regard of her mildness, wisdom, humility, sanctity of mind, and conversation (We are verily perswaded) not to be paralleled. But when We consider, that We are bestowed on the world to other ends, than the pursuit of Our own pleasures: We have thought it meet rather to undergo the hazard of an uncertain judgment, than to commit impiety against God the liberal Giver of all blessings, and ingratitude against Our Countrey, the weal and safety whereof each one should prefer before his private life or fortunes. Thus much have you heard from Our own mouth. And we hope, that you will hereafter give no heed either to seditious detractions, or idle ru∣mours of the people.

This Oration took according to the divers dispositions of the hearers: some lamenting the Kings, but many more the Queens case, every one doubting, and fearful of the event. Some few weary of the present estate desired a change even to worse, rather than a continuance of the present. And by these the course the King had taken (not approved by the vulgar) as pious, and im∣posed on him by his own and the publick necessity, was according to the nature of hopeful flattery, most highly applauded.

ANNO DOM. 1529. REG. 21.

AT length about the beginning of April, the King residing at [ 1529] Bridewel, at the Black Friers in London began the Suit con∣cerning* 1.75 the King's Divorce. There was that to be seen, the like whereof the Histories of no other Nation afford: A most puissant Monarch, actually Sovereign and bearing rule in his Realm, being cited by the voice of an Apparitor, made his appearance personally before the Judges. The Ceremonies in a matter so unusual, and indeed otherwise of great moment, require an accurate and large relation, beyond the intended shortness of this History. A Chair of State, whereto was an ascent of some steps was placed above for the King, and by the side of it another (but a little lower) for the Queen. Before the King, at the fourth

step sate the Legates, but so, as the one seemed to sit at his right [ 1529] hand, the other at the left. Next to the Legates stood the Ap∣paritors and other Officers of the Court, and among them Gardi∣ner (after Bishop of Winchester) appointed Register in this business. Before the Judges, within the limits of the Court, sate the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury with all the other Bishops of the Realm. At the farther end of each side were the Advocates and Proctors retained for each party: For the King, Sampson after Bishop of Chichester, Bell after Bishop of Worcester, Tregonel, and Peters Fa∣ther to the now Lord Peters, all Doctors of Law: For the Queen, Fisher Bishop of Rochester, and Standish Bishop of St. Assaph, with Ridley (Doctor, whether of Divinity or Law I know not, but one) who had the esteem of a very Learned man. All things being thus formally ordered, the Apparitor willed by the Register to cite the King, cryed, Henry King of England come into the Court, who answered, Here I am. The Queen being likewise cited (Catharine Queen of England come into the Court) made no an∣swer, but rising from her seat went directly to the King, to whom on her knees, purposely raising her voice that every one might hear her, she is reported to have spoken to this effect:

Sir, I humbly beseech your Majesty so to deal with me at this pre∣sent,* 1.76 that I may neither have cause to complain of Injustice, nor that you have debarred me the favour of your wonted Clemency. I am here a Woman and a Stranger, destitute of Friends and Counsel, so that plead for my self I cannot, and whom I may else employ, I know not. My kindred and Friends are far off, neither can I safely rely on any here in a matter of so great consequence. They that are here retained for me, are no other, than whom you have been pleased to appoint, and are your own Subjects; who if they would deal uprightly (which few will believe they dare do) yet can they not here withstand your determinate will and pleasure. But what have wretched I committed, that after twenty years spent in peaceable Wedlock, and having born you so many Children, you should now at length think of putting me away? I was I confess the Widow of your Brother, if at least she may be accounted a Widow, whom her Husband never knew. For I take Almighty God to witness, and I am perswaded you cannot be ignorant of it, that I came to your bed an unspotted Virgin; from which time how I have behaved my self, I am content to appeal even to them, whosoever they are, that do wish me least good. Certainly whatsoever their Verdict may be, you have always found me a most faithful (Ser∣vant I may better say, than) Wife, having never to my knowledge withstood your pleasure so much as in shew. I always loved those, whom I thought you favoured, without questioning their deserts. I so carefully farthered and procured your pleasures, that I rather fear, I have offended God in too much endeavouring your content, than that I have any way failed in the least performance of my duty. By this my observance unto you, if so be you ever thought it worthy of regard, by our common Issue, by

the memory of my Father, whom you sometimes held dear, I do humbly [ 1529] beg, that you would be pleased to defer the farther hearing of this cause, until having sent into Spain, I may thence be advised by my Friends; in this case what course to take. If then in Justice it shall be thought meet to rend me from you, a part of whom I have so long been (the apprehension whereof doth more terrifie me, than death) I will even in this continue my long observed course of obedience. But as often as I bethink me of the wisdom of Our Parents, by whose endeavours and consent this Match was ratified, I cannot but hope very well of my cause. Your Father was for his admirable wisdom accounted a second Solomon, neither can Spain throughout the whole Successions of the Kings of so many Kingdoms produce any one, who may parallel my Father Ferdi∣nand: And what kind of Counsellors must we think these Princes had, that all should as it were conspire to hurl Us into the miseries of an in∣cestuous Marriage? No question was then made concerning the lawfulness of this Match, and yet those times afforded learned men, yea and (whereof to my harm I have had experimental knowledge) in holiness of life and love of the Truth far surpassing the Flatterers of these times. (Which last words she therefore spake, because she had heard, that all the Bishops of the Realm had by a common Decree pro∣nounced against the Marriage. And indeed such a Decree sub∣scribed and sealed by each of them was afterward in the presence of the King read publickly in the Court, Fisher Bishop of Rochester excepting against it, who denied, that he had assented to it, and objected forgery to the Archbishop of Canterbury for putting to it instead of Bishop Fisher's, a false Seal and a counterfeit hand.)

The Queen having spoken thus much, arising, after her due* 1.77 obeisance to the King, when every one expected she would have returned to her seat, made hast out of the Court. Every one amazedly wonders what the Queen intends. But before she had gone far, the King commanded the Apparitor to call her back again: The Apparitor obeying, the Gentleman who supported her, told her she was called; to whom she replied, I hear it very well, but go you on. I cannot hope for justice in this Court: let them proceed against me in what manner they will, I am resolved not to stay. So away she went, and would never after be perswaded to make her appearance either personally or by a Proctor. After she was gone, the King commended her in those terms, that might befit a great affection and her excellent virtues: Withal protesting how desirous he was to continue in that estate, so that neither his Soul nor the Common-wealth might be endangered by it. Here Wolsey in∣terrupted him, beseeching his Majesty, that forasmuch as it was bruited, that he had perswaded Him to this Divorce, His Majesty would vouchsafe to signifie to the present Assembly how far this report was true. The King, although that he knew that in this fame lied not, yet to secure his Favouritefrom the general hate of the people, affirmed, the Bishop of Bayeux having first made scruple of it,

to have first advised him to this course, and that the Bishop of [ 1529] Lincoln his Confessor, and other Bishops with whom he had con∣ferred, did the like. These were the Acts of the first day.

This case was for a month or two held in controversie, the King's Advocates alledging, that

It was not in the Pope's power to ratifie this Marriage, which as* 1.78 prohibited by the Law of Nature the Scripture had pronounced unlawful: That Catharine had been lawfully married to Prince Arthur the King's elder Brother, and that the Nuptials were publickly solemnized, no man could deny; and many circumstances did manifest the consummation of the Marriage by a carnal conjunction.

On the other side the Queens Advocates maintained,

The Law which forbad the Jews to marry their Brother's Wife, to* 1.79 be Judicial and not Moral, and therefore abrogated by Christ: but so far forth as the Church had retained it, it was by the authority of the same Church dispensable, especially being they were confident, that the forealledged consummation could no way be proved.

Thus each side pleaded, and time passed on. The King observes Cardinal Campegius to go more coldly to work than he was wont, from whom he before this expected the promised decision. But Fortune had since that turned her Wheel. The Emperour's af∣fairs* 1.80 prospered in Italy, and Clement knew it was not the way to wipe out the remembrance of an old offence by committing a new. He found some other pretence to send one Francis Campana into England; but his chief errand was to will Campegius to burn the Bull, whereby the King's Marriage had before been pro∣nounced void, and to return to Rome with speed. But the news of the Pope's sickness at the same time made him defer the exe∣cution of his Mandate. For if Clement should die, the Cardinal might with safety gratifie the King, who had conferred on him the Bishoprick of Sarisbury, and to whom the Cardinal had pro∣mised success answerable to his desires: And if he should permit the King to be thus illuded, he feared he might be accounted, not only ingrateful, but also treacherous. But he shortly under∣stood the Pope was well, whose Mandate he must obey, and the Bull as if for Heresie must be condemned to the fire.

In the mean time the King, who was deeply in love with Ann Bolen, according to the nature of Lovers counting each minute by the hour, quickly resented this change, and never rested, until he knew the whole carriage of the matter. Then first fell his wrath like thunder on Wolsey, whose Wit had hitherto made all* 1.81 his projects feasible: And he could not believe, but that it was in his power to effect this also. Here I cannot chuse but cry out with the Comedian,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Jove and ye gods, how hard a thing [ 1529] It is, to serve a raging King?

Full twenty years had Wolsey served the King, behaving himself so, that he grew powerful and wealthy beyond a private fortune, and to the rest of the King's Titles had procured the addition of that rich one of, a good Prince. For as often as I consider how laudably Henry had hitherto ruled, and behold the calamities of ensuing times, I cannot but accord with them, who ascribe the sway which he did bear over all the Princes of Christendom to the excellency of Wolsey his Counsels. But Wolsey being taken away, to whom shall we impute those effects of Lust, Tyranny, and Avarice; two Wives killed, two put away; so many (and among them many of the greater sort) put to death for their Religion only, extremity only differing in the manner used by Hanging against Papists, by Fire against Hereticks, (these were the terms of those days) and the Church (or rather the Common∣wealth) horribly spoiled and robbed of her Patrimony? Cer∣tainly had Wolsey sate at the Stern, the King had never like a Ship destitute of a Pilot, been carried to and fro with such contrary and uncertain motions. But inordinate greatness is always a burthen to it self, the weight whereof is augmented by the usual attendance of publick envy and hatred, the misbegotten Elves of long and powerful happiness.

Wolsey, the King once offended began presently to totter, and at his first frown as at the roaring of a Lion (before any harder course was taken with him) was so dejected, that although he after seemed a little to lift up his head, yet was he never able to stand on his feet. Nay, the King being once alienated from him would never after admit him to his presence. Behold the power of base Detraction (yet I will not exclude the greatness of the Cardinal's wealth already devoured in conceit) which wipes away the remembrance of the faithful service of so many years, and the consideration of so great glory purchased to the King by Wolsey's labours. I am not ignorant what things were objected against him. But they carry so little shew of probability, that I should much suspect his judgment, that would give any credit to them. Until it was known that the King enraged at the slow proceedings in the cause of his Divorce, did day and night breathe out against him threats and revenge, no man ever preferred Bill against him; which, considering the usual severe courses held by our Parliaments, must needs acquit him of Abuse of Power. As for the causes of the King's anger, we will derive them rather from his own discontents, than Wolsey's faultiness.

The King by this time knew the treachery of the dissembling Pope. He had near five years wandered in the Labyrinth of the Court of Rome, and could find no clew to lead him out. He

therefore determined to make a way where he could not find one, [ 1529] and like Alexander by force to undo that Gordian Knot, which by wit and labour he could not. To Wolsey therefore he commu∣nicated his intent of marrying another whether the Pope were willing or no, wishing him withal to find out some course or other, whereby Campegius his Collegue (notwithstanding the late Mandates to the contrary) might be drawn to give sentence on his side. Many things might be pretended to excuse the deed, but chiefly the fear of the King's high displeasure, which perad∣venture he should feel too, unless he assented to the King's just request. Wolsey his answer to this I cannot relate. But this is cer∣tain, that Wolsey, whether for that he did not approve of the King's intended course seeming (as the times were then) full of rashness and insolence, or that he would not undertake the at∣tempting of his Collegue, or that (as Sleidan writes) the King had notice, that the Cardinal had advised the Pope not to ap∣prove of the Divorce from Catharine, forasmuch as the King was then resolved to marry another infected with Lutheranism: Wolsey I say was so sharply taken up and threatned by the King, that even then you might read in his face and gestures the symptoms of his waining fortune. For the Cardinal at that time returning from the Court by water, the Bishop of Carlile being with him in the same Barge, complained of the heat which was then extra∣ordinary; to whom Wolsey replied, My Lord, if you had been but now in my place, you would have found it hot indeed. And as soon as he came home, he put off his clothes, and went sick to bed. Before he had reposed himself an hour and half, the Viscount Rochfort came to him, and in the King's Name willed, that he and his Collegue should instantly repair to the Queen, and exhort her not to contend any longer with the King, for that it would be more for her good and the honour of them both to submit her self to the King's pleasure, than to undergo the disgrace of a publick judgment. For it was now brought to that push, that longer deferred it could not be. The Cardinal advertised of the* 1.82 King's pleasure did arise, and with his Collegue went to the Queen, who having notice of their coming, went forth and met them. After mutual salutations, the Cardinals desired she would vouchsafe a few words in private, but the Queen refused to enter∣tain any conference with them but where she might have wit∣nesses of what passed. Wolsey then began to speak in Latin, but the Queen interrupted him, willing, that although she understood Latin, yet he should speak in English. So in the names of both Legates he began a Speech in English, wherein he professed a great* 1.83 deal of observance and duty to her, and that they came to no other end but to advise her for her good. The Queen answered them much* 1.84 after this manner:

As for your good will, I thank you: as for your advice, I will give

you the hearing. But the matter (I believe) about which you come, [ 1529] is of so great importance, that it will require a great deal of delibe∣ration, and the help of a brain surpassing that of feminine weakness. You see my employments (shewing them a skain of white thred hanging about her neck) in these I spend my time among my Maids, which indeed are none of the greatest Counsellors: yet I have none other in England, and Spain (where they are on whom I dare rely) God wot is far enough hence: yet I am content to hear what you have to say, and will give you an answer when we can conveniently.

So taking the Cardinal by the hand, she brought them into a withdrawing Room, where having attentively heard out their message, she made this reply:

That now after twenty years the lawfulness of my Marriage should be questioned, I cannot sufficiently wonder, especially when I consider who were the Authors of it: Many of them are yet alive both in England and Spain: and what kind of men the rest were, who are now dead; the world knows: Henry and Ferdinand our Parents the most sage Princes of their time, and their Counsel such without doubt, who for their wisdom were approved of as fit servants for so judicious Ma∣sters, besides the Pope, whose Dispensation I have to shew, and which was procured by my Father at no small rate. But what thing is there so sincere and firm, which envy will not seek to blast. Of these my miseries I can accuse none but you, my Lord of York. Because I could not away with your monstrous pride, excessive riot, whoredom, and intolera∣ble oppression, therefore do I now suffer. And yet not only for this: for some part of your hatred I am beholding to my Nephew the Emperour, whom, for that he did not satisfie your insatiable ambition by advancing you to the Papacy, you have ever since maligned. You threatned to be revenged on him and his Friends, and you have performed your promise; for you have been the only incendiary and plotter of all the mischief and Wars against him these late years. And I am his Aunt, whom how you have persecuted, by raising this new doubt, God only knows, to whose judgment only I commend my cause.

This she spake in French, as it seemed very much moved, and would not endure to hear Wolsey speak in defence of himself, but courteously dismissed Campegius.

It was now June, and the Harvest drawing on, the Legates thought it high time to make an end of this Suit. A day there∣fore being prefixed, many of Nobility, and a multitude of the Commonalty repaired to the Court, verily expecting, that judgment should have been given for the King. Henry (having I know not how conceived some hope of the Legates good intents) caused a seat to be placed for himself behind the hangings, under the covert whereof he might unseen hear whatsoever was spoken or passed in Court. The Cardinals being seated, the King's Advocates earnestly requiring that sentence might be given on

their side, Campegius made this Oration, well beseeming the con∣stancy [ 1529] of a man not unworthy of the place he supplied.

I have heard and diligently examined whatsoever hath been alledged* 1.85 in the King's behalf. And indeed the arguments are such, that I might and ought pronounce for the King, if two reasons did not controll and curb my desires of doing his Majesty right: The Queen (you see) withdraws her self from the judgment of this Court, having before us excepted against the partiality of the place, where (she saith) nothing can be determined without the consent of the Plaintif. Moreover his Holiness (who is the fountain and life of our authority) hath by a mes∣senger given us to understand, that he hath reserved this cause for his own hearing; so that if we would never so fain proceed any farther, peradventure we cannot, I am sure we may not. Wherefore (which only remaineth) I do here dissolve the Court: Other than this (as the case stands) I cannot do; and I beseech them, whom this Cause con∣cerns, to take in good part what I have done. Which if they will not, although it may trouble me, yet not so much, as to regard the threats of any one. I am a feeble old man, and see death so near me, that in a matter of so great consequence neither hope, nor fear, nor any other respect, but that of the Supreme Judge, before whom I find my self ready to appear, shall sway me.

How the King was pleased at this you may easily conceive. It is reported, that the Duke of Suffolk knowing the King to be present, and conscious of his infirmity, in a great rage leaping out of his Chair, bountifully bestowed a volley of curses upon the Legates, saying, It was never well with England, since it had any thing to do with Cardinals. To whom Wolsey returned a few words, saying, That it was not in his power to proceed without Au∣thority from the Pope, and that no man ought to accuse them for not doing that, whereto their power did not extend.

But the King's implacable anger admitted of no excuse: Wolsey himself must become a Sacrifice to appease it. As for Campegius, he tasted nevertheless of the King's bounty, and had leave to depart. But at Calais his carriages were searched by the King's command. The pretence was, that Wolsey intending an escape, had by Campegius conveyed his treasures for Rome. But the Bull was the Treasure so much sought after. The King could not believe it was burned; and if it were found, it was enough to countenance his second Marriage. But found it was not, no nor scarce so much money in all the Cardinal's carriages, as had been given him by the King.

Wolsey his rising and his fall were alike sudden; neither of them by degrees, but as the Lion gets his prey, by leaps. Shortly after the departure of his Collegue, upon the eighteenth of October, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk in his Majesties name commanded him to surrender the Great Seal. But he pleaded, That the King* 1.86 had by Patent made him Lord Chancellour during term of life, and by

consequence committed the custody of the Great Seal to him.: Never∣theless [ 1529] he would resign his place, if his Majesty so commanded. But he thought it not fit, having received the Seal from the King, to deliver it to any other, but upon especial Command. The Lords re∣turning to Windsor where the Court then was, the next day brought the King's Letters, whose Mandate the Cardinal forth∣with obeyed. In this Dignity the six and twentieth of October Sir Thomas More succeeded, whose admirably general Learning* 1.87 is so well known to the world, that I shall not need to speak any thing of it.

Wolsey being removed from the Chancellorship is presently after* 1.88 accused of Treason, and that (which hath been seldom seen) in the Parliament, that so without hearing he might be con∣demned by Act. But he perceiving the drist of his Adversaries, procured one of his attendants Thomas Cromwel (he who after∣ward became so potent) to be elected a Burgess of the Lower House. The Cardinal being daily informed by him what things were laid to his charge, did by Letter instruct him what to an∣swer. Cromwel although no Scholar, was very wise and eloquent. Which good parts he so faithfully employed in the defence of his Lord, that the House acquitted him, and himself became fa∣mous; opening withal by these means a way to those Honours, to which the current of a few years advanced him. Even they who hated Wolsey, honoured Cromwel, whose wisdom, industry, but above all, fidelity in defending his dejected Lord, was ad∣mirable.

Now the Cardinal because he would not be found a Traytor, is faln into a Praemunire. Whereupon he is thrust as it were naked forth his own house, his great wealth is seized on by the King's Officers, and he fain to borrow furniture for his house, and money for his necessary expences. Judges are sent into the house whereto he was confined, to take his answer to the obje∣cted crime, which was, that without leave from the King he had dared so many years to exercise his power Legatine. To which calumny (for can any man believe it to be other) he made this answer:

I am now sixty years old, and have spent my days in his Majesties* 1.89 service, neither shunning pains, nor endeavouring any thing more, than (next my Creatour) to please him. And is this that heinous offence, for which I am at this age deprived of my Estate, and forced as it were to beg my bread from door to door? I expected some accu∣sation of a higher strain, as Treason, or the like; not for that I know my self conscious of any such matter, but that his Majesties wisdom is such, as to know, it little beseems the constancy and magnanimity of a King for a slight fault to condemn, and that without hearing, an ancient servant, for so many years next his Person, greatest in his favour, and to inflict a punishment on him more horrid than death.

What man is he, who is so base minded, that he had not rather a thou∣sand [ 1529] times perish, than see a thousand men (so many my Family num∣breth) of whose faithful service he hath had long tryal, for the most part to perish before his eyes? But finding nothing else objected, I conceive great hope, that I shall as easily break this machination of combined envy, as was that late one against me in the Parliament, concerning Treason. It is well known to his Majesty (of whose justice I am confident) that I would not presume to execute my power Lega∣tine, before he had been pleased to ratifie it by his Royal Assent given under his Seal; which notwithstanding I cannot now produce, that and all my goods (as you well know) being taken from me. Neither indeed if I could, would I produce it. For to what end should I contend with the King? Go therefore, and tell his Majesty, that I acknowledge all that I have (but alas what speak I of what I have, who indeed have nothing left me?) or whatsoever I had, to be derived from his Royal Bounty, and do think it good reason, that he should revoke his gifts, if he think me unworthy of them. Why then do I not remit my cause to his Majesty's arbitrement, at his pleasure to be either condemned or absolved? To him then if you will have me acknowledge my fault, behold, I will make short work with you, I confess it. The King knows my innocency, so that neither my own confession, nor the calumnies of of my adversaries can deceive him. I am therefore content to confess my self guilty. His Majesty from the fountain of his natural Clemency doth often derive the streams of his mercy to the delinquent: And I know, though I should not desire it, He will regard my innocency.

Upon his confession, the penalty of the Law was forthwith inflicted, only he was not, as the Law requires, committed to perpetual imprisonment. The furniture of his house of infinite value, incredible store of Plate and great Treasure had been al∣ready seised to the King's use. There remained nothing but the Lands wherewith he intended to endow his Colledge, the greatest part whereof were his own purchase, the rest were the demesnes of the demolished Monasteries. These Lands amounted to above four thousand pounds per annum, and were all confisca∣ted. But God would not suffer so brave a work to perish. The King afterward bestowed on the Colledge in Oxford called Christ-Church,* 1.90 revenues for the maintenance of a Dean, eight Prebendaries, a hundred Students, twelve Chaplains and Singing men, and four and twenty Alms-men, for which this Colledge acknowledgeth Henry the Eighth for its Founder. But the King arrogated to himself what was truly to be ascribed to the Cardinal; who was now in the case of the poor Mouse, whom the Cat intends to devour. The King had marked him out for destruction, yet permitted him to live, but so, as that he could never escape, and yet never despair of escaping. Scarce any day throughout those few months passed, wherein he endured not something or other, that would have animated a sensless thing with anger: neither

was the Cardinal composed of patience, yet did he never despair. [ 1529] His sorrows were always tempered with some mixture of joy: For he was often visited from the King, but that very secretly, and commonly by night; often certified of the King's affection towards him, in token whereof the Visitants did sometimes from the King present him with a Jewel or some such thing; willing him to be of good comfort, for that shortly, they would assure him, he should be raised to his former degree of favour and power. Adversity at length prevailing, he fell into a disease, from the* 1.91 extremity whereof few expected his recovery. And the King demanding of one of his Physicians (whose patient the Cardinal was) what disease Wolsey had, the Doctor replied, What disease soever he hath, if you desire his death, you may be secure, for I pro∣mise you he will not live to see the end of three days more. The King striking the table with his hand, cryed out, I had rather lose twenty thousand Pounds than he should dye: Make hast therefore you, and as many other Physicians as are about the Court, and by all means endeavour his recovery. The Physician then certifying him, that he was sick, more in mind, than body; the King dispatched away a Gentleman with a Ring, which Wolsey had formerly given to him, willing him withal to tell the Cardinal, that the King's anger was now past, who was sorry that he had so long given ear to detraction; and that he should shortly find, that the King's affection towards him was no less, than when he flourished most in the sun-shine of his favour. The same comfortable words being again and again ingeminated by divers others sent for that purpose, the Cardinal in a few days recovered his former health.

At Court each one aspired to rise by Wolsey his fall. But now jealous lest the King intended a real and sincere reconci∣liation, and fearing revenge from him whom they had injured, work all their wits to supplant him. At, or about London he was too near the Court, some trick must be had to send him farther. Winchester (the Bishoprick whereof he held in Commendam) was not far enough off. Why then should he not (said they) being not detained at London as Lord Chancellor, betake himself to the government of his Archbishoprick of York? So having a thousand Pounds assigned him by the King (whose Council* 1.92 thought Marks sufficient) about the end of March in the en∣suing year he set forward towards York. Of all his Livings they leave him only the Archbishoprick of York wherewith to main∣tain him, the revenues whereof might be valued at four thousand Pounds per annum. The speech of Seneca concerning Apicius, why may I not apply it to the present state of Wolsey? How great was his Luxury, who deemed the income of four thousand Pounds, poverty?

And now it were requisite that we should proceed to the year 1530. But let us first behold the end of this great Cardinal. That

Summer he spent at Cawood, a Mannor-house belonging to the [ 1529] See of York, where by his mildness, justice, and liberality, he did so win the hearts of his Diocesans, that he was both admired and loved. He seemed to be much delighted with this solitary confinement; for that having hitherto been tossed in the Court to and fro as in a tempest, he had now escaped, not from ship∣wrack to a Rock, but to his desired Haven of repose. Yet not∣withstanding upon any the least hope of recovering his former power (although he professed, that converted by an Anchorire of Richmond he had bid adieu to the vanities of the World) he could not conceal the greatness of his joy. That he failed of his hopes (which indeed were none of the least) I cannot assent to them, who impute it to the importunity of his potent Adversa∣ries. For to what end served so many messages full of gracious and reconciliatory promises, but ever intermixed with insufferable disgraces the forerunners of a dire Catastrophe? Certainly to no other, than that he might be wrought one way or other to ap∣prove of, and give sentence for the King's Divorce (at least) as Archbishop Cranmer after did.

But this course not prevailing, they intend a second accu∣sation of Treason. To this purpose the Earl of Northumberland is sent to apprehend, and (as he was amazed at this sudden change)* 1.93 bring him to his answer to London. But by the way he fell sick of a disease, which at Leicester-Abbey secured him from all other. Being near his end, it is reported Sir William Kingston (who lately came thither with some of the King's Guard) exhorted him to be of good comfort, for that the King (in whose name he saluted him) had sent for him to no other end, but that he might clear himself from those things, which malice and detraction had for∣ged against him: neither did he doubt, but that shortly he should see him more potent than ever, if out of pusillanimity he gave not too much scope to the violence of his discontented passions. Whereto the Cardinal in these his last words replied:

I am as truly glad to hear of his Majesty's health, as I truly know* 1.94 my death to be at hand; I have now been eight days together troubled with a Flux accompanied with a continual Fever, which kind of disease, if within eight days it remit nothing of its wonted violence, by the con∣sent of all Physicians threatneth no less than death, per adventure an evil beyond death, distraction. But grown weak, and my disease raging more and more, I do each minute expect, when God will be pleased to free this sinful soul from this loathsom prison of the body. But should my life be a little prolonged, do you think I perceive not what traps are laid for me? You Sir William (if I mistake not) are Lieutenant of the Tower, and I guess for what you come. But God hath justly rewarded me for neglecting my due service to him, and wholly applying my self to his Majesty's pleasure. Woe is me, wretch and sot that I am, who have been ungrateful to the King of kings! whom if I had served with

that due devout observance that besits a Christian, he would not have [ 1529] for saken me in the evening of my age. I would I might be a general example (even to the King himself) how slipperily they stand in this world, who do not above all things rely upon the firm support of G O D's Favour and Providence. Salute his Majesty from me, and deliver this my last petition unto him, which is, That he live mindful of the tryal he must undergo before G O D's high Tribunal; so shall he by the secret testimony of his own conscience free me from those crimes where∣with my adversaries seek to burthen me.

More he would have spoken, but his speech failed him, and death presently ensued. His body apparelled in his Pontifical* 1.95 Robes, after it had all that day (for he expired at the very break of day) been exposed to open view, was at midnight without any solemnity buried in our Ladies Chappel, in the Church of* 1.96 the Monastery. Thus unhappily ended Cardinal Wolsey, his long happy life; than whom England, no nor I believe all Europe, if* 1.97 you except the Bishops of Rome, ever saw a more potent Prelate. His retinue consisted of near about a thousand persons, among which were one Earl, commonly nine Barons, many Knights and Gentlemen, and of Officers belonging to his house above four hundred, besides their Servants, which far exceeded the for∣mer number. His Chappel was served by a Dean, a Sub-dean, a Chanter, thirty five Singers, whereof thirteen were Clergy, twelve Lay, and ten Choristers, four Sextons, beside sixteen Chaplains (the most sufficient for their Learning throughout all England) two Cross-bearers, and as many Pillar-bearers. But nothing doth manifest his wealth and greatness so much as do his stately and incomparable Buildings. We have already spoken of his Colledges. Whitehal (then called York-house, as belonging* 1.98 to the Archbishop) the place where our Kings do most reside, was almost wholy built by him. Hampton-Court, the neatest pile of all the King's houses, he raised entirely from the ground, and having furnished it with most rich housholdstuff, gave it to the King. It was a gift fitter for a King to take, than for a subject to give. But in the opinion of the vulgar the Monument which he intended for the King far surpassed all these: It was of solid Brass, but unfinished, and is to be seen in Henry the Eighth his Chappel in the Church of Windsor. That three of his Children reigning after him, none of them undertook by perfecting it to cover the (as it were) unburied bones of their Father, what may we think, but that the excessive charge of it deterred them? But upon a farther inquity we may more justly ascribe it to the especial judgment of the Divine Providence, who had decreed, that he who had so horribly spoiled the Church, should alone be debarred the honour afforded to each of his Predecessors in the Church. And thus much concerning Wolsey, who died the thirtieth of November, 1530.

In the mean time in June, Anno 1529, after long debating the [ 1529] matter to and fro, by the mediation of Louyse the French King's Mother, and Margaret Aunt to the Emperour, these two Princes* 1.99 are drawn to an accord, and a Peace is concluded between them at Cambray, thence commonly called The Peace of Cambray, but by us, The Peace of Women. The chief Conditions whereof, and that any way concerned us were;

That the French King should give to the Emperour for the freedom of his Children (who had been three years Hostages in Spain for their Father) two millions of Crowns, whereof he should pay four hundred thousand (due from the Emperour by the League made Anno 1522) to Henry and his Sister Mary Dowager of France. Beside which huge summ he should also acquit the Emperour of five hundred thousand, which he did owe to our King for the indemnity of the Mar∣riage between the Emperour and the Lady Mary the King's Daughter, whom (having been long since contracted) he left, to marry with the Daughter of Portugal: And that he should disengage and restore to the Emperour the Flower-de-Lys of gold enriched with pre∣cious stones, and a piece of our Saviour's Cross, which Philip, truly called, The Good Duke of Burgoigne the Emperour's Father being driven into England by contrary winds, had engaged to Henry the Seventh for fifty thousand Crowns.

So that the summ to be paid to Henry amounted to nine hundred and fifty thousand Crowns, besides sixteen hundred thousand more to be paid to the Emperour at the very instant of the deli∣very of the French King's Children. The total summ was two millions five hundred fifty thousand Crowns, which of our money make seven hundred sixty five thousand Pounds.

Francis not knowing which way suddenly to raise so huge a mass, by his Ambassadors intreated our King to be pleased to stay some time for his moneys. But Henry was much moved, that he had not been made acquainted with this Treaty: not∣withstanding his secret designs made him temper his choler, nay, and with incredible liberality to grant more than was demanded. For he absolutely forgave him the five hundred thousand Crowns due for the not marrying his Daughter, he gave the Flower-de∣Lys to his God-son Henry Duke of Orleans, and left the other four hundred thousand to be paid by equal portions in five years. The Pope had lately by his Legates deluded Henry, who was there∣upon much discontented not knowing what course to run. And this is thought to be the cause of his so extraordinary liberality toward the French.

The King being then in progress, and hunting at Waltham, it* 1.100 happened that Stephen Gardiner Principal Secretary of Estate (after Bishop of Winton) and Fox the King's Almoner (after Bishop of Hereford) were billeted in the house of a Gentleman named Cressey, who had sent his two Sons to be brought up at Cambridge,

under the tutelage of Thomas Cranmer Doctor in Divinity, a man [ 1529] both very learned and virtuous. The Plague then spreading it self in Cambridge, Cranmer with his two Pupils betook himself to Mr. Cressey their Father his house: Where Gardiner and Fox among other table-talk discoursing of the King's Suit concerning his Di∣vorce, which had so many years depended in the Court of Rome un∣decided, Cranmer said, that he wondred the King required not the opinions of the most famous learned men that were any where to be found (of whom the world had many far more learned than the Pope) and and followed not their judgments. What Cranmer had as it were let fall by chance they report to the King, who suddenly apprehending it, said, that this fellow, whosoever he was, had hit the nail on the head, and withal demanding his name, caused Cranmer to be sent for, whom he commended for his (but too late) advice, which course if he had taken but five years before, he should now have had an hundred thousand Pounds in his Purse, which he had unprofitably in this Suit cast away on the Court of Rome: he commands Cranmer to write a Tract concerning this Question, wherein having drawn together what Reasons he could for the confirmation of his advice, he should conclude with his own opinion. Cranmer did it very readily, and is thereupon with Sir Thomas Bolen (lately created Earl of Wiltshire) Carne, Stokesley, and Benet, Doctors of Law, with others sent on an Embassie to Rome: Cranmer's Book is to be pre∣sented to his Holiness, and they are commanded to challenge the Court of Rome to a Disputation, wherein the Contents of that Book should be maintained; the Argument whereof was, That by the authority of holy Scripture, ancient Fathers, and Councils, it was utterly unlawful for any man to marry his Brother's Widow, and that no such marriage could be licensed or authorized, by the Pope's Dispensation. This being done, the King's intent was, they should procure the opinions of all the Universities throughout Europe, by whom if he found his former Marriage condemned, then without farther expecting the approbation of the See of Rome, he was resolved to run the hazard of a second. To this the amity of the French seeming very conducible, the King had by his for∣mer liberality sought to oblige him. The Ambassadors came to Rome, had audience, were promised a publick Disputation, where∣of they were held so long in expectation, that perceiving their stay there to be to little purpose, they all returned into England, except Cranmer, who with the same instructions that he had formerly been sent to the Pope, was to go to the Emperour; whose Court was then in Germany. There this good and learned man, hitherto no friend to Luther, while he defends his own Book and the King's Divorce, against the most learned either of Protestants or Papists, is thought to have been seasoned with the leaven of that Doctrine, for which after he had been

twenty years Archbishop of Canterbury, he was most cruelly [ 1529] burned.

While Cranmer thus laboured abroad, the King at home deals with Langey the French Ambassador, by whose means (with the forcible Rhetorick (saith one) of some English Angels) he ob∣tained of the Universities of Paris, with the rest throughout France, Pavia, Padua, Bononia, and others, this Conclusion, That the Pope (who hath no power over the Positive Law of God) could not by his Dispensation ratifie a Marriage contracted between a Brother and a Brother's Widow, it being forbidden by the express words of Scripture.

The eighth of December the King graced three noble and* 1.101 worthy men with new Titles of Honour. Thomas Bolen Viscount Rochfort, the King's future Father-in-Law, was created Earl of Wiltshire, Robert Ratcliff Viscount Fitz-Walter, of the noble Family of the Fitz-Walters, Earl of Sussex; in which honour his Son Thomas, his Nephews, Thomas first, then Henry Brother to Thomas, and now Robert the Son of Henry have succeeded him: And George Lord Hastings was made Earl of Huntingdon, who left it to his Son Francis Father of Henry, who deceased without issue, and George Grandfather to Henry the now Earl by Francis, who died before his Father.

ANNO DOM. 1530. REG. 22.

VVIlliam Tyndal having translated the New Testament [ 1530] into English, and procured it to be printed at Ant∣werp,* 1.102 had secretly dispersed many copies thereof thoughout Eng∣land. Whereat the Bishops and Clergy (especially those that were most addicted to the Doctrine of Rome) stormed exceedingly, saying that this Translation was full of errours, and that in the Prefaces and elsewhere it contained many things contrary to the Truth. The King being angry with the Pope, had long since determined to free himself from his usurped power. And there∣fore admonished the murmuring Clergy to correct this Book, not to suppress it: for it was a most profitable work, and very neces∣sary for the discovery of the deceits of the Court of Rome, the tyranny whereof was become intolerable to all the Princes of Christendom. Whereupon he giveth order to the Bishops and some other learned men to set forth a new Translation, which his Subjects might read with safety and profit.

The hope of prevailing with the Pope by the French King's* 1.103 means had drawn Henry to send on a second Embassage to the Pope, the Earl of Wiltshire, Doctor Stokesley Elect of London, and Edward Lee, Wolsey his Successor in York. They found the Pope at Bononia with the Emperour, but had no other answer to their

demands, than, that his Holiness when he came to Rome, would [ 1530] endeavour to do the King justice. Till then he could do no∣thing.

Fair means not prevailing, the King runs another course. By* 1.104 publick Proclamation throughout the Kingdom he forbids all commerce between his Subjects and the Bishop of Rome; com∣manding that no man should receive any thing from, or send any thing (especially money) unto him, either by exchange, or any other means, calling him Tyrant, the Harpy of the World, the common Incendiary, and deeming him utterly unworthy of that glorious title which he had vaingloriously usurped, Christ's Vicar. This in September.

But the wealth of the Clergy being very great, and consi∣dering how they had in the Reigns of his Predecessors strongly sided with the Pope, the King was somewhat jealous of them. To curb them he condemns the whole Clergy throughout the* 1.105 Kingdom in a Praemunire, for that without licence from his Ma∣jesty they had been obedient to the authority of the Pope, in acknowledging Wolsey for his Legate. The Clergy of the Province of Canterbury, being assembled in Convocation, buy their pardon at a hundred thousand Pounds, and in this Synod he is (with much ado) by the Clergy of both Provinces declared next under Christ Supreme Head of the Church of England, and all forein* 1.106 power or authority whatsoever disclaimed. The Province of York is moreover fined at eighteen thousand eight hundred and forty Pounds. So this one fault (if it may be so accompted, it being certain that Wolsey was licenced to exercise his authority Legantine) cost the Clergy a hundred and eighteen thousand, eight hundred and forty Pounds.

ANNO DOM. 1531. REG. 23.

THe only publick memorable occurrents of this year were, [ 1531] that the Laity, for the most part as deep in a Praemunire, as the Clergy, were by Act of Parliament pardoned. In which assembly Sir Thomas More Lord Chancellour, and other remarkable speakers related at large the Conclusions of the Universities con∣cerning the unlawfulness of the King's marriage.

And yet perhaps the notorious villany of Richard Rose Cook to the Bishop of Rochester, might crave a place in this History, who with poysoned broth killed sixteen of the Bishop's servants. The Bishop himself (who was especially aimed at) that day con∣trary to his accustomed diet forbearing broth, escaped. The poisoner, according to a Law lately enacted, was thrown into a cauldron of boyling water. But the offence deserved tortures of a most exquisite strain.

ANNO DOM. 1532. REG. 24.

ON the three and twentieth of August died William Warham [ 1532] Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom Thomas Cranmer at that time in Germany about the King's affairs, was appointed Suc∣cessor.* 1.107 He was not so ambitious as to aspire to such a dignity; and some reasons made him unwilling to accept it being offered: He knew before he could be consecrated he must swear obedience to the Pope, which with a safe conscience he could not. He feared what would be the issue of this abrupt separation from the See of Rome. He knew the King's disposition to be violent, such sudden changes to be full of danger, and the Court (although he had not yet purchased the acquaintance of it) to be a meer School of fraud and dissembling. The King's pleasure must ne∣cessarily be obeyed, and if he slipped never so little, envy, the mischievous attendant of great felicity, would help him forward to a break-neck. Cranmer also having long since lost his Wife whom he had married in his youth, had taken a liking to a cer∣tain maid, Niece to Osiander's Wife, whom he intended to make his second Wife: yet he knew that the Canon Law permitted not Priests to marry, and made them uncapable of holy Orders, who had been twice married. These considerations made him linger in Germany six whole months after the dispatch of his bu∣siness, hoping that his absence might afford means to some other to work a way to the Archbishoprick. But the times were such, that they to whom desert might give greatest hopes of attaining it, did abhor this still tottering and slippery dignity: and even they who were already advanced to the like, endeavoured to betake themselves to the safety of meaner fortune; As did Sir Thomas More the Lord Chancellour, who by his continual earnest* 1.108 petitions obtained leave of the King on the fifteenth of May to resign his place; and Sir Thomas Awdley on the fourth of June was in his stead made Lord Keeper. Cranmer having privately married his Wife at Norimberg, at length returned into England, where the King's importunity prevailing beyond all scrupulous difficulties, Cranmer is (though much against his will) made Archbishop of Canterbury, the Pope also by his Bull confirming the Election. He refusing the Archbishoprick, because he must take an Oath to the Pope, delivered the Bull to the King, pro∣testing that he would never accept of any Bishoprick in England, but from the King, who was Supreme Head of the Church of England; and that he would not take any Oath that should any way derogate from the King's Authority. At length the subtil heads of the Lawyers found out a quirk whereby to salve all: He must first by a previous Protestation except against this Oath (which was to be taken pro formâ) that it should not hereafter be

any way prejudicial to him. Thus ascended Cranmer to the Ar∣chiepiscopal [ 1532] See, where he sate near about twenty years, until Queen Mary the Daughter of repudiated Catharine not only thrust this most innocent, grave, learned man out of his Bishoprick, but with a barbarous cruelty condemned him to the fire, as hereafter in its place we shall declare.

For the Treatise of a more strict League between the two Kings of England and France, an interview is appointed between them. To this end on the eleventh October the King with a mighty train passed to Calais. The tenth day, after going to Boloigne,* 1.109 he was met half way by the French King and his Sons, and con∣ducted to Boloigne, where the two Kings divided the Abbey be∣tween them. Henry staid there four days, and then brought Francis (in whose company were the King of Navarre, some Dukes, and Cardinals, a great number of Noblemen, and of others at least twelve hundred) to Calais. At St. Joquebert the Duke of Richmond (who was not at Boloigne with the King his Father) received them. After much solemn entertainment, and the interchangeable favours from each King to the Princes of each others company, from Henry to the King of Navarre (or as the French write, to Montmorency) and Chabot the Admiral by the Order of the Garter; From Francis to the Dukes of Narfolk and Suffolk by that of St. Michael, these great Monarchs parted.

