The history of the reigns of Henry the Seventh, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary the first written by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; the other three by the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, Francis Godwyn, Lord Bishop of Hereford.

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Title
The history of the reigns of Henry the Seventh, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary the first written by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; the other three by the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, Francis Godwyn, Lord Bishop of Hereford.
Author
Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626.
Publication
London :: Printed by W.G. for R. Scot, T. Basset, J. Wright, R. Chiswell, and J. Edwyn,
1676.
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Subject terms
Henry -- VII, -- King of England, 1457-1509.
Henry -- VIII, -- King of England, 1491-1547.
Edward -- VI, -- King of England, 1537-1553.
Mary -- I, -- Queen of England, 1516-1558.
Great Britain -- History -- Tudors, 1485-1603.
Cite this Item
"The history of the reigns of Henry the Seventh, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary the first written by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; the other three by the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, Francis Godwyn, Lord Bishop of Hereford." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A28237.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 23, 2024.

Pages

ANNO DOM. 1551. REG. 5.

MEntion hath formerly been made concerning the Sweating [ 1551] Sickness, a disease to which England hath given a name, as well in regard of its original, as of the known disposition of our Bodies to admit of this virulent contagion. England had been formerly afflicted with it, but never so mortally as this present

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year. Shrewsbury was now the first place acquainted with this [ 1551] Pestilence, there it began in April, and thence diffusing it self over the most part of the Kingdom, at length it vanished away in the North about the beginning of October. The fury of it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such, as if it would never end but by its proper cruelty, when it should not have left subjects whereon to feed. The dead whom it swept away were numberless. In London only eight hundred was scarce a seven-nights stint. It made its first entry into this Island in the Reign of Henry the Seventh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1486, and from hence it took its progress into other Nations. The Infected flowed away, and within the space of twenty four hours when this malignant disease was most merciful in its execution, peradventure within twelve, did sweat out their Souls. Women, children, and old men it for the most part over-passed, and wreaked it self on the robustious youth and well compact middle age, who, if in the beginning of their sickness did but slumber, perished in∣stantly. If it seised on any that were full gorged, the recovery was in a manner desperate. Nay and of others whatsoever they were, scarce one of a hundred escaped, until time had found out a remedy; the manner whereof was thus: If any be taken in the day time, he must without shifting of his apparel betake himself to bed: If by night and in bed, let him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thence, until twenty four hours be run. In the mean let the cover∣ture be such, that it provoke not sweat, but that it may gently distil of it self: if it be possible for him so long to forbear, let him not eat nor drink more than may moderately serve to extin∣guish thirst: But above all, let him so patiently endure hear, that he uncover not any part of his body, no not so much as a hand or a foot. The strangeness of this disease I do not so much admire; for that Pliny in his twenty sixth Book the first Chapter witnesseth, and daily experience teacheth us, that every Age produceth new and Epidemical diseases. But that which sur∣passeth the search of humane reason is this, that this Pestilence afflicted the English in what part of the World soever, without touching the Natives, but in England alone. This dire conta∣gion promiscuously impoverisht the Land of people of all sorts: among those of especial note were Henry Duke of Suffolk, and his Brother, who were the Sons of Charles Brandon, the King's Cou∣sins germane, young Gentlemen of great and lively hopes: by the death of Henry, the Duchy was for some few hours devolved to the younger Brother, who had the unhappy honour but to be seised of the Title and die. The Lord Gray Marquis of Dorset having married Frances the eldest Daughter of Charles Brandon, in the right of his Wife made claim to the Duchy, and was on the eleventh of October invested in it. At what time also John Dudley Earl of Warwick was created Duke of Northumberland; William Fowlet Earl of Wiltshire, Marquis of Winchester; and Sir William

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Herbert Lord Cardif Master of the Horse, Earl of Pembroke. The [ 1551] masculine Line of Dudley and Gray hath been long since extinct: Of the Family of the Powlets we have spoken already. The Lord Herbert Brother-in-Law to Queen Catharine Parr, derived himself from William Herbert in the time of Edward the Fourth Earl of Pembroke, and was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Earldom by his Son Henry Father to william the modern Earl (whose mature wisdom and gravity even in his greener years, long since ranked him in the sage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Privy Council to two successive Kings) and to Philip by King James created Earl of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Then also were knighted Sir John 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King's Schoolmaster, Sir Henry Dudley, Sir Henry Novill, and (whom I cannot mention but with due honour) Sir William Cecill. Cecill I say, who then Secretary of Estate, was afterward by all Europe held in admiration for his wisdom; whom Queen Elizabeth made Lord Treasurer of England and Baron of Burleigh, and was whilest he lived a second prop of this Estate; who on the fourth of August 1598 piously ended his long, but for the publick weals sake ever restless life, leaving two Sons, Thomas by King James created Earl of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Robert out of the same Fountain of Royal Goodness 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Lord Treasurer of England.

