An history of the civill vvares of England betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the Second, their proceedings, in the lives of Henry the Fourth, the Fifth, and Sixth, Edward the Fourth and Fifth, Richard the Third, and Henry the Seventh, in whose dayes they had a happy period : written in Italian in three volumes / by Sir Francis Biondi, Knight ... ; Englished by the Right Honourable Henry, Earle of Mounmouth, in two volumes.

THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth.

WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome, is worthy of observation, but hard it is to give a just reason thereof: whether power, Justice, or the peoples inclination. It was not power, since he was admitted of by election; not Ju∣stice, for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people, especially the tumultuous people of a City, though Metropolitan, without the joynt approbation of all the Shires; and say it did by right belong unto him, a busi∣nesse of such importance, against a King that was no usurper, who succeeded to two, who for the space of more then threescore yeares (his owne reigne comprehended) were acknowledged and received for Kings, was not to be decided in so short a time: he being Sonne to the last, one of the best deserving and most glo∣rious Princes that England ever had, and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares; so as he had

his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent, the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome, nor Edward bereft him of it. The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one, and gave it to the other; whereby Princes may learne, that long possession without the practice of Princely actions, and the foregoing such affe•…•…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people, is not sufficient for their conservation, especially when they are not naturally indued with such vertues as are pleasing, which Henry was not: for the first advantages which Edward had over him, were the endowments of his minde; and the comlinesse of his person, which though it may decay, is notwithstanding essentiall to captivate mens affections; when accompanied, as his was, with clemency, liberality and va∣lour; the most essentiall vertues requisite in a worthy Prince, and most efficacious to make him be desired: and though all these were not wanting in Henry, yet wanted he the most substantiall; and if he had any of them, they were so poorely clad as they wan∣ted those characters of Majesty which become a King; and though they were sufficient to content himselfe, yet were not they an∣swerable to his quality, nor such as gave content unto the world. Vertues in Princes are lights not to be put under a bushell, but on a candlesticke, to the end that they may give light to all men. Their actions should resemble the Sunne, which generates, nourishes, and propagates. Edward notwithstanding his vertues and good fortune was descended from an unfortunate house, he being the only one (except Edward, sonne to Richard the third who died a child) who of all his house died a naturall death, after it layed pretence unto the Crowne. The Earle of Cambridge his Grand∣father was beheaded at Southampton: the Duke of Yorke his Father slaine before Sandall: of his three brothers, the Earle of Rutland was slaine at the same time; the Duke of Clarence drow∣ned in a Butt of Malmsey, and the Duke of Gloucester after having strangled his nephewes, was by Henry the seventh bereft both of life and Kingdome. You will meet with no Tragedy, be it or true or fabulous, where you shall finde so many various and cruell deaths as in this family. To dye by the hands of the enemy, or by the hangman, though miserable, is yet ordinary; but by a prodigi∣ous brother and unkle, unheard of. As there is nothing more uncertaine, nor more wrapt up in fancy, than to affirme that de∣stiny was the cause of this, so is it to be believed that it proceeded only from ambition, which disturbing his counsell and advice, made it endeavour to get the Kingdome at the cost of his owne and others lives. Not any one of them save this Edward, having en∣joyed the Crowne unto their end, and that which they did enjoy they enjoyed with such losses, and so much trouble, as that what∣soever fortune (so it be within the bounds of honour) may seem rather to be desired than a Kingdome at such a rate. For to live happy being the end of humane nature, it is no happinesse to possesse by violence what is superfluous, but being free from per∣turbations,

peacefully to enjoy what is sufficient, according to a mans proper state and fortune, which might be enjoyed, were it not that ambition the enemy to true felicitie did perswade us, that no such happinesse had any thing of generous in it. We doe not here exclude all ambition, but rather commend such as doth awake in us good actions. He cannot be said to be good who is not am∣bitious of a good report; nor can that ambition be had without an endeavour by our workes to deserve it. Yet when she lives soli∣tarily, sequestred from the multitude, in silence and philosophicall habite, no man followes her, nor makes mention of her. A sound body affords not so much matter of discourse, as doth an infirme; nor a State well compos'd, as one mis-govern'd. The one for all her deserts shall be notwithstanding alwaies neglected; and the other, notwithstanding all her vices, pursued; so much is our vanity delighted with her lustre. Moreover, deeds of violence being those which doe enrich story, and which make vertue or vice indifferent, we covet them, alwaies provided that our name doe in some sort live in our posteritie. But the house of Yorke stood not in need of this; It had reason to hope for remembrance in per∣petuity, and to be contented with its owne estate, her Nobility was reall: She was for Riches and Title to be envied. This not∣withstanding she aspired to the Crowne, she disturbed her owne quiet, and the quiet of the weale publique, for one that reigned, hundred thousands died; and all of the same house came to evill ends excep this Edward, who for his part would not have murde∣red his brother, had he not made him selfe King, nor had his sonnes been slaine, had they not beene to inherit the Kingdome. And Richard the third, though naturally wicked, never had attained to the height of all cruelty and wickednesse, had it not been for the thirst of government; so as it had beene better for them to have enjoyed their naturall greatnesse under a moderate ambition, than by an immoderate one to make themselves the subject of Tragedie and to be praised but for a few things in future ages.

Edward being received for King, and for such proclaimed, im∣mediately left London. The condition of affaires were not such as would suffer him idly to enjoy that dignity, the duration whereof could not be hoped for but by the ruine of his adversary. He ea∣sily gathered together great forces, advantaged therein by his pre∣decessors wretchlesnesse. Each man made offer unto him of all he had, he mustered in the field 49000 men, with the which he staied at Pum•…•…ret, and sent the Lord Fitzwater to guard the bridge over the River Ayre, called Ferrybrigs, that he himselfe might make use thereof, and inhibit the enemy. Henry on the other side, who by having put to death the Duke of Yorke, thought he had now done all that was requisite, gave the charge of his men to the Duke of Sommerset, the Earle of Northumberland, and the Lord Clifford, not so much for that their qualities did deserve it, as for that being inflamed with revenge for their fathers deaths at the battell of St. Albanes, he could not make choice of any more passionately his;

And tarrying himselfe, together with his wife and sonne at Yorke, they marched on towards the enemy. As soon as they understood that they had made themselves masters of Ferrybrigs, they made a s•…•…and: The Lord Clifford onely advanced with the Light-horse, and setting upon the bridge by breake of day, he easily wonne it; the guards being all asleepe, and not dreaming of the enemy. The Lord Fitzwater awakened with the outcries of those that were slaine, and that did slay, (believing it to arise from some tumult amongst his own men) threw himselfe out of his bed, and unarmed with onely a staffe in his hand, went to appease them. But too late aware of his mistake, he was there slaine, and together with him the bastard of Salisbury, brother to the Earle of Warwicke. They who could saved themselves, the Lancastrians remaining masters of the place. The Bastards death did so much grieve his brother Warwicke, (added to the unhappie successe of the enter∣prize, which as being the first he thought might dismay the Army) as hasting to the King to advertise him of the sad event, hee lighted off horse-backe, and thrust his Sword into his horses belly, saying, Flie who flie will, I will not flie; here will I stay with as many as will keepe me company, and kissing the hilt of his Sword by the way of vow, he put it up againe. But Edward who did very much resent this misfortune, not that it was of so great consequence in it selfe, but for that being the first encounter, it might be taken as an evill omen, and deject his men, made Proclamation, that it should be lawfull for whosoever had not a minde to fight to depart; hee promised large recompences to those that would tarry, but death to as many as should tarry, and afterwards runne away, with re∣ward and double pay to any that should kill them. No man ac∣cepted so ignominious a leave, they all chose rather to die than to declare themselves so base cowards. This good successe of Clifford was in the meane time of no long continuance, for the Lord Faul∣conbridge had passed the Ayre at Castleford, three miles above Ferry∣brigs, accompanied by Sir Walter Blunt, and Robert Horne, with intention to surprize him, as he did, though not in that place: for Clifford being thereof advertised, whilst hee thought to shunne the enemy by going another way, he met with him, and having his Helmet off by reason of the heate of the day, he was with an un∣expected shot of an Arrow one of the first that was slaine, and to∣gether with him the Earle of Westmerlands brother, the rest were almost all left dead upon the place. This death was too good for him: The innocent blood of the Earle of Rutland did require of him a foreseen, painfull, cruell death. But the punishment which he failed of, his sonne met withall; who being saved by a poore shepheard, he lived a begger, and unknowne during the reignes of Edward and Richard, till such time as Henry the seventh comming to the Crowne, he was by him restored to the honour and inheri∣tance of his family. The Duke of Norfolke, who led Edwards Van∣guard was at this time sicke, so as Faulconbridge tooke the charge upon him, and marcht by breake of day towards Saxton, to see

how strong the enemy was, and finding him to be 60000 men strong, he advertised Edward thereof, who though much inferiour in number, went forthwith to encounter him. The day was Palm-Sunday. Edward tooke his stand in the middle Squadron, sent the Bow-men forwards, and recommended the rere-ward to Sir Iohn Venloe, and Sir Iohn Dinham both of them valiant Gentlemen. He gave command that no prisoner should be taken, but all indiffe∣reetly put to the Sword. The Lancastrians marcht towards them, and met them in the fields betweene Towton and Saxton. The first saluation was given by Arrowes, but with different event, for at this time there fell a showre of snow, and the wind driving the snow upon the faces of Henries men, they were therewith so blin∣ded, as they shot in vaine, and their Arrowes beaten backe by the wind, fell halfe way short; the which Faulconbridge observing, after the first volley, hee forbad his men to shoot, and when the enemy had shot all their Arrows he drew up neerer unto them, let∣ting flie at them not onely with his owne Arrowes (which assisted by the wind, did hit where they were intended) but those likewise of the enemie, which in his march he found sticking in the ground. Hereupon the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trolop who led the Van-guard perceiving the disadvantage, made haste to come to handy-blowes. The combat endured ten houres, it not being known who had the better, and all of them fighting, as if they had overcome. Such was the hatred of the two factions, and their resolution not to yeeld, as the command not to take prisoners was bootlesse, for they resolved either to overcome or die. Nothing doth more encourage an Army then the presence of the Prince, and the Captaines example. Edward was an eye-witnesse of his souldiers valour, as King, and they of his Captaine-like courage. A sight which made them choose rather to die than not to imitate him. The Lancastrians were at last enforced to yeeld, by reason of the small number that was left, not able to make resistance. They gave backe, but not as men overcome; they were still pursued, but did not still flie away; they oftentimes reunited themselves, and though in weake Troopes, they made such resistance, as those of Yorke could not be termed Conquerours till the next day. Those who remained alive went toward Tadcaster-bridge; but not able to get so farre, and thinking to wade over a little rivelet named Cocke, the greatest part of them were drowned. The waters of that River and of the River Warfe, into which it disgorges it selfe seemed, all to be of blood. The number of the dead was 36776. amongst which the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the Lord Dakers, and Wells; and amongst many Knights, Sir Iohn Nevill, and Sir Andrew Trolop. The Dukes of Somerset and of Exceter saved themselves and the Earl of Devonshire was (I know not how) taken prisoner, I believe for that they were weary of killing. Had not France had a yong King at this time, or had the new King found France in a better condition, after so many yeeres warres; or had not Scotland had so yong a child for its King, and distracted with

intestine factions, England had runne a danger, having lost the flower of all her Warriers, who were fit not onely to have defen∣ded her, but to have made whatever difficult atchievement. Ed∣ward having obtained this bloody victory, went to Yorke, where he caused the Earle of Salisburies father, and other of his friends to be beheaded, as likewise the Earle of Devonshire, and some o∣ther. This meane while Henry was got to Barwicke, and from thence to Scotland, where he was with all humanity received, com∣forted, and had provision made for him of some small pension by that young King, who likewise agreed that Princesse Margaret his sister should marry Prince Edward, Henry's sonne; but this marri∣age was not afterwards consummated, and Henry to requite these courtesies, did what if hee had been in his former condition hee would not have done. He gave the Town of Barwicke to King Iames, a place very advantageous to the Scots, and long before desired by them. The Queene his wife went with her sonne into France, to procure some meanes by her father the King of Sicily, whereby to recover what was lost. She obtained of Lewis King of France free accesse for as many English as were of her side, and banishment for those who sided with her adversary; businesses of no great consequences. Edward returned triumphant to Lon∣don the 29. of Iune. He was Crowned at Westminster, in a Parlia∣ment which was there held, he revoked all such thing as had been done by Henry to the prejudice of the House of Yorke, and of him∣selfe; he reformed many enormities, which civill dissention had brought in; he created his two brothers Dukes; George, of Clarence, and Richard, of Gloucester: hee made Iohn Nevill brother to the Earle of Warwicke, Baron, and afterwards Marquesse. He created Henry Burchier Earle of Essex, who was his uncle, as husband to his fathers sister; and the Lord William Faulconbridge Earle of Kent. All which promotions did succeed the deaths of Iohn Vere, Earle of Oxford, and Auberey his eldest sonne, who together with others were beheaded, either through the malice of their enemies, or that the King held himselfe injured by them. By reason whereof Iohn Earle of Oxford his second sonne, was alwaies his profest enemy. Passion makes us alwaies abhorre the authours of our evill. This happy successe of Edwards made many (amongst which the Duke of Somerset, and Sir Ralph Peircy) to change sides: they were graciously received to mercy by the King, who together with their lives, restored unto them their goods, making them thereby in∣excusable of second faults. The first plighted faith ought alwaies constantly to be observed, and if by necessity broken, it ought not to be broken againe, for so both the former and latter oathes are violated: an errour common amongst those who esteeme of all ad∣vantages, breach of faith the most advantageous.

Queen Margaret did at last obtaine from King Lewis (for the King of Sicily her father could not assist her in any thing) a Troop of 500 men conducted by Monsieur de Varennes, with the which she passed over into Scotland; but she had no sooner landed, then she

was forced to re-imbarke her selfe being way-laid by the enemy. So as putting to Sea againe, the Vessell wherein she was, was by a tempest parted from the rest, and not without difficulty put in at Barwicke, whereby she preserved her liberty, which she had lost had she kept with the other ships. For the French being driven upon the shore, and not knowing what side to take (the wind for∣bidding them to put to Sea, and the enemy to Land) they tooke such resolution as nature taught them. They prolonged the ruine which could not be escaped; they burnt their ships and re∣tired themselves to Holy-Iland, where they were set upon by the bastard Ogle, and defeated, many of them slaine, and 400. of them taken prisoners; Varrennes, and some few more, by meanes of a Fisher-boat got into Barwicke. This bad successe did not allay the Queenes courage: for adding to the Scotish forces such of Eng∣land as upon the newes of her arrivall were come to serve her, she together with her husband entered Northumberland, (leaving her sonne at Barwicke) and winning the Castle of Bambury; she past forward to the Bishopricke of Durham. The newes hereof being come to England the Duke of Somerset, and Sir Ralph Peircy (for∣getting the late favours received from Edward) did with many others come over to her side. And she affording all liberty to the souldier, as not having wherewithall to pay him, did thereby in∣vite all such as had more mind to filch than to fight. Her courage thus increasing with her numbers, she was not aware that such like men are seldome beneficiall; especially when they want Comman∣ders who know how to reduce them to discipline. It fared cleane otherwise with Edward. He was not enforced by necessity despe∣rately to hazzard his affaires; but proceeded wisely with the counsell and authority of a King, valiant in himselfe, having with him the Earle of Warwicke, a most understanding Commander, followed by the Nobility, and choice men well paid, having ships well rig'd, and well munitioned, in readinesse. Thus hee came to oppose her by Sea and Land. He Commanded the Lord Nevill to goe before him into Northumberland with such forces as were most in readinesse to withstand the dammages which were there done, whilst he prepared to follow him. He fortuned to meet with the Lord Hungerford, Lord Rosse, and Sir Ralph Peircy. He discomfited them all. The first two ranne away at the first encounter; the third; with many others who fought valiantly, was slaine, and as he died, uttered these words, That hee had preserved the Bird in his bosome; as much as to say, He had kept his faith unto Henry. Edward was a cause of this victory, by sending unto him new For∣ces, as soon as he was come to Yorke, which infused so much cou∣rage into him, as he thought to overcome Henry, and winne that honour himselfe alone, which he could not doe if he should expect the comming of others, and so it fell out: for having notice that Henry was at Hexam, and imagining that if hee should offer him battell hee would not accept it, hee set upon him in his Trenches, and finding him in good order, hee had much adoe to overcome

him; But nothing is impossible to a resolution accompanied by ver∣tue the mother of courage, which was in him, when it meets with desperation the stepdame of courage, which was in his adversary. The Lancastrians were defeated in their Trenches, and the Duke of Somerset, the Lords Rosse, Moulins, and Hungerford, together with many Gentlemen whilst they fled were taken, and Henry who in all his life-time was never esteemed an extraordinary horse-man, shewed himselfe upon this occasion a very good one; for as he fled many that were very neere him were taken, in particular some that were upon his horses of State, and he who carried his Helmet, or (as others will have it) a Hat adorned with two rich Crowns, which was afterwards presented to Edward, whilst hee yet escaped un∣touch'd. The Duke of Somerset was forthwith beheaded at Hexam, the Barons elsewhere, and five and twenty others at Yorke, and in other parts. Many there were that did hide themselves in sundry places; but at such times, farewell friendship and faith, for Pro∣clamations being made forth against them, they were taken and put to death. Edward hearing of this victory came to Durham, whi∣ther came likewise the victorious Lord, from whence together with his brother of Warwicke, and the Lords Faulconbridge and Scroope, hee went to recover such places as were yet possest by the enemy. The Castle of Anwicke where the Queen had left Monsieur de Varren∣nes Governour, was valiantly defended by the French, and those of the garrison, affording thereby leisure to the Scots to come in un∣to their succour, thirteen thousand whereof commanded by George Duglas Earle of Angus (ten thousand horse, saith Buchanan) came thither, which the English were not able to resist, being much fewer in number, for they were divided, and were come to this enter∣prize with small forces. But Duglas not willing to trouble himselfe with keeping of the Castle, his designe being onely to free the be∣sieged without more adoe, left it to the enemy; who on the other side being more desirous of the Castle, than of those that did defend it, were well contented to have it upon these termes. And leaving a sufficient Garrison there, they tooke in Dustansbery, commanded by Iohn Ioyce, a servant of the Duke of Somersets, who was sent to Yorke and executed. They tooke likewise Bambery defended by Sir Ralph Gray, who having sworne allegeance to both sides, was before his death degraded from the Honour of Knighthood in this manner: He had a Coat of Armes put on him reverst, his gilt Spurs were by a Cooke hewed off his heeles, and his Sword broken over his head; a thing much more ignominious than death it selfe, espe∣cially to a man of so Noble and Worthy a Family. Edward having thus with a little water quencht a flame which was likely to have set all England on fire, fortified all the Frontiers, & built Forts upon such parts of the Sea as were fittest for landing, hee denounced heavie punishments against any who should favour or give recep∣tacle to Henry, Queen Margarite, or any of their associates. He for∣bare not to use the like care in the other parts of his Kingdome, especially in the Southerne parts, where landing was easiest for such

as should come from Normandy. In the places of the Earle of Nor∣thumberland and Earle of Pembrooke who were fled with Henry, hee created Iohn Nevill Lord Montague Earle of Northumberland, and the Lord William Herbert Earle of Pembrooke. But Nevill soon after gave up this title to the King againe that he might restore it to Northumberland, who had his pardon, and in recompence he had the title of a Marquesse.

Henry together with his Wife and Sonne was now in Scotland, where all men, his conditions considered thought any fortune in∣different for him, as his humour differing from the humour of o∣ther men, made them believe a Kingdome and Cottage to be all one to him: But wee may easily erre in our judgements, not so much that we are altogether blind, as by reason of the falshood of the objects which we propound unto our selves; the which presumed to be permanent, doe vary either because of the alterations of the humours of the body, or by reason of the change of opinion, proceeding from the inconstancy of imagination, which together with the diversity of time doth diversifie the thought of our af∣faires. King Henry, were it either that his understanding was troub∣led, or that he was impatient to live in this condition, or that hee hoped by his presence to put life into his affaires, (which required another manner of man to worke such a miracle) or that his Wife perswaded him thereunto, went himselfe alone into England in disguise. I rather believe his Wife was the cause thereof, for that if it had sprung totally from him, shee would not have suffered him to have put it in execution, knowing how little was to be expected from his dexterity. This resolution, though it were rash, and not to be done but by men of singular judge∣ment and valour, was hazzardous enough: Desperate affaires re∣quire desperate resolutions. The good King had no sooner set foot into England, but he was known, taken, and with his legges tied un∣derneath his horses belly, sent to London, and met by the Earle of Warwicke, not out of any respect, but that he might the more safe∣ly be brought to the Tower, where hee was shut up, and a good guard set upon him. The Queen hearing of this misfortune, all her hopes being frustrated, went with her Son into France, the Duke of Sommerset together with his brother Iohn went into Flanders, where they lived miserably, till being long after known by Charles Duke of Burgundy, whose Father Philip died not till the yeare 1467, they had a small pension whereon to live conferred on them by him. Charles was descended from the King of Portugall Son to Philippa, sist∣er to Henry the IIIl. and therefore very affectionate to the house of Lancaster. Philip Commines writes, that hee hath seene a Duke fol∣lowing this Princes Court, bare foot and bare legged, begging from doore to doore, not being knowne by any man, that hee was the nighest a kinne of the house of Lancaster, and Husband to a Sister of Edward the Fourth; that being at last knowne, hee had a small pension for livelyhood given him by Charles; That the Duke of Sommerset and divers others were there likewise. But he

is deceived in his name; hee in the margent calls him the Duke of Chester, whereas there was never any such Duke, the Coun∣ty of Chester belonging properly to the Princes of Wales since, the time of Edward the black Prince to this very day. The begger Duke, who had to wife the sister of Edward the Fourth, was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter, who escaped in those parts, and chose rather to begge his bread from doore to doore, than to be knowen for feare of danger. Amongst so many unfortunate men, none did better outlive their calamities than did the Earle of Pembrook, Brother by the Mothers side to Henry, for though hee went a long time wandring up and downe, full of feares and dangers, yet he outlived his enemies, hee saw the extirpation of the house of Yorke, and that of Lancaster reestablished in the person of Henry the Seventh his Nephew, and dyed peacefully in the ele∣venth yeere of his Reigne, Earl of Pembrooke and Duke of Bedford.

Henries imprisonment, his Wives and Sons being in France, the flight and banishment of the chiefest of that faction did secure Ed∣ward and quieted the Kingdome for a while. This calme afforded him occasion of reforming such disorders as by reason of civill dissention were sprung up in Courts of Justice, in his Revenues, in Monies, and foraine correspondences: and to shew his libera∣lity and gratitude to those who had served him, by distributing the confiscated goods which were very many, as many they were who had merited reward, wherein he dealt so fully, as there was not any one unsatisfied. By his affability he afterwards wonne the hearts of all men, but with some observation of excesse; for ver∣tues when they part from their center doe usually insensibly passe from one denomination to another; for if affability become fa∣miliarity, it loseth its name; not that familiarity accompanied with decency doth not become a Prince, for if he desire to recreate himselfe, no recreation can be had without some kind of dome∣stiquenesse; but that it is sometimes to be used, not alwaies; and therein choyce alwaies to be made of the best, most vertuously gi∣ven, and those of the noblest sort, for they being in next relation of greatnesse to the Prince, they free him of indifferency, which would make him be despised by all men. Affability which is com∣mendable consists in giving free accesse to such as demand Justice, in listning to good counsell, and in looking upon the people with a gratious eye; all which may be done without that excesse which was observed in Edward. To his affability he added clemency, which did not slip like the other out of its naturall precincts; for it being a difficult matter to pardon ones enemies, he pardoned all those who in what manner soever had formerly opposed his great∣nesse, so as they would forsake further adhering to such as did yet persist in their aversenesse to him. The part of a wise man, for by this meanes hee got the hearts of those who were opposite unto him before; and hee afterwards found the good thereof, when losing his Kingdome, as hee did, he never had recovered it, had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affecti∣ons,

which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard. Publique affaires being thus accommodated, he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe; which are not notwithstanding to be separa∣ted from what concernes the State. Marriage from whence pro∣ceeds lawfull successours, is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families. Three marriages were propounded to him. The first, Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland, whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry, and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster. That upon any new occasion of civill broyles, he should either have Scotland side with him, or remaine neuter. He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour. But under∣standing that she was of a sickly body, and consequently not likely to beare children, he would none of her. The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile, his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome, and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony; in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony, given by Edward the blacke Prince, King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward, recovered Castile. The English writers say, that her being too yong, as not being then above six or seven yeeres old, was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in. But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand, and dying Queen of Castile, not when she was three and fifty yeeres old, and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it, but in the fiftieth yeere of her age, and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. (which was the time when this marriage was treated of) thirteen yeeres old; so but ten yeeres younger than Edward, so as their yeeres were not unproportionate. Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine, which he does not particularize in; and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado, which he never saw. Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet, my father in law, a most exact writer, and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana, who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her. The third was Bona, daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France, with whom she at the present was. This was imbrac'd, the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him, neither could Edward put on a better resolution. For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment, no feare was to be had of Scotland, without aide and provocation from France, which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this; for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to go∣verne him as shee listed, yet held shee very good correspondency with him. And Lewis (whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France, particularly that of his brother Charles, and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy) laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impor∣nity

of Margarite Queene of England, who endeavoured to per∣swade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre, and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other, to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him. Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy, this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence, for though he were his father in Law, such ties amongst Princes, unlesse they be knitted with new knots, are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest. For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke; and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward. But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands, he unexpected∣ly heard that hee was married. Edward was gone a hunting pro∣gresse towards Grafton, a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg, sister to the Count St. Paul, wife to the Lord Rivers, and widdow to the Duke of Bedford, who died Regent in France. With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth, widdow to Sir Iohn Gray, who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry; so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods, shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her. She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty, but of such condi∣tions, as surpassing what was in her of beauty, made her to be va∣lued and beloved by all men. The King did not onely grant her what she desired, but growing in love with her, became her peti∣tioner for wanton dalliance, which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto. His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle, he re∣solved to marry her, taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations. Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue, admoni∣shed him. She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke (the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father) whose spirit would not endure such an affront, since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match, but to cousen him, laugh at him, and pry into his state; nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise, since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends, it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him, and a man of so great an esteem, he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge. She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State, the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme, and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife, and their own reputations. That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of; rather in laying a foundation for a peace, hee should offend a great King, and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre (the cause whereof being blame-worthy) as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates. That yet if she were a maid, it might admit of some excuse; but being a mother of children, a subject,

and without portion, these were conditions likely to produce, in∣stead of benefit, hatred and enmity abroad, hatred and enmity at home, danger and blame every where. Edwards answer was, that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his; that he was sure enough of his love; that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him, having other thoughts which did more neerely concerne him; that nothing could be more accep∣table to subjects than to take a wife from amongst them, since chil∣dren must issue from the same blood; that for portion he valued it not, having more than he knew what to doe withall; that for all other inconveniences, contentment in a wife, with whom one was to live and die, did out-weigh them all. His mother finding her perswasions to be of no force, bethought herselfe of another means, which proved alike vaine. The King upon promise of marriage had wrought to his desire a Lady of great birth, named Elizabeth Lucy; She alledged, that since before God this Lady was his legitimate wife, he could not marry any other. An impediment which delayed his satisfaction in the other, for the Bishops required proofe there∣of. But the Lady Lucy examined upon oath, in opposition to the instigation of the Dutchesse and her owne honour and interest did depose; that the King did never passe unto her any direct pro∣mise; but that hee had said such things unto her, as had shee not thought them thereunto equivalent, shee had never condescended to his will; Upon this deposition the King did privately marry the other, the marriage being afterwards published by her Co∣ronation.

None were pleased herewithall, the Nobility lesse than the Communalty: their greatnesse being obscured by the sudden splen∣dor of the Queenes kindred. Her father was created Earle Rivers, and shortly after made Lord High-constable of England. Her bro∣ther Anthony was enricht by the marriage of the daughter and heire of the Lord Scales, which Title was likewise conferred upon him. Her sonne Thomas Gray, which she had by her former hus∣band did afterwards marry the daughter of William Bonneville, Lord Harrington, and was created Marquis Dorser. Historians ob∣serve many mischiefes that ensued from this marriage, besides the death of so many that was caused thereby. Edward did thereby lose his Kingdome; his children were declared to be bastards, and strangled; the Queenes house extirpated; the Earle of Warwicke and his brother slaine. But they name not the death of King Henry and his sonne, which had not hapned had not the Earle of Warwicke for this cause taken up Armes. King Lewis though thus abused, did not suffer himselfe to be transported by passion, but making use of his naturall dissembling, expected a time for revenge. And to pacifie the two sisters, hee not long after married Bona to Ga∣liazzo Maria Sforza Duke of Milan, sonne to Francis; but not with so good successe as Hall reports; for her husband being slaine, she within a few yeeres became a widdow, and by her ill government afforded occasion to his cousin Lodowicke Sforza to take from her

the government, and the government, life, and Dukedome from her sonne Iohn Galeazzo.

The Earle of Warwicke this meane while wounded in his repu∣tation, parted from France more sensible thereof than he made shew for; he could not though so farre cloake his anger, but that Lewis was aware of it. Being returned to England, he so behaved himselfe with the King, as that he seemed not to be at all distasted, whilst this present injury did call to mind many other formerly re∣ceived, which would not though have hurried him to his ruine, had it not been for this. He saw how the King did apprehend his great∣nesse, and grew jealous thereof; that his designe was to suppresse him, when himselfe should be better established; that he thought not himselfe King, whilst men thought him as necessary to the con∣servation of the State, as he was to the obtaining thereof. That the services hee had done him were of such a nature as to shunne the tie of obligation, ingratefull people doe oft times desire to rid themselves of the obliger; That the state of businesse was such as would not suffer him to be debarred the communication there∣of, though Edward thought hee did thereby communicate unto him his government, and made him Colleague of his Kingdome; That he had sought after all occasions to bereave him of mens good opinion. All which made him believe that he was sent into France to this purpose. To this may be added (and which boyled in him more than all the rest) that Edward would have dishonoured his house by tempting the honesty of, I know not whether, his daugh∣ter or his neece; wherein though he did not succeed, the offering at it ceaseth not to be mischievous and wicked, as a thing whereby he endeavoured to dishonour the family of his kinsman, servant, and benefactor. All these things put together, begat in him such an hatred, as hee resolved to depose him, and re-inthrone Henry, as soone as a fit occasion should present it selfe. And though hee retired himselfe to Warwicke, under a pretence of an indisposition of health; yet did the King spie his discontents, though not so much as it behoved him to have done: for hee thought him not so sufficient to depose him, as he was to raise him up; and that out of two reasons: First, that Princes doe seldome mistrust their owne power, especially with their subjects; secondly, for that they doe believe the injuries they do are written in Brasse by those who receive them, whilst they who doe them, write them in Sand. The Queene was this yeere delivered of a daughter, named Eli∣zabeth, who put a period to the Civill warres, by marrying with Henry the VII.

Edward did this meane while peaceably possesse his Kingdome, his enemies were all or slaine, undone, or frightned. He had * 1.1 none to feare save France, and her but a little; for Lewis was more inclined to wage warre at home than abroad. Hee forbare not though to joyne friendship with Iohn King of Arragon, who upon occasion might by way of diversion assist him in Languedocke, a good, though deceitfull foresight: for it often happens that many

yeeres are spent in the cultivating of a friendship, which proveth faulty in the harvest. Yet wisdome it is to manure such as put us not to too great charge, for the opinion of having friends weighes with our enemies. This friendship occasioned the transportation of a great many sheepe into Spaine, whereby England was as much impoverished as Spaine was inriched. He likewise, for the same respect, concluded a Truce with Scotland for 15 yeeres. But the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy was that which most availed him, and which re-established him in his Kingdome when he had lost it.