Jealousie of the Emperour's still increasing power had now united these Princes, and their natural dispositions wonderful agreeable had made them always prone to a mutual love, which by this interview took such deep root, that even in their own opinions they rested assured of each other. And indeed had they been private persons, their friendship in all likelihood had conti∣nued inviolable. But Princes are not so much to be swayed by their own affections, as the consideration of the publick Utility. The effect of this interview was an agreement to repress the Turk about that time wasting Hungary, to which end they should as∣semble together by their joint forces an Army of fourscore thou∣sand men, whereof there should be ten thousand horse, with Artillery requisite for the said Camp: A specious pretext: For they both knew, that the Turk had already retreated. But in private they treated of other matters. They had both many causes of discontent. Francis not without cause was displeased with the Pope, and Henry thinking it best to strike while the Iron was hot, endeavoured an utter alienation between them. Henry complains first of the wrong the Court of Rome did him touching the matter of his Divorce, in the suit whereof full six years were now spent: and yet at length after all their deceits and mockeries, they seek to force him, either to go in person to Rome, or in a matter of so great importance to send Deputies, who should in the King's behalf follow the Suit. An insolent proceeding, and

injury without example, which did concern the French and all [ 1532] other Princes of Christendom. For in like cases hapning among Sovereign Princes, especially touching the conscience so near, it was the usual custom of other Popes to send Judges to the place, it being reasonable that the Persons should speak personally, and not by their Attorneys; and very unreasonable, that a Sovereign Prince leaving the rule and government of his Estates should go and plead his cause at Rome. Moreover he did complain of the intolerable exactions of the Church of Rome over the Clergy and people of England; whereby the yoak, before too heavy, was now become insupportable: neither did he doubt, but the same courses were taken in France. Germany had begun the way of freedom to the rest of Christendom: why should not other Princes follow their example? To conclude, he did instantly require, that they two should send their Ambassadors jointly together to the Pope to summon him to appear at the next general Council, there to answer his extortions, and by the authority and judge∣ment of the Council to force him to a reformation; affirming, that there was no Nation in Christendom, which did not desire, that the insolencies of the Romanists should be repressed. To this the French answered, that he acknowledged these things to be true, but it was not in his power to yield to the King's request, yet for the brotherly love which he did bear unto him, and the charitable regard of his own Countrey, he professed himself ready to undergo all difficulties. He wanted not sufficient injuries whereof to complain, considering that he having so well deserved of the Apostolick See, but more especially of this Pope, yet he certainly found, that Clement, all this notwithstanding, was not well affected towards him. Clement had very lately suffered his reputation to be violated in his presence, and by the Bishop of Verulo had secretly endeavoured to alienate the Suisses his Allies from him. France groaned under the burthen of the new and undutiful exactions of the Pope's Officers, by means whereof all the treasure was carried out of the Kingdom, to the prejudice of his Subjects (the Clergy especially) who grew poor, the Churches were unrepaired, and the poor neither cloathed nor fed: and if he himself levied any great summ of money, the Tributes are longer coming in than usually they were wont. But he thought it best, before they proceeded to that harsh course, to use some milder means, whereto there was a fair occasion offered, the Pope having by the Cardinal of Grandmont made him a promise of an interview at Nice or Avignon; where if he could not obtain reason of him in the behalf of both; he would endeavour to pre∣vail by force where he could not by just intreaties: In the mean time he desired him to attend the issue of their parley.

But Francis concealed the true cause of this intended interview, for fear lest our Henry not approving it, should seek to disswade

him from it. The French was implacable towards the Emperour, [ 1532] against whom to strengthen himself, he means to win the Pope by the marriage of his younger Son Henry Duke of Orleans (who after reigned) with Catharine de Medices Duchess of Urbin, the* 1.110 Pope's Niece. The Pope could not at first believe this potent Prince intended him so much honour: but perceiving the French to be real, he most eagerly farthered it, appointing time and place for the consummation of it, which was after done at Mar∣seilles by Clement himself in the presence of the French King.

ANNO DOM. 1533. REG. 25.

THe King's love brooked no delays. Wherefore on the five [ 1533] and twentieth of January, privately and in the presence of very few, he marrieth the Lady Ann Bolen.* 1.111

Shortly after by Act of Parliament the Marriage of the King and the Lady Catharine was declared void and incestuous, and a Law enacted, wherein all Appeals to Rome were forbidden, and that none should stile Catharine other than Princess of Wales, and Widow or Dowager of Prince Arthur. By virtue and authority of the same Law, the Archbishop of Canterbury accompanied with some other Bishops, coming to Dunstable six miles from Ampthill, where Catharine then resided, caused her to be cited before him, next under the King chief Judge in all Ecclesiastical causes within the Province of Canterbury, to shew what reasons could be al∣ledged why the Marriage not lawfully contracted between the King and her should not be disannulled, and pronounced impious, incestuous, and consequently void. To these things by one of her Servants she answered; that it beseemed not the Archbishop to thrust his sickle into another's harvest: this Cause did yet depend undecided before the Pope, Christ's Vicar on earth, whose Decree she would obey, and other Judge would she acknowledge none. Being called fifteen days together and not appearing, she is pronounced Contumax, and for her contumacy separated from the King's bed and company. Whereupon the Lady Ann pro∣claimed Queen throughout the Kingdom, on Easter-eve shewed her self publickly as Queen; and was at Whitsontide crowned with as great pomp and solemnity as ever was Queen. The particulars I will let pass, excepting that prophetical Distich upon one of the Triumphant Arches purposely erected in London where she was to pass:

Regìna Anna, paris Regis de sanguine Natam, Et paries populis aurea secla tuis.

In English, [ 1533]

Ann, thou a Daughter bearest to our King, And to thy people golden days shalt bring.

Wafers also with the same impression were thrown about, saith Stow. But I rather believe, that this Distich was made after the Queens delivery. Whensoever it were, he that truly considers the felicity of the four and forty years Reign of this Queens Daughter, will think this Oracle could not proceed from any but a Delphian Apollo. For the Queen at the time of her Coronation was great with child, (whereof the seventh of September she was delivered at Greenwich) which was that ever famous Queen* 1.112 Elizabeth, who after the death of her Brother and Sister so glo∣riously ruled this Kingdom.

The Pope was certified of all these passages; that his authority in England was abrogated, that the late Queen Catharine was put away, that Ann Bolen as Queen was taken to the King's bed, that the King stiled himself Supreme Head of the Church of England, that the Archbishop of Canterbury executed all those Offices which formerly the Pope only did, and that not as the Pope's Legate, but as Primate of England, who under the King claimed chief authority in Ecclesiastical affairs throughout his whole Province. Wherewith being netled, he seemed to breath nothing but threats and revenge. But knowing himself to have been the motive of it, and doubtful of the event, he was easily perswaded by the French King, as yet not to proceed by Excommunication against Henry, until he had made trial of some milder course. Where∣upon Francis by Bellay Bishop of Paris intreats Henry not to with∣draw himself wholly from the obedience of Rome, for as much as it was a matter of great danger: He would therefore advise him once more by Ambassadors to Rome, to signifie that he was not utterly averse from a reconciliation: which if he did, he made no doubt but all things would succeed to his mind. Henry was certain of enjoying his Love, and let the Pope decree what he list, was resolved to keep her. He had been formerly abused by the Court of Rome, and was loath to make farther trial of their dilatory proceedings. Yet had Bellay prevailed so far with him, that he would be content once more to submit himself to the Church of Rome, if he could be assured of the Pope's intention to do him equity. The Bishop conceiving some hopes of a peace (although it were in the Winter time) goes himself to Rome, gives the Pope an account of his actions, and certifies him that the matter was not yet desperate. Whereupon a day is appointed, by which a Post returning from the King was to give notice of an intended Embassy. But the Consistory gave so short a time to have an answer, that the Post came short two days at his return.

The term expired, they proceed hastily to the confirmation of [ 1533] their Censures, notwithstanding the Bishop's instance to obtain six days more, for as much as contrary winds or some other chance might hinder the Messenger; and six days would be no great matter, considering the King had wavered six whole years before he fell: The more moderate thought the Bishop demanded but reason; but the preposterous haste of the greater sort pre∣vailed. Two days were scarce past after the prefixed time, but the Post arriving with ample authority and instructions from England, did greatly amaze those hasty Cardinals, who afterwards would fain, but could not find any means to mend what they had so rashly marred. For the matter (to please the Emperour) was so hudled up, as that which could not ritely be finished in three Consistories, was done in one. So the King and the whole Realm was interdicted, the Bull whereof (the Messengers not daring to come nearer) was brought to Dunkirk.

The report hereof coming to the King, he lays all the blame on the Lady Catharine. Whereupon the Duke of Suffolk was sent to lessen her Houshold: They who might be any way suspected to have been employed by her in this business, are turned away, the rest are commanded to take their Oaths to serve her as Prin∣cess of Wales, not as Queen of England. They that refuse are cashiered, and they that are content to swear, are by her cast off; so that for a time she had few or no Attendants.

In the mean time, on the three and twentieth of June died* 1.113 Mary Queen of France, the King's Sister, and was buried in the Abbey of St. Edmundsbury.

ANNO DOM. 1534. REG. 26.

ABout this time was discovered the grand Imposture of Eli∣zabeth [ 1534] Barton, which brought her to a deserved end. She had formerly been sick of a strange disease, which not only af∣flicted* 1.114 her inwardly, but as often as her fitt took her, so wonder∣fully distorted her mouth and other parts of her body, that most were of opinion, it could not proceed from any natural cause. But Custom growing to a second Nature, the continuance of the disease had taught her to distort her body after her recovery, in the same manner as when she was sick. Hoping to make a profit of this her counterfeit Convulsion, she imparted the secret to the Curate of the Parish: by whose device after long deliberation between them, it was agreed, that she should often feign her self to be in an Ecstasie: and whereas she was wont when the fitt seised her, to lie still without motion, as if she had been dead, she should now sometimes utter some godly sentences, inveigh against the wickedness of the times, but especially against Here∣ticks

and broachers of new Opinions; and should relate strange [ 1534] Visions revealed by God to her in the time of her Ecstasie. By these jugling tricks, not only among the Vulgar (who termed her the Holy Maid of Kent) but among the wiser sort, such as were Archbishop Warham, Bishop Fisher, and others, her sanctity was held in admiration. The Imposture taking so generally, her boldness increased. She prefixeth a day whereon she shall be re∣stored to perfect health, and the means of her recovery must be procured forsooth by a Pilgrimage to some certain Image of our Lady. The day came, and she being brought to the place, by the like cozenage deceived a great number of people, whom the expectation of the Miracle had drawn thither: and at last, as if she had just then shaken off her disease, she appears whole and straight unto them all; saying, That by especial command from God she must become a Nun, and that one Dr. Bocking a Monk of Canterbury there present, was ordained to be her Confessor, which office he willingly undertook; under pretext whereof this Nun living at Canterbury, Bocking often resorted to her, not with∣out suspition of dishonesty.

The intended Divorce from Catharine, and Marriage with Ann Bolen, had much appalled most part of the Clergy: for then a necessity was imposed on the King, of a divorce from the Papal See, in which the Church and all Ecclesiastical persons were likely to suffer. The apprehension whereof wrought so with Bocking, that making others conscious of the intent, he perswa∣ded Elizabeth Barton by denuntiation of God's revealed judgments to deterr the King from his purposed change. She according as she was instructed, proclaims it abroad, That the King adven∣turing to marry another, Catharine surviving, should, if in the mean time he died not some infamous death, within one month after be deprived of his Kingdom. The King hears of it, and causeth the Impostrix to be apprehended, who upon examination discovered the rest of the Conspirators, who were all committed to prison until the next Parliament should determine of them. Elizabeth Barton, Bocking, Masters, (the afore mentioned Curate of the Parish) Deering, and Risby, Monks, with Gold a Priest, are by the Parliament adjudged to die. The Bishop of Rochester, and Adeson his Chaplain, one Abel a Priest, Laurence the Arch∣deacon of Canterbury his Register, and Thomas Gold Gentleman, for having heard many things, whereby they might guess at the intents of the Conspirators, and not acquainting the Magistrate with them, are as accessory condemned in a Praemunire, (con∣fiseation of their goods, and perpetual imprisonment.) Elizabeth Barton and her Companions, having each of them after a Sermon at Pauls Cross, publickly confessed the Imposture, are on the twentieth of April hanged, and their Heads set over the Gates of the City.

By the same Parliament, the authority of the Convocation to [ 1534] make Canonical Constitutions, unless the King give his Royal assent, is abrogated.* 1.115

It is also enacted, That the Collocation of all Bishopricks, the Sees being vacant, should henceforth be at the King's dispose, and that no man should be chosen by the Chapter, or consecrated by the Archbishop, but he on whom the King by his Congé D'eslire or other his Letters had conferred that Dignity.

And whereas many complained, that now all commerce with* 1.116 Rome was forbidden, all means were taken away of mitigating the rigour of the Ecclesiastical Laws of Dispensation; Papal authority is granted to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the King reserving to himself the power of dispensing in causes of greater moment. And that all Appeals formerly wont to be made from the Archbishop to the Pope, should now be from the Archbishop to the King, who by Delegates should determine all such Suits and Controversies.

Furthermore, the King's Marriage with the Lady Catharine is again pronounced incestuous, the Succession to the Crown established on the King's Issue begotten on Queen Ann. And all above the age of sixteen years throughout the Kingdom, are to be bound by Oath, to the observance of this Law: Whosoever refused to take this Oath, should suffer loss of all their goods, and perpetual imprisonment.

Throughout all the Realm there were found but two, who durst refractorily oppose this Law, viz. Fisher Bishop of Rochester,* 1.117 and Sir Thomas More the late Lord Chancellor; men who were indeed very learned, but most obstinate sticklers in the behalf of the Church of Rome: who being not to be drawn by any per∣swasions, to be conformable to the Law, were committed to prison, from whence after a years durance they were not freed but by the loss of their lives.

But the King fearing that it might be thought, That he took* 1.118 these courses rather out of a contempt of Religion, than in regard of the tyranny of the Court of Rome; to free himself from all suspition either of favouring Luther, or any authors of new Opi∣nions, began to persecute that sort of men whom the Vulgar called Hereticks, and condemned to the cruelty of that merciless Element Fire, not only certain Dutch Anabaptists, but many Professors of the Truth; and amongst others, that learned and godly young man John Frith, who with one Hewet and others, on the two and twentieth of July constantly endured the torments of their martyrdom.

The five and twentieth of September died Clement the Seventh,* 1.119 Pope; in whose place succeeded Alexander Farnese by the name of Paulus the Third, who to begin his time with some memorable Act, having called a Consistory, pronounced Henry to be fallen

from the Title and Dignity of a King, and to be deposed, re∣iterating [ 1534] withal the thunder of Excommunication, with which bugbear his predecessor Clement had sought to affright him. But this peradventure happened in the ensuing year, after the death of Fisher and More.

A Parliament is again called in November, wherein (according to the Decree of the late Synod) the King was declared Supreme Head of the Church of England, and the punishment of all crimes which formerly pertained to the Ecclesiastical Courts, is made proper to him. So the Kingdom is vindicated from the usurpation of the Pope, who before shared in it, and the King now first began to reign entirely.

* 1.120 Also all Annats or First-fruits formerly paid to the Pope, are granted to the King.

And Wales, the seat of the remainder of the true antient Britans, hitherto differing from us (compounded of Normans and Saxons) as well in the form of their Government, as in Language, is by the authority of this Parliament (to the great good of both, but especially that Nation) united and incorporated to England. Ed∣ward the First was the first who subdued this Countrey, yet could he not prevail over their minds, whom the desire of recovering their lost liberty, animated to many Rebellions. By reason whereof, and our suspitions, being for two hundred years op∣pressed either with the miseries of Servitude or War, they never tasted the sweet fruits of a true and solid Peace. But Henry the Seventh by blood (in regard of his Father) and birth a Welchman, coming to the Crown, (as if they had recovered their liberty, whereto they so long aspired) they obeyed him as their lawful Prince. So the English being freed of their former jealousies permit∣ted them to partake of their Priviledges, since common to both Nations, the good whereof equally redounded to both. I could wish the like Union with Scotland: That as we all live in one Island, professing one Faith, and speaking for the most part one Language, under the government of one and the same Prince; so we may become one Nation, all equally acknowledging our selves Britans, and so recover our true Countrey Britain, lost as it were so many hundreds of years, by our divisions of it into England, Scotland, and Wales.

ANNO DOM. 1535. REG. 27.

THe Coronation of the new Queen, and other passages of [ 1535] entertainment, had exhausted the Treasury. The Pope and the Emperour were both enemies to Henry, watchfully at∣tending all opportunities to do him mischief. Neither in regard that so many sided with the Pope, were all things safe at home.

The King was therefore forced to a course seemingly rash, and [ 1535] full of dangerous consequences, but very necessary for the time. He resolves to demolish all the Monasteries throughout England.* 1.121 He is content the Nobility should share with him in the spoil, so enriching and strengthening himself by their necessary revolt from the Popish faction. To this end, they that were thought more especially in maintaining the Pope's authority to withstand the King's proceedings, were condemned of high Treason; and they that refused to acknowledge the King under Christ, Supreme Head of the Church of England, are hanged. For this cause on the third of May were executed John Houghton Prior of the Charter∣house* 1.122 in London, Augustine Webster Prior of Bevaley, and Thomas Lawrence Prior of Exham, and with them Richard Reignalds a Monk and Doctor of Divinity, and John Hales Vicar of Thistle∣hurst.

On the eighteenth of June, Exmew, Middlemore, and Nudigate,* 1.123 all Charterhouse-Monks, suffered for the same cause. And four days after, John Fisher Bishop of Rochester, a man much reverenced by the People for his holy life and great learning, was publickly beheaded, and his Head set over London Bridge. Our Histories hardly afford a president of the execution of such a man. But the Pope was the occasion of his death, who to ease the burthen* 1.124 of his now a years imprisonment, by the addition of a new Title, had on the one and twentieth of May created him Cardinal: The news whereof hastened him to a Scaffold.

The sixth of July, Sir Thomas More for the same stiffness in* 1.125 opinion with Bishop Fisher, suffered the like death. This was that More so famous for his Eutopia, and many other Works both in English and Latin. As for his conversation, the most censo∣rious fault him in nothing, but his too too jesting (I will not say scoffing) wit, to which he gave more liberty, than did beseem the gravity of his person, not tempering himself in the midst of his calamity, no not at the very instant of death. After his con∣demnation he denied to give any thing to the Barber that trim∣med him, affirming, That head about which he had bestowed his pains, was the Kings: if he could prove it to be his that did bear it, he would well reward him. To his Keeper demanding his upper garment as his fee, he gave his Hat. Going up the Scaffold, he desired him that went before him, To lend him his hand to help him up, as for coming down he took no care. Laying his head upon the block, he put aside his beard (which was then very long) saying, The Executioner was to cut off his head, not his heard.

The executions of so many men caused the Queen to be much maligned, as if they had been done by her procurement, at least the Papists would have it thought so, knowing that it stood her upon, and that indeed she endeavoured, that the authority of the Pope of Rome should not again take footing in England. They

desired nothing more than the downfal of this virtuous Lady, [ 1535] which shortly after happening, they triumphed in the overthrow of Innocence.

* 1.126 In the mean time they who undertook the subversion of the Monasteries, invented an Engin to batter them more forcibly, than the former course of torture and punishment. They send abroad subtil-headed fellows, who warranted by the King's authority, should throughout England search into the lives and manners of Religious persons. It would amaze one to consider what villa∣nies were discovered among them by the means of Cromwell and others. Few were found so guiltless, as to dare withstand their proceedings; and the licentiousness of the rest divulged, made them all so odious to the people, that never any exploit so full of hazard and danger was more easily atchieved, than was the subversion of our English Monasteries.

ANNO DOM. 1536. REG. 28.

THis year began with the end of the late Queen Catharine, [ 1536] whom extremity of grief cast into a disease, whereof on* 1.127 the eighth of January she deceased.

Queen Ann now enjoyed the King without a Rival, whose death notwithstanding not improbably happened too soon for her.* 1.128 For the King upon May-day at Greenwich beholding the Viscount Rochfort the Queens Brother, Henry Norris, and others, running a-Tilt, arising suddenly, and to the wonder of all men departing thence to London, caused the Viscount Rochfort, Norris, the Queen her self, and some others, to be apprehended and committed. The Queen being guarded to the Tower by the Duke of Norfolk, Audley Lord Keeper, Cromwell Secretary of Estate, and Kingston Lieu∣tenant of the Tower, at the very entrance upon her knees with dire imprecations disavowed the crime (whatsoever it were) wherewith she was charged, beseeching God so to regard her as the justness of her cause required.

On the fifteenth of May in the Hall of the Tower she was ar∣raigned, the Duke of Norfolk sitting high Steward, to whom were adjoined twenty six other Peers (and among them the Queens Father) by whom she was to be tryed. The Accusers having given in their evidence, and the Witnesses produced, she sitting in a Chair (whether in regard of any infirmity, or out of ho∣nour permitted to the Wife of their Sovereign) having an excel∣lent quick wit, and being a ready speaker, did so answer to all objections, that had the Peers given in their verdict according to the expectation of the assembly, she had been acquitted. But they (among whom the Duke of Suffelk the King's Brother-in-Law was chief, one wholly applying himself to the King's humour)

pronounce her guilty. Whereupon the Duke of Norfolk bound [ 1536] to proceed according to the verdict of the Peers, condemned her to death, either by being Burned in the Green in the Tower, or* 1.129 Beheaded, as his Majesty in his pleasure should think fit. Her Brother George Viscount Rochfort was likewise the same day con∣demned,* 1.130 and shortly after, Henry Norris, William Brierton, and Francis Weston Gentlemen of the King's Privy Chamber, and Mark Smeton a Musician, either as partakers or accessory, were to run the same fortune. The King greatly favoured Norris, and is reported to be much grieved that he was to die with the rest. Whereupon he offered pardon to him, conditionally that he would confess that whereof he was accused. But he answered resolute∣ly, and as it became the progenitor of so many valiant Heroes, That in his conscience he thought her guiltless of the objected crime, but whether she were or no, he could not accuse her of any thing; and that he had rather undergo a thousand deaths, than betray the Innocent. Upon relation whereof the King cryed out, Hang him up then, hang him up then. Which notwithstanding was not ac∣cordingly executed: For on the thirteenth of May, two days after his condemnation, all of them, viz. the Viscount Rochfort, Nor∣ris, Brierton, and Smeton, were Beheaded at Tower-hill. Norris left a Son called also Henry, whom Queen Elizabeth in contem∣plation of his Father's deserts created Baron of Ricot. This Lord Norris was Father to those great Captains William, John, Thomas, and Edward, in our days so famous throughout Christendom, for their brave exploits in England, France, Ireland, and the Nether∣lands.

On the nineteenth of May the Queen was brought to the place* 1.131 of Execution in the Green within the Tower, some of the Nobility and Companies of the City being admitted, rather to be witnes∣ses than spectators of her death. To whom the Queen having ascended the Scaffold, spake in this manner:

Friends and good Christian people, I am here in your presence to suffer death, whereto I acknowledge my self adjudged by the Laws; how justly I will not say, for I intend not an accusation of any one. I beseech the Almighty to preserve his Majesty long to reign over you: a more gentle or mild Prince never swayed Scepter: his bounty and clemency towards me I am sure hath been especial. If any one intend an inquisitive survey of my actions, I intreat him to judge favourably of me, and not rashly to admit of any hard censorious conceit. And so I bid the World farewel, beseeching you to commend me in your Prayers to God. To thee O Lord do I commend my Soul.

Then kneeling down she incessantly repeated these words, Christ have mercy on my soul, Lord Jesus receive my soul; until the Exe∣cutioner of Calais at one blow smote off her Head with a Sword. Had any one three years before (at what time the King so hot in the pursuit of his love, preferred the enjoying of this Lady

beyond his Friends, his Estate, his Health, Safeguard, and his [ 1536] only Daughter) prophetically foretold the unhappy fate of this Princess, he should have been believed with Cassandra. But much more incredible may all wise men think the unheard of crime for which she was condemned: viz. That fearing lest her Daugh∣ter the Lady Elizabeth born while Catharine survived, should be accounted illegitimate, in hope of other (especially male) Issue, whereof she despaired by the King, now near fifty years old, she had lasciviously used the company of certain young Courtiers: nay not therewith content, had committed Incest with her own Brother. A strange ingratitude in one raised from so low degree, even to the height of honour. I will not derogate from the Au∣thority of publick Records: But an Act of Parliament against her shall not work on my belief. Surely it carried so little shew of probability with forein Princes, that they always deemed it an act of inhuman cruelty. Especially the Estates of Germany, Confederates for the defence of the Reformed Religion; who having often treated with Fox Bishop of Hereford, and other Am∣bassadors, had decreed to make Henry Head of their League, and had designed an Embassy by John Sturmius, who should have brought with him into England those excellent Divines Philip Melancthon and Martin Bucer, with one George Draco, who should endeavour that and the Reformation of our Church. But having heard of the lamentable and unworthy (as they judged it) end of the Queen, loathing the King for his inconstancy and cruelty, they cast off all farther thought of that matter. I will not pre∣sume to discuss the truth of their opinion: But freely to speak what I my self think; There are two reasons which sway much with me in the behalf of the Queen. That her Daughter the Lady Elizabeth was seated in the Royal Throne, where she for so many years ruled so happily and triumphantly. What shall we think, but that the Divine Goodness was pleased to recompence the unjust calamity of the Mother, in the glorious prosperity of the Daughter? And then consider but the King's precipitated Nuptials the very next day after the death of his former Wife, yet scarce intorred, and with whose warm blood his embrued hands yet reaked: Consider this, I say, and you shall easily be perswaded with me, that the insatiable Prince glutted with the satiety of one, and out of the desire of variety seeking to enjoy ano∣ther, did more willingly give ear to the treacherous calumnies of the malicious Popelings, than either befitted an upright Judge, or a loving Husband. For it seemeth wonderful strange to me, that either the fault of the one, or the pleasing conditions and fair language of the other Wife, should so far possess the King, as that he should procure his Daughter Elizabeth to be by Act of* 1.132 Parliament declared illegitimate, the Matrimony contracted with both the former Queens Catharine and Ann to be pronounced

invalid, and the Crown to be perpetually established on the po∣sterity [ 1536] of the third Wife, or if the King had no Issue by her, that then it should be lawful for him by Will and Testament, to transfer it on whom he pleased. Parliaments were not then so rigid, but that they could flatter the Prince, and condescend to his demands, though unjust, even in cases which most nearly concerned the publick Weal. But servile Fear is oft times more ready than Love, which slowly moves by apprehension of Good, as the other is quickly forced by the apprehension of Danger.

On the twentieth of May the King married Jane Seymour* 1.133 Daughter of Sir John Seymour, who on the nine and twentieth of May, being Whitsonday, clad in Royal habiliments, was openly shewed as Queen. So that the Court of England was now like a Stage, whereon are represented the vicissitudes of ever various Fortune. For within one and the same Month it saw Queen Ann flourishing, accused, condemned, executed, and another assumed into her place both of bed and honour. The first of May (it seemeth) she was informed against, the second imprisoned, the fifteenth condemned, and the seventeenth deprived of her Bro∣ther and Friends who suffered in her cause, and the nineteenth executed. On the twentieth the King married Jane Seymour, who on the nine and twentieth was publickly shewed as Queen.

The death of this innocent Lady God seemed to revenge in* 1.134 the immature end of the Duke of Richmond, the King's only (but natural) Son, a Prince of excellent form and endowments, who deceased the two and twentieth of July, for whom the King a long time after mourned.

In the mean time on the nineteenth of July John Bourchier Lord* 1.135 Fitz-waren was created Earl of Bath, whose successours in that Honour were his Son John, who begat John deceased before his Father, whose Son William is now Earl of Bath. At what time also Thomas Cromwell a poor Smith's Son, but of a dexterous wit,* 1.136 whose first rising was in the Family of Cardinal Wolsey, in whose service by him faithfully performed, he grew famous, was made Lord Cromwell, many dignities being also conferred on him, to the increase of his estate and honour. For first he was Master of the Rolls, and principal Secretary of Estate: then Sir Thomas Bolen Earl of Wiltshire resigning, he was made Lord Privy Seal, and after that dignified with the unheard of Title, of The King's Vicar general in affairs Ecclesiastical. For the authority of the Pope being abrogated, many businesses daily happened, which could not be dispatched without the King's consent; who not able to undergo the burthen alone, conferred this authority granted him by Act of Parliament on Cromwell, not for that he thought a Lay-man fitter for this dignity than a Clergy-man; but because he had determined under colour and pretence thereof, to put in execution some designs, wherein the Clergy in all probability would have

moved very slowly, and against the hair. He was therefore [ 1536] President in the Synod this year. Certainly a deformed spectacle, to see an unlearned Lay-man President over an assembly of sacred Prelates, and such as for their Learning England had in no prece∣ding Ages known the like. For indeed Henry is for that much to be commended, who would not easily advance any one to place of Government in the Church, but whom his Learning should make worthy. By the authority of this Synod a Book was set forth,* 1.137 wherein (many points of Doctrine being proposed to be by the Curates expounded to their Parishioners) mention was made of only three Sacraments, Baptism, the Eucharist, and Penance: some Holy-days also were abrogated, and other things pertaining to Religion and Ecclesiastical discipline somewhat changed, wherewith many were offended, who preferred prescript Errours before the Truth.

The same time, the Parliament assembled the fourth of January,* 1.138 permitted all Monasteries, the Revenues whereof exceeded not two hundred Pounds a year, to the King's disposal; who causing them to be suppressed (to the number of three hundred seventy and six) entred upon their Lands, amounting to thirty two thousand Pounds a year, and selling their goods even at very low rates, (most men accounting it sacrilegious to set to sale the goods of the Church) raised above an hundred thousand Pounds. These things of themselves were distastful to the vulgar sort. Each one did as it were claim a share in the goods of the Church: For many who being neither Monks, nor relied to Religious persons, did receive no profit of Ecclesiastical goods, did not∣withstanding conceive, that it might hereafter come to pass, that either their Children, Friends, or Kindred, might obtain the places yet supplied by others, whereas of these goods once confiscated, they could not hope that any commodity should redound unto them. But the commiseration of so many people, to the number of at least ten thousand, who were without any warning given, thrust of doors, and committed to the mercy of the world, was a more forcible cause of general distaste. Which notwithstanding of it self sufficient, was augmented by the ma∣lice of ill disposed and seditious persons, who in their Assemblies exaggerated these proceedings, As the beginnings of greater evils; that this was but a tryal of their patience; as yet the shrubs and under∣woods were but touched, but without speedy remedy the end would be with the fall of the lofty Oaks. While these general discontents thus vented themselves in private, Cromwell in September sent forth certain Injunctions to the Clergy, by virtue whereof each Cu∣rate was to expound to his Parishioners the Apostles Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ave Maria, and the Ten Commandments, and earnestly to endeavour that they might learn them in the English Tongue. This drave these Male-contents into such extremes,

that the midwifry of any occasion served to produce the prodi∣gious [ 1536] issues of their madness. For in Lincolnshire the Commons being assembled about the beginning of October, concerning Sub∣sidies* 1.139 to be paid to the King; as if the spirit of fury had generally animated them, they suddenly to the number of twenty thousand took Arms, forcing certain Lords and Gentlemen to be their Leaders, and to swear to such Articles as they should propound, such as refused were either imprisoned or put to death, as was a certain Priest, Chancellor to the Bishop of Lincoln. The King being certified of this Commotion, sent against the Rebels with great Forces the Duke of Suffolk, and the Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent, either to appease or suppress them. The rumour of an Army marching against them, so quailed their courages, that they sent to excuse themselves unto the King, pretending;

That their endeavours tended to no other than the safety of his Ma∣jesty, and good of the Realm: That he having followed the advice of bad Counsellors, had lately beyond the example of any of his Ancestors, changed many things in the estate of Commonwealth and Church: That having dispossessed the religious Inhabitants, he had demolished many Monasteries, where the poor had daily relief, and God was wont to be devoutly worshipped by godly men: That the Feasts of Saints instituted many years since, were profaned by his command: That new Tenets which the Catholick Church did abhor, were every where preached and obtruded to the people: That now in each aged person was to be seen the Emblem of Ignorance, who having one foot in the grave, were fain to betake them to their ABC Books, that they might learn new kind of Prayers never before used by any Christians: That many unjust and pernicious Laws had lately been enacted, and great Subsidies exacted both of the Clergy and Laity even in the time of Peace, which were not wont to be demanded but for the maintenance of Wars: That the Commons in general did distaste these things; and the rather, for that they conceived them to be but trials of their patience, and the begin∣nings of more insupportable evils. Wherefore they humbly beseeched his Majesty, whom they could not safely petition unarmed, that the Authors of these pernicous counsels might sit no longer at the stern, but that others who should faithfully endeavour the amendment of the aforesaid evils, might supply their places, and that it might not be any way prejudicial to them, that they had taken Arms, which even with the loss of their dearest blood they were ready to employ for his Maje∣sties safety, and the defence of the Realm.

The King had a Spirit befitting his greatness, and perceiving them to shrink, could not dissemble the rage he had conceived at the presumption of this rascally Rout, who durst capitulate with their Sovereign, and seek to curb the unlimited power of Kings. Wherefore he roughly commands them, that without delay one hundred of their company, such as by his appointment should be made choice of, should be delivered up to his mercy.

The performance whereof if they but deferred, nothing but ex∣tremity [ 1536] was to be expected. The report whereof made the Rebels disband, each one fearing lest himself might help to make up the number of this Hecatomb.

This blaze was yet scarce quenched, when within six days* 1.140 another far more dangerous, kindled by the same accidents, bewrayed it self in Yorkshire, where no fewer than forty thou∣sand had gathered together, naming themselves Fellows of the Holy Pilgrimage; and that the specious pretext of Religion might palliate their madness, they in their Ensigns on the one side pourtraied the Saviour of the World hanging on the Cross, on the other side the Chalice, and the Host by them called the Body of our Lord. They surprised many of the Nobility, as Edward Lee Archbishop of York, (he that wrote against Erasmus) the Lords Darcy and Hussey, besides many Knights and Gentlemen, whom they forced to be sworn to their party, whereto it is very probable some of them were much against their wills, who not∣withstanding suffered for it afterward upon a Scaffold. Against these Rebels were sent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Mar∣quess of Exceter, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, who endeavoured peaceably to compose all matters, and to bring this corrupt Body to its former temper without Phlebotomy. For they knew they were to deal with such a base sort of people, to whom if they gave the overthrow, yet would their Victory be inglorious; nei∣ther could they promise themselves so happy success against the most active and hardy bodies, and most enured to Warfare of the whole Realm: Besides, despair had cast them into the extremes either of victory or death, resolutely determining not to flie to seek an ignominious end at a Gallows, which if they escaped, they could expect no other than an accustomed miserable life, more intolerable than the most horrid torturing death. These reasons made these Nobles unwilling to hazard a Battel. But the Rebels desperate resolution admitted no parley, wherefore by consent of both Armies the Field was appointed on the Eve of the Saints Simon and Jude. Between both Armies did run a little Brook, so shallow, that on the Eve of the Battel it was in most places passable for footmen, even without danger of wetting their feet: But that night (God abhorring the effusion of so much English blood) a rain (and that no great one) fell, which so raised this little Brook (the like whereof never happened there before) that it became impassable both for horse and man, which hindered the meeting of the two Armies. This chance did so work in the superstitious and giddy heads of this Rout, that they perswa∣ded themselves, God by this Prodigy did manifestly forbid their intended Battel. Wherefore pardon being again offered (as it had formerly been) as well to the Leaders and Gentry, as the rest who had been either authors or partakers in this Tumult,

finding it confirmed by the King, with promise moreover, that [ 1536] he would have a care that these things whereof they complained, should be redressed, they laying aside their Arms, peaceably re∣paired each one to his home. They in the heat of this their fury had for six weeks straitly besieged Scarborough-Castle, then kept* 1.141 by Sir Ralph Evers of the noble Family of Evers, who without any other Garrison than of his Houshold-servants and Tenants, and so slenderly victualled, that for twenty days together they sustained themselves with Bread and Water, manfully defended it against their furious attempts, and kept it until the Commotion was appeased. For which brave service the King made him Leader of the Forces appointed for the defence of the Marches to∣wards Scotland; which he with great credit performed, until he was in the year of our Lord 1545 unfortunately slain.

Neither was the Estate of Ireland more peaceable than of Eng∣land.* 1.142 Girald Fitg-Girald Earl of Kildare having been twelve years Lord Deputy of Ireland, was for some slight matters re∣moved, called into England, and condemned to death; which punishment he through the malice of Wolsey had undergone, had not friendship shewed its effects in the Lieutenant of the Tower, to whose custody the Earl was committed. He having received a Mandate for the execution of the Earl, durst hazard the dis∣pleasure of the potent Cardinal, to save his friend. Wherefore he repairs to the King at midnight, desirous to know his Majesty's pleasure concerning the Earl; who not only disapproved the Man∣date, but also pardoning the Earl, received him into his favour, and a few years after restored him to his former dignity of Lord Deputy. But these garboils happening in England, he is for as slight suspitions as before, revoked, and commanded to attend at the Council-Table, where by his answers he appeared not alto∣gether so innocent, but that he was again committed to the Tower. Before his departure out of Ireland, the King had com∣manded him to substitute some one in his place, for whose faith and diligence he would undertake. He had a Son named Thomas, little above twenty years old, a haughty and stout young Lord, very ingenious, and exceedingly affecting his Father. To this Son, as to another Phaeton, he commits the guidance of his Chariot;

— Sed quae non viribus istis Munera conveniunt, nec tam puerilibus annis:

which indeed proved fatal to them both, and to almost the whole Family. For no sooner was the Earl imprisoned, but report (raised as is conjectured by his enemies) beheaded him, threatning the like to his Off-spring and Brethren, whose destruction the King had most certainly resolved. The author of this report was un∣certain, and the young Lord as rashly credulous, who taking Arms, solicited the aid of his friends against the King's injustice.

He had then five Uncles Brethren to his Father, three of which [ 1536] at first disswaded him from these violent proceedings. But passion had excluded reason; and they at length associate themselves with their Nephew, with whom they were involved in the same ruine. Many others flocking unto him, he had suddenly raised a great Army, wherewith marching up and down the Countrey, he robbed and killed them who refused to obey him: And among the rest, he permitted the Archbishop of Dublin to be murthered in his sight. The poor Earl already afflicted with a Palsie, was so stricken to the heart with the news of this Tumult, that he but a few days survived the knowledge of his unhappiness. The King levying great Forces, quickly curbed the unruly Youth, and after some months forced him to yield. His Uncles were either taken, or willingly submitted themselves. All of them were sent to London, and there brought to their answer. There goes a Story, that those three Uncles who endeavoured to restrain their headstrong Nephew, did half presume on the King's cle∣mency, until in the passage demanding of the Master the name of the Ship wherein they sailed; and understanding it was called The Cow, bethinking themselves of a certain Prophecy, That five Sons of an Earl should in the belly of a Cow be carried into Eng∣land, never to return; they forthwith despaired of pardon. The event approved the skill of the Wizard: For some enemies to this noble Family incensing the King, by suggesting, that he should never expect to settle Ireland as long as any of the race of the Fitz-Giralds remained, easily prevailed with the King for their Execution. In regard whereof I cannot blame Girald the Brother of Thomas; who trusting not to the weak plea of his innocence, then sick of the Measles as he was, sought by making an escape, to set himself out of the reach of malice. Being there∣fore packed up in a bundle of clothes, he was privately con∣veyed to one of his Friends, with whom he lurked until he found an opportunity of escaping into France, where he was for a time favourably received by the King. But long he could not be there secure, the Agents of Henry pressing hard, That by the League all Fugitives were to be delivered: wherefore he went thence into the Netherlands; where finding himself in no less danger than before, he fled into Italy to Reignald Pool, who maintained and used him very nobly, and at length procured him to be re∣stored to his Countrey and the Honors of his Ancestors.

The mention of Pool falls fit with our time, he being this year* 1.143 on the two and twentieth of December by Pope Paul the Fourth chosen into the Colledge of Cardinals. He was near of blood to the King, who first bestowed Learning on him, and afterward finding his modesty and excellent disposition, conferred on him the Deanry of Exceter. But travelling afterwards to forein Uni∣versities, he was in Italy quickly bewitched with the Sorceries

of the Circe of Rome, insomuch that he became a deadly enemy [ 1536] to his Fosterer, his Prince, his Kinsman. For when he would neither allow of the Divorce from the Lady Catharine, nor the abrogating of the Authority of the Pope, and openly condemned other the King's proceedings in Ecclesiastical affairs, refusing also to obey the King, who commanded him home; Henry disposed of his Deanry, and withdrew the large stipend which he had yearly allowed him. The Pope therefore intending to make use of this man as an Engin of battery against the King (and being induced by the commendations of Cardinal Contaren) bestowed on him a Cardinal's Hat, and was thereby assured of him, who had of late been suspected to have been seasoned with the Leaven of purer Doctrine. But of that hereafter.

ANNO DOM. 1537. REG. 29.

THe accidents of this year were Tragical, and England the [ 1537] Scene of blood and deaths of many famous Personages. On the third of February was Thomas Fitz-Girald beheaded for Treason,* 1.144 his five Uncles hanged, drawn, and quartered, and their members fixed over the Gates of London. The same month, Nicholas Mus∣grave and Thomas Gilby, for that stirring a new Rebellion, they had besieged Carlile, were executed.

The tenth of March was John Paslew Batchelor of Divinity and Abbot of Whalley, put to death at Lancaster, and with him one Eastgate a Monk of the same place; and three days after them another Monk called Haydock was hanged at Whalley. The Abbots of Sauley and Woburn with two Monks make the like end at Woburn. And a little after, one Doctor Macarell, another Abbot, the Vicar of Louth, two other Priests, and seven Lay-men. All these, for as much as I can any way collect, were condemned for having been especial furtherers of the late Rebellions. But the Chiestains and nobler sort were reserved until June, at what time the Lords Darcy and Hussey were beheaded, the one at Lincoln, the other at London; Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Francis Bigot, Sir Stephen Hamilton, and Sir John Bulmer were likewise put to death: Margaret Lady to Sir John Bulmer was burned at London: William Thurst Abbot of Fountaines, Adam Sudbury Abbot of Ger∣vaux, the Abbot of Rivers, Wold Prior of Birlington, George Lumley, Nicholas Tempest Esquires, and Robert Aske, with many others, as having been partakers in the late Insurrection, did likewise partake in punishment for the same. And for a Commotion in Somersetshire in April were threescore condemned, whereof only fourteen suffered.

But lest any one may wonder at these severe and unheard of courses taken against the Clergy, I think it not amiss to relate

what Sleidan writes of Cardinal Pool, who set forth one or two [ 1537] Books, which as yet lurking at Rome, about this time were spred abroad in Germany, and came at length to the King's hands.* 1.145 Wherein directing his stile to the King, he sharply reprehendeth him for taking upon him the title of Head of the Church, which only belonged to the Pope, who is Christ's Vicar on earth, &c. Then he proceeds to the matter of his Divorce, alledging, That he neither out of terrour of conscience, nor fear of God, (as he pretended) but out of lust and blind love had forsaken the Lady Catharine his Wife, whom his Brother Prince Arthur a weak young man, and but fourteen years old, had left a Virgin: That it was not lawful for him to marry Ann Bolen, whose Sister he had before used as his Concubine: And that he himself had confessed to the Emperour and others, That he found the Lady Catharine a Maid. He also eagerly reproveth him for seeking the Opinions of the Universities concerning his former Mar∣riage, and triumphing in his own wickedness, when some of them had pronounced it Incestuous; and that he might be ashamed to prefer the Daughter of a Whore, before one that was legitimate, and a most Vir∣tuous Princess. Then speaking of the death of the Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More, he detests his cruelty. He then rips up what tyranny he had exercised over his Subjects of all degrees, in what mi∣series he had plunged this flourishing Realm, what dangers he incurred from the Emperour, in regard of the injury offered to his Aunt, and the overthrow of Religion; and that he could not expect any aid either from his own or forein Nations, who had deserved so ill of the Christian Commonwealth. After this, he whets on the Emperour to revenge the dishonour of his Family; affirming that Turcism (meaning the Pro∣testant Religion) had found entertainment in England and Germany. And after many bitter reproofs, he invites Henry to repentance, per∣swading him, That for these evils there was no other remedy, but to return to the bosom of the Church, in the defence whereof (a most glo∣rious example) he had made use not only of his Sword, but his Pen also.

Neither did the Cardinal only by Book, but by other personal endeavours manifest his spleen against the King, being sent Am∣bassador from the Pope to the French, under colour of reconci∣ling him with the Emperour; but his chief errant was, to com∣bine them both against Henry. Whereof he having intelligence, did by his Agent earnestly solicit Francis, That in regard of their mutual amity, he would cause Pool to be apprehended, as guilty of high Treason, and sent to him, where he should undergo the punishment due therefore. But because Religion and the Law of Nations had been violated in betraying any (especially the Pope's) Ambassador, the French could not yield to the King's request: But to shew that he would administer no cause of offence, he refused to admit of his Embassy, and commanded him speedily to depart out of his Dominions.

Hercules stature might be guessed at by the proportion of his

and by this one man's endeavours, Henry was taught what, if [ 1537] need were, he was to expect of his Clergy. So that he was easily induced as any of them offended, to send him to his grave, for that a dead Lion biteth not: And this course being taken with his professed enemies, the fear of the like punishment would se∣cure him of the rest.

On the twelfth of October, the Queen having long suffered the* 1.146 throws of a most difficult travel, and such a one, wherein either the Mother or the Infant must necessarily perish, out of her womb was ripped Prince Edward, who after succeeded his Father in the Crown. The Queen only surviving two days, died on the fourteenth of October, and on the twelfth of November was with great pomp buried at Windsor in the middle of the Quire, on whose Tomb is inscribed this Epitaph:

Phoenix Jana jacet nato Phoenice; dolendum, Saecula Phaenices nulla tulisse duas.

Here a Phenix lieth, whose death To another Phenix gave breath: It is to be lamented much, The World at once ne'r knew two such.

On the eighteenth of October the Infant was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwal, and Earl of Chester: and with him his Uncle Edward Seymour Brother to the deceased Queen, Lord* 1.147 Beauchamp, and Earl of Hertford; which Honours only (and not those afterwards conferred on him) he left to his posterity. Wil∣liam* 1.148 Fitz-Williams Lord Admiral, was made Earl of Southampton. Then also William Powlet and John Russel began their races in the lists of Honour; Powlet being made Treasurer, and Russel Comp∣troller of the King's Houshold, and both sworn of the Privy Coun∣cil. Neither was here their non ultra, the one being afterward raised to Lord Treasurer of England and Marquess of Winchester, the other to Earl of Bedford, wherein he dying in the year 1554, his Son Francis that pious old man, and liberal reliever of the Poor, succeeded him, who at the very instant of his death lost his Son Francis slain by a Scot, Anno 1587. Which Francis was Father to Edward Earl of Bedford, and Brother to William by King James created Lord Russel. Powlet living to be a very decrepit old man, had to his Successor his Nephew by his Son William, named also William the sole Marquess of England.

And to end this year with death, as it began, Thomas Howard youngest Son to the Duke of Norfolk, having been fifteen months imprisoned for affiancing himself without the King's consent to Margaret Daughter to Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus and Lady Margaret the King's Sister, on the first day of November, to the unspeakable good of this Island, deceased in the Tower.

For this Margaret being after married to Matthew Earl of Lenox, [ 1537] had by him Henry the Father of King James of sacred memory, the most happy Unitor of divided Britain.

ANNO DOM. 1538. REG. 30.

IT is at length after many Ages resolved, That through the [ 1538] superstitious abuse of Images, God was robbed of his due ho∣nour. The King much prone to Reformation (especially if any* 1.149 thing might be gotten by it) thought it fit to remove this stumbling-block, and the rather, for that he conceived his Treasury would be thereby supplied. There were some Images of more especial fame, and Shrines of reputed Saints, where∣unto Pilgrimages were made from the farthest parts of the King∣dom, nay even from forein Countries also; the Oblations whereto were so many and so rich, that they not only sufficed for the maintenance of Priests and Monks, but also to the heaping up of incredible wealth. The Shrine of Thomas Becket Archbishop* 1.150 of Canterbury was covered with plates of Gold, and laden with Gifts of inestimable value. The blind zeal of those and former times, had decked it with Gems, Chains of Gold of great weight, and* 1.151 Pearls of that large size, which in our Language find no proper term. This Tomb was razed, and his Bones found en∣tire; instead of whose Head the Monks usually obtruded the Scull of some other, peradventure better deserving than did their sup∣posed Martyr. The spoil of this Monument, wherein nothing was meaner than Gold, filled two Chests so full, that each of them required eight strong men for the portage. Among the rest was a Stone of especial lustre called the Royal of France, of∣fered by Lewis the Seventh, King of France, in the year 1179, together with a great massy Cup of Gold, at what time he also bestowed an annuity on the Monks of that Church, of an hun∣dred Tons of Wine. This Stone was afterward highly prized by the King, who did continually wear it on his thumb. Erasmus speaks much of the magnificence of this Monument, as also of the Image of our Lady of Walsingham, both which he had seen and* 1.152 admired. This Image was also stripped of whatsoever worthy thing it had, the like being also done in other the like places, and the Statues and Bones of the dead digged up and burned, that they might be no further cause of Superstition. Among the rest of these condemned Images there was a Crucifix in South-Wales, called of the Inhabitants, Darvel Gatheren, concerning which there was a kind of Prophecy, That it should one day fire a whole Forest. It chanced that at this time one Doctor Forest a Frier.* 1.153 Observant, who had formerly taken the Oath of Supremacy, was upon his relapse apprehended and condemned of Treason and

Heresie: For this Frier a new Gallows was erected, whereon he [ 1538] was hanged by the arm-pits, and underneath him a fire made of this Image, wherewith he was burned, and so by his death made good the Prophecy.

Great was the Treasure which the King raised of the spoils of Churches and Religious Houses. But whether the guilt of Sacriledge (adhering like a consuming Canker) made this ill gotten Treasure unprofitable, or that he found he had need of greater supplies to withstand the dangers that threatned him from abroad, not content with what he had already corraded, he casts his eyes on the Wealth of the Abbeys that had escaped the vio∣lence of the former Tempest: and not expecting (as he deemed it) a needless Act of Parliament, seiseth on the rest of the Abbeys and Religious Houses of the Realm. At first he begins with that at Canterbury, dedicated to Augustine the English Apostle, who* 1.154 was there interred. This being the first-fruits of Christianity among this Nation (I mean the Saxons, for the Britans had been watred with streams derived even from the Fountains Apostolick, far more pure than were those later overflows of Augustine) he invades, expels the Monks, and divides their means between his Exchequer and Courtiers. Battel-Abbey built by William the* 1.155 Conquerour, in the same place where by the overthrow of Ha∣rold the last Saxon King he purchased this Kingdom to himself and his posterity, did also run the same fortune. So that it is not so much to be wondered at, if those at Merton in Surrey, Strat∣ford* 1.156 in Essex, Lewis in Sussex, the Charterhouse, Black-Friers, Gray∣Friers, and White-Friers in London, felt the fury of the same Whirl∣wind.

At the same time among many other Reformations in this Church, that wholesom Injunction was one, whereby the Bible* 1.157 translated and printed in English, was commanded to be kept in every Parish Church, and to be conveniently placed where any that were so desirous, might read therein.

They who were more eagerly addicted to the superstition of their Ancestors, brooked not these proceedings, among whom were chief Henry Courtney Marquess of Exceter, Henry Lord Moun∣tague* 1.158 Brother to Cardinal Pool, and Sir Edward Nevill Brother to the Lord Abergavenny, who on the fifth day of November, upon the aceusation of Sir Geoffry Poole Brother to the Lord Mountague, were committed to the Tower, for having maintained intelligence with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and conspired the King's destruction; for which they were on the third of the ensuing January, the Lord Audley sitting high Steward for the time, arraigned and con∣demned, and on the ninth of the same month beheaded. Two Priests named Crofts and Colins, with one Holland a Mariner, as partakers in the same guilt, were hanged and quartered at Ty∣burn. This Courtney was by the Father's side of a very noble

descent, deriving himself from the Blood Royal of France, by [ 1538] Hugh Courtney created Earl of Devonshire by Edward the Third. But by his Mother he far more nearly participated of the Blood Royal of England, being Son to Catharine Daughter to Edward the Fourth, who was Sister to Queen Elizabeth the Mother of King Henry. The King long favoured him as his Cousin-german, but at length in regard of his near Alliance to the Crown, be∣came jealous of his Greatness, whereof he had lately given more than sufficient testimony, in suddenly arming some thousands to oppose against the Yorkshire Rebels. The consideration whereof made Henry gladly entertain any occasion to cut off this Noble Gentleman.

About the same time John Lambert a religious and learned man* 1.159 was also condemned, the King himself sitting Judge. This Lam∣bert being accused of Heresie, appealed from his Ordinary to the King; who fearing lest he should be accounted a Lutheran, re∣solved upon this occasion to manifest to the World how he stood affected in Religion. To this end summoning as many of the Bishops and other Peers of the Realm as could conveniently be present, he caused Scaffolds to be built in Westminster Hall, from whence the people might be spectators and witnesses of the Acts of that day. On the right hand of the King were seated the Bishops, and behind them the Judges and chief Lawyers of the Realm: at his left hand sate the Temporal Lords, and behind them the Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Lambert being brought to the Bar, Day Bishop of Chichester, by the King's appoint∣ment made an Oration, wherein he declared the cause of this meeting; saying,

That Lambert having been accused of Heresie before his Ordinary, had made his Appeal unto the King, as if expecting from his Majesty more favour for Heresie, than from the Bishop. So that he now found it to be true, whereof he had been oft informed, That the credulous People were verily perswaded, that his Majesty abhorring the Religion of his Ancestors, had embraced the new Tenets lately broached in Germany. True it was, the tyranny of the Court of Rome had been troublesom to his Predecessors, but to Him intolerable, and therefore had He shaken it off: That Religion might no longer patronize Idleness, He had expelled Monks, who were no other than Drones in the Bee∣hive: He had taken away the idolatrous worship of Images, had per∣mitted to his Subjects the reading and knowledge of God's Word, hi∣therto prohibited by the Church of Rome, lest their wiles and cozenages should be discovered: And had made reformation in some other things peradventure of less moment, which no man could deny, would much re∣dound to the good both of Church and Commonwealth. But as for other things, He had determined there should be no change in the Church during his Reign: Which his Resolution He now intended publickly to manifest. His Majesty's desire was, That the Delinquent renouncing

his Errours, should suffer himself to be received into the bosom of the [ 1538] Church: To which end partly, and partly to shew that He thirsted not after any one's blood, out of his elemency, He had procured the presence of those Grave and Learned men (meaning the Bishops) who by Au∣thority and force of Arguments should if it were possible, bring back this strayed Sheep into the Fold of the Church. But if he perversly oppugned the Truth, and all perswasions notwithstanding, became immoveable, He would by this man's exemplary punishment make known, what others should in the like Case expect, and instruct the Judges and Magistrates what they ought to do therein.

The Bishop having ended, the King demanded of Lambert, What he thought of the presence of Christ's Body in the Sacra∣ment? Whose answer being little to the King's liking, reasons and arguments were produced, as if a Disputation in the Schools, and not a Justiciary Session had been appointed. Five whole hours this Disputation lasted, the King being as it were Prior Opponent, Archbishop Cranmer also, and nine other Bishops forcibly pressing upon poor Lambert. But neither this course, nor the battery of threats and terrours prevailing against his con∣stancy, the King commanded the Lord Cromwell to pass sentence of condemnation upon him, by virtue whereof within a day or two after he was burned. Neither this dreadful Sentence, nor his torturing death did any way appale him, which he so little regarded, that going to his death, he merrily took his Breakfast with some Gentlemen into whose company he chanced, as if he had been going to some sportful Game, rather than his Execution.

ANNO DOM. 1539. REG. 31.

ON the third of March, Sir Nicholas Carew Knight of the [ 1539] Garter, and Master of the Horse, was beheaded for being of Counsel with the Marquess of Exceter, and the Lord Mountague. And on the eight and twentieth of April a Parliament began, wherein Margaret Countess of Salisbury Mother to Cardinal Pool,* 1.160 and Daughter to George Duke of Clarence who was Brother to Edward the Fourth, was attainted of high Treason, and con∣demned without hearing, and with her the Cardinal her Son, Gertrude Widow to the Marquess of Exceter, Sir Adrian Fortescue, and Sir Thomas Dingley. Dingley and Fortescue were beheaded on the tenth of July, and the Countess being then aged three∣score and ten years, suffered two years after.

In the same Parliament it was Enacted, That the King might* 1.161 erect new Episcopal Sees in opportune places of the Realm. For the performance whereof, and of some other things no less spe∣cious, the late dissolution of those Abbeys whereon the King seised, was confirmed, and all Religious Houses as yet unsuppressed,

were granted to the King for ever. Upon notice whereof, many [ 1539] either out of guilt of conscience, or desirous to purchase the King's favour, surrendred their charge even before they were required. And first of all the Abbot and Convent of St. Albans (the first Abbot of the Realm, as St. Alban was the first Martyr: which Honour was conferred on this House by Pope Adrian the Fourth, whose Father had long lived a Monastical life therein) forsake their rich Abbey seated near the ruins of Verolamium, once a great and antient City, and leave it to the mercy of the Courtiers. Which dereliction afforded matter of example to many other, few enjoying that security of conscience, that they durst lay claim to their own. Only three were found, whose innocence made them so regardless of threats, promises, or reward, that they could never be induced to betray the goods of their Churches to the merciless impiety of sacrilegious Harpies: Which three were John Bech Abbot of Colchester in Essex, Hugh Faringdon Abbot of* 1.162 the Abbey of Reding, built by Henry the First for the place of his Sepulture, and Richard Whiting Abbot of Glastonbury, one of the* 1.163 stateliest and antientest Monasteries of Europe, being first builded by Joseph of Arimathea, who buried the Body of our Saviour Christ, and is himself there interred, as is also (beside some Saxon Kings) that most renowned King Arthur, whose glorious Acts, had they been undertaken by a fit Historian, would have ranked him among the antient Worthies without the help of a fabulous Romance. Against these men therefore, other courses not availing, that one was taken of administring the Oath of Supremacy, which they refusing, are as enemies to the Estate condemned of high Treason. Bech was hanged at Colchester, and Faringdon with two Priests named Rug and Ognion at Reding. Whiting, a man very aged, and by reason thereof doating, scarce perceiving that he had been condemned, returning from the place of Judgment (which was in the Bishop's Palace at Wells, distant from Glastonbury four miles) with conceit that he was restored to his Abbey, was suddenly rapt up to the top of the Tor (a Hill that surveys the Countrey round about) and without leave of bidding his Convent farewel, which he earnestly begged, was presently hanged, the stain of ingratitude sticking fast to the authors of this speedy execution, of whom the poor Abbot is reported to have better deserved. With Whiting were two Monks also executed, named Roger James and John Thorn, their Bodies all drawn and quartered, and set up in divers places of the Countrey. The punishment of these few so terrified the rest, that without more ado they permitted all to the King's disposal. The number of those that were supprest is not easily cast: But the names of the chiefest, and whose Ab∣bots had voices among the Peers in the higher House of Parlia∣ment, are these:

St. Peter's in Westminster,

St. Alban's,

St. Edmundsbury,

St. Benet's of Hulme,

Berdney,

Shrewsbury,

Crowland,

Abingdon,

Evesham,

Glocester,

Ramsey,

St. Augustine's in Can∣terbury,

Selbey,

Peterborough, [ 1539]

St. Maries in Tork,

Tewksbury,* 1.164

Reding,

Battel,

Winchcomb,

Hide by Winchester,

Cirencester,

Waltham,

Walmesbury,

Thorney,

St. John's in Colchester,

Coventrey,

Tavestock.

The King, that he might some way supply the want of the suffrages of so many learned and wise men in the Parliament House, as also that of so great a prey he might consecrate (if not the tenth to Hercules, at least) some part to God, according to his promise erected some new Bishopricks; whereof one was at Westminster, a place so near and contiguous to London, that it* 1.165 might rather seem a part of the Suburbs thereof, than a distinct City. But a City it is, and so ennobled with many stately Monuments, that for Beauty it contendeth with most in Chri∣stendom: In it are the chief Seat of the Prince, and Palaces of the Nobility, the chief seats of Justice in the Land, the most magnificent Church, wherein are interred most of our Kings and Nobles, whose sumptuous Monuments render it unparallel'd even by the World. Another was at Oxford, in the Colledge founded by Cardinal Wolsey. The rest at Peterborough, Bristol, Chester, and Glocester. Westminster was by Queen Mary again reduced to an Abbey, and furnished with Monks of St. Benet's Order; whom Queen Elizabeth again expelled, and converted the Revenues of the Bishoprick to the maintenance of Scholars, and other pious uses. As for the other Sees, they remain to this day. From those antient Cathedral Churches wherein Monks were seated, nothing was taken away; only Canons were placed there instead of Monks, as likewise in the Cathedral Churches of the new erected Bishopricks. The Churches, wherein antiently canons and Prebendaries were instituted, are

In ENGLAND,

York,

London,

Lincoln,

Sarisbury,

Exceter,

Wells,

Lichfield,

Hereford,

〈◊〉〈◊〉.

In WALES,

St. David's,

Landaff,

Bangor,

St. Asaph.

The CATHEDRALS founded with Monks, were [ 1539]

Canterbury,

Winchester,

Ely,

Norwich,

Worcester,

Rochester,

Duresm,

Carlile.

The new SEES where primarily were Abbeys, are

Oxford,

Bristol,

Glocester,

Chester,

Peterborough.

So there are six and twenty Bishopricks within this Realm, and in every Cathedral, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, and other Ministers, as also a Dean who governs the rest, unless it be in St. David's, where the Chanter; and Eandaf, where the Arch∣deacon is Head of the Chapter.

These things thus ordered, the King still jealous lest it should be conceived that he had forsaken the Religion of his Fathers, began to thunder out against the maintainers of new Tenets, and much against Cranmer's will, by Parliament enacted the Law of the Six Articles, the summ whereof was,

• I. That if any one should deny the True and Real presence of the* 1.166 Body of CHRIST in the Sacrament, or should maintain, That the substance of Bread and Wine remained after the words of Consecration pronounced by the Priest, he should be burned as an Heretick.
• II. If any should deny the Sacrament to be sufficiently administred under one Species only:
• III. Or should hold it lawful for Priests to be married, but much more he that having entred into holy Orders, should presume to take a Wife:
• IV. Or that Chastity vowed upon mature deliberation was not to be kept:
• V. Or that private Masses ought not to be celebrated in the Church of England, or elsewhere:
• VI. Or that Auricular Confession was not expedient; he should for his errours undergo loss of life by hanging.

These Laws like those of Drace written in Blood, were the destruction of multitudes, and silenced those who had been hitherto furtherers of Reformation. Among whom Hugh Lati∣mer and Nicholas Schaxton Bishops, the one of Worcester, the other* 1.167 of Salisbury, were remarkable, who that they might quietly enjoy themselves, the Parliament being scarce dissolved, did both on one day, viz. the first of July, resign their Bishopricks. Latimer (who for the freedom of his conscience could as willingly resign his life, as he did this rich Bishoprick, being burned for it in Queen Maries reign) after his Resignation taking off his

Rochet, being a merry conceited man, with a little leap lifted [ 1539] himself from the ground, saying, that He felt himself much more light and quick, now he had freed himself of so great a burthen.

Henry (in regard of his wiving disposition) had long continued a Widower. And that he should at length marry, the conside∣ration of his Estate being surrounded with Enemies passionate in the Pope's cause, perswaded him: Wherein he also gave ear to Cromwell, who advised him to combine with those Estates, whom the burthen of the Pope's tyranny had forced to the same courses and like fears. By whose assistance he might countermine the secret practices of Rome. A counsel without doubt good and be∣fitting the times, but producing the effects of Ill ones, proving (as is thought) Pernicious to the Giver. For the treatise of* 1.168 such a Match, in September came into England Frederick Duke and Elector of Saxony, Frederick Duke of Bavaria, Otho Henry Count Palatine of Rhine, and the Chancellour of the Duke of Cleve, with some others, who were for eight days Royally enter∣tained by the King at Windsor, where the Marriage with Ann Sister to the Duke of Cleve being concluded, they returned to their own Countries.

This year died Margaret Queen of Scotland, Sister to King Henry, who was buried at the Charterhouse in the Town of St. John, near the Tomb of James the First.

ANNO DOM. 1540. REG. 32.

ON the Eve of the Circumcision, the Lady Ann of Cleve desti∣nated [ 1540] to the King's Bed, arrived at Dover, was on the third of January triumphantly received at Greenwich, and on the* 1.169 Feast of the Epiphany ritely married to the King.

On the twelfth of March Henry Bourchier Earl of Essex, the* 1.170 antientest Earl of the Realm, thrown by an unruly young Horse which he sought to break, brake his neck: By whose death the Inheritance was devolved to his Daughter, and from her deceasing without Issue, to the Family of Deureux, which Family in regard of their claim by descent, was by Queen Elizabeth advanced to the Earldom of Essex. But in the mean time Cromwell (yet chief in the King's favour) was on the eighteenth of April created Earl of Essex.

And here behold the frailty of Human affairs. The current of few years had from very mean beginnings brought Cromwell to the height of Honour, insomuch that his happiness was admired by all, envied by many: But Fortune intending a Tragedy, he is unexpectedly apprehended sitting at the Council-Table, and committed to the Tower, where he continued until his Execution. For in this Parliament begun the twelfth of April, he is accused of

Treason and Heresie, without being brought to his answer [ 1540] condemned, and on the twenty eighth of July beheaded. This King may well be censured of cruel inconstancy, who could so easily dispense with the death of those whom he had admitted to intimate familiarity, and made use of their counsels and en∣deavours; as if he had advanced them to no other end, but to depress them. Wolsey had his turn, Cromwell succeeds, whose sudden downfal there want not those who attribute to God's Justice inflicted on him for the Sacriledge (whereof he was re∣ported to be the Author) committed in the subversion of so many Religious Houses. And indeed even they who confess the rouzing of so many unprofitable Epicures out of their dens, and the abolishing of Superstition, wherewith the Divine Worship had by them been polluted, to have been an act of singular Justice and Piety; do notwithstanding complain of the loss of so many stately Churches dedicated to God's service, the goods whereof were no otherwise employed, than for the satisfaction of private mens covetousness: and although many have abused the Vail of Religion, yet was that Monastical life instituted according to the pious example of antient Fathers, that they who found themselves unfit for the execution of worldly affairs, (as many such there are) might in such their voluntary retirements spend their days in Divine Writings or Meditations: and are verily perswaded, that for the taking away of these things, God was offended both with the King and Cromwell. But Sleidan peradventure comes nearer the matter, touching the immediate cause of his death.

About this time (saith he) the King of England beheadeth Tho∣mas Cromwell, whom he had from fortunes answerable to his low parentage, raised to great Honours; repadiates the Lady Ann of Cleve,* 1.171 and marrieth Catharine Howard Daughter to the Lord Edmond Howard, who was Brother to the Duke of Norfolk. Cromwell had been procurer of the Match with Ann. But the King loving Catha∣rine, is thought to have been perswaded by her to make away Crom∣well, whom she suspected to be a Remora to her advancement. The actions of Kings are not to be sifted too nearly, for which we are charitably to presume they have reasons, and those inscrutable.

But let us see the process of this Divorce. Six months this conjugal band lasted firm without scruple, the King and Queen giving daily testimonies of their mutual love. On the twentieth of June the Queen is willed to remove from London, (where the King stayed by reason of the Parliament) to Richmond, a place pretended in regard of the situation and air, to be more for her health.

On the sixth of July Reasons are proposed by certain Lords pur∣posely sent to the lower House of Parliament, demonstrating the invalidity of the King's Marriage with the Lady Ann, so that it was lawful for them both to marry where they pleased. The

same reasons are alledged in the Convocation-House, and gene∣rally [ 1540] approved. Whereupon the Queen also (whether forced or willing) consenting, the Parliament pronounced the Mar∣riage void.

What the allegations were is uncertain. Some relate disa∣bility by reason of some defects to be objected to her, which seems the more probable, for that in her Letters wherein she sub∣mitted her self to the judgment and determination of the Parlia∣ment, she affirmed that the King never knew her carnally. Whether for this, or for that Nature having not over-liberally endowed her with Beauty; but a private woman she became, and as such (not enduring to return to her friends with dishonour) she lived upon some Lands assigned her by the King, (who always used her respectively) until the fifteenth of July Anno 1557, at what time she ended her discontented life, and lieth buried at West∣minster on the South side of the Quire in a Tomb not yet fi∣nished.

Scarce had the resolution of the Convocation-House, and the Decree concerning it passed both Houses, when this lusty Wi∣dower with as good success as before, marrieth his fifth Wife Catharine Howard. When their Nuptials were celebrated is not* 1.172 known, but on the eighth of August in Royal habiliments she shewed her self as Queen.

The fautors of Reformation were much dismayed at the sud∣den unqueening of Ann; fearing (not without cause) lest it proving occasion of enmity between Henry and the Princes of Germany, he must of necessity rely on them who misliked our di∣vorce from Rome. But the King proceeding still in the course he had begun, like a torrent bearing all before him, not only caused three Anabaptists to be burned, but also many sincere Professors of the Truth, for not subscribing to the Six Articles. Among whom three Divines were most eminent, viz. Robert Barnes* 1.173 Doctor of Divinity, Thomas Gerard, and William Jerome Bache∣chelors, who by Parliament (unheard) being condemned for Heresie, were on the one and thirtieth committed to the torments of the merciless fire. At the same time and place three other Do∣ctors of Divinity, viz. Powel, Able, and Fetherston were hanged for denying the King's Supremacy; the sight whereof made a French-man cry out in these words, Deus bone, quomodo hic vivunt gentes? suspenduntur Papistae, comburuntur Antipapistae;

Good God, how do the people make a shift to live here, where both Papists are hanged, and Antipapists burned?

In August the* 1.174 Prior of Dancaster and six other for defending the Institution of the life Monastical (a crime now become as capital as the greatest) being also condemned by Act of Parliament, were hanged.

The same day with the Lord Cromwell, the Lord Hungerford* 1.175 was also Beheaded. As their causes were divers, so died they

alike differently. Cromwell's conscience quietly welcomed death; [ 1540] to the other suffering for that most unnatural crime of Sodomy, death presented it self with that horror, that the apprehension of it made him as impatient, as if he had been seised with a frenzy.

ANNO DOM. 1541. REG. 33.

THe late Yorkshire Rebellion was not so throughly quenched, [ 1541] but it again began to shew it self; but by the punishment of the chief Incendiaries it was quickly suppressed. Fourteen of* 1.176 the Conspirators were put to death; Leigh a Gentleman, Thornton a Yeoman, and Tattershall a Clothier, at London; Sir John Nevil and ten others at York. Which Commotion whether raised in favour of Religion, or being suspected that it had any abettors beyond the Seas, is thought to have hastened the death of the long since condemned Countess of Sarisbury, who on the seven and twentieth of May was Beheaded in the Tower.

The eight and twentieth of June the Lord Leonard Grey Deputy* 1.177 of Ireland, did on the Tower Hill publickly undergo the like pu∣nishment. He was Son to the Marquis of Dorset, near allied to the King, and a brave Martial man, having often done his Coun∣trey good service. But for that he had suffered his Nephew Gerard Fitz-Gerard (Brother to Thomas lately executed) proclaimed enemy to the Estate, to make an escape, and in revenge of some con∣ceived private injury had invaded the Lands of the King's friends, he was arraigned and condemned, ending his life with a reso∣lution befitting a brave Souldier.

The same day Thomas Fines Lord Dacres of the South, with* 1.178 some other Gentlemen, for the death of one Busbrig slain by them in a fray, was hanged at Tyburn. Many in regard of his youth and Noble Disposition, much lamented his loss, and the King's inexorable rigour.

ANNO DOM. 1542. REG. 34.

BY this time Henry began to find the conveniency of his change, [ 1542] having married one as fruitful in evil, as his former Wives were in good; who could not contain her self within the sacred limits of a Royal marriage bed, but must be supplied with more vigorous and active bodies, than was that of the now growing aged and unwieldy King. Alas, what is this momentary pleasure, that for it we dare hazard a treble life, of Fame, of Body, of Soul? Heaven may be merciful, but Fame will censure, and the enraged Lion is implacable: such did this Queen find him, who* 1.179 procured not only her to be condemned by Act of Parliament

begun the sixteenth of January, and with her the Lady Jane [ 1542] Wife to the Viscount Rochfort, (behold the thrift of the Divine Justice, which made her an Instrument of the punishment of her own and others wickedness, who by her calumnies had betrayed her own Husband and his Sister the late beheaded Queen Ann) but two others also long since executed, Francis Derham and Thomas Calpepper, in their double condemnation scarce sufficiently punished. Derham had been too familiar with her in her virgin time, and having after attained to some publick Offices in Ireland, was by her now Queen sent for and entertained as a houshold Servant, in which time whether he revived his former familiarity is not manifest. But Culpepper was so plainly convict of many secret meetings with the Queen by the means of the Lady Rochfort, that the Adultery was questionless. For which the Queen and the Viscountess Rochfort were both beheaded within the Tower on the twelfth of February. Derham had been hanged, and Culpepper beheaded at Tyburn the tenth of the preceding De∣cember.

Hitherto our Kings had stiled themselves Lords of Ireland, a* 1.180 Title with that rebellious Nation not deemed so sacred and dread∣ful; as to force obedience: The Estates therefore of Ireland as∣sembled in Parliament Enacted him King of Ireland; according to which Decree he was on the three and twentieth of January publickly Proclaimed.

About the same time Arthur Viscount Lisle natural Son of Ed∣ward* 1.181 the Fourth, out of a surfeit of sudden Joy deceased. Two of his Servants had been executed the preceding year for having conspired to betray Calais to the French, and the Viscount as being conscious committed to the Tower. But upon manifestation of his innocence, the King sent unto him Sir Thomas Wriothsley Prin∣cipal Secretary of Estate, by whom he signified the great con∣tent he received in the Viscount's approved fidelity, the effects whereof he should find in his present liberty, and that degree of favour that a faithful and beloved Uncle deserved. The Viscount receiving such unexpected news imbellished with rich promises and Royal tokens (the King having sent him a Diamond of great value) of assured favour; being not sufficiently capable of so great joy, free from all symptoms of any other disease, the ensuing night expired. After whose decease Sir John Dudley was created* 1.182 Viscount Lisle, claiming that Honour as hereditary in the right of his Mother the Lady Elizabeth, Sister and Heir to the Lord Edward Grey Viscount Lisle, Wife to the late deceased Lord Arthur, but formerly married to Edmund Dudley one of the Barons of the Exchequer, beheaded the first year of this King's reign. Which I the rather remember, for that this man afterwards memorable for his power and dignities, might have proved more happy in his Issue, than his greatness, had not his own ambition betrayed

some of these fair sprouts to the blast of unseasonable hopes, and [ 1542] nature denying any (at least lawful) Issue to the rest, the name and almost remembrance of this great Family hath ceased. Of which hereafter.

Scotland had been long peaceable, yet had it often administred motives of discontent and jealousie. James the Fifth, King of Scots, Nephew to Henry by his Sister, having long lived a Ba∣chelor, Henry treated with him concerning a Marriage with his (then only) Child the Lady Mary, a Match which probably would have united these neighbour Kingdoms. But God had reserved this Union for a more happy time.

The antient League between France and Scotland had always* 1.183 made the Scots affected to the French, and James prefer the alliance with France, before that of England, where the Dowry was no less than the hopes of a Kingdom. So he marrieth with Magda∣len a Daughter of France; who not long surviving, he again matcheth there with Mary of Guise, Widow to the Duke of Longueville. Henry had yet a desire to see his Nephew, to which end he desired an interview at York or some other oportune place. James would not condescend to this, who could not withstanding undertake a long and dangerous voyage into France, without in∣vitation. These were the first seeds of discord, which after bladed to the Scots destruction. There having been for two years neither certain Peace, nor a just War, yet incursions from each side; Forces are assigned to the Duke of Norfolk to repress the insolency of the Scots, and secure the Marches. The Scot upon news of our being in Arms, sends to expostulate with the Duke of Nor∣folk, concerning the motives of this War, and withal dispatcheth the Lord Gordon with some small Forces to defend the Frontiers. The Herald is detained until our Army came to Berwick, that he might not give intelligence of our strength: And in October the Duke entring Scotland, continued there ransacking the Countrey without any opposition of the Enemy until the middle of Novem∣ber. By which time King James having levied a great Army, resolved on a Battel, the Nobility perswading the contrary, espe∣cially unwilling that he should any way hazard his Person, the loss of his Father in the like manner being yet fresh in memory, and Scotland too sensible of the calamities that ensued it. The King proving obstinate, they detain him by force, desirous ra∣ther to hazard his displeasure, than his life. This tenderness of him, in the language of rage and indignation he terms cowardise and treachery, threatning to set on the Enemy assisted with his Family only.

The Lord Maxwell seeking to allay him, promised with ten thousand only to invade England, and with far less than the English Forces to divert the War. The King seems to consent: But of∣fended with the rest of the Nobility, he gives the Lord Oliver

Saintclare a private Commission not to be opened until they were [ 1542] ready to give the onset, wherein he makes him General of the Army. Having in England discovered five hundred English Horse led by Sir Thomas Wharton and Sir William Musgrave, the Lord Saint∣clare commanded his Commission publickly to be read, the recital whereof so distasted the Lord Maxwell and the whole Army, that all things were in a confusion, and they ready to disband.

The opportunity of an adjoyning Hill gave us a full prospect* 1.184 into their Army, and invited us to make use of our advantages: We charge them furiously, the Scots amazedly fly, many are slain, many taken, more plunged in the neighbouring Fens, and taken by Scottish Freebooters sold to us. Among the Captives were the Earls of Glencarn and Cassels, the Lords Saintclare, Maxwell Ad∣miral of Scotland, Fleming, Somerwell, Oliphant, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, besides two hundred of the better sort, and eight hundred common Soul∣diers. The consideration of this overthrow occasioned (as he 〈◊〉〈◊〉) by the froward rashness of his own Subjects; and the death of an English Herald slain in Scotland, so surcharged him with rage and grief, that he fell sick of a Fever, and died in the* 1.185 three and thirtieth year of his age, and two and thirtieth of his reign, leaving his Kingdom to the usually unhappy government of a Woman, a Child scarce eight daysold. The chief of the Captives being conveyed to the Tower were two days after brought before the King's Council, where the Lord Chancellour repre∣hended their treachery, who without due denuntiation of War, invaded and spoiled the Territories of their Allies, and commit∣ted many outrages, which might excuse any severe courses, which might in justice be taken with them: Yet his Majesty out of his natural Clemenoy was pleased to deal with them beyond their deserts, by freeing them from the irksomness of a strict imprison∣ment, and disposing of them among the Nobles, to be by them entertained, until he should otherwise determine of them.

By this time King James his death had possessed Henry with new hopes of uniting Britain under one Head. England had a* 1.186 Prince, and Scotland a Queen, but both so young that many ac∣cidents might dissolve a contract before they came to sufficiency. Yet this seeming a course intended by the Divine Providence to extirpate all causes of enmity and discord between these neigh∣bouring Nations, a Marriage between these young Princes is pro∣posed. With what alacrity and applause the proposition was on both sides entertained, we may conceive, who have had the happiness to see that effected, which they but intended. Which being a matter of so sweet a consequence, it is to be wondered at, that the conspiracy of a few factious spirits should so easily hinder it. The hope of it prevailed with the King for the liberty of the Captives, conditionally, that they should leave Hostages for their return, if Peace were not shortly concluded; which,

as also the furtherance of this so wished conjunction, they faith∣fully [ 1542] promised.

ANNO DOM. 1543. REG. 35.

AFter their short Captivity, the Scottish Lords (having been [ 1543] detained only twelve days at London) on New-years-day be∣gan* 1.187 their journey towards Scotland, and with them Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, whom his Son-in-Law King James had a little before his death intended to recall. Fifteen years had he and his Brother George lived Exiles in England, Henry out of his Royal Bounty allowing to the Earl a Pension of a thousand Marks, and to his Brother of five hundred. The sudden return of these captive Lords caused in most as sudden a joy. Only the Cardinal of St. Andrews (who had by forgery made himself Regent) and his Faction could willingly have brooked their absence. They came not as freed from a Captivity, but as Ambassadors for Peace by them earnestly perswaded, which by the happy conjunction of these Princes might be concluded to perpetuity. But the Car∣dinal with his factious Clergy, the Queen Dowager, and as many as were affected to the Flower-〈◊〉〈◊〉 interposed themselves for the good of France. Yet notwithstanding the Cardinal's fraud being detected, he is not only deposed from his Regency, and James Hamilton Earl of Arren substituted, but also committed to custody, whence afterwards making an escape he was the author of more garboils. In the mean time the Marriage of the young Queen and other conditions proposed to the Estate of Scotland by Sir Ralph Sadler the King's Ambassador, are fully assented unto,* 1.188 and Hostages promised for the performance of them. But the ad∣verse Faction became so prevalent, that the Hostages were not delivered at the day, neither did the Captive Nobility render themselves in England. Only Gilbert Kenneda Earl of Cassels, like another Regulus, had rather commit himself to the mercy of his enemies, than prostitute his Honour to the foul taint of base infi∣delity. His Brethren had become Pledges for his return: the importunity, nay violence of his friends could not deter him from redeeming them. So to London he came, where the bountiful King duly honouring him for his constancy, instead of receiving a Ransom gave him one, dismissing him and his Brothers fraught with honour and rewards. The Scots falling off from their late Agreement, the King commandeth stay to be made of all their Ships, and confiscateth their goods; sends Letters full of threats* 1.189 and just complaints to the Estates at Edenborough, Blaming them for arrogantly rejecting his Alliance; the want whereof must needs be pre∣judicial to them; neither had they only rejected it, but unmindful of former benefits had sown seeds of new War, and forced him to Arms.

But Letters proving ineffectual, Scotland is by the frontier Gar∣risons [ 1543] invaded in three several places, forty Scots making resistance are slain, five and fifty Villages burned, five hundred and sixty* 1.190 prisoners taken, and a booty brought into England, of three thou∣sand five hundred head of cattel, eight hundred Horses, and seven thousand Sheep, beside great provision of housholdstuff.

But this obstinacy of the Scots proceeded not only from them∣selves. France and Scotland were ever combined against England,* 1.191 so that to invade one, was to draw on a War with both. We had been often victorious in France, whereof many portions an∣eiently belonged to Us: if we should make any claim to all or part of our Inheritance, Scotland would serve either to distract our Forces, or to transfer the seat of War nearer home. The uniting of England and Scotland would by securing us at home fa∣cilitate our Enterprizes upon France. These were motives suffi∣cient for Francis, notwithstanding the long inviolate amity be∣tween him and Henry, secretly to cross our designs in Scotland. Whereof Henry could not long be sensible, and not revenge. Wherefore he proclaims open hostility with France, as he had al∣ready with Scotland, and reconciles himself with the Emperour* 1.192 (before thought irreconciliable in regard of his Aunts disgrace) who professed, that all causes of difference between them were buried with her: yet is it certain that unto the Pope he accused Henry to have dispatched her by poison. But now they are be∣come Confederates, and an aid of ten thousand English sent to joyn with the Imperials. Landrecy (a Town lately taken from* 1.193 the Emperour by the French) is the first exercise of our Arms. The Emperour also coming in Person, it is invested with forty thousand men, is furiously battered, and the Souldiers brought to the distress of half a provant loaf of Bread a day, and to drink Water. Francis being certified of their wants assembles his Forces, draws near the Emperour feeding him with hope of a Battel, entertaining him with skirmishes relieves the besieged, and without any more ado under the covert of the night retreats.

Let us now conclude the year at home. And to begin with the* 1.194 Church; In February the people by Proclamation is licensed to eat White Meats in Lent, but under a great penalty enjoyned to abstain from Flesh.

The third of June, Morogh O Brien a Nobleman of Ireland, de∣scended from the Kings of Limrick submitted himself to the King, and was shortly after made Earl of Twomond, which Honour his posterity at this day enjoyeth, having given ample proof of their Loyalty to succeeding Princes.

The twelfth of July the King married his sixth Wife the Lady* 1.195 Catharin Parr, Widow to the Lord Latimer, and Sister of William Parr lately created Earl of Essex in the right of his Wife sole* 1.196 Daughter and heir to the late Earl Henry Bourchier. At what

time another of the same name, Uncle to the Queen and the [ 1543] Earl, was created Lord Parr, and Chamberlain to the Queen.

The eight and twentieth of July for the Profession of their* 1.197 Faith were Anthony Parsons, Robert Testwood, and Henry Filmer Burned at London; Marbeck was also condemned, but afterward pardoned.

ANNO DOM. 1544. REG. 36.

THe Lord Thomas Audley Chancellour of England deceasing the [ 1544] last of April, the Lord Wriothsley chief Secretary of Estate is designed his Successour. And the Earl of Hertford made Lieu∣tenant* 1.198 of the North, is sent thither with an Army to repress the incursions of the Scots.

The Viscount Lisle Admiral of England, with a Navy of two* 1.199 hundred Sail entred the Forth of Scotland, landed ten thousand men, forced the rich Town of Leith, and then marched toward Edenburg the Metropolis of the Kingdom. The Regent was there with the Cardinal (at whose dispose he now wholly was) and many other Nobles, guarded with six thousand Horse and a great number of Foot, who upon sight of an invading Army betook themselves to flight, and left the City void of defendants. The Provost craving parley, offered to yield the City upon condition of departure with Bag and Baggage, and saving the Town from Fire. But the breach of League, and insolencies of the Inhabitants of Leith and Edenburg had inspired us with Revenge, so that no Con∣ditions were to be admitted, but what the Victor should impose. This drives the Provost to a desperate resolution of defence. The English give a furious Assault, enter at the Canigate, put the In∣habitants to the sword, pillage and fire it. The like calamity felt the Countrey round about, fire and sword cruelly feeding upon Villages, Castles, and Noblemens Houses. Leith had hi∣therto been reprieved from the like misery; but at our return to the Navy, it is made its own Funeral pile, and the Peer of the Haven utterly consumed.

New employments call home our Admiral. Henry resolves once more to transport his Arms into France, there to join with the Earls of Reux and Bures, Imperial Commanders. It was agreed between the Emperour and the King, that the one should invade Champaigne, the other Picardy, and having united their Forces (which should amount to fourscore thousand Foot, and eighteen thousand Horse) to march directly to Paris, thereby either to force the French to fight with disadvantage, or to suffer the ruin of his Countrey. Henry lands at Calais, and finds Pi∣cardy unfurnished of men, Francis having withdrawn his Forces towards Champaigne to oppose them against the Emperour. He

therefore sends the Duke of Norfolk with the Earls of Reux and [ 1544] Bures to besiege Montrueil. The Marshal of Biez seeing which way we turned the point of our Army, being commanded by his King to have an especial care of that Territory, puts himself into Montrueil, and left the Lord of Vervein his Son-in-Law, a man of small experience, to command in Bouloign. This oppor∣tunity invites Henry to encamp before Boloign a Town near to Ca∣lais, and many ways commodious. He causeth the Duke of Norfolk (now in danger to be surprised by the French Army) to arise from before Montrueil; and omitting his intended Voyage to Paris (frustrated by the Emperour's Peace with the French; to enter into which Henry was invited by the Cardinal Bellay, Raymond President of Rouen; and Aubespine Secretary of Estate, sent of purpose) he investeth Boloign. The Duke of Suffolk had first en∣camped upon a Hill on the East of Boloign, from whence he after made his approaches into the Valley: and the King encamping on the North, shut up the Town on all sides. The first assault is given on the Suburbs or Base Town, which the French under the covert of a made smoak had forsaken. They pretend it to have been purposely fired as unprofitable, and the fire quenched by our industry. Next the Tower of the Ordre (called by us the Old-man) defended by twenty Souldiers is yielded, and the Town continually battered in four places, whereof the most forcible was the Battery from the Hill on the East side, which beat down the Steeple of our Ladies Church, rent the houses, and scoured the streets of the Town. The breach made by the Cannon being not suffi∣cient, they fall to mining, which happily succeeding, they blow up a great part of the Wall. We give a furious assault, and are repulsed with loss, yet did this assault carry the Town, that brave Captain Philip Corse being slain in it, whose valour alone had hitherto preserved it. Vervein upon the loss of this man, at his wits end, sounds the intention of the King, and yields him the Town upon composition; That the Souldiers and Citizens might depart with their Baggage; and that all the Artillery, Munition, and Victuals (whereof there was great store) should remain to the King. The Inhabitants refuse this bad composition, and the Mayor with the Townsmen offer to keep the Town: Which had they accordingly undertaken, Boloign in all probability had continued French. For the Capitulation was no sooner concluded (Hostages not yet given) but a horrible Tempest of Wind and Rain over∣throws our Tents, and the soil being fat and slippery, we should not have had any means to mount to an assault. Moreover the Daulphin was on march with great Forces for their succour, whose approach would have forced Henry to have changed his design. But Vervein professing that he would keep touch even with his Enemy, continued constant in his promise, for which he soon lost his Head on a Scaffold at Paris. The four and twentieth

of September, the City was delivered to the Duke of Suffolk, [ 1544] and the French departed to the number of threescore and seven Horse, a thousand five hundred threescore and three able Foot, and a thousand nine hundred twenty and seven Women and Chil∣dren, many of the infirmer sort not able to depart, staying be∣hind. The next day the King entred triumphantly, and caused our Ladies Church to be demolished, and in place thereof a Fortification to be raised, and having ordered his affairs to his mind, making the Viscount Lisle Governour, set sail for Dover, where he arrived on the first of October.