And now the ill cemented affections of the Dukes of Somerset and Northumberland dissolved into open enmity. In the prose∣cution whereof, Somerset, otherwise of a most mild disposition (but Patience abused oft runneth into the extreme of Fury) provoked by continual injuries, resolved (as some write) to murther Nor∣thumberland. To this end, but under colour of a visit, privily armed, and well attended by Seconds who awaited him in an outer Chamber, he comes to his Adversary at that time by reason of some indisposition of Body keeping his Chamber, hath access unto him naked as he was in his Bed, but is so courteously entertained, and with such smooth language, that the Duke of Somerset good man repenting himself of his Bloody Resolutions, would not Execute what he purposely came for. At his depar∣ture one of his Conspirators is reported to have asked him, Whe∣ther he had done the Feat? and upon his denial to have added, Then you are undone. This his intent being by his own Party bewrayed, a second Accusation is engrossed against him. The matter is reforred to the Council Table, and he on the sixteenth of October again committed to the Tower together with the Duchess his Wife, the Lord Gray of wilton, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Thomas Falmer, Sir William Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir Thomas Arundelt, and many other of his Friends.

On the first of December the Marquis of Winchester being sot that day High Steward, he is Arraigned for Treason against the Estate, which he had not only ill but treacherously managed; and for Conspiracy against the Duke of Northumberland. Of

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Treason he cleared himself, and his Peers acquitted him. For [ 1551] the Conspiracy he was by his own Confession condemned, and that by virtue of a Law Enacted 3 Hen. 7. which made the very Intent, nay Imagination of Killing a Privy Counsellour punishable by Death. But howsoever the Law (Enacted as some conceive upon somewhat differing intents and meaning) were extended to the highest of its rigour, yet can I not but wonder, how a man so great in the regards of his Reigning Nephew, of his Honours, of the Popular Favour, should be so destitute of Learned Advice, as not to exempt himself from a Felonious Death by his Clergy. But such were the Times, such his Misfortunes in the minority of his Prince; from whose revengeful Hand how could the adverse Faction presume themselves secure in the future? Neither could they choose but be somewhat terrified with that Ecchoing Testimony of the Peoples Joy, who seeing that fatal Virge the Ax (usually marshalling Traytors to the Bar) laid aside upon his freedom from the guilt of Treason; from Westmin∣ster Hall certified that part of the City by their loud festival Acclamations, of the gladsom tidings of their Favourite's con∣ceived Absolution. And these peradventure might be causes that his Execution was deferred.

Hitherto had the Estate patiently endured the obstinate Oppo∣sition of some Bishops in point of Reformation, who for their Non-conformity are at length deprived, and others substituted in their Bishopricks. Of some of them we have occasionally already spoken, whose Censures notwithstanding fall in with this Year. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester was deprived the fourteenth of Fe∣bruary; Day of Chichester, and Heath of Worcester on the tenth of October; Tonstall of Duresm on the twentieth of December commit∣ted to the Tower; and Boner of London on the first of October 1549 had been already exautorated. All of them for fear of practising against the Estate were deteined in Prison.

And on the last of October Francis Inglefield, Walgrave, and Re∣chester Servants to the Lady Mary, as also Francis Mallet Doctor of Divinity her Chaplain, were committed. I cannot speak any thing certain of the causes of any of their Imprisonments, excepting Doctor Mallet's only. At the Emperour's request he was permitted to celebrate Mass, but with this limitation, In the presence of the Lady Mary, not otherwise: for adventuring to Celebrate in her absence, it was thought fit he should be punished for his presumptuous Transgression. With the Lady her self all means had been used to conform her to the Times: the King him∣self had taken much pains with her by often suasory Letters, the Council had done the like, and personally to satisfie her with Reason, divers Learned men had been employed. But their la∣bours were vain; for hatred to our Religion for her Mothers, for her own sake, and some politick respects (for by the Decrees

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of our Religion she was made Illegitimate, and consequently cut [ 1551] off from the Succession to the Crown, if he Brother should die Issueless) confirmed her in that Superstition which she had sucked from her Mother.

On the fourteenth of April one George Paris a German was at London burned for Arrianism.

On the five and twentieth of May, Croydon and seven or eight other Villages in Surrey were terribly shaken with an Earth∣quake.

Toward the beginning of November, Mary Dowager of Scot∣land arriving at Portsmouth, sent to the King and craved leave to pass through England into Scotland. Which being granted, and she invited to London, entred the City on the second of November, where her Entertainment was general and Royal. On the sixth of November she departed for Scotland, and had the Charges of her whole Retinue born until she arrived there in safety.

About the same time also the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget were (but for what causes is uncertain) committed to the Tower. In the ensuing April the Garter was taken from the Lord Paget, and conferred on the Earl of Warwick the Duke of Northumberland's eldest Son. As for the Earl of Arundel he was on the third of December in the next year set at liberty.

On the one and twentieth of December was the Lord Rich re∣moved from the Chancellorship, and Thomas Goodrich Bishop of Ely made Lord Chancellor.

Notes

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