The history of the reigns of Henry the Seventh, Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary the first written by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; the other three by the Right Honourable and Right Reverend Father in God, Francis Godwyn, Lord Bishop of Hereford.

ANNO DOM. 1525. REG. 17.

RIchard Pacey Dean of St. Pauls, had been not long before sent to Venice as an Agent concerning our affairs in Italy. He* 1.1 was a very Learned man, and worthy (had God been so pleased) of a better Destiny. He knew not the change of the King's mind, But perceiving the monthly pay due from the King, according to promise came not, of whose Honour, which now lay at stake, he was very tender, he was much discontented. To salve all, he assaied to take up so much money of certain Merchants, with whom it seems he in part prevailed. But the summ was so small, that it stood the Imperials in as small stead, and yet so great, that it exceeded the ability of his private estate to make satisfaction. Upon notice of the King's alienation from the Emperour, he fell irrecoverably distracted.

In the mean time the Duke of Bourbon and the Imperials were* 1.2 in so great distress and want of all things, that unless they could by some stratagem or other draw the French to commit all to the fortune of a Battel, the Army must needs disband. They disquiet and try the French (especially in the night preceding St. Matthias∣day, which was the day of the Emperour Charles his nativity) with many false Alarms. They make two Squadrons of Horse, and four of Foot. The first consisting of six thousand Lansquenets, Spaniards; and Italians, under the command of the Marquess of Guasto; the second of Spanish Foot, under the Marquess of Pescara; the third and fourth of Lansquenets, under the Viceroy Launoy and the Duke of Bourbon. They came to a Wall called the Park-wall, and under the covert of the night cast down above sixty paces, enter within it, the first Squadron taking the way to Mirabell, the rest marching toward the King's Army. The King thought the Imperials went to Mirabell, as making choice of the plain open fields to fight in. He was unwilling to leave the besieged at liberty, and yet the Plains were advantageous for his Horse. He therefore commands his Artillery to be discharged, which some∣what endamaged them, and though unwilling, draws his Forces out of their trenches (than which the Imperials desired nothing more) and opposed the whole strength of his Army against them. But passing before the Cannon, hinders their execution. They that took the way to Mirabell, now turn head, and both Armies engage them∣selves in a cruel fight, wherein the King more following Shadows than Substances, and the idle rumours of the vulgar, than the means of a most certain and glorious Victory, is overthrown and taken prisoner, losing beside the flower of the French Nobility (almost all either taken or slain) at one blow the Duchy of Milan, the possession whereof had made him Lord of the greatest part of Lombardy. Pope Clement, who had left the Emperour for the

French (which he afterward repented) often advertised the King, [ 1525] that the Imperials were in great distress and want, that they con∣tinually mutinied for lack of pay; that he had taken so sufficient order with the King of England and the rest of the Confederates, that they should continue bare enough of money. If therefore he would but hold his hand, and forbear to fight, necessity enforcing the Imperials to disband, he should be victorious without blood∣shed. But he was not capable of so good advice. His Forces were great (yet short of his account, his Captains treacherously abusing him, in not furnishing those numbers of Foot for which they re∣ceived pay) and it were equally a dishonour to him, either to seem to avoid the Enemy, or to lie still so long at a Siege, to no purpose. The Divine Power having decreed to chastise him, per∣mitted him through impatience to run headlong into these errours, which so deeply plunged him in those calamities, that without God's especial favour had proved fatal to him and his France.

When I consider this and many other the like chances hap∣pening as well in the course of a private man's life, as in publick affairs, I cannot but wonder at the sottish valour of this Age, wherein rather than endure the touch of the least (though false) aspersion, we will run the hazard both of life and fortunes. How many brave men do we daily see, wonderful ingenious in this kind of folly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who standing upon I know not what Points of Ho∣nour, upon the least offence challenge the field, and wilfully seek out their own destruction. What in God's name is become of the patience of that lingering Fabius, who quietly bearing the bitter taunts and mocks of his Souldiers, of the People, and the Senate, yet brought home an easie, though late Victory? We are certainly too blame, with the Dog we catch at the shadow and lose the substance. Of our Saviour we shall learn, that it is the highest point of Fortitude, In patience to possess our Souls. And according to Aristotle, true Valour is regardless of ill language.

Mordear approbriis falsis, mutemque colores? Falsus honor juvat, & mendax infamia terret Quem, nisi mendosum & mendacem?

It is Horace:

Back-bitten, must I needs turn pale for it? False honours please, and lying slanders fright, Whom, but the unworthy and vain-glorious wight?

In the Tent of the captive King, the Letters of the Pope and our King, concerning their late League with the French, being found, the Duke of Bourbon now knew the cause why supplies of Money came in so slowly: And Prat, Leiger here for the Emperour, upon notice of it, without leave withdrew himself from Court, and on the ninth of April secretly departed the land. In the mean

time Henry little suspecting that these secret compacts were known [ 1525] to the Emperour, about the end of March sent Ambassadors to him Cutbert Tonstal Bishop of London, and Sir Richard Wingfield Knight of the Garter; by whom He did congratulate his late vi∣ctorious success, admonishing him to a close pursuit of his fortunes: That if his Imperial Majesty intended with greater forces to oppress the already vanquished; in regard of the strict tie of Friendship between them, his necessary endeavours should in no sort be wanting. What answer the Emperour gave I know not. It is very likely he paid the King in his own coin, and dissembled with the Dissembler; but having courteously entertained our Ambassadors, as courteously dismissed them.

But the King wants money, and must now dissemble with his Subjects. He pretended War with France, and with this key hopes to open his Subjects coffers. The expectation of supplies by a Parliament would prove tedious; some shorter course must be taken. Money is therefore demanded by Proclamation, and* 1.3 that no less than according to the sixth part of every man's Move∣ables. Divers great personages appointed Commissioners, use all fair means to draw the people to contribute. But although they sate in Commission in divers parts of the Kingdom at one and the same time, they were so far from prevailing, that as if the people had universally conspired, it was every where denied, and the Commissioners very ill entreated, not without further danger of sedition and tumult. Hereupon the King calls a Parliament to be held at London; wherein he professeth himself to be utterly ignorant of these intolerable courses by such burthenous taxations. The King disclaiming it, every one seeks to free himself. The Cardinal was at last fain to take all upon himself; protesting, That as a faithful Servant, he had no further end in it, than the profit of his Lord the King; and that he had advised not only with his Ma∣jesties Council (which they all acknowledged) but also with the Learned in the Laws both Divine and Humane whose opinion it was, That the King might lawfully take the same course that Pharaoh did, who by the ministery of Joseph sequestred a certain portion of every mans private estate for the publick good. But the dislike of the people, oc∣casioned by this (though fruitless) project, was greater than could be removed by this excuse.

And yet this project was not altogether fruitless, the King's apparent want affording a sufficient pretext of deferring the War with France until another year. Neither was it the King's intent to make use of his advantages over the French, who now lay open to all his blows. Henry having put away his Wife, the Emperour must needs be netled, and then the amity of France would stand him in some stead. Indeed Catharine was a noble and a virtuous Lady, but she had lived so long, as to make her Husband weary* 1.4 of her. He affected the Daughter of Sir Thomas Bolen, Treasurer

of his Houshold. Her he intends to marry, and to be divorced from [ 1525] the other: For he did in his soul abhor this incestuous Match, and it stood not with the publick weal, that he should live single, especially the lawfulness of his Daughters birth being so questionable. He married not again for his pleasure, but to settle the Kingdom on his lawful Issue. The Learned (as many as he had conferred with) did generally pronounce the first Marriage void: yet would he have it lawfully decided, that with a safe conscience he might make choice of a second. Thus far had Wolsey willingly led him, hoping to have drawn him to a Match in France. But he was of age to choose for himself, and had al∣ready elsewhere setled his affections.

And the more to manifest his love, on the eighteenth of June* 1.5 he created his future Father-in-Law Sir Thomas Bolen, Viscount Rochfort. At the same time were created Henry Fitz-roy the King's natural Son by Elizabeth Blount Daughter to Sir John Blount Knight, Earl of Nottingham, and Duke of Richmond and Somerset: Henry Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the King's Cousin-german, Marquess of Exceter: Henry Brandon, eldest Son to the Duke of Suffolk by the King's Sister the Dowager of France, Earl of Lincoln: Thomas Manners Lord Roos, Earl of Rutland: Sir Henry Clifford, Earl of Cumberland: and Robert Ratcliff Lord Fitzwalter, Viscount Fitz∣walter.

Cardinal Wolsey this year laid the foundation of two Colleges,* 1.6 one at Ipswich the place of his birth, another at Oxford, dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, by the name of Christ-Church. This latter, though not half finished, yet a magnificent and royal Work, a most fruitful Mother of Learned Children, doth furnish the Church and Commonwealth with multitudes of able men, and amongst others, acknowledgeth me (such as I am) for her Foster∣child. The other, as if the Founder had also been the foun∣dation, fell with the Cardinal, and being for the most part pulled down, is long since converted to private uses. The Cardinal's private estate (although it were wonderful great) being not suf∣ficient to endow these Colleges with revenues answerable to their foundation, the Pope consenting, he demolished forty Monaste∣ries* 1.7 of meaner note, and conferred the lands belonging to them, on these his new Colleges. It hath been the observation of some, That this business, like that proverbial Gold of Tholouse, was fatal* 1.8 to those that any way had a hand in it. We will hereafter shew what became of the Pope and the Cardinal. But of five, whom he made use of in the alienation of the Gifts of so many Religious men, it afterward happened, that two of them challenging the field of each other, one was slain, and the other hanged for it; a third throwing himself headlong into a Well, perished wilfully; a fourth, before that a wealthy man, sunk to that low ebb, that he after begged his bread; and Dr. Allen the fifth, a man of especial note, being Archbishop of Dublin, was murthered in

Ireland. I could wish, that by these and the like examples, men [ 1525] would learn to take heed how they lay hands on things conse∣crated to God. If the Divine Justice so severely punished those that converted the abused (yet not regarding the abuse, but fol∣lowing the sway of their ambitious desires) goods of the Church to undoubtedly better uses; what can we expect of those that take all occasions to rob and spoil the Church, having no other end, but only the enriching of themselves.

Luther had notice of Henry his intended Divorce, and that from Christiern the expelled King of Denmark, who eagerly soli∣cited him to write friendly unto the King; putting Luther in hope, that Henry being a courteous Prince, might by mild perswasions be induced to embrace the Reformation which Luther had begun. And indeed Luther foreseeing the necessary consequences of this Divorce, was easily intreated, and did write unto the King in this submissive manner:

He doubted not but he had much offended his Majesty by his late* 1.9 Reply: but he did it rather enforced by others, than of his own accord. He did now write, presuming upon the King's much bruited humanity; especially being informed, That the King himself was not Author of the Book against him, which thing he understood was captiously cavilled at by some Sophisters. And having occasion to speak of the Car∣dinal of York, he called him the Caterpillar of England: He under∣stood, the King did now loath that wicked sort of men, and in his mind to favour the Truth. Wherefore he craveth pardon of his Majesty, beseeching him to remember, that we being mortal, should not make our enmities immortal. If the King would be pleased to impose it, he would openly acknowledge his fault, and blazon his Royal Virtues in another Book. Then he wished him to stop his ears against those standerous tongues that branded him with Heresie: for this was the summ of his Doctrine, That we must be saved through Faith in Christ, who did bear the punishment of our sins in every part, and throughout his whole body, who dying for us, and rising again, reigneth with the Father for ever. That he taught this to be the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles: and that out of this position he shewed, what Charity was, how we ought to behave our selves one towards another, that we are to obey Magistrates, and to spend our whole life in the profession of the Gospel. If this Doctrine contain any Impiety or Errour, why do not his Adver∣saries demonstrate it? Why do they condemn him without either lawful hearing or confutation? In that he inveigheth against the Pope and his Adherents, he doth it not without good reason; for asmuch as for their profits sake, they teach things contrary to what Christ and the Apostles did, that so they may domineer over the Flock, and maintain themselves in Gluttony and Idleness. That this was the mark at which their thoughts and deeds aimed; and that it was so notorious, that they themselves could not deny it. That if they would reform themselves, by changing their idle and filthy course of life, maintained by the loss and wrong of

others, the differences might easily be composed. That his Tenets were [ 1525] approved by many Princes and Estates of Germany, who did reverently acknowledge this great blessing of God, amongst whom he wonderfully desired he might rank his Majesty. That the Emperour and some others opposed his proceedings, he did not at all wonder: for the Prophet David had many Ages since foretold, That Kings and Nations should conspire against the Lord and against his Christ, and cast away his yoak from them. That when he did consider this and the like places of Scripture, he did rather wonder that any Prince did favour the doctrine of the Gospel. And to conclude, he craved a favourable Answer.

The King made a sharp Reply to Luther's Letter, accusing him* 1.10 of base Inconstancy. He stands in defence of his Book, which (he said) was in great esteem with many Religious and Learned men. That he reviled the Cardinal (a Reverend Father) was to be regarded as from him from whose impiety neither God nor man could be free. That both Himself and the whole Realm had found the profitable and wholesom effects of the Cardinal's endeavours, who should reap this fruit of Luther's railing, that whereas he loved him very well before, he would now favour him more than ever: That among other of the Cardinal's good deeds, this was one, that he took especial care, that none of Luther's leprosie, contagion, and heresie, should cleave to, or take root in this Kingdom: Then he upbraided him with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 marriage with a Nun, a crime as heinous and abominable as any.

At this Answer (which the King caused to be printed) Luther grieved much, blaming his friends that had occasioned it; saying, That he wrote in that humble manner only to please his Friends, and that he now plainly saw how much he was mistaken. That he committed the like errour in writing friendly at the request of others, to Cardinal Cajetan, George Duke of Saxony, and Erasmus, the fruits whereof were, that he made them the more violent. That he shewed himself a fool, in hoping to find Piety and Zeal in Princes Courts, in seeking CHRIST in the Kingdom of Satan, in searching for John Baptist among the Cloathed in Purple. But being he could not prevail by fair means, he would take another course.

The late mention of Erasmus puts me in mind of a Book written by him either this or the year passed, at the entreaty of the King and the Cardinal (as he himself in an Epistle confesseth) enti∣tuled, De Libero Arbitrio; whereto Luther made a quick Reply, writing a Book De Servo Arbitrio.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Richard Pacey Dean of Pauls falleth mad.
• * 1.2

  The Battel of Pavy.
• * 1.3

  Money deman∣ded and com∣manded by Pro∣clamation.
• * 1.4

  The King falls in love with Ann Bolen.
• * 1.5

  A creation of Lords.
• * 1.6

  Wolsey, 10 build two Col∣leges,
• * 1.7

  demolisheth forty Mona∣steries.
• * 1.8

  Sacriledge pu∣nished.
• * 1.9

  Luther writes to the King.
• * 1.10

  The King's An∣swer.