But the King's hasty departure permitted not all things to be sufficiently setled. Part of the Artillery, Victuals and Munition by the Capitulation left in Boloign, were not removed from the Base Town, which was fortified only with some small Trenches; for the surprisal whereof, the Daulphin in the night sends some Troops, who before morning enter the place, cut all in pieces they meet, win the Artillery and Munition, and think to have gotten an absolute Victory: but being intent to pillage, some Ensigns issue from the higher Tower, find them in disorder, set upon them and rout them. Many of the Enemies were slain, among whom was Fouquessolles, another Son-in-Law of Biez, the Victory not being without blood on our side.

Neither was our Fleet idle in the mean, which scouring the Seas brought three hundred Prizes so fraught with Merchan∣dise, that the three spacious Churches of the Augustine, the Gray, and the Black Friers in London, whose Monasteries had lately been suppressed, were stored with nothing but Hogsheads of Wine.

The Earl of Lenox lately dispatched out of France for the ma∣naging of the affairs of Scotland, to the behoof of the French found not entertainment there according to his expectation. The Queen Mother and Cardinal, as long as they had need of him, deluded him with hopes of marrying the Queen Mother, and by their secret calumnies rendred them suspected to the French. At length finding his safety questionable, he flies for refuge into England, accompanied with Alexander Son and Heir to the Earl of Glen∣carn, Walter Graham Brother to the Earl of Montross, and Sir John Borthwick with others, and were honourably received by Henry, who most happily repaired the Earl's losses of Revenues in France fallen by the death of Robert Stuart of Aubigny, and of his Mar∣riage in Scotland, with that most successful Match that beautiful Lady Margaret, Niece to the King and Daughter to the Earl of Angus, and an annual Pension of seven hundred Marks. And once more he resolved to try his fortune in Scotland attended by Sir Rice Mansell, and Sir Peter Mewtas, Wintor, Audley, and Brooks with others, who with eight Ships set sail from Bristol, and hanging over the Coast of Scotland like a Cloud uncertain where

to disburthen it self, deterred the Scots from enterprising anything [ 1544] upon England in the absence of the King.

The Church of late had daily felt some change or other: And this year in June the Letany set forth in English was commanded to be used in all Churches.

ANNO DOM. 1545. REG. 37.

OUr late Expeditions had without doubt been very chargeable. [ 1545] So that I should not wonder that the King began to want supplies, if I did not consider the incredible summs raised of the spoils of the late suppressed Religious Houses. All which not∣withstanding, whether it were that God not pleased with this authorized Sacriledge did not enlarge them with his Blessing, Which only (saith Solomon) maketh Rich: Or that a great part thereof was otherwise divided either among his Courtiers, or for the maintenance of the ejected Religious Persons, the Treasury was certainly very bare. To which former reasons we may add the six new erected Bishopricks, and the like number of Cathe∣dral Churches, as also the Stipends conferred on both Universities for the publick Professors of the Hebrew and Greek Tongues, Di∣vinity, Law, and Physick, to each whereof he allotted an Annuity of forty Pounds. Howsoever it were, certain it is, that levies being made in Germany for the King, the Souldiers dis∣banded for want of Pay. The Parliament had already granted him great Subsidies, so that thence he could expect no more. Yet Monies must be had. Henry therefore resolves on an honest kind of Rapine. The Intreaties of Princes little differ from Com∣mands, unless perhaps in this, that they work more subtilly, and render them pliable with whom Commands would not have prevailed; which manifestly appeared in the execution of this Project. He had twenty years since commanded Money by Pro∣clamation, a course so far from taking as was desired, that it had like to have been the cause of much mischief: But now by some fit Commissioners informing his Subjects of his necessities, and desiring the richer sort one by one to contribute towards his support, he quickly replenished the Exchequer. The Commis∣sioners begin first with the Citizens of London, among whom two were more strait - laced than the rest, viz. Richard Read, and William Roch; but their parsimony shall cost them dear. For Read being an old man and utterly unexpert of Martial Discipline, is commanded to serve in person in the Wars of Scotland, is taken by the Scots, and forced to ransom himself at a high rate. Roch, as having used some uncivil language before those of his Maje∣stie's Council who sate Commissioners, was for some months

punished with straight imprisonment, and at length (not im∣probably) [ 1545] bought his liberty.

In the mean time Boloign was a great eye-sore to the French. They try to regain it by stratagems and surprisals, but in vain. They betake themselves to force with the like success. The Mar∣shal of Biez Governour of the Boloignois comes with a great Army to the Port, a Town two miles from Boloign, and begins to build a Fort on this side the River upon the point of the Tower of Ordre, but is by the Earl of Hertford forced away, and leaves his Castle in the Air. His intent was by this Fort to have kept the Garri∣son of Boloign within their Walls, to have commanded the Haven, so to cut off all Succours by sea, and from Calais by land. Which being done, Francis resolved in Person to besiege Guisnes, and there to fortifie, thereby to famish Boloign, and to keep Calais and the land of Oye in subjection. But these designs proving fruitless, he prepares his Naval forces, giving forth, that he intended to invade England, hoping that this Alarm would have made us have a care of the main, and neglect those pieces abroad, so that Boloign for lack of aid should easily be reduced. The noise of an invasion made Henry arm, who having gathered together a suf∣ficient Fleet, awaited the Enemy at Portsmouth, intent to all oc∣casions. Neither did the French only intend an Alarm, landing in three several places in England, but were every where with loss driven aboard their Ships. Two days after they fall down to the Channel that divideth the Isle of Wight from the rest of Bri∣tain; they seem to threaten Portsmouth, where the King then was, and seek to draw our Fleet to fight. The French, beside a sufficient Fleet of other Ships had twenty five Gallies, no way probably useful in these tempestuous and rough Seas not brooking this flat kind of shipping, but by their bulk and num∣ber to terrifie us: Yet at this time an unusual calmness of the Sea without wind or current, put them in hope of effecting wonders by their Gallies. But our Fleet was not to be drawn to fight, much less to be forced without apparent danger to the Enemy, who must slip down a narrow Channel, where but few Ships could go in front, and the like number opposed might easily defend it: Where they could not enter, but with the Tide and Wind, and the first Ships repulsed, in their falling back would have disordered the rest of the Fleet; where of necessity they must fight under the favour of our Forts and Cannon, which would easily have hindered their approach. The Enemy being put off here, consult of fortifying the Isle of Wight, where at St. Helens Point they land two thousand men, resolve forsooth to make that the Seat of the War, and there to build three Forts; but the valour of the Inhabitants made them change their design, and forced them again to their Ships. Thus every where affronted to their loss, without any memorable act they set fail for Normandy.

The French Fleet consisted of a hundred and three Sail of all sorts, [ 1545] ours of only sixty, so that it was no way safe for us to encounter them. Some light proffers were made on both sides, wherein we always came off with the better. As for the Mary Rose, a Ship which with her loss buried Sir George Carow the Captain, and seven hundred men; the French do well to make use of casualties to their own glory: But it was not the valour of the French, or fury of their Cannons that sunk her, but the supine negligence of the Mariners, being wrecked in the very Haven, in the pre∣sence of the King.

Boloign was not idle the while. Upon hope of a Fort to be built by the Marshal of Biez, Francis had made great preparations for an Enterprize upon Guisnes, but was diverted by the death of the Duke of Orleans his younger Son, and the lost hopes of his intended Fort near Boloigne, and having for a while encamped at * 1.200 Mont-Lambert, retired at last toward Amiens. The nearness of the King's Camp at Mont-Lambert did daily invite both Nations to make trial of their valour, the English sometimes, sometimes the French having the better. One day among the rest the English hotly charging the French, the Duke of Aumale comes to relieve them, who being strook with a Lance under his right Eye, it breaks in pieces and leaves the Trunchion half a foot within his Head. It was a token of an excellent spirit in this young Noble∣man, that for so rough a charge he lost not his stirrups; and endured the torture whereto they put him in drawing out the three square head, with such an invincible constancy, as if they had picked a Thorn from out his Finger, and beyond all expe∣ctation of the Chirurgions recovered. The Victory remained to the English: who could not long brag of it, afterward seeking to cut off a Convoy of the Enemies, defeated by the Rhinegrave with the loss of sixteen Captains, and seven or eight hundred men. The Earl of Surrey, who led them, saved himself by flight. And were it not discourtesie in us not to requite the late visit of the French? The Lord Admiral therefore landed six thousand men at Treport in Normandy, burned the Town and Abbey with thirty Ships and a Barque in the Haven, and returned with the loss of only fourteen men.

Neither were our employments less or fewer in Scotland, than among the French. Scotland had so many enemies at home, that it needed not any abroad. But their home-bred dissentions had caused War from us, and the way to set them at Peace was, to invade them. In the beginning of March Sir Ralph Evers, by the death of his Father Lord Evers, with an Army entred Scotland, making all the Countrey desert about Jedbury and Kelson. Thence marching to Coldingham fortified the Church and Tower, and leaving a Garrison there, departed. The Garrison partly out of covetousness, partly to distress the Enemy if he should lay siege

to them, pillaged and wasted all the neighbouring Countrey. The [ 1545] Regent according to their expectation besiegeth the Church with eight thousand men, and batters it a whole day and a night. But sud∣denly, making none of the Nobles partakers of his determinations, whether out of fear to be betrayed by his Army, or some other cause, took horse and posted away to Dunbar, which occasioned the disbanding of the Army, and the freedom of the besieged. Our often success having emboldened us, we adventure upon another impression, the fury whereof disburdened it self in Merch, Teifi∣dale, and Lauden, the Inhabitants being either forced to yield, or flie, and leave their goods to be seiled on by Bellonas Harbin∣gers. The Scots at length make head, and although of more than equal number, they betake themselves to stratagems. They understand by their Scouts of our approach; and to deceive us, by the advice of Walter Scot send their Horses to the adjoyning Hills. Neither indeed was the place so advantageous for Horse, as for Foot. The Horses backed by the Grooms that kept them, did from the Hills make shew of an Army, and that flying. We advance, as loath to let our enemies escape, in the pursuit of whom we unawares fall among the whole Army not disorderly flying, but prepared to receive us. It is not unusual to encounter men; but if Heaven and the Elements oppose us, how can we hope for victory? We find the number of our adverse Army great beyond our expectation, the Sun far declining to the West darted his rays in our faces, and a violent wind drives the smoak of the shot into our mouthes, which not only made the most necessary sense unuseful, but with a foul stench corrupted the Air, and hindred the breathing of the already panting Souldiers. The many advantages give them the Victory. We leave two hundred in the place, and among them the Lord Evers; a thousand are taken, whereof Alderman Read was one.

A little after this Victory, Francis sent into Scotland a supply of five hundred French Horse and three thousand Footmen, under the command of the Lord of Lorges Earl of Montgomery, not so much to cross our attempts against the Scots, as to distract our Forces, that the violence of them united might not at once fall on France.

This year among other accidents is also memorable through the death of the King's Brother-in-Law Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, a man of a mighty spirit, yet so tempering it with mild∣ness and fair demeanour, that he was generally beloved both of Prince and people: Who in that height of favour carried him so evenly as to die quietly in his Bed. A happiness under this Prince rare even to Fortunes and His Favourites.

A Parliament assembled in November granted the King the Disposal of all Colledges, Chantries, and Hospitals, the de∣mesnes, salaries and stipends thereto belonging, or given to Priests to say Mass for the Souls of the departed. The King

personally gave thanks to both Houses, promising to have a care [ 1545] that they should be employed to the honour of God and the pub∣lick good. But we find not the effect of his promises.

ANNO DOM. 1546. REG. 38, & ultimo.

VVE are now come to the last year of Henry his Reign; [ 1546] who having tired himself with the French Wars, be∣gan at length seriously to bethink himself of Peace. Neither was Francis less desirous of his Friendship. To this end Deputies from both sides meet often between Guisnes and Ardres: For Henry, the Earl of Hertford, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, the Viscount Lisle Lord Admiral, Sir William Paget Secretary of Estate, and Dr. Wotton the first Dean of Canterbury: For Francis, the Admiral Annebault, Raymond first President of Rouan, and Bou∣cherel Secretary. After many consultations a Peace was conclu∣ded on these Conditions:

That Francis within eight years should pay fourscore hundred thou∣sand Crowns to the King, as well for the arrerage of his Pension, as for many other expences made by him in War, in the fortification of Bo∣loign and of the Countrey: And upon receipt of the said Summ, Henry should deliver unto the King of France Boloign and all the Countrey belonging to it, with the ancient places or newly edified by him, Mont∣Lambert, the Tower of Ordre, Ambleteul and others, with all the Artillery and Munition in them.

For the confirmation whereof, the Viscount Lisle was sent Ambassador into France, and from thence came the Admiral An∣nebault to receive the Oaths of each King, and the Peace was Proclaimed in London.

On the sixteenth of July were burnt at London for their Religion John Lassels, Nicholas Otterden, John Adlam, and Ann Askew a young Gentlewoman aged twenty five, of an ancient Descent, excellent beauty, and acute wit, whose examinations, writings, tortures, and patient suffering are at large set down by Mr. Fox, being before their Execution by Dr. Schaxton exhorted to Recant, as he then was forced, who some years passed had resigned his Bishoprick to enjoy his Conscience.

And here I may not omit an addition to the septenary number of Sleepers, William Foxley a Pot-maker in London, who without any touch of any preceding infirmity was seised with such a dead sleep, that for fourteen days and fifteen nights no force nor in∣vention could awake him; on the fifteenth day this miraculous sleep forsaking him, he was as it were restored to life, and found as sound and entire as if he had taken no more than an ordinary repose: Neither would he believe that he had taken other, but that the building of a certain Wall made it apparent to him how

much time he had slept away. He lived above forty years after, [ 1546] viz. to the year 1587.

Let us conclude this year with the death of Martin Luther that famous impugner of the Church of Rome, who being sent for by the Counts of Mansfield to compose some differences between them concerning their inheritance, died among them in his Climacterical year, and after much contention for his Body, lieth buried at Wirtenberg.

ANNO DOM. 1547.

HEnry long since grown corpulent was become a burthen to [ 1547] himself, and of late lame by reason of a violent Ulcer in his Leg, the inflammation whereof cast him into a lingering Fever, which by little and little decaying his spirits, he at length began to feel the inevitable necessity of death. The cogitation of many things (as in the like exigents usually happeneth) op∣pressed him, and chiefly of his Son's nonage, but now entring into his tenth year, an age infirm and opportune to treacheries, against which he found small provision in his Friends, having none amongst those on whose Loyalty he chiefly relied, of so sufficient eminency, as to underprop his weak Estate with those supporters of Royalty, Power and Authority. His Brother-in-Law the Duke of Suffolk was lately deceased: Seymour the young Prince's Uncle was a man whose Goodness was not tempered with Severity, and being descended of a Family more ancient than noble (as having until now never transcended Knighthood) would be subject to contempt. They who more nearly partici∣pated of the Blood Royal, as they any way excelled in Power or Virtue, were the more suspected and hated by him. The Family of the Howards was then most flourishing, the chief whereof was Thomas Duke of Norfolk, a man famous for his exploits in France, Scotland, and elsewhere, long exercised in the School of Expe∣rience, many ways deriving himself from the Crown, popular, of great command and revenues. But the edge of the old man's disposition made mild and blunted with age, administred the less cause of suspition. Of his eldest Son Henry Earl of Surrey, the King was certainly jealous, and resolved to cut him off. He had lately in the Wars of France manifested himself heir to the glory of his Ancestors, was of a ripe wit, and endued with great Learning, so that the Elogy afterwards given to his Son Henry, that He was the Learned'st among the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the Noblest among the Learned, might have as fitly been applied to him, was very gracious with the people, expert in the Art Military, and esteemed fit for publick Government. These great Virtues were too great Faults, and for them he must suffer. Treason is objected to him,

and upon the surmise he and his Father sent to the Tower. On [ 1547] the thirteenth of January he is arraigned, the chief point of his accusation whereon they insisted being, for bearing certain Arms, which only belonged to the King, and consequently aspi∣ring to the Crown. Of other things he easily acquitted himself, and as for those Arms, he constantly affirmed that they here∣ditarily pertained unto him; yet notwithstanding he would not have presumed to have born them, but being warranted by the opinion of the Heralds, who only were to give judgment in these cases. The Judges not approving of his answer condemn him, and so the Flower of the English Nobility is on the nineteenth of January beheaded, the King lying in extremity, and breathing his last in Blood. The Duke was adjudged to perpetual impri∣sonment, where he continued until he was by Queen Mary set at liberty.

The King, his disease growing on him, at last makes his Will, wherein (by virtue of a Law lately Enacted) he ordains Prince Edward his Successour in the first place, and in the second (Prince Edward dying Issueless) substitutes the Lady Mary begotten of Catharine of Arragon, and upon the like defect of Issue in Mary in the third place substitutes the Lady Elizabeth. These three reigned successively, and accomplished the number of fifty six years; at the expiration whereof Queen Elizabeth ended her long glorious Reign, and left the Diadem to King James, in the many regards of his Learning, Religion; Goodness, peaceable and happy Reign the Mirrour of late Ages. The next care was of his Executors, whom he also appointed (Tutors shall I say or) Counsellors to his Son, and were in number sixteen, viz.

• Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury.
• Thomas Wriothsley Lord Chancellour.
• William Paulet Lord Saint-John.
• John Russel Lord Privy Seal.
• Edward Seymour Earl of Hertford.
• John Dudley, Viscount Lisle Lord Admiral.
• Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Duresm.
• Sir Anthony Brown Master of the Horse.
• Sir Edward Mountague Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.
• Sir William Paget.
• Sir William Harbert.
• Sir Thomas Bromley.
• Sir Anthony Denny.
• Sir Edward North.
• Sir Edward Wotton.
• Doctor Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York.

To whom he added as Assistants, especially in matters of great [ 1547] consequence:

• Henry Earl of Arundel.
• William Earl of Essex.
• Sir Thomas Cheny Steward of the King's Houshold.
• Sir John Gage Comptroller.
• Sir Anthony Wingfield Vice-Chamberlain.
• Sir William Peter Secretary.
• Sir Richard Rich.
• Sir John Baker.
• Sir Ralph Sadler.
• Sir Thomas Seymour.
• Sir Richard Southwell.
• Sir Edmond Pecham.

He ordained his Body should be interred at Windsor in a Monu∣ment (yet imperfect) erected by Cardinal Wolsey, not for him∣self (as many falsly 〈◊〉〈◊〉) but for the King, as by the Inscri∣ption is manifest, which cannot be of later date. For therein Henry is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lord of Ireland without any mention of Supreme Head of the Church, which two particles it is manifest were changed in the Title after Wolsey his death. In the same his last Will he commanded that the Monuments of Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fourth (both interred in Windsor) should be made more magnificent and stately, and other things of less moment, most of which were neglected. This last Will and Testament he confirmed, subscribed, and sealed the last of December, and survived a month after, dying at Westminster the eight and twen∣tieth of January, and that in this manner: The King having long languished, the Physicians finding apparent symptoms of approaching death, wished some of his friends to admonish him of his estate, which at last Sir Anthony Denny undertook, who going directly to the fainting King, told in few (but those plain) words, That the hope of humane help was vain, wherefore he beseeched his Majesty to erect his thoughts to Heaven, and be∣thinking him of his 'fore-passed life, through Christ to implore God's Mercy. An advice not very acceptable to him. But find∣ing it grounded upon the judgment of the Physicians, he sub∣mitted himself to the hard law of necessity, and reflecting upon the course of his Life (which he much condemned) he professed himself confident, that through Christ his infinite Goodness all his sins, although they had been more in number and weight, might be pardoned. Being then demanded whether he desired to confer with any Divines; With no other (saith he) but the Archbishop Cranmer, and not with him as yet; I will first repose my self a little, and as I then find my self will determin accordingly.

After the sleep of an hour or two finding himself fainting, he [ 1547] commanded the Archbishop (then at Croydon) should be sent for in all hast. Who using all possible speed came not until the King was speechless. As soon as he came, the King took him by the hand, the Archbishop exhorting him to place all his hope in God's Mercies through Christ, and beseeching him, that if he could not in words, he would by some sign or other testifie this his Hope: Who then wringed the Archbishop's hand as hard as he could, and shortly after expired, having lived fifty five years and seven months, and thereof reigned thirty seven years nine months and six days.

Thus ended Henry the Eighth his Life and Reign, which for the first years of his Government was like Nero's Five years, Admirable; for often Victories and happy Success in War, Glo∣rious; for the many Changes under it, Memorable; for the Foundation of the Churches Reformation, Laudable; to Queens, most unhappy; for the Death of so many (for the most) great Personages, Bloody; and for the frequent Exactions and Subsidies, and Sacrilegious Spoil of the Church, much Prejudicial to the Estate, Grievous and Burthensom to the Subject.

FINIS.

ANNALS OF ENGLAND.

EDVVARD THE SIXTH.

The Second Book.

LONDON,

Printed for Thomas Basset, John Wright, and Richard Chiswel.

M. DC. LXXV.

ANNALS OF ENGLAND.

BOOK II.

EDWARD the Sixth.

ANNO DOM. 1547. REG. 1.

ROyalty like a Pythagorean Soul transmigrates. [ 1547] Although Henry were dead, the King was still alive, and survived in the person of young Edward, who began his Reign the eight and twentieth of January, then in the tenth year of his age; and having been on the last of the same Month proclaimed King, came the same day from Enfield (where the Court had then been) to the Tower, there according to the an∣cient custom of our Kings to abide until his Inauguration at Westminster. The next day the Council assembled for the ma∣naging of the Estate, conferred on the King's Uncle, Edward Seymour Earl of Hertford the honour and power of Protector of* 1.201 the King's Person and Kingdom. Who to season his new Dig∣nity with some memorable act, on the sixth of February, dubbed the King Knight, the King presently imparting the same Honour to Richard Hoblethorn Lord Mayor of London.

On the fifteenth of February King Henry his Funerals were so∣lemnized,* 1.202 and his Body Royally interred in the middle of the Quire in the Church at Windsor.

Two days after were some of the Nobility dignified with greater Honours, some new created. The Lord Protector Earl of Hertford, was made Duke of Somerset; William Parr Earl

of Essex, Marquis of Northampton; John Dudley Viscount Lisle, [ 1547] Earl of Warwick; and the Lord Chancellour Wriothsley, Earl of Southampton. Sir Thomas Seymour Brother to the Protector and Lord Admiral, Sir Thomas Rich, Sir William Willoughby, and Sir Edmond Sheffeild were inrolled among the Barons. Other two days being fled after their predecessors, the King passed trium∣phantly from the Tower through London to Westminster, where he was solemnly crowned, anointed, and inaugurated by Cranmcr* 1.203 Archbishop of Canterbury. At what time also with incredible indulgence pardon of all crimes whatsoever was publickly pro∣claimed and granted to all persons throughout the Realm, six only being exempted from the benefit thereof, namely, the Duke of Norfolk, Cardinal Pool, the lately beheaded Marquis of Exceter his eldest Son, one Throcmorton, Fortescue, and Richard Pate late Bishop of Worcester, who lest he should be constrained to acknow∣ledge the King Head of the Church, had some years passed fled to Rome.

On the nineteenth of June in the Cathedral Church of St. Paul in London were celebrated the Exequies of Francis King of France. He deceased the two and twentieth of the precedent March,* 1.204 having been after the death of our Henry much disposed to melan∣choly, whether for that he failed in the hope of strengthening their late contracted amity with some stricter tie; or that being some few years the younger, he was by his death admonished of the like approaching fate. They were also of so conspiring a similitude of disposition and nature, that you shall hardly find the like between any two Princes of whatever different times. This bred a mutual affection in them, and as it were forcibly nourished the secret fire thereof between them, unless peradven∣ture when emulation or the respect of publick utility swayed them the contrary way, so that the death of the one could not but much grieve the surviver. He therefore in the Cathedral at Paris celebrated the Funerals of Henry, though Excommuni∣cated by the Pope. He also left one only Son named Henry in∣heritor of his Crown, whose Reign lasted but to the beginning of Queen Elizabeth.

And now the affairs of Scotland, which have without doubt been great and memorable, crave a part in our History. We have before made mention of our League with Scotland, wherein it was determined concerning the Marriage between the now King Edward and the Queen of Scots. The times since then were full of continual 〈◊〉〈◊〉. We at length resolved not to dally with them, but to undertake the War with forces agreeable to the cause. The Duke of Somerset by consent of the Privy Coun∣cil is sent into Scotland with ten thousand Foot and six thousand Horse (besides Pioners and Artificers thirteen hundred) and and fifteen pieces of Brass Ordnance. To the Lord Clinton is

assigned a Navy consisting of four and twenty men of War, one [ 1547] Galley, and thirty Ships of burthen, wherewith he was to scour the Seas, and infest the maritim parts of Scotland. On the third of September the Duke of Somerset made an hostile entrance upon the Enemies Countrey, and forthwith dispatched Letters to the Earl of Arren, Regent of Scotland, much to this effect: That he wished the Scots would consider, that this War was waged among Christians, and that our ends were no other than a just Peace, whereto the endeavours of all good men should tend. An occasion not only of a League, but of a perpetual Peace was now happily offered, if they would suffer the two differing and emulous Nations by uniting the Heads to grow together. This as it had been formerly sought by us, so had it been generally assented to by the Estates of Scotland. Therefore he could not but wonder why they should rather treacherously recurr to Arms (the events of War being usually even to the Victor sufficiently unfortunate) than maintain inviolate their troth plighted to the good of both Nations. They could not in reason expect that their Queen should perpetually live a Virgin-life. And if she married, where could she bestow her self bettter, than on a puissant Monarch inhabiting the same Island, and parlying the same language? They saw what incon∣veniencies were the consequents of forein Matches, whereof they should rather make tryal by the examples of others, than at their own peril. He demanded nothing but equity; yet he so much abhorred the effusion of Christian blood, that if he found the Scots not utterly averse from an accord, he would endeavour that some of the Conventions should be remitted: He would also permit that the Queen should abide and be brought up among them until her age made her marriageable, at what time she should by consent of the Estates her self make choice of a Hus∣band. In the mean time there should be a Cessation of Arms, neither should the Queen be transported out of her Realm, nor entertain treatise of Marriage with the French or any other foreiner. This if they would faithfully promise, he would forthwith peaceably depart out of Scotland; and whatsoever damages the Countrey had suffered by this invasion, he would according to the esteem of indifferent Arbitrators make ample satisfaction. The Scottish Army consisted of thirty thousand Foot, some speak a greater number. The chief Com∣manders whereof puffed up with confidence of their strength (although they had lately lost eight hundred in a tumultuary skir∣mish) and misconceiving our offers to proceed out of fear, reject all Conditions of Accord: And lest upon knowledge of the equity of our demands, the Council should incline to resolutions of Peace, they conceal our Letters. And not only so, but upon assurance of Victory spread a rumour, that nothing would con∣tent the insolent English, but the delivery of the Queen, which if they could not otherwise, they would by force obtain, and proceed to the absolute conquest of the Kingdom. This report enraged the Souldiers, whom no motives could disswade from

present engaging themselves in Battel. The wiser sort were not [ 1547] ignorant of the necessities that long since began to press us, who were brought to that pass, that by reason of the difficulties of passages we could not make a safe retreat, nor force the Enemy to fight in regard of the strength of the place where he was en∣camped. But the vain hope of Victory had possessed the minds of the greater part, and excluded reason. Necessity forced us to a resolution brave and expedient, which was, to seek the* 1.205 Enemy in his lodging, and endeavour to draw him to combat. But the hot-spur Scots issuing from out their fastnesses, seemed willing to prevent us. So both Armies entertain a mutual reso∣lution. A little before the joyning of the Armies an accident happened, which did not a little make way to our Victory. The Enemy marching along near the Sea-shoar, a piece of Ordnance discharged from our Galley took away five and twenty of their men, whereof the eldest Son of the Lord Grimes was one. Four thousand Archers terrified with so unexpected a slaughter made a stand, and could never after be brought on. The two Armies approaching each other, the Duke of Somerset commanded the Lord Gray with the Cavallery to charge the Scots, and find them employment until the Infantry had seized on an adjoyning Hill, and if he could without much hazard, to disorder the Enemy. But they were gallantly received by a strong Squadron of Pikes, whereon some of the formost having too far engaged themselves were cast away, the rest retreated affirming, that it was as easie to force a Wall, as through the Scottish Ranks. The Duke makes a second trial by the light Horse, seconding them with the Or∣dnance and the Archers. The Enemy either not able to stand so violent a charge, or (as some relate) to draw us from the favour of our Cannon, begins to give ground, which we perceiving give a shout, crying out withal, They fly, they fly; which so amazed them, that some began to fly indeed, and at length the whole Army was routed. The Scots complain, that we tyran∣nized over the Captives, especially the Priests and Friers (whereof many served in this Field) because by their instigation chiefly our Conditions were so arrogantly rejected. Of the Enemies were flain thirteen thousand, and among them (beside the Earl of Lohemor and the Lord Fleming) the chief of the Scottish Gentry, with their Tenants, who thought it a disgrace to survive their Lords. In the chase were taken fifteen hundred, among whom were the Earl Huntley Chancellour of Scotland, the Lords Hefter, Hobbey, and Hamilton, beside many other persons of Quality. This lamentable overthrow was given the tenth of September.

The English become Victors beyond their expectation, ransacked the Countrey five miles about, fortified in the Forth the forsaken Islands Keth and Haymon, took Brocth Castle, by their terrour

forced the Garrisons of Humes and Fastcastle to yield, and having [ 1547] built a Fort at Lauder, and repaired the ruines of Roxburgh, by their departure recreated the dejected minds of the distressed Scots.

Our affairs thus succeeding abroad, the Church at home had* 1.206 her changes. Many of the Council, but especially the Protector, much endeavoured Reformation in point of Religion. The rest, who were addicted to the Doctrine of Rome, could for private respects temporize, fearing indeed restitution of Church goods (wherein each of them shared) unless an irreconcilable breach were made with that See. So that whiles some eagerly oppose Popery, and others coldly defend it, not only what had been enacted by Henry the Eighth concerning the abrogation of the Pope's authority is confirmed, but many other things are added, whereby our Church was so purged from the dregs of Super∣stition, that for Purity of Doctrine, and Institution of select Ecclesiastical Rites, it excelled the most Reformed Churches of Germany. All Images are pulled down, Priests are permitted to marry, the Liturgie set forth in the English tongue, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 administred under both kinds, Auricular Confession forbidden, no man prohibited the reading of the Scriptures, no Masses to be said for the Souls of the departed, and many other things or∣dained, so far differing from the Institution of our Forefathers, that it administred matter to the common people (who are wont to judge not according to Reason, but Custom) of breaking out into Rebellion. And it is somewhat remarkable, that the same day wherein the Images, whereof the Churches were dispossessed, were publickly burned at London, we obtained that memorable Victory over the Scots at Musselburgh.

This year at Archbishop Cranmer his invitation came into England Peter Martyr a Florentine, Martin Buter of Selestadt, and Paulus Phagius born in the Palatinate: Who being very courteously received by the King and Nobles, having reposed themselves some while at Canterbury, were sent, Martyr to Oxford, Bucer and Phagius to Cambridge, there publickly to Read Divinity; but Phagius having scarce saluted the University, deceased of a Quar∣tan Ague the twelfth of November, in the five and fortieth year of his age. Neither did Bucer long survive him, who died at Cambridge the last of February 1551, being then threescore years old. Martyr shortly after his coming to Oxford, maintained publickly in the Schools, and that with solid Arguments, against Tresham and Chedsey Opponents, that the Popish Transubstantiation was but a meer fiction; which Disputation he after published and enlarged.

ANNO DOM: 1548. REG. 2.

THe English having this year fortified and put a strong Gar∣rison [ 1548] into Hadinton a Town seated in the most fertil soil of all Scotland, did from thence and Lauder make often inroads upon the bordering Countrey, burning and spoiling whatsoever might be useful to the Enemy, from whom they expected a Siege. In the mean time had the French sent six thousand (ten thousand say we) men into Scotland, whereof three thousand were Lans∣quenets led by the Rhinegrave. The Lord of Essé a man of tried valour, famous in the Siege of Landrecy and other Expeditions was chief of the Army. These adventures landing at Dunbar,* 1.207 march speedily for Hadinton, and joyning with the Scottish Forces consisting of eight thousand men straightly besiege it. At the Abbey near the Town they call a Council, treat of transporting the Queen into France, and marrying her to the Daulphin. They whom the respect of private ends had not corrupted and with∣drawn from the care of the publick weal, objected, That they should so draw on them a perpetual War from England, and betray themselves to the slavery of the French: That the Propositions made by the English were reasonable, who offered a ten years Truce, and sought not to entrap the Scot in any bands or prejudicial compacts, their demands being no other than this, That if within the ten years either the King of England, or the Queen of Scots should decease, all things should on each side remain entire and in their former estate: Delay had often in the like cases proved advantageous, whereas speedy repentance commonly followeth precipitated hast. The Popish Faction (especially the Clergy, to whom the amity of England was little pleasing, in regard of the differences in Religion) and some others obliged to the French either in respect of received benefits or future profit, with might and main interposed to the contrary, and chiefly the Regent, bought with a Pension of four thousand Crowns, and the Command of one hundred Lances. The French Faction prevailed for her transportation. The Fleet from Leith, where it harboured, setting sail as if for France, fetching a com∣pass round about Scotland, put in at Dunbritton, where they em∣barqued the six-year-old Queen, attended by James her base Bro∣ther,* 1.208 John Areskin, and William Leviston, who being put back by contrary winds, and much distressed by tempest, arrived at length in Little Bretaigne, and from thence set forward to the Court of France, so escaping our Fleet which hovered about Calais to inter∣cept them, if (as we were perswaded they needs must) they crossed those neighbouring Straights. Hadinton in the mean time being straightly beleaguered, Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Thomas Pal∣mer are with seven hundred Lances and six hundred light Horse sent to relieve it. Buchanan saith there were but three hundred

Horse, the rest Foot. Of what sort soever they were, it is [ 1548] certain that before they could reach Hadington, they were circum∣vented and slain almost to a man. Yet did not the besieged let fall their courages, but bravely defended themselves, until Francis Earl of Shrewsbury with an Army of twelve thousand English and four thousand Lansquenets disassieged them, and forced the French to retreat. The Earl having supplied the Town with necessaries, and reinforced the Garrison, returned to Berwick. What they could not by force, the Enemy hopes more easily to effect by a surprisal. To this end D'Essé with some select Bands arrives at Hadinton about the break of day, where having killed the Cen∣tinels and taken an Half-moon before the Port, some seek to force the Gates, some invade our adjoyning Granaries. The noise and shouts of the assailants gives an alarm to the Garrison, who give fire to a Cannon planted before the Port, the Bullet whereof pe∣netrating the Gate, makes way through the close ranks of the Enemies, and so affrights them, that they seek to save themselves by flight.

Fortune was not so favourable to the Garrisons of Humes and* 1.209 Fastcastle, where by the negligence of the Centinels, the designs of the Enemy were crowned with success. At Humes, being conducted by some that knew all the secret passages, they climb up a steep Rock, enter, massacre the secure Garrison, and enjoy the place. At Fastcastle the Governour had commanded the neighbouring Husbandmen at a prefixed day to bring in their contribution of Corn and other necessary provision. The Enemy makes use of this opportunity. Souldiers habited like Pesants at the day come fraught with their burthens, whereof easing their Horses, they carry them on their shoulders over the Bridge, which joyned two Rocks together, and so gain entrance: The watch-word being given, they cast down their burthens, kill the Centinels, open the Gates to their fellows, and become ma∣sters of the place. Neither were our Naval enterprises fortunate, being at St. Minian and Merne repelled with loss.

In Autumn the Earl of Rutland with three thousand Lansque∣nets and some Bands drawn out of the frontier Garrisons arrives at Hadington: Who duly considering that this Town could not be kept any longer without the excessive charges of a just Army, forasmuch as the Countrey about being miserably forraged, it could not be victualled without great difficulty and danger; rased the Walls, fired the Houses, brought away the Artillery, and finding no resistance, returned in safety to Berwick. Buchanan refers it to the ensuing year, but I follow the record of our own Historians.

And having thus far spent the year abroad, I at length return* 1.210 home, where I find Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Tower. He was a man very learned, and no less subtil, adhering

to the Popish Faction, yet so, as that he would be content to [ 1548] accommodate himself to the current of the times. King Henry had employed him in many Embassages, and that with ample authority, under whom he durst not oppose the proceedings con∣firmed by enacted Laws. And under Edward he repressed him∣self for a time, seemingly consenting to the commenced Refor∣mation. But his dissimulation was at length manifestly disco∣vered to the Privy Council, who had commanded him in a Ser∣mon at Pauls Cross to signifie his approbation of the present estate of the Church; which he accordingly did on the nine and twentieth of June, but so ambiguously and obscurely, that he satisfied them not. And being expresly forbidden to speak any thing concerning the Eucharist, he knowing that by the Laws no∣thing was definitively determined in that point, did so eargerly assert that Papistical (I will not say Capernaitical) Corporal and Real Presence of Christ in the Sacrament, that he wonder∣fully offended the minds of many, but especially of the Lords of the Council. Wherefore he was on the thirtieth of June com∣mitted, and obstinately refusing to acknowledge his errour, was two years after deprived of his Bishoprick, and (as he was of* 1.211 a turbulent spirit) lest he should practise any thing against the Estate, detained nevertheless in prison until the death of Edward. In the mean time Archbishop Cranmer by writing oppugned that gross and carnal assertion of the Church of Rome concerning Christ's Presence in the Sacrament; whom Gardiner secretly an∣swered under the fictitious name of M. Constantius.

Neither did that Blood-sucker Boner Bishop of London (who* 1.212 in Queen Maries Reign so heated the Kingdom with the Funeral Piles of so many Saints) speed any better than Winchester. For being likewise enjoyned to Preach at the Cross, he did it so coldly, omitting many of those points whereof he was commanded to speak, that he was likewise committed, deprived of his Bi∣shoprick, and so lived until Queen Mary set them both at liberty. What the Objections were against Cutbert Tonstall Bishop of Du∣resm, and George Day Bishop of Chichester, I do not find, but that they ran the same fortune is manifest. They were both very Learned Prelates, but especially Tonstall, a mild man, and of most sweet conditions, in regard whereof I do not a little won∣der that he was so hardly dealt with. But the drift of the pu∣nishments of such men, who in Henry's time were accounted the chief Lights of our Church, I conceive to have been, that the rest of that Order might by their example be admonished, with∣out dissimulation either to resign their Bishopricks to others that were thought more worthy, or be induced to conform themselves to the present Reformation of the Church, according to the pre∣script of the Laws in that behalf lately Enacted. And yet I would there were not sufficient cause to suspect, that this was

but a made opportunity, the removal of these obstacles making [ 1548] way for the Invasion of these widow Seas. For as soon as Tonstall was exautorated, that rich Bishoprick of Duresm by Act of Par∣liament was wrecked, the chief revenues and customs of it being incorporated to the Crown, and the rest in despight of the Te∣nants so gelded, that at this day it scarce possesseth the third part of its antient Revenues. Yet did Queen Mary seriously endeavour the restitution of those religious portions: Queen Elizabeth would hardly consent that it should lose any of its plumes, (yet some it did) and King James hath lately enacted against the Alienation of Church-lands, yea even to the Crown, otherwise than upon reservation of a reasonable Rent, and the return of them to the Church after the expiration of three lives or one and twenty years. The hungry Courtier finding how good a thing the Church was, had now for some years become acquainted with it out of a zealous intent to Prey: Neither could the horridness of her sacred Skeleton as yet so work on him, as to divert his resolutions, and compassionately to leave the Church to her reli∣gious poverty. Beside, the infancy of the King in this incertain ebb and flow of Religion, made her opportune to all kind of Sa∣criledge. So that we are deservedly to thank the Almighty Guar∣dian of the Church, that these Locusts have not quite devoured the Maintenance of the Labourers in this English Vineyard. For we yet retain that antient form of government in the Primitive Church by Bishops, who have for the most part wherewith to support their honourable Function, as likewise have other those subordinate Prelates, Deans, Archdeacons, and Canons of Ca∣thedral Churches: And as for our Preachers of the more polite and learned sort, we think him little befriended by Fortune, who long liveth in expectation of a competent preferment. I would the residue of the Reformed Churches of Christendom had not been pared so near the quick by precise hands, that but some few of them might in this kind be paralleled with ours.

And now behold two Brothers acting their several Tragedies.* 1.213 Jealousie, Envy, and Ambition infernal Furies, had armed them against each other, and the Pride of the Feminine Sex prepared them for the Lists. A lamentable exigent, wherein the loss of his Adversary must be the destruction of each, wherein the King∣dom must groan at the loss of one, both being in the Estate in∣compatible; wherein the King himself must (as most suspect he did) suffer, that he might not suffer. Thomas Seymour Lord Admiral had married Catharine Parr the Widow of the deceased King. What correspondence there might be between Her (who had been the Wife of the late Sovereign) and the Duchess of Somerset, whose Husband being Protector of the Realm, in point of command little differed from a Sovereign, and had over his Brother the Admiral the Advantages of Age, Dignity, and

general Esteem, if any man cannot without difficulty conjecture, [ 1548] I refer him to the first Book of Herodian, where let him observe the contentions arising between Crispina the Wife of Commodus, and Lucilla, who had been formerly married to L. Verus the Empe∣rour. But in this the divers dispositions of the Brothers set on edge on the emulous humours of their Wives. The Duke was mild, affable, free, open, and no way malicious; the Admiral was naturally turbulent, fierce, ambitious, and conceived him∣self to be of the two the fitter for Publick Government. Pre∣sently after the death of Henry, the Admiral thrust on by the flat∣tery of his overweening conceits, resolved to add a lustre to his good parts, by marrying the Lady Elizabeth, as yet indeed scarce marriageable. But the Protector wisely considering how rash and perilous this project was, frustrated that design. By his after marriage with Catharine a most beautiful and noble Lady, and abounding with wealth befitting her dignity, moft men were confident, that the gulf of his vast desires would have been satis∣fied; but the Law whereby he was condemned (though perad∣venture Enacted by strength of Faction) will manifest the con∣trary. What notice I have received, and what the publick Re∣cords testifie concerning this, being perswaded, that they swerve not much from the truth, I think I may without blame relate. The Admiral having now fortified himself with money and friends, and deeming his Brother's Lenity, Sluggishness; began to behold him with the eye of contempt, and to cast about how to dispossess him of the saddle, and (being of like degree of con∣sanguinity to the King) to enjoy the seat himself. To the fur∣therance of this project it would be conducible, secretly to vilisie and traduce the Protector's actions, to corrupt the King's Ser∣vants, especially if in any degree of favour, by fair words and large promises by degrees to assure himself of the Nobility, to secure his Castle of Holt with a Magazin of warlike provision but above all to take care for money the nerves of War and assu∣rance of Peace. These things having been ordered with exact diligence, and for supply of coin the Exchequer mightily pilled, he unmasks himself to some of the Nobility, signifying his intent of setling himself at the Stern, by forcibly seising on the King's person. Nay his madness so far transported him, that to one of them, conditionally that his assistance were not wanting to the advance∣ment of his designs, he promised that the King should marry his Daughter. In the mean time the Queen his Wife being in Septem∣ber delivered of a Daughter, died in child-bed, and that not with∣out suspition of Poison. For after her death he more importu∣nately sought the Lady Elizabeth than ever, eagerly endeavouring to procure her consent to a clandestine Marriage (as was that with the deceased Queen) and not until after the Nuptials, to crave the assent of the King or the Lords of the Council.