Philip the Duke of Burgundy did yet live, and his sonne Count Caralois, who by two wives had one onely daughter, (afterwards the sole heire of all those Territories) the Duke was minded to marry him the third time, hoping to secure the succession by issue male. He bethought himselfe of Margaret sister to Edward, a Princesse of great beauty, and indued with a spirit not usuall to her sex; but her being of the house of Yorke made him stagger in his resolutions: For that the Queene of Portugall his wives mo∣ther was a daughter of the house of Lancaster, by reason whereof her sonne Charles did love that house and hate the other. But since he could make no alliance of more jealousie to France, nor of more commodity to the Low-Countreys, he sent Anthony the eldest of his naturall sonnes, commonly called the Bastard of Burgundy, with some others, Ambassadour into England to this effect. He came with a retinue of 400. horse, with rich Live∣ries and richer furniture. He was graciously received by the King. The businesse being propounded in Councell, none with stood it but the Earle of Warwicke. For framing the Rebellion which hee had formerly plotted with himselfe, hee conceived this match would be harmfull to Lewis, on whom he intended to relie, and good for Edward, whom he intended to destroy. But he having but one vote the Ambassadours request was granted, and Edward promised friendship to the friends of Burgundy, and enmity to his enemies; He presented his sister to the Bastard, and other Ambas∣sadors, who kissed her hand, as their Princesse, and presented her with very rich Jewels, which she accepted of with termes of grati∣tude both to her father in law; and husband. Great were the enter∣tainments that were made. Challenges at Tilt passed between the Bastard and the Lord Scales the Queenes brother, and between his followers and the English Gentry, the which I passe by, as not re∣quisite to our story. In midst of these revellings came the newes of Philippes death, which much grieved the Bastard, so as taking leave of the King, and of the new Dutchesse of Burgundy, and be∣ing richly presented, he passed over into Brabant, and made such a relation to the Duke his brother, of his Bride, as did very well satisfie him. Who as soon as he had appeased the Legeois (where∣in he spent some time) he desired Edward to send her over unto him, according to the Articles of the Contract; which he forthwith did. She tooke shipping at Dover being attended on by 500. horse, and

accompanied by the two sisters Anne Dutchesse of Exceter, and Eli∣zabeth Dutchesse of Suffolke. She landed at Slewes, and went from thence to Bourges, where the marriage was celebrated.

The Earle of Warwicke could not at length so well dissemble his distasts, as that the King did not perceive them. But Princes are not wont to give satisfaction to their inferiours, especially to their subjects, lest they might tacitely confesse those faults, into which as being exempt they pretend they cannot fall; or else shew some sort of humiliation repugnant to their greatnesse. This increased the Earles indignation, for surposed ignorance admits of excuse, which confest knowledge doth not; so as thinking himselfe inju∣red before, contrary to all reason, and his injury being now doub∣led by the no account that was made of it, he resolved forthwith to doe what he along time before had thought upon. And so dan∣gerous resolutions not being to be undertaken without assistance: he judged the assistance of his owne brothers fittest, the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Marquesse. When he had begun his discourse, and laid open the reasons which moved him thereunto, hee made an odious Parallell between Henry and Edward, magnifying the gratitude and goodnesse of the former, the ingratitude and wic∣kednesse of the other. He shewed how that their house had been the forwardest to spend their lives and livelihoods in the service of the Duke of Yorke the father, and of Edward himselfe, to make him King, who had not recompenced them according to their high deserts, and yet durst upbraid them with having been the raiser of their house, whilst next under God they ought their chiefest ho∣nour to Henry; that not contented thus to vilifie them, he had en∣deavoured to dishonour their family, and render it infamous by at∣tempting to vitiate a daughter thereof. He exaggerated the affront about the match with the Lady Bona, which would not have been offered to the most contemptible man in the world; Moreover that he had no waies excused it unto him, but passed it over in si∣lence, not weighing that a mans honour ought to be more deare unto him than the apple of his eye, or life it selfe. Yet that he did not wonder at all this, for that Edward judging other men by him∣selfe, he thought other men should make as small account of their honour, as he had alwaies done of his promises. That his resolu∣tion was to doe what possibly hee could to take from him that Crowne which he had placed on his head, and place it againe upon Henry, a good and lawfull King. That since they did partake with him in the injuries, they ought likewise share with him in the re∣venge; which would easily be effected if they would chearefully and heartily betake themselves unto it, as they ought, and as the chiefest of the Kingdome would doe: And that he did assure him∣selfe they should not want assistance from Princes beyond the Seas, necessity requiring it.

This proposition as it was unexpected, so was it not at the first accepted of by the brothers. But the Archbishop after long disputes giving way thereunto, the Marquesse, though with much difficulty,

suffered himselfe at last to be perswaded likewise, moved by the tie of blood, not any inclination of his owne, for he loved Edward, and was beloved by him. This ambiguity was the ruine of them all; for hee not able to deny his brothers, nor yet to betray his Prince, did amisse on both sides. He assisted Edward, by not cor∣dially assisting his brother, and he betrayed his brother, by not heartily betaking himselfe to betray Edward. Warwicke having laid this first groud-worke of his ruinous building, he pursued the fabricke thereof with the Duke of Clarence, for seeing him no waies pleased hee resolved to trie him. Hee seemed to be sensible of the coolnesse used by the King of late to the Duke, and expected what he would reply. But he like a Cornet which with the first breath sends the sound abroad, answered, It was in vaine to complaine of things ancient and desperate. That the King was in his owne na∣ture disobliging and ungratefull, and most to such as he was most obliged unto. That since he made no account of his owne brothers, much lesse would he doe it of other friends. That he more valued his wives blood than his owne. That he had disposed of three rich heires by marrying them to her sonne, her brother, and the Lord Hastings, Mushroms sprung up in one night, not having any con∣sideration of his owne brethren. Continuing in such like angry and threatning discourse, hee gave the Earle occasion to lay him∣selfe open unto him, who offered unto him his daugher, with equivalent portion to those that he had named, with numberlesse other promises and hopes. The Duke was so blinded with his anger as hee minded not the injury he did unto himselfe; that fa∣vouring the house of Lancaster (the thing now in question) hee destroyed his owne. When it was more available to him to have his brother King, than all the good could derive to him from this his ill taken advice. The Earle more blinde than he did not con∣sider the interest of brotherhood and blood, which being of no force then, would much prevaile when his passion should be over; since that hee could not pretend to any honour which would not come short of the condition now he was in, the which, this resolu∣tion once taken, he was for ever to lose. Great therefore was the Earles folly to ground a businesse of such importance upon two so wavering foundatious, as upon his owne brother forced there∣unto, and his brother, whose destruction was desired, since hee must needs repent himselfe at last. The order they tooke was to retire themselves to Calleis. That the Marquesse and Archbishop should under-hand procure some insurrection in the Northerne parts of the Kingdome, and so give the occasion of the warre, whilst they being on the other side the Sea, might not be thought Authors of it. Being thus gone to Calleis, and having vowed by the holy Sacrament to all things agreed upon betweene them, the Duke upon the aforesaid promises and hopes, married the Earles daughter.

The two brothers being gone to Yorke, whereof the one was president, the other Archbishop, failed not to put in execution

what was agreed upon. There was in that City an Hospitall dedi∣cated to St. Leonard, where by an ancient institution the poore were fed, and the diseased healed. So as there was no owner of ground in all that shire, who moved by so good a worke did not in the time of harvest give some proportion of Corne thereunto; the which at first was voluntary, but in the processe of time cu∣stome made it be thought a due debt, and Collectors were chosen for the gathering of it in, who were opposed by none. Now to give a rise to the intended insurrection, and make way for their impiety, they thought no meanes better to effect it, than by the way of piety, which when disguised, mades things appeare o∣therwise then they are. They made a speech be spred abroad that the Hospitall having sufficient revenues of its owne, had no neede of the contribution of Corne, since the poore were not the bet∣ter, and that the Provost and Priests grew onely rich thereby, so as it was a folly to continue the contribution. It was no hard matter to perswade the people hereunto, since no argument is of greater force, than self-interest. This newes passing from one mouth to another, the people did not onely deny the wonted contribution, but wounded some of the Collectors, who were forwardest in the gathering of it in. Many being herewithall aggrieved, about some 15000 men gathered themselves together, and went towards Yorke. The Inhabitants of that City were sur∣prised at this newes, not knowing whether they should keepe within the Towne and defend their Walles, or salley forth and give them battell. The Marquesse eased them of this trouble, for having made a select choyce of not many, but good men, hee en∣countred them and overcame them, killing many of them, and taking many of them prisoners; amongst which Robert Huldurne their leader, whose head he caused to be strucke off. Some were of opinion that having beene himselfe the cause of this insurrecti∣on, hee had done this service the better to deceive the King, to the end that not being thought confederate with his brother, hee might the easilyer worke him mischiefe. But this and other acci∣dents that happened make others thinke otherwise, for if such had beene his intention, he could not have wished for a better occasion; for hee might have joyned with those Rebells, have ruined the King, and advantaged his Brother; and hee himselfe being the author thereof, as hee was believed to bee, either hee ought not to have occasioned it, if hee had desired to serve the King, or else not have broken it, had he desired to assist his Bro∣ther. I for my part believe that repenting himselfe of the first action, hee made amends by the second. But if hee were faithfull to his Prince, hee was a Traytour to his owne bloud; not that loyalty to a Soveraigne ought not to be preferred before all other respects, but his brother doing ill, he should not have confirmed him therein by treacherously complying with him, hee should have disswaded, not betrayed him. And hee having governed him∣selfe from the beginning of this enterprise very uncertainely,

makes mee believe him to be, if not treacherous, (which I am in∣duced not to thinke since hee suffered for it) yet irresolute in his undertakings either for the one or the other side. The Rebells were not disheartned for all this, but growing thereby more incen∣they tooke for their Leader the Sonne and Heire of the Lord Fitshue, and Henry Nevill, Sonne and Heire likewise of the Lord Latimer, both of them young men, but chosen (under the directi∣on of Iohn Conniers, one of the most valiant Gentlemen of all those parts) for that the one of them was Nephew, the other cou∣sin to the Earle of Warwicke. They would have gone againe to∣wards Yorke, but wanting Artillery, they marched towards Lon∣don, with resolution to doe what they were able, to make Ed∣ward bee deposed, as being no lawfull Prince, and of prejudice to the Common-wealth. Edward was not ignorant of all the Plots, but judging that if the Rebells should come neere London, it would redound much to his dishonour, hee writ to William Herbert Earle of Pembroke, willing him to gather together all the Forces he could, and not to suffer them passe further on. The Earl obeyed, not more out of gratitude for the honour hee had received, than out of his desire to doe some action of merit, and most of all, for that ha∣ting Warwicke (who had hindered his Sonne from marrying with a rich Heire) hee coveted revenge: so as taking with him his Brother Sir Richard Herbert, a very valiant Gentleman, and as∣sembled together some six or seven thousand Welchmen well arm∣ed, hee went to meete them, and was met by the way by the L. Humphrey Stafford, who led along with him 800 Bowmen. But not knowing what way the Rebells tooke, hee went sometimes one way, sometimes another, till being advertised that they came by Northampten, hee tooke that way, and being desirous to know their Number, and their Order, Sir Richard Herbert offered to make the discovery. Hee together with 2000 good Welch Horse tooke shelter by a Woods side, by the which they were to passe. They were already past by him, when hee desirous to returne with his relation to his brother, his men would by all meanes fight with them, neither could hee withhold them from furiously as∣saulting the rereward, which marching in good Order, as if they had expected to be set upon, turned faces about, and fighting va∣liantly slew many of them, and tooke many prisoners, and made the rest retreate, too late sorry that they had not obeyed their Leader. The King was not any whit dismayed at this newes, but encouraging the Earle, commanded him to finde them enter∣tainment till hee should send more Forces to him, or come him∣selfe in person. The adversaries though somewhat proud of this good successe, did not become more insolent. But considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London, and not likely to hold out against them all, their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe, they turned towards Warwicke, intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof, who being come from Calleis, did

together with his Sonne in Law, raise people in all parts. But be∣fore either the King or Warwicke got thither, fortune brought the two Armies face to face, within three miles of Bambery, in a cer∣taine place, where were three hills. In two whereof the two Ar∣mies were encampt, the third left to the successe of fortune, not assayed by the Welch, because they could not without much haz∣zard make themselves masters thereof, though they had a great minde so to doe. The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery; where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise, they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon. The Baron being lodg∣ed to his liking, the Earle (forgetting his agreement and using his authority) would, I know not why, have him change lodging, the which he unwillingly did, because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there. And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the pre∣sent, hee together with all his people left the Towne, leaving the Earle without any Bowmen, who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell. The Earle was not herewithall dismayed, but going to the Campe, tooke any re∣solution rather than to retire. It was just the day after St. Iames his day, when Sir Henry Nevill, Son to the L. Latimer, thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning, be∣ing followed by a company of light horse. But delighting more therein than he had reason, hee so far advanced himselfe, as not knowing how to retire, hee was taken, and soone after put to death upon coole bloud. His youth, nobility, and valour (the chiefest of all endowments) not being sufficient to save him. This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people, who resolving to revenge his death, let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay, whereby in∣forcing them to come down into the plaine, where the battel began. It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook, who fought upon disad∣vantage, to execute the part of a Commander, it behoved him to play the part of a souldier; whilst his brother S^r. Rich. Herbert, mind∣ing nothing but the battel, did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza; for mak∣ing way through the enemies troops, with his sword in his hand, he passed twice through the whole length of their army, returning to his own men, if not untoucht, yet without any mortall wound. The which (as I believe) was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it, did by joyning delight with danger, and wonder with delight, with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him. The battell did almost totally lean to his side, when Iohn Clapham, a Ser∣vant of the E. of Warwicks (who had gathered together 500 of the poorest & basest sort of people about Northampton) appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne, crying out, a Warwicke, a Warwicke, the which did so much frighten the Welch, as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces, they began to fly, Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them.

In this flight (the prisoners not numbred) 5000 men were slaine. The Earle of Pembrooke, his brother Sir Richard, and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners, and without any triall at Law be∣headed at Bambery. The Earle who was appointed first to suffer, addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham, entreated them in the behalfe of his brother; hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind; that his valour, even by themselves admired, might one day be serviceable to his Countrey. But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them, as that it occasioned his death, the death of his brother, and of many others. A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men. So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated, since it is not use∣full, but rather harmefull to the owners thereof. Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live, descended from them, a Gentleman, who hath given such proofe of his valour, as well in his owne private occasions in England, as in the warres in the Low-Countries, as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard; but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall compo∣sures, which in the like kind hee hath not received from them. Their cruelties did not here cease; for those of Northampton ha∣ving chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Cap∣taine, and joyned certaine others unto him, they surprized the Earle Rivers, father to the Queen, and his sonne Iohn, in his man∣sion-house of Grafton, brought them to Northampton, and without more adoe beheaded them. The Lord Stafford was generally ac∣cused for the losse of this battell, who for so sleight a cause, and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service, to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke. And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned, at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men, had hee been there. Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out, finde him, and upon paine of their lives to put him to death. They were not wanting in diligence, they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed, and exe∣cuted their command. The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke, whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men. And understanding that the King was marching towards him, hee advertised the Duke of Clarence, who forthwith joyned with him, bringing along a great number of ar∣med men. They were likely presently to have come to blowes ac∣cording to the custome of England, had not some great personages desirous of peace, and of the good of the Weale publique inter∣posed to finde some way of accommodation. This negotiation made Edward so carelesse, as that confidently believing in peace, hee neglected all duties of Military discipline; whilst Warwicke more wary than he, being by his spies certified of the Guards neg∣ligence, and the heedlesnesse of all the rest, who behaved them∣selves as if no enemy had been, set upon the King by night, and

without any resistance tooke him prisoner. A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed. He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke; from thence (that no man might know what was be∣come of him) he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire, then in the custody of the Archbishop his brother. But as through neg∣ligence he fell into this condition, so by good fortune he freed him∣selfe thereout, making use of his wonted affability, whereby he made the Archbishop treat him like a King, not a prisoner, allow∣ing him not onely the liberty of the Castle, but the freedome to hunt, setting but a small guard upon him, who either could not, or would not keepe him. For Edward having sent to Sir William Stanley, and Sir Thomas Borrowes his trusty friends; that they should come with a band of good men to rescue him, they did so, and meeting him whilst he was hunting, they rescued him, not being at all withstood by his guardians: either for that they were too weake, or (as it is more likely) for that they were corrupted. I know not whether the Archbishop were hereof guilty or no (being allured by promises) but if he were, hee very much failed his bro∣thers trust; and if hee were not, his folly was too great. He first retired to Yorke; but not able there to raise Troopes sufficient to bring him in safety to London (the way being long and dangerous) hee stayed there onely two daies, and from thence went towards Lancaster, where hee was met by the Lord Hastings his Chamber∣laine, by whose meanes hee got so many men together as brought him safely to London. This accident wounded the Duke of Clarence, and the Earle of Warwicke to the quicke, falling thereby from those hopes which having the enemy in their hands they did not vainly frame unto themselves; and being now (were it either out of neg∣ligence or treachery) soundly derided, since in stead of having ended the warre, they were now to begin it afresh, with the haz∣zard of their lives, goods, and honours. The greatest part of those that followed them were already returned to their owne homes. The rest thought there had been no more need of Armes; that they should againe in peace and liberty see London, and Henry re∣established. That all slaughter and shedding of blood had been ended in the last battell. That Countries, Cities, and Churches robbed of their ornaments should returne to their former lustre: All which were onely humane imaginations, contraried by divine providence. Fortune, and the Starres were alwaies contrary to the miserable unfortunate Henry. His contagious malady was an Abysse which together with him swallowed up as many as sided with him. Many notwithstanding, to shunne relapsing into the former calamities, mediated for peace. And because they thought to treat of it by third parties would be a way about the bush, they agreed upon a parley between the parties themselves at London, Edward by his word securing Warwicke and his associates, though in businesses of the like nature, hee was observed sometimes to be faulty. Clarence and Warwicke being come to London, parlied with the King at Westminster, where in stead of giving satisfaction, they

fell mutually to upbraid each other with benefits repayed by in∣gratitude, each pretending to be the obliging benefactor, the other the ungratefull repayer, so as they departed more invenom'd than before.

The two confederates raised an Army in Lincolnshire under the * 1.2 conduct of Sir Robert Welles, sonne to the Lord Welles, a Gentleman of a knowne valour. The King on the other side for all the ill suc∣cesse of the parley, thought that businesse would not so suddenly have broke forth. But finding the contrary, he assembled a power∣full army: He commanded the Lord Welles, father to Sir Robert, to come unto him, not admitting any excuse either of age or sick∣nesse. Welles being by his friends advertised of the great danger he ranne (the King being grievously offended with him by reason of his sonne) got, together with his cousin Sir Thomas Dimocke, who came to accompany him to London, into Sanctuary at Westminster. Edward thought he should much weaken the enemies forces, if he could bereave them of young Welles their Commander, the which he might doe by his fathers meanes; whom he fetched out of San∣ctuary upon promise of pardon. And causing him write unto his sonne, hee marched toward Stafford where Robert was expected. But hee not regarding his fathers Letters, but rather preparing to meet the King as an enemy, did so incense the King, as not regard∣ing his plighted faith, his promise of pardon, nor that the father was not bound to answer for the sonnes faults (who had neither put him upon this imployment, nor perswaded him thereunto) he unjustly caused the old Lord to be beheaded, as likewise his cousin, though incomparably lesse faulty than the other. Wels though sorely provoked by his fathers death would willingly have for∣borne comming to blowes, for that the Kings forces were by much the greater: but not believing he could deferre fighting till such time as Warwicke should come up to him, fearing le•…•…t many of his Army might be wrought upon by the Kings presence, his promise of pardon, and reward, hee gave battell, which after a long and valiant bickering was by him unfortunately lost; himselfe, Sir Tho∣mas Deland, and many others were taken prisoners, and all of them immediately executed. Those that were slaine in this battell were 10000; And more would have been slaine, had they not been disheartned by their Captaines being taken, which made them flie. This was a deadly blow to Warwicke. The few forces hee yet had were hereby much weakned. It was difficult and tedious to raise more, since the enemy was at his backe. His last refuge was to trie the Lord Stanley, who was his brother in law, but receiving an answer contrary to his desires, he gave way to fortune, and toge∣ther with the Duke of Clarence, their wives and families, he tooke shipping in Devonshire, making for Calleis, intending to land the women there, and passe further into France himselfe; he hoped there to finde helpe, trusting in the ancient friendship of that King, since the originall of his misfortunes sprung from the affront done to him in the marriage of his sister in law, the Lady Bona. He had

left Monsieur de Vauclere, a Gascon, Knight of the Garter, his Lieu∣tenant in Calleis, a wary man, as for the most part are all those of that Countrey. This man being advertised of the late proceed∣ings, was not surprised, but had formerly bethought how to go∣verne himselfe in so dangerous a businesse. The Duke of Burgundy had likewise been advertised by the King, who knew he hated War∣wicke next after Charles: The Earle drawing neere Calleis, and ex∣pecting nothing lesse than to be denied entry, was driven backe with shot of Cannon, and to shunne sinking, was forc'd to lie a∣loofe off at Sea. At which instant the Dutchesse of Clarence his daughter, was brought to bed of a sonne; who was the same Earle of Warwicke who was afterwards put to death in the Towre of London by Henry the VII. Great was the Earles confusion, not knowing whither to betake himselfe. His daughters malady af∣flicted him more than ought else. He with much adoe obtained that the child might be baptized within the Towne, and got from thence two flagons of Wine to comfort the mother. Vauclere sent unto him, willing him to retire, else he should be enforced to treat him rudely. But by what ensued, I believe Philip Comines report to be true, that by secret message he had desired him not to won∣der at what had hapned; that all was done for his service; that if hee should have suffered him to come in, hee had been utterly lost, since England, Burgundy, the Towne, and a great part of the garri∣son were his enemies. That his best course was to retire into France, not taking any further thought concerning that Fort; assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof. But by naming England to be his enemy, hee onely meant Edward, not the generality; for never was any man better beloved by the peo∣ple, than was he; which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares; for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince. Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden, which turned little to his advantage, for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more caute∣lous than hee was. The reasons why Burgundy hated him, were, because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster, to which hee was most affectionate, his mothers mother being a branch thereof. That hee was a friend to the King of France, a Prince by him infi∣nitely hated; and the opposing of his marriage, for no other end, but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France. The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him, not for that they hated his person, but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London; for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis, from whence the Low-countries, and all Germany were furnished, to the great benefit of particular men, and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns, Comines saith but 15000, and that it came all into the Earls coffers. As for the Garrison, it cannot be denied, but that the grea∣test part of them had dependence upon him: But Monsieur de Du∣ras, a Gascon, and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great

many souldiers under his command, hee would have runne dan∣ger of being taken prisoner, if he should have entered the Town. Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends: for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England; the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke, and bestowed it on Vauclere. And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge, sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines, and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere. Notwithstand∣ing all this Vauclere served and deceived them all, as the effects shewed. Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner, not out of any loyalty to the King, or love hee bore unto the Earle, but that hee might have two strings to his Bow, and doubly secure his owne interest. For had hee been loyall to the King, hee could not have given the Earle any hopes, nor have effected them, when hee might doe it without danger; and if hee had loved the Earle, hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne, it be∣ing the onely place hee could receive succour from. But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile, chose not to endanger himselfe, whilst being in good condition, hee might betake him∣selfe to that side which should be most availeable for him. Mens ends are commonly their owne interests, for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue, which alwaies goes accom∣panied by some crosse, which they abhorre. The Earle of War∣wicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis, but what were future, sayled towards Diepe, as hee was advised by Vau∣clere, and according to his first intention. By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects, gaining thereby great riches, which did furnish him at his pre∣sent need, and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas, to revenge himselfe, either by taking him prisoner, or in∣hibiting his returne for England. Being come to Diepe, and by command from Lewis, received with all manner of respect, hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise, where causing him to be provided with all things necessary, hee promised him his best as∣sistance, and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him, well provided with Souldiers and Mariners. And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist War∣wicke. Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived, and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford, the last of which had lately escaped out of prison, and was fled from England. Lewis, to have the surer tie upon him, caused Prince Ed∣ward, the Queens sonne, to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter. Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed, that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place. As soone as the mar∣riage was concluded, Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre, till such time as Henry, or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the King∣dome. And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Gover∣nours

of the Kingdome, till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres. King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice, the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires. But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince, a lover of pastimes; vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports, and plunge himselfe in troubles, since it was so un∣likely that should befall him which did. He advised him to op∣pose the Earle at Sea, for that if hee should set foot on Land, and have his partakers joyne with him, the danger and difficulty would be the greater. Hee on the other side desired hee might land, believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner, or kill him before hee could be succoured. He made diligent in∣quiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends; so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condi∣tion. Many of them tooke Sanctuary. Marquesse Montaigne bro∣ther to Warwicke, obtained his pardon, and came over to the Kings side. But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France, who under pretence of visi∣ting the Dutchesse of Clarence, might worke upon her husband. This woman being arrived at Calleis, made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated, and that the King had sent her over to this purpose. When shee was come to Am∣boise, she so well performed the trust imposed in her, that ha∣ving shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part a∣gainst his brother, she made it appeare, that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house of Yorke were left alive; That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow, by quitting the right unto the Crown, to the which he was so nigh himselfe. For Edward, though he were young, had yet no sonne, and but one daughter, who might very well miscarry, and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more. That being therefore to be presumed heire, he much injured himselfe, by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies, who could never thinke them∣selves safe as long as he lived. These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence, as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England. Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are, when a powerfull interest comes in place. Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts, failed his brother, even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome: You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life. Whence wee are taught, that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us.

Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service, and some of his owne likewise, where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of

England. They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone; for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service, hee needed no foraine forces, and that his delay might endanger his friends, and over∣throw the enterprize. He acquainted the Queene and his compa∣nions herewithall, whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse; and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage, (her fa∣ther the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect) she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England; so as having taken leave of the King, and thanked him for so many and so great favours, hee went into the Fleet, whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come, to guard him from Charles his Fleet, which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine; and which was much greater than the Kings, Warwicks, and the Admirals, all joyned together. Doubt∣lesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes, the English had not returned to England, for the Burgonians were many, strong, and resolute, to doe all that was possible to take the Earle. But the night before the Earles departure, the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered, many of them were sunke; the rest dri∣ven into sundry places, not any two of them being found toge∣ther. So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind (as if the tempest had risen, and were allayed, to doe him service,) came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire, the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis. Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings, not think∣ing on foraine affaires, relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet, which lay in wait to fight with him, and hinder his passage into England. When he heard he was landed, he past from his first con∣fidence to a second and worser: thinking hee had him now in a noose. Hee advertised Charles, and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France, and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further, for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome, and to chastise him. But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince, was not of this opinion: he would have had him to have hindred his landing, without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell, and the inconstancy of his people and fortune. The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name, that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old, upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him, to serve Henry the lawfull King, against Edward Duke of Yorke, the unlawfull usurper of the King∣dome. He was forthwith obeyed, great numbers of people flockt unto him, even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service. A change, though strange, yet not to be won∣dred at. Old things cause satiety, new businesses provoke fresh

appetite. Edward being in this straight, resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done. Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land, was obeyed but by a few, and by those more out of feare than out of any good will. Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester; the Lord Scales the Queenes brother, and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine, presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need. The Rebels this meane while increased, and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right. The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pem∣brooke, the one in the West, the other in Wales did proclaime him King. That which most troubled Edward was, that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men, and brought them almost unto Nottingham, hee returned backe, either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate, and that the ayreevery where resounding, Long live Henry, Long live War∣wicke, he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune; or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude (as hee tearmed it) who for his service done unto him, and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers, had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse. He declared himselfe against him, and brought those 6000 along with him, proclaiming Henry King, as the others had done. I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of in∣gratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures, are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse, and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof, though Warwicke injuriously did. The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England; and the Earle of Warwicke (if wee may believe Co∣mines) to boote with his owne Revenues, which were very great, had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in, in Lordships, Confiscations, and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace, which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now. But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence, and that the onely pretence of the pretenders, seeming to upbraid, doth tacitely demand, and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate. Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely increased, and finding no place safe for him since hee wanted forces, hee went not without great danger to Linne, where he found two Holland ships, and one English; hee imbarkt himselfe, and was waited upon by the three said ships, and seven hundred men, without any manner of baggage, or one penny of money. A great and unexpe∣cted misfortune, but that which immediately after presented it selfe was farre worse, had hee not luckily eschewed it. For had hee been taken; hee had none to ransome him, so would have lost both liberty and Kingdome. Eight of the Easterlings ships (the Easterlings were then great enemies to the English,

and did them all the mischiefe they could) discovering these three Ships, and believing them to be English, gave them chase, but could not come up unto them till they had cast Anchor before Alchemar in Holland, the ebbe being so low as they could not winne the Haven: The Easterlings cast Anchor likewise, but a good way from them, the burden of their Ships not permitting them to doe otherwise, so as they were inforced to expect the returne of the tide to board them. But Monsieur de Gretures Go∣vernour under the Duke of Burgundy in Holland, being luckily at that time in Alchemar, and understanding of Edwards be∣ing there, by some whom hee had sent of purpose unto him in flat bottom'd Boats, forbade the Easterlings to use any manner of hostility and went himselfe to bring him and all his men into the City. Edward was at this time so bare of money, as not having wherewithall to pay for his wastage, hee gave the Captaine a rich vestment lined with Sables, promising not to forget the cur∣tesy, and to satisfie him better afterwards. A strange change of Fortune happened in a few houres to such a Prince meerly out of negligence and carelesnesse. Hee lost a Kingdome without one blow striking, and was forced to have recourse unto a Prince, whose onely presence did upbraid unto him his carelesnesse, lust, and bad government. Charles hearing of this, was very much displeased, finding himselfe charged with so needfull a King, and so great a retinue, whom hee could not bee wanting unto in assistance, not out of any humanity, or alliance, but for that Warwicke enjoying the Kingdome, it behooved him to main∣taine the contrary party, and drive him out, or else to suffer the incommodities of a long War. Queene Elizabeth, the originall of these alterations, seeing her selfe abandoned, without succour, and the enemy upon her back, tooke Sanctuary at Westminster, where with small attendance she was brought to bed of a Sonne, named Edward; hee, who for some few weekes after his Fathers death, was the V. King of that name; and who symbolized in birth, name and death with his cousin the Sonne of the Dutchesse of Clarence borne a Shipboard before Calleis. The pompe of Bap∣tisme had nothing in it of royall save the Mothers teares, accom∣panyed by many mens commiseration, which is then greatest, when most concealed. Many of her best friends betooke them∣selves likewise to sundry other Sanctuaries, who proved after∣wards serviceable to her, at Edwards returne. The Kentish-men prone to insurrections, seeing there was now no King; of two, the one being fled, the other a prisoner, came to London, and sack't the Suburbs, and it may be would have sack't the City it selfe, had not the Earle of Warwicke diverted them, whose comming thi∣ther was noysed, and who punished the Complices of the insur∣rection. This piece of Justice added to his reputation, and the peoples love. Upon the 6 of Octob. he entered the Tower accom∣panied by many Lords: in particular his brother the Archbishop of Yorke, the Prior of St. Iohns, the Duke of Clarence and the

Earle of Shrewsbury; some of them drawne by affection, some by feare•…•… he set King Henry at liberty after nine yeares captivity; he brought him to the Bishop of Londons house, where hee tarried till the thirteenth day, and then brought him in person and in roy∣all attire to Pauls, carrying his traine himselfe, and the Earle of Oxford the sword, accompanied with the peoples acclamations, who cried out, God save the King▪ forgetting that a little before they had prayed for Edward against him. A Parliament was summon∣ed, wherein Edward was declared a Taytour to his Countrey and an usurper of the Crown, his goods confiscate, all Statutes made in his name and by his authority annull'd, the Crownes of England and France confirmed upon Henry, and the heires male of his bo∣dy, and for want of such upon the Duke of Clarence and his po∣sterity, who hereafter was to be acknowledged the next heire to his Father Richard Duke of Yorke: and Edward, for his faults committed, deprived of his birth-right, and the prerogatives thereof. The Earles of Pembrooke and Oxford were restored in bloud and to their dignities and goods: The Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence declared Governours of the Kingdome; Marquesse Mountague was received into grace, and his fault par∣doned, since revolting against Edward hee was the chiefe cause of his quitting the Kingdome: those who sided with him were deprived of their Honours, Titles, and Faculties; and such pu∣nished as in this quarrell had taken up Armes against Henry. Whereupon Iohn Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord Deputy of Ire∣land for Edward was found in a hollow Tree, brought to London and beheaded in the Tower. The Parliament being ended, the Earle of Pembrooke went into Wales, to take Order for such Lands as hee possest before his confiscation; and finding there Henry the Sonne of Edmond Earle of Richmond, with the Widow of Wil∣liam Earle of Pembrooke his brother that was beheaded at Banbury, (who though held as a prisoner by this Lady, was alwayes nobly entreated) hee tooke him from her when hee was not yet full ten yeares old and brought him to London, where hee presented him to King Henry: who after hee had ey'd him a while said to the standers by; that this child should succeed him, and put a period to all the quarrells: which afterwards happening, con∣firmed the opinion that was held of his sanctity, since by the spirit of prophecy, hee foresaw the succession of Henry the seventh. Queene Margaret, who was then in France being advertised by Letters from Henry, of the regainment of the Kingdome, did together with her Sonne forthwith put to Sea, but the windes being contrary drove her on Land, and kept her there a long time, and had they forever kept her there they had beene the more favourable, for then shee had not met with the mischiefe shee did in the losse of her Sonne. When Warwicks returne to Eng∣land and King Henries re-establishment was knowne at Callis every one tooke unto him the Earles Impressa: Vauclere was the first that did so: His Impressa was a ragged staffe made of Gold, Silver, Silk,

or Cloath according to his condition that wore it. As this un∣expected inclination made the Duke of Burgondy more sollicitous, so did it inwardly displease the Duke of Clarence, who had alrea∣dy alter'd his opinion. Neither did nature and common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster, notwithstanding the seeming favour∣able proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe, hee cloaked there∣fore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly af∣flict him; hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion.