ANNO DOM. 1549. REG. 3.

But the Admiral's projects being opportunely discovered, and [ 1549] a Parliament lately assembled, he is by the authority thereof committed to the Tower, and without tryal condemned. The Parliament being on the fourteenth of March dissolved, he is on the sixth day after publickly beheaded, having first vehemently* 1.214 protested, that he never willingly did either actually endeavour, or seriously intend any thing against the Person of the King, or the Estate. Concerning his death the opinions of men were di∣vers, their censures divers. Among some the Protector heard ill, for suffering his Brother to be executed without ordinary course of trial: As for for these faults proceeding from the vio∣lence of youthful heat, they might better have been pardoned, than the King be left destitute of an uncle's help, or himself of a Brother's. Nay (they say) there wanted not those that before this severe course taken with the Admiral, admonished the Pro∣tector to have a heedy regard to this action: Some peradventure might be content to let a Brother shed tears; to shed his blood; when they might prevent it, scarce any: it was much to be feared lest his Brother's death would be his ruine, and the loss of such Friends, a hazard to the King. Others highly extolled his impartial proceeding, whom fraternal affection could not divert from righting his Countrey: For if Consanguinity or Alliance to the King should be a sufficient cause to exempt them from punishment, who should plot and contrive the change of govern∣ment in the Estate; upon what ticklish terms should we all stand, whiles nothing could be certain and sure in the publick govern∣ment? Others maintained the necessity of cutting off the Ad∣miral, and that it stood the Protector upon so to do, if he either regarded his own or the King's safeguard. For at what other mark did the Admiral aim, but that having seised on the King's Person, removed his Brother from the Protectorship, and mar∣ried the Lady Elizabeth, he might by Poison or some other means make away the young King already deprived of his Friends, and as in the right of his Wife invest himself in the Regal Throne, whereto the Lady Mary (although the elder Sister) as ince∣stuously begotten, could make no claim? And thus much was in a Sermon delivered before the King by Hugh Latimer, who having ten years since resigned his Bishoprick, had also hitherto abstained from Preaching, until after the death of King Henry this Light was again restored, that by his rays he might illustrate God's Church. But how true his conjectures were concerning the Lord Seymour, I will not undertake to determine. Whether faulty in his ambition, or over-born by his envious adversaries, thus ended the Admiral his life, who was indeed a valiant

Commander, and not unfit for a Consultation, in whose ruine [ 1549] the Protector was likewise involved.

Not long after this great man's fall, the People throughout* 1.215 almost the whole Realm brake out into a Rebellion, whereto the frequent usurpations and avarice of the Gentry, who in many places enclosed the common and waste grounds for their own pleasure and private profit, had incited them. The Lords of the Council upon notice of the Peoples discontents, and the proba∣bility of an Insurrection unless speedy course were taken to ap∣pease them, dispatched some into Kent (the Fountain of this ge∣neral Uproar) who should upon due examination of the causes of the Peoples grievances, admonish those that were in that kind faulty, by throwing open the Inclosures to restore to the People what had been unjustly taken from them; otherwise they should by Authority Royal be forced thereunto, and by their punish∣ments serve to deter others from the like insolencies and oppres∣sions. The most part obey, and (a most grateful spectacle to the People) cause their new made Inclosures to be again laid open. Wherewith Report acquainting the neighbouring Shires, the unruly multitude enraged, that like restitution had not as yet been made to them, not expecting the necessary direction of the Magistrate, but as if each one were authorized in his own cause, both to judge of and revenge received injuries, taking Arms level the Dikes, assert the inclosed the Lands, and give hope that there their fury would be at a stand. But as the Sea having once transgressed the just limits of its shoar, by little and little eats its way to an Inundation, and is not but with excessive toil to be forced within its usual bounds: So these having once transcended the prescripts of the Laws, let themselves loose to all kind of licentiousness, over-run and spoil the Countrey, murther those that favour not their proceedings, and at length by the conflux of the baser sort and malecontents so increase their numbers, that it was not to make head against them with small Forces. And although this plague reigned more in Norforlkshire than any where* 1.216 else, yet had it so spred its contagion over the most part of the Kingdom, that it was scarce any where sincere and free from in∣fection. For the Counties of Kent, Oxford, Surrey, Buckingham, Essex, Cambridge, York, Lincoln, but especially Devon and Somerset were imbroiled in these tumults. In Norfolk only had twenty thousand assembled, who now confident of their strength; did no more talk of Inclosures, but stretched their complaints to a higher strain; as that, The free-born Commonalty was oppressed by a small number of Gentry, who glut themselves with pleasure, whiles the poor Commons wasted with daily labour do like pack-horses live in extreme slavery. But howsoewer the calamities incident to this present life may with a constant patience be endured, the Saul is to be redeemed even with a thousand deaths. Holy Rites established by antiquity, are

abolished, new ones are authorized, and a new form of Religion obtru∣ded. [ 1549] To other evils death gives an end; but if they suffer their Souls to be contaminated and polluted by this kind of impiety, what thing is there that can equal them in miseries, to whom the end of these present ones is but the beginning of some more horrid, namely of the pains infer∣nal, which no death can ever terminate. Why then should they not go to the Court, and appoint the King yet in his minority new Counsellors, removing those who now ruling as they list, confound things sacred and prophane, regarding nothing else but the enriching of themselves with the publick Treasure, that they may riot it amid the publick calamities?

This was the common complaint and resolution, especially of the Devonshire Rebels, who having among them made choice of their Chieftains, did endeavour to unite themselves with the rest of their fellow Rebels. But to keep them from joyning, Forces are dispatched, some into Norfolk, some into Devonshire. For Norfolk are designed only fifteen hundred under the conduct of the Marquis of Northampton, who for a time bravely defended that spacious but weak City Norwich against the insolent Clowns. But his small Troops being much diminished by the loss of the Lord Sheffeild and some others, he was at last fain to quit the City to the Enemy, who after spoil barbarously set it on fire, and con∣sumed a great part of the edifices. This ill success drave the Lords of the Council to a more serious apprehension of the danger, who thereupon sent the Earl of Warwick with more competent Forces, who (as he was an excellent Commander) not only forced the Rebels to relinquish the City, but also pressed them so hard in their retreat, that he compelled them to fight. They seeing a necessity of battel imposed, placed all their Captives (for the most part Gentlemen) manacled and chained together, in front, that they alone might bear the fury of the onset, and dull both the swords and courages of the Royalists. But their loyalty was not so ill recompenced, as to suffer for it, scarce any of them falling by the sword. The Rebels were nevertheless over∣thrown, and all either taken or slain except a very few, who rallying themselves, seemed desperately resolved to renew the fight. But the proposal of a Pardon made them cast away their Arms, and peaceably to depart. The number of the chief authors of this Commotion, who were hanged, was great. But Robert Ket a Tanner, who in those times, and by that trade had gathered a fortune of a brace of thousands, was above all as in Fault, so in Execution remarkable. He had been the Chiestain in this Rebellion, and was not in reason to be obscured among the com∣mon sort: Wherefore it being thought fit that he should surmount them in the glory of a more notorious punishment, he was fairly hanged in Chains on the very top of Norwich Castle.

While the Eastern parts of the Kingdom were thus possessed,* 1.217 the Western parts were not less tormented with the same Furies.

Devonshire and Cornwall with some additions out of Somersetshire, [ 1549] had on the same pretences armed fifteen thousand men, who after they had licentiously ransacked the Countrey, at length sate down before the famous City of Exceter. Forty days they besieged it, and were repulsed by the Inhabitants, though utterly destitute of warlike provision. On the sixth of August, John Lord Russel (after Earl of Bedford) entring the City with forces and munition, disassieged it, pursued the Rebels, slew some, took others, to the number of four thousand, whereof many were after executed; but especially Humfrey Arundell Captain of St. Michael's-Mount in Cornwall, a man of antient descent and sufficiently ample revenues: so that I cannot sufficiently wonder, what madness drave him to associate himself with this desperate and unruly rabble. With him were hanged Robert Bochin, Jo. Tomson, Roger Barret, Jo. Ul∣cocke, Will. Asa, James Norton, Jo. Baron, and Richard Benet Priests, and besides them, John and James Rosogan, Jo. Payne, Tho. Under∣hill, and Jo. Solman, all prime incendiaries and chief authors of this tumult. The City of Exceter in memory of this their deli∣very hath ever since with an anniversary solemnity kept the sixth of August holy. As for the other Counties infested with the re∣liques of this Rebellion, the evil being tempestively supprest be∣fore it spred it self, and the ringleaders punished, they were quickly reduced to their former temper.

Neither were our affairs more peaceable abroad than at home.* 1.218 For Henry King of France taking advantage of our domestick se∣dition, not regarding the League concluded between us and his Father, invaded Boloignois, where his success was such, that he was animated to greater attempts. He sets forth a Fleet for the taking in of the Isles of Jersey and Guarnsey the sole portions re∣maining to the English of the Duchy of Normandy. At these Isles the French are with great loss driven aboard their Ships. At the landing they lost a thousand men, and we very few. About Bouloigne, * 1.219 Mont-Lambert, Sellaque, and Ambleteul were lost. Sellaque was defended by two Ensigns: But having been battered by the Enemy, while we unwarily parley with Montmorency, was on the five and twentieth of August forced by them. At Ambleteul were six Ensigns of Foot, who for some days made good the place: But finding themselves unable long to hold out against so great forces, upon no other terms than grant of lives, yielded the Fort to the French. The loss of these places so daunted the Garrison at Blanconet, that having been scarce saluted by the Enemies Cannon, upon condition of life and goods they quitted the place. Neither was this the last important effect of our conceived ter∣rour; for the English at Mont-Lambert not so much as attending the coming of the Enemy, fired their lodgings, made their pro∣vision unuseful, and retreated to Guisnes. The Fort at the Tower of Ordre fortified both by nature and art, gave a period to this

years success; standing resolutely upon defence until the extremity [ 1549] of Winter forced the French to raise their siege.

The loss of these small pieces set the Protector in the wane of* 1.220 the vulgar opinion, and afforded sufficient matter for Envy to work on. Among the Lords of the Privy Council the most emi∣nent was the Earl of Warwick, a man of a vast spirit, which was the more enlarged by the contemplation of his great Acts performed both abroad and at home. He had long looked a squint upon Somerset's greatness, whom in a favourable esteem of himself he deemed far beneath him; and was withal perswaded, that could he but remove the Duke, due regards would cast the Protectorship on him. The consideration also of the Duke's nakedness (disarmed of that metalsom piece the Admiral)

— (En quo discordia Fratres Perduxit miseros) —

made his hopes present themselves in the more lively shapes. He seeks about for sufficient matter wherewith to charge the Duke, who could not be long ignorant of these practices against him. The Duke finding himself aimed at, but not well discerning whether the Earl intended a legal or military process against him, on the sixth of October, from Hampton-Court where the King then resided, sent Letters to the City of London, requiring from thence an aid of a thousand men, who should guard the King and him from the treacherous attempts of some ill affected Subjects. And in the mean time presseth in the adjacent Countrey; where having raised a reasonable company, he the same night carried away the King, attended by some of the Nobility and some of the Council, from thence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Windsor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 place, because fortified, more safe, and convenient for resistance. But the Earl had made a greater part of the Council, who accompanied him at London. To them he makes a formal complaint against the Protector, beseeching them, by their assistance to secure him from the Protector's malice, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him for his life. These Lords send a contre Letter to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, demanding aids of them for the delivery of the King our of the hands of his Enemy (for so they were pleased to term the Duke.) Then they send abroad Pro∣clamations, wherein they insert the chief heads of their accu∣sation; as that By sowing seeds of discord, the Duke had troubled that setled and peaceable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wherein King Henry had left this Kingdom;) and had been the chief cause that it had lately 〈◊〉〈◊〉 engaged in Civil Wars to the loss of many thousand lives: That many Forts conquered by Henry with hazard of his Person, were by the Duke's either cowardise or treachery regained by the Enemy: That he regarded not the advice of the rest of the Lords of the Council, and had plainly neglected King Henry's Instructions concerning the Government of

the Kingdoms of England and Ireland: That his chief studies, and [ 1549] wherein he was most seen, were to rake up Wealth, to maintain a Faction among the Nobility, and yet comply with both parties for his own advantages, to build stately Palaces far exceeding the proportion of a Subject, and that even in the very instant that the Estate did shrink under the burthen both of intestine and forein Wars.

The Duke certified of their proceedings, and seeing himself forsaken (for the Londoners being prepossessed, were so far from supplying him, that they at the same time afforded his Adversary five hundred, and the greatest part of the Nobility had by joyning with the Earl made their cause one) at last forsook himself also; and craving of the adverse party, that they would abstain from violence toward him, and proceed only according to the usual courses of Legal tryal; delivered the King to their tuition, and remitted himself to their disposal; by whom on the fourteenth of October he was committed to the Tower, together with Sir Michael* 1.221 Stanhop, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir John Thin, and some others.

On the tenth of November died Paul the Third, having sate* 1.222 Pope near about fifteen years. The Conclave of Cardinals con∣sulting about the election of a new Pope, began to have regard of Cardinal Pool, in whom the greatness of his Extract, his Vir∣tuous Life, Gravity, and admirable Learning, were very consi∣derable motives. The Conclave was at that time divided, some were Imperialists; some French, and a third Part (whereof the Cardinal Farnese was principal) stood Neuter. These later at length joyning with the Imperialists, cast their unanimous Votes upon Pool: Who* 1.223 upon notice of his Election, blamed them for their rashness, ad∣vising them again and again, that they should not in their Con∣sultations be misled by perturbation of mind, or do any thing for friendship or favour, but totally to direct their cogitations to the honour of God and the profit of his Church.

Pool himself having thus put off the matter, the French Car∣dinals began to alledge, That in regard of the difficulties of ways and distance of places, many of the Colledge were yet absent, and that there was no reason why they should with such precipitation proceed to a partial Election before the Conclave were full. The Cardinal Caraffa (who some years after was Pope, by the name of Paul the Fourth) a wayward old man, whose cold spirits were set on fire by Envy and Ambition, sought to make use of Pool's Modesty to his own advantage, hoping himself as eminent and in as fair a way as any of the Colledge (Pool excepted) might be advanced to the Chair, and to lessen the favour of the Conclave towards Pool, he betook himself to calumnies, accusing Pool of suspition of Heresie and Incontinency, that In Germany and his Legacy at Trent, he had too much favoured the Lutherans, had often entertained Immanuel Tremellius, had enrolled Antonio Flaminio suspected of Lutheranism, in his Family, and promoted him to many

Ecclesiastical Dignities; and in his Legacy at Viterbo used not that [ 1549] severity against that sort of men, that was requisite. Neither could that composed gravity so free him from the taint of looseness, but that many were of opinion he had cloistered a Virgin of his own begetting: That he wondred what the Conclave meant, with so impetuous a cur∣rent to proceed to the Election of this one man, and he a Foreiner: As if Italy it self were so barren of deserving men, that we must be fain to send for this man out of Britain, almost the farthest part of the known World, to invest him in the Papacy; whereof what would be the effect, but that the Emperour, at whose devotion this man wholly was, might once again make himself Master of Rome, now by indul∣gence, as before by force.

To these allegations Pool's reply was such, that he not only cleared himself, but also quickned the almost extinguished de∣sires of the Conclave to elect him. The major part whereof assembling at his Chamber by night, wished Ludovico Priulo the Cardinal's bosom-friend (between whom the correspondence of of their dispositions had bred a mutual affection) to awake him, for that having Elected him, they were purposely come (an ac∣customed ceremony) to Adore him, and dissolve the Conclave. Priulo having signified to him with testimonies of excessive joy, the intent of these Cardinals, was gently blamed by him, and they dismissed with this answer, That a matter of so great conse∣quence (carrying with it so great a burthen, that it would deterr an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man from the acceptation of it) was not to be tumultuously, but upon mature deliberation orderly to be transacted: as for the season, it was utterly unfit, for asmuch as God was the God of Light, and not of Darkness: they should therefore do well to deferr it until the next day, and if then their resolutions proved the same, he would sub∣mit himself to their pleasures. The Italian Cardinals conceiving these delays to proceed out of stupidity, began to contemn him; and changing their determinations, a little after pitched upon Cardinal Montanus, whom they created Pope, by the name of Julius the Third.

ANNO DOM. 1550. REG. 4.

THe Duke of Somerset having now for three months conti∣nued [ 1550] a prisoner, and not convicted of any crime which might touch his life; it being not thought fitting that so great a man, lately Protector of the King's Person and Realm, should for a small offence be condemned to perpetual imprisonment; is under-hand dealt with to submit himself, with acknowledgement that he had deserved this or whatsoever greater punishment the King should be pleased to inflict on him, and withal to implore the favour of his Majesty's Royal Clemency. To this he easily

condescended, and was on the sixth of February set a liberty, [ 1550] but not restored to the dignity of Protector, only contenting himself with the rank of a Privy Counsellor. But it being con∣ceived,* 1.224 that revenge might draw the Duke to new practices, by mediation of Friends he is reconciled to the Earl of Warwick, and that this atonement might be the more firm and sincere, the Duke's Daughter is on the third of June married to the Viscount Lisle the Earl of Warwick's Son, the King gracing the Nuptials with his presence. Thuanus (I know not upon what grounds) writeth, That the Earl by a kind of counterfeit shew that he was desirous of the restitution of the Romish Religion, had setled himself in the good opinion of the vulgar, who had not yet learned to renew themselves by casting off the old skin, but reverenced Superstition for its reputed Antiquity: and that his dissimulation being discovered, fearing lest he should be forsaken of them whom he had with false hopes deluded, the conside∣ration thereof, and of the Duke's mild and free disposition, would endear his Adversary to them: to prevent this dan∣ger he contrived this alliance with the Duke, and procured his liberty.

In the mean of these passages, on the nineteenth of January the Lord Russel Lord Privy Seal, was created Earl of Bedford, William Lord Saint-John Earl of Wiltshire, and Sir William Paget Lord Paget.

The Earl of Bedford and the Lord Paget were within three days* 1.225 after with Sir William Peters and Sir John Mason dispatched into France for the Treaty of a Peace with the Deputies appointed by the French, who were Montmorency Governour of Picardy, Gasper Coligny Lord of Chastillon afterward Admiral of France, Andrew Gillar Mortair and William Boucherelle. The Lord Paget not long before had been sent to the Emperour to signifie how we were distressed on the one side by the Scots, and on the other by the French, and miserably rent at home by intestine dissentions, that our necessities required speedy succours, or would force us to con∣descend to an inconvenient Peace with France. But perceiving nothing was to be obtained of him, we strook hands with the French upon these conditions.

That Boloigne and all the Forts in Boloignois should be surren∣dred to the French, together with the Artillery and other military provision:

That in lieu thereof the King of France should pay unto Edward four hundred thousand Crowns by equal portions, at two payments:

That the English should restore to the Scots, Lauder and Douglas; and (if the Queen of Scots should desire it) should rase their Fortifi∣cations in Haymon and at Roxburgh.

The Emperour was on both sides comprehended in the League, and the Queen of Scots by the French. The two Kings presented

each other with their Military Orders; and (as one writeth) it [ 1550] was on both parts agreed on, that Edward should marry one of the Daughters of France. For the ratification of the Articles, on the eighth of April Hostages were given:

By Us,

• The Duke of Suffolk,
• The Earl of Hertford Son to the Duke of Somerset,
• The Earl of Arundel,
• The Earl of Derby,
• The Earl of Bath.

By the French,

• John of Bourbon Duke of Anguien,
• Glaud of Lorain Marquis of Mayenne,
• Francis Son to the Constable Montmorency,
• Lewis of Tremoville,
• Francis of Vendosme Vidame of Chartres,
• ...Claud d'Annebalt.

This Peace between us and France was on the third of March solemnly Proclaimed in London, and on the five and twentieth of April, Bouloigne being accordingly furrendred to the French, our Hostages were returned.

On the thirtieth of July died the Lord Wriothsley Knight of the Garter, late Lord Chancellour of England and Earl of Southampton. He had about the beginning of this King's Reign delivered up the Seal, the Custody whereof was committed to the Lord Rich. But having been about half a year past removed (as was also the Earl of Arundel, but for what cause is uncertain) from the Council Table, he at length (whether out of Grief or some other cause) fell sick and died. He was Father to Henry the second Earl, and Grandfather to Henry the third Earl of Southampton not long since deceased, who having tasted of both fortunes, did heretofore as generously behave himself in adversity, as he did since moderately in prosperity, whereto by the Clemency of our late Sovereign he was restored.

ANNO DOM. 1551. REG. 5.

MEntion hath formerly been made concerning the Sweating [ 1551] Sickness, a disease to which England hath given a name, as well in regard of its original, as of the known disposition of* 1.226 our Bodies to admit of this virulent contagion. England had been formerly afflicted with it, but never so mortally as this present

year. Shrewsbury was now the first place acquainted with this [ 1551] Pestilence, there it began in April, and thence diffusing it self over the most part of the Kingdom, at length it vanished away in the North about the beginning of October. The fury of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such, as if it would never end but by its proper cruelty, when it should not have left subjects whereon to feed. The dead whom it swept away were numberless. In London only eight hundred was scarce a seven-nights stint. It made its first entry into this Island in the Reign of Henry the Seventh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1486, and from hence it took its progress into other Nations. The Infected flowed away, and within the space of twenty four hours when this malignant disease was most merciful in its execution, peradventure within twelve, did sweat out their Souls. Women, children, and old men it for the most part over-passed, and wreaked it self on the robustious youth and well compact middle age, who, if in the beginning of their sickness did but slumber, perished in∣stantly. If it seised on any that were full gorged, the recovery was in a manner desperate. Nay and of others whatsoever they were, scarce one of a hundred escaped, until time had found out a remedy; the manner whereof was thus: If any be taken in the day time, he must without shifting of his apparel betake himself to bed: If by night and in bed, let him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thence, until twenty four hours be run. In the mean let the cover∣ture be such, that it provoke not sweat, but that it may gently distil of it self: if it be possible for him so long to forbear, let him not eat nor drink more than may moderately serve to extin∣guish thirst: But above all, let him so patiently endure hear, that he uncover not any part of his body, no not so much as a hand or a foot. The strangeness of this disease I do not so much admire; for that Pliny in his twenty sixth Book the first Chapter witnesseth, and daily experience teacheth us, that every Age produceth new and Epidemical diseases. But that which sur∣passeth the search of humane reason is this, that this Pestilence afflicted the English in what part of the World soever, without touching the Natives, but in England alone. This dire conta∣gion promiscuously impoverisht the Land of people of all sorts: among those of especial note were Henry Duke of Suffolk, and his* 1.227 Brother, who were the Sons of Charles Brandon, the King's Cou∣sins germane, young Gentlemen of great and lively hopes: by the death of Henry, the Duchy was for some few hours devolved to the younger Brother, who had the unhappy honour but to be seised of the Title and die. The Lord Gray Marquis of Dorset having married Frances the eldest Daughter of Charles Brandon, in the right of his Wife made claim to the Duchy, and was on the eleventh of October invested in it. At what time also John Dudley* 1.228 Earl of Warwick was created Duke of Northumberland; William Fowlet Earl of Wiltshire, Marquis of Winchester; and Sir William

Herbert Lord Cardif Master of the Horse, Earl of Pembroke. The [ 1551] masculine Line of Dudley and Gray hath been long since extinct: Of the Family of the Powlets we have spoken already. The Lord* 1.229 Herbert Brother-in-Law to Queen Catharine Parr, derived himself from William Herbert in the time of Edward the Fourth Earl of Pembroke, and was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Earldom by his Son Henry Father to william the modern Earl (whose mature wisdom and gravity even in his greener years, long since ranked him in the sage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Privy Council to two successive Kings) and to Philip by King James created Earl of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Then also were knighted Sir John 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King's Schoolmaster, Sir Henry Dudley, Sir Henry Novill, and (whom I cannot mention but with due honour) Sir William Cecill. Cecill I say, who then Secretary of Estate, was afterward by all Europe held in admiration for his wisdom; whom Queen Elizabeth made Lord Treasurer of England and Baron of Burleigh, and was whilest he lived a second prop of this Estate; who on the fourth of August 1598 piously ended his long, but for the publick weals sake ever restless life, leaving two Sons, Thomas by King James created Earl of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Robert out of the same Fountain of Royal Goodness 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Lord Treasurer of England.

And now the ill cemented affections of the Dukes of Somerset* 1.230 and Northumberland dissolved into open enmity. In the prose∣cution whereof, Somerset, otherwise of a most mild disposition (but Patience abused oft runneth into the extreme of Fury) provoked by continual injuries, resolved (as some write) to murther Nor∣thumberland. To this end, but under colour of a visit, privily armed, and well attended by Seconds who awaited him in an outer Chamber, he comes to his Adversary at that time by reason of some indisposition of Body keeping his Chamber, hath access unto him naked as he was in his Bed, but is so courteously entertained, and with such smooth language, that the Duke of Somerset good man repenting himself of his Bloody Resolutions, would not Execute what he purposely came for. At his depar∣ture one of his Conspirators is reported to have asked him, Whe∣ther he had done the Feat? and upon his denial to have added, Then you are undone. This his intent being by his own Party bewrayed, a second Accusation is engrossed against him. The matter is reforred to the Council Table, and he on the sixteenth of October again committed to the Tower together with the Duchess his Wife, the Lord Gray of wilton, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Thomas Falmer, Sir William Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir Thomas Arundelt, and many other of his Friends.

On the first of December the Marquis of Winchester being sot that day High Steward, he is Arraigned for Treason against the Estate, which he had not only ill but treacherously managed; and for Conspiracy against the Duke of Northumberland. Of

Treason he cleared himself, and his Peers acquitted him. For [ 1551] the Conspiracy he was by his own Confession condemned, and that by virtue of a Law Enacted 3 Hen. 7. which made the very Intent, nay Imagination of Killing a Privy Counsellour punishable by Death. But howsoever the Law (Enacted as some conceive upon somewhat differing intents and meaning) were extended to the highest of its rigour, yet can I not but wonder, how a man so great in the regards of his Reigning Nephew, of his Honours, of the Popular Favour, should be so destitute of Learned Advice, as not to exempt himself from a Felonious Death by his Clergy. But such were the Times, such his Misfortunes in the minority of his Prince; from whose revengeful Hand how could the adverse Faction presume themselves secure in the future? Neither could they choose but be somewhat terrified with that Ecchoing Testimony of the Peoples Joy, who seeing that fatal Virge the Ax (usually marshalling Traytors to the Bar) laid aside upon his freedom from the guilt of Treason; from Westmin∣ster Hall certified that part of the City by their loud festival Acclamations, of the gladsom tidings of their Favourite's con∣ceived Absolution. And these peradventure might be causes that his Execution was deferred.

Hitherto had the Estate patiently endured the obstinate Oppo∣sition* 1.231 of some Bishops in point of Reformation, who for their Non-conformity are at length deprived, and others substituted in their Bishopricks. Of some of them we have occasionally already spoken, whose Censures notwithstanding fall in with this Year. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester was deprived the fourteenth of Fe∣bruary; Day of Chichester, and Heath of Worcester on the tenth of October; Tonstall of Duresm on the twentieth of December commit∣ted to the Tower; and Boner of London on the first of October 1549 had been already exautorated. All of them for fear of practising against the Estate were deteined in Prison.

And on the last of October Francis Inglefield, Walgrave, and Re∣chester* 1.232 Servants to the Lady Mary, as also Francis Mallet Doctor of Divinity her Chaplain, were committed. I cannot speak any thing certain of the causes of any of their Imprisonments, excepting Doctor Mallet's only. At the Emperour's request he was permitted to celebrate Mass, but with this limitation, In the presence of the Lady Mary, not otherwise: for adventuring to Celebrate in her absence, it was thought fit he should be punished for his presumptuous Transgression. With the Lady her self all means had been used to conform her to the Times: the King him∣self had taken much pains with her by often suasory Letters, the Council had done the like, and personally to satisfie her with Reason, divers Learned men had been employed. But their la∣bours were vain; for hatred to our Religion for her Mothers, for her own sake, and some politick respects (for by the Decrees

of our Religion she was made Illegitimate, and consequently cut [ 1551] off from the Succession to the Crown, if he Brother should die Issueless) confirmed her in that Superstition which she had sucked from her Mother.

On the fourteenth of April one George Paris a German was at* 1.233 London burned for Arrianism.

On the five and twentieth of May, Croydon and seven or eight* 1.234 other Villages in Surrey were terribly shaken with an Earth∣quake.

Toward the beginning of November, Mary Dowager of Scot∣land* 1.235 arriving at Portsmouth, sent to the King and craved leave to pass through England into Scotland. Which being granted, and she invited to London, entred the City on the second of November, where her Entertainment was general and Royal. On the sixth of November she departed for Scotland, and had the Charges of her whole Retinue born until she arrived there in safety.

About the same time also the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget* 1.236 were (but for what causes is uncertain) committed to the Tower. In the ensuing April the Garter was taken from the Lord Paget, and conferred on the Earl of Warwick the Duke of Northumberland's eldest Son. As for the Earl of Arundel he was on the third of December in the next year set at liberty.

On the one and twentieth of December was the Lord Rich re∣moved* 1.237 from the Chancellorship, and Thomas Goodrich Bishop of Ely made Lord Chancellor.

ANNO DOM. 1552. REG. 6.

THe Duke of Somerset had now continued two Months in [ 1552] Prison since his Condemnation. At length the violence of* 1.238 his Enemies (notwithstanding the King's desire to save his Uncle, under whose Tuition he had passed his Childhood) drew him to the Scaffold. Being on the twenty fourth of January brought to the place of Execution, he in this manner bespake the As∣sembly:

Being by the Law condemned, I here willingly submit my self, by exemplary punishment to satisfie its Rigour. That God hath been pleased to grant me so long a Preparative to my End, I humbly thank his Eternal Goodness: But in that he hath been farther pleased to in∣spire me with the Knowledge of his Truth, and to make me an Instru∣ment for the propagation of the same, I can never sufficiently magnifie his Mercies. In this do I rejoice, in this only do I triumph: be∣seeching him, that his Church in this Realm being now reformed according to the Institution of the antient Primitive, the Members thereof may conform their lives to the purity of its received Doctrine.

More he would have said, but a strange tumult and sudden [ 1552] consternation of the Assembly mterrupted him. The People pos∣sessed with a Panick terror, as it were with an unanimous consent cryed out, Fly quickly, fly: insomuch that of that infinite multi∣tude which the expectation of the Duke's death had drawn toge∣ther, as many as well could seeking to shift for themselves, many are troden to death, and others in the throng as unfortunately 〈◊〉〈◊〉; the rest amazedly expect their own destruction, when their own fears were the greatest danger. The cause of their fears no man could certainly speak: one said he heard a terrible crack of Thunder; another the noise of a Troop of Horse: and some over credulous, according to the sway of their Affections; joy∣fully affirmed that Messengers were come with a Pardon for the Duke. But certain Halberdiers appointed to guard the Duke to the Scaffold; but coming tardy, and crying to their Fellows Away, away, were more probably the occasion of this Tumult. The true meaning of this amphibological word, which com∣mandeth haste to and from, being mistaken, and withall a com∣pany of Armed men bending themselves (as was supposed) against the multitude, filled all with terrour and confusion. The af∣frighted People being at length with much ado pacified; the Duke intreating them for a while to contain themselves, that he might with a more setled mind depart out of this World; by Prayer commended his Soul to God, and then suffered with admi∣rable constancy, neither by voice, gesture, nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shew∣ing himself any way dejected or moved at the apprehension of Death; unless peradventure you might take this for a token of fear, that when he covered his Eyes with his Handkerchief, his Cheeks had a little more tincture of red than usual.

That his Death was generally lamented is manifest. Many there were who kept Handkerchiefs dipped in his Blood, as so many sacred Relicks. Among the rest a spriteful Dame two years after, when the Duke of Northumberland was led Captive through the City for his opposition against Queen Mary, ran to him in the streets, and shaking out her bloody Handkerchief before him, Behold (said she) the Blood of that worthy man, that good Uncle of that excellent King, which shed by thy treacherous machination, now at this instant begins to revenge it self upon thee. And Sir Ralph Vane, who on the twenty sixth of February was with Sir Miles Partridge hanged at the same place where the Duke had suffered, at what time also Sir Michael Stanhop and Sir Thomas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were there beheaded; going to his Execution said, that His Blood would make Northumberland's Pillow uneasie to him, These four Knights being to be Executed, did each of them take God to witness, that they never practised any thing against the King nor any of his Council.

To return to the Duke, such was his End. As for his Life, he was a pious just man, very zealous in point of Reformation,

very solicitous of the King's safety, every way good, and careful [ 1552] of the Weal publick, only a little tainted with the Epidemick of those times, who thought it Religion to reform the Church, as well in its exuberancy of Means, as of superstitious Ceremonies, whereof not a few of our Cathedrals to this day complain.

Many Prodigies ensued his death, whereby many did presage the Calamities of succeeding times. In August six Dolphins (a Fish seldom seen in our Seas) were taken in the Thames, three near Quinborough, and three a little above Greenwich, where the Water is scarce tainted with the Seas brackishness. On the seventh day of October were three Whales cast up at Gravesend. And on the third of August at Middleton in Oxfordshire was born a Monster,* 1.239 such, as few either Naturalists or Historians write of the like. It had two Heads and two Bodies as far as the Navil distinct, where they were so conjoined that they both had but one way of egestion, and their Heads looking always contrary ways. The Legs and Thighs of the one did always ly at the trunk of the other. This (Female) Monster lived eighteen days, and might have longer peradventure, if it had not been so often opened to satisfie curiosity, that it took cold and died.

This year the Monastery of the Franciscan Friers in London was converted into a brave Hospital, wherein four hundred poor Boys are maintained, and have education befitting free-born men. It is at this day called Christ-Church.

In Southwark also was another like place provided for the relief of Poor sick persons, and is dedicated to the memory of St. Thomas.

ANNO DOM. 1553. REG. 7.

THis year sets a period to young Edward's Reign, who by the [ 1553] defluxion of a sharp Rheum upon the Lungs shortly after be∣came hectical, and died of a Consumption. Some attribute the* 1.240 cause of his sickness to Grief for the death of his Uncles; some to Poison, and that by a Nosegay of sweet Flowers presented him as a great dainty on New-years-day. But what hopeful Prince was there ever (almost) immaturely taken away, but Poison or some other treachery was imputed? Our deluded hopes being converted into grief, out of passion we bely Fate. Had there been the least suspition of any such inhumane practice, Queen Mary would never have suffered it to have passed as an act of indifferency without an in∣quest. It was doubtless a posthumous rumour purposely raised to make the Great ones of that Reign distastful to the succeeding times. Howsoever it were, the Nobility understanding by the Physicians, that the King's estate was desperate, began every one to project his own ends. The Duke of Northumberland as he was more potent than rest, so did his ambition fly higher. It was somewhat

strange, that being not any way able to pretend but a shadow of [ 1553] Right to the Crown, he should dream of confirming the Succes∣sion of it in his Family. But he shall soar so high, that he shall singe his Wings, and fall no less dangerously than he whom the Poets feign to have aspired to a like unlawful Government. As for the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth, two obstacles to be removed, he doubted not by reasons drawn from their questionable Births to exclude them. The next regard must be of the Daughters of Henry the Seventh. But of the Queen of Scots (who was Niece to Margaret the eldest Daughter of Henry the Seventh) he was little solicitous: For by reason of our continual Enmity with the Scots, and thence inveterate Hatred, he imagined that any shew of Reason would put her by, especially she being contracted to the French, whose insolent Government he was confident the English would never brook. In the next place consideration is to be had of Lady Frances Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suf∣folk by Mary Dowager of France the second Daughter of Henry the Seventh, who, her two Brothers then alive, had been mar∣ried to Henry Gray Marquis of Dorset. The two Brothers (as before) dying of the late mortality, the Marquis is in the right of his Wife created Duke of Suffolk; and this was another stop to his Ambition. For the removal whereof he intends this course: He imparts his designs to the Duke of Suffolk, and desires that a Match may be concluded between the Lord Guilford Dudley his fourth Son, and Lady Jane Grey the Duke of Suffolk's eldest Daughter. And because, if only right of Inheritance should be pretended, the Duchess of Suffolk were in reason to be preferred before her Daughter; he undertakes to perswade the King not only to disinherit his Sisters by Will and Testament, but also by the same to declare the Lady Jane his next and immediate Suc∣cessour. Suffolk biting at this bait, they complot by drawing the chiefest of the Nobility, to contract Affinity either with the one or the other to procure the general assent of them all. So on the same day that Lady Jane under an unhappy Planet was married to Lord Guilford, the Duke of Suffolk's two youngest Daughters are married, Catharine to Lord Henry eldest Son to the Earl of Pembroke, and crouch-backed Mary to Martin Keyes Groom Porter. Northumberland's eldest Daughter also named Catharine was married to the Lord Hastings eldest Son to the Earl of Hun∣tington. These Marriages were in June Solemnized at London, the King at that time extremely languishing.

Having thus brought these things to a desired pass, nothing now remained but to act his part with the weak King. To Him he inculcates, In what danger the estate of the Church would be, if He dying, provision were not first made of a pious Successour, and such a one as should maintain the now established Religion. How the Lady Mary stood affected was well known. Of the Lady Elizabeth

there might be peradventure better hopes. But their causes were so [ 1553] strongly connexed, that either both must be excluded, or the Lady Mary be admitted. That is was the part of a Religious and Good Prince to set apart all respects of Blood, where God's Glory and the Subject's weal might be endangered. They that should do otherwise, were after this Life (which is short) to expect Revenge at God's dreadful Tribunal, where they are to undergo the tryal either of eter∣nal Life or eternal Death. That the Duke of Suffolk, had three Daughters nearest to him in degrees of Blood; they were such as their Virtues and Birth did commend, and from whom the violation of Reli∣gion, or the danger of a Forein yoak by any Match was not to be feared, for asmuch as their Education had been Religious, they had as it were with their Milk suckt in the Spiritual food of true Christian Doctrine, and were also matched to Husbands as zealous of the Truth as them∣selves; He could wish and would advise, that these might be succes∣sively called to the Crown, but with this caution, That they should maintain the now established Religion. And although Lady Jane the eldest of the three were married to his Son; he would be content that they should be bound by Oath to perform whatsoever his Majesty should decree: For he had not so much regard to his own as the general good.

These Reasons so prevailed with the young King, that he* 1.241 made his Will, and therein as much as in him lay, excluded both his Sisters from the Succession to the Crown, and all thers whatsoever, beside the Duke of Suffolk's Daughters. This Will was read in presence of the Council and chief Judges of the Realm, and by each of them confirmed, with a strict com∣mand that no man should publish the contents of it, lest it might prove an occasion of Sedition and Civil Tumults. The Arch∣bishop Cranmer did for a while refuse to subscribe to it, not deeming it any way agreeable to equity, that the right of lawful Succession should upon any pretences be violated: But the King urging him, and making Religion a motive, which was other∣wise likely to suffer, after a long disceptation he was at length drawn to assent. But these delays of his were so little regarded by Queen Mary, that under her scarce any man was sooner marked out for destruction. Some few days after these passages, on the sixth of July in the sixteenth year of his age King Edward* 1.242 at Greenwich surrendred his Soul to God, having under his Tutors reigned six years, five months, and nineteen days, and even in that tender age given great proof of his Virtue; a Prince of great Devotion, Constancy of Mind, Love of the Truth, and incredibly Studious; Virtues which with Royal Greatness seldom concur. Some three hours before his Death, not thinking any one had been present to over-hear him, he thus commended himself to God:

O Lord God, free me I beseech thee out of this miserable and [ 1553] calamitous life, and receive me among the number of thine Elect, if so be it be thy pleasure: although not mine but thy Will be done. To* 1.243 thee O Lord do I commend my Spirit. Thou knowest O Lord how happy I shall be, may I live with thee in Heaven: yet would I might live and be well for thine Elects sake, that I might faithfully serve thee. O Lord God, bless thy People, and save thine Inheritance. O Lord God, save thy People of England, defend this Kingdom from Popery, and preserve thy true Religion in it, that I and my People may bless thy most Holy Name for thy Son Jesus Christ.

Then opening his Eyes, which he had hitherto closed, and see∣ing Doctor Owen the Physician (from whose report we have this Prayer) sitting by, Are you there? (quoth he) I had not thought you had been so near: who answered, I heard you speak, but could not collect your words: Indeed (replied the King) I was making my Prayer to God. A little after, he suddenly cryed out, I faint, Lord have mercy upon me, and receive my Soul: which words he had scarce spoken ere he departed. Much might be spoken in praise of this Prince, but regardful of my intended brevity, I will only give you a tast of him out of Cardan, who about a year before travel∣ling* 1.244 through England toward Scotland, was admitted to his pre∣sence. The conference between them he thus describeth. Ad∣erant illi (speaking of the King) Gratiae; Linguas enim multas callebat Puer, &c. He was stored with Graces; for being yet a Child he spake many Languages, his native English, Latin, French, and as I hear, was also skilled in the Greek, Italian, Spanish, and peradventure some others. He wanted neither the rudiments of Logick, the prin∣ciples of Philosophy, nor Musick: He was full of Humanity the relish of Morality, of Gravity befitting Royalty, of hopes great as himself: A Child of so great Wit and such Expectation could not be born, without a kind of Miracle in Nature. I write not this Rhetorically with the excess of an Hyperbole; for to speak all the truth were to speak far more. Being yet but in his fifteenth year, he spake Latin as readily and politely as I could. What (faith he) is the subject of your Books De Rerum Varietate? (I had dedicated them to his Majesty) Card. In the first Chapter I shew the long hidden and vainly sought after causes of Comets. King. And what is the cause? Card. The concourse and meeting of the lights of the erratick Stars. King. But being the Planets are moved with several motions, how comes it to pass, that the Comet doth not either presently dissolve and scatter, or move with their motion? Card. It moves indeed, but with a far swifter motion than the Planets, by reason of the diversity of the aspect, as we see in Crystal and the Sun when a Rainbow rebound upon a Wall, for a little change makes a great difference of the place. King. But how can that be done without a subject? for the Wall is the subject to the Rainbow. Card. As in the Galaxia or Milky-way, and in the refle∣ction of lights when many Candles lighted are set near one another, they

do produce a certain lucid and bright mean. You may know the Lion [ 1553] by his paw, as they say. For his ingenuous nature and sweet conditions he was great in the expectation of all either good or learned men. He began to favour Learning before he could know it, and knew it before he knew what use to make of it. O how true is that saying,

Immodicis brevis est aetas, & rara senectus:

Immoderate growths short liv'd are, aged seld.

He could give you only a tast of his Virtue, not an example. When occasion required a Majestick gravity, you should see him act an old man; in his affability and mildness he shewed his age. He plaid on the Lute, accustomed himself to publick affairs, was liberally disposed, &c. So much Cardan. His Corps was on the ninth of August with no very great pomp interred at Westminster near to his Grandfather Henry the Seventh.

And here had I with this King's death concluded this Second Part, had not the consideration of a memorable Enterprize of this King's occurred. To Sebastian Cabota a Portugueze, for his admi∣rable skill in Cosmography and the Art of Navigation, he allowed an Annuity of an hundred sixty six Pounds. Edward by this Ca∣bota's perswasion on the twelfth of May set forth three Ships under Sir Hugh Willoughby for the discovery of unknown Regions in the North parts of the World. The main hope of this Voyage was, that way to open a shorter passage to those vast Countries of the East, Cathay and China. Near upon the Coast of Norway these Ships were so severed by Tempest, that they never met again. One of these great Ships terrified with the greatness of irresistable dangers, quickly returned home. Sir Hugh Willoughby arrived at last at a Countrey under the Latitude of seventy four degrees, not inhabited, hitherto to us unknown, and was forced to winter there, where he and all his Company were frozen to death. The* 1.245 Ship was afterward found by some the like English Adventurers, and in his Desk a writing relating the Adventures of each day, his Will also, by which it appeared that he lived until January. Richard Chanceller with the third Ship making a more prosperous Voyage, after many dangers and incertainties arrived at last among the Russes and Muscovites. To these parts some few years after he made a second Voyage; but in his return suffered wreck on the Scottish Coast, where seeking to save the Muscovite Am∣bassador,* 1.246 he himself was drowned. Howsoever he were unfor∣tunate, he opened a rich Vein of Traffick to succeeding times, whereby we have an exact discovery of that Countrey, and of the Manners of those Heathen Christians.

FINIS.

ANNALS OF ENGLAND.

QUEEN MARY.

The Third Book.

LONDON,

Printed for Thomas Basset, John Wright, and Richard Chiswel.

M. DC. LXXV.

ANNALS OF ENGLAND.

BOOK III.

QUEEN MARY.

ANNO DOM. 1553. REG. 1.

WHen the Lady Mary, long since acquainted with [ 1553] Northumberland's secret practices, was also certified of her Brother's decease; not thinking it safe to abide near London, where her Ene∣mies were in their full strength; pretending a fear of the Plague by reason of the suspitious death of one of her Houshold, she suddenly departed from St. Edmundsbury, and came in* 1.247 one day to Framingham Castle in Suffolk, distant from London fourscore miles, and seated near the Sea, from whence if Fortune frowned on her, she might make an easie escape into France. Here she took upon her the Title of Queen, and by Letters to her Friends, and the Nobles, wished their speedy repair unto Her.

In the mean time Northumberland having for two days together consulted with his Friends concerning the managing of this great business, the King's death being not yet published, sent com∣mand to the Lord Mayor of London, to repair forthwith to Green∣wich with six Aldermen, and twelve other Citizens of chiefest account. To them he declares the King's departure, and the seating of Lady Jane in the Throne of Sovereignty, shewing withal the King's Testament under Seal, which did import no less than the setling the Succession on her and that Family:

He causeth them either by terrour or promises to swear Allegiance [ 1553] to Lady Jane, with command, and that under a great penalty, that they should not as yet divulge these secret passages. What a furtherance it might be to his Affairs if he could assure himself of this City, he was too wise to be ignorant of: And as for suppressing the report of the King's death; he thought it might prove a means to facilitate the surprisal of the Lady Mary, as yet probably secure for lack of notice of her Brother's decease. But understanding that she had made an escape into Suffolk, Lady Jane was by almost all the Peers of the Realm pompously con∣ducted* 1.248 to the Tower, and with great Solemnity publickly pro∣claimed Queen. She was of age about sixteen, of feature not admirable but handsom, incredibly learned, very quick-witted, and wise both beyond her Sex and above her Age, wonderfully devoted to purity of Doctrine, and so far from desire of this Advancement, that she began not to act her part of Royalty without Tears, manifesting it to the World, that she was forced by her Parents and Friends ambition to this high but dangerous Ascent. At her going through the City toward the Tower, the Concourse of the People was great, their Acclamations few, as if the strangeness of some new Spectacle had drawn them to∣gether, rather than any intent of Gratulation. Which Queen Maries (for so we must henceforth call her). Friends hitherto distrustful more of Success than the Cause, accepted of as an happy omen, and were encouraged to assist her as occasion should invite them. But the presence of Northumberland a man quick, watchful, and very politick, was yet a remora to their Pro∣ceedings: Him they must send farther off, or be content to sit still.

The same day that Lady Jane entred the Tower Letters sent from Queen Mary are read openly at the Council Table, wherein she commands the Lords to repair to her, as being the next in Succession to the Crown, and that they at last should take ex∣ample from the general Votes of the Kingdom, she being now every where acknowledged the lawful Sovereign. And indeed the Norfolk and Suffolk men were become hers; and the wiser sort did easily discern, that the affections of the People were hers. Where∣fore it was thought at first expedient speedily to levy an Army, and that, while yet the Hearts of the People were free from any Impression, and their Minds yet equally poised in the Ballance of Irresolution, were either way to be swayed: By this course they might be peradventure too strong for the Queen, and preventing her Plea by Arms, force her to plead more necessarily for her Life. And an Army was raised, whereof the Duke of Suffolk was ap∣pointed General.

But the fautors of Maries Cause, whose main Project was to remove that grand obstacle the Duke of Northumberland, slily

insinuating themselves with Lady Jane, perswaded her not to [ 1553] part with her Father, but to dispatch Northumberland for this Employment, the very terrour of whose Name (his late Victory over the Norfolk Rebels being yet fresh in memory) would effect more, than the other could either by Policy or Arms: And indeed to whose trust could a Daughter be better committed than to her Father's? As for the City, the Faith and wonted Wisdom of the Council now with her, would contain it in Obedience, and work it to her best Advantages. She poor Lady swayed with these Reasons, earnestly beseeched Northumberland himself to un∣dergo* 1.249 this Burthen, who at length though unwillingly con∣sented. His chief fear was, lest the advantage of his Absence might encourage opposite Practisers to raise some Tumults: But finding either excuses or absolute denials no way available, he prepares himself for this Expedition, and on the the thirteenth of July sets forth from London, with an Army of six thousand. At his departure it is reported he should say to the Lord Gray of Wilton who then accompanied him, Do you see (my Lord) what a conflux of People here is drawn together to see us march? And yet of all this multitude, you hear not so much as one that wisheth us Success. The Londoners stood very well affected in point of Religion, so did also for the most part the Suffolk and the Norfolk men, and they knew Mary to be absolute for Popery. But the English are in their due respects to their Prince so loyally constant, that no regards, no not pretext of Religion, can alienate their Affections from their lawful Sovereign, whereof the miserable case of Lady Jane will anon give a memorable Example. For although her Faction had laid a strong Foundation, and as may appear by the premisses; had most artificially raised their Superstructure; yet as soon as the true and undoubted Heir did but manifest her Resolution to vindicate her Right, this accurate Pile presently fell, and dis∣solved as it were in the twinkling of an Eye, and that chiefly by their endeavour, of whom for their Religions sake Lady Jane might have presumed her self assured. Neither were the People made any thing the more inclinable by publickly impugning Queen Maries Right in the Pulpit, a course wherein Northum∣berland engaged many a Preacher. Nay, even in the City of London, that learned and godly Prelate Nicholas Ridley upon the deprivation of Boner consecrated Bishop of London (who I wish had not erred in this matter) was scarce heard out with patience. As for Queen Mary, if that Rule of the Civilians be not true, that * 1.250 Matrimony contracted without any conceived Impediment, al∣though it after chance to be dissolved as unlawful, is of such force, that the Children begotten in such Wedlock are to be accounted lawful: Yet why they should seek to exclude the Lady Elizabeth, I cannot but wonder, neither can I think that any probable reason therefore could be yielded by them, who deemed Queen Mary Illegitimate.

To let pass also in the mean time Mary Queen of Scots, to whom [ 1553] without doubt, the Issue of Henry the Eighth being extinct, the Crown properly belonged. Whatsoever the Reasons urged by these Preachers were, they were so far from making any impres∣sion in the minds of the People, that they every where flocked abundantly to Queen Mary: and this not out of a vulgar levity, many of the Nobility and other prime men having followed her Party even from the beginning; such were the Earls of Bath and Sussex, the Heirs of the Lords Wharton and Mordant, Sir William Drury, Sir John Shelton, Sir Henry Bedingfeild, Sir Henry Jerne∣gam, Sulierd, Freston, and others. But above all Sir Edward Ha∣stings Brother to the Earl of Huntingdon was most famous, who having Commission from the Duke of Northumberland to raise four thousand Foot, after he had levied them, revolted to Queen Mary: For which act she afterward created him Baron of Lowbo∣rough, honouring also Sir John Williams with another Barony, as a reward of his faithful Service. And Serjeant Morgan not coming short of these in his devoir, became afterward one of the chief Judges of the Realm.

But an unexpected Accident did most advantage Queen Maries Affairs. Six Ships had Northumberland set forth on that part of the Kingdom, where it is confined with the German Ocean, that he might intercept the Queen, if she sought to make an escape, and to have them ready for all occasions. These Ships were then by Tempest driven in at Yarmouth, when in the Town there was a Press of Souldiers for the Queen. The Mariners and Souldiers induced partly by threats, partly by intreaty, yield the Ships to Sir Henry Jernegam for Queen Maries use, and associate them∣selves with the new raised Companies. This was to her a matter of great consequence, and that such she deemed it, her joy well testified. And now encouraged with these accessions of Men, Ordnance, and Munition, she feared not Northumberland, and resolved not so much her own defence, as the speedy suppression of her Competitrix.

The Lords who had hitherto adhered to Lady Jane were some∣what terrified with this adverse accident. And the Queens Friends living at Court who had reserved themselves for oppor∣tunity, and were as yet concealed, were now so emboldened as to reveal themselves to each other, desiring nothing more than that being set at liberty (for yet the Tower was the Court) they might but gain entrance into the City, that they might more freely discover themselves. But they must either make the way, or be content to pray only for her, whom they could not other∣wise advantage. It happened that Northumberland had written for more Aids. At his setting forth he was, besides his four Sons, accompanied with the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Hun∣tingdon, the Lord Gray, and many other persons of note; and had

when he came to Cambridge an Army consisting of eight thou∣sand [ 1553] Foot and two thousand Horse. Removing thence toward St. Edmondsbury, he found that many of his Souldiers had forsaken their Colours, and was wonderfully jealous lest of the remainder many would do the like. Wherefore returning to Cambridge, he plied the Lords of the Council with continual demands of supplies to fill his Companies grown thin by the departure of so many* 1.251 fugitives. The Lords that favoured Maries Cause laying hold on this occasion, obsequiously tendring their Services for the furtherance of the Duke's designs, decree speedy Aids for him; but pretend, that it were dangerous to employ any other in these Levies, than such of whose Loyalty they might rest assured, lest the like Treachery might be committed as had been already by Sir Edward Hastings; and proffer themselves for the execution of this Affair. So by the Duke of Suffolk his permission they all let loose as it were out of Prison, disperse themselves over the City. The chiefest of them that were resolved for the Queen, were the Marquis of Winchester Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Arundell (whom after a years Imprisonment with the Lord Paget, the Duke of Northumberland had lately set at liberty) and Sir Thomas Cheyney Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. By the in∣dustry of these, as many of the Lords of the Council as were within call (excepting the Duke of Suffolk) and as many other of the Nobility as were known to be at least not Enemies to Queen Maries Cause, had a meeting at Baynards-Castle, under pretence of conference with the French Ambassador Lavall, about I know not what important business: But indeed to consult of a mean how to reduce Lady Jane to her first original of a Private fortune. There Henry Earl of Arundell bitterly inveighing against the Duke of Northumberland, after he had ripped up the Acts of former times, and burthened him with all that had been done unjustly, cruelly, or amiss in the Reign of King Edward; he at last comes to that treacherous act of the Disherison of the Children of Henry the Eighth, professing that He wondred how he had so enthralled such Personages (intimating those Nobles present) as to make them Instruments of his Wickedness: For by their consent and suffrages it came to pass, that the Duke of Suffolk's Daughter, the same Northumberland's Daughter-in-Law, did now personate a Queen, the gross and power of Sovereignty remaining indeed with Northum∣berland, that he might freely wreak his Tyranny on their Lives and Fortunes. Religion is indeed the thing pretended: But suppose we have no regard to these Apostolical Rules, Evil must not be done that good may come thereof, and We must obey even evil Princes not for fear, but for conscience sake; yet how doth it appear that Mary intends any alteration in Religion? Certainly having been lately Pe∣titioned unto in this point by the Suffolk men, she gave them (and that was true) a very hopeful answer. And what a mad blindness

it is, for the avoidance of an uncertain Danger, to precipitate our [ 1553] selves into most certain Destruction? I would we had not erred in this kind. But Errours past cannot be recalled, some may peradventure be amended, wherein speedy execution of times happily supplieth former defects. Recollect your selves then, and so make use of your Authority, that Mary the undoubtedly lawful Heir may be publickly Proclaimed. After he had spoken to this purpose, the Earl of Pembroke readily* 1.252 and generously professed that he subscribed to the Earl of Arun∣dell's motion, and grasping his Sword, signified his Resolution to maintain the Right of Mary against all Opposers. The rest take after them, and decree the same. So commanding the repair of the Lord Mayor and the rest of the Aldermen, they in Cheapside proclaim Lady Mary Queen, with addition also of the Title of Supreme Head of the Church. And to add more majesty to their act by some devout Solemnity, they go in Procession to Pauls singing that admirable Hymn of those holy Fathers St. Ambrose and St. Augustine, commonly known by its first words, Te Deum. Then they dispatcht away some Companies to seize on the Tower,* 1.253 and command the Duke of Suffolk to render himself. The Duke as easily dejected at the news, as he had formerly been elevated by vain hope, entring his Daughters Chamber, forbad the far∣ther use of Royal Ceremonies, wishing her to be content with her return to a Private fortune. Whereto she answered with a setled countenance: Sir, I better brook this message, than my forced advancement to Royalty; out of obedience to you and my Mother I have grievously sinned, and offered violence to my self: Now I do willingly, and as obeying the motions of my Soul, relinquish the Crown, and endeavour to salve those faults committed by others, if at least so great an errour may be salved by a willing relinquishment and inge∣nuous acknowledgement. Having spoken thus much, she retired into a withdrawing-room, more troubled at the Danger she had incurred, than the defeasance of so great hopes. The Duke himself presently repaired to the rest of the Council, and subscri∣bed to their Decree. This Proclamation was on the nineteenth of July published, and entertained with such Acclamations, that no part of it could be heard, after the first mention of Queen Maries Name. The Earl of Arundell and the Lord Paget having thus ordered this weighty Affair, accompanied with thirty Horse, rid post that night unto the Queen, to certifie her of the gladsom tidings of her Subjects loyal intentions.

In the mean time the Lords of the Council certifie Northumber∣land* 1.254 of these Passages, commanding him withal to subscribe to the Decree, and dismiss his Army. But he out of the Presage of his own Fortune had before the receipt of their Letters pro∣claimed her Queen at Cambridge, where in a counterfeit joy he threw up his Cap with the sincerer multitude. Then he ca∣shiered the rest of his wavering Companies, and almost all the

Lords, who had hitherto followed him, with a Legal Revolt [ 1553] passing over to the Queen, and making Northumberland the sole author and cause of these disloyal Distractions, were upon their Submission pardoned.

Lady Jane, having as on a Stage for ten days only personated a Queen, was committed to safe custody, and the Ladies who had hitherto attended her, were commanded each to their homes. The Duke of Northumberland was by the Queens command ap∣prehended by the Earl of Arundell, and committed to the Tower. The manner of his taking is reported to have been thus: After so many checks uncertain what course to take, resolved to flie, but not knowing whether, the Pensioners (who with their Captain Sir John Gates had followed him in this Expedition) while he was pulling on his Boots seised on him, saying, that It was fit they should excuse themselves from the imputation of Trea∣son by his testimony. The Duke withstanding them, and the matter being likely to grow to blows, at the very instant came those Letters from the Council, which commanded them all to lay aside their Arms, and peaceably to repair to their homes. These Letters took up the matter, and set the Duke at liberty, which notwithstanding lasted not long. For the next morning,* 1.255 as he was ready to take Horse, the Earl of Arundell intercepted him, and with him apprehended the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Warwick Northumberland's eldest Son, and two others younger Lord Ambrose and Lord Henry Dudley, Sir Andrew Dudley the Duke's Brother, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir John Gates, his Brother Henry Gates and Doctor Edwin Sands, who on the five and twen∣tieth of July were brought to London, and presently committed to the Tower. The Earl of Huntingdon was, not long after, set at liberty, but his Son was presently. Sir John Gates, whom Northum∣berland accused to have been the contriver of all this mischief, and Sir Thomas Palmer were after Executed. The Earl of Warwick died in Prison. The Lords Ambrose and Henry Dudley were Par∣doned. Henry was afterward slain with a shot at the Siege of St. Quintin; but Ambrose finding Fortune more propitious, out∣lived Mary, and by Queen Elizabeth created Earl of Warwick, long flourished in the happiness of her Favour. Sir Andrew Dudley after his Condemnation was also Pardoned. Doctor Sands being then Vicechancellour of the University of Cambridge had by Nor∣thumberland's command in the Pulpit publickly impugned Queen Maries Cause, and defended that of Lady Jane; but with that Wisdom and Moderation, although upon the short warning of some few hours, that he abundantly satisfied the Duke, and yet did not so deeply incur the displeasure of the adverse part, but that his Friends prevailed with the Queen for his Pardon. So that after a years Imprisonment he was set at liberty, and pre∣sently fled over into Germany: After the death of Queen Mary

returning from his voluntary Exile, he was Consecrated Bishop [ 1553] of Worcester, from which See he was translated to London, and thence again to the Archbishoprick of York: A man for his Learning, Virtue, Wisdom, and Extract very famous, but most especially happy in his Issue, whereof many were admirable for their Endowments both internal and external, and of whom we have in our Age seen three honoured with Knighthood.

On the six and twentieth of July, the Marquis of Northampton (afterward Condemned, and Pardoned) Doctor Ridley Bishop of London, (who two years after was Burned at Oxford) and beside many others, Lord Robert Dudley that great Earl of Leicester under Queen Elizabeth, were brought to the Tower. On the seven and twentieth, the Duke of Suffolk (to whom the Queen with admi∣rable Clemency within four days restored his liberty) Sir John Cheeke King Edward's Schoolmaster, Sir Roger Cholmley Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and Sir Edmond Mountague Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, were committed to the same place, who were all on the third of September set at liberty.

On the thirtieth of July the Lady Elizabeth accompanied by a great train of Nobles, Knights, Gentlemen and Ladies (to the number of five hundred, some say a thousand) set forward from the Strand through London, and so to Wansted, towards the Queen to congratulate her happy Success in vindicating her Right to the Crown. Who on the third of August having dismissed her Army (which had not yet exceeded the number of thirteen thousand)* 1.256 attended by all the Nobility made a triumphant entrance through London to the Tower, where the Duke of Norfolk, Edward Courtney Son to the Marquis of Exceter Beheaded in the year 1538, Gardiner late Bishop of Winchester, and Anne Duchess of Somerset presen∣ted themselves on their Knees, and Gardiner in the name of them all spake a congratulatory Oration, which ended, the Queen courteously raised them, and kissing each of them said, These are all my own Prisoners, and gave order for their present discharge. Edward Courtney she restored to his Father's honours, making him Marquis of Exceter. As for Gardiner, she not only reseated him in the Bishoprick of Winchester, but also on the three and twentieth of August made him Lord Chancellour of England, notwithstand∣ing* 1.257 that he had not only Subscribed to the Divorce from Catharine the Queens Mother, but had Published Books, wherein he had defended King Henry's proceedings.

On the fifth of August, Boner and Tonstall who had been formerly* 1.258 deprived of their Bishopricks, the one of London, the other of Duresm, and shortly after Day of Chichester, and Heath of Worcester were enlarged and restored to their Bishopricks, the present In∣cumbents being without due process of Law ejected.

On the tenth of August, were celebrated the Exequies of King* 1.259 Edward, Day Bishop of Chichester Preaching, executing in English,

and administring the Sacrament according to the manner and [ 1553] form received in the Reign of Edward. For as yet nothing had been determined concerning any change in point of Religion. So that when Bourn a Canon of Pauls (afterward Bishop of Bath and Wells) Preaching at the Cross did inveigh against the Reformation in King Edward's time, and did in upbraiding manner argue the Injustice of those times, which condemned Bonor to perpetual Imprisonment for matter delivered by him in that place that time four year, who was now by a more just Clemency restored to his Liberty and Dignity: The People 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Protestant Religion, could hardly abstain from stoning him, and one of them aiming a Poinyard at him, missed him very narrowly: The affections of the Assembly may by this be conceived, that during the Reign of Queen Mary, the Author of this bold attempt, not∣withstanding the diligence of earnest Inquisitors, could never be discovered. The uproar increasing, and divers pressing toward the Pulpit, Bourn protected by two Protestant Preachers (Brad∣ford and Rogers, who were greatly Reverenced by the People, and afterward Burned for their Religion) was with great difficulty conveyed to the School at Pauls.

And now at length on the eighteenth of August, the Duke of* 1.260 Norfolk sitting as High Steward of England, were the Duke of Northumberland, his Son the Earl of Warwick, and the Marquis of Northampton Arraigned at Westminster: where the Duke of Northumberland pleading, that he had done nothing but by au∣thority of the Council, his Plea being not admitted for suffi∣cient, he was condemned of High Treason. The Sentence being pronounced, he craved the favour of such a Death as was usually executed on Noblemen, and not the other: He beseeched also, that a favourable regard might be had of his Children, in respect of their age: Thirdly, that he might be permitted to confer with some learned Divine for the setling of his Conscience: And lastly, that her Majesty would be pleased to send unto him four of her Council for the discovery of some things, which might concern the Estate. The Marquis of Northampton pleaded to his Indictment, that after the beginning of these Tumults he had forborn the Execution of any Publick Office, and that all that while, inteht to Hunting and other sports, he did not partake in the Conspiracy: But it being manifest, that he was party with the Duke of Northumberland, Sentence passed on him like∣wise. The Earl of Warwick finding that the Judges in so great a Cause admitted not excuse of Age, with great resolution heard his Condemnation pronounced, craving only this favour, that, whereas the Goods of those who were condemned for Treason, are totally Confifcated, yet her Majesty would be pleased, that out of them his Debts might be discharged. After this, they were all again returned to the Tower. The next day Sir Andrew Dadley,

Sir John Gates (who was thought in Northumberland's favour to [ 1553] have projected the Adoption of Lady Jane) Sir Henry Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer were likewise condemned. On the two and twentieth of the same month, the Duke with the rest (having* 1.261 two days before received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper) were conducted to the place of Execution: Where Northumber∣land (saith that excellent Historiographer, thuanas) by the per∣swasion of Nicholas Heath (afterward Bishop of York) making his own Funeral Oration to the People, acknowledged himself guilty, and craving pardon for his unseasonable Ambition, ad∣monished the Assembly, That they should embrace the Religion of their Forefathers rejecting that of later date, which had occasioned all the Miseries of the 'fore-passed thirty years: And for prevention for the future, if they desired to present their Souls unspotted to God, and were truly affected to their Countrey, they should expel those Trumpets of Sedition, the Preachers of the Reformed Religion. As for himself, whatsoever he might pretend, his Conscience was fraught with the Religion of his Fathers, and for testimony hereof he appealed to his great Friend the Bishop of Winchester: but being blinded with Ambition, he had been contented to make wrack of his Conscience by temporizing, for which he professed himself sincerely repentant, and acknowledged the desert of his death. Having spoken thus much, he craved the charitable Devotions of the Assembly, and commending his Soul to God, prepared his Body for the stroke of Ax. This Recan∣tation did variously affect the minds of the multitude, who won∣dred that he should at last Apostatize from that Religion which he had for sixteen years professed, and in favour whereof chiefly, he perswaded King Edward to endeavour the exclusion of his Sisters from their lawful Succession. Some write, that being desirous of life, he did it craftily out of hope of impunity: but that hope being frustrated, to have repented it afterwards. He was su∣spected (neither were the presumptions small) to have administred a Poisonous potion to King Edward: but in his Indictment there was no mention of it, and that the rather, for that the Judges had authority only to inflict Punishment on him for his Conspi∣racy against the Queen. At the same time and place were also Executed Sir John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer.

Many Bishops also, who were thought to have been too too* 1.262 opinionate in point of Religion, were sent for to London, and there Imprisoned, viz. Hooper of Glocester, Farrar of St. Davies (who were both crowned with Martyrdom) and Coverdale of Exceter, who at the request of Christiern the Third King of Den∣mark was Pardoned. But the Clergy of what rank soever, who would not forsake their Wives, or were invested in Livings, whereof any one had been for defence of Popery deprived, or that would not by Oath promise the defence of the Romish Reli∣gion, were generally forced to relinquish their Benefices.

Peter Martyr was then Professor at Oxford, who presently upon [ 1554] the Death of King Edward, was confined to his House. But after* 1.263 some time his Friends so far prevailed, that he might come to London, where he betook himself to his Patron the Archbishop of Canterbury. But he could not prove a Sanctuary to him. The Archbishop himself began now to totter. The Queen, beside that she was wholly swayed by Gardiner, who extremely hated him, had resolved to wreak her self on him for the Divorce of her Mother.

— Manet alta mente repostum Judicium latum, spretaeque injuria Matris.

It is reported, that King Henry having determined to punish his Daughter the Lady Mary with Imprisonment for her Contumacy, was by the sole intercession of Cranmer diverted from his Reso∣lutions: And when she was by her Brother King Edward to be disinherited, the Archbishop made a long suasory Oration to the contrary; neither could he be induced to subscribe to the Decree, until the Judges of the Realm generally affirming, that it might lawfully be done, the dying King with much importunity pre∣vailed with him. In ingrateful persons the conceit (I will not say the feeling) of one Injury makes deeper impression, than can the remembrance of a thousand real Benefits. It was now bruited, that with his Fortune Cranmer had also changed his Religion, insomuch that to gratifie the Queen, he had promised to Cele∣brate the Exequies of the deceased King after the Romish manner. To clear himself of this imputation, he by writing declares him∣self ready to maintain the Articles of Religion set forth by his means under King Edward his Reign, to be consonant to the Word of God and the Doctrine of the Apostles: in which Resolution he being confirmed by Peter Martyr, required him for his Second in this Religious Duel. But Words are not regarded, where Vio∣lence is intended. His Death was absolutely determined; but how it might be fairly contrived, was not yet resolved. First therefore they deal with him as a Traytor. And having for some while continued prisoner in the Tower, to alienate the minds of the People who held him in high esteem, he is on the thirteenth of November together with the Lords Ambrose and Guilford Dudley,* 1.264 and Lady Jane, condemned for Treason. But the machinators of this mischief against Cranmer were so ashamed of their shadow∣less endeavour, that they themselves became Intercessors for his Pardon, and yet afterwards most irreligiously procured him to be Burned for pretended Heresie. Before he was committed to Custody, his Friends perswaded him, after the example of some other of his religious Brethren, who had long since escaped into Germany, by flight to withdraw himself from assured destruction: To whom he answered; Were I accused of Theft, Parricide, or

some other crime, although I were innocent, I might peradventure be [ 1553] induced to shift for my self: But being questioned for my Allegiance not to men, but to God, the truth of whose holy Word is to be asserted against the errours of Popery; I have at this time, with a constancy befitting a Christian Prelate, resolved rather to leave my life, than the Kingdom. But we will now leave Cranmer in Prison, whose farther Troubles and Martyrdom we will in their due places re∣late. Concerning Peter Martyr, it was long controverted at the Council Table whether, having so much prejudiced the Catho∣lick Religion, it were fit he should be proceeded against as an Heretick. But it was at length determined, that because he came into England upon Publick Assurance, he should have liberty to depart with his Family. So having Letters of Pass signed by the Queen, he was transported with his Friend Bernardine Ochi∣nus, and came to Antwerp, from thence to Colen, at last to Stras∣burg, from whence he first set forth for England.

In the mean time on the first of October, the Queen was with great pomp Crowned at Westminster by Stephen Gardiner Bishop of* 1.265 Winchester, and that after the manner of her Ancestors.

On the fifth of the same month a Parliament is called at West∣minster, wherein all the Laws Enacted against the Pope and his adherents by Henry and Edward, were repealed. And in the Con∣vocation-House* 1.266 at the same time was a long and eager Dispu∣tation concerning the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, the Pro∣locutor Dr. Weston with many others maintaining Christ's Corporal real presence in the Sacrament: Among those few who sided with the Truth, were John Ailmer and Richard Cheyney (both by Queen Elizabeth made Bishops, the one of London, the other of Glocester) John Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, who confirmed this Doctrine with the Testimony of his Blood, James Haddon Dean of Exceter, and Walter Philips Dean of Rochester. At length the Truth was oppressed by Multitude not Reason. Whereupon the Restitution of Romish Rites is again concluded, and on the* 1.267 one and twentieth of December, Mass began to be celebrated throughout England.

The same day also the Marquis of Northampton and Sir Henry Gates not long since Condemned, were set at liberty and Pardoned: And the Lords Ambrose and Guilford Dudley with Lady Jane had their Imprisonment more at large, with hope of Pardon also.

ANNO DOM. 1554. REG. 1, & 2.

THe Queen, who was now Thirty seven years old, and [ 1554] hitherto thought averse from Marriage, either in regard of her own Natural inclination, or conscious to her self of the want* 1.268 of such Beauty as might endear a Husband to her; her Affairs

so requiring, began at length to bethink her of an Husband. She [ 1554] feared, lest the consideration of her Sexes imbecility might bring her into contempt with her People, she being yet scarce setled in her Throne, and the Kingdom still distracted in their Affections to several Competitors. Fame had destined three for her Bed, Philip Infant of Spain the Emperour's Son, Cardinal Pool, and the Marquis of Exceter. The two last were proposed for their Royal Descent, and the opinion of the Love of their Coun∣trey, there being hope, that under them the Freedom, and the Priviledges of the Kingdom might be preserved inviolate. But besides proximity of Blood in each of the three, Cardinal Pool was much affected by the Queen, for his gravity, sanctimony, meekness, and wisdom, Courtney for his flourishing youth, his courteous and pleasant disposition. But he I know not how, was somewhat suspected, not to think sincerely of the late esta∣blished Religion, but to have favoured the Reformed. And the Cardinal being now in his fiftieth and third year, was deemed a little too old to be a Father of Children. But their opinion prevailed, as more necessary, who thought this unsetled King∣dom would require a puissant King, who should be able to curb the factious Subject, and by Sea and Land oppose the French by the accrue of Scotland become too near Neighbours and Enemies to us. Upon these motives the ambitious Lady was easily in∣duced to consent to a match with Philip. For the Treaty whereof the Emperour had about the end of the last year, sent on a grand Embassage Lamoralle Count Egmond, with whom Charles Count Lalaine, and John Montmorency were joyned in Commis∣sion. In January the Ambassadors arrived at London, and in a few days conclude the Marriage, the Conditions whereof were these:

That Matrimony being contracted between Philip and Mary, it* 1.269 should be lawful for Philip to usurp the Titles of all the Kingdoms and Provinces belonging to his Wife, and should be joynt-Governour with her over those Kingdoms, the Priviledges and Customs thereof always preserved inviolate, and the full and free distribution of Bishopricks, Benesices, Favours, Offices always remaining entire to the Queen. That the Queen likewise should be assumed into the society of all the Realms, wherein Philip either then was, or should be afterward in∣vested. That if She survived Philip, sixty thousand Pounds per an∣num, should be assigned for her Joynture, as had been formerly as∣signed to Lady Margaret Sister to Edward the Fourth and Widow to Charles Duke of Burgoigne, whereof forty thousand should be raised out of Spain and Arragon, twenty thousand out of the Netherlands and the Provinces thereto belonging. And to prevent all future Jars and Contentions about the Division of the Inheritance of the Kingdoms and Provinces which either then were or afterward should be belonging to either, it is agreed, That the Issue begotten by this Marriage

should succeed in all the Queens Kingdoms and Dominions, and in all [ 1554] the Principalities of the Netherlands and Burgoigne, whereof the Emperour did stand possessed: That Charles the eldest Son to Philip by a former Marriage should likewise succeed in all the Kingdoms as well of his Father, as of his Grandmother, and his Grandfather the Emperour, both in Italy and Spain, and by reason thereof should stand obliged for the Payment of the 'fore-mentioned forty thousand Pounds. If by this Matrimony no other Issue shall be begotten than Female, the Eldest shall succeed in all the Provinces of the Netherlands, but with this Caution, that by the counsel and consent of her Brother Charles, she shall make choice of an Husband either out of England or the Ne∣therlands; if she marry from elsewhere without his consent, she shall be deprived of her right of Succession, and Charles be invested therein. But to her and her Sisters a convenient Dowry shall be assigned according to the Laws and Customs of the places. If it happen that Charles, or his Successours shall die without Issue; in that case the First-born by this Marriage, although it be a Female, shall succeed in all the King∣doms belonging to both these Princes, as well of the Netherlands, as of Spain, and in all the Principalities of Italy; and shall be bound to preserve inviolate all the Laws, Priviledges, Immunities 'and Customs of each Kingdom. Between the Emperour, Philip, and his Heirs, between the Queen, and her Children and Heirs, and between both their Realms and Dominions, constant Amity, Concord, a perpetual and inviolable League shall be continued. This League, Agreement, and Articles shall be renewed and confirmed at Westminster the two and fortieth year of this* 1.270 Seculum, and four years after on the six∣teenth of January at Utrecht.

As soon as the Decree concerning these Nuptial Compacts was divulged, many out of a restless disposition misliking the present times, but especially traducing the intent of this Accord, as if by it the Spaniard were to become absolute Lord of all, who should have the free managing of all Affairs, and abolishing our ancient Laws and Customs, would impose an intolerable yoak, as on a conquered Nation. This was the general conceit of this Action. But in private, every one according to their divers humours did mutter diversly: Some censuring the Queens actions, others complaining of the change of Religion contrary to her promise made to the Suffolk men: Some lamented the case of Lady Jane, who had been forcibly deposed, and cruelly con∣demned to an ill-deserved Death. Some were swayed by pity, some by the regard of Religion, but most by the fear of a Spanish Servitude: And others were by their own hopes and the desire of change animated to a Rebellion. A Chieftain only was wanting, which defect was quickly supplied by Sir Thomas Wyat a Knight* 1.271 of Kent. Who having communicated the matter with the Duke of Suffolk, Sir Peter Carow of Devonshire, and some others, con∣cluded that it would not be expedient to attempt any thing until

the arrival of Philip, that so they might not seem to have taken [ 1554] Arms to any other end, than to secure their Countrey from the Usurpation of a Forein Prince. So reserving themselves for op∣portunity, they disperse themselves into several places: Wyat into Kent a Countrey adjoyning to London, and disjoyned from Calais by a little fret of Sea; Sir Peter Carow into Devonshire, a part of England in the West opposite to the main of France; and the Duke of Suffolk withdrew himself to his Place in Warwickshire, situated in the very heart of the Realm. In these several places, they secretly furnish themselves with Arms, Money, and all sorts of Munition, and seek to draw others to partake in the Conspiracy. Sir Peter Carow, whether thrust on by his Fate, or thinking delay would prove dangerous, began secretly to levy some Forces in Cornwall, but the matter being sooner detected than was hoped, and he quickly oppressed, he presently took Ship, and fled into France, where he lurked some time, until at length being seem∣ingly reconciled to the King, he was taken at Brussels, and brought Captive into England. By what means he afterward made an escape I know not. But he flourished many years under Queen Elizabeth, and died at Rosse in Leinster a Province of Ireland in the year 1577, as appeareth by his Monument in the Cathedral Church at Exceter erected at the costs of his Nephew Peter, who was Brother to George, whom King James for his many Virtues not long since created a Baron.

With Sir Peter at the same time Sir John Cheeke, who had been* 1.272 King Edward's Tutour, was also taken, who came from Strasburg towards Brussels, and that not without Publick Licence, upon no other business, but to visit (as saith Fox) the Queens Agents there, or rather according to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to marry a Wife. Whatsoever were the cause of his Journey, certain it is that he was intercepted, on the way from Antwerp to Erussels unhorsed by some of the Queens Servants, and tied with Cords to a Cart, at last muffled, carried on shipboard, and conveyed to the Tower at London, not knowing all the way for what part of the World he was bound. There, having always in Conscience abhorred the Errours of Popery, he was forced to Abjure his Religion, for which he afterward became so repentant, that out of extremity of Grief he languished, and shortly died. These passages I do the more exactly describe, because there want not some, who relate, that both Sir Peter Carow and Sir John Cheeke for their Religion suffered at a Stake on on the thirteenth of June this present year.

But to return to Wiat; he perceiving that his intents were divulged, and that he had nothing to trust to, no refuge but Valour; incited the People in Kent to a Rebellion, and (as Rebels never want common pretexts to colour their actions) that,

Because the Queen relying too much upon the Advice of bad Counsel∣lors, bad lately done, and did daily endeavour many things prejudicial

to the Estate of the Realm: That therefore to prevent farther incon∣veniences, [ 1554] those Counsellors must be removed, and others substituted, who should so manage the Estate, as should answer the Trust reposed in such men, whose Loyalty should render them more careful of the Publick, than their Private Profit. But above all they must endeavour, that some means must be used to impeach this determined Match, by which he plainly foresaw 〈◊〉〈◊〉 free Realm would be oppressed with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Servitude; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a floud-gate would be opened to let in a perpetual 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Superstition. That the effects of their Arms would prove very profitable to the Queen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whose hap∣piness he should ever 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the general good of the Kingdom.

But howsoever he fed the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with specious words, the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at that time running the same course in Warwick∣shire, it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that their drift was to Depose Mary, and once more to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Captive Jane. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 By the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 twentieth of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Fame had 〈◊〉〈◊〉. London with the news of this Kentish Rebellion. For the repression whereof, the Duke of Norfolk was the same day 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with some small Forces, consisting for the most part of the Queens Guard, which were a little increased by the accession of five hundred Londoners, who were the next day sent down by Water to Gravesend, where the Duke expected them. With these he resolves to encounter Wiat, whom his madness had not yet car∣ried beyond Rochester, which (notwithstanding its weakness, being no way fortified) he intended to make good against the Duke, and had encamped within the ruines of the Castle.

Rochester is a City seated upon the River Medway, where falling into the Thames it is most violent, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and flowing like a Streight, and is made passable by an arched stone Bridge of ex∣cellent artifice. This Bridge had the Rebels seized, and planted on it some brass double Cannons, that they might debar the Duke (whom they understood by their Scouts to be upon march) of passage. But he nothing daunted with their proceedings sent a He∣rald to proclaim Pardon to such as forsaking Wiat, should return to their Obedience, resolving withal to force the Bridge and gain entrance into the City. The Herald executed his office, but with so submiss a voice, that he was heard by few (for indeed a Pistol held at his Breast so terrified him, that he was content for his own safety to yield to the Rebels so commanding) and was re∣turned with this answer, that they knew not themselves to be so far Delinquent, as that they should need any such Pardon. Only Sir George Harper faining a Revolt, made over toward the Duke of Norfolk, but indeed with intent to perswade Alexander Bret Captain of those five hundred Londoners, to partake in this* 1.273 Action of common Disloyalty. Which he performed so effe∣ctually, that Bret, whose Company made the Vauntguard, before he came so near the Bridge as to give an assault, suddenly

drawing his Sword turned about to his Souldiers, and thus be∣spake [ 1554] them:

Valiant Countrey-men, we now engage our selves in a Cause, which before we farther proceed, would require mature Deliberation. We march, but against whom? Are they not our Friends, our fellow∣natives, with whom we seek to make a deeper mixture of our Bloods? Have they not taken Arms for the preservation of the ancient glory of the English name, and to vindicate our common Liberties against the Insolencies of the cruel Spaniard? You whose degenerate Spirits can brook the indignities of Servitude, continue in God's name with your brave General, who without doubt will deserve the service of such Worthies: As for me (who had rather undergo many the most tortu∣ring Deaths, than betray my liberty to the Spaniard) I here (happy and prosperous may it prove) enrol my self under Wyat's Colours, and am confident that some of you out of Affection to your Countrey will follow my example.

He had scarce spoken thus much, when they all crying out a Wyat, a Wyat, turned the Cannon against their fellows, who followed in the Rere. Which unexpected Revolt so terrified the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Arundell, and Sir Henry Jernegam Captain of the Guard, who followed the Duke in this Expe∣dition, that they instantly betook themselves to flight. The remainder of that small Army prepared themselves according to the example of their Commanders, when Wyat with some Horse intercepted their flight, and seised on eight Brass Peeces with all the Duke's Munition: Then used he some perswasions to pervert their Loyalty, professing withal, that If any one would be an Instrument of his own Misery by assisting the Queen, he should have free licence to depart, desiring all such, that they would certifie all men, but especially her Majesty, that Wyat calling God and men to witness did protest, that he took not Arms any way to prejudice Her, but to maintain the Liberties of his Countrey inviolate against Forein Machinations. The five hundred Londoners, many of the Guard, and the greatest part of the headless Army forthwith joyn with Wyat, who now upon confidence of his Forces resolves to make speedily for London.

Whiles Wyat thus acts his part in Kent, the Duke of Suffolk,* 1.274 who with his Brothers Lord John and Lord Leonard Gray departed from London on the five and twentieth of January, did every where incite the People to take Arms against the Spaniard. But finding, that this Alarm took not, and knowing he had waded too far to hope for a second Pardon, he determined to endeavour an Escape by flight. But the Earl of Huntingdon sent by the Queen with three hundred Horse to take him, made him alter his reso∣lution. The Duke's Company consisted not of above fifty, with which small number in a Countrey that no way favoured his proceedings, to oppose the Earl were desperate madness, Therefore

distributing his Money amongst them, feigns a flight, adviseth [ 1554] his Brothers and the rest to disperse themselves, and having thus freed himself from the danger of obsequious Eyes, committed himself to the trust of one Underwood, whom he had formerly made his Ranger at Astley. But Benefits oblige not Ignoble minds, which either mercenary or timid, treacherously fail in their reposed Trust. Such did this man prove, who having promised for a while to shelter his Lord, until he should bethink himself of some other expedient course, either out of fear or hope of reward, betrayed him to the Earl of Huntingdon, by whom guarded with three hundred Horse he was brought to London, and on the ele∣venth of February committed to the Tower.

In the mean time the Queen jealous of the Londoners, especially since Bret's Revolt, on the first of February attended by most of the Nobility, came to Guildhall, where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries, to whom she spake after this manner:

Although We doubt not of your Loyalty, and so need not give an* 1.275 account of Our actions; yet having intelligence that many seduced by this Arch-traytor's gay Pretexts, do secretly favour his Designs; We have, to give satisfaction to all, condescended to this days meeting with the Infant of Spain is that forsooth, that must colour all his Vil∣lanies. But his Actions discover his deeper Practices. For having now some∣what increased his members, his madness hath so transported him beyond the distast of Our Match, that he now resolves on the custody of Our Person, and absolute power of removing, retaining, punishing of Our Council whom he list. In this great affair of Our Marriage, We have done nothing but by the advice of Our Peers. We have lived the greatest part of Our age, single. Neither do We now so long for a Husband, but that, if the Estates of Our Realm judge it convenient, We will continue Our Virgin estate. For, that I should seek to endan∣ger England, and to confound all things by an unfortunate Match, the love of Our Native soil, the long knowledge of Our Peaceable disposition, Our endeavours for your Good, will perswade you to the contrary. Persist therefore in your Loyal Resolutions, and assist Us in executing Our due Revenge on these Monsters of men, who conspire to take away the Head which was ordained to guide them, and to suffer with them: Neither are Our demands other than We may in reason expect from you, who so maturely, so unanimously admitted of Our Government, as deeming Us the Undoubted Successour to Our Royal Father and Brother.

Having thus confirmed the minds of the Citizens, she arms five hundred men (the greater part Strangers) to the choisest whereof she commits the defence of London-Bridge, and disposes of the rest throughout the City. Two days after to London comes Wyat with an Army of three (or four) thousand, full of hope, that having present admittance into the City, Success should crown his Actions, and that without either peril or pains. But

things answered not his expectation. For coming to the Bridge, [ 1554] he found it cut down, the Gates shut and made good against him by armed Troops, who disdainfully bid the Traytor avaunt. Nevertheless he continued two days in Southwark, hoping, that time and industry of secret Practisers might work some al∣teration.

But his hopes being here also frustrated, he turns his March for Kingston, there to gain passage over the Thames. But the woodden Bridge there was also broken, and the opposite Bank defended by two hundred men, whom the sight of two Peeces of Ordnance ready to be planted against them so terrified, that they left their station, and gave Wyat liberty to find out means to waft his Army. Having surmounted this difficulty, he once more resolves for that Queen of Cities, and reposing all the suc∣cess of this Adventure in celerity, without suffering his Souldiers to repose themselves, makes with a round march for London, where he hoped to arrive before day, and to surprise the secure Queen. But God is the Protector of Princes, who more especially are his Images and Lieutenants; so that the practices of Rebels and Tray∣tors against their lawful Sovereigns seldom prove successful. Wyat had (not improbably) been Master of his desires, had not God by an unexpected accident retarded him, or rather so blinded him, that by unnecessary delays he overslipped his opportunity. He was now within six miles of London, when the Carriages of one of his Brass Peeces being broken, the Peece became for the present unserviceable, because immovable. In remounting this Peece some hours were lost, notwithstanding their perswasions who advised him not to neglect more real Advantages, as indeed he did: for by this means he came short of the time prefixed by those Citizens who were fautors of his Cause. The consideration whereof made many despair of Success and relinquish him, so that his Army was quickly contracted to a smaller gross. Among the rest Sir George Harper partaker of all Wyat's Stratagems, that he might wipe away the stains of Rebellion and his dissembled Revolt by a loyal Treachery, posted away to the Queen, and revealed the whole series of Wyat's Projects. The Queen amazed at the ap∣prehension of this imminent danger, gives Commission to the Earl of Pembroke for the speedy raising of some Forces, and makes him General of the Field. Wyat hearing that the Earl of Pem∣broke was in Arms, betook himself to a slower march, lest he should be forced against these fresh Souldiers to oppose his pant∣ing weary ones. So by Noon he approached the Suburbs, and planting his Ordnance upon a Hill beyond St. James, left there the greatest part of his small Army to guard them. He himself with five Ensigns made towards Ludgate, and Cutbert Vaughan with two other Ensigns toward Westminster, leaving St. James on the left hand: wherein I believe his chief end was, that by

terrifying that part of the City, and consequently distracting the [ 1554] Queens Forces, Wyat might gain passage with less difficulty. At Charing-Cross Sir John Gage Lord Chamberlain, with part of the Guard and some other Souldiers made head against Wyat. But at length, either the Queen for fear of Vaughan so commanding, or not able to withstand the shock, with more than an orderly march he made toward the Court, and filled it with terrour and amazement. The Earl of Pembroke followed Wyat, still cutting him off behind: by which kind of fight Wyat, not turning head, lost many of his Soldiers. The rest of the Rebels couragiously marching up Fleetstreet, with joyful Acclamations cryed out, Queen Mary, Queen Mary, God save Queen Mary, who hath granted us our Pe∣titions, and Pardon. At length they came to Ludgate, and desired entrance; but by their feigned Acclamations they gained no∣thing but reproachful language. Whereupon they intend to return the same way, but are circumvented by the Earl of Pem∣broke's Horse. Then Clarencieux perswaded him to yield, and not beyond all his former madness, to surcharge himself with the Blood of so many valiant men. Wyat's Souldiers seemed de∣sperately bent to make their way, but his Courage was quailed. So he yielded to Sir Maurice Barkley, who mounting him behind* 1.276 him, carried him presently to the Court. Their Captain taken, the Souldiers make no resistance; some few of them escape by flight, but the greater part fill the Prisons of the City. These were the accidents of the sixth of February.

Having thus supprest the Faction, the punishment of the* 1.277 Conspirators is next in execution. The first that was reflected on (as for whose sake this Rebellion had been set on foot) was Lady Jane; who having been Condemned on the thirteenth of November, had her Execution hitherto deserred, not without hope of Pardon. But to take away all farther cause of Sedition, her Death is now absolutely determined. Whereupon Fecknam Dean of Pauls, afterward Abbot of Westminster, was sent unto her to admonish her to prepare for Death, and withal to perswade her to entertain the Romish Religion. This sad message so little moved her, that She professed her self bound in this to acknowledge God's infinite goodness: As for discussing matters of Controversie in Religion, her time was so short, that she could not dispense with the least loss of it; that little that was allotted her, she knew she might better spend in her Devotions to Heaven. Fecknam conceiving this answer to proceed from a desire of longer date of Life, prevails with the Queen for three days more; and returning to Lady Jane, certifies her what he had done; beseeching her to hearken unto him, and to reform her Opinion in point of Religion. To whom she answered with a smiling countenance; Alas Sir, it was not my desire that her Majesty should be troubled with the report of my words: For think not that I am touched with any desire of prolonging

my days: No, I am so far from it, that ever since your departure [ 1554] Life hath afflicted me with its tediousness; and as for Death, being wholly intent to the attaining of Life Eternal, I utterly despise it, and her Majesties pleasure being such, I willingly undergo it. Fecknam again reiterated his perswasions, that she would embrace the Religion of the Church of Rome: To whom her replies were such, that whosoever shall read the Conference between them, (for it was after published) cannot without amazement wonder, how so tender an age, especially the Sex considered, should be capable of such Constancy, Learning, Wisdom, Wit. Her Hus∣band Lord Guilford being first to suffer, desired leave to see her, converse with her, and take his last farewel: Whereto she would by no means consent, desiring him To omit this foment of Grief, rather than Comfort, in Death; for they should shortly behold each other more really united in a better place and more happy estate. Yet she unappalled saw him conducted to Tower-hill, and with the same setled spirit beheld his headless Trunk when it was returned to be interred in the Chappel of the Tower. The Death of this in∣nocent Lady, it was conceived, would not be without almost a general distaste. But to decline it as much as might be, it was thought good that she should not be publickly Beheaded; where∣fore there was a Scaffold erected within the Tower, whereon about an hour or two after her Husband, on the twelfth of Fe∣bruary she submitted her neck to the Ax. When she was con∣ducted from the place of her imprisonment to the place of her suffering, the Lieutenant of the Tower desired her to vouchsafe him something or other which might serve as a Monument to him, whereby to remember her; whereupon she demanded Writing∣Tables, and therein wrote three short Sentences in Greek, Latin, (in which Languages she was admirably skilled) and English, wherein she signified her Innocence; and although she confessed she had committed an Errour, which deserved Death, yet Igno∣rance might among men without prejudice to the Laws suffi∣ciently excuse it. At last saluting the People as she went, with a countenance setled and void of fear, and commending her self to their Prayers, she came to the place of Execution, leading 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Hand, whom she kindly embraced, saying, God I beseech him abundantly reward you for your Kindness toward me, al∣though I must needs say it was more unwelcome to me, than my instant Death is terrible. Then having to the Assembly in very modest language discoursed of her Action, she said,

I am condemned, not for having aspired to the Crown, but because I refused it not being offered; and shall serve for a memorable Exam∣ple to Posterity, that Innocence excuseth not great Misdeeds, if they any way tend to the destruction of the Weal publick; for he hath abun∣dantly plunged himself in Ill, whosoever even perforce hath become the Instrument of another's Ambition.

Having spoken thus much, and implored God's mercy, by the [ 1554] help of her Gentlewoman she first disrobed her self of her Gown, then her Attire, and vailing her Eyes with her Handkerchief, laid her Head on the Block, and exhorted the lingring Executio∣ner to the performance of his office, which he at length did, his action drawing tears from the Eyes of the Spectators, yea even of those, who from the very beginning were affected to Queen Maries Cause. This was the end of Jane, a Lady renowned for the greatness of her Birth, but far more for her Virtues and ex∣cellency of Wit, who swayed by the Ambition of her Father-in∣Law and imperious Mother, took on her that Fatal Title of a Queen; and being presently hurried from a Kingdom to a Scaf∣fold, suffered for the faults of others, having overcome all the frowns of adverse Fortune by Constancy and Innocence.

Much more just was that Execution which within three days after ensued. Twenty Gibbets as well for terrour of others as for present punishment, being erected in divers parts of the City, on the fourteenth and fifteenth of February fifty of the Kentish Rebels were hanged on them. On the eighteenth of the same month, Alexander Bret who drew those five hundred Londoners into a Revolt from the Duke of Norfolk, was with a multitude of others (whereof many were of the Gentry) sent into Kent, there to undergo exemplary punishment. On the twentieth of February, four hundred of the same Crew with Halters about their Necks, were presented before the Queen, all humble sup∣pliants on their Knees, whom the Queen pardoned, and com∣manded their present liberty.

On the three and twentieth of February, Henry Gray Duke of* 1.278 Suffolk Father to Lady Jane, having been Condemned on the seventeenth of the same month, was publickly Beheaded: A man whose facility to by-practices had occasioned all the Troubles wherewith this Reign had hitherto been distracted; whose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ingratitude (the Queen having once Pardoned him beyond ex∣pectation) diverted the current of the Queens clemency toward his Daughter, and brought him to a deserved end.

The next turn was Wyat's, and that on the eleventh of April.* 1.279 Who upon a kind of promise of Pardon, if he would detect the rest of the Conspirators, suborned (as is conceived) by some malevolent persons, among the rest traduced young Courtney, as that having been refused by Queen Mary, he aspired to marry the Lady Elizabeth, to depose the Queen, and so to reign as it were in the right of his Wife. This Accusation had procured their Commitment, the Lady Elizabeth's on the eighteenth of March, Courtney's on the twelfth of February. But Wyat finding himself deluded, and being toucht with the horridness of so treacherous an Accusation, going to the place of his Execution, desired the favour of a few words with the Marquess of Exceter, which

which was granted him. Of the Marquess he on his knees [ 1554] craved pardon for that irreparable Injury which he had done him, not out of Malice, but desire of Life. The Sheriffs of the City, with many others were then present, and after testified the cer∣tainty of this acknowledgement. But the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellour (who out of fear of change of Religion if Queen Mary dying, Elizabeth should come to the Crown, was content to lay hold on any occasion to cut her off) affirmed in the Star-Chamber, and thereto cited the testimony of the Lord Chandois, that Wyat a little before his Death exhorted the Marquess to acknowledge his Crime, and to submit himself to the Queens mercy. But what apparance of truth can there be in this, it being certain, that Wyat having ascended the fatal Scaffold, see∣ing the Instruments of Death before his Eyes, and having com∣posed himself for another World, did with sincere protestations and religious asseverations acquit the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney from being any the least way conscious to his pra∣ctices?

On the seven and twentieth of April, Lord Thomas Gray was* 1.280 Beheaded for having by perswasions as it were thrust on his irre∣solute Brother the Duke of Suffolk to partake with Wyat in his Seditious attempts.

On the sixteenth of May the Lady Elizabeth was removed from the Tower to Woodstock, and the Marquess of Exceter to Foderingay, the place only being altered, and nothing remitted of the strict∣ness of their Imprisonment.

About the same time that Reverend Cranmer yet Archbishop* 1.281 of Canterbury, Nicholas Ridley lately deprived of the Bishoprick of London, and Hugh Latimer who so long ago resigned his Bishoprick of Worcester, were removed from the Tower to Windsor, and thence to Oxford, there solemnly to Dispute with the Divines of both Universities concerning the Eucharist. Their usage was extreme almost beyond belief. Two days only were allotted them for their preparation; and those two days were they in straight cu∣stody in several either Dungeons or places little differing, debar∣red both the conference of any but their Gaoler, and the use of their own Papers and Books. In the Schools the behaviour to∣ward them was as barbarous as their usage had been tyrannical: Shouts and outcries were the chiefest Arguments, many opposing one, without Order, without Manners, without Modesty. On the fourteenth of April from the Prison they were brought to St. Maries, and commanded to Abjure; upon their refusal, a day is prefixed for publick Dispute: Cranmer's day was the sixteenth, Ridley's the seventeenth, Latimer's the eighteenth of April, each in their course to answer all Opponents; which each of them performed, and that so, that notwithstanding they were amazed with rude clamours, and distracted with variety of Opponents,

all urging and craving answer at the same time, although they [ 1554] were scoffed at, reviled, and over-born with multitude, yet did they force their Adversaries to admire them. Cranmer did learnedly, and according to the dignity wherein he so many years flourished, gravely; Ridley acutely and readily; Latimer with a pleasant tartness, and more solidly than could be expected of a man so near the age of fourscore. The Disputation ended, they are again on the twentieth of April brought to St. Maries, and demanded whether they would persist in their Opinions; upon their reply, that they would, they were declared Hereticks, and condemned to the Fire. Their Constancy was the more manifest by their* 1.282 contempt of Death. Latimer was scarce capable of the joy he conceived, that God was pleased he should end his long life (whereto Nature would shortly set a period) with so happy a clause. As for their Martyrdom, it falls in with the next Year, and thither we remit it.

Presently after those forepassed Tumults, the Queen sends forth Summons for a Parliament to begin the second of April. In this Parliament she proposeth two things, her Marriage and Subjection to Rome in matters Ecclesiastical; this last she could not for a while obtain, the other was assented unto upon conditions, That

Philip should not advance any to any publick Office or Dignity in* 1.283 England, but such as were Natives of England, and the Queens Subjects: He should admit of a set number of English in his Houshold, whom he should use respectively, and not suffer them to be injured by Foreiners: He should not transport the Queen out of England but at her intreaty, nor any of the Issue begotten by her, who should have their Education in the Realm, and should not be suffered but upon necessity or some good reasons, to go out of the Realm, nor then neither but with the consent of the English: The Queen deceasing without Children, Philip should not make any claim to the Kingdom, but should leave it freely to him, to whom of right it should belong: He should not change any thing in the Laws either publick or private, the Immunities and Customs of the Realm, but should be bound to confirm and keep them: He should not transport any Jewels, or any part of the Wardrobe, nor alienate any of the Revenues of the Crown: He should preserve our Shipping, Ordnance, and Munition, and keep the Castles, Forts, and Block-houses in good repair, and well manned: Lastly, that this Match should not any way derogate from the League lately concluded between the Queen and the King of France, but that the Peace between the English and the French should remain firm and inviolate: Only it should be lawful for Philip out of other Kingdoms and Dominions be∣longing to his Father the Emperour, to send Aids unto him, either for propelling Injuries, or taking revenge for any already received.

All things being thus transacted, and no further impediment* 1.284 interposing between these Princes; Philip setting sail from the

Groin on the sixteenth of July, with a good Southern gale within [ 1554] three days arrived at Southampton with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty Sail, whereof twenty were English, and other twenty Flemings. Having rested himself there the space of three days attended by a great company of the English and Spanish Nobility, on the four and twentieth of July being a very wet day he came to the Queen at Winchester. The Feast-day of St. James (the Tute∣lary Saint of Spain) was destined for the Nuptials, which were* 1.285 Celebrated at Winchester with great pomp. There Don Juan Fi∣gueroa for the Emperour resigned the Kingdoms of Naples and and Sicily, and conferred all his right thereto on Philip; and the Heralds proclaimed their Titles in Latin, French, and English. About the beginning of August these two Princes came to Basing, and thence to Windsor, where the King was installed Knight of the Garter. On the eleventh of August they came to London, where the Citizens received them with most magnificent So∣lemnity.

On the eleventh of November another Parliament began at* 1.286 Westminster; about the beginning whereof Cardinal Pool (who by King Henry had been proclaimed Enemy to the Estate, was created Cardinal by Paul the Third, had himself been Pope if he had but consented in time, and in the opinion of many was thought a fit Husband for the Queen) arrived in England. Having been put beside the Papacy by others default more than his own, craving leave of the new Pope Julius, he withdrew himself to a Monastery in the Territory of Verona called Maguzano, the Religious whereof were Benedictine Monks, of which Order he himself while he continued at Rome had been Patron. Having decreed there to hide himself and spend the remainder of his days, the fame of King Edward's Death and Queen Maries advance∣ment to the Crown, drew him again out of the Cloister to Rome. He was not ignorant how Mary stood affected to the See of Rome, and therefore hoped (not without good cause) that Julius, who much favoured him, having by his delays attained the Papacy, would send him into his Countrey with the ho∣norable Title and Authority of a Legate. And now he feigned to himself a double hope of a Kingdom, if not Secular, at least Ecclesiastical, by virtue of his authority Legatine and the dignity of Archbishop of Canterbury. Queen Mary had her Education for some years under Margaret Countess of Salisbury the Mother of Pool (who was then a Child) and that by Queen Catharine's means, who intended (as it was thought) to marry her Daugh∣ter the Lady Mary to one of the Countesses Sons, thereby to strengthen her Daughters claim to the Crown, if it should hap∣pen that Henry should decease without other lawful Issue, the Countess being Daughter to George Duke of Clarence, who was Brother to Edward the Fourth. The Cardinal, whether for this

or some other reasons, knowing himself to be in dear esteem [ 1554] with the Queen, was confident if not of the Crown by Marriage, yet at least of all advantages of her Favour. Neither was he therein deceived; for Mary having obtained the Crown, earnestly sued unto him to restore himself to his Countrey; and the Pope, not ignorant how much he would advantage the Aposto∣lick See, at the Queens request dispatched him with most ample Authority. But the Emperour having a Project on foot for his Son, was somewhat jealous of the Cardinal; and therefore be∣gan seriously to treat with Cardinal Dandino the Pope's Legate with him, for the conclusion of a Peace between him and the French, that so he might give a stop to Pool, whose coming into England, the Emperour's affairs being not yet setled, might per∣adventure make all fly asunder. Dandino to gratifie Charles, by Franciseo Commendono sends Letters to Pool, advising him not to set forth as yet, forasmuch as this Legacy undertaken without the Emperour's consent, was displeasing; and the English Nation for the most part, especially the Londoners, did so hate the name of the Pope of Rome, that his Legacy would be held in contempt among them: A Legate therefore was not to be employed unto them, until perswasions had brought them to a better temper. Pool having received these Letters in his Cloister, thought it fit∣ting to expect his Holiness pleasure. The Pope not brooking the increase of the Emperour's greatness by the addition of such Estates, and fretting that Dandino had presumed to stay the Car∣dinal, recalled Dandino, and conferred on Pool alone the Legacy both into England for the one affair, and to the Emperour and the French for the Treaty of a Peace. He willingly undertaking it, presently set forward from Trent, certifying the Emperour and the French of his large Commission. The Emperour per∣ceiving that these devices would be no longer availeable, sent Don Juan de Mendoza unto him with Letters, wherein he plainly discovered his fear, that the Cardinal's premature arrival in England might prove an obstacle to his proceedings there, which were great and hopeful: Wherefore it was his desire, that he should either there attend his pleasure, or if he would needs go further he might come to Liege, and there expect the event of his designs. The Cardinal upon receipt of these Letters returns to Dilling, (not far from Trent) certifies his Holiness of the whole carriage of the Business, and sends expostulatory Letters to the Emperour, shewing therein what an indignity it was to Apo∣stolick See, that his Holiness Legat sent upon a Treaty of Peace, and to reduce a Kingdom to the obedience of the Church, should so disgracefully, with contempt to his Holiness, and that by the Emperour's command, be detained in the midst of Germany in the sight of the Enemies of the Church. That great Divine Domingo Soto Ordinary Preacher to the Emperour was then at

Dilling. By him he perswades the Emperour not to hinder this [ 1554] Legation, being it would so much hazard the estate of the Church, but especially of the Kingdom of England. At length with much ado, and that not until the Emperour had intelli∣gence, that the Articles concerning his Son's Marriage were agreed on, he obtained leave to come to Brussels, but on this condition, that he should there reside until the Emperour were assured, that the Marriage between Philip and Mary were So∣lemnized. So to Brussels he came, where having saluted the Emperour, who received him very courteously, and that time might not pass unprofitably, with him he begins to put in exe∣cution one part of his Legation, which was, to draw the Emperor and the King of France to some indifferent terms of Peace. The Emperour professing, that he would not reject Peace upon any reasonable conditions, the Cardinal goes into France, to treat with Henry concerning the same thing: Who made as fair shews as did the Emperour; but their minds exulcerated with inveterate hate, made all his pains fruitless. Henry at his departure em∣bracing him, signified the sorrow he had conceived, that he had not sooner occasion to be acquainted with his worth: For had he truly know him, his endeavours should have been totally for his advancement to the Papacy.

A little after his return to Brussels, came the Lords Paget and Hastings Ambassadors to the Emperour from their Majesties of England, who signified their joint-longing to see the Cardinal, and therefore desired he might be forthwith dismissed, that by virtue of his Authority he might rectifie the Church of England; wonderfully out of tune by reason of the Schism wherewith it had been afflicted. So in September he had leave to go for Eng∣land, but was by contrary winds detained at Calais until Novem∣ber, in which month he at length arrived at Dover. His enter∣tainment was most honourable, the Kings and Nobles alike striving to manifest their joy. And because being in the year 1539 by Parliament declared Enemy to the Estate, and by the same Law condemned to die; the Estates then assembled in Par∣liament repealed that Act, and restored him to his Blood, the Kings themselves coming to the House extraordinarily for the confirmation of the Act before his arrival at London. A little after his coming, both Houses were sent for to the Court, where the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellour having in the presence of the Kings and the assembly spoken something con∣cerning the Cardinal's grateful arrival, the Cardinal himself began a long Oration in English, wherein He acknowledged how* 1.287 much he was bound to the Kings and the Estates of the Realm, by whose favour those Laws for his Exile and Proscription were repealed, and he once more made a Native of the Land: He was bound by the Laws of Gratitude to endeavour the requital of this Benefit, whereto an occasion

happily offered it self: The late Schism had separated them from the [ 1554] Union of the Church, and made them exiles from Heaven; by the Authority conferred on him by the Pope St. Peter's Successor, Christ's Vicar, he would bring them back into the Fold of the Church, the sole means of attaining their celestial Heritage. Wherefore he exhorted them ingenuously to acknowledge the Errours of these later years, and to detect them, with sincere alacrity of mind to accept of, and retain this Benefit, which God by his Vicar's Legate did proffer them. For now nothing else remained, but that he being present with those Keys which should open the Gates of the Church, they should also abrogate those Laws, which lately Enacted to the prejudice of the Church, had rended them from the rest of its Body.

Having spoken a great deal to this purpose, and ransacked Antiquity for examples of our Forefathers devotion to the See of Rome; his grave delivery, excellent language, and methodical contexture of his speech wrought so effectually in the minds of those who were addicted to Popery, that they thought not them∣selves until this day capable of Salvation. But many of the lower House, who deemed it a rare felicity to have shaken off the yoak of Rome, eagerly withstood the readmittance of it. But by the endeavours of the King and Queen all things were at last composed to the Cardinal's liking. The Authority which the Popes heretofore usurped in this Realm is restored, the Title of* 1.288 Supreme Head of the Church is abrogated, and a Petition drawn by the whole Court of Parliament, for the Absolution of the People and Clergy of England from Schism and Heresie is by the Bishop of Winchester presented to the Legate, who (they all kneeling) by the Authority committed unto him absolved them. This being done, they went to the Chappel in Procession singing Te Deum, and the next Sunday the Bishop of Winchester in his Sermon at Pauls Cross made a large relation of what had passed.

These things being thus setled, the Queen intends an honorable Embassy to Rome, whereof she had at her first coming to the Crown made promise. For having resolved to replant the Re∣ligion of Rome, she had privily written to Pool, requiring his advice therein. The Pope was therefore pleased to send into England Giovanni Francisco Commendono his Chamberlain (after∣ward Cardinal) for the more perfect notice of the estate of the Realm. To him the Queen after much private conference did under her Hand promise Obedience to the See of Rome, desiring withal, that the Kingdom might be absolved from the Interdict, for the obtaining whereof she would by a solemn Embassy petition his Holiness as soon as the Estate was setled. So now about the end of this year the Bishop of Ely, Sir Anthony Brown, and Ed∣ward Carne Doctor of Law, are by the Kings sent to proffer their Obedience to the See of Rome. But these costs and pains were

fruitless. For before they came to Rome the Pope was dead. In [ 1554] the mean time the Queen considering all her actions hitherto to have passed with full applause, began to treat with the Nobi∣lity, to condescend, that if not the Royal, at least the Matrimo∣nial Crown of our Queens might be imposed on Philip. But it being a matter without precedent, and that might perchance to an ambitious Prince give some colour for claim to the King∣dom, they proved averse, and she content to surcease.

The next care was of restitution of Church-Lands. But Henry had so divided them, and that among the Nobility, that no∣thing could be done therein. Only it was decreed, that the First-Fruits and Tenths granted to the King by the Clergy Anno 1534, should be remitted; which Decree upon conside∣ration of the Treasuries poverty, and of the many Pensions granted by Henry to the ejected Religious Persons, was quickly revoked.

About the same time an absurd (I might say ridiculous) ac∣cident* 1.289 happened by the Queens own credulity and the flattery of fawning Courtiers. By reason of a Disease, which Physi∣cians term a Mole, her Belly began to swell; and some other reasons giving her cause to conjecture that she was with Child, she not entertaining the advice of any Physicians, but of Mid∣wives and old Women, believing what she desired should be, affirmed that she felt the stirring of the Embryo in her womb. To those that are affected with this malady, that fleshy and inform substance which is termed Mola, doth seem sometimes to move, but that slowly, and with the general motion of the whole Belly. By this and other symptoms Physicians would quickly have dis∣covered her Disease, which unless very maturely prevented, is commonly incurable: So that in process of time her Liver being over-cooled, she fell into a Dropsie, which as Fuchsius and other Physicians write, doth usually happen. But these flattering hopes betrayed her to the laughter of the World, and to her Grave. For on the seven and twentieth of November the Lords of the Council sent some Mandates to the Bishop of London, to disperse certain forms of Prayers, wherein after Thanks given to God for his Mercies to this Kingdom, by giving hopes of an Heir to the Crown, and infusing life into the Embryo, they should pray for the preservation of the Queen and the Infant, and her happy delivery, and cause Te Deum to be sung every where. Then by Parliament many things were Enacted concerning the Education of the Babe; and much clutter was otherwise kept about preparations for the Child's Swadling-clouts, Cradle, and other things requisite at the Delivery; until in June in the en∣suing year it was manifested, that all was little better than a Dream.

This year were many Barons created. On the eleventh of

March, William Howard was created Lord Howard of Effingham, he [ 1554] was Father to Charles Lord Admiral and late Earl of Nottingham; on the fifth of April, John Williams Lord Williams of Tame; on* 1.290 the seventh of April, Edward North Baron of Chartlege; on the eighth of April, John Bruges Lord Chandois; on the fourteenth of May, Gerard Fitz-Gerard (of whom before) Earl of Kildare; and on the second of September, Anthony Brown Viscount Mountague: And in September deceased Thomas Duke of Norfolk.

ANNO DOM. 1555. REG. MARIAE 2 & 3, PHILIPPI 1 & 2.

ON the eighteenth of January the Lord Chancellour coming [ 1555] to the Tower with six other Lords of the Council set many brave Prisoners at liberty, viz. the Archbishop of York, Sir John Rogers, Sir James Croft, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas Arnold, Sir George Harper, Sir William Sentlow, Sir Gawin Carew, Sir Andrew Dudley the Duke of Northumber∣land's Brother, William Gibs, Cutbert Vaughan, Harington, Tre∣maine, and others. The Archbishop having married a Wife, was deprived, and Nicholas Heath sometimes Bishop of Worcester, but deprived by King Edward, and (Hooper being ejected and condemned to the Fire) lately restored by Queen Mary, was substituted in his place. Rogers and Croft were afterward Privy Counsellors to Queen Elizabeth, under whom they many years flourished in great Authority. Throckmorton (a subtil man) was thought to have been the plotter of Wyat's Rebellion; his Head was therefore especially aimed at. But being indicted, and ten whole hours spent in sifting him, he by such witty answers voided the accusation of his Adversary, that the Jurors found him Not guilty; for which they were afterward soundly fined.

About the beginning of April, the Marquess of Exceter, and* 1.291 a little after, the Lady Elizabeth were set at liberty. Concerning Lady Elizabeth, it was long consulted what course to take with her, wherein the resolutions of the Papists were bloodily bent to make her away when any colourable occasion should present it self. The Bishop of Winchester upon any speech concerning the punishment of Hereticks, is reported to have said, We strip off the leaves, or lop off the branches; but unless we strike at the Root that hope of Hereticks, (meaning Lady Elizabeth) we do nothing. But after long search into her Actions, no sufficient matter of Accusation being found, although there wanted not those who sought to perswade the Queen, that her liberty would endanger the Queen; yet Philip aspiring to the opinion of Clemency, by his intercession toward the end of April she had her liberty, but so, that she was bound to admit of into her Family Sir Thomas Pope a Privy

Counsellor, Gage, and some others, who should always keep [ 1555] watch over her Actions.

This small sparkle of Clemency was obscured by a greater flame of Cruelty, a multitude of godly men suffering this year for their Conscience only. On the fourth of February, John Rogers the* 1.292 Protomartyr of those times was Burned at London. He was Tin∣dall's Companion, after whose death fearing persecution, he would not return into his Countrey, but went with his Wife to Wirtenberg, where having attained to the German Tongue, he undertook the Cure of a certain Church there, which he faith∣fully discharged, until under King Edward he was recalled from Exile, by Ridley Bishop of London made a Prebend of Pauls, and Lecturer there. Queen Mary having attained the Crown, the Papists endeavoured to affright him, and so to have once more forced him to a voluntary Exile, commanding him not so much as to peep into the streets: and in this manner lived he a year, until at last refusing to flie, he was imprisoned, and condemned to the Fire; which cruel Death (notwithstanding that he was to leave a Wise and ten Children) he did most constantly un∣dergo.

The like end on the ninth of February made John Hooper Bishop* 1.293 first of Glocester, and then of Worcester too, holding both Sees in Commendam, who took much pains about Boner's deprivation, which thing now hastened him to a Stake. For as soon as Queen Mary was enthroned, he was sent for to London, committed to the Tower, and condemned for an Heretick. Henry reigning, he he spent part of his life in Germany, where he took to Wife a Burguignon, and among other devout Learned men, had intimate familiarity with Henry Bullinger, by whom for his Learning, godly and sweet conversation he was held in dear esteem. After his condemnation he was sent to Glocester, there to suffer, where he was thought most to have sinned in sowing seeds of Errour: He himself not a little rejoycing that he should by the testimony of his Blood confirm that Doctrine before their Eyes, into whose Ears he had so often inculcated it.

The same course was taken with Ferrar Bishop of St. Davids,* 1.294 who was brought down from London to his own Diocess, there to be judged by the new Bishop Morgan, by whom he was con∣demned, and Burned at Caermarden the third of March. He was a man rigid and of a rough behaviour, which procured him much trouble under King Edward, and now I believe proved his bane. For having been by the Duke of Somerset advanced to that Dignity, after his death this good and learned man by his sowr behaviour drawing near to arrogance (which with that Nation is a great indignity) raised against himself many accu∣sers, two whereof under Queen Elizabeth became Bishops, who after the death of the Duke of Somerset easily prevailed with the

adverse Faction for his Imprisonment. Being found in Prison [ 1555] when Mary came to the Crown, and brought before the Bishop of Winchester, he might (I believe) by pleasing answers and a little yielding to the season, have honestly escaped their bloody Hands, as did many others, who having not waded too far in Lady Jane's cause, nor otherwise given any grand affront to any of the Popish Prelates, by this means without impediment going into voluntary exile, or being taken, had their liberty easily procured at the intercession of Friends. But Ferrar according to his innate tartness, answering freely (I will not say waiwardly) to his interrogatories, did so enrage the Bishop of Winchester, that I do not much wonder at the hard proceedings against him.

Beside these, Roland Taylor Doctor of Divinity suffered at Hadley* 1.295 the ninth of February, Laurence Sanders an Excellent Preacher, on the eighth at Coventry, John Cardmaker Chancellour of the Church of Wells on the last of May at London, where also on the first of July that godly and learned man John Bradford underwent the tortures of his Martyrdom.

But not to go to a particular enumeration of all that suffered* 1.296 for their Faith, the number of them was almost incredible, the greater part whereof were Executed out of Boner's butchery. But among others we cannot omit those Worthies Ridley and Latimer, who having been condemned the year before, were now on the sixteenth of October conducted to Execution, and at Oxford in the aspect of the Academicks were in the Town-ditch near Baliol Colledge tied to a stake and Burned. Cranmer is re∣ported from the higher part of his Prison to have beheld this doleful spectacle, and with bended Knees and elevated Hands to have prayed for their constancy of Hope and Faith, as also for himself who was shortly he knew to tread their path. But his Execution was for a time deferred by the Bishop of Winchester's means, and that not out of pity, but ambition, and regard of his own profit.

On the four and twentieth of March died Julius the Third,* 1.297 after whose death the Conclave elected Marcello Cervino, a man of excellent learning, wisdom, and sanctity of life, and under whom there was great hope of the Reformation of that Church: Whose that memorable saying was, That he did not see how it was possible for a Pope to be saved; who having sate two and twenty days only, died, and left the Chair to Cardinal Caraffa, of whose contention with Pool we have spoken already, who succeeded him by the name of Paul the Fourth. Gardiner being not igno∣rant* 1.298 of this contention, and the differences between them, deals underhand with this new Pope to honour him with a Cardinal's Hat, and to transfer on him the authority Legatine by Julius con∣ferred on Pool. The Pope in regard of his hatred to Pool, easily condescended thereto, determining also to cite him to Rome, there

to force him to acquit himself of Heresie, and to suffer as did [ 1555] Cardinal Morono Pool's great Friend, whom this Pope detained in Prison as long as himself lived. Hereby Gardiner well hoped to attain to be Archbishop of Canterbury, the Revenues of which Bishoprick Pool received as a Sequestrator, and would no other∣wise as long as Cranmer lived. This was the reason that Cran∣mer's Execution was deferred, to work means that Pool might not be invested in the Archbishoprick, which he himself for the former reasons hoped to attain. But while Gardiner was wholly intent to this project, Death had a project on him, and* 1.299 cut him off by the extremity of a Dropsie, which swelling from his Feet and Legs up to his Belly dispatched him on the twelfth of November, who was with great Solemnity interred in his Cathedral at Winchester.

The Emperour Charles the Fifth having determined to resign* 1.300 the Empire and his Kingdom, on the five and twentieth of Octo∣ber at Brussels, where all the Estates of his Realms were assembled, transferred all his Kingdoms and Dominions on his Son Philip, whom he had formerly made King of Naples and Sicily, and be∣took himself to the rest of a private life.

ANNO DOM. 1556. REG. MARIAE 3 & 4, PHILIPPI 2 & 3.

TO begin the year with its first day, on the first of January, [ 1556] Nicholas Heath Archbishop of York was made Lord Chan∣cellour.* 1.301

In March, a Comet in the twentieth degree of Libra was seen from the fifth to the seventeenth of the same month.* 1.302

On the thirteenth of March, a counterfeit Edward, whose true* 1.303 name was William Fetherstone was Executed for a Traytor: He being a Miller's Son, in stature and lineaments of Body not much unlike the deceased King Edward, and his Age also agree∣able, had been the last year publickly whipped through London, for affirming himself to be the King. But not sufficiently terri∣fied by the smart of this punishment, he again betakes him to the same Imposture, privately affirms himself to be King Ed∣ward, and causes Letters to be cast abroad, that King Edward was alive, for which he was at length deservedly Hanged.

And now we are at length come to the narration of the me∣morable* 1.304 Martyrdom of the Archbishop Cranmer. Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester being dead, Cardinal Pool as yet the Pope's Legate, appointed James Brooke Bishop of Glocester for Cranmer's Tryal, forasmuch as they judged it unlawful to punish an Arch∣bishop but by leave from his Holiness. John Story and Thomas Martin,

Doctors of Law Commissioners for the Queen, accompanied [ 1556] the Bishop to Oxford, that the Authority Royal might counte∣nance the Delegates proceeding. In St. Maries Church they had high Seats purposely erected for them, Brooke sitting under the place, where the consecrated Host did usually hang in a Pix, beside him sate Martin and Story, but a little lower, and Cran∣mer habited like a Doctor of Divinity, not like a Bishop, was brought before them. Being told that there were those who represented not only her Majesties person, but also of the most holy Father the Pope, he with due reverence saluted Story and Martin, but would not so much as vouchsafe to cast his Eyes toward Brooke, and that not (as he afterward confessed) out of contempt of the man, whom he formerly loved, but that he might not seem to acknowledge the Pope's Authority, he having by Oath to King Henry obliged himself to the contrary, especially in England, where he could make no pretence of right. Then each of them exhorted him to change his Opinion, and return to the Union of the Church: But he not regarding their admonition, they cite him to appear within fourscore days be∣fore his Holiness, which with her Majesties consent, he promi∣sed he would. But the Pope not expecting his coming, within twenty days after by Letters to the King and Queen commanded him to be Condemned, and committed to the Secular power. After the intercourse of a few days, new Authority is by the Pope granted to Boner Bishop of London, and Thirlby Bishop of Ely for Cranmer's degradation from Orders both Presbyterial and Archiepiscopal, and he then to be delivered over to the secular Magistrate to suffer for Heresie, which was accordingly perfor∣med on the fourteenth of February. Those Saint-like men, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, as long as they lived did by Letters exhort each other to a generous Constancy for the maintenance of the truth of the Christian Faith. But the other two Champions having made their way to Heaven, and left him alone not plied with such firm Exhortations, out of desire of longer Life his Constancy began at length to be shaken, and that by the subtilty and daily perswasions of a Spanish Frier. So being seduced with hope of pardon, he retracts what-ever he had before written in defence of his Religion, which Retractation was after printed and published. But that little availed him. For whether that Pool would not be longer excluded from the possession of the Arch∣bishoprick, or that (which seems more probable) the Queens inveterate hate and desire of revenge for her Mothers Divorce, which could not be otherwise satiated than with the Blood of this grave man, were the cause: He being now confident of Life is presently rapt to the place of Execution, and there cruelly Burned, where Ridley and Latimer had five months before been crowned with Martyrdom. On the day appointed for his Execution,

a Sermon by the appointment of the Cardinal was Preached by [ 1556] Dr. Cole. Thither was Cranmer brought, and placed conveniently near the Pulpit, where Cole exhorted him to a constancy in that Faith, which he was now content to acknowledge, and that even unto Death, which was now by the appointment of the Magistrate to be inflicted on him this very day. God's wrath for the Death of Fisher and More could not otherwise be appeased but by his Blood. But before his Death, would he by a publick Confession testifie his sincere Conversion to the Union of the Church, he should do an act most acceptable to God and men. If with this unexpected news Cranmer were amazed, I do not at all wonder. But he recollecting himself stood up, and without any sign of fear, made a quick Oration to the Assembly, wherein having premised many things concerning morality and amendment of life, he repeats the principal points of his Doctrine, briefly ex∣plains his Faith, affirmeth, That under the authority Papal the Kingdom of Antichrist was contained and established, and lastly demon∣strates how much he had offended God by the abnegation of the Truth: He professeth therefore, that he had resolved, that his right Hand, wherewith he had so horribly sinned by Subscribing to the Doctrine pro∣posed by the enemies of Truth, should first feel the smart of punish∣ment; when he would have proceeded to speak more, the mul∣titude of Romanists whose expectation he had so finely deluded, with clamours and scoffs interrupted him, and hurried him away presently to the place of Execution. There was then to be seen a sad Spectacle, and such as would, I will not say, have extorted pity from his very Enemies, but have expressed tears from a Flint: The chief Prelate of the Realm lately flourishing by reason of his power and favour of Princes, a man of most holy conversation, for his age, aspect, feature, learning, gravity and rare gifts of mind deservedly most Reverend, clad out of intent to expose him to mockery in an obsolete garment (for so had the Papists purposely arraied him) and bitterly taunted at to be dragged to death, and that death by the horrid tortures of Fire. Being now fastned to the Stake, as soon as ever the flame began, to ascend, lifting up his left Hand to Heaven, he thrust forth his right hand into the flame, and there with admirable constancy continued it until it was consumed, only once drawing it in, and with it stroaking his Beard. At length the raging flame spreading it self, lifting up his Eyes toward Heaven, he cried out, Lord receive my Spirit, and his Body abiding as im∣moveable as the Stake whereto he was fastened, he patiently endu∣red the Fires violence, until he at last expired. His Body being consumed to ashes, his Heart was found entire and untoucht. Had any of the Romanists found the like in any one of their Fa∣ction, it should have been recorded for a Miracle, and that Miracle sufficed to have Sainted him. Give me leave, though

it be contrary to the method of History, to insert a few Verses [ 1556] written by Ralph Skinner concerning this great man's Martyrdom:

Succubuit sanctus Praesul Cranmerus, iniquâ Pontificum rabie, fraude doloque perit. Quòd Verbi invicto dejecer at Ense Papatum, Quòd docuit purâ quaerere mente Deum; Quódque Antichristi subverterat impia regna, Regna piis Anglis heu tolerata diù; Hinc pius & clemens crudeli addicitur igni, Dantur & innocui membra cremenda viri. Huc ubi jam ventum est, Dextram projecit in ignem, Projectamque tenens talia dicta dedit: Primùm peccasti, primùm & sentire dolorem Debes, ah Christo dextra inimica meo. Immotamque tenet dum deflagraverat omnis, In cineres totam dum cecidisse videt. Caetera cùm pereant flammâ (mirabile dictu) Cor manet illaesum post ubi flamma perit. Ecce, invicta fides cor inviotabile servat, Nec mediis flammis corda perire sinit.

Which Verses may be thus rendred in English:

Through Papists rage and fraud good Cranmer dy'd, Because he put their Doctrine to the Sword, The two-edg'd Sword of Scripture, and discri'd Christ's Foe, instructing England with the Word: For this, meek man, he had a Martyr's hire, His Soul was burnt with Zeal, his Corps with Fire.

But when he came unto the stake, he thrust His right Hand in the flames: Thou first (he said) Because thou first did'st sin, here suffer must, Thou first thy Lord and Master hast betrai'd: There held he it; his Eyes did see it fall, Soon afterward he sent those Eyes withal.

But lo, a wonder! Heaven's sacred Oracle Had sure decreed, that so admir'd a creature Should not be put to death sans Miracle: His Body burnt, his Heart in perfect feature Was found unsing'd: See, see, the Faith he cherisht Once in that Heart, preserv'd it still unperisht.

Beside Cranmer, the cruelty of those times did the same year* 1.305 devour many Professors of the same Religion. Of both Sexes no fewer than eighty four were this year martyred by Fire. Neither

did their cruelty exercise it self on the living only: The Bones [ 1556] of Martin Bucer and Paul Phagius long since dead, were digged* 1.306 up, formally accused of Heresie, and no man undertaking their Cause (as who durst?) condemned, and publickly Burned in the Market-place at Cambridge. And Peter Martyr's Wife, who died at Oxford; was disinterred, and with barbarous and inhu∣mane cruelty buried in a Dunghil. To Bucer and Phagius Queen Elizabeth did afterward with great solemnity restore their memory and honour: And as for Peter Martyr's Wife, she caused her Bones to be translated from that unclean place, to be reinterred in the Church, and commixed with the Relicks of Frideswid (by Papists reputed a Saint) that the like occasion of mockage might not again be offered.

On the same day, whereon Cranmer thus ended his life, Car∣dinal* 1.307 Pool was ordered Priest at Greenwich, and the next day, Naboth being dead, took possession of his Vineyard, being con∣secrated Archbishop of Canterbury. Three days after, being the Feast of the Annunciation, accompanied by many Nobles, Pool with great solemnity received the Pall at Bow-Church.

About the same time a notable Conspiracy was detected, some having projected to rob the Exchequer, at that time full of Spanish coin to the value of fifty thousand Pounds. The names of the Conspirators were Udal, Throckmorton, Pecham, Daniel, Stanton, and (besides others that fled for it) White, who disco∣vered his fellows. The rest were all taken and suffered as Traitors. Sir Anthony Kingston as partaker in their intentions was also ap∣prehended, but died before he could reach London.

In July, new Tumults begun to be set on foot in Norfolk were maturely suppressed, Cleber and three Brothers called Lincolne the authors of it suffering for their seditious attempt.

On the one and twentieth of November, John Fecknam Dean of Pauls was installed Abbot at Westminster, which Henry the Eighth had erected to an Archiepiscopal See. There being at that time no Monks in England, fourteen were found who were content with Fecknam to take the Religious habit of Benedictines.

ANNO DOM. 1557. REG. MARIAE 4 & 5, PHILIPPI 3 & 4.

NOw after four or five years we found the effect of our [ 1557] Northern Navigation set on foot by Cabota. About the begin∣ning of this year arrived in England Osep Napea Ambassador from* 1.308 Basiliwitz Emperour of Russia, for the Treaty of a perpetual League between our Kings and his Prince. On the Scottish Coast he had suffered wrack, and beside Merchandize of infinite value, he lost∣those Presents, which were from the Emperour destinated to their

Majesties. But the loss of Richard Chanceller was beyond all these [ 1557] inestimable, who being a most expert Pilot, first discovered the passage into those Northern Regions, and now more solicitous of the Ambassador's safeguard than of his own, this man most worthy of immortal Memory, was swallowed up in the Seas in∣satiate gulf. I think the Entertainment of any Ambassador with us was never more Royal. On the five and twentieth of May, Philip having about seven days before returned out of Flanders, he was admitted into the presence of the Kings, declared the pur∣port of his Embassy, and continued in London, until the third of May; and having then got a convenient season, laden with Gifts he set sail for his Countrey.

On the sixth of March, Charles Lord Stourton for having in his* 1.309 house cruelly murthered one Hargill and his Son, with whom he had long been at variance, was by a wholesom example to poste∣rity Hanged at Sarisbury with four other of his Servants, who were not only conscious, but actors in the cruelty. After he had beaten them down with Clubs, and cut their Throats, he buried their Carcases fifteen foot deep in the ground, hoping by such sure work to stop the voice of Blood crying for revenge; or if peradventure it were discovered, the regard of his zealous per∣sistance in the Religion of Rome would (he hoped) procure the Queens pardon. But Murther is a sin that God hath by many memorable Examples manifested, that it shall not remain unde∣tected: And the Queen although blindly misled in matter of Religion, was so exact a fautrix of Justice, that she was utterly averse from all mention of pardon. So this Nobleman had the punishment due to his offence, only in this preferred before other Murtherers and Parricides, that he was not strangled with an Halter of Hemp, but of Silk.

The seven and twentieth of April, Thomas Stafford landing in* 1.310 the Northern parts of the Realm, having raked together a small company of Exiles and some Foreiners, surprized Scarborough Castle then, as in time of Peace, utterly destitute of provision for resistance: Having thus seized on a place of defence, he makes Proclamation, that Queen Mary having her self no right to the Crown had betraied it to the Spaniard, exhorting the people with him to take Arms for the recovery of their lost Liberty. But by the diligence of Nicholas Wotton Dean of Canterbury then Ambassa∣dor for their Majesties with the French, all his designs were re∣vealed to the Council before his arrival in England. So by the industry of the Earl of Westmerland he was within six days taken, brought to London, and on the eight and twentieth of May Be∣headed, Strechley, Proctor, and Bradford the next day following him, but in a more due punishment (being drawn, hanged and quartered) whom they had followed in their treacherous attempts.

The Emperour Charles having bequeathed the inheritance of

his hate to France with his Crown, Mary could not long distin∣guish [ 1557] her Cause from her Husbands. Wherefore on the seventh of June, the Queen set forth a Proclamation to this effect, that* 1.311 Whereas the King of France had many ways injured her by supporting the Duke of Northumberland and Wyat in their Rebellions against her; and that his Realm had been a receptacle for Dudley and Ashton, who with the privity of his Ambassador had in his house contrived their treacherous designs, and after their escape into France had been relieved by Pensions from the King; as also for having lately aided Stafford with Shipping, Men, Money, and Munition, thereby if it were possible to dispossess her of the Crown: She gave her Subjects to understand, that they should not entertain Traffick with that Nation, whose Prince she accounted her Enemy, and against whom upon farther grievances she determined to denounce War.

Although these things were true, yet had she abstained from denunciation of War, had not the five years Truce between Philip and Henry by the Pope's instigation been lately broken by the French, and so War arising between them, she would not make her self and her Husband two. For the Pope having long since ma∣ligned the Emperour (knowing that he after the resignation of his Estates to his Son Philip had withdrawn himself into Spain) by the Cardinal of Lorain still solicited the French King to arms against the Spaniard, promising to invest him in the Kingdom of Naples. Henry upon these fair hopes undertakes it, and Mary resolves to assist her Husband.

That Mary took arms in the behalf of her Husband, Pope Paul* 1.312 was much displeased. And being he could not be revenged on her (who indeed was the sole cause of our breach with France) he determined to pour out his wrath on Pool, whom he ever hated; but now he thought he had more cause to manifest it, because Pool knowing that this War was set on foot by the Pope, had by Letters and Ambassadors sought to appease him, and that (though with most humble reverence) yet roundly and according to his Conscience. Having abrogated Pool's Legation, he repeals him to Rome, and for supply of his place he creates one Francis Petow (a Franciscan Frier) Cardinal and Legate, and a little after de∣signed him Bishop of Sarisbury. The Queen having intelligence of these proceedings, took especial care, that Pool might have no notice of them, prohibiting not only this new Cardinal to enter the Realm, but all others whom she suspected to bring any Man∣dates to that purpose, and with exact diligence causing his Letters to be intercepted, by her Orators at Rome certified his Holiness what a hazard the Catholick Religion not yet fully established would incur, if he should endeavour the disgrace of so great a man, whose authority had been much availeable for the conver∣sion of the Nation. But while there is this intercourse between the Pope and the Queen concerning this matter, Pool having some

way or other had an inkling of it, abstained from having the [ 1557] silver Cross the Ensign of his Legation born before him, neither would he afterward exercise his authority Legantine, until by the intercession of Ormaneto the Pope's Datary in England, he was restored to his dignity.* 1.313

By this time the War was very hot on both sides, Philip be∣sieging St. Quintin in Picardie with thirty five thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse, which number was after increased by a thousand Horse, four thousand Foot, and two thousand Pioners out of England; under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke. For the managing of this War Philip set sail out of England on the* 1.314 seventh of July. On the tenth of August, the French endeavouring to put Succours into the Town are overthrown. The Spaniard chargeth the Constable Montmorency in his retreat, routs the French, and kills two thousand five hundred: A Victory not so great in the execution, as in the death and captivity of many brave men. The Constable was wounded and taken Prisoner with his Son, as also the Dukes of Montpensier and Longueville, Ludovico Gonzaga Brother to the Duke of Mantua, the Marshal of St. Andrew, the Rhinegrave, Roche-du-Maine, the Count Rochfou∣cault, the Baron of Curton, with many other men of mark. The chief of them that were slain were John of Bourbon Duke of Anguien, the Viscount of Turen, N. Tiorcellin Son to Roche-du-Maine, the Lords of Chandenier, Pontdormy and many others, and in a manner all the Foot-Captains. Philip lost only fifty men.

The eighth day after this Victory an assault is given, and the* 1.315 Town carried by force, wherein were taken the Admiral Coligny with his Brother d'Andelot, (who shortly after made an escape) Jarnac, St. Remy, Humes, and many other persons of quality; the Son of the Lord of Fayette, Salevert, Ogier, Vicques, La Barre, Estang and Gourdes were slain. Of the English in this assault few of note were lost, beside Lord Henry Dudley youngest Son to the Duke of Northumberland, and Sir Edward Windsore, who were the first that advanced Ensign on the Walls.

This year is alike memorable for the extreme dearth and con∣temptible cheapness of Corn. A little before Harvest Wheat was sold at four Marks the Quarter; within the current of a month it fell to the low rate of five Shillings. Wherein I rather ad∣mire the ensuing cheapness than the dearth, having my self in the year 1597 paid double the former dear price.

But that which I shall now relate, I should deem far more me∣morable,* 1.316 had I not in later times my self seen the like. On the night which ensued the seventh day of September, almost two hours after Sun-set, the Moon having risen an hour before, a Rainbow was seen in the West. That I may relate the like accident though of differing time, the like apparition was seen by me on the four and twentieth of November 1604, when (the Sun having two

hours before declined to its lowest) travelling towards Colebrook, [ 1557] the form of a white Cloud shaped into a fragment of a Circle, and just opposite to the Moon then newly risen appeared, which did every way resemble a true Rainbow, but that it was not diversified with colours, and instead of the Sun had the Moon its opposite.

ANNO DOM. 1558. REG. ultimo.

HEnry some way to repair his losses at St. Quintin, resolves an [ 1558] Enterprize upon Calais, which Senarpont Governour of Bou∣toigne perswaded him was not so fortified according to report,* 1.317 but that it might easily be taken. The Marshal Strossy having under the favour of a disguise viewed the place, confirmed Senarpont's assurance of taking it. Philip whether having intelligence of Henry's designs, or else presaging so much, had often admonished the Queen to have an especial regard to that Town, voluntarily offering his assistance for the security of it. But we over-wisely jealous, lest Philip had a practice on it, it lying commodiously for his adjoyning Netherlands, neglected both his advice and proffer. But the reality of his advice was manifested by the event. The Duke of Guise having by the King been declared Lieutenant Ge∣neral in all his Dominions, levying a great Army flies suddenly to the Siege of Calais, before which he sate down on New-years-day, and intrenched at Sandgate. Then dividing his Army into two parts, he at the same time assaults Newnambridge and the Risbank, two Forts wherein the chief strength of that Town consisted, the taking whereof would have cut off all possibility of relieving the besieged either by Land or Sea. The Garrisons of each place terrified with so unexpected a danger, he at his first arrival gaines Newnambridge, and the next day the Risbank. The French then batter the Wall between the Water-gate and the Prison, not so much out of hope to gain entrance that way, as to divert us from guarding that part of the Town, where they really intended to give an Assault. Having for a while battered that part, and we little suspecting an enterprize upon the Castle, they suddenly with fifteen Peeces make a battery upon the Castle, and continue it with such fury, that the thunder of the Cannon was all that day heard at Antwerp, which is distant from thence more than one hundred English miles. Having by that time night drew on made a sufficient breach, and yet in regard of the deep Dikes filled with Water (wherein consisted the main hopes of the Defendants) not able to come to an Assault, the Enemy with great toil and labour by a cut from thence to the Sea draw the Dikes so low, that by that time the Tide was gone out, they march not above Navil-high through the Dikes to the Wall (which we little feared could be done) without resistance: Finding the place void

of Defendants, they easily make themselves masters of the Castle, [ 1558] and had as easily taken the Town, if Sir Anthony Ager Marshal of the Town had not with some few others made head against them, and forced them to retreat to the Castle, in which conflict that valiant Knight was slain. The Lord Wentworth Governour of the Town seeing little hopes of keeping the Town, craved parley, which was granted; and at length yielded the Town upon these Conditions: That the common Souldiers and Inhabitants should depart without transporting or carrying away any thing with them, and that Lord Wentworth with fifty others such as the Duke of Guise-should* 1.318 appoint, should remain Captives to be put to ransom. So was Calais lost, which had continued English above two hundred years: nei∣ther was the Siege long, the Enemy sitting down before it on New-years-day, and having it yielded up on Twelf-day.

Seven days after, the Duke marcheth toward Guisnes, which Town he took without any difficulty, but the Castle, which the Lord Gray commanded, not so easily. But that and Hames Castle were at length taken also and dismantled; so that of all the Kingdom of France, the greatest part whereof was for a long time held by our Kings, and whereof Henry the Sixth had been Crowned King at Paris, Anno 1431, nor in the Duchies of Nor∣mandy and Aquitain, the ancient Inheritance of the Kings of Eng∣land, our Kings possess nothing, but the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey, which have proved Loyal to us ever since the Conquest. While the French proceeded thus in Picardy, the Queen certified thereof with great diligence prepares her Fleet to transport Succours for Calais; but contrary winds kept them back so long, until Calais was irrecoverably lost.

You shall not easily read of any Action, wherein God hath by more manifest signs declared, how displeasing those Wars are to him, which undertaken for Ambition or Profit do dissolve the publick Peace: Philip (to begin with him) against whom Henry and the Pope did most unjustly conspire, enlarged himself with a double Victory, each whereof were great and memorable. The Cardinal Caraffa and the Duke of Paliane, who for their own ends had perswaded the doating Pope to throw the Ball of Discord between these Princes, were after for this very thing Be∣headed by Pius the Fourth, who immediately succeeded Paul. Paul himself in the mean time, the French being overthrown at St. Quin∣tin was exposed to the mercy of the Spaniard, whom he had irritated, the French being forced to withdraw his Army out of Italy. The rash violation of the League by Mary, was pu∣nished with the loss of Calais, and through grief thereof (accord∣ing to common belief) of Life also. What happened to the French, who by the Pope's instigation first brake the five years Truce, we have already declared. And lest it might be con∣ceived, that his losses at and of St. Quintin were repaired by the

taking of Calais, another Overthrow given him within few [ 1558] months after, will take away much from the content of that Victory.

In June the Marshal De Termes (who succeeded Strossy lately* 1.319 slain) Governour of Calais, breaketh into Arthois and Flanders, with an Army consisting of near about eleven thousand men, leaving Graveling and Burburg at his back, attempts Berghes, takes it, sacks it, and so opens a way to Dunkirk, which he also takes and spoils; and the Countrey all about (for they feared not the French there, and the Towns which the Spaniard held throughout that Tract, were ill furnished) lying open to their mercy, they ransack it most miserably, and march as far as Newport.

Philip was affrighted with this Tempest, fearing especially, lest the Duke of Guise then in Arms, should joyn with Termes: But having intelligence that the Duke spent his time about Arlon and Vireton, he resolves to intercept the French in their return. In this Enterprize he employs Count Egmond, (his Lieutenant∣general in the Netherlands) who having speedily out of the neigh∣bour Garrisons of Betune, St. Omer, Aires, Burburg, and others, assembled an Army of fifteen thousand, puts himself between Dunkirk and Calais. Termes had hitherto expected the Duke of Guise, but upon notice that the Countrey was up in Arms, he somewhat too late bethought himself of a retreat. He was now every way enclosed, and passage not to be gained but by dint of Sword. The French therefore valiantly charge their Enemies, and overthrow some Squadrons of Horse; indeed despair anima∣ted them to do wonders, and the Flemings were set on fire by the desire of revenging late Injuries. The Spanish Troops renew the fight, which was with equal order long maintained on both sides: In the heat whereof ten English Men of War fortunately sailing by (for De Termes had for his security betaken him to the shoar, hoping that way with much less hazard to have gained passage) upon discovery of the French Colours, let fly their Ord∣nance furiously among the French, making such a slaughter, that* 1.320 they began to give ground, were at last routed and over∣thrown.

The French in this Battel lost five thousand. Their chief Commanders were almost all taken; the Marshal himself was hurt and taken, with d'Annebalt the Son of Claud the late Admiral, the Earl of Chaune, Senarpont, Villebon Governour of Picardy, Morvilliers, and many others. Two hundred escaped to our Ships, whom they might have drowned, but giving them Quarter, they were brought Captives into England. This Bat∣tel was fought on the thirteenth of July.

The Queen desirous by some action or other to wipe out the stain of the ignominious loss of Calais, about the same time set forth a Fleet of one hundred and forty Sail (whereof thirty were

Flemings) the main of the Expedition being from Brest in Bre∣taigne. [ 1558] But the Lord Clinton Lord High Admiral of England finding no good to be done there, set sail for Conquet, where he* 1.321 landed, took the Town, sacked it and set it on fire, together with the Abbey and the adjacent: Villages, and returned to his Ships. But the Flemings somewhat more greedy after prey, dis∣orderly piercing farther into the Countrey, and regardless of Martial discipline, which commands obedience to their General, being encounted by the Lord of Kersimon, came fewer home by five hundred.

Philip about the same time lodging near Amiens with a great Army, Henry with a far greater attended each motion of his, They encamp at last, Henry on the North of the River Somme, Philip on the South of the River Anthy, so near to one another, that it might be thought impossible for two such spirited Princes commanding so great Armies, to depart without a Battel. But divers considerations had tempered their heat. Philip being the weaker of the two, saw no reason why to engage himself. Henry had an Army which had twice felt the other victorious, and was therefore loath on them to adventure his already shaken estate. Wherefore they so entrenched themselves, and fortified their Camps with Artillery, as if they expected a Siege from each other. Some months thus passed without any other exploits than Inroads and light Skirmishes. At length they mutually entertain a motion of Peace, both of them considering, that their Armies consisting of Strangers, the fruits of the Victory would be to the Aliens only, but the calamity and burthen of the Defeat would light on the shoulders of the Vanquished, or (which comes all to one pass) of the Subjects. These motives drew together for a Treaty on Henry's side, the Constable, the Marshal of St. Andrew, the Cardinal of Lorain, Morvilliers Bishop of Orleans, and Aubespine Secretary of Estate: For Philip, the Duke of Alva, the Prince of Orange, Puyz Gomes de Silva, Granvell Bishop of Arras and others. Much altercation was had about the restoring of Calais, which the French were resolved to hold, and Philip would have no Peace unless it were restored to Mary, whom in point of Honour he could not so forsake. But this difference was ended by the death of Mary, a little before whom on the one and twentieth of September died also the Emperour Charles the Fifth, which occasioned both the change of place and time for another Treaty.

And if the continual connexion of other memorable Affairs* 1.322 had not transported me, I should ere this have mentioned the Marriage celebrated at Paris with great pomp on the eight and twentieth of April, between the Daulphin Francis and Mary Queen of Scots. But the fruits thereof were not lasting: For two years after died Francis (the Crown by the death of his Father Henry

having been first devolved to him) and left his Bed to a more [ 1558] auspicious Husband, Henry the eldest Son to the Earl of Lenox. Of these Parents was born our late Sovereign of ever sacred me∣mory, who was Nephew by his Mother to James the Fifth, by Margaret the eldest Daughter Nephew to that wife King Henry the Seventh, who, the Issue of Henry the Eighth being extinct, as the next undoubted Heir, most happily united the Crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland.

But now at length to draw nearer home, this Autumn was very full of Diseases, Fevers (especially quartan) reigning ex∣traordinarily in England, whereby many, chiefly aged persons, and among them a great number of the Clergy perished. Of the sole Episcopal rank thirteen died either a little before the Queen, or some few months after her. Among the rest Cardinal Pool* 1.323 scarce survived her a day, who having been for some weeks af∣flicted by this kind of Disease, and brought to extreme weakness of Body, as if he had at the news of the Quens death received his deaths wound, expired at three a Clock the next morning. His Corps inclosed in Lead, was buried in his Cathedral at Canter∣bury, with this brief Elogy on his Tomb, instead of an Epitaph:

Depositum Cardinalis POLI.

He was a man admirably learned, modest, mild, of a most sweet disposition, wise, and of excellent dexterity in the managing of any affairs, so that he had been incomparable, if corrupted with the Religion of the Church of Rome he had not forced his nature to admit of those cruelties exercised upon the Protestants.

The Queen died at St. James on the seventeenth of November,* 1.324 some few hours before day. She was a Lady very godly, merciful, chast, and every way praise-worthy, if you regard not the errours of her Religion. But her Religion being the cause of the effusion of so much innocent Blood, that of the Prophet was necessarily to be fulfilled in her, Blood-thirsty men, &c. shall not finish half their days. For she was cut off in the two and fortieth year of her age, having reigned only five Years, four Months, and eleven Days; whereas her Sister, who succeeded her, most happily in a more mild Government ruled nine times as long, and almost doubled her age. Concerning the cause of Queen Maries Death there are divers conjectures. To relate what I find in approved Authors, it is reported, that in the beginning of her Sickness her friends supposing that she grieved at the absence of her Husband, whom she saw so engaged in Wars abroad, that she could not hope for his speedy return, used consolatory means, and endeavoured to remove from her that fixed sadness where∣with she seemed to be oppressed. But she utterly averse from all comfort, and giving her self over to melancholy, told them,

That she died, but that of the true cause of her Death they were [ 1558] ignorant, which if they were desirous to know, they should after her death dissect her Heart, and there they should find Calais: Intimating thereby, that the loss of Calais had occasioned this fatal grief, which was thought to have been increased by the Death of the Emperour her Father-in-Law. But the truth is, her Liver being over-cooled by a Mole, these things peradventure might hasten her end, which could not otherwise be far from her, and cast her by degrees into that kind of Dropsie, which Physicians term Ascites. This Dropsie being not discovered in time, deceived her Physicians, who believed that she had conceived by King Philip, whereas she alas did breed nothing but her own Death. So mature remedies being not applied, and she not observing a fit Diet, she fell into a Fever, which increasing by little and little, at last ended in her Death. She lieth interred at West∣minster in the midst of that Chappel which is on the North side of her Grandfather Henry the Seventh his Monument, where her Sister Queen Elizabeth was after Buried with her, and over both by the pious Liberality of that most Munificent Prince King James hath since been erected a most stately Monument, well befitting the Majesty of such great Monarchs.

QVEEN ELIZABETH.

ANNO DOM. 1558.

HAving thus briefly run over the Reigns of these three Princes, Queen Elizabeth's times in the next place offer themselves; which deservedly requiring a more accurate Style, I will here set a period to this Work, not so much with intent to pretermit them, as reserving them for a more exact labour. In the mean time, to give some satis∣faction to the Reader, I will make this short Addition.

Some few hours after the decease of Queen Mary, the Estates then assembled in Parliament, on the seventeenth of November declared her Sister the Lady Elizabeth Queen, who was Daughter to Henry the Eighth and Ann Bolen. Having most gloriously reigned forty four years, four months and seven days, she ended her Life and Reign on the four and twentieth of March, Anno 1603,

the Crown being by her death devolved to the renowned King [ 1558] of Scots James the Sixth, to whom it was so far from feeling it a burthen to have succeeded so good a Princess, that never was any Prince received with greater Applause and Gratulation of his People. Many think their condition happy, if they exchange a Caligula for a Claudius, or a Nero for a Vitellius or an Otho. But that any Mortal should please after Elizabeth, may seem a Miracle; and is a great argument both of rare Virtue in the succeeding King, and of a right Judgment in the Subject. For this great Lady was so far beyond Example, that even the best Princes come short of her; and they who most inveigh against that Sex, contend, that Woman is incapable of those Virtues (in her most eminent) Wisdom, Clemency, variety of Languages, and Magnanimity equal to that of Men, to which I add fervent Zeal of Piety and true Religion. But in these things peradventure some one or other may equal her. What I shall beyond all this speak of her (and let me speak it without offence to my most Excellent So∣vereign James, the Pattern of Princes, the Mirrour of our Age, the Delight of Britain) no Age hath hitherto parallel'd, nor (if my Augury fail not) none ever shall: That a Woman (and if that be not enough) a Virgin, destitute of the help of Parents, Brothers, Husband, being surrounded with Enemies, the Pope thundring, the Spaniard threatning, the French scarce dissem∣bling his secret hate, as many of the neighbouring Princes as were devoted to Rome, clashing about her, should contain this Warlike Nation not only in Obedience, but in Peace also, and (beyond all this) Popery being profligated, in the true Divine Worship. Hence it comes to pass, that England (which is among the rest of it self a Miracle) hath not these many years heard the noise of War; and that our Church (which she found much distracted) transcends all others of the Christian World. For you shall at this day scarce find any Church, which either defiled with Popish Superstitions, or despoiled of those Revenues which should maintain Professors of the Truth, hath not laid open a way to all kind of Errours, gross Ignorance in Learning (espe∣cially Divine) and at length to Ethnick Barbarousness. But to what end do I insist on these or the like, they being sufficiently known even to the Barbarians themselves, and Fame having trum∣petted them throughout the World. Which things, when and how they were done, how bountifully she aided and relieved her Al∣lies, how bravely she resisted, brake, vanquished her Enemies, I have a desire in a continued History to declare, and will (God willing) declare, if I can attain to the true intelligence of the passages of those times, have leisure for the compiling it, and that no other more able than my self (which I wish may happen) in the mean time engage themselves therein.

LAUS DEO.

Notes

• * 1.1

  His Privy∣Council.
• * 1.2

  The Funerals of K. Henry the Seventh.
• * 1.3

  St. Stephen's Chappel.
• * 1.4

  The Coronation of Henry the Eighth.
• * 1.5

  His Marriage.
• * 1.6

  The death of Lady Marga∣ret, Countess of Richmond.
• * 1.7

  Empson and Dudley.
• * 1.8

  An Expedition into Africk.
• * 1.9

  Into Gueldres.
• * 1.10

  Barton, a Pi∣rat, taken.
• * 1.11

  War with France.
• * 1.12

  A fruitless Voyage into Spain.
• * 1.13

  The Spaniard seiseth on Na∣varr.
• * 1.14

  The Lord Ad∣miral drowned.
• * 1.15

  Terovenne be∣sieged.
• * 1.16

  The Battel of Spurs.
• * 1.17

  Terovenne yielded.
• * 1.18

  Maximilian the Emperor serveth under King Henry.
• * 1.19

  The Siege of Tournay.
• * 1.20

  Tournay yielded
• * 1.21

  Wolsey Bishop of Tournay.
• * 1.22

  The King of Scots slaim.
• * 1.23

  Flodden-Field.
• * 1.24

  The descent and Honours of the Howards.
• * 1.25

  Charles Bran∣don, Duke of Suffolk.
• * 1.26

  Charles So∣merset, Earl of Worcester.
• * 1.27

  Peace with France.
• * 1.28

  The Lady Mary the King's Si∣ster, married to Lewis the Twelfth, King of France.
• * 1.29

  Cardinal Wolfey.
• * 1.30

  A breach with France.
• * 1.31

  The Star∣Chamber, and The Court of Requests, in∣stituted by Wolsey.
• * 1.32

  Ill May-day.
• * 1.33

  The Sweating∣Sickness.
• * 1.34

  Peace with France.
• * 1.35

  The death of the Emperour Maximilian.
• * 1.36

  The Emperour Charles the Fifth in Eng∣land:
• * 1.37

  Canterbury.
• * 1.38

  Interview be∣twixt the Kings of England and France.
• * 1.39

  Henry visits Emperour at Graveling.
• * 1.40

  The Duke of Buckingham accused of Treason.
• * 1.41

  King Henry writeth against Luther.
• * 1.42

  Luther's de∣parture from the Church of Rome.
• * 1.43

  The Kings of England by the Pope stiled, Defender of the Faith. The death of Leo the Tenth.
• * 1.44

  Cardinal Wol∣sey and others sins Ambassa∣dors to the Em∣perour and French King.
• * 1.45

  The Emperour Charles the second time in England.
• * 1.46

  Windsor.
• * 1.47

  The Conditions of thè League concluded with the Emperour.
• * 1.48

  Rhodes taken by the Turk.
• * 1.49

  Christiern, King of Den∣mark.
• * 1.50

  The Duke of Bourbon re∣volts.
• * 1.51

  The death of Adrian the Sixth. Clement the Seventh suc∣ceedeth, and Wolsey suf∣fereth the re∣pulse.
• * 1.52

  Wolsey per∣suades the King to a Divorce.
• * 1.53

  Richard Pacey Dean of Pauls falleth mad.
• * 1.54

  The Battel of Pavy.
• * 1.55

  Money deman∣ded and com∣manded by Pro∣clamation.
• * 1.56

  The King falls in love with Ann Bolen.
• * 1.57

  A creation of Lords.
• * 1.58

  Wolsey, 10 build two Col∣leges,
• * 1.59

  demolisheth forty Mona∣steries.
• * 1.60

  Sacriledge pu∣nished.
• * 1.61

  Luther writes to the King.
• * 1.62

  The King's An∣swer.
• * 1.63

  A breach with the Emperour.
• * 1.64

  The King en∣deavours to relieve the French King.
• * 1.65

  A League con∣cluded with the French King.
• * 1.66

  The French King set at liberty.
• * 1.67

  The King of Hungary slain by the Turks.
• * 1.68

  Wolsey seeks to be Pope, Sede nondum va∣cante.
• * 1.69

  Rome sacked.
• * 1.70

  Montmorency Ambassador from France.
• * 1.71

  War proclaimed against the Emperour.
• * 1.72

  The inconstancy of the Pope.
• * 1.73

  Cardinal Campegius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sens into Eng∣land.
• * 1.74

  The King's Speech concer∣ning his Di∣vorce.
• * 1.75

  The Suit of the King's Di∣vorce.
• * 1.76

  The Queens speech to the King before the Legates.
• * 1.77

  The Queen di∣parteth.
• * 1.78

  Reasons for the Divorce.
• * 1.79

  Reasons a∣gainst the Di∣vorce.
• * 1.80

  The Pope's in∣constancy.
• * 1.81

  Wolsey falls.
• * 1.82

  The Iegates re∣pair to the Queen.
• * 1.83

  Their confe∣rence with her.
• * 1.84

  Her answer.
• * 1.85

  Cardinal Campegius his Oraition.
• * 1.86

  Wolsey dis∣charged of the Great Seal.
• * 1.87

  Sir Thomas More Lord Chancellour.
• * 1.88

  The Cardinal accused of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.89

  Wolsey's Speech to the Judges.
• * 1.90

  Christ-Church in Oxford.
• * 1.91

  Wolfey-falls sick.
• * 1.92

  Wolsey is con∣fined to York.
• * 1.93

  The Cardinal is apprehended.
• * 1.94

  His last words.
• * 1.95

  He dicth.
• * 1.96

  And is buried.
• * 1.97

  His greatness.
• * 1.98

  His buildings.
• * 1.99

  The Peace of Cambray.
• * 1.100

  The first occa∣sion of Cran∣mer's rising.
• * 1.101

  Creation of Earls.
• * 1.102

  The Bible translated into English.
• * 1.103

  An Embassy to the Pope.
• * 1.104

  All comnierce with the See of Rome for∣bidden.
• * 1.105

  The Clergy fined.
• * 1.106

  The King de∣clared supreme Head of the Church.
• * 1.107

  The death of William War∣ham Archbishop of Canterbury. Cranmer (though much against his will) succeedeth him.
• * 1.108

  Sir Thomas More resigns the place of Lord Chan∣cellour.
• * 1.109

  An interview between the Kings of Eng∣land and France.
• * 1.110

  Catharina de Medices mar∣ried to the Duke of Or∣leans.
• * 1.111

  The King mar∣rieth Ann Bo∣len.
• * 1.112

  The birth of Queen Eliza∣beth.
• * 1.113

  Mary Queen of France dieth.
• * 1.114

  The Imposture of Elizabeth Barton disco∣vired.
• * 1.115

  No Canons to be constituted without the King's assent. The King to collate Bi∣shopricks.
• * 1.116

  The Archbishop of Canterbury bath Papal au∣thority under the King.
• * 1.117

  Fisher and More impri∣soned.
• * 1.118

  Persecution.
• * 1.119

  Pope Clement dieth.
• * 1.120

  First-fruits granted to the King. Wales united to England.
• * 1.121

  The King be∣gins to subvert Religious Houses.
• * 1.122

  Certain Priors and Monks executed.
• * 1.123

  The Bishop of Rochester beheaded.
• * 1.124

  Made Cardinal unseasonably.
• * 1.125

  Sir Thomas More be∣headed.
• * 1.126

  Religious Houses visited.
• * 1.127

  The death of Queen Ca∣tharine.
• * 1.128

  Queen Ann, the Visconnt Rochford and others com∣mitted.
• * 1.129

  The Queen con∣demned,
• * 1.130

  with her Brother, and Norris.
• * 1.131

  Her Execution.
• * 1.132

  Lady Eliza∣beth difintarited.
• * 1.133

  The King mar∣rieth Jane Sey∣mour.
• * 1.134

  Death of the Duke of So∣merset the King's natural Son.
• * 1.135

  Bourchier Earl of Bath.
• * 1.136

  Cromwell's Honour and Dignity.
• * 1.137

  The beginning of Reforma∣tion.
• * 1.138

  The subversion of Religious Houses of less note.
• * 1.139

  Commotion in Lincolnshire.
• * 1.140

  Insurrection in Yorkshire.
• * 1.141

  Scarborough∣Castle befieged.
• * 1.142

  Rebellion in Ireland.
• * 1.143

  Cardinal Pool.
• * 1.144

  Rebels execu∣ted.
• * 1.145

  Cardinal Pool writes against the King.
• * 1.146

  The birth of Prince Ed∣ward.
• * 1.147

  Seymour Earl of Hertford.
• * 1.148

  Fitz-William Earl of Southampton. Powlet and Russel rise.
• * 1.149

  The abuse of Images re∣strained.
• * 1.150

  Becket's Shrine demolished.
• * 1.151

  Uniones.
• * 1.152

  The Image of our Lady of Walsingham.
• * 1.153

  Frier Forest makes good a 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.154

  Saint Augu∣stine's at Can∣terbury,
• * 1.155

  Battel-Abbey,
• * 1.156

  and others suppressed.
• * 1.157

  The Bible translated.
• * 1.158

  The Marquess of Exceter and others beheaded
• * 1.159

  Lambert con∣vented, and burned.
• * 1.160

  Margaret 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Salisbury con∣demned.
• * 1.161

  The subversion of Religious Houses.
• * 1.162

  Some Abbots executed.
• * 1.163

  Glastonbury.
• * 1.164

  A catalogue of the Abbots who bad voices among the Peers.
• * 1.165

  New Bishop∣ricks erected.
• * 1.166

  The Law of the Six Articles.
• * 1.167

  Latimer and Schaxton re∣sign their Bi∣shopricks.
• * 1.168

  The arrival of certain Princes of Germany in England, for the treatise of a Match be∣tween the King and Lady Ann of Cleve.
• * 1.169

  The King mar∣rieth the Lady Ann of Cleve.
• * 1.170

  Cromwell created Earl of Essex, and within three months after beheaded.
• * 1.171

  Lady Ann of Cleve 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.172

  The King mar∣rieth Catha∣rine Howard.
• * 1.173

  Protestants and Papists a∣like persecuted.
• * 1.174

  The Prior of Dancaster and six others hanged.
• * 1.175

  The Lord Hun∣gerford exe∣cuted.
• * 1.176

  Beginnings of a commotion in Yorkshire.
• * 1.177

  Lord Leonard Grey be∣headed.
• * 1.178

  The Lord Da∣cres hanged.
• * 1.179

  Queen Catha∣rine beheaded.
• * 1.180

  Ireland made a Kingdom.
• * 1.181

  The Viscount Lisle deceased of a surfert of Joy.
• * 1.182

  Sir John Dud∣ley made Vis∣count Lisle.
• * 1.183

  War with Scotland.
• * 1.184

  The Scots over∣throwes.
• * 1.185

  The death of James the Fifth, King of Scotland.
• * 1.186

  Hopes of a Match between Prince Ed∣word and the Queen of Scots.
• * 1.187

  The Scottish Captives set liberty. The Earl of Angus return-eth into Scot∣land.
• * 1.188

  The League and Match concluded.
• * 1.189

  The Scottish shipping de∣tained.
• * 1.190

  War with Scotland.
• * 1.191

  War with France.
• * 1.192

  A League with Emperour.
• * 1.193

  Landrecy be∣sieged, but in vain.
• * 1.194

  The people li∣censed to eat White Meats in Lent.
• * 1.195

  The King's sixth Marri∣age.
• * 1.196

  William Parr Earl of Essex.
• * 1.197

  Another of the same name made Lord Parr.
• * 1.198

  The Lord Chan∣cellour dieth.
• * 1.199

  An Expedition into Scotland.
• * 1.200

  Alias Bon∣lamberg.
• * 1.201

  The Earl of Hertford Pro∣tector.
• * 1.202

  Hing Henry's Funerals.
• * 1.203

  The Coronation.
• * 1.204

  The death of Francis King of France.
• * 1.205

  Musselburgh∣Field.
• * 1.206

  Reformation in the Church.
• * 1.207

  The Scots and French besiege Hadinton.
• * 1.208

  The Queen of Scots trans∣ported into France.
• * 1.209

  Humes Castle and Fastcastle gained by the Enemy.
• * 1.210

  Gardiner Bi∣shop of Win∣chester com∣mitted to the Tower.
• * 1.211

  Gardiner de∣prived of his Bishoprick.
• * 1.212

  Boner Bishop of London committed also.
• * 1.213

  Discord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Duke of So∣merset and his Brother the Lord Admiral.
• * 1.214

  The Lord Ad∣miral be∣headed.
• * 1.215

  An Insurre∣ction
• * 1.216

  in Norfolk,
• * 1.217

  and in Devon∣shire.
• * 1.218

  Some Forts lost in Boloignois.
• * 1.219

  Corruptly Bonlamberg.
• * 1.220

  Enmity be∣tween the Pro∣tector and the Earl of War∣wick.
• * 1.221

  The Protector committed.
• * 1.222

  The death of Paul the Third, Pope.
• * 1.223

  Cordinal Pool elected Pope.
• * 1.224

  The Duke of Somerset set at liberty.
• * 1.225

  Peace with the Scots and French.
• * 1.226

  The Sweating Sickness.
• * 1.227

  The death of the Duke of Suffolk.
• * 1.228

  A creation of Dukes and Earls.
• * 1.229

  The descent of the Earls of Pembroke.
• * 1.230

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 be∣tween the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dukes of So∣merset and Northumber∣land revived.
• * 1.231

  Certain Bishops deprived.
• * 1.232

  Some of the Servants of the Lady Mary committed.
• * 1.233

  An Arrian burned.
• * 1.234

  An Earth∣quake.
• * 1.235

  The Queen of Scots in Eng∣land.
• * 1.236

  The Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget committed.
• * 1.237

  The Bishop of Ely Lord Chan∣cellor.
• * 1.238

  The Duke of Somerset be∣headed.
• * 1.239

  A Monster.
• * 1.240

  The King Sicknoth.
• * 1.241

  His Will, wherein he disinheriteth his Sisters.
• * 1.242

  He dieth.
• * 1.243

  His Prayer.
• * 1.244

  Cardanus Lib. de Geni∣turis.
• * 1.245

  Sir Hugh Wil∣loughby fro∣zen 10 death.
• * 1.246

  Commerce with the Mus∣covite.
• * 1.247

  Lady Mary flies into Suf∣folk.
• * 1.248

  Lady Jane proclaimed Queen.
• * 1.249

  Northumber∣land forced to be General.
• * 1.250

  L. qui in provinciâ, sect, Divus, ff. de Ris Nupt. L. 4. C. de Incest. Nupt. & Gloss. ibid. C. cum in∣ter. &c. ex te∣nore. Extr. qui fil. sins le∣git.
• * 1.251

  Northumber∣land forsaken by his Soul∣diers.
• * 1.252

  The Lords re∣solve for Queen Mary,
• * 1.253

  And to suppress Lady Jane.
• * 1.254

  Northum∣berland pro∣claims Mary Queen at Cambridge.
• * 1.255

  Northumber∣land, and some other Lords taken.
• * 1.256

  Queen Mary comes to Lon∣don.
• * 1.257

  Gardiner made Lord Chancel∣lour.
• * 1.258

  Diprived Bishops restored.
• * 1.259

  King Ed∣ward's Fune∣ral.
• * 1.260

  The Duke of Northumber∣land, the Earl of Warwick, and the Mar∣quis of Nor∣thampton con∣demned.
• * 1.261

  The Duke of Northumber∣land Bheaded.
• * 1.262

  Bishops impri∣soned.
• * 1.263

  Peter Martyr.
• * 1.264

  The Archbishop Cranmer, Lady Jane, Lord Guilford and Lord Am∣brose Dudley condemned.
• * 1.265

  The Coronation.
• * 1.266

  A Disputation in the Convo∣cation-House.
• * 1.267

  Popery restored.
• * 1.268

  The Queen in∣clines to marry.
• * 1.269

  The Articles of the Queens Marriage with Philip of Spain.
• * 1.270

  Which, as I conceive, would have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the year 1588.
• * 1.271

  Sir Thomas Wyat's Rebel∣lion.
• * 1.272

  Sir John Cheeke is ta∣ken, and dieth.
• * 1.273

  Bret with five hundred Lon∣doners revolts to Wiat.
• * 1.274

  The Duke of Suffolk per∣swades the Peo∣ple to Arms in vain.
• * 1.275

  The Queens Oration to the Londoners.
• * 1.276

  Wyat is taken.
• * 1.277

  The Lady Jane Beheaded.
• * 1.278

  The Duke of Suffolk Be∣headed.
• * 1.279

  Wyat Execu∣ted,
• * 1.280

  And Lord Thomas Gray.
• * 1.281

  A Disputation at Oxford.
• * 1.282

  Cranmer, Rid∣ley, and Lati∣mer Con∣demned.
• * 1.283

  Additions to the former Nuptial Com∣pacts.
• * 1.284

  Philip arri∣vith in Eng∣land.
• * 1.285

  And is mar∣ried to the Queen.
• * 1.286

  Cardinal Pool comes into England.
• * 1.287

  Cardinal Pool's Oration to the Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.288

  The Realm freed from 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.289

  The Queen thought to be with Child.
• * 1.290

  Lords created.
• * 1.291

  Lady Eliza∣beth and the Marquess of Exceter set at liberty.
• * 1.292

  John Rogers Burned,
• * 1.293

  and Bishop Hooper,
• * 1.294

  Bishop Ferrar,
• * 1.295

  many others,
• * 1.296

  and Bishop Ridley, and Latimer.
• * 1.297

  The death of Pope Julius the Third.
• * 1.298

  Paul the Fourth suc∣ceedeth. Gardiner sueth to be Cardinal.
• * 1.299

  Gardiner 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.300

  Charles the Emperour resigns his Crowns.
• * 1.301

  The Archbishop of York Lord Chancellour.
• * 1.302

  A Comet.
• * 1.303

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edward.
• * 1.304

  Archbishop Cranmer Burned.
• * 1.305

  This year eighty four Burned.
• * 1.306

  The exhuma∣tion of Bucer and Phagius.
• * 1.307

  Cardinal Pool consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury.
• * 1.308

  An Embassage to Muscovia.
• * 1.309

  The Lord Stourton hanged.
• * 1.310

  Thomas Staf∣ford endea∣vouring an Insurrection, is taken and Beheaded.
• * 1.311

  War against France pro∣claimed.
• * 1.312

  Pool's autho∣rity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abrogated,
• * 1.313

  and restored.
• * 1.314

  The French overthrown at St. Quintin.
• * 1.315

  St. Quintin taken.
• * 1.316

  A nocturual Rainbow.
• * 1.317

  Calais be∣sieged by the French.
• * 1.318

  Calais yielded.
• * 1.319

  The Battel of Graveling.
• * 1.320

  The French overthrown.
• * 1.321

  Conquet ta∣ken and burned by the English.
• * 1.322

  The Daulphin married to the Queen of Scot.
• * 1.323

  The death of Cardinal Pool.
• * 1.324

  The Queen diesh.