When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home, hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires: his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward, beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis, danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what con∣cerned other men; hee sent 400 men to Callis, to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne, which were with all dutifull re∣spect received by Vauclere: which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party. Before Edward lan∣ded in Holland, Charles was informed that hee was dead, neither was hee troubled at the newes, moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster; and though Warwickes power did much molest him (not hoping ever to gaine him) hee hoped notwith∣standing strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset, and Exceter, who had beene by him maintained in their miseries: but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland, he was altogether amazed, for should hee assist him, he should draw upon him Henries enmity; neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister: Charles knew not that Callis was at War∣wickes command; building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein; for Vauclere ha∣ving denyed entrance to Warwicke, and accepted of a Pension from him, hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him, the Duke, and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke; but as soone as Comines was come to Callis, hee found hee had lost his labour; hee was not received as formerly; all hee met wore the Earles colours; the gate of the house wherein hee lay, and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse; Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke. Being by Vauclere invited to Din∣ner, hee met there a great many Gentlemen, who talked neglect∣fully of Edward, and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him; none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him. Comines, faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 'twas now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead; and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him, then with whatsoever other King. That the Articles of

contract mentioned onely England, and the King thereof: that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same, the names of Edward and Henry onely altered. Charles was not displeased with this agreement, though it was not as he could have desired: for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England, which was that he most feared. The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse; for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him, the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke, did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution: which had it not happen'd, much mischiefe might have ensued to him; for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens, and St. Quintines; so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill, he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts, against two so potent enemies. Charles had not yet seene Edward; their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul, the perswasions the King used to him were; that he himselfe shared with him in his losse, since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster, but with the Earle of Warwicke, whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile; that by assist∣ing him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend, but hee should do a worke becom∣ming a just and a great Prince, without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse; since hee had such intelligence, such friends, and servants within the Kingdome, as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships, armed with a few men, rather for reputation sake then any neede. These per∣swasions were but coldly entertained by Charles; for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth, hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster, and pro∣mised him what hee could desire against Warwicke, to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies. Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes, whilest Charles made him, believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both; for him, because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time: and for Edward, because opportunity might render his succour more usefull. But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs, con∣sidering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well, by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome, hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Hol∣land (which being a free Haven not denyed to any one, the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe) and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings, bargaining that they should passe him over into England, and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed. Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him, and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed, that whosoever should assist Ed∣ward should incurre great punishment: hereby hee freed himselfe

from giving suspition to England, and come what might come, re∣main'd friends to both sides.

Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners, with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire, he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined: and find∣ing them wholly turned over to Henries side, not so much as wil∣ling to heare him named, hee changed his resolution: hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome, (Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise, might alienate the peoples hearts) but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedi∣ence of Henry. It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced; for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just, no man opposed him therein. Equi∣ty, orany thing which resembles it, is of so great efficacy amongst men, as that hee, who, but a little before, was banished, decla∣red a Traitor, and had his Lands confiscated, yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was, and having beene King, it moved all men to compassionate him, and thinke him worthy of that fa∣vour which the rigour of Law had debarred him of; forgetting how much hee had made Henry suffer. With this pretence hee went to Yorke, proclaiming Henry to be King in all parts, and sti∣ling himselfe onely Duke of York. The Earle of Warwicke hear∣ing of his arrivall, and of this his dissimulation wrote to his bro∣ther the Marquesse Montague (who stay'd all that Winter with a great garrison of Souldiers at Pomfret) to fight with him before hee should gather new forces, or at least that hee should enter∣taine him till such time as hee himselfe should come thither, and that by no meanes hee should suffer him to come into Yorke; for by advancing his affaires there hee would endanger theirs. Hee, in conformity to this, commanded all the Cities and Townes in those parts not to receive him, but to shut their gates upon him, and do him all the mischiefe, which according to the Lawes of the Land ought to be done to a publike enemy. But whilest the Earle was raising Souldiers and his Brother did not move, Edward put forward, and was met by two Aldermen neere to Yorke, who advised him to steere his course some other way, for that the City could not but oppose him, and do him all possible mischiefe. Hee having courteously heard them, answered: that hee came not to fight against the King, nor any wayes to molest him, ac∣knowledging him to be his Soveraigne Lord; but that hee might be permitted to enter into the Dutchy of Yorke, his ancient pa∣trimony, hoping that as there was none that could justly oppose him therein, so they least of any, being the naturall subjects of his house, from whence they had at all times received all manner of grace and favour. The Aldermen returning with this answer and hee after softly following them, in an instant the Citizens minds were changed: those who were gotten upon the Walles to defend them against him as against an enemy, came downe to be

his guides and to keepe him from being by any one injur'd; being come before the City, and met by many of the chiefest Citizens he made such use of his affability, calling the Aldermen your wor∣ships, as by the fairenesse of his language and his large promises he got them to yeild to what ever he would. 'Twas agreed that hee should be received into the City, if hee would sweare to two things; that hee would treat them according to his proffered con∣ditions; and be obedient and faithfull to all Henries commands. Upon these tearmes all parties retired themselves; the Citizens to Yorke, and Edward with his people to the fields; expecting the nextday. These good people thought hereby to do good service to God, the King, and Kingdome: but the unwary do alwayes harme when they thinke to help. To receive banisht men, to re∣store goods, and to dispose of estates belongs not unto Subjects. The nextday Masse was said at the gate whereat hee was to enter. He swore to the two Articles with such intention as the effects of his not observing them did afterwards declare. Wherein is to be observed Gods Long-suffering, and Justice: the one by his not immediately punishing him; the other extending it selfe not long after to his Family, which being deprived of the Kingdome, and that confer'd upon his enemy, was utterly destroyed, to manifest unto us that the delay of punishment is not the abolishment there∣of. These sacred ceremonies being ended, with divine attestation, he entred the City, and as soone as he had from thence received monies (notwithstanding all his Articles) he made himselfe master of it, by placing therein a good garrison, and they too late percei∣ved his breach of Faith: but it behooved them patiently to en∣dure the yoake, which with their own hands they had put about their necks. He stayd there but a while; for having taken certaine forces into pay, hee resolved to go to London: A rash resolution; had hee had any thing to lose: but being he possest nothing and was either to regaine his Kingdome, or lose his life (which was not to be valued since hee had nothing to maintaine it with) 'twas a noble resolution and altogether worthy of the greatnesse of his spirit. His neerest way lay by Pomfret, where Marquesse Montague lay: he shun'd him, keeping on the other hand foure miles above him; and the Marquesse came not forth, otherwise Edward and his few men had bin but in bad condition. He suffer'd him to passe as if he had had no knowledge thereof. This was his second error, the first being, that he suffer'd him to get into Yorke. Some notwithstanding were of opinion that he met him not, be∣cause he did not much trust his people, who hating Henry as the onely Picture of a King unfit for government, and the cause of so many scandalls, inclined to Edward, a King fit to defend him∣selfe and them. Hee thought not to meet with so good fortune, but meeting with it and making use of it, he put himselfe againe into the roade-way, and marcht on to Nottingham, where many Gentlemen with great troopes of men came to meet him: here he

was proclaimed King, contrary to the tenure of his first pretences and his Oath taken at Yorke. People flocked to him every houre: he feared not to passe on to Leicester, that hee might draw nigh to the enemy, who was then at Warwicke under the command of the Earle thereof accompanied by the Earle of Oxford, hee resolved either to give him battell, or else to finde out some meanes to joyne with his Brother the Duke of Clarence. Warwicke was not well satisfied with the Marquesse, who by not opposing him had advantaged the Enemy; he levyed Souldiers apace that he might come to the battell, and advertised the Duke of Clarence to the end that hee might hasten unto him; but growing fearfull of his temporizing he resolved to fight himselfe alone with those troops he had, and with this designe he went to Coventry: Edward, who soone after his departure from Warwicke was come thither, fol∣lowed him the same way: the Earle was much perplexed; hee was certaine of nothing but battell, his safety depended upon the will of Fortune: His sonne in Law and his brother were corrup∣ted: the first for certaine, the second not unlikely, but rather to be doubted then built upon. So as having intrencht himselfe he expected the Dukes comming, who he understood was not far off. Edward who was not farre off raysed his campe as if he meant to give his Brother Clarence battell apart, and presented himselfe in battell aray before him. But as soone as they were within sight one of the other, the Duke of Gloucester ran into Clarence his Camp, not demanding safe-conduct as upon like occasions is usu∣all; they seemed to treat of what they had long before concluded betweene themselves: peace was published, and Edward pro∣claimed King, and the two Brothers embraced each other, as if there never had beene any thing of difference betweene them. Ne∣ver was man more directly murdered then was Warwicke. All mis∣chiefe is expected from a declared Enemy: but such as proceed from a pretended Friend is as bitter as unexpected. 'Tis not to be denyed that enmity betweene Brethren is contrary to nature; but their reconcilement ought not to be made by the violation of Oathes, the ruine of a Friend, Confederate and Father in Law: we see the great enormities in their proceedings, but we shall see their punishments. The Duke of Clarence sent to excuse himselfe to the Earle of Warwicke, offering him any advantageous condi∣tions with the King his Brother; but he having with much distem∣per heard the message accounting his offers Snares answered: that hee in all his actions had ever done like unto himselfe, not like him, a false and perjur'd Prince, and that hee would not quit the Warre till either dead or revenged: words which gave assu∣rance of nothing but Armes. But Edward thinking the first thing hee had to do was to have Henry in his power turned towards Lon∣don, of the which if hee could once make himselfe master hee needed no more, since the City was sufficient to furnish him with whatsoever hee needed. The Earle had notice hereof, and did

accordingly advertise the Duke of Somerset, his Brother the Archbishop, and the Councell, intreating them to defend the Ci∣ty onely for three dayes, whithin which time hee would come and free them from all danger, but the Citizens (since their lives and goods were in question, if they should oppose themselves and after be inforced to yeeld) consented not thereunto: and though Henries goodnesse did stirre them up to assist him, yet his weakenesse advised the contrary; for unfit for whatsoever action hee lived in the Bishops house dumbe and stupid; not knowing how either to give or take counsell. Comines all edges three rea∣sons why Edward was preferr'd before him, which if not true may yet seeme true: first the many partakers he had in the Liberties of the City, and that his Queene was newly delivered of a Sonne: the second; the great debt he ought there, which caused the Mer∣chants to favour him, lest they might lose their principall: the third, the love of many of the chiefest and richest Citizens wives, who as having had familiarity with him drew their Husbands and Friends to favour him. Whether any of all these were true or no, or that Henries incapacity was the onely cause thereof, the resolution taken was in Edwards behalfe; so as in stead of denying him entrance, they ran to meete him: whereupon the chiefe of the adverse party hasted to save themselves. Forsaken Henry was hee alone, who voyde of helpe, dexterity, or resoluti∣on, knew not how to escape; so as Edward being entred, and received with popular applause, six Moneths after the losse of his Kingdome; hee put him againe into the same prison from whence few Moneths before hee had beene taken out by the Earle of Warwicke, and wherein might hee have beene suffered to live hee would have beene more happy, according to his hu∣mour, then at liberty governing amongst so many alterations which did transcend the faculty of his braine. Edward in a pub∣like oration commended the people and thanked the Aldermen for having kept them loyall; on the contrary, he caused all such Merchants as well Citizens as Foreiners as had assisted Henry with monies to be brought before him, and did with such bitter words and in so terrible a manner aggravate their fault as all men thought their turnes were served: but he who had not his like in captivating mens minds, after having a long time held them in deadly suspence, put life into them expressing his last words with as much clemency as hee had done his former with terrour. This his clemency not procured by the importunacy of Officers, or Supplications, but proceeding from his owne meere motion, did so win the hearts even of them that were not interested therein, as they for the future did that out of meere love, which former∣ly they would not have done but for feare. Warwick this meane while made hast towards London, knowing the City to be unfit for sieges, and much lesse for redoubled assaults: he thought not∣withstanding it would defend it selfe the time desired, and that

finding the enemy busied about winning the Towne hee might force him to fight upon disadvantage. But when he heard that Edward was received in and Henry againe made prisoner, hee was sorely afflicted, hee saw hee had cast up his accounts wrong, and that fortune had brought him to a precipice which hee could not shunne: but there was no remedy, and had there beene any, hee would rather have dyed than have endevoured it. The Souldiers hee had were good, but few in comparison of those of an enemy smiled on by fortune, courageous in himselfe, and obeyed by all men: Hee on the other side had none on whom to trust, and if hee should lose the battell hee had no succour, for doubtlesse all the Kingdom would incline to the Conquerour, being they were already that waies given. That which troubled him most of all was, he knew not what to thinke of the Marquesse his brother, who had so often shewed himselfe unwilling to meddle in this warre, and still continued of the same minde: Hee thought to have dismist him but it had been dangerous so to have done, for so he should not onely have lessen'd his Army, but perhaps have made him with his Troopes goe over to the enemy; he resolved, by saying nothing, to oblige him to runne the same fortune as he should runne, as he did. He stayd at St. Albanes a little, to refresh his people, and went from thence to Barnet, where hee incamped himselfe, confidently believing the enemy would come to finde him out: nor was he deceived; for Edward, not willing he should come to London, (a City which hee had experienced to be subject to revolt upon such like occasions) left the Towne guarded by his confidents, and marched forth with the same Army, wherewith hee had entred the Towne; whereunto was added a Troope of choice young men armed at all pieces, so as though hee could not but hope for victory, yet was he ill advised, since he now put that to the hazzard of fortune, which by temporizing he might surely obtaine: for, all the Countrey being on his side, and hee the supe riour in forces, 'twas in his power to have starved the enemy, and utterly undone him without the losse of one man. But these dull Fabian wars are seldome or never seen in England. Edward came to Barnet on Easter Eve, and incamped himselfe so neere the e∣nemy, as not onely the neighing of horses, but mens voyces were heard from the one campe to the other, so as you will easily be lieve they slept not much that night. The unfortunate Henry was brought along, to the end that his captivity might astonish the enemy, and make him lesse courageous; or else, that if Ed∣ward should lose the day hee might make the more advantageous conditions. As soone as day appeared (the day dedicated to our Saviours resurrection) the Earle of Warwicke drew forth his Army into three Squadrons: He assigned the first to the Marquesse, and the Earle of Oxford, flanked by some Troopes of horse; the se∣cond he kept for himselfe, accompanied by the Duke of Exceter; and gave the last to the Duke of Somerset. Edward (observing the

same order, gave his Van-guard to the Duke of Gloucester, (a man of great courage and counsell) the Rere-ward to the Lord Ha∣stings, (a constant sider with the white Rose) and kept the maine battell for himselfe, and the Duke of Clarence, keeping the priso∣ner Henry by him: hee framed a squadron of the surplus of his men to make use of upon all occasions. Neither side wanted ar∣guments to encourage their men: the one Rebellion, the other Tyranny. The Archers began the battell, and the Arrowes being spent they came to handy-blowes: Edwards party prevailed in number, but not in order, vigilancy, nor valour. The battell was fought from Sunne rising till almost mid-day, fresh men supplying the places of such as were wounded or wearied. The Earles squadron having the worst hee reinforc'd it with a Troope drawne out of the Rere-ward, with the which he made the enemy lose so much ground, as many of them flying away brought false newes to London, that Edward was put to rout: who having stayed his owne men, fighting himselfe a vye with whatsoever Souldier, made the reserved Squadron come in on the flanke, which gave so impetuously on those wearied men, as that though the Earle did what possibly hee could to reinforce them, yet wanting fresh men, his voyce nor example stood him in no stead, his men, for lacke of breath falling under the enemies Sword. The Earle gi∣ving in where the enemy was thickest; either to open them, or not to out live the losse, was miserably slaine. His brother (who by unwillingly undertaking this warre, had been the first cause of this their last mis-fortune) seeing him drive in amongst the enemy (all other passions giving place to brotherly love) followed after him, to make him way to returne, but hee shut it up to himselfe by losse of his life. This was one of the fiercest battels ever fought by enraged men. The Kingdome and life was in question on the one side, life and the Kingdome on the other. Henry governed in name, in effect the Earle; but that which most provoked him, was the preservation of his ancient renowne, and his desire of revenge upon the two brethren: Edward was by him accounted ungrate∣full, and perjured; Clarence ungratefull, perjured, and treacherous. The odde Band was his undoing. Some impute his losse to a mis∣take in his Van, for a mist arising which suffered them not well to discerne passages, they tooke the Starre rounded with rayes, which was the Earle of Oxfords cognizance, and which was tacked upon each of his Souldiers sleeves, to be the Sunne, which was Edwards cognizance: whereupon setting on Oxfords men, as on enemies, they forced them to runne away; nor could the Earle of Oxford, who fought with incredible valour, detaine them. How ever it was, Edward wonne the day, with the death of 10000. of his adversaries, and 1500. of his owne; amongst which, none of note save Sir Humphrey Bourchier, sonne to the Lord Barnes. The cause of this so great slaughter was attributed hereto, that where∣as Edward, in his other battels was wont to bid kill the Lords and

Captaines, but spare the rest, he did not so in this, being offended that they more esteemed Warwicke than him. The Duke of So∣merset and Earle of Oxford fled together towards Scotland; but fearing they might runne danger by the length of the way, they went to Wales to finde out Iasper Earle of Pembrooke. The Duke of Exceter, who was left alive among the dead bodies, got up with much a doe, and came to Westminster, where hee tooke Sanctuary. This was the end of Warwickes worldly glory, whose title was to make and unmake Kings. His ruine tooke its rise from his father; who being cousin-german to Henry the fifth, (they being brothers and sisters children) forsooke his respect of consanguinity, for that of affinity; (Richard Duke of Yorke having married his sister Cecily mother to Edward) and so lost his life: his sonne treading in his fathers steps, and desirous to revenge his fathers death, deposed Henry to set up Edward; by whom being neglected, hee revolted from him, forced him to fly his Countrey, set Henry at liberty, and put the Crowne againe upon his head: but Edward being re∣turned, and having changed his Lyons skinne to a Foxes, hee fell, betrayed by his sonne in law, abandoned by his brother, and at his greatest need forgotten by the common people, who had never more superstitiously worshipped any one, nor in their songs cele∣brated. Whereby the ambitious may learne not to raise tumults, trusting upon the people, which like the Sea, are moved by all winds. I must crave leave to answer one particular, falsely allea∣ged by Comines. He saies the Earle had alwaies wont to fight on horse-backe, that if fortune should frowne hee might the better escape: that his brother the Marquesse, who was a gallant man, forced him at this time to fight on foot, and made his horses be led away. But who shall consider the Earles actions, and his battels, this last unexcepted, will believe him to be calumniated; for, say he should endeavour to save himselfe, did they not all doe so? In this battell, Somerset and Oxford saved themselves by flight, where there was no speech of prisoners, nor ransome, but to die by the heads-man, if not in the field. The Marquesse had lesse reason to feare, as one not hated by Edward, but rather by him suborned, as knowing his appearing against him made for him; for had hee fought with him, either at Yorke, or else at Pomfret, hee never had regained his Kingdome. Had feare wrought any thing upon the Earle, hee would not have refused his sonne in lawes offers; hee would not have resolved (the smalnesse of his numbers not con∣sidered) to have fought at Barnet; and knowing that Queen Mar∣garet was hourely expected to land in England, hee would have stayed for her. That he should feare her (as the said Comines and Chesnes doe both aver) because the Duke of Somerset was with her, is false; for this Duke, who is by them pretended to be absent, was present at this battell, as hath been said: and the Queene could not but be his friend, for the services hee had done her, and her future hopes in him; so as if he did not wait her comming, 'twas

not for any of these reasons, but of his too much confiding in him∣selfe; which was his undoing. After this victory Edward retur∣ned in triumph to London, hee gave God thankes in Pauls Church, he there hung up the Colours taken from the enemy; and for three daies together exposed the dead bodies of the two brothers to the sight of all men, to the end that being seen dead, no man might further trouble him, with taking upon them the person and name of Warwioke, whose death was the establishment of his Kingdome: So that, as hee could not sufficiently expresse his joy thereof, so could hee not enough lament the Marquesses death, whom hee lo∣ved, and who so loved him: as for Henry, the type of all misfortune, he was againe put into the Tower.

All this while Queen Margaret met not with a good wind for her passage, which was her misfortune; for tis to be believed, had she been come before the battell, matters would not have gone so ill on her side as they did: at last she landed in Dorsetshire, where hea∣ring of Warwickes discomfiture and death, and Henries re-impri∣sonment, her wonted courage failing her she swounded, having now no further hope of comfort; the safest course she could take was to take sanctuary, she and her sonne in a Monastery at Beaulieu in Hampshire, whither all the chiefest of her faction came to finde her out; namely, the Duke of Somerset, his brother Iohn Earle of Devenshire, (who having been one of Edwards chiefe attendants, had, to his misfortune, I know not out of what capriccio, forsaken him) Iasper Earle of Pembroke, the Lord Wenlocke, (who like∣wise had formerly been on Edwards side) and the Prior of St. Iohns one of the Knights of Bhodes. They had much adoe to infuse new hopes into her: shee was now no more troubled at her hus∣bands imprisonment, nor at the losse of his Kingdome; (mis∣fortunes by her esteemed irrevocable) her sonnes safety, as her onely comfort, and the last of all her miseries, was that which onely troubled her. Her opinion was not to tempt fortune any more for feare of endangering him: but Somerset perswaded her that if she would undertake the leading of her people (as formerly she had done) she should finde so many partakers, amongst which an infinite number whom feare had made conceale themselves) that Edward would not be able to defend himselfe against them: that King Henries goodnesse, and the expectation of his sonne, were deepely engraven in the hearts of all the Kingdome. This being by the rest confirmed, she suffered her selfe to be peswaded; she desired to provide for her sonnes safety by sending him into France, but could not effect it, for Somerset alleaged his presence was requisite; whereupon she condescended. This being resolved upon, every one went to make their necessary provisions; and the Queen with the French that were come along with her went to the Bath, whither they came afterwards all unto her. Edward had hardly had time to breath after his victory at Barnet when he heard Queen Margaret was landed, and what concourse of people flocked unto

her out of Devonshire, and Cornwall, and other Southerne parts; hee knew not what to doe, as not knowing in what part shee would set upon him: hee sent forth some light-horse to make discovery, and hearing where shee was, hee com∣manded that the Trained-bands should come to Abbington, whither hee himselfe came with those of London, and there∣abouts. As soone as they were come thither hee marched to hinder the enemy from joyning with the Earle of Pembrooke, and the other forces, thinking that hee might facilitate his vi∣ctory by fighting with them in their present condition. The Queene understanding his designe went to Bristoll, so to goe to Wales; but the difficulty of passing over Severne, and the Duke of Somersets obstinacy caused her last ruine: her right way lay by Gloucester, but the City being under the government of the Duke of Gloucester, the Kings brother, she was not suffered to passe by there; neither could she force her way having Edward at her heeles: she went to Tewkesbury, with intent to passe as speedily as she might into Wales, but the Duke of Somerset not enduring this flight tooke a fancy to make an hault and fight presently, and not waite for the comming of the Earle of Pembrooke, who could not be farre off: his reason was the danger of being defeated in this their retreat; the Captaines approved his motion of making a stand, but not of fighting: their opinion was, that they should intrench themselves, so as they might not be forced without apparent dan∣ger to the enemy. The Duke seemed not to be displeased at this; for which purpose he chose the Parke neere to the City, where he so well fortified himselfe, as that he would have made it good, had not his impatient rashnesse undone him: for believing he could never quit his Trenches without battell, he thought better to give it then to receive it; with this fatall capriccio he marshalled his men. He and his brother Iohn tooke the Van-guard; he gave the Reare-ward to the Earle of Devonshire, and the maine battell to Prince Edward under the directions of the Lord Saint Iohns, and Lord Venlocke; the last being promoted to that honour by King Edward, and therefore noted of treachery. The Duke of Gloucester who had the charge of his brothers Van making use both of craft and courage set upon the trenches, and finding them not to be forced, retreated; whereupon ensued the very thing hee imagined; to wit, that Somerset growing hereupon bold, would pursue him out of his trenches; the which hee did, believing to be seconded by the Lord Venlocke with Prince Edwards Squadron; but hee not moving, the Duke, after a long conflict was defeated and driven backe into his trenches, pursued even into them by Gloucester; where finding Venlocke yet not moved, hee called him traytor, and with his Sword clove his head in two. The King this meane while having followed Gloucester into the trenches, cut the rest in pieces, some few esca∣ping

into the thickets of the Parke, into Monasteries, and whether else they could flie. The Queene was found in a Cha∣riot halfe dead with sorrow and taken prisoner. Speed saies shee fled to a Covent of Nuns, that shee was taken thence by force, and brought to the King at Worcester. The Duke of Somerset, and the Prior of Saint Iohns valiantly fighting, were taken alive: Iohn the Dukes brother, the Earle of Devonshire, with some Knights, and 3000 more were slaine. Prince Edward fell into the hands of Sir Richard Crofts, who intended to have concealed him, but the King having promised a pension during life of an hundred pounds a yeere to whosoever should bring him to him alive or dead, and life to the young Prince, if hee were yet alive; Crofts not believing he would falsifie his faith, pre∣sented him unto him. Edward looked upon him, and admiring the sweetnesse of his youth, and disposition, asked him, how he durst come with flying Colours into his Kingdome, and raise his people against him? to the which he couragiously answered, that he came to recover his fathers Kingdome, his proper and naturall inheritance, which could not be denied since it fell unto him by legitimate descent from Father, Grand-father, and Great-grand-father. The King offended at these words, strucke him in the face with a Switch which he had in his hand, whilst Clarence, Gloucester, the Marquesse Dorset, and Lord Hastings suddenly slew him with their Daggers, who were all repaid in due time with equall cruelty. The Duke of Somerset, the Prior of Saint Iohns, and fourteene others, were beheaded on a munday. This battell was the last of the Civill warres during Edwards time. The Queene was brought to London, and some yeeres after ransomed (as some say) by her father Renatus King of Sicilie for fifty thousand Crownes, which were lent him by Lewis the eleventh, and not having wherewithall to re-pay them, hee sold unto him his pretence unto the Kingdome of Naples, by which title Charles afterwards went and laid claime to it. Tillet is alledged for one of those who writ this: I con∣fesse I never found any such thing in his Collection; I remember I have therein read, that Charles the Count of Provence (who tooke upon him the Title of King of Sicily after Renatus his death) made Lewis the eleventh his heire, by vertue whereof Charles the eighth pretended to that Kingdome. The two bro∣thers of Sancta Martha in their Genealogicall History of the house of France, affirme the same: and speaking of this Queene, they say, she was set at liberty in the yeere 1475. having renounced all she could lay clame unto in England by the way of Joynture: they mention the opinion of the fifty thousand Crownes, but they believe it not to be true. However it was, she was sent backe to France, to spend the rest of her life in perpetuall sorrow, not for the losse of her husband, or Kingdome, but

of her sonne; whose sad memory accompanied her to her grave. After this Edward visited the neighbouring Countries, chasti∣sing in sundry manners such as had appeared against him, from thence he went to London, to remedy an inconvenience, which if it had hapned at the Queenes arrivall, his affaires had not succeeded so prosperously. Authors observe him to have good fortune in such accidents as might have hurt him, since they hapned at such times as they could not doe so. Had the Queene come before Warwickes defeat, he might peradventure have been enforced to a second forsaking of England: if the Duke of Somerset had stayed for the Earle of Pembrooke at Tewkesbury, or that the like accident we are to speake of had then hapned, he had met with much of danger and difficulty. The Earle of Warwicke after Edwards flight into Flaunders had given the charge of the Narrow-seas betweene England and France to Thomas Nevill a base borne sonne to the Lord Faul∣conbridge Earle of Kent, a man well knowne for the greatnesse of his courage and Spirit. The Earle of Warwicke being dead, and he having lost the profits of his place (which was Vice-admirall) being declared an enemy to the King, and consequently an exile void of meanes, he betooke himselfe to live by piracy, rob∣bing all ships that past by, whether friends or foes. But think∣ing that by doing little harme he could doe himselfe but little good, he bethought himselfe that Edward being now with his forces in the Westerne parts of the Kingdome a faire occasion was offered of handsomely handling his affaires. With this designe he landed in Kent; he had many ships full fraught with desperate people; and such as abhorred poverty and parci∣mony, not knowing how to live, but by rapine and wicked∣nesse, flocked unto him: to these were joyned seventeene thousand men more, if not better, yet upon better pretences: They gave out that they would set Henry at liberty, re-invest him in his estate, and drive out the usurper: the pretence bare with it a specious shew, but their ends were to sacke London; they assaulted it on three parts, upon the Bridge, upon Algate, and upon Bishopsgate: but not able to force the City, they were by the inhabitants thereof beaten backe, and many of them slaine. Thomas Nevill their chiefe Commander hearing that Edward hasted towards him, retired with his first follow∣ers to Sandwich, leaving the rest to returne upon their perill to their owne homes, but not long after having mis-governed himselfe in his charge, or given some signes of infidelity, or were it that the King thought it not safe to trust his Fleet with one of the Lancastrian faction, especially in a time when the Earle of Richmond was in Brittany, he was arrested in the Haven of Southampton and executed, paying for his former defaults, which to the hurt of all men hee had committed by

Sea and Land. The Earle of Pembrooke was yet in Wales after all the rest of his faction were either slaine or fled; which much troubled Edward: he commanded Roger Vaughan (a man much followed in that Countrey) to kill him, in any whatsoever manner; but the Earle, being informed thereof, prevented him, using Vaughan as Vaughan would have used him: he then retired himselfe to Pembrooke, a strong place, where hee thought himselfe safe: but he was there besieged by Morgan ap Thomas, who so blocked up the Castle with ditches and trenches, that it was impossible for him to get out, had it not been by the meanes of David ap Thomas brother to Morgan. This man brought him forth, and embarked him and his nephew Henry Earle of Richmond, who were both by for∣tune driven into a Haven in Brittany: his intention was to have landed in Normandy, and to have put himselfe into the protection of King Lewis, who was likely to runne ad∣vantage thereby, for after the warre made under the title of the Common good; Lewis was very jealous of his bro∣ther, and of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, and fea∣red that England now free from home dissentions might assist them. He apprehended nothing more, then that the Eng∣lish should once more set footing in Normandy: so as the Earle of Richmond, next heire to the Crowne after Henry and his sonne, was likely to serve him as a powerfull meanes to keepe Edward so busied at home by such as sided with the house of Lancaster, as that hee should not dreame of for∣raine enterprizes; but being falne upon Brittany, the Duke thereof, which was Francis the second, knew very well how to make use of this accident to his advantage: for hee was now sure he had a pledge, which would upon all occasions enforce Edward to comply with his desires. Hee graciously received them, and promised them all security; hee sent them to Uannes in appearance free and at liberty, but in effect hee set a good guard upon them. This Princes escape was the deadly blow to the house of Yorke; for though Ed∣ward left no meane unassayed to have him in his hands, hee could never get him. When Edward had setled the businesse in Kent (he himselfe being gone thither to punish the faul∣ty) hee thought not himselfe sufficiently established as long as Henry lived, and till hee had extirpated the roote from whence did budde forth all the rebellions. Some have thought that Gloucester put this into his head. That even from that time hee began to have thoughts of the King∣dome, and that to have hereby one lesse opposition there∣unto he advised his brother to it; the which I believe, but not upon that designe; there was small appearance of it, hee having another brother alive, though hee himselfe was

so wholly composed of wickednesse as I shall joyne with him that shall thinke worst of him. Howsoever it was, he went to the Tower, was Counsellour, Judge, and Hang∣man, and with one stroke of a Dagger slew the unfortu∣nate Henry. It doth not notwithstanding clearely appeare that hee slew him with his owne hands, but tis certaine this so cruell and unjust a deede was done whilst Hee was pre∣sent. This was the end of this good King; thus ended He his troubles and began his rest, Divine grace having chal∣ked out the way unto Him by indowing Him with such conditions and peculiar vertues as are requisite to the find∣ing out of that permanent abode, which wee all seeke after. Hee was beloved, but 'twas but a nominall love caused by His Religious vertues naturally vennerable; but wanting wis∣dome and valour, Hee was in effect neither loved nor feared by any. Hee was a King from his Cradle, and to boote with his patrimoniall Kingdome was crowned King of France in Paris; an honour shared in by none before nor after: and though Hee appeared not in Battells Armed and Souldier like as did his Father, yet did not the progresse of Victories for many yeares cease in that Kingdome under his Name, till such time as (nature manifesting her selfe in him) civill Warres arose, by which Hee lost France, England, and Him∣selfe. Amongst his Christianlike vertues, three are remark∣ed of exemplary edification; the one of Chastity, the other two of Patience. Certaine Ladies (before Hee was mar∣ried) daunced a maske before Him, who having their Bo∣somes bare, and their Heads fantastically attired, they no sooner appear'd before Him but he retired into his Chamber, saying; He wondered they did not blush so much to shame themselves. From this and the like cases (hee not having in all the time of his youth nor at any time after, given any the least signe of in∣constancy) some of his detractours would argue that hee was impotent, and that Prince Edward was not his Sonne: as if God could not be the Author of continency without the meanes of frigidity and naturall deficience. When hee was a prisoner hee was with a Sword wounded in the side by owne who was come thither to kill him, and who did not redouble his trust, being belike strucke with horrour in the very act of cruelty: who this man was, or how, or by whom sent is not menti∣oned by Authours; when Henry was restored to his King∣dome, hee who had wounded him was taken and brought before him to bee punished, but hee caused him to be un∣tied and pardoned him the so doing, for that it was done to one whose sinnes deserved greater punishment. To ano∣ther who in the same Prison gave him a cuffe on the Eare, hee onely replyed hee was too blame for having struck an

anointed King. Henry the Seventh had once a thought to have him Canonized upon the relation of his miracles, but he forbare the prosecution of it; some think, because he thought much of the accustomed expences in such solemnities, which being done for a King, and by a King would in all reason have beene expected magnificent, which was contrary to his fru∣gality. Others, (as I have beene told) would have it that being informed that distinction was made in Rome, between such as were blamelesly innocent, and such as were Saints, he gave over the pursuit of it. Henry was a lover of learning, and of the learned; he founded Eaton-Colledge, and endowed it with great Revenewes, and provision for Tutors to teach Chil∣dren their first rudiments. Hee founded Kings Colledge in Cambridge, whither the Schollers of Eaton are transplanted, there to perfect their Studies in Sciences and Languages: His intention was to make it perfectly magnificent, but his mis∣fortunes did not permit him to finish it: the vastnesse of the Chappell (a marke of his intention and zeale) witnesseth this unto us: Hee indowed it with a revenew of 3400 pound sterling yearely, which since that time is increased. He raign∣ed 38 yeares and some few dayes, before Hee was depo∣sed; and but bare six moneths after Hee was restored. He had no issue but Edward Prince of Wales, slaine as hath beene said. Hee lived fifty two Yeares. His body was car∣ried from the Tower to Pauls Church invironed with a great many Armed men, where one whole day hee was exposed to the view of all men with his face bare, to the end the people might bee assured of his Death; and there did issue forth great quantity of Blood from out his wound a sight which moved compassion in those that looked on: being ta∣ken from thence and carried to Black-Friers Church, his Bo∣dy bled againe: at last Hee was put into a Coffin, carried to Chersey, and there privately buried without any manner of pompe or Christian-like solemnity. Henry the Seventh made his body afterwards be brought from thence and buryed in Westminster, where Hee caused a Princely Monument to be built for him. But in these times tis said not to be there, nor that it is known where it is.

Edward thus freed of his chiefest troubles, was not notwith∣standing * 1.3 in quiet; for many more arose which, though lesse, ceased not to trouble him: amongst which some strange e∣vents which I forbeare to name, which, though naturall, were by some superstitiously minded, thought to be prodigies of fu∣ture mischiefe. The Earle of Oxford, who after the battell at Barnet had got into Wales, and from thence to France, having put to Sea with seventy five men passed into Cornewall, where Hee made himselfe master of Saint Michaels mount, and did

there fortify himselfe with meat and ammunition: but living there, like a banisht man, full of feares, He capitulated to surrender it, His life saved; the which though it were made good unto him, yet was in such a manner as He had beene better have fled againe, then in hope of life and lively-hood live miserably imprisoned: for Hee was sent to Hammes where He was kept twelue yeares, till the last of Richard the Third, all succour denyed Him, even the company of His Wife, both of them being equally hated by the King: the Earle; for that Hee, his Father, and Brother, had mightily favoured the house of Lancaster: and his Wife; as sister to the Earle of Warwicke, the first disturber of his quiet: so as having taken from her all shee had, shee lived upon the cha∣rity of other people, and by what shee daily wonne by her needle. The King forgot not the Archbishop of Yorke, though a Clergy man; and though when he was his prisoner hee en∣treated him with all humanity and respect; and by afford∣ing him the liberty of hunting afforded him the like to es∣cape: he sent him to the Castle of Guisnes, causing him there to be strictly looked unto: and though some while after at the request of his friends, hee gave him his liberty, 'twas too late for him; for overdone with griefe and melancholly, he but for a small while injoyed his begg'd freedome: The death of his two Brothers, the extirpation of his Family, and the Kingdomes being in the hands of an enemy Prince caused his death. Henry Holland Duke of Exceter (he who Philip Comines affirmes hee hath seene begging bare Foote and bare Legg'd, from doore to doore in the Court of Charles Duke of Burgondy, and whose Grandmother was sister to Henry the Fourth, be∣ing repossest of his goods when Henry the sixt was re-possest of his Kingdome, injoyed that happinesse but a small time, for at Edwards returne hee was left amongst the dead at the battell of Barnet, but comming to himselfe againe, hee tooke Sanctuary at Westminster, where hoping to obtaine par∣don by the intercession of his Wife Anne Sister to the King, shee was so farre from intreating for him as that shee desi∣red to be devorced; which shee obtained: whereupon for∣saking the Sanctuary out of disperation, 'tis not knowne what hee did with himselfe; his Body was found upon the shore of Kent, no Ship-wrack being discerned. The inhumanity of this Anne, and the fraud of her Sister Margaret of Bur∣gondy (as will be seene in the Reigne of Henry the Seventh) afford mee an observation, which, but upon such an occa∣sion, I should not have lighted upon. It cannot be said but that the pretence unto the Kingdome was a principall cause of the enmity betweene the houses of Lancaster and Yorke; to thinke otherwise were to erre against common sence, but

I believe that without such respect they had beene incap∣able of hearty friendship, by reason of the difference of their natures, derived from their fore-fathers. For, as all that was good in the House of Yorke was wound up in Edmund Duke of Yorke the first Father thereof; so all the bad of the House of Lancaster, rested in the person of Iohn Duke of Lancaster the first Father thereof; with this difference notwithstanding; that whereas the good was intense and con∣stant in Edmund, the bad was remisse and inconstant in Iohn; the former never did any harme, for being naturally inclined to do good it would have troubled him to have done evill to any one; the other having ability to do evill, and having done evill, by a vertuous resolution forbeare to do so; but this goodnesse ceased with Edmund, those who descended from him being stained with fraud and malice: and evill (such as it was) ceased likewise with Iohn, all who descended from him proving vertuous; but as Henry the Fourth, his onely Sonne, may seeme not to merit the name of good having usurped the Kingdome, and to secure himselfe there∣in committed so many excesses; so Edward the eldest Sonne of Yorke may seeme not to deserve the name of bad, have∣ing in vertue out done his Father dying gloriously in the battell of Agencourt: but for all this the observation is not erroneous; for if Henry did usurpe the Kingdome, 'twas not by consultation, or any fancy of his owne, for hee had never dreampt thereof had not the people called him there∣unto, and Richards ill government enforc't him. On the contrary Edward Duke of Yorke lost all claime to goodnesse, by conspiring against the said Henry to bereave him both of Life and Kingdome, not having beene any wayes injur'd by him; for all the rest they admit not of exception: all the Lancastrians were good; those of Yorke, bad: Edward the Fourth did almost alwayes falsify his Faith, the Duke of Clarence; first was traytour to his Brother▪ then to his Fa∣ther in Law, Richard the Third a monster in perfidiousnesse and cruelty, all of both houses were notwithstanding e∣qually valiant, Henry the sixth excepted, whose intentive∣nesse to Divine things, tooke from him the thought of hu∣mane assaires; whereupon as the house of Lancaster lost the Kingdome in him, through His too much goodnesse, so the house of Yorke lost it in Richard the Third through his height of wickednesse: so as it is not to bee wondered at if Henry the Eighth, proceeding afterwards from these two Races, did in his first yeare proceed so well being begotten by a Lancastrian father, and afterwards so ill, his mother being of the house of York; not that she was bad, but by the influence of her bloud.

Edwards revenge was not bounded with the punishment of the great ones; for, making enquiry after such as had born Arms against him, he caused many of the meaner sort to be executed; and, not able to inflict the like punishment on them all, without the mark of cruelty, he taxed them all in sums of Money, some more, some lesse, according to their possessions. But the Earl of Pembrooks and the Earl of Richmonds escape did much trouble him, as that which did most import him, since they were forth∣coming and out of his reach. He sent over into Britanny, and spared neither for promises, nor ready moneys to obtain them. But the Duke unwilling to violate the laws of hospitality and his plighted faith, denied to deliver them; upon promise not∣withstanding to have such a care of them, as that they should not molest him. He stood in need of the friendship of England, for that Lewis kept him perpetually busied, so as it made much for him to have those two Earles in his custodie, that he might so hold Edward in hand and in hope, and make him depend upon his will and pleasure with firm resolution notwithstanding, in com∣miseration of their misfortunes, never to yeeld them up: he notwithstanding parted them one from another, and took from them such English as waited upon them, placing his own servants about them, to the end that, making them safe, Edward might be the more secure, by his keeping promise with him, and faith with them. But Edward not herewithal satisfied (foreseeing, as it may be thought) the evil that was to ensue thereby, though not in his life-time) sent unto him again, under pretence of thanking him, but, in effect, to tie him with a chain of Gold to look well to them: he obliged himself to pay unto him a yeerly Pension, hoping that the gate being once open to the receiving of Moneys, he might easily obtain them by some great sum, when his honesty and faith waxen old might be wrought upon by the batteries of Bribery. But if he were deceived in the one, he was not so in the other; for the Pension made him the more diligent in their Custody.

Charles Duke of Burgondy sent Ambassadours over into England, to move Edward to crosse the Seas and make Wars with France, * 1.4 that so he might recover those Provinces which, not many yeers before, were lost by the English, promising him to assist him in the recovery thereof. Edward was herewithal much pleased; he called a Parliament, and easily obtained Moneys, wherewith he made requisite provisions for a businesse of so great importance. But before we proceed any further herein, 'tis requisite we take a short view of some few yeers past, that we may finde the Rise of this Commotion, and so the better understand the cause and ground-work thereof.

There was so great an Antipathy between the King of France and Duke of Burgondy, as it made them differ in all their actions: their enmity grew ever since the King, being Dolphine, and fled from his father, did retire himself into Flanders, where he tarried

many yeers, defray'd, and nobly entertain'd by Philip father to Charles; so as that which in others would have served as the seed of friendship and good will, served them all their life-time as the cause of hatred.

The King was endued with many excellent conditions; for wis∣dom he was not inferiour to any of the then-Princes in Chri∣stendom; though that wisedom (according to those who with more superstitious accuratenesse define it) did rather deserve the name of Craft; the object thereof being for the most part deceit. He conceived that, having himself been turbulent and refractory to his father, his brother Charles, the Princes of the blood, and other great ones might with more reason be like to him: That there were but two remedies for it: To keep them under, by not committing any charge unto their trust; and To disunite them, by sowing discord amongst them. Those whom he most feared, and consequently most hated, were the Dukes of Burgondy and of Britanny, great and puissant Princes; and much the more, for that they had obliged themselves by plighted faith to run one and the same Fortune. He much feared his Brother, not that he had any brains (for being very simple, there was small cause of fear in him) but that, seduced by other mens warinesse, he might serve for a pretence to their ambitions; he therefore fed him still with hopes, but kept him in perpetual poverty, to bereave him of all means whereby to make him considerable; he never made good that which he promised him; and though he after∣wards gave him the Dutchy of Berry, 'twas in so dry a fashion, as having distasted him, he fled into Britanny, whence arose the War of the Common Good, in which they all joyned against him. Phi∣lip the father of Charles, who was then alive, did not confederate with them, but being distasted that the King would have redeem∣ed all such Cities as he held upon the Soame (which could not be denied him, according to the Treaty at Arras) he suffered his son to go over to them, who made a conclusion thereof with a Peace, not to the Common good, but to the good of particulars: for Lewis, to free himself of them, freely promised all they could demand, intending not to perform any thing save what he could not chuse; and waiting for an occasion to ruine them one by one, when they should be disjoyned, he restored to Burgondy the fore∣named Cities, he having paid nine moneths before Four hundred thousand Crowns for them; he quitted them now for nothing, and not to be redeemed under Two hundred thousand, and that not till after the death of Charles. He created Count St. Paul Constable of France; he yeelded up the Duke of Britanny cer∣tain Towns in Normandy, which he had taken; and to his brother, instead of the Dukedom of Berry, he gave the Dukedom of Nor∣mandy, which he soon after took from him, changing it for the Dukedom of Guienne, to the end that being far from the help of England and Burgondy, he might take it from him as he had done the former, and as he already began to do, had he not by poison

died. Lewis his Designe, after his brothers death, was to ruine the other two that yet remained, using all possible means to sepa∣rate them one from the other, as he had separated his brother from them both. Duke Philip being this mean while dead, and he having made new agreements with Duke Charles, his son, he kept not any one of them; but seeing him intangled in the Ger∣man Wars, he set the Emperour, the Dukes of Lorrein and of Austria, and the Switzers upon his back; which was the cause why Charles, not able to oppose two mighty enemies at the same time, incited Edward against him, in like manner as his father Philip had incited Henry the fifth against Charles the seventh, father to this Lewis. But the Duke had undertaken to justle with a wit su∣periour to his: Lewis was a dissembler, patient, cautelous, accu∣stomed to war no lesse with Businesse then with Arms, and more by Moneys then by exposing himself to hazard; a Captain who knew how to watch his opportunity, to meet occasion, to feed even the most incredulous with hopes; in his Fights, fear did not render him stupid, nor good successe, proud; he was endued with a judgement void of harmfull opinions; in chusing out times for the execution of his designes, he came not short of whatever provident and compleat General. None of which, set Valour aside, was found in Charles, the vastnesse of whose imaginations gave not way to any consideration. He conceived he might at the same time keep Lewis lowe, reassume his ancient Title of King in Burgondy, extend his Dominions as far as runs the River Rhine, having in his imagination devoured Alsatia, the Switzers and Lorrein; so as he may be compared to those who, grasping at all, have made nothing sure but a miserable end unto themselves. Had he not dreamt of all the rest, but onely applied himself to Lewis, his cunning would not have been able to have saved him.

Edward spent much time in putting himself in order for this Voyage, having spent the Money given unto him for the War, * 1.5 upon his own occasions; so as not knowing any more expedient means, he caused a List to be made of all the richest and ablest men in London, of what condition soever; and calling them be∣fore him, he by his perswasions wrought so well upon them, shewing them the necessity of his Undertaking, the honour of the Kingdom, the profit that would redound, and the extraordi∣nary charge required thereunto, as they all willingly suffered themselves to be assessed, some to gratifie him, some for example, some for fear; so as he got more Money then he needed for that purpose. A reverend old rich widow being by the King deman∣ded what she would contribute upon so urgent an occasion, an∣swered; Your Majesties Royal and amiable presence exacts from me twenty pounds sterling. The King was pleased with the answer and with the gift, which he witnessed by kissing her; wherewithal the old wom•…•…n was so well pleased, as she gave him Twenty pounds more. When he was come to Dover, he there found fif∣ty Ships sent by the Duke of Burgondy from Holland and Zeland

for transportation of Horse, which was the diligence he used in this Enterprise: but such was the abundance of all things there, as they could not be past over to Calais in lesse then Three weeks; so as if the King of France had had any Ships, as he had not, he had easily hindred them, or else have forced Edward to a double charge in securing their passage by a Fleet at Sea. The Army consisted of One thousand five hundred Horsemen, most of the Horses barded with Trappings, and each Horseman had sundry led Horses: great store of Foot, but Authors do not name the number; Fifteen thousand Bowmen, all on Horseback; infinite was the number of men employed about the Artillery and Tents; and amongst all this number, there was not one unuseful person.

Commines says, Never did King of England passe the Seas with a more powerful Army, nor with better men, nor more richly armed. To boot with these, Three thousand men were set apart to go for Britanny. Edward, before he went from Dover, sent Gar∣tier a Herauld, and a Norman by Nation, with Letters to Lewis, wherein he demanded the Kingdom of France as properly belong∣ing to him; which if he should deny, he denounced fire and sword against him, as against one who usurped what belonged to another. Lewis would read the Letter aside, to avoid the occasi∣on of whispers which thereby might be given. When he had read it, he said unto the Herauld, He knew his Master the King of England came not into France out of any motion of his own, but egged thereunto by the Duke of Burgondy (who, having rui∣nated himself, thought by his means to raise himself up again) and the Constable, who, as Uncle to his wife, had found more credit with him then he deserved; but let him be assured they would not make good any thing they had promised him; the Duke by reason of his impotency, and the Constable by his disloyalty, being born to deceive all men, and to sowe distrust where he ho∣ped for advantage: that he had made him Constable, to boot with other favours and Acts of Grace, with which since he could not oblige him, Edward was not likely to do it; for that it was impossible for him to tread in any path but that of Fraud and Treachery: That Edward having to do with such people in a sea∣son so neer Winter, he might do better to agree with him, then to hazard his Person, Reputation, and People (trusting on two whereof the one was unable, the other unfaithful) and run ha∣zard of too late Repentance. This being said, he with his own hands gave unto the Herauld Three hundred Crowns, and pro∣mised him a thousand more, if the King his Master and he should gree, whereby he obliged him to do him the best service he could. Gartier, allured by his liberality, promised to do what he was able; but that the businesse was not to be moved till the King his Ma∣ster had past the Seas; that then he would advise him to send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct for Ambassadours, who might addresse himself to the Lord Howard or the Lord Stanley, to whom he would bring him in. With this he took his leave, and

was by Lewis in publike (besides what he had given him in pri∣vate) presented with Thirty Ells of Crimson-Velvet. When Edward was come to Calais, he was troubled not to finde Charles there, who according to appointment was to have waited for him in that place; but he was more offended, that whereas the War should have been begun three Moneths before his arrival, he had not yet begun it, nor was he like to begin it, being busied in the Siege of Nuz: He sent forthwith to him, to know what he meant to do. Charles after the getting of Guel∣ders and the County of Zutphen, was carried away with new con∣ceits: he was made Heir to those Countreys by Arnaldus the last Duke, who had disinherited his son Adolphus, who had behaved himself ungratefully and cruelly towards him; so as being pos∣sessed thereof, he thirsted after the neighbouring Countreys, and neglected the War of France, which most imported him: but be∣ing confirmed in this humour by the slowe proceedings of Germa∣ny, by the avarice and wretchlesnesse of the Emperour Frederick the Third, who was not able to oppose him without the power of the whole Empire, he bent himself thereunto: to this pur∣pose he procured a Truce with Lewis for some moneths. Lewis his Counsellors were averse to the granting of this Truce, but himself was of a contrary opinion; foreseeing, that if Charles were once entangled in these affairs, he would never rid his hands of them; for by having the Emperour, the Empire and the Princes thereof his enemies, he could not have leasure to employ himself elsewhere. Charles his designe was to get the do∣minion of Rhine as far as Basil, which he thought he might do; for he already possessed all the Lands between Holland and Collen; and between Collen and Basil he enjoyed the County of Farrata, which was pawn'd to him by Sigismund Duke of Austria, the which he intended never to restore; and this his designe was oc∣casioned by his having taken into his protection Robert of Bavaria Archbishop of Collen Brother to Lodowick Prince Elector, who with a joynt consent was by the Clergie and Commonalty driven out, and they placed Nortmannus Brother to Lodowick Barbarus Landgrave of Hessen in his place: But because Nuz a Fort of great consequence Three miles distant from Collen held with the City, he besieged it (it being defended by Henry Brother to Nort∣mannus) believing that when he should have taken this place, Collen would not long hold out. Lewis, seeing him thus madly minded, it redounding to his advantage that he should more and more be engaged therein, prolonged the Truce, and took from him all manner of scruple of breaking it. Charles laid Siege to Nuz at the same time that he had perswaded Edward to war with France, and was a whole yeer before it, when he thought suddenly to have taken it, and to have been time enough to have met Edward with his Fleet, which was as fair a one as any Prince could have. The Emperour and all the Germane Princes came to the succour of this Town, hoping to meet 20000 fighting

men there which Lewis had promised to send, but they came not, he having need of them himself to oppose the English, who were hourly expected in France. Lewis rather endeavoured to have peace with Charles, or to prolong the Truce, the which he did not obtain; for Charles presumed he could at the same time take Nuz, drive the Emperour away, and ruine Lewis, being set upon by three enemies; himself, England, and Britanny. Lewis, on the other side, favoured by the length of the Siege, and the slack∣nesse of the English, assoon as the Truce was expired, took ma∣ny Cities of his, burnt all his Countrey between Abbevile and Ar∣raz, and took Iames of S. Paul, Brother to the Constable, priso∣ner: He made the Dukes of Lorrain and of Calabria his enemies, who entred Luxenburg; and likewise the Duke of Austria and the Switzers, who took from him the County of Farrata. He notwithstanding all this, was obstinate in continuing the Siege, nor did he rise from before the Town till forced by necessity, and divers incommodities; the which had he endured but Ten days longer (as he might very well have done) the Fort had been yeelded up unto him; for people died there of hunger: but he raised the Siege, not knowing their necessity; and would have raised it before, all hopes of gaining it being lost, had it not been that out of ostentation he might say, that the Empe∣rour accompanied by all the Princes of the Empire, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, could not make him raise his Siege, though the Emperours Army was four times as great as his: but seeing his Army consumed through long sufferings, the death of 4000 of the best Souldiers he had, the losse of Farrata, the Dutchy of Luxenburg pillaged, the Counties of Poictiers and Pic∣cardy burnt, the King of England so much desired by him, and so hardly wrought thereunto, at Calais, expecting him, and threatning to return; he was content to raise it, remitting Nuz to the Popes Legat, to dispose thereof as the Apostolike Sea should think good. Thus having sent the remainder of his people into Lorrein and Bar, that by sacking them they might refresh themselves, he himself, with a very small attendance, went to Calais, where he was but coldly welcomed, as one who was ex∣pected in a Warlike, not in a Complemental posture.

They did notwithstanding follow him, and were by him led by the way of Bullen to Peron, whereinto he suffered but few of them to enter, being jealous of the place as if they had been his enemies. The Constable had sundry times promised Charles to give up unto him Saint Quintines; but not having done it, and meaning nothing lesse, he now sent to him Lewis Creville with his excuse, saying, that if he should have delivered it up to him, he should have done him a disservice, by bereaving him of all belief of his service in France: but that now seeing he was joyned with the King of England, he durst do it. He sent him likewise a Letter of Credit wherewithal to serve himself with the King, and to assure him of his best assistance in his behalf;

this was accompanied with a Writing sealed up, wherein he pro∣mised to assist and serve all the Confederates of Burgundy, namely the King of England, against any whosoever, none excepted. The Constable was by nature perfidious and full of falshood, but no ways wise; so as it is no wonder if notwithstanding all his cunning he was ruined: for evil doings seldom end well, e∣specially when craft and treachery are used towards one more crafty and more powerful. The Fox loseth all his wiles, when in the Lions paws. The Constable, while he was but Count S. Paul, had served Philip Duke of Burgundy, and gained the good will of his son Charles, whom he governed in all his ways; the which Lewis observing, he thought to win him over to his side, by making him his Constable, believing by this new obligation to corrupt his former ancient friendship; whilst Charles was con∣fident the Count would never abandon his Cause: and both of them were deceived: For, though he might at the same time have kept his old Master, pay'd all Duties to his new one, and inhansed his deserts with the one and with the other; yet would not his bad inclinations suffer him so to do: for instead of being a means of peace and friendship between them, he stirred them both up to war and hatred. Sincerity and Candor were not mer∣chandise for his Ware-house; nor could he have made use of them, had he been willing, whilest he believed his present great∣nesse could not be augmented, nor yet preserved, but by his nou∣rishing Discord between these two Princes, and causing all their actions to have a dependency on him, by making himself the Needle of the Dyal, which sometimes points to this, sometimes to that side. He was to blame to justle with two, the one of which was not inferiour to him in craft, to wit, Charles; the other surpassing him therein, which was Lewis: the former was indued wth little wisedom, as was he; the other, with so much, as he might have been therein master to them both. 'Twould be too tedious to number up his disloyalties: it may suffice to say, that he fomented the War between them, that he might necessitate Charles to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne: If he did it not, he threatned him with ruine, shewing uuto him Lewis his Forces; and if he did it, he promised him S. Quintines, and to procure the Duke of Britanny and his son-in-law to declare them∣selves against Lewis: whilst Lewis waging War with Charles, and being by him egged on, not knowing what he did, made War against himself, by enforcing him to implore their aid against him, by a Marriage equally detested by them both. The Duke of Guienne dying, he continued their Discord, lest, if they should agree, they might discover his evil Offices the one unto the other, whereby that might befal him, which indeed did: and believing that in case of danger his refuge might be with lesse hazard to Charles then to Lewis, the former not being so wary as the other, he allured him by the promise of S. Quintines, the which in time of peace, and by the instigation of the said Constable, was by

Lewis taken from him, together with the Town of Amiens. He proposed surprisal for the way of delivering it up, promising he would suffer it to be taken; the which Charles having divers times offered at, was continually mockt and deluded, and those who went against it, were treated ill; whereat though Charles was scandalized, yet was he forced to admit his excuses: he made him believe he had sent to surprise it at an unfitting time; that if he had suffered it then to be taken, he should have lost all his credit with the King and with France, to the losse and prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy. Lewis knew part of this dissembling, and saw even into his bosom; but he knew not how to punish him, unlesse he should make an agreement with Charles: for the Constable being possest of S. Quintines, and having much of his own Patrimonial Lands lying round about it, being very well followed, well ally'd, and of great Revenue, he feared he might lose the Fort if he should discover himself to be his enemy. But the King of England's coming was his bane: Edward believed that S. Quintines & the other adjacent places might serve him for places of Gariosn the next Winter; the Constables last promise, the Writing which was sent, and the credit given him by Charles, would not suffer him to think otherwise. Whereupon he mar∣ched towards it, and Charles led on the way; but when they were neer the place, and some of Edwards Troops advanced themselves, believing they should have been received in assoon as they were within sight of the Walls, the Canon plaid upon them, and they might see themselves charged by sundry Troops of Horse and Foot, which slew two or three of them. This made the King believe he was (as indeed he was) basely betrayed.

The Duke not knowing what to say to it, went his way the next day for meer shame, and left these new people, unacquain∣ted with the Countrey, abandoned to Fortune, in danger of not being able either to serve him or themselves: and Edward seeing he was used but as an instrument to work the designes of others, began better to bethink himself. His men had taken a servant of Iames de Gratsi, a Gentleman who then served the King, prisoner: Edward would have him set at liberty without ransome: and the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley having furnished him with Mo∣neys for his expences, loaded him with the presentment of their services to the King, in case he should come to speak with him, which at his first coming he did. This News seeming strange to Lewis, who did not reflect upon the names of those that sent him, his naturall jealousie wrought so far upon him, as that he made Irons to be clapt upon him, taking him to be but a Spie: the which he the rather did, for that his Masters brother was in great favour with the Duke of Bretagne: But after he had made him be privately examined by some, and had spoke with him himself, he remembred the English Heraulds words; That if he did resolve to treat with Edward, he should send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct

for his Ambassadours; prescribing unto him, that he should make his addresse to the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley. Having well bethought himself herein, some time past before he could re∣solve whether to do it or no: At last, he resolved and pitcht up∣on a person to send, wherein his choice seemed very strange. Mon∣sieur de Hales had a servant with whom Lewis had never spoken but once; he thought this man fit for the employment: he was a man poor in aspect, but rich in understanding; who could at the same time expresse himself boldly enough, and yet with mo∣destie; whereupon it may be said that in this his choice he shew∣ed his wisedom: He caused a Heraulds Coat be made for him, whereof there was none at that time in the Camp; for Lewis was an enemy to Apparences, no great friend to Decency, and no ways curious in the accustomed Formalities of Princes. This man received his Instructions, and presented himself before the English Camp. He made known to the Lords Howard and Stanley that he desired to speak with the King; and chancing to come when the King was at Dinner, he was led into a Tent to dine. When he was brought unto the King, he told him in Lewis his name, He was come from the King of France, his Master, who was desirous of Peace with his Majestie and his Kingdom, as that which was to be sought for by both of them, by reason of the commodity of Commerce, and which was necessary for the Subjects both of the one and the other: That the King his Master wondred to see him come into France, since he had never given him occasion to wage War: That if he had favoured Warwick, it was not out of any ill will to him or his House, but in respect of the Duke of Burgundy his inexorable enemy, who had made his Majestie of England take Arms against him, not for that he in∣tended any advantage or honour to him thereby, but that the Forces of England might better his own condition and that of his Colleagues: That the Dukes affairs needed Accommodation, not War; the which might be witnessed by the state his Master found him in, since, being undone by a long and unfortunate Siege, he was reduced to such a passe, as that he could not sustain himself but at the charge of others. He wished Edward to con∣sider that he had Winter at his back; That he was in the Field, and unprovided of Towns, not being come out of his own electi∣on, but called in to please his Subjects; who if they desired War with France, 'twas out of passion; since reason shewed them there was no appearance of their reaping any profit thereby, but rather the contrary; for building upon the Duke of Burgundy and the Constable, they were certainly to be deceived, their Coyn be∣ing of a false alloy: That he knew the King of England had been at great expence to come into France; but that if he would give way unto a Treaty, his Master would give him such satis∣faction, as that he, his Nobility, and Countrey should have rea∣son to rest satisfied: That if it would please him to send Lewis a safe-Conduct for a hundred Horse, he would send Ambassa∣dours

to wait upon him where he pleased, either in any Vil∣lage, or between the two Camps; and that Lewis would not fail to send the like to wait upon his Ambassadours. Edward and the major part of his Counsel were well pleased with this Proposition. The Herauld was suddenly dispatched away, being presented with a hundred Angels in a gilt-Cup, and had along with him the Safe-Conduct he desired, and was accompanied by an English Herauld who might bring back the like; with the which assoon as he returned the Ambassadours met in a Village neer Amiens; the two Armies being four Leagues distant from thence. And though the Demands of the English were exorbitant, standing still upon their old Pretences of demanding the Crown, and in the second place the Dutchies of Normandy and Guienne; yet the one being desirous to return home, the others to send them away assoon as possibly they could, this Treaty ended upon two chief Conditions, besides such as concer∣ned Commerce: The one, That Lewis should pay to Ed∣ward Seventy five thousand Crowns (Seventy two thousand says Commines) before he went from France: the other, That the Dolphin (who was afterwards Charles the Eighth) should marry ELIZABETH, eldest Daughter to Ed∣ward (who was afterwards Wife to Henry the Seventh) allowing her for her Maintenance Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer; which were for Nine succeeding yeers to be paid her in the City of LONDON; at the end whereof the Mar∣riage being to be consummated, the married Couple were joyntly to enjoy all the Revenue of the Dutchy of Guienne, the annual payment of the abovesaid Fifty thousand Crowns cea∣sing: And that the Peace between the two Kingdoms should be understood to continue during these Nine yeers, their friends therein comprehended, namely, the Dukes of Burgundy and Bri∣tanny.

Many blamed Lewis for these Agreements; and not looking in∣to the reasons thereof, imputed pusillanimity and cowardise unto him; but they did not well understand the businesse. Commines says, that besides his declared enemies, who were the Dukes of Britanny and Burgundy, and the Constable, he had so many private concealed ones in the body of his Kingdom, as with∣out this Agreement he might have suffered losse. He mean∣eth (as I believe) such Princes and Lords who not approving of the Person of the King, would have caused the good o France which Charles said once he wisht her, to wit, That in stead of One King she might have Six. But suppose there were no such dangers; there yet remains one reason not spoken of by him, which of it self ought to have perswaded him to do what he did. The end of War is Victory; but all Vi∣ctories are not equally profitable: there is difference be∣tween overcoming to preserve our own, and overcoming to

get what is anothers. The Victories of Charles the Seventh a∣gainst Henry the Sixth, were of the later sort; for he preserved his Crown, and won what Henry possest in France; but Lewis, who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing, while he ha∣zarded all, was not to put himself upon Fortune without a pro∣portionable recompence to his expence and losse: so as if he bought Peace, 'twas in respect of his danger, at so cheap a rate, as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money, and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers, would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages; so as he did what wisedom bad him do, not atten∣ding the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge, That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them, doth without danger obtain his end, as he did: all this notwithstanding, I should not praise him, had he no other enemies beside Edward; for 'twere to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize. His men belie∣ved that Edward seemed to make an agreement, that he might the better deceive him; but he thought not so; for Edwards occa∣sions did not square with such dissimulation: He had the Winter at hand, wanted Towns, was distasted by Charles, deceived by the Constable, was naturally a lover of his Pastimes: so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him, not valuing Moneys, or what others thought of him; and that he might the sooner be gone, he borrowed of every one; he would willingly have paid more, but would not part with any Towns or Provinces; he would rather have hazarded all. Edward gave him to under∣stand he would by writing give him notice of some that betray∣ed him. I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no, but he had many reasons to doubt it; and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines, Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him, to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries (though, by somes means he used, Lewis after∣ward hindred the execution thereof) he doubted the like in this Agreement: his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two, and now with Edward; so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine: this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions; making himself so much the more suspected, by how much the affected ostentati∣on of his fidelity bereft him of belief. He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles, to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy; and that the War continuing, the thred that was woven for his destruction, might either be lost, or else grow knotty. He sent unto him his Secretary, and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville, who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage, and to Commines, Lewis (being informed of

the businesse) sent for Monsieur de Contai, one of Charles his servants, who, though he were his prisoner, did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them: he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber, to the end that, hearing what he was to say to these men, he might report the same to Charles; and placing himself neer to the Cupboard, he sent for them in. Their Message was, That they were sent from Charles to the Constable, to alienate him from friendship with England, and that finding him distasted by the King of England, they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship, but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return. This was spoken by Creville, who believing to be better credited by humouring him, imitated Charles his action, stamping with his foot, swearing, and giving Edward injurious terms. Lewis feign∣ing as if he had been deaf, made him say the same thing over again, to the end that Contai might the better hear him; who mad to hear his Prince thus abused, longed to acquaint him with it. This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables (who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward) that Lewis, to shun the danger which hung over him, should make a Truce with Charles, (whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand) and that he should give unto the English a Town or two, to hold them in hopes this Winter, who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith. The designes of these his Counsels were, that the English by this means tarrying in France, and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring, Lewis might be subject to the fear of War, and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines, and to sowe Dissention between the other two; so as all three having need of him, he might, by diversly deceiving them, save himself; and seem to oblige them, whilest he did betray them.

Assoon as Creville was gone, Contai came forth from the Cup∣board, as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him.

I have this particular from Commines, as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on: which though it be not simply requisite to our Story, yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse, and to make known the natures of the above-named, together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Consta∣bles death.

A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon be∣tween the two Kings, with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns, and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse, who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England. Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English

Lords, and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants. When Charles heard of this Accord, he hasted to finde out Ed∣ward, from whom understanding what had been done, and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce, he answered, That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that con∣cerned himself, but for Edwards own affairs, to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Prede∣cessors in France, by recovering what of right belonged unto him; That since he was agreed not to do it, he was no ways concerned therein: and as touching the Truce, to the end he might see how little he esteemed it, he would not accept thereof, till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England. The King would have convinced him with reason, shewing him that all the incon∣venience had risen from him: but he not listening thereunto, departed so much distasted, as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them. If Charles were angry at this Truce, it amazed the Constable much more, before he knew the cer∣tain conclusion thereof; and when he knew it, he sent his Con∣fessor to Edward, to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises; That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri, which should be delivered up unto him; That he might lodge there the beginning of the Win∣ter, promising him better Towns within two moneths space; but he named them not: He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns, to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement. But Edward answered, The Truce was concluded, and was to be observed; if he were displeased there∣at, he might thank himself; for if he had kept his promise to him, he had not done it.

The place of Parley between the two Kings, was Pichines, a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens, three Leagues distant from the Citie, where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some, and parties from either side were sent to view it, Edward came within half a League of Amiens, and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found, and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse. Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink, to be set at the entring in of the Gate; they were guarded by the best drinkers of France. Besides all this, he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English, and not suffer them to pay a peny: Upon which occasion, Nine thousand English came into the Town. Some of the more cautelous French see∣ing this, were not void of suspition, in somuch as they did ad∣vertise Lewis thereof: who having set people to observe their behaviours: Finding them all singing and making merry, and the most part of them drunk, he found no cause of fear. 'Twas a wonder that in three days, all which time this open Court was kept, there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so

many drunkards. Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished, Ed∣ward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner; Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his. Lewis was come thither before Edward. Amongst the Orders of the Parley, one was, That each of them shoule send Four of their men in∣to the company of the others, to have an eye upon what should be done, to the end that if they should finde any cause of sus∣pition, they might advertise their Masters. But this was need∣lesse. The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely, of which those that are named, were, Iohn Duke of Burbon, the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother, and Com∣mines Lord of Argenton, who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore; for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was.

Commines writes that when Edward appeared, his very presence spoke him a King; and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat, he was notwithstanding very handsom, though not altoge∣ther so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders, at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw. There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Hastings his Cham∣berlain, the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor, and others to the number of Twelve. The Duke of Gloucester came not thither, for that having not given his consent to the Truce, he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto. When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate, he took off his Cap, which was of black Velvet, whereon was a rich Jewel of Dia∣monds: they made •…•…owe Reverences each to other, and embra∣ced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate. Lewis was the first that spoke: he said, He never coveted any sight so much as this, and that he blessed God that had brought them to∣gether to so good an End. Edward having courteously replied in French, the Chancellor of England read the Treaty, asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent, and if he were therewithal content: he answered, Yes, as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England. Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought, they laid their hands thereon, and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers, com∣prehending therein those that were within named, and the Mar∣riage between their children. This being done, Lewis said mer∣rily to Edward, He might do well to come to Paris, to see the fair Ladies there, and take his pastime; and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions, he would assigne the Car∣dinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor. This Cardinal was a young Prince, no enemy to good-fellowship: So as Edward be∣ing well pleased with the complemental Invitation, Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both. Lewis after this comman∣ded his men to retire; and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded. They discoursed a pretty while together, it not

being well known whereon, but, as it is believed, to the prejudice of the Constable. Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce (as it was likely he would not, in regard of the proud terms he had used to him.) Offer it him the second time, re∣plied Edward, and if he shall not then accept of it, do what you think best. Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy, onely that he might enquire of Edward (as he did) and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne. Edward said, The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend, and such a one as he had not found the like in his need: that therefore he desired Lewis not to mo∣lest him, but suffer him to live in quiet. Lewis was not well pleased with this answer; for his intentions were not good to∣wards that Prince; and he was the worse pleased, for that he knew not the reason of it, which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond; for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed: for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money, yet the permitting him to return to Eng∣land, would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that King∣dom. Lancasters faction was ready to rise, hearing of his name, and to trouble the possession of the Crown; the which he ha∣ving peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death, he was not likely to do so, long, so opposed. Lewis was ignorant of these interests; but cloking his dislike, they took leave each of other, having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there. Edward retur∣ned to his Camp, and Lewis to Amiens, from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him, even to Torches and Candles. The Duke of Gloucester, that he might pay the dues of Civility, went to visit him, and returned presented with silver Plate, and horses most richly caparison'd.

This King spared nothing where he might win those that might either be serviceable to him or harmful. He met with two things at this Interview which displeased him: the one, Edwards incli∣nation to come to Paris; for being a Prince amorously given, he might by falling in love with some Lady, fall likewise in love with the Countrey, and so perchance take an humour to tread in the footsteps of his Predecessor: the other, his having decla∣red himself so passionate in the Duke of Britanny's interest: He endeavoured to withdraw him from the later of these two; he caused him to be sifted by two several persons, as if they had ca∣sually faln upon this discourse; but he perceiving their drift, said the onely cause to make him passe the Seas again would be the molestation of the Duke of Bretaigne, and therefore wished them to talk no more thereof. Some of those that had to do in the Treaty of the Truce, went to sup with Lewis at Amiens, a∣mongst which the Lord Howard was one; who told him in his ear that if he pleased, he would use some means to make Edward come and recreate himself with him at Amiens, and perchance at Paris. This discourse wounded Lewis his ears; but smiling, and

putting a good face upon it, without further answer he fell to wash his hands. The Lord Howard did not notwithstanding for∣bear to talk of this with some others, who formerly aware there∣of, answered, 'Twas impossible for the King to make any stay in any one place; for such were Charles his insolencies, as did enforce him to wage War. But Howard conceiving them aright, forbare the further pursuit.

Many of Edwards servants were displeased with this Agree∣ment, believing he had not considered his Honour therein: One of them, named Lewis de Bretailles a Guascoigner, being with Commi∣nes, and demanded in how many Battels Edward had been present, replied, In eight or nine, and that he was victorious in them all, except in this which you have made him lose: for to return to England without fighting or losse, will redound more to his dis∣honour then all his former won Battels will do to his honour. Lewis being told of this answer, swore, according to his custom, that this mans mouth must be stopped: he caused him to be sent for to Dinner to him; he made him many offers to draw him to his service; but he not accepting of any, he gave him a thousand Crowns: he promised him to prefer his Brethren who were in France; and he made Commines tell him in private, that if he would endeavour the continuance of the good intelligence and friendship between the two Crowns, to boot with the doing an office worthy of a man of Honour, he should oblige the King of France to reward him. These Artifices did Lewis use. One day after Dinner being come into his chamber, and laughing at Edward for having suffered himself to be caught with presents, he turned himself round, and saw at his back a Guascoigne-Merchant who lived in England, and was come to beg leave for the transporta∣tion of certain Gascoigne-Wines without the paying of a certain Impost; he was somewhat out of countenance, perceiving he had heard all he had said: he therefore granted his request, and caused him to be brought to Bourdeaux, where he gave him a good Office in that City, to the end that he might not return for Eng∣land; and to that Office added a thousand Franks, by means whereof he might send for his wife and children, and would not suffer him to go himself for them, but made him send his brother. His having been too carelesse of his speech, and his fear lest the Merchant should tell what he had heard, forced this liberality and favour from him against his will. One named Rapines, a servant of the Constables, was come to Amiens before Edward departed thence, with Letters of Credence, at the same time when Mon∣sieur de Contay was likewise returned from Charles. His businesse was to complain of his Masters misfortune, who was subject to the misreports of wicked men, whilst the King had no one ser∣vant more faithful, nor more affectionate to his service then was he. He made the same offer as formerly had been made in the Constables name, To make the English in their return be set upon by Charles: But being told this was not to be done, since the

agreement was concluded, Lewis gave him a Letter written with his own hand to deliver to the Constable, and made him read it before it was sealed up: so as Rapines thought his dispatch was very gracious. He, in this Letter by way of trust, made him a relation of what had past, and added That he was so over-bur∣dened with the present affairs, as he stood in need of having by him such a head as was his. A conceit which Rapines did not true∣ly understand: but Lewis explaining himself to some of his fa∣miliar friends that were about him, said, He stood in need of such a head, but without the body; to the end it might no more deceive him. Assoon as Edward had received the Moneys a∣greed upon, he went his way, leaving with Lewis the forenamed Hostages: and although in some of his passage he was way∣laid by Charles his people, yet he arrived safely at Callis. It seemed strange to many, that he having past the Seas, with the fairest and most powerful Army that ever King of England did, so small a sum of Money should make him return. Com∣mines believes that his avarice to pocket up the Moneys he had received from his people for this Enterprise, was the cause there∣of: but he is deceived; he had almost spent it all; nor had he as yet (though afterwards he did) given occasion to be noted of this vice. The true cause was the failing of the foundation of the Enterprise, by the default and negligence of Charles, and the Constable his cozenages. Charles believed that when Edward was once in France, he should be enforced to fight whether he would or no: and that he would entertain Lewis whilst he might do his affairs elsewhere; just as his father Philip did with the Duke of Bedford under Henry the sixth; but the condition of af∣fairs was altered. Edward could not make War alone, as did Bedford. The English did then possesse in France all that lay be∣tween the River Loire and the Sea, and a great part of Guienne; now scarcely Calais: Henry the sixth was born King, and a King by Succession, having then no Competitiours; Edward a new King, a stranger to the Crown, perturbed with jealousies of the contrary Faction, chiefly of the Earl of Richmond the head there∣of; who though at his request he were detained in Bretaigne, yet did he not live free from fear of him. The expences of those times (besides that France did contribute thereunto it self) what was by way of aid given by England, did not much burden the Countrey, which did abound in men and all things else; the now-expences were to be drawn from England onely, which being exhausted by Civil Wars, could not well furnish things needful to so important an Expedition; so as it was great wise∣dom in Edward, if failed by the Duke, cheated by the Constable, and allured by Lewis with Moneys, Pensions, and chiefly with the promise of so honourable and advantageous a Match, he did withdraw himself, shunning thereby such snares as the contingen∣cies of War might make him fall into, as well at home as a∣broad.

Edward was not well landed when Lewis began to rid his hand of what other businesse he had to do; which was the Truce with Charles, and the Constables ruine. The later was now no longer to be evaded: his wife Mary of Savoy, sister to the Queen of France, she who always made up the breaches between her husband and brother-in-law, was dead: and his friends of all sides forsook him, amongst which the Count Dammartin, and Messieurs de Tremo∣ville, and Lude, who were very powerful at Court; so as imagi∣ning the King would come to S. Quintines, as he did, he withdrew himself from thence, and abandoned that place, not affying in the Garison, which immediately yeelded up the Town. Passing from hence to Varuins, he there received Charles his Ambassadours, who were come to treat of the Truce, and were waited upon by handsom and well armed Troops. There were in the Kings train, besides the English Hostages, many Gentlemen of the same Na∣tion who bare them company; and who wondering to see the Ambassadours so well attended, one of them said to Monsieur de Commines, that if the Duke of Burgundy had been accompanied with such men when he came to Calais, Edward would not so easi∣ly have made an Agreement. Monsieur de Narbone who was then present, in a jesting manner replied, They were too simple to believe that the Duke of Burgundy wanted such men as those, but that their desire to return into England Six hundred Tun of Wine, and a Pension, had made them believe any thing. This sort of jesting pleased not the English Gentleman, who answer∣ed, that it was true that he had heard that the French gybed at the English; but they might gybe so long, that their being gone might not hinder them from returning back again: and although Monsieur de Commines would have smoothed over the businesse, the English-man did notwithstanding complain thereof unto the King, who being of a contrary humour to Narbone, chid him, as detesting his ill-advised indiscretion.

After much Dispute, the Truce was at last concluded for nine yeers; and all who had forfeited their estates by following the con∣trary party, were suffered to return and take possession of them, except Messieurs de Commines, de Renti, de Chasse, and de Baldwin a Ba∣stard of Burgundy: the Duke, who was inexorable in the behalf of such as had once quitted him, would not be perswaded to suffer them enjoy any such priviledges as others did. The chiefest Ar∣ticles of the Truce were, That the King should renounce his League with the Emperour and City of Collen, should slight some forts, that he should proceed against the Constable by way of justice according to the Treaty of Bovines; that he should restore S. Quin∣tines to the Duke, and that he should not assist the Duke of Lorrein. When Edw. understood that Charls would not accept of the Truce made by him, he sent Sir Tho. Montgomery to intreat Lewis not to make any league with him save what was answerable to that which was made between them two; and that he should not restore unto him S. Quintines; and that if he were to make War against him,

he would crosse the Seas again to fight on Lewis his behalf on two Conditions: the one, That he should satisfie him for the losse he should have in his Customs of Wools at Callis, which being taken from the Commerce of Dutch-men, who were Charles his Sub∣jects, were worth unto him Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer; the other, that he should pay half the men which Edward should bring over. But Lewis, thanking him for his offer, said he had already made the same Truce for nine yeers with him, without any diffe∣rence save the giving of Letters apart. With this answer did Montgomery return, and together with him the Hostages. But Lewis would never have accepted of this offer, though he had stood in need of it; he thought it ominous to have the English in France; besides, the Commerce with Flanders, and the ancient pretence to France, might haply without much difficulty make Edward joyn again with Charles against them.

The Constable this mean while, sinding himself abandoned by them who foreseeing his ruine absented themselves, he knew not what to resolve upon, nor whither to retire himself: he durst not trust himself in Han, though it were a very strong Fort, and for the like occasions so fortified by him, as it was thought almost im∣pregnable, because the Garison thereof were all Burgonians and French: to flee into Germany with Moneys and Jewels would be dangerous: at last, after many consultations privately with him∣self, he resolved to have recourse to Charles, to demand safe-Conduct, and under colour of important affairs to get accesse to him, and win his ear. Having got it, he went to Mons with not above Fifteen or Twenty Horse, where, contrary to all faith, he was at Lewis his request detained and sent to Peron. The Duke according to the tie of his Articles was ei∣ther to deliver him up unto the King within eight days after he should be his prisoner, or else to see justice done upon him himself: but he detained him longer, cavilling from one day to another for above the space of a moneth; not, out of Charity, but for fear lest when the King should have him, he might break his word with him, and hinder him in the taking of Nanci, which he then besieged; but making his account to take it on such a day, he gave order that on the same day he should be delivered to the Kings Officers, as he was. Perceiving afterwards that he had cast up his accounts amisse, Nanci holding still out, he revoked his direction the ve∣ry same day by an expresse Post, who, though he made all possible haste, came three hours after the Constable was delivered up; who being brought to Paris, examined, and out of his own Letters to the King of England and Duke of Bur∣gundy convinced of high Treason, he was beheaded in the Greve, a place where malefactors are put to death, paying so at once sufficiently what he ought sundry times to have done for his so many deceits. He was descended from the most illustrious Families of Christendom, the Families of Emperours and Kings;

allied to the chiefest Princes; son-in-law to the Duke of Sav•…•…y; brother-in-law to the King of France and Duke of Millan; Uncle to the Queen of England: rich in Fee farms, Copie-holds, Rents, and Moneys; but so full of tricks, ambition, perfidiousnesse, and deceit, as nothing but ruine could betide him: whereas, had he served Burgundy and France with such loyalty as he ought to have done, amongst Princes he would have been thought worthy of the title of a Prince, and amongst Captains, been esteemed one of the chiefest of his time. His father had served England, and so had he; but leaving her in the recesse of her Fortune, he be∣came one of Charles his favourites, (then Count Carolois) and was not likely to have fallen from thence; but an ambition ha∣ving brought him to the eminent place of Constable, the next man to the King in France, Generalissimo of his Forces, and at whose command even Princes did obey; enriched, besides his Office, with Pensions and Commands; there remained nothing more for him to covet, had he not (like sick men) by longing after what was hurtful for him (contaminating his faith and ho∣nour) put a period to his life and honour. In this many erre: encrease of honour or riches, causes still a thirsting after more: such examples have been before and since the Constable, and shall be as long as the world endures: for the avarice and ambition of such as come to what they formerly were not, makes them see amisse; and whilst they think to go beyond the period of their Fortunes, thinking to transport it from its natural circle to an imaginary one, (as he who should think to passe from the Sphere of the Moon to that of the Sun; for that, as it is of a larger circumference, so is it of a more elevated and lasting effi∣cacie) they in their passage tumble down headlong, and break their necks. Happie is he who possessing the favour of his Prince with temperance, enjoys an alway-permanent Fortune, groun∣ded upon the justice and integrity of his own actions; and if he prove not as rich as Croesus, yet need he not to be ashamed of his riches; which if they be but small, the greater signe 'tis of their being well come-by: whilest the Princes favour, the testimony of a good conscience, and the being able to do good to others, are the most glorious and most advantagious riches the world affords. In such extraordinary Fortunes, 'tis better to sympa∣thize with Agrippa and Maecenas then with Sejanus.

Edwards Ship had cast Anchor in a place secure from all windes * 1.6 save such as blew from Bretaigne, which were those alone that were able to split or overwhelm her. He enjoy'd his estate with out the disturbance of forreign enemies by means of the new Treaty with France: Burgundy's enmity did no ways trouble him; for though the desire of subduing Lorrein, and the humour of provoking the Switzers (which cost him his life) had not been predominant in Charles; yet the interest of Flanders (to which Commerce with England was necessary) did secure him. Scotland was in a condition not to be doubted, by reason of the Truce

which yet endured, of the quality of her present Government, and her not being stirred up by France, for the most part the first causer of her movings. At home he found himself freed of all such as might have harmed him, who were come to their ends either by the Civil Sword, or by the Hang-man; wherein he was not sparing. Clemency and faith are banished when Kingdoms are in question: and Kingdoms in contention shut the doors up∣on all vertues as may cause alteration or suspect. The life of young Henry Earl of Richmond was that alone which did molest him: he could not possibly live content, and attend such plea∣sures as he was naturally given unto, so long as this worm did gnaw upon his heart: he was the onely remaining relike of the House of Lancaster, likely enough to deprive him of his quiet and Kingdom, should he not be taken from the world, whereby him∣self, his house and children might live secure. He esteemed the good offices he had done the Duke of Bretaigne with the King of France, sufficient to deserve such a favour: he sent unto him three Ambassadours, the chief whereof was Doctor Stillington. They desired the person of the Earl of Richmond in way of Ho∣nesty and affection, concealing their cruelty and evil intentions: neither could they proceed otherwise with Francis the •…•…econd Duke of Bretaigne, one of the best Princes that Fame celebrated in those times. These made him believe that the King desi•…•…ous to abolish the enmity of the two Factions, and quiet such spirits as were affectionate to the House of Lancaster, there was no more fitting means to effect this, then by marrying the Kings eldest daughter to the forenamed Earl, who was Heir to that House. They desired him to lend his helping hand to so good a work, assuring him that as Bretaigne in former times had found no more advantageous nor more faithful friendship then with England, so should she finde it every day more and more, by this obligati∣on of delivering up the person of this Prince. The Marriage did not at the first appear unto the Duke to be the cause of this their so fervent desire; it did not correspond with sense; 'twas a favour not to be expected from an enemy; especially since the Earl himself had never been treated withal therein, nor had heard any news thereof before: but they reiterating their de∣sires, and adding to their efficacie by a great sum of Gold which they presented him withal, he was perswaded to let him go. But they were not well gone for S. Malo where they intended to take Shipping, when the Duke, looking narrowlier into the bu∣sinesse, repented the surrender of him. Polydore saith that Iohn Chenlettes, a very upright Gentleman, and therefore beloved of the Duke, was the cause of this: Argentres says the same; but he says he findes it not in the Chronicles of Bretaigne, nor knows he from whence Polydore Virgil hath it. Chenlettes was in the Countrey when he understood of the Ambassadours coming, and the delivery of the Prince; so as zealous for his Masters ho∣nour, he hasted to him to lay before him the blame he was likely

to incur by having delivered up the Earl of Richmond (after having received him into his protection) to his chiefest and most cruel enemy: how that the obligations of assisting and giving entertainment one to another was reciprocal amongst Princes; that many of his Predecessors had in the like case been received in England and Flanders, and had tasted the loyalty and noblenesse of others in like manner as Richmond ought to taste his; the which if he should not do, his reputation would thereby receive so much the deeper stain, by how much his past-goodnesse and great∣nesse had been to all men known. The taking his Remon∣strance in good part, answered, that this his resolution could not redound to his blame, since the Earl was to be the Kings son∣in-law, and to be readmitted into all his possessions. Che•…•…let re∣plied, He was deceived; for that the Ambassadours being sure he never would have delivered him but upon fair terms, had made this pretence lest they might have been gainsay'd: he told him he had given up the Lamb unto the Wolf, and that he might be sure assoon as he was out of Bretaigne he should be mise∣rably put to death; since the King of England could not bear him any such affection contrary to his own pretended end: That the King was not so simple as to marry his daughter to an enemy who laid claim unto the Kingdom; nor was it likely he could believe that▪ Affinity would root out Jealousies, but rather encrease, so as it would not make for him to nurse up this Adder in his bo∣som. The Duke listned to these reasons, and finding them to be true, commanded Peter Landois his Treasurer, who by chance was then present, to post after the Ambassadours, and (come what come will) to bring back the Earl. He found them ready to im∣bark themselves at S. Malo, and the Earl sick of a violent Feaver occasioned by the apprehension of his approaching death: He told them the Duke was surprised by their request; that every honest man would blame him for it; that he could not deliver unto them this Gentleman without a great stain to his reputation; that therefore the Duke desired them they would be pleased he might put such Guards upon him (the which he promised to do) as that he might not go out of that Sanctuary whither by reason of their unadvisednesse he had had recourse (the Earl had taken this Sanctuary by the secret means of Peters servants) or that if he did, he would put him in so safe a place as Edward should have no occasion to fear him. The Ambassadours were not well pleased, after having found him out, and paid for it, to lose both cost and labour. But they durst not complain thereof; the Earls promised imprisonment being of more worth then their charges. And though the King was thereat displeased, yet the belief he gave to the Kings promise freed him of that suspition, which likewise freed him of all other trouble; so as according to his humour he gave himself up to all familiarity; yea, some∣times with such as were far unfitting company for him. He in∣vited the Maior and Aldermen of London a hunting; he ate and

drank with them, and at the same time presented their Wives with Venison and Wine, to the end that they might likewise re∣create themselves: the which though it relisht too much of fa∣miliarity, yet was it not prejudicial, since used to such as might be serviceable to him. As there is no better means to win upon mens affections then affability; so when it falls into excesse, it causeth such a loathing as quantity of meat causeth to weak-sto∣macked people. He was not sparing of himself to any whatso∣ever woman, he had three Concubines besides such by whom he had had children: 'twas usually said when men would be bold with him, that, the one of them was delightful, the other wilde or phantastical; the third, holy; who was so termed, because she could not be drawn from forth the Church, but when sent for by him. But natures too much given to the pleasures of Sense, are, if they be offended, bitter in resentment: For example; as he was hunting in Warwick shire in the Park of one Thomas Bur∣det who was servant to his Brother the Duke of Clarence, amongst many other Deer, he slew a white Buck which Burdet made much account of, insomuch as (not knowing how otherwise to be reven∣ged) he wisht the horns in the Kings belly. This wish was ad∣judged Treason; and he, together with his white Buck, lost his head and all that he had.

I must spend the yeer 1476 in the misfortunes of Charles Duke of Burgundy, since England was then unemployed, and his affairs * 1.7 altered the face of businesse amongst Princes. Charles answerable to the Agreement made with King Lewis, had received S. Quin∣tines, Han, Bohaine, and all the Constables moveable goods, toge∣ther with the shame of having under trust betrayed him: his brain full of vast designes, bore him to difficult undertakings, which chewed by imaginary confidence, caused in him such evil digestion as we shall see. His first wrath and the first expressions thereof were against Renatus Duke of Lorrein; wherein succeed∣ing luckily, as in the taking of Nanci and the rest of that Dutchy, he was blown up to fresh undertakings. Because the Switzers had assaulted Burgundy, and had taken many places under Iames Count de Romont Brother to the Duke of Savoy, whilst he was at the siege of Nuz, he resolved at one and the same time to revenge his own and the others injuries: nor could they pacifie him, though they offered to renounce all other Confederacies; namely, that of France; for the heavens having ordained him to ruine, did obdu∣rate him in the wilfulnesse of his obstinate humours; making him deaf to all honourable and advantageous offers. He entred their Countrey with Five thousand fighting men; he took Iver∣don; besieged Granson, where Four hundred Switzers of the Can∣ton of Berne not able to defend it, retired themselves into the Castle; they yeelded it up, their lives saved; but not observing the Agreement, Eighty of them were hanged, Two hundred drowned, and the rest put to ransom, whilst Eighteen thousand of the same Nation were come in unto their succour. The Duke

taking it in disdain that they durst raise their Colours against him set upon them forthwith; he lost the Battel, his Artillery and Baggage, the particulars whereof were by him esteemed at three Millions of Gold, in Tapistry, Silver vessels, and Jewels, which for ostentation and pomps sake he had taken along with him. This was the first of his three mortal misfortunate blowes which (not being accustomed thereto) made him fall sick: this sicknesse changed his constitution and nature; insomuch as where before he drank nothing but water boyled, and used Conserve of Ros•…•… to qualifie his natural heat, his melancholy had now so much cooled him, that his Physitians made him drink lusty Wines with out water, and applied Cupping-glasses to his heart to heat hi•…•… and excite blood; but, what is most remarkable, his Senses were hereat so weakned, as that his Judgement was disquieted; so as the blowe which would have infused understanding into any one not totally void thereof, did not so to him who was become in capable of it. Gathering therefore greater Forces, he went with Eighty thousand fighting men to besiege Morat a Town not very great, some two leagues distant from Berne, belonging to Cou•…•… Romont, but usurped by the Switzers. The Switzers came to the succour thereof with Thirty thousand Foot, and Four thousand Horse, accompanied by the Duke of Lorrein; they gave Battel▪ and though the Dukes Artillery made very great breaches upon their Battalions, yet did they not break not stop thereupon; but making good the empty places, they passed on, cutting in piece very many of his men, and making the rest either run away o•…•… drown themselves in the Lake; the Duke with much ado saving himself. In my Travels thorow those Countreys, I have see•…•… the relicks of that Victory. If my memory deceive me not, there is upon the brink of the Lake a Chappel, neer unto which lies a great heap of dead mens bones; but there having perished in the Battel Eighteen thousand, and as some will have it Two and twenty thousand, methought those bones, though very ma∣ny, were not answerable to so great a number. Here I was like wise told, and the place was shewed me where Charles on horse∣back swam over the Lake, and where one of his Footmen fast∣ning himself to his Masters horses tail, assoon as he came •…•…n shore was by Charles slain for having endangered his drowning, since 'twas sufficient for a horse to swim so far with an armed man upon his back, without the dragging another at his tail. But I meet not with this relation in any History. He retired himself to Rivieres upon the confines of Burgundy, where he lived secretly six weeks, in which time the Duke of Lorrein being come to the Siege of Nanci, the Town was surrendered to him two days before Charles came thither, from whom they had demanded succour, and ex∣pected his coming till the last minute. The Duke of Lorrein, who found himself weak, would not contest with him; but leaving him to besiege the Town again, retired himself for aid to the Switzers, from whom he had forthwith what he desired:

for King Lewis paid to him Fourty thousand Franks for this end; and many French came Voluntiers to him: with this Army he came to S. Nicholas Two Leagues distant from Nanci, in the cold∣est Winter-season that had been known many yeers before. Charles his Army was in a very bad condition, and became yet worse when the Count de Campo Basso, a Neopolitan, and of the Aniovin-Faction, and therefore banished that Kingdom, had re∣linquished him, having had intelligence long before with the Duke of Lorrein; but when he would with his men have come over, the Switzers abhorring the assotiation of a Traytor, would not admit of him. Charles seeing his affairs brought to so bad an exigent, (contrary to his custom) listned after the opinion of others: he was advised not to fight, since his men were few and no ways valiant, he not having, upon a true Muster, Twelve hundred good men: they advised him to retire to Pont-Mousson; since the Duke of Lorrein being onely able to victual the Town for a small time, and the Switzers being likely to depart for want of pay, he might with a better choice of men return thi∣ther the next Spring. A most excellent counsel, had he embra∣ced it; but he would fight. The Conflict was short; a handful of men wearied with a Siege, disheartned by former Defeats; and by the present unadvisednesse the readier now again to be defeated; many of them were cut in pieces, many fled away, and but few of them were saved: the Duke endeavoured to save himself, but was slain in his flight, wounded twice by the Pike and once by the Halberd; he was rifled and left naked, not known by any one save some-while after by a Page of his by certain private marks; for it was impossible to know him by his face. The circumstances of this Defeat are at large set down by Commines and the French Writers, to whom I refer my self. I may perchance touch upon something again in its proper place, whilst returning for the present to our Story, we shall meet with a Tragicall adventure, no lesse strange nor compassionate then what we have but now heard.

The Duke of Clarence, second brother to King Edward, a Prince of greater spirit then did become a brother and a sub∣ject, * 1.8 ended his days in the Tower, leaving it to dispute whether his death were occasioned through his own default, or through the Malice of his enemies: for though he were condemned by ordinary course of Justice, yet was there not any one full fault found in him; so as it was thought there was nothing of Justice in it more then the name; and that Malice was indeed that which took away his life. Three things were of most consideration in this affair: The Kings Suspition, The Queens Hatred and Suspition, and His own Fault, which was not sufficient to have condemned him, had it not been for the former Two. His having rebelled, made Confederacie with the Earl of Warwick;

and contracted Alliance with him, to bereave his brother of the Kingdom, were faults which though they were old, and freely forgotten, 'twas feared that his old inclinations, laid aside more in respect of his own concernment then out of reason or love to his brother, might be reassumed by him, and he there∣unto provoked by pretence of the Agreement made at Paris, that he should succeed unto the Crown, if Henry the sixth his Heirs should fail, as already they had done. This consideration wounded the Queen to the very soul; she thought that if her husband should die before her, her children should not succeed to their father: she was confirmed in this opinion by a Prophecie I know not how divulged, That G should be the first letter of his name that should succeed Edward; and the Duke of Clarence his name being George, 'twas thought he should be the Butcherer of Edwards sons, which Gloucester afterwards proved to be. With such like equivocations doth the devil delude our simplicity, if it be granted that he knows any thing of what is to come. To these were other reasons added which made the former the more sus∣pected: his having pretended to marry Mary the onely daughter to the late Duke of Burgundy; and indeed he had written to that effect to the Dowager Dutchesse who was mother-in-law to the said Mary: but the Queen crossed him therein, and did what in her lay to have her married to her brother the Earl Rivers: so as their distastes and the Kings jealousies were augmented: But the imputations which gave some colour to the justification of this his death, were, That he caused a rumour to be raised among the people that Thomas Burdet was unjustly put to death; That the King used Necromancy and Poyson, to bring such as he hated to their ends; That Edward was a Bastard, and not begotten by the Duke of York; That he had procured many to swear obedience to him and his Heirs, not reserving the due obedience he ought unto his Brother; and That he had pretended to the Crown by vertue of the Contract made with Henry the sixth.

These Accusations being brought into the Parliament, and by * 1.9 the Parliament judged guilty thereof, he was condemned to die; and chose, as the easiest death, to be drowned in a Butt of Malm∣sey. But howsoever, 'twas generally thought that the malice of his enemies, the Queens and her kinreds fears, and the Kings jea∣lousie, were the causes of his so miserable end: of the which Ed∣ward did afterwards repent, insomuch as when he pardoned the life of any at the importunacie of some one or other, he was wont to say, O my unfortunate brother, that had not any to intercede for him! He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter; Edward Earl of Warwicks, and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury; both of them born under the like unfor∣tunate Constellation; for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time, She hers, in Henry the eights.

King Lewis, when Charles was dead, thought to make himself ma∣ster of those States; believing he could not meet with any obstacle,

since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson, Morat, and Nanci: neither had he been deceived, if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son; of working upon her Counsellors by gifts, promises, and additions of Honours; and of winning the peo∣ples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated: but his thirsting after this Conquest (which to him appeared easie) diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully, and was the ruine if not of all, yet of his most principal designes. Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands, but as of right belonging unto him, being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death. Han, Bohin, S. Quin∣tines, and Peron, out of the same reason, did the like. Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him. He•…•…ine, Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves. All this progresse of affairs apper∣tained to Picardy. In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange (a man of great power in those parts) and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army, who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience: Neither did he pretend usurpation in this; the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown; given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold, by his father Iohn the second, King of France, upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male: such Grants not falling (according to the French phrase) unto the Distaff. And he had some preten∣ces to the County, though not from the Crown. The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal, all her Embas∣sies, Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her, she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suf∣fered by having the King of France so neer him, possest of Abbe∣ville, Bullein, Hedine, Arras, and other places upon the Sea neer Callice, and in the face of England. But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her, his private interest made him notwith∣standing be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging: his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis, pre∣ferred private interest before all reason of State. Edward (though) sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done; a very good means certainly, before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War; but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand. The hopes of marrying his daughter, the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid, and his chief men being won by Pensions, were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves. Lewis received the Ambas∣sadours courteously, and was bountiful to them at their going away; so sent them away without any answer, the which, he said, he would send by Ambassadours of his own, who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse, upon pretences of having no Instructions; working by this means his own desired ends, and hindering Edward from doing (had he been so disposed) what he ought to have done: and

though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary, shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage; (for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage; he would have sent for the Princesse away, after the first yeer, according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny, divers yeers being now past, and she not sent for) yet were they not listned unto. Any the least obstacle (to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse) would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts; and if nothing else, his unwil∣lingnesse to see the English in France, would have slackned his proceedings; and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders, whilst he busied himself elsewhere, and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for them∣selves; he did it for that he was sure, by reason of the many strong places that were there, they would make but a slowe and costly progresse: and when Edward seemed to accept of this in∣vitation, if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy (name∣ly Bullein) no more was heard of the businesse. Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife; and she needing assistance, would have married him; but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do: so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes, nor she any that would assist her in her misery, which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third, not listning to any other that was propounded to her: not to that of the Dolphine, for that he was but nine yeers old, and she twenty or one and twenty; and for that she hated his father: not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme (who was afterward father to Francis the first) because Lewis would not consent there∣unto, being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power: not to that of the Prince of Cleve, because she liked him not.

Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature: from being affable and liberal, he became austere and a varitious, * 1.10 to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people. The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings (as their penal Laws) which the Kings themselves make no use of, as being too full of rigour. He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not pun∣ctual observance of them: and making no difference neither in respect of Blood, Quality, or Title, he put the Kingdom into a great fright, making them believe he would become formidable: for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death, there was not any one that durst contradict him. But the greedy heaping up of Money, which he used was so much the more monstrous in him, by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature: so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand.

Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France, * 1.11 and from France to England: the former, that according to their Obligation, the French might send for the betrothed Princesse; the others, to excuse their delay, laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys, in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed, she could not be sent for in manner becoming the dignity and greatnesse of both the Crowns: so as he who earnestly desires a thing, is by nothing more easily deceived then by the confirmation of new promises; Ed∣ward did easily believe, and Lewis made advantage of his falshood, and brought about his ends without contradiction: which had he carried the businesse otherwise, he could not have done. But he who says the English have won more honour by Fighting then by their Treaties, says not amisse; for they are more aptly dis∣posed to the former.

At this time did Iames the third reign in Scotland; who com∣ing * 1.12 to the Crown at seven yeers of age, met with lewd educati∣on and most villanous corrupters; so as not being wicked of himself, but made so by them, as he grew in yeers, he encreased in his lusts, cruelties and rapine, and rewarding the authors of his Disorders by the sale of Goods belonging to the Church, he purchased the hatred of his Nobility, and of his whole Kingdom. From these his excesses he did not exempt his own Family: he dealt badly with his brother, and incestuously violated his young∣est sister: he let slip the opportunity he had to trouble England, it being divided within it self, and was himself vexed by his sub∣jects; the worm of conscience not working upon him in the ces∣sation of his Rebellions, not yet the fear of such pains as Heaven inflicts for punishment upon incorrigible sinners. Tthese things for what concern'd him: And for what concerned Edward, his jealousies of the Lancastrian Faction, caused their peaceful living together, even from the very beginning of their Reigns, thorow a Truce of Fifteen yeers: but the Truce being now well-nigh expired, and Iames having put one of his brothers to death, and imprisoned the other, which was the Duke of Aubeny, thinking he could not defend himself against his domestick enemies with∣out fastning himself to strangers, he was desirous to interest Ed∣ward in the conservation of his Dignity and Person. To this purpose he demanded Cicely Edwards second daughter for wife to his son Iames Prince of Scotland; and he obtained it with this Condition, That though the Marriage could not yet be con∣summated (both of them being children) Edward should pay down part of the portion; for the repayment of which, in case the Marriage should not go on, he had the chiefest Merchants of Edenborough bound. The King of Scotland thought himself now to be safe by this shadowie Alliance; but the Duke of Au∣beny having escaped out of prison by means of a Cord made of linen, and made his Addresses to Lewis; who would not receive him (for he held some secret Intelligence with Iames against

Edward) he passed over into England; where having represented the King his brothers general injustice, to make him appear wicked, and his particular injustice to his brothers, to make his wicked∣nesse appear unnatural and cruel: he prayed aid of Edward; and his intreaties were made the more efficacious, being accompanied by those of Iames Douglas (who was likewise a banisht man) which moved the King to wage War with him; whereunto he could not have been perswaded, had not King Iames himself given him the occasion.

Lewis, who, having covenanted another Match for the Dolphin, thought Edward could not chuse but be revenged; endeavoured to divert him, by making the King of Scotland engage him in a War; and the King of Scotland perswaded thereunto either by hopes, or Moneys, or both, violated his late-made Affinity and Peace, not regarding the injustice and dishonour of the action, nor yet the danger he put himself into, he being so detested both by God and man, and not able to raise Forces without the assist∣ance of his Countrey; yet affying more in France then he had reason to do, he did what of himself he was able, to please Lewis. He sent some Troops to make Inrodes upon the Confines of Eng∣land, which did rather provoke then harm the enemy: so as Edward finding himself enforced and offended on the one side, and humbly intreated on the other side, he raised a powerful Army, and sent it into Scotland under the command of his bro∣ther the Duke of Gloucester. King Iames had not the like ability to resist as he had to irritate; for being abused by the flatteries of three wicked personages who had drawn upon him the gene∣ral hatred of all men, he durst not gather the whole Nobility in∣to a Body, lest being united they might take some strange reso∣lution against him. Necessity, notwithstanding, constrained him to summon them and raise an Army, not altering though the form of his Government; for mistrusting all the rest, he made use onely of the Counsels of his forenamed flatterers, not call∣ing his Nobility to any Counsel or Deliberation: an indignity which they not able to endure, they met together a little after midnight in a Church, where, being perswaded by Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, they would have the first War made a∣gainst these men, as those that were their Countreys most dan∣gerous enemies: and had not the wiser sort moderated the more hastie, the King might have run hazard in his own person. The chiefest of them went towards the Court not making any noise, followed onely by as many as might serve to do the businesse. The King was advertised of this Meeting at the same time 'twas made; so as rising up hastily to see what was to be done, he sent Robert Cockeran one of the Triumviri, to make discovery; but be∣ing met by them, they detained him, set a Guard upon him, and passed on to the Court, and to the Kings Chamber, seizing with∣out any manner of resistance upon all such as were about the King, except Iohn Ramsey for whom the King interceded, and

who being very young, was not polluted with their enormities: The rest were led into the Camp, where (the Army crying out that they might be put to death) they were all hanged without any legal proceeding; and not having any Ropes in readinesse for so sudden an execution, each man strove to make offer of his horses halter or reins; and those whose offers were entertained, thought themselves much honoured thereby. This businesse bred such a difference between the King and his subjects, as each of them retired themselves to their own homes, not thinking any longer to defend the Kingdom: and the King, with some few others, did to little purpose shut themselves up in the Castle of Edenborough: for had they been evilly minded towards him, they would have taken him in the Lander, the place where this businesse happened.

The Summer was well advanced before the Duke of Gloucester entred Scotland; he laid siege to the Castle of Berwick defended * 1.13 by the Earl Bodwel, the Town having yeelded to him without resistance: he would not lose the season by staying there him∣self, but environing it with Four thousand fighting men, he pass∣ed forwards to Edenborough, not permitting (through the Duke of Aubeney's desires) any harm to be done there; a contrary course to what had been formerly taken: and because it was impossible to treat with King Iames, who did not suffer any one to come into the Castle, he made a publike Proclamation to be made in the chief Market place by Garter King at Arms, that if he would not make good to Edward what under his hand he was by agreement obliged unto; if he did not before September next make satisfaction for the damages and injuries done to England; and did not put the Duke of Aubeny in his former condition without the diminishing of his Possessions, Authority, or Offices, he would put his whole Kingdom to fire and sword. But the King return∣ing no Answer, neither by message nor writing, being equally unfit either to give satisfaction or make resistance; the Nobles (who had encamped themselves at Haddington with a great num∣ber of men) being abandoned by the King, and not willing to abandon themselves and Countrey, sent Ambassadours to the Duke of Gloucester, offering, for what belonged to them, to effect the Marriage, and requiring the like of him: promising that it should not fail on their sides, if all the Articles agreed upon were not put in execution, and an inviolable Peace for the time to come were not made between the two Kingdoms. To the which Gloucester answered, that the Match was broken by means contrary to the end for which it was made: That he did not know the King his brothers intentions, and whether he was not resolved (as he had good cause) not to think any more of it: That his Instructions were, To demand restitution of the Mo∣neys, the which he did, requiring speedy payment: for what concerned the Peace, That it was not to be had, unlesse they would promise to deliver up unto him the Castle of Berwick, or

unlesse in case they could not do it, they would oblige themselves not to assist the besieged, nor molest the besiegers, till such time as it were either taken or surrendred. These Demands seemed very hard to the Scots. They answered; The cause why the Marriage was not effected, was by reason of the young couples yeers, not through any default of theirs: That the Moneys could not justly be demanded, the time of repayment being not yet come: That if the security given in for the repayment of them did not suffice, they would give in other: That Berwick was si∣tuated upon the very Bound of Scotland, built by the Scots, and by just Title always possessed by them; nor was their claim thereunto the weaker because the English had made themselves Masters of it, since violence doth not prejudice the right of a just ancient, natural and primary possession. But the Duke of Aubeny put an end to all these differences; for Gloucester permitting him to go into the Scotish Camp, and the Lords there promising him that if he would submit himself to the King, they would procure his pardon, and the restitution of all his goods; he was decla∣red, under the King, Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom; and it was resolved (though not without much opposition) that the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred; and a Truce for certain moneths was agreed upon, to the end that the Peace might be treated on without disturbance o•…•… hostility; so as the Duke of Gloucester having recovered Berwick One and twenty yeers after Henry the sixth had given it to the Scots, he retired himself to Newcastle, where he expected directions from his brother: who having weighed the concernment of this Match, the Kings de∣caying condition, the danger he was in of being deposed (he being hated, and the Duke of Aubeny beloved) he demanded his Moneys, which were forthwith payed him, leaving Scotland to its turmoils, the which though the Duke of Aubeny did sincerely endeavour to quiet, by remitting the King his brother to the plenary possession of his Kingdom, yet could he not reconcile the King unto him. For if the remembrance of injuries be ne∣ver to be forgotten by men of perverse natures, good turns are the more easily forgotten: ingratitude being an enemy to all Christian and Moral vertues. King Iames his minde was so con∣taminated and depraved, as it would not suffer him to think well of his brother, though the effects demonstrated the contrary; nay, he was likely to have made him follow his other brother, had he not by his friends been advertised thereof, which made him flee into England; from whence (having delivered up to Edward the Castle of Dunbarre) he went to France, where run∣ning at Tilt with the Duke of Orleans (who was afterwards Lewis the twelfth) he was unfortunately slain by the splinter of a Lance which wounded him thorow the sight-hole of his Helmet.

Edward had long suffered Lewis to take his advantage not onely * 1.14 in such parts of the Heir of Burgundy's Countrey as were far

distant from him, but even in those which were neare to Callice; permitting him, contrary to all reason of State, to make himself master of Bullein, and other Forts upon the Sea, onely out of the hopes of his Daughters marriage: but growing too late suspici∣ous of it, he sent the Lord Howard to France to sift out the truth: who though he saw the solemne receiving of Margaret, Daughter to the late heire of Burgondy, and Maximilian of Austria; and saw her married to the Dolphin in Amboyse, yet when he tooke his leave, Lewis according to his wonted dissimulation, confirmed unto him his former promises, as if a new match contracted with all the Church-Ceremonies and the Bride in the house did not pre∣judice the former, so as being returned to England hee truly re∣lated the difference of what his Eyes saw and Lewis told him. Lewis had handled this match according to his wonted craft not seeming to be therein obliged to those of Gaunt, who had conclu∣ded it maugre their Prince, the Brides Father, and they did it wil∣lingly; for taking from him the Counties of Artois, Burgondy, and Carolois, the Counties of Macon, and Auxorres, which they gave in portion to the Dolphin, they made him the lesse able to offend them; they would likewise, if they could, have given him Hai∣nault and Namours, not considering that these Provinces in the hands of so great a King were like to forme the chaine of their servitude. But Fortune favoured them beyond all expectation; for this marriage so advantageous for that Kingdome was toge∣ther with the Bride, yet a Virgin, not many Yeares after, re∣nounced by Charles the eight, that he might take to Wife Anne the Daughter and Heire of Francis Duke of Britaigne, and there∣by to possesse himselfe of that Dukedome: and the aforenamed Margaret, borne under an unhappy constellation for matter of Husbands, was in a very short time Widow to three; To Charles who did yet live, and to two others who died; Iohn Prince of Aragon, who lived not many moneths; and Philibert the 8^th Duke of Savoy who within a few Yeares dyed; so as she had no issue by any of them.

Edward was so sensible of this his great abuse as that he resolved on revenge: every one with cheerfulnesse provided for War; the Clergy supply'd in monies what they could not do in person: but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition, he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy (others say of a Surfeit) and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him, who by reason of the intended War, were then in great number at Court. He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace; shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors, which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found; that they having all a relation unto him, some by blood, some by affinity, all by good will and duty, they were to joyne in a re∣ciprocall love one towards another, to the end that the con∣formity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions, and

in their ends, necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King, to the good of the Kingdome, and to the peace and quiet∣nesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them; hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions; he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter, but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God, and as the last comfort he should receive, desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him. All that were present wept; and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest, shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life: so as satisfyed with this their outward expression (their inward minds unknowne) he died the ninth of April 1483, in the 41 Yeare of his Life, having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes: and was buried in a Chappell, built by him at Windsor.

He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions; the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him: He was of all men the hand∣somest; and of all fortunate men the most valiant: having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory. He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters: his third Son dyed an Infant; we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two. Of his Daughters; Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another, but had issue by neither: Anne, to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke, whose children dyed all young. Bridget was a Nun in Dartford; Mary pro∣mised to the King of Denmarke, dyed before the Marriage; Mar∣garet dyed young. Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire, to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter, and he had Edward E. of Devonshire, who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556; and Elizabeth dyed young. Besides these his legiti∣mate children, he left behind, two Bastards, Arthur Plantagenet, Vis∣count Lisle, and Elizabeth; Arthur had three Daughters: and of Eli∣zabeth is come the L. Lomley.

The end of Edward the Fourths Life.

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift.

I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift, Son to the last deceased King, as I have done the Lives of the rest; but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths, by such cruelty, as greater hath not been heard off, I have not whereout to frame a History: in lieu thereof, I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses, which are such as may raise a doubt, whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man, or rather a raging fury: since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine; and such Beasts as live not by Rapine, kill not other beasts for Preyes sake, as hee to de∣voure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes. But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice, I believe it proceeds from two causes, the one usefull and

necessary which is Selfe-defence, and wherein habit consists; the other vaine and harmefull, which is the coveting of superiority (a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures) and this is fury; whence if the World were void of ambition, or other dif∣fering qualities, it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker, as alwayes they have done: the which being manifest, bruit beasts declaring it by their ex∣amples, it is much more proved so to be when we take into consi∣deration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour.

Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate, since practised in sundry manners; (War not cast into the account) To kill Beasts, to punish Malefactors, are permitted and comman∣ded by the rules of Government; but what ariseth from private hatred, is by the Lawes condemned, though through the corrup∣tion of affection, or frailty of humour, executed by men. Butchers and Hunters kill cattell, and wild beasts; which should they not do, the beasts would devoure us; and through the great increase of beasts, and their destroying of the ground, wee might be famished: did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd, our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers. But the enemy which kills his enemy, though, in it selfe considered, the fact be inexcusable, rests yet excused. Sodaine chances, puntillioes of honour, and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given, do so far incense men, as hu∣mane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty; since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd, it is not absolutely con∣demned. Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth, an unkle by nature, and by the Lawes a protectour, should become the Butcher, the hangman, the enemy of Edward the Fifth, and of his Brother, being his Nephewes, is yet somewhat more; which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature. Of all execrable ex∣amples he is the onely one without parallel. All cruelties menti∣on'd of the Antients are, in comparison of his, meere inventions, not true events. Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usu∣ally transgresse her ordinary rules; to put a difference betweene them and others; to the end that having set a marke upon them, wee may the better know how to be aware of them; shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes, thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped, their workes are false, and their inclinations crooked. This Richard came into the World with his feet forward, his Mother was cut up, yet out∣lived him: shee brought him forth deformed; insomuch as, his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age, he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced. Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance; he was of a low Stature, one of his shoulders was greater then the other; he was malitious, envious, injurious, neither had hee any just proportion, save what was from his Extrinsecall to his Internall, so as if a man would

have judged of him by the rules of physiognomy, he could not judge amisse if he judged bad enough. For what remaines, hee was va∣liant, advised, bold, couragious; praise-worthy qualities, but not in him: since he made no use of them to good ends, but to make his wickednesse the greater and more efficacious. It is not, as I be∣lieve, to be denied that all bad actions spring from two wicked Mothers, Malice, and Ignorance: wicked actions from malice; from ignorance, such as are common to the simpler sort of people: a difference so much the more to be bemoaned, as that malice in∣creasing by yeares, and ignorance decreasing, the evill which is caused by the increase of the One, is more detestable, then is the good advantageous which we receive by the decrease of the other: the evill extending it selfe to objects which are infinite, the good confining it selfe to the agent which is an individuall. Had Richards actions taken their source from both these, so as a mixt composi∣tion might have beene made of them, they might in some sort have beene tolerable; but being occasioned meerly through malice, they were so abominable, as being augmented not only by processe of time, but by his thirst after Government they ar∣ri•…•…ed at such a height of wickednesse as was not to be out-done. When his brother died, hee was in the Northerne parts of the Kingdome: it is not knowne whether his desire of usurping the Kingdome sprung up then in him, or whether he was possest with it before. Those who believe him to have beene formerly pos∣sest therewith, alledge for their opinion the death of Henry the sixt, and of the Duke of Clarence; accusing him to be both the Promoter and Executioner of the former, since King Edward was never minded to put him to death, which had he been, he might have found other instruments enough, without making use of his brother. They verify this for that hee boasted by meanes of this parricide he had settled the Crowne upon the house of Yorke; for he imagin'd there was no more left of the house of Lancaster; either for that the Earle of Richmond was onely of that house by the mothers side, or else that being out of the Kingdome, and in custody, no account was to be made of him. It is certaine had he not formerly had this designe, he would not have beene the butcher of a King, to settle the succession onely upon Edwards Sonnes; since Edward himselfe dreamed not of it, who was suf∣ficiently secure of Henry by his imprisonment, and his having no issue: his feares rose not from him, but from the Earle of Rich∣mond. Richard, on the other side feared not the absent Earle, but Henry who was present and had beene King. Should he have kept him alive, to have kill'd him at the same time hee kill'd his Ne∣phews, his scandall would have been the greater: and should hee not have kil'd him, hee might have beene re-established. Things which all of them might succeed, his brothers disorders fore∣tokening his death to be at hand. 'Tis related, that Edward being dead by night, a certaine man ran presently to a friend of his, who was a servant of Richards, to give him notice of it: who an∣swer'd;

if Edward was dead, his master Richard would be King: which tis not likely hee would have said, had he not had some inkeling of the designe. In Clarence his Death tis thought that whilst hee seemed to favour him, he wrought all he could under hand that he might die. 'Tis cleare, that when he was condemn∣ed he should have procur'd his Pardon, and did not: which cau∣sed Edward in vaine afterwards to complaine, that others had such as would intercede for their Lives, but His poore Bro∣ther could finde none to mediate for his: so as to meete with the truth, I thinke tis best to judge the worst. The cunning of all other Architects, who might perhaps have omitted some One thing which hee did not, would not, have sufficed to have perfected so difficult a building; rather hee being so excel∣lent in doing evill, it had beene a wonder if hee had not done it.

For his Ambition being thereby to be satisfyed as well as his Cruelty (the springs from whence did flow his other vices) should he have refused it, men might have thought the soule of Socrates had beene transmigrated into his body; since that So∣crates being naturally given to all vices, abstained from thence meerly out of the Love of vertue; which was not reason suffi∣cient to make Him to abstaine from vice, though, being borne a Christian, he might better do it then Socrates: for Evangelicall vertues, as they are more excellent, so do they more incite to well-doing then Morall; but these transmigrations being but fables, and he, if not altogether abandoned by his good Genius, at least not sufficiently admonished thereby, as was Socrates, it is no wonder if he dyed the same that he was borne; who never tooke delight in any thing but in the plotting of mischiefe: nay it had been lesse trouble to Him to have fought against whatsoever well armed enemy, then to have withstood the weakest of his lewd inclinations.

Many were the difficulties which in this businesse were to be o∣vercome; the meanes two: Cruelty, and Infamy. Through Cruelty hee was to put his Nephewes to Death, neither was that All: their Sisters were yet to succeede before him; and two o∣thers; the Sonne and daughter of the Duke of Clarence; which forced him upon Infamy. To attaine to the uppermost Roonge of the Ladder of Government, he must at one leap get thither from the Nethermost: he being the lowest Roonge, and Eight at the least being before him, besides Bridget the Nun at Dartford. But in wickednesse there is no difficulty which may not be overcome by Him, who having Power and Malice, hath not Honour nor Con∣science to restraine him. Hee at first resolved to governe himselfe according to the Fable: the Wolfe could not hope to get the flock into his power, did he nor first possesse himselfe of the Dogges which were its defence. The King before his Death had sent Prince Edward into Wales, to the end that his presence might reduce that people to their duties, which though they were not Rebells,

were yet growne to such disobedience as that their Governours and Magistrates were not able to suppresse the great dissensions and Robberies there committed: the disorders of the late Warre had put them so farre out of Tune; that by how much they were farther from the King, they were the like, from Remedy. The Sunne beates not with like force upon the Poles, as it doth upon the Zones which Neighbour upon his beames. A wise foresight. For Wales being very affectionate to the title of their Principality (a memory of their ancient Liberty and Dominion) shewed such obedience at the comming of their Prince, though but a Child, as they had not formerly done to their ancient Magistrates. The King had appointed to him for his Governour, his Uncle, the Earle Rivers, Brother to the Queene, a wise and valiant man; he had likewise given him for his attendants almost none save such as were of Her kindred; to the end that when he should die, shee, by their assistance, might the better preserve her selfe against the Dukes authority and force. A wise foresight too; but which succeeded ill: for this extraordinary preferment, as it made them be hated and envy'd, so was it the cause of their Ruine. The Queene and her Brother Rivers had declared themselves enemies to the Lord Chamberlaine Hastings: the Queene reputing him to be an instrument of her Husbands disorders; and Rivers, for that the King having promised unto him the Governours place of Callice, had recalled his word, to bestow it upon Hastings: so as Edward doubting least these distastes might breed an ill effect in his Sonnes service (though not the very bad one which it did pro∣duce) did on his Death-bed make that exhortation to Peace which hath beene sayd; at the which (Rivers, who was gone with the Prince into Wales, not being present) the Marquesse, Dorset Son to the Queene by the first Husband, did in his Unkles behalfe shake hands with Hastings: both parties having the same end in this Act, which was to satisfy the King, but not to make a reall friendship: for Hatred had taken formerly so great a rooting, as there was no place left for true Friend∣shippe.

All these things made for Glocesters designes; wherein not like∣ly to prosper but by their ruine (since in processe of time 'twas likely they would be equally His enemies) he thought that by set∣ing them together by the eares they would undoe one another, and that the one of them being borne downe would make way to the others overthrow. But the sequell shewed; that such fabricks of Government as are grounded on machinations, are for the most part ruinous. And if there were no other proofe of this: to live free from suspition and to secure ones selfe from successive contentions, within the Haven of a quiet life, ought to weigh against whatsoever Ambition or Avarice can produce: since They afford us nothing but injustice, and the more they be practised, the farther are they from God and Nature, whose chiefest Law is the Peoples Safety: and if humane mutability

inamour'd on phantasticall opinions hath caused an eare to be lent to such as maliciously and ignorantly have taught the con∣trary, consider that the Idea propounded by these Doctours is of such Princes as have come to ill ends, not any one of them, by their rules, having had good successe. I know that this my opi∣nion will not be imbraced by Many; it will suffice mee if by a Few, so they be Good: and if any man doe believe the World is not to be governed by Philosophy; let him observe that Usur∣pation and Tyranny are the Foldes or Plyes of a more intricate philosophy: and as the First, arising from God and Nature, doth by the meanes of Justice and other vertues leade us to live happily; so the Second procreated by Force and Pride, pro∣mise nothing to us but perturbations; Injustice and her attend∣ants producing onely such effects as are conformable to them∣selves.

The Duke might easily contrive his designe considering the hatred the chiefest Lords bare to the Queenes kindred, so as treating thereof with those that were present, and communicat∣ing his minde by writing to those that were absent, hee shewed them, How that the dangers were remedilesse if the Kings tender yeares were to be governed by those people: that all Honours and places of Account would be conferred on them: that Their authority would ecclipse the authority of all other men; especi∣ally if the Sonne, resembling his Father, (as by some signes already in him might be imagined he would) should suffer him∣selfe to be governed by Them; so as in stead of One King they should have many: that old injuries are not apt to be forgotten: that by the increase of authority remembrance thereof would be increased; and that they would pretend offence if they were not more observed then formerly: that the consideration of the Queenes no so great blood (being onely made worthy of that de∣gree, because the King would have it so) had not made them any whit the lesse proud; the rather being come to the height of their presumptions, (while the King should be at their disposall) they would become insufferable: they would cloake their covetous∣nesse with the Royall Robe; and the Crowne, which the King wore onely for show, served really to honour Them to the shame of Nobility, and Scorne of the Blood-Royall; and though their Birth and the Lawes did lesse priviledge Them then Others, (there being so many Lords both by Descent and Desert worthyer then They) yet their unlawfull Authority was likely to cause such mischiefe, as the deepest wisdome would not be able to Prevent it, if they were suffered to continue in the same posture they now were in with the King. Whether these perswasions tooke effect as being apparantly usefull, or for that Envy was the cause there∣of I know not: The first that were hereunto perswaded, was the Duke of Buckingham and Hastings the Lord Chamberlaine; who, though they were not very great Friends, the likelier were they to joyn in Enmity against the Others.

They resolved to remove them from about the King; if they could finde no other pretence (as none other they had) to de∣clare: that being their enemies they could not suffer them to be about His Majesty without apparant danger to their Owne persons. They, this meane while ignorant of their Practises put themselves in order to bring the King up to London: and, to the end that his traine might be answerable to his Regall dignity, they got togither a great many men. Whereat the Duke of Gloucester doubting, that if hee should come so atten∣ded on, hee should not without noyse be able to effect his wick∣ednesse; hee found meanes whereby to represent unto the Queene, That so great an Assembly of men would be danger∣ous: For the King not needing them, it would stirre up jea∣lousy in such, who formerly having had some difference with those of Her bloud might believe it to be done against Them: since the King, by reason of his tender Yeares not being like ly to be the Authour of it, it would be attributed to those that were about him; and it would be believed that they did yet retaine the hatred pretended to be washt away at his Fathers death: that her sonne was to meet with no oppositions; for all the Lords strove who should shew him most affection and obedi∣ence: so as to appeare armed and in an awfull manner, would, together with the memory of ancient fewdes, raise so great jea∣lousies, as those who could not thinke themselves safe, would take up Armes, and disturbe the Peace: the which if at all times it be to be desired, certainly it is chiefely to be coveted in the succession of an Infant King. These reasons seemed good unto the Queene who discovered not the venome thereof. Whereupon shee wrote to her Brother, exhorting him to ca∣shire all the armed extraordinary attendants, and that he should come along onely with her sonnes Houshold servants, thereby to shunne the raising of suspition in such, who having had rea∣son formerly to hate him, would now have cause to accuse him, as one Seditious and of small Trust. These admonitions wrought the effect which Glocester desired: and so much the rather, for that hee having written with all manner of Submission to the King, and in most affectionate termes of Friendship to Rivers, it wrought so as they tooke their journey without Armes or ex∣traordinary Retinew, directing their course towards Northamp∣ton; where they were met by Himselfe, Buckingham, and a great many Lords; and pretending they should be incommoda∣ted for scarcity of Lodgings if they should keepe all together there; they made the King go twelve miles farther towards London, to Stony-Stratford; but the two Dukes stay•…•…d behinde; and under pretence of Honour kept with them Earle Rivers, and Feasted him with such demonstrations of Joy, as, not being u∣suall, hee might easily have discovered the deceipt, had hee not beene betrayed by the blind folded good opinion hee had of Himselfe. When he was gone to his Lodging to rest all night,

the two Dukes caused the Keyes of the City to be brought to them, to the end that no man might get out: They slept lit∣tle, spending the greatest part of the Night in counsell and ad∣vise: they rose early, and sent to all the Villages thereabouts, where their servants were billeted, willing them to be ready on Horseback, and sending some to keepe on the way betwixt that and Stony-Stratford, with order to send backe all passen∣gers that should goe that way. A strange diligence, which yet wrought no impression in such as observed it: for they be∣lieved it to be done that none might come to the King before Themselves. But Rivers was of an other opinion, for if there had beene any reason for it, they should have communicated it to him: after many severall conjectures, hee resolved to go Himselfe and finde out the bottome of the businesse; but no sooner did hee appeare before them, then that picking a quar∣rell that hee had an intention to keepe them from the King, and ruine them; the which hee should not be able to effect; not suffering him to reply, but tumultuously interrupting him when hee was about to speake; they committed him to the custody of some of their owne Servants; and hasted to Stony-Stratford, and got thither just as the King was putting foote in stirrup; kneeling downe before him, who cheerefully received them, not knowing their designes: they addressed themselves to Richard Gray, Brother to the Marquesse Dorset, objecting to him that hee together with his Brother and his Unkle, had aspired to the Government of the King and Kingdome, by raising of Divisions, and by bringing under some of the Nobility, that they might destroy the Rest; that the Mar∣quesse, to make his insolencies the more feasible had taken out of the Tower of London all the Royall Treasure, and had sent men to Sea, to the end that none might oppose him. Both which were true, but in a contrary sense: it be∣ing so ordered by the Counsell, for the Kingdomes service; not his owne. The King having heard the Accusation, shewed how judicious a Prince hee would have beene, had it beene his fortune, to have lived: for not knowing how to excuse the Marquesse, being ignorant, (by reason of his long ab∣sence) of what hee had done, hee thought hee might ex∣cuse the rest, since they had beene continually about him. So as not giving Richard leave to reply, hee sayd: for what con∣cern'd the Marquesse, hee knew not what to say, since hee might be deceived; but as for his Unckle Rivers and his Bro∣ther Richard, he was very certaine they could have no hand in any such businesse for that they had alwayes beene in His com∣pany. To the which Buckingham replyed; His Majesty was de∣ceived; that their designes were not knowne to His Majesty, and that they did not deserve to be excused by so good a Prince. Immediately, in his presence, was the said Richard seiz'd upon, as likewise Sir Thomas Vaughan, and Sir Richard Hawte; and the

King, in stead of going forwards, was brought back to Nor∣thampton; such of his attendance as Glocester durst not assy in, were removed, and others put in their place; whereat the yong King did complaine and was much greived: having onely the Name of a King, and not being of age to defend Himselfe, much lesse his Kinred and Servants. And that Dissimulation might not be wanting, (though now 'twas needlesse) the Duke of Gloucester, the next day sent a made dish from his Owne Table to the Earle Rivers with a message; that, hee should not be troubled at his restraint, willing him to be of good courage, for very sodainely all things would be to his good liking. How much of this Rivers believed may easily be ima∣gined: but baulking the injury, and apprehending worse, he returned thankes for the honour done unto him, desiring the Messenger that hee would carry it to his Nephew, Richard; for that being young, and not accustomed to such accidents as these, he needed the more this favour. This feigned courte∣sy was like the lightening which fore-runnes Thunder; for after many change of Prisons, they were brought to Pom∣frect, and there beheaded; as in its proper place shall bee told.

The next night with great diligence this newes came to the Queene, who presently guessed at the Dukes designe: shee too late repented the counsell given to her brother to disband his for∣ces: shee apparantly saw her owne danger, but much more the danger of the Duke of Yorke, and her Daughters. Shee at the very same houre fled from her Pallace, and tooke Sanctuary in Westminster, and lodged in the Abbey; to the great compassion of such who at that time of the night saw Trunkes, Beds, and other things carried up and downe in the streetes, in such haste and feare, as the servants hindered one another in their ser∣vice, not knowing what would become either of their Master or Themselves. The Lord Hastings had received the like adver∣tisement, but with a contrary resentment: he rejoyced at the Queenes sufferings, all which were answerable to his wish; but imagined not that Glocester would proceed any farther: for hee having loved King Edward, loved his Children, nor would he for▪ all the World that any harme should have befalne them. Being thus satisfied in his Owne beliefe, he, at the same in∣stant, it being past midnight, dispatcht away a Gentleman to the Archbishop of Yorke, Lord Chancellour of England, who found him in his first sleepe: hee would not suffer him to be awaked; but the servants not obeying him, he was brought in, and acquainted him with what had been done to the King, Ri∣vers, Gray, and the Kings house-hold; he concealed not the Queenes betaking her selfe to Sanctuary, adding that hee should not be thereat troubled, for all should be well. The Archbi∣shop differing in opinion from the Chamberlaine, answered, He knew not what good to hope for from such demeanours. The

Gentleman being gone hee rose from bed, made all his Family get up, caused them to Arme themselves, and taking the great Seale along with him, he went unto the Queene: he thought he was come into a Pallace newly pillaged; he saw nothing but confusion, and people justling one another for haste, some carrying in stuffe, some going out to fetch in more; sighes and teares hee met with everywhere. The Queene was set upon the floore, no more now what shee formerly had beene. It added to the immensity of her affliction to see her selfe berea∣ved of her eldest Sonne, and other kindred who were her onely stay; to consider that though she were sorely opprest with Pre sent evills, yet was she to expect greater oppressions. Whence it may be gather•…•…d that fore-sight is the bitter fruit of most ma∣ture wits: a gift which graciously conferr'd for a Reliefe to mankinde, workes a contrary effect: the present imagination forestalleth future evills, and afflicts the apprehension, which ought onely to be caused for what hath already happened: So as it can hardly be decided whether the fore-fight of E∣vills through the excellency of judgement, be not a bad effect of a good cause; and whether▪ at this rate, stolidity bee not rather to be chosen then the most refined understand∣ing, since such as are dull and stupid suffer onely in the pre∣sent Act of their misfortunes. The Chancellour having com∣forted the Queene with such reasons as in such desperate oc∣casions hopes may suggest, acquainted her with what the Cham∣berlaine Hastings had let him know; supposing that Hastings who had beene obliged to the late Edward, would side with his Children and Family: but the Queene loathing to heare that Name, reply'd; hee was in an ertour to believe him to be her friend, who hating her bloud indevour'd the utter extir∣pation of it. The Archbishop, not able to perswade her to the contrary, discoursing from the least of dangers to the grea∣test that might happen, bad her be assured that if any other King should be crowned then that King which now they had in their hands, they would crowne the Duke of Yorke, who was now in her possession. And that you may bee hereof certaine, Loe Madame (said hee) the Great Seale of Eng∣land: his Father, your Husband, gave it mee; I give it you, that you may keepe it for your Sonne; and if for the present I could give you a greater Testimonie of my good will, you should have it. Which being said hee left the Seale with her, and departed about breake of day, not weighing of what importance the thing was that hee had done, and how prejudiciall it might be to him. But being come home and seeing the Thames, out at his Window, full of Boates, which were fill'd with Glocesters Servants who observed if any went by water towards Sanctuary, and hearing that there was part∣taking, and tumults raised in the City, Lords and other people appearing in sundry Assemblies Armed; hee bethought him∣selfe

that if any extravagant courses should be taken, his de∣livery of the Great Seale to any whosoever without the Kings Command, since it was delivered to his custody, might re∣dound much to his dammage, whilst the Queene could reape no advantage thereby; whereupon he privately sent for it againe, and when he had it, carried it according to custome, openly in the sight of all men.

This meane while commotions in the City did still continue, it being believed that the proceedings at Northampton were not onely caused for what concerned Rivers, but out of a designe to hinder the Coronation: and troubles had beene likely to have ensued, had not the Lord Chamberlaine assured them that those Lords were imprisoned for certaine Conspiracies plot ted against the Dukes of Glocester and Buckingham, as would be made appeare by due processe of Law. That no doubt was to be made of the Duke of Glocester since he had alwayes con∣tinued constantly faithfull to the King: but that, to suspect it, might be of dangerous consequence, if they would not lay downe their Armes, with the same facility they had taken them up. This Testimony quieted the greatest part of the people, especially when they understood the King was comming, wait∣ed upon by the Duke his Unkle with all manner of respect: as also that amongst Rivers his carriages certaine Barrells full of Armes were found: which though it were not believed by the wiser sort, yet Gloucesters followers insisting much upon it, it raised doubts in some who otherwise would not have beene perswaded to it. For nothing is more prejudicall to Truth, then Falshood boldly affirmed, with Confidence and Ob∣stinacy.

The King was met by the Lord Major of London, the Sheriffes and Aldermen, all in Scarlet, accompanied with five hundred Citizens on horse-back cloathed all in purple. Gloucester shew∣ed such appearance of Reverence and Love to the King his Nephew, as hee changed their former suspicions, into a great good liking of him: insomuch as when a Protectour was to be chosen, as usually is done in the minority of Kings, hee alone, without any manner of contradiction, was named there∣unto; not onely as he was Unkle, and the next Prince of the Bloud; but as he that was loyall, most loving, and of all others the fittest for a charge of such weight. Many were forthwith removed from their Offices; whereof the Archbishop of Yorke was one of the first, not without sharpe reproofe for having left the Great Seale with the Queene. Doctor Russell, Bishop of Lincolne, a man of Laudable conditions succeeded him in his place. Earle Hastings was continued in his place of Lord Cham∣berlaine. All which were businesses of small importance not being those which troubled Gloucester: and though to have won the Peoples good will and obtained the Protectours place was the right way to his designes; yet were they not things hee

could have missed of, the peoples good opinion depending up∣on his naturall dissembling, and the Protectours place upon his neerenesse of Bloud Royall, and consequently without Compe∣titour. That which most troubled him was, that he could not ridde his hands of the One brother without the Other: for if the Elder brother were made away, the Duke of Yorke was to suc∣ceed. In this it was that he was to use his best wits; for the Queene being jealous of him, and the Duke of Yorke being in a place not to be violated, he could not come by him but by De∣ceipt and Sacriledge. But it was no hard matter for him to o∣vercome these difficulties: a fraudulent perswasion eased him of the trouble of seeking out Other meanes. He at the Counsell Table spoke against the Queen in these or the like words, That there was no malice could parallel hers: since to work the Kings Counsell into an ill opinion with the World, she together with the Duke and Princesses had taken Sanctuary, as if there were apparant cause of doubt: that it matter'd not much what be∣came of Her or her Daughters; the King might live without them, but not well without his brother, whose company was ab∣solutely necessary for His Majesty; That the people, upon so unexpected a resolution, could make no other conjecture, but that she was doubtlesly in danger, and her Enemies possest of all manner of power, since her owne quality and her childrens were not sufficient to secure her, unlesse she should flie to Sanctu∣ary; a refuge usually for guilty people, and if at any time for such as were innocent, onely for such as wanted other meanes of protection. That she seemed by Enemies to meane none but the Privy Counsell, since they were highest in Authority. That to believe their intentions were to oppresse the Queene, the Duke of Yorke, and the Ladies of the blood Royall, so as they were inforced to take Sanctuary, was an injury not to be tolera∣ted: That whosoever should approve of such scandalous pro∣ceedings, did not love the King; neither did he believe that they did disapprove thereof, who would not helpe to remedy it: since the King himselfe, being a Child, could not do it. That it behooved them to looke to it, who were chosen to looke to the preservation of the Kingdome, and the Kings health; nor were they disengaged from the many duties they were bound to by the payment of One debt. That the consideration of health was the chiefe thing they ought to have in regard; and rather the health of the mind then the health of the Body: for the former being lost, the latter could not long continue; for that sad∣nesse of mind did dry up the Bones, especially in a young Prince, who if he should not be streightned in honest recreations, much∣lesse, from Honest Company. And though it fits not Kings to have companions, yet no conversation being to be had without some sort of Equality, to whom did it more properly belong then to an onely Brother? And if this alone argument might not be of force as it ought, hee propounded this consideration

unto their wisdomes; that the Coronation could not be pro∣ceeded in without scandall, whilst the Duke of Yorke (who was to have the first place next to the King in that great solemnity) should not be there but in a Sanctuary, a shelter for Delinquents; affording matter to the common people to judge according to their Ignorance, and to Forreigne Princes according to the ap∣pearance of false supposalls; which must needs redound to the shame and prejudice of them all: to their shame; for that it was not to be credited, that the onely brother of a King should for his safeties sake be necessitated to make use of the priviledge of Sanctuary without just occasion; To their prejudice; for that, give this necessity for granted, great troubles were likely to arise thereout, it not being likely that there would want those who would willingly lay hold on any occasion to disturbe the State: That, in his opinion, some one should be sent to the Queene, whom shee did not mistrust, yet such a one as, would be zealous of the honour of the King and Counsell; who might rectify her, and let her know what wrong she did unto them all: To the King, by bereaving him of his Brother: To the coun∣sell, by her thus tacitely accusing them of an evill that never fell into their thoughts: To the Kingdome; by kindling a fire which was not sodainely to be quenched. And that if this should not prevaile, the Duke of Yorke should by Regall power be ta∣ken from Prison and brought to the King his brother; where being more made of then with Her, he might reproach unto her her mistrust; and how she had beene the occasion of making o∣thers do the like: her malignant and sottish suspicions tending to the Counsells shame, the Kingdomes Harme, and her Owne Confusion. He propounded the Cardinall Archbishop of Yorke, for this enterprise, remitting himselfe to their pleasure, if they should not approve of him, from the which hee profest hee would not dissent. They all commended his opinion, and agreed with him, that, if he could not be had from thence, inconve∣niences might ensue. But the Cardinall having first taken the imployment upon him, was, together with as many Ecclesiasti∣call persons as were there present, of a contrary opinion, for as much as concern'd his being taken from the Sanctuary by force: alleadging, the Sanctity of the place was inviolable, as well by the many reiterated grants of Popes and Kings, as for five hundred Yeares before (as is testifyed by tradition) it was by St. Peter, assisted therein by Angels, miraculously consecrated. He hoped, however, it would be needlesse, the Queene in rea∣son being to deliver him up willingly; the which if shee should not doe, the fault was neither to be attributed to Her, nor Him: Not to Him; for he would not be failing in his duty: Not to Her; shee being therein to be excus'd in respect of her Motherly affection, and the weakenesse of her Sex. But Buckingham, not approving these circumspections, swore: The Queene knew well enough she had no occasion of feare; that her feares were

meerely fictitious, and of malice; and if she would be believed because her kinred were hated as they well deserved to be, shee should distinguish betweene those who were of kin to Her, and who were the like to the Bloud Royall. That her kindred had afforded reason wherefore to be hated, as shee her selfe had likewise done through her malignity; but in her extending it to the Duke of Yorke, the distribution was too large and odious. That he likewise had the honour to be a kin unto him, neither would hee in his zeale to his service give way to any one, no not unto his Mother: since she desired to keepe him, not with∣out danger and scandall in the Sanctuary, to please her malici∣ous humour, whereas hee counselled he should be taine from thence, to the end that all scandalls being removed, the danger of his health might be prevented, and other mens troubles. He discourst upon the use and abuse of Sanctuaries, all the Counsell joyning with him in opinion: whereupon it was re∣solved; that if the Cardinall could not prevaile with his Per∣swasions, hee should be taken from her by Force. The which being agreed upon they went to the Starre-Chamber to expect there, as in the neerest place, what would be the issue. The Cardinall accompained by a great many Lords, either for that the Protectour would not trust a businesse of such weight to One onely man, or that the comming of so many might make the Queene perceive it was not He alone that desired the deli∣very of her Sonne; and that, if shee should refuse, they might Force him from Her as was resolved. The Cardinalls words were these; He was sent by the Protectour, and the Pri∣vy Counsell to let her know how much her detaining of the Duke of Yorke in that place was of scandall to the publque, and of Dislike to the King his Brother, it being an action which must needs produce very bad effects. That the King was grieved at it, and the Counsell offended, as if one brother did live in danger, and could not be preserved but by the others life. That hee desired to have the Duke, so to set him at Liberty, and free him from that Prison (for in respect of him it could be ac∣counted no better) to bring him to his Brother, where hee might live answerable to his Condition and Degree. By deli∣vering him up shee would give peace unto the Kingdome, satis∣faction to the Counsell, and Advantage to those shee desired to helpe (meaning her Brother, her Sonne and the other Pri∣soners) to boot with the Honour and Content the King would thereby receive; and Comfort to the Duke of Yorkes selfe, who in respect of health could be nowhere better then with his Brother: their Yeares and Nature had appropriated them one for the other; and their Loves would be the more con∣firmed, by their being brought up Together, as well at their Booke as at their Sports. Here the Cardinall paused a while expecting what answer the Queene would make; who, repeat∣ing some things he had said, confest; There was no better com∣pany

nor more pleasing friendship then that of Brothers, as is shewne by nature in her Ordinations, by her recommending them in their most tender Yeares to the care of motherly af∣fection: the which, as it deceiveth not, so doth it not spare for any thing in the performance of that duty. That all Other loves did couple men togither Onely as farre as conduced to selfe interest; Brotherly love shared in selfe-interest, Friend∣ship and Bloud: This conjunction of love was that which was to be desired betweene her two Sonnes the King, and Duke of Yorke: but as their Age did not render them capable of such conversation as was ripened by Yeares, so was it likewise the cause why the Mothers care, more passionate and plyable to their tender humours, was of all others the most necessary and proper for them; and though the King, being the first borne, stood not so much in need thereof; having beene taken from her Government ever since his going into Wales, yet the Duke of Yorke did of necessity require it; who being a Child late∣ly sick, now upon the mending hand, and in danger of a Re∣lapse, there was none knew so well how to Governe him as shee his Mother, who, as best knowing his disposition, was fittest for that imployment. The Cardinall approved of all shee said, so as shee would take upon her the care of them Both in a place Befitting Her and Them: hee sayd the Coun∣sell would be herewithall satisfied: Nay; they would Begge it of her: but in a Sanctuary this was not good; it stood not with the Kings Honour, Her owne, nor the Counsells: This parting of the brothers, the one of them kept in Sanctuary, af∣forded occasion to the People of strange and scandalous con∣jectures: All this might be remedied if shee would returne to Court; which if shee would not do, shee might thinke it the same thing to have the Duke of Yorke taken Now from her, as it was to have the Prince (now King) taken out of her charge, when he went into Wales. The Queene replyed the case is much differing: the Prince was then well in Health; the Duke but about to be so, and in danger of falling ill againe: be∣sides if the one were taken From her the other was left with her: Shee wondred much the Protectour did so much desire to Have him, since being not well and that possibly he might die, he should, in reason, Refuse to take him though he were Offer'd, so to avoide the suspitions his death might cause: Shee likewise thought it strange that his being in Sanctuary should be ascribed to the Puntillioes of Honour, as if he might not with his Honour be in a safe place and with his Mother, with whom doubtlesse it was best for him to be: As concerning Her going from Thence she would not forgoe the place, least she might fall into the like danger that Others had done: she wisht it had pleased God that They had been with Her, where they might have been safer then she should be with Them. The Car∣dinall was not pleased with this discourse: and thinking it

might be dangerous for him to heare the Protectour accus'd (e∣specially in what he did not believe) and he not take notice of it, thought to stop her mouth by saying it could not be but she must needs know some Reason why she should believe them to be in danger since she did so confidently affirme it. The Queen, finding the Cardinalls drift, answered: she too well knew a rea∣son, but not according to His sence: That she was more then certaine that their intended ruine was not occasion'd out of those reasons which He pretended she knew. He perceiving she was somewhat offended, and desirous to make her believe he had said nothing with an ill intention reply'd; He hoped that when the businesse should be well debated those Lords would so well ju∣stifie themselves that there should be no occasion of feare: and for what concern'd Her Royall person, there neither was, nor was there to be any manner of danger. 'Twould argue great simplicity to believe either the One or the Other, reply'd the Queene: for if the fault of those who were imprisoned were on∣ly that wherein she shared as deep as They, her fault consist∣ing in her being Mother to the King, as Theirs in being a Kin to him, (the only reason why they were hated) it was impossible for them to justify themselves; and 'twas more impossible that their enemies should love Her the Originall of their Hatred, and hate Them who were but the Appendices: so as their fault being such and their imprisonment caused onely for being al∣ly'd to Her, and consequently to the King, their ruine was un∣avoidable; for Nature could not undo what she had done, nor, contrary to her order, annull the relation that was betweene Them, Her, and the King. For what remained; she was resol∣ved not to quit the Sanctuary; and to keep her sonne There, till she saw how the current of businesses would go: and her feares were much increased by this their great desire of having him There. The Cardinals reply was; That others had the very like feare of Her whilst she detained him in her custody, for that she might send him into some part beyond the Seas, and no man know where: he therefore wisht her to know that the common opinion was, that the Sanctuary was no place of priviledge for Him, he wanting Arbitrement, and will to demand it, as well as Fault whereby to make it necessary for him: so as the ta∣king of him from thence by Force (which would ensue if she would not willingly deliver him) would be no violation to the place, for that the Protectour his Uncle who most entirely loved him, was resolved to have him away before he might be conveigh∣ed from thence by others. Is then his Uncles love so great (re∣ply'd the Queene) as that he apprehends nothing but that he should escape his hands? Shee affirmed for a truth that she never had any thought of sending him elsewhere: not but that she would willingly have done it, had she knowne any place of more safety, but for that she thought no place could be so se∣cure as the Sanctuary; having never heard of any so diabo∣licall

a Tyrant as thought it lawfull to violate it: That children were not capable thereof in respect of their want of Will or Fault, was an opinion as erroneous as Hellish; Innocents be∣ing thereby denied the benefit granted to Theeves and Mur∣therers: Did he deny the Danger, and pretend it to be Fained? She prayd God the Event might not manifest it; which should it do, all remedies would come too late and be of no use: That for what concerned shame, it belongeth to those who unjust∣ly do it, not to those who undeservedly suffer it. To affirme that since Princes do not disport themselves but with children of their Owne Condition and Blood, it was requisite the King should have his Brother, and that if he should be denied he had cause enough to take him away by Force, was a simple reason to allow of Sacriledge: who ever saw that young Prin∣ces did not more willingly play with their Inferiours then with their Equalls? since they seldome or never meete with their Equalls, and if ever, but for a short time: If children nobly borne and others too, oftentimes were not admitted to disport themselves with Princes; and that Princes should never play but with such as were every way their Equalls, Few or None of them would know what belongs to play. Comming then to the causes of violating Sanctuaries, shee said they were most False. For let all be granted that could be alleadged, as want of Yeares to Demand it, and will to Desire it; together with their contraries, to wit the faculty of Choyce and Will to Leave it: there was no cause why he should be tane from thence against Her will: For being by Nature and the Laws voyd of electi∣on, hee was subject to his Mothers arbitrement: whereupon nothing wherewith shee was trusted, being to be taken from her under the Priviledge of Sanctuary, much lesse her Sonne, which was the only cause of her flying thither: That if this was not sufficient, it might suffice that she was his Guardian: The Laws of England allow unto the Mothers the Guardianship of such as hold nothing by Knights service: so as having demanded Sanctuary for her selfe, she had done it likewise for her Ward, which being by the Laws committed to Her charge was not to be taken from her: for he not being able to demand it for Him∣selfe, it was Her duty to demand it for him; since the Laws deliver over the care of the Person before the oversight of goods; goods serving for the use of the person, and therefore admini∣stred unto by Guardians: she could alleadge examples enough of this, but her Own example might serve the turne: This was not the first time she had taken Sanctuary: when the King her Husband was banisht and driven out of the Country she being great with childe, had recourse to Sanctuary, and was there brought to bed of the (now) King, who was There safe: she wisht it might please God his Royall Palace might prove as free from danger to him now that he did Reigne, as was that place then, although an Enemy King did Reigne; who might have made use

of such suppositions as Now were made use of, but did not: so as being warranted by the Lawes of the Land, which, together with the Lawes of Nature, gave unto her the oversight of her children, and by the Divine Law, which did priviledge Sanctuaries, and the Sanctuary her Sonne; she was resolved, since the Eldest was out of her power, to keep the Younger: for if the unckle had Both of them, and both of them should chance to miscarry, he might the easilier pretend unto the Crown; notwithstanding his Neeces were between him and home; the which afforded her just occasion of Feare: for since the Lawes inhibite the Guardi∣anship of a Ward to such as are Next Heires, though but to a small Revenew, how much more when a Kingdome is the in∣heritance? The Cardinall, perceiving her to wax Hot, and like∣ly to say more then he would have her, answered; Hee was not come to argue with her; that he demanded the Duke of Yorke from her; whom if shee would deliver up to him, and the rest of the Lords that were there present, he would pawne his owne Body and Soule for the Dukes safety: if shee would not do this, he would be gon; seeing her fixt in her beliefe that all others (her selfe excepted) wanted either Wit or Loyalty: Wit; by her thinking them such fooles, as not perceiving the Protectours intentions, they should suffer themselves to be abu∣sed: Loyalty; for that if they were conscious of any such inten∣tion in him, they should be very wicked to serve him as a meanes whereby to effect so great a Treason. These words did much perplex the Queen, weighing with her selfe the diverse hazards she ran, whether she Delivered him, or did not deliver him. By Delivering him, she considered the Danger he together with his brother was to run: in Not delivering him, two things present∣ed themselves unto her minde: the one, Force, that assoon as the Cardinall should be gon, the Protectour would come in per∣son and take him away: she wanted Time to provide for this: Many things were required in sending of him elsewhere, none of all which were likely to succeed, she not having thought there∣of before: she knew not whether to send him; she had not appointed people to conduct him; she had not time enough to keep the secret undiscover'd, and him unintercepted: The o∣ther; she might be Deceived in her suspicions: whowsoever it would be more disadvantageous to her, to suffer him be taken from her by Force, then willingly to surrender him: she did not doubt the Cardinalls good intentions, not yet Theirs that were with him: She was sure they were not corrupted, but not sure but that they might be deceived: Her appearing to believe in them, would Oblige them: So as, taking the little Duke by the hand she said: she was not so ill advised as to mistrust their Fidelity or Wisdome: she would give a testimony of it; being sure she should not be deceived unlesse they should through the malice of others be deceived: the which if it should so happen, her Sor∣row would be render'd incapable of Comfort, the Kingdomes

Ruine remediles, and she should have just cause to complaine of Them: That, not withstanding whatsoever objection, she was sure she might keep her son in the Sanctuary free from all vio∣lence; but as she doubted not but that her blood was so hated by some, as if they thought they had any share therein, they would open their veines, and let it out: so was she most certain the thirst of Government knew no kindred: for if brothers had not been spared, much lesse would Nephews escape: That the lives of her deare children depended the One upon the Other: If the One were safe, Both were safe: That notwithstanding her unfortunate fore-knowledge of thus much, shee resolved to resigne One of them into Their hands, which was as much as if she should resigne Both of them to them, that she might at all times redemand them of Them; both before God and man: She knew that for what concern'd Them, they would render her a very good account, she being not ignorant of their wisdom and and fidelity: but that this was not sufficient; that Force and Re∣solution was requisite, if need should require: whereof they had no lack, nor yet Others upon the like occasion: but if they should doubt of this, she desired them to leave her son with Her; conjuring them by the trust the King her Husband had in them, and for what shee at the present trusted them with∣all, that they should not thinke her too unnecessarily Time∣rous upon this occasion, but rather believe themselves to be too Credulous and Confident:

Then tourning to her Sonne: Farewell, said shee, my sweet Sonne; the Lord be thy Pro∣tectour; let me kisse thee before I leave thee, least I never kisse thee more.

Having kissed him, and blessed him, shee Weeping turned Her backe, leaving Him in their custody, who when Hee saw his Mother quit Him, burst forth a Weeping.

He was presently brought to the Starre-Chamber, where he was with much longing expected by his Uncle. He tooke him in his Armes with the like affection as doth the Wolfe the Lamb. He welcomed him with Words and Kisses, wherewith he arti∣ficially disguised his intended Treason; he led him to his bro∣ther, who was lodged in the Bishops house neere Pauls; from whence with great Pompe they were brought to the Tower, whence they never came forth. Some thought the Duke of Buckingham was not onely an Assister, but the chiefe Agent in this businesse, having written concerning it to the Duke of Glou∣cester at the instant of King Edwards Death: but those who knew him were of an other opinion; that Buckingham knew nothing of it till after Glocester had gotten both his Nephews into his custody; who then discovered himselfe to those he most confided in; chiefly to Buckingham: for winning Him to side with him he needed not to feare what ever Other forces: so as to winne Him, was to winne the Prize. For if He should have op∣posed him, all the rest would have followed his colours; so

just a withstanding of so wicked an endeavour being sufficient, at the least Nodde, to draw the whole Kingdome after it. The reason which caused Buckingham to side with the Protectour, was; that hee had offended the King in imprisoning his Kin∣dred, so as hee had no reason to hope for safety. For should they be put to Death, it were an injury the King in like∣lihood would never forget, but would be ready to revenge when Hee should be of Yeeres: and if they should be set at liberty, their Authority was likely to be so great, as hee might despaire of Life. The Protectour had provided him∣selfe of a Guard; for businesses of this nature are not hand∣led without Praecaution, and Jealousies. He armed himselfe whilst no man thought of it, and trusted the mannaging of his affaires to none but such whose fortunes did totally depend upon Him. Trust in blameable actions is constantly Inconstant. He set Spies about Buckingham, thinking it impossible he should be equally wicked with Him, not having the like Designes; and was resolved, if hee should finde him Faulty, to be his immediate ruine. He made use of Buckinghams most professed friends; and no wonder if they were Traitors, since the Con∣formity of evill Inclinations had caused the friendship betweene Them and their Master; a thing not without danger amongst such men; the least shadow of suspition being sufficient to make either rob other of their Lives. The secrets of Friendship are not tasted by such, who have their tastes contaminated by the bitternesse of Ambitious interests. Yet had not Buckingham joyned herein with him, unlesse upon very advantageous con∣ditions; for when he obliged himselfe to make Gloucester King, Gloucester obliged himselfe to take the Dukes daughter in mar∣riage to His onely Sonne, promising him to boote with this the Earldome of Hartford, pretended unto by him, as his Inhe∣ritance: the which being denied him by the late King, was the first cause of this his so lewd resolution, thereby revenging himselfe upon his Children. He moreover of his owne free mo∣tion, promised him a great part of the Treasure left by Ed∣ward, together with a very large proportion of the Wardrobe he had left to furnish his House withall. These things being agreed upon, they erected a New Counsell, compounded of the Chiefest, to treat of things appertaining to the Coronation; to the end that they and the people might be entertained with a beliefe thereof: and to the same end, they commanded such Lords as were absent from the City, to come to London, and assist at the Solemnity. They on the other side, with a Coun∣sell compacted out of their Owne Followers, treated of the meanes how to bring the Protectour to the Crowne: So as whilst the Cardinall of Canterbury, the Archbishop of Yorke, the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Stanley, the Lord Hastings, and others, did busie themselves how by a not un-necessary cere∣mony to Establish a naturally Lawfull King, They treated

how to depose him, and by wicked treason to establish in his place an Unlawfull Tyrant for King. The first counsell was composed of Many of the Best ranke; the second of Few, and those of the Worst condition. But his dealings not being to be penetrated into by all, people began to murmure, although they could not guesse at the reall mischiefe intended. 'Twas impossible that from so many circumstances and vaine delayes, as were by This Counsell propounded unto the Other, jealousies should not arise, as usually they doe from things done out of time, and without occasion.

To this was added, the taking from the Tower all the Kings servants, whose places were supplyed by the Protectours Houshold-servants; and if any one desired to see the King, he was in private wisht the contrary, for the Protectour would have no man see him, save such as He sent: So as the King was not onely left Solitary, and destitute of all manner of Company; but likewise of all Magnificence, and Regall Splendour: both which were conveighed over to the House and Person of the Protectour. Amongst those who were admitted into the Se∣cret Councell there was one Catesby, a man very well skilled in the Lawes of the Land: this man being employed by the Lord Chamberlaine, in all his affaires, and by his favour advanced in the Court, had wonne such credit with all men, especially in Leicestershire, where the said Lord was very powerfull, as nothing was done there without Him: so as being a creature of his, and by his meanes in a faire way of advancement, the Chamberlaine thought hee would not faile to advertise him of any thing of moment should be done in That councell, espe∣cially of any thing that might be prejudiciall to Him. But gra∣titude, disdaining to associate with one who together with his Conscience had renounced his Loyalty, and all other duties, forsooke him; and in place thereof stept in Ingratitude, which acquitted him from discharging the debt hee ought to his Be∣nefactour; which was the originall of all the ensuing evils. For Stanley, doubting this Cabinet Counsell, had endeavoured to crosse it, by the favour and assistance of many, who likewise began to feare it; had not the Chamberlaine, upon conference had with him therein, secured him, relying upon Catesbyes fi∣delity. The Protectour did naturally love the Chamberlaine, hee having alwaies beene his friend, and one from whom hee had received friendship, in the King his Brothers time: nor had hee resolved to ruine him, had hee not feared, that if hee should discover his secrets unto him, hee would have with∣stood them. Hee therefore will'd Catesby to use his utmost en∣deavour to draw him over to their side. But Catesby either did it not at all, being likely to reape advantage by his downfall; or if hee did it, gave the Protectour so sinister an account, as changing his Love into Hatred, hee resolved to have his life; yet treating him with his wonted confidence, he thereout got

two advantages. Hee made him Slower in putting on such resolutions as hee might have done against him, and Hee the better brought about his Owne ends to the Others ruine, whilst hee least thought of it. Insomuch as the Chamberlaine having acquainted Catesby with the jealousies which this Counsell had raised in many, thinking to worke out of him some assurance, hee did not onely give him no satisfaction, but hee perswaded the Protectour to dispatch him out of the way as soone as might be, as if his life were pernicious to his designes. An advice well taken by Richard, though not given out of any zeale to His service, as it seemed to be; but that by his death hee might enter into the plenary authority, which the Chamberlaine solely had in his Countrey. The Protectour not needing any insti∣gation to doe mischiefe, that hee might be rid of him, came on the thirteenth of Iune, three houres before Noone into the Counsell, where they loytered away the time in discourse about the Coronation, the day whereof drew neere. Hee at his first entrance civilly saluted all the Lords that were there, excusing himselfe for his comming so late; and passing from one discourse to another, hee desired the Bishop of Ely to send for a dish of Strawberries from his Garden at Holborne, saying hee had never eaten better. The Bishop taking it for a great favour, sent pre∣sently for them, whilst hee soone after rising up desired them to dispence with his absence for a while; and within lesse then an houre returned so full of anger and bitternesse as made them all amazed. Being set downe, with angry eyes, and frowning looke, and biting his lippes, hee for a good while said nothing: at last hee asked them, what punishment they deserved who had plotted His death, notwithstanding that hee was next in Blood to the King, and by Office, His and the Kingdomes Protectour? This question startled the Counsell, not know∣ing by whom it was intended, though each ones Conscience told him it was not by Him. The Chamberlaine seeing them all hold their peace, and thinking it behooved him by reason of his familiarity to breake the Ice, said, They deserved to be punished as Traitors, no man or condition whatsoever excep∣ted. The which the rest agreeing unto, the Protectour said, It was his brothers wife (disdaining to call her Queen) and others with her: whereat those who favoured her were troubled. But the Chamberlaine, who feared some friends of his might have been concerned, was overjoy'd when hee heard the Queene named: hee was not, though, well pleased that the Protectour had not acquainted him with it; since their imprisonment and death (which was that very day to ensue, and whereat hee was glad) was not resolved on without his consent: little thought he to be himselfe that very houre beheaded. The Protectour continuing his complaint, unbutton'd his left sleeve, and stripping it up to the elbow, shewed a fleshlesse dry arme, appearing to be nothing but skinne and bone, saying, that the cruelty of

the Queene and of Shores wife, who was her counsellour, and co∣adjudresse in that wickednesse, had thus spoiled and bewitched him. The Lords who knew his arme had never been other then what it was, imagined presently this calumny was invented to some wicked end: they knew the Queene to be too wise to thinke upon so foolish an action; and if shee should have any such thought, it was not likely shee should make use of Shores wife, the woman of all the world she hated most, as being by the King her husband doated on, even to his death. The Cham∣berlaine had been long in love with this woman; but his Respect unto the King, as his Master; and his Truth unto him, as his Friend, had mortified his passion; but when the King was dead, hee tooke her home unto him; so as the Protectour not knowing any other invention wherewithall to lay him low, pitcht upon this; and the Chamberlaine thinking it behooved him to speake, since hee had made the first answer, said: If it were true, they were both worthy to be severely punished; believing that if this imputation should be tried according to Law and the course of Justice, it would vanish of it selfe, and not need his assistance. But the Protectour, who in the present af∣faires had no regard either to Justice or Law, answered with an angry countenance: that hee stood upon Ifs and Ands; but that he told him it was true, and that hee would make it good upon his body Traytor that he was: then giving a great blow with his hand upon the Table (which was the appointed signe for those that waited without) Treason, Treason, was heard from without, the doore was forced open and the chamber was instantly full of armed men; one of which making a great blow at the Lord Stanleys head, had cleft him to the teeth, had not hee (perceiving it comming) falne underneath the Table; yet fell hee not so soone but that hee was therewithall wounded, and the blood ranne downe about his eares. 'Twas thought the Protectour, not finding any objection whereby to put him to death, had taken this order, to the end hee might be thought to be casually slaine, in that confusion. The meere shadow of Shores wife was sufficient to move the many for what concerned the Chamberlaine: whom he arrested by the name of Traytor; and being by him in all humblenesse demanded whether hee spoke to Him, or no? Yes, to Thee traytor, replied he. With what face the Authour of this treachery could give this title to the party betrayed, would not be a discourse much out of pur∣pose, since the world abounds in so many of the like. Being in this manner arrested, the Protectour swore by Saint Paul hee would not dine before he saw him dead: so as haste being to be made, for the houre of dinner drew nigh•…•…, and the Protectour was too religious to breake Such an oath, the Chamberlaine was forced to make a short confession to the first Priest could be found, for the usuall forme would prove too long, and being led from the Chappell to a greene Court, he had his head strucke

off, and was afterwards buried at Windsor, neere to King Edwards Tombe. The rest of the Councell, who in this uproare were kept lockt up in the Chamber, were conveighed into severall pla∣ces, being reputed by the Protectour to be averse to his designes, and more particularly the Lord Stanley.

A miraculous presage of this mis-fortune is related; by which, (if it be true) is seene what care the Heavens have over Us, advertising us by dreames of imminent dangers, which might be shunn'd, if, together with them, we were endued with the spirit of Ioseph, or Daniel, to interpret them. The night preceding this mischance the Lord Stanley dream'd that a wilde Poare had wounded both Him and the Chamberlaine in the head, so as the blood ranne downe both their shoulders: whereupon a∣waking hee thought this wilde Boare must be the Protectour; the Wounds and Blood some imminent danger of their lives: in this affright hee forthwith arose, and sent to acquaint the Cham∣berlaine with his dreame, (who was fast asleepe) resolving to be instantly gone (it being but a little past midnight) so that in the morning hee might be so farre from thence, as to be in safety: hee advised him to doe the like, to the end that their danger being alike, their safeties might be so too. The Chamberlaine was not subject to melancholly, and therefore not superstitious; so as laughing at the message he answered the messenger: that he wondered his Master should give beliefe to such follies; hee bade him tell him from Him, that Dreames were Dreames, and suppose they were to be allowed as foretellers of future evils, they were so uncertaine, as they might no lesse harme then helpe. Who could assure him that the danger that was to be feared might not consist as well in their Flight, as in their Tarrying? and if as they fled away they should be taken, and brought backe (as might very well happen) would it not afford the wilde Boare an occasion of wounding them with his Tuskes? for their flight could not but be imputed to an evill conscience, and to some faults, if not committed, yet intended: Hee de∣sired him therefore to appease himselfe, and feare nothing, for there was no danger: and if there were any, they would rather be met withall by running away (as he had said) then by Tar∣rying: that he was as sure of the man he doubted (meaning the Protectour,) as of his owne Hand. The Gentleman returned with this answer; thereby making his Master forgoe his former resolution; with lesse harme to himselfe who Feared so much, then to the Chamberlaine that was so Confident. Many things were observed before his death: as he rode towards the Tower, his horse stumbled twice or thrice under him even almost to the endangering of a fall: A very vulgar observation; for if all stum∣bling horses should presage misfortune, the number of those who should perish would be very great. As hee was making himselfe ready to goe thither, a Gentleman of good quality came to him, who was purposely sent by the Protectour, to perswade him

to come in case hee should not intend it: this man seeing him tarry to speake with a Priest, (a friend of his) as he was upon the way, fearing least hee might come too late, hastned him, telling him the time passed, and that as yet he needed not a Priest: knowing that within two houres hee would have need of one. Being come to the Tower, he met a Pursuivant neere the place where hee was beheaded, and calling to mind that hee had met him in the very same place, whilst, being prisoner by procurement of the Earle Rivers, he much doubted his life: he asked him whether hee did remember that hee had met him in that place, in a time when hee was in great danger? the Pursui∣vant answered, Yes; praising God that the authour of his affli∣ction got not much thereby, and that hee suffered no harme at all. Thou wouldst say more (replied the Chamberlaine) if thou knewst as much as I know, (meaning that that very day Earle Rivers was to lose his head.) I was never so afraid, as then: matters are well amended: mine enemies are now in danger, as I was then; as ere long thou shalt heare: and I more joyfull, and more secure then ever. Oh the poorenesse of our confidence! which ignorant of what is to come, takes one thing for another, and doth not thinke it selfe deceived. Hee apprehended Death, when hee was to Live; and was confident of Life, when he was to Lose it. The Chamberlaine was apt to flatter himselfe, and to be mistaken. Those who are given to Pleasures, are com∣monly free from Suspicion, and from believing what them∣selves would not doe. And if hee concurred to the evils that befell Rivers, it was not in him either Malice or Treason, ha∣ving alwaies openly Profest himselfe to be his enemy; nay had he imagined that his death would be cause of the like to the sonnes of his Master King Edward, hee would have ransom'd them from death, not onely by preserving Rivers alive, but with his Owne Blood: for his favouring them cost him both his Blood and Life; the impossibility of alienating him from them, was that which made the Protectour resolve his death; the for∣mer affection he bare unto him being cancell'd by Ambition and Cruelty: affections which at all times did superabound in him. I observe, that of all his plots and windings about, there were onely two that can be said to savour of Wit: his perswading the Queene to make her brother lay downe his Armes, that so hee might seize on him unarmed; and his making the Cardinall and the rest believe, that his desire of having the Duke of Yorke, was an effect of Charity and Love. In other things the art hee used was of no availment; it was as soon Discovered as Used: so as if he had not wonne the reputation hee had by Valour, which made him to be feared; by the priviledge of his Blood; and by Buckinghams favour; hee assuredly had effected nothing by his Cunning.

It behoved him to finde out some colour of Justice whereby to make good the Chamberlaines precipitated death: not know∣ing

how to do it otherwise; after dinner he sent for some of the chiefest Citizens to the Tower. Before they came, hee and Buckingham had put on two old rusty Armours, fitter for Ruf∣fians then men of their quality; for he thought, should they have put on handsome Armes it might have beene imagined that time and commodity must have gone to their so going, whereas the rusty ill-shaped Armes would argue a surpisall, which being discovered inforced them to make use of what came first to hand. Being come he told them that the Cham∣berlaine with some others had that very day indevour'd to kill them both as they were in Counsell, whereof they could not guesse the Cause nor Designe: that he came to know of this Treason a little before Dinner, so as they had no time to Arme themselves otherwise then as they saw: that God had protect∣ed them by turning upon the Authors of this evill, the mis∣chiefe they intended to Them: that hee had sent for them, to the end that being informed of the Truth of the businesse, they might informe others. There was none so simple but knew how the businesse went: but being circumspect through Feare, they went their wayes not making any Reply, or further In∣quiry.

The Protectour having put off his Armour, sent a Herauld into the City, to publish a Proclamation, the contents where∣of were: That Baron Hastings Lord Chamberlaine, accom∣panied with some other Conspiratours had an intention to kill him the Protectour, and the Duke of Buckingham that very day as they sate at Counsell, that so hee might usurpe the Government of the King and Kingdome: hoping that when these two Princes should be dead there would be none that would oppose him. But because this bare Narration without Witnesse, or other circumstances, was not likely to worke any great effect, hee aggravated it with complaints no wayes relating to the matter in hand: That hee had beene an evill Counsellour to the late King: that hee had perswaded him to many things contrary to his Honour and the good of the Kingdome: that by his example hee had given him occasion to debauch himselfe, particularly with Shores Wife; who as shee was partaker of all his secret Counsells, so was shee a com∣plice in this abominable Treason: that the last night (which was his last) hee lay with her; so that it was no wonder if having lived ill, hee dyed ill; that the sodaine Justice done upon him was by Order from the King, and his faithfull Counsell, hee having deserved it; and to the end that His complices might bee prevented from daring to raise a danger∣ous insurrection to set him at liberty: the which being wise∣ly foreseene was the onely meanes, by Gods Providence, to restore the Kingdome to its former tranquillitie: It is to be observed that there was not much above two houres space be∣tweene his Execution and the Publishing of the Proclamati∣on;

so as the contents thereof being Long, well dictated, and fairely written out in Parchment, every one knew it must needes be written before hee was put to Death, the interim of time betweene the Execution and Publication not being sufficient to write it out, much lesse so Handsomely to digest the matter, though to the Swiftnesse of hand had beene ad∣ded the Readiest witte: The which occasioned diversity of discourse, whereof some said it was written by the Spirit of Prophecy. But the Protectour having accused Shores Wife as an Accessary and an Adviser, sent to her House and made her be plundered of all shee had, not out of Avarice but Ma∣lice; and that such a demonstration might make the false∣hood seeme the more likely, and the imputation the more probable, shee was committed to Prison, and examined by the Counsell, where shee answered so well for her selfe as not the least likelyhood appearing whereby to make her guil∣ty of what shee was accused, they fell upon her dishonest and scandalous course of living, the onely thing indeed where∣in shee was faulty: the which would have beene winked at in any other, by the Protectour, and imputed to the frail∣ty of Nature: but to exercise his cruelty upon Her, hee was contented to bee held an Enemy to Incontinency. Shee was delivered over to the Bishop to doe Publique Pennance in the Cathedrall Church, the which shee did the next Sunday mor∣ning, being led by way of Procession, with a white Sheet about her, with a Wax Taper in her hand, and the Crosse borne before her: In which action though shee were destitute of all manner of Ornament, yet shee appeared so lovely and handsomely behaved, as her blushes adding to her Beauty, all the lookers on did not onely blame the severity, but were taken with her comelinesse, which was the cause as well of Their Compassion, as of her Ignominy: and if any one hate∣ing her past Life, was contented to see her punisht, yet did they not praise it, as not proceeding from the Justice of an upright Judge, but from the Malice and Cruelty of a Passio∣nate and Unjust Tyrant. Shee was well borne, and civilly brought up; her ruine was her being unequally Married: not that her Husband was not of good esteeme amongst the Ci∣tizens, and according to his quality well to live: but for that shee being of riper Yeares then hee, the love which useth to be betweene equalls was not betweene them; so as it was not hard for the King to winne Her; Hee being Handsome, Lovely, and from whom Preferment and Respect (things much coveted by young Woemen) was to be hoped for. The King being Dead, the Chamberlaine got possession of her: shee was yet alive when Sir Thomas More wrote this History, but so much altered as it could not be said shee had beene hand∣some; though in her youth shee wanted nothing of Beauty, but a little more Stature. Her outward gifts though very ex∣cellent

were out donne by the inward gifts of her Minde, which are much more esteemed when accompanied with a handsome Body. Shee had a Quick wit, was of a cheerefull Humour, Prompt, Facetious, and Eloquent; borne to doe Good, not Harme to any one: Shee obliged many who being falne from the Kings good Opinion, were, for her sake, received againe into favour: Shee caused confiscated Goods to be re∣stored to many, without any manner of Avarice: shee was more desirous to oblige others, then to enrich her selfe; more to Do good turnes then to Receive them: Her Ambition was to be esteemed, and well thought of: Shee was alwayes af∣fable, never insolent. All of them conditions abundantly to be praised, but by which her fortune received no reliefe: for being first reduc'd to Poverty, and then to Old Age, her beauty lost, and her good turnes Forgotten, she begg'd of those, who, if they had not formerly begg'd of Her, would have been more beg∣gers then shee.

The Protectour had given Order that on the same day where∣on the Chamberlaine was beheaded at London, the Earle of Rivers, and Lord Gray, the one brother, the other sonne to the Queene, (and brother, by the Mothers side to the King) should lose their heads at Pontefract: the two Knights that were seised on together with them at Northampton, bare them company in their punishment. The execution was done in pre∣sence of Sir Richard Ratcliffe, a favourite of the Protectours, and one that partooke of his designes: who being naturally wicked, and knowne by him to be so, hee thought he could not trust the managing of this businesse to one more wick∣ed, and consequently more faithfull then he. Hee made them be brought out of Prison, and being exposed to publike view as Traitors they were beheaded without any other manner of Justice. He would not suffer them to speake, least their inno∣cency being made knowne, and commiserated, might make the Author thereof more odious. These being ridde out of the way, as likewise the Chamberlaine; and Stanley being hurt and a Prisoner, there remained no further obstacle; every man looking to himselfe, not troubling themselves with other mens affaires. And say there had beene other rubbes, they would have come out of time; the designe being to be effected be∣fore they could be prepared to hinder it: and though there was neither pretence, nor least appearance thereof, every sha∣dow or colour would serve the turne; for force if it be not able to make things be believed, it is sufficient to make Be∣liefe be Fained. 'Tis dangerous for an unarmed man to dispute, and worse to give the lie to one that is in the posture of strik∣ing. But as the successe of things cannot bee represented upon a Theater without the concourse of severall personages requisite to the composure of the Story; so did it behove him to make use of many others besides the above named, to

the weaving of this Treason. Amongst the rest Sir Edmund Shaw, Lord Major of London, his brother Iohn Shaw, and Pin∣ker, Provinciall of the Augustine Friers, were some: the first to draw the City to the Protectours will, and to suppresse tu∣mults; a very fit personage for this purpose, whose vanity did aspire to greatnesse, though by what so ever precipitious way, and whose ambition for the like cause did not detest the most enormous misdeed: the second and third Doctours of Divi∣nity, and by the people esteemed famous Preachers; chosen to give Authority and Fervour, as is usuall in such like acti∣ons: for such men pretending integrity of Profession, and mind∣ing nothing lesse, are the best meanes to seduce and irritate the People. But had not the feare men stood in of the Protectour been of more force then their preaching, little progresse would have been made in the businesse; for by their endeavours they had raised so Universall a hatred against them, that from the estimation they formerly were in, they fell into such a Detesta∣tion, as Doctour Shaw dyed for grief. The knot of this busi∣nesse lay in finding out a meanes to exclude the heires of Ed∣ward the Fourth: and though he made no great account of the Duke of Clarence his heires, yet did he not altogether contemne them, though they were but young, without or Friends or Favour. The pretences found out to this purpose were two: the first, that King Edward and the Duke of Clarence were both of them the issue of Adultery: that they were not sonnes to the Duke of Yorke, whose onely legitimate heire the Protectour was. The second; that Edwards children were not only Bastards, as Children of a bastard, but as borne in an illegitimate Mar∣riage; he having, before hee married their Mother, engaged himselfe, by word to the Lady Lucy, who if she did not make good her claime, when shee was interrogated thereupon, it was for feare; so as the Dutchesse of Yorke Mother to them all three, layd it afterwards to Edwards conscience: therefore such Marriages being illegitimate before God, did exclude all Chil∣dren therein begotten, from all pretences due to the lawfull Heires. I write not the Particulars of this Matrimonall dispute, because they have beene sufficiently spoken of in the Life of Edward the Fourth, whereunto I referre the Reader. These pretences were to be to Preachers the subject of their Sermons, especially to Shaw, the introducer of them; and from the be∣ginning partaker of the Counsell: the Augustine Fryer, was afterwards imployed therein; both of them behaving them∣selves in it with so bare-faced flattery as they nauseated the eares of their auditors. And because the First of these two points was out of measure scandalous, the whole House of Yorke be∣ing thereby injured, and the Protectours Mother in particu∣lar defamed; they resolved not to Treate thereof in downe∣right termes, but by way of circumspection, as if it should seeme to be done out of a feare of offending the Protectour.

In the second point they were not mealy-mouth'd, but did at large expatiate themselves. Shaw Preached at Pauls▪ Crosse ta∣king his Text out of the Wisdome of Solomon: Spuria vitula∣mina non agent radices altas. The bastard slippes shall take no deepe rooting. Whereupon hee discoursed amply, it being a subject plentifull in Examples, Sentences, and Apophthegmes taken out of both Holy and Profane writ; and seconded by the agreeing diversity of Fathers, Philosophers and Poets: He shewed Gods blessings to such as proceeded from lawfull Ma∣trimony; his Curses to such as were Adulterously begotten, the usurpation of Goods belonging to the lawfully begotten being an abomination in his Eyes: that therefore God would replant the lawfully begotten, and roote out the contrary. Here falling upon the praises of Richard Duke of Yorke, hee made a long Panegyrick; repeating his Titles to the Crowne, confirmed by Parliament, and declared King after the Death of Henry the sixt; that the now Protectour was his onely le∣gitimate Heire, as the onely issue discended from him; King Edward and the Duke of Clarence, being by such as knew the secret passages of the House, not esteemed His: that they resembled Others who were very well knowne, more then Him; and did likewise so farre differ from him in Vertue, as they could not discend from Him: That there was no dis∣pute to be made of Edwards Sonnes, they being the Issue of a Marriage contracted whilst the Lady Lucy His First and True Wife was alive: so as the Protectour was the onely Legimate of-spring of that house, in whom might easily be discern'd his Fathers manners, Image, and Valour: that there∣fore he was onely to be looked upon: as he on whom the Laws by Nature, and the Heavens by Grace had conferred all their favours.

The further Order herein taken was; that when Shaw should be entred into this Encomium, the Protectour should appeare; to the end that the People, hearing these things said at the instant of his arrivall, might thinke Shaw inspired by the Holy Ghost, and might cry up Richard King: but he com∣ming somewhat late, and the Preacher being past on to some other matter, hee quitted it at His appearing, turning disor∣derly and from the purpose, to what he had formerly said: This (said he) is that Noble Prince, the mirrour of Cheval∣ry; this is hee that naturally represents the noble Duke his Father as well in the Lineaments of his Minde as Counte∣nance: this is his very Figure, his true stampe, his undoubt∣ed Image, his full Resemblance; whose memory will never die so long as this man lives. Had hee who saies Vox Popu∣li, Vox Dei, the Peoples voyce is Gods voyce, seene how husht all the Auditory was, hee would have said The Peoples silence is Gods silence: for being amazed to heare such bold and shamelesse impudence, they stood like so many Statues:

in so great a concourse of People no one Voyce or Gesture of applause was heard or seene either for Protectour or Preach∣er, their conceived hopes were rendered vaine; so as both of them being utterly out of Countenance the one returned much confused to his Palace, the other very Resolute to his House, where understanding by his friends how exceeding∣ly Hee was blamed, Hee, a few dayes after Died for meere shame.

The Protectour for all this, ceased not to pursue his in∣tent, being resolved, come what would come, to effect His desire. Audacity, Importunacy and Violence might effect that which Fraud, Calumny and Perswasion could not: so as ha∣ving put the Chamberlaine to death on the Thirteenth of Iuly, and indeavored three or foure dayes after by Doctor Shaw's Preaching to seduce the People, on the one and Twentieth of the same Moneth hee sent the Duke of Buckingham, ac∣compained by many Lords and Gentlemen, to the Major and Aldermen of London, with whom were likewise the Common Counsell of the City commanded purposely to attend. Where (being a very well spoken man) hee made a long Narrati∣on of the last Kings Actions, thereby to make his memory odious, and his Children incapable of succession. Hee said, Hee was come to propound unto them a weighty businesse, and of inestimable advantage to the whole Kingdome, and every Member thereof; the which conteined in it the secu∣rity of their Lives, their Wives Honesty, and the safety of their Goods, which till that time had beene subject to so many Robberies, Taxes, and Impositions; which being im∣posed without necessity, there was no hope of ever seeing an end of them: the ablest men amongst them were most subject to these miseries, as better endowed by Fortune then were the rest: and because these grievances were not sufficient to satisfy Avarice, great summes of Money were raised un∣der Title of Benevolence: the Title taking from both the Name and Nature, that not being given with Good Will, which being not in the power of the Giver to withstand, was given by violence: the Good Will remaining onely in the King, in His Desiring it, Receiving it, and thereby in∣riching his Coffers: things which though they were all in∣sufferable, yet might they bee indured, were they not come to that height as that Impositions past on to Punishments Punishments to Ransomes, deniall of the Benevolence to Contempt of the Lawes, such contempt to Treason, which was the Trap-hole whereinto did fall the Lives and Lively∣hoods of the impoverished and evilly treated Subject: so as so long and exemplary a Patience was not longer to bee in∣dured. Hee instanced in the Names of sundry that had come by Sinister ends, that their Goods might bee seised on: hee called the Auditors to witnesse; not any one of them being

there, who had not had some feeling of these proceedings ei∣ther in themselves or their friends. That plots had not been wanting to endanger their Lives and Goods: little things had beene made great; meere Chimeras, and imaginations, though in themselves vaine, were made capable of Pretence: none was so poorely spirited or void of sence, but might invent some; any superficiall colour being sufficient to ruine the People. Then falling upon discourse of the late Warres, he shewed how his accesse unto the Crowne was through much blood: That hee came to it before his time; for during Hen∣ry the Sixt his Life Hee had no pretence thereunto: The very imputation of being of the contrary faction was enough to make a rich Man a begger: Great were the number of those that were impoverished; the one halfe of the King∣dome at least being then Lancastrians. Hee bad them consi∣der how long the Warre indured; which if it were deplor∣able betweene two severall Nations, and in a forreigne Coun∣trey, how much more miserable was it at Home, where the Sonne should be found to be against the Father, one Bro∣ther against Another, friends becomming Enemies? Hee for∣got not to urge his flight into Flanders when hee had lost the Kingdome: and how many Mens lives his retorne cost, as well of those who adhered to Him, as of His opposers. Hee called to minde the many fought Battells, the cruelty used in Victories, the desolations of Cities, and Provinces; the Slaughters of so many of the Nobility, which were not for number and Valour to give way to whatsoever Empire, and which was not to be regained but in a long revolution of time: more blood being spent in a short time to lose them∣selves, then was lost in so many Yeares for the winning of France: That they had beene but little bettered by Peace; rich Men not being secure of their Lives and Goods: an a∣varitious Tyrant, neither trusting nor loving one that had Power and Meanes: not trusting nor loving His Brother, he put him to a miserable Death. For what concerned Woe∣mens reputation, it never had a more insnaring Enemy, or Persecutor: since not contented to have deceived the Lady Lucy with promise of Marriage, and to have taken away the Wife of Shore, a Man of such esteeme; (and here, though from the purpose, Hee fell to praise Shore, to cap∣tivate the good will of his fellow Citizens) hee never cast his Eye upon Woman in his Life, that hee desired not to enjoy; not regarding either the feare of God, nor his Owne nor other mens Honour: trampling the Laws under foote, and those of Friendship and Blood; whilst a Prince, who is the Father of his Subjects, should abstaine from so do∣ing, as from Incest; his Women Subjects being his Daugh∣ters: Hence proceeded the Earle of Warwickes distastes; the illegitimate Marriage (if Marriage it might be called) with

a Widdow full of Children; and the renewing of a Civill Warre the cause of so many evills: and if reputation (which is for its owne sake to be desired) were not the chiefe Or∣nament of Woemen, the establishing of Families, and of more worth then all Worldly Treasure; hee ought to reverence it, if not as the generall duty of All Princes (to whom it is not permitted to usurpe what is another Mans, much lesse his Honour, the chiefest of all possessions) yet as his owne Pe∣culiar duty; being Obliged to the noble City of London the Metropolitan of so great a Kingdome, for that shee had taken part with the House of Yorke, assisted it in so many Warres with Expence, Blood and Danger; and not to repay it with Ingratitude, rendring evill for good, shame for Honour; and charging himselfe with an ignominy neither to be cancelled in this World, nor forgotten in the World to come, without the extraordinary mercy of God, but was to be punished with like punishment as Tyranny, Lust and Ingratitude. But it was not to be wondred if Hee were such a Man; Hee was like to little Rivulets, which deriving themselves from Ditches and Marsh-grounds are thicke and muddy: since not being of the House of Yorke, Hee could not partake of the worth thereof; his actions shewing Hee discended from some low and stinking originall. That therefore they were to praise God, who dry∣ing up the Puddle, had given them a Spring, which, issuing from its undefiled Fountaine, would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House, but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards. That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion; since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was there∣in concerned, as well Mother to the Protectour (whom hee feared to offend) as to King Edward: but necessity had en∣forced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done. He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls▪ Crosse; whose integrity was not to be contradicted, hee being a Messenger of the Word of God, so wise, intelligent, and indowed with so much worth, as it would not suffer him to say any thing (especi∣ally upon such an occasion and in such a place) which was not certaine truth: that great was the efficacy of truth, which had opened his Mouth, formerly shut up by the way of cir∣cumspection: that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne; since Edwards Children being illegitimate, as the issue of an unlaw∣full Marriage, the Kingdome fell to him: the which being maturely considered, and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince; the Nobility and Commons, especially them of the Northerne parts, being resolved not to be governed by Bastards, they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the

Kingdome, which by Nature, and by the Lawes belonged unto Him. For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it, or no; for being free from all manner of Ambition, and suf∣ficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government, he was affraid he would refuse it. Howsoever the necessity of the King∣dome being great, King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes, but very Young, hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture, (Woe be to the Kingdome, whose King is a Child) would move him to condescend to the generall suppli∣cation of the State; which needing a Prince of mature age, who might be Wise, and of Experience, would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired: That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition, but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein, hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good, and their owne particular ad∣vantage, they would be the first that might doe it; and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done.

His Speech being ended, and expecting when the people, ap∣plauding his discourse, should cry up Richard King, he was amazed to finde the contrary: he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it; so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence? who not knowing what to say, answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood: whereupon, believing that that might be the cause of their silence, and that his eloquence might yet pre∣vaile with them, he in a lowder tone and in other words repea∣ted all he had said before; whereat all that heard him marvel∣led; for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it, and gotten it without Booke. But for all this the people al∣tered not their silence. He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said: wherein he desi∣red to be excused, as being but lately entered upon the Office, and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the peo∣ple: but the truth was, he did not like the businesse, thinking it to be unjust. Yet notwithstanding, the Major urging him, and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood, he unwillingly obeyed; interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis (He saies) to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it. But the people still more deafe then formerly, the Duke said unto the Major; He never met with so obstinate a silence; and preparing to speake a third time, he said, He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse, wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite: for the Nobility and Commons of the other Pro∣vinces would doe it without them; but that he bearing a parti∣cular affection to that Noble City, did not desire it should be

done without them, but rather would have them have the first part therein. Hee desired them to say, whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome, they would name the most Noble Prince Richard, Duke of Gloucester, at the present Protectour of the Kingdome, for their King. To the which, though no man answered, yet was not the silence so great as before: for one whispering in anothers eare, a noise was heard, much like the noise of a Hive of Bees: but in the lower end of the Hall, where were many servants, and shop-boyes, who in the crowde were gotten in, they began to cry aloud (the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders) Long live King Richard: throwing their Hats up: but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be, continued their former silence. The Duke wisely making use of this disorder, and being seconded by the Major, said: Hee was much overjoyed to heare, that with so much confor∣mity, and without one Negative voice, they had desired this Noble Prince for their King; hee would acquaint him with it, so as it should redound to their advantage. He wished them to be ready; for the next morning he would present him with their supplication; to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome, so much desired by Them, and by the Kingdome. Which being said, he went away, few or none appearing well pleased. The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen, and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church, from whence they went to Baynards Castle, the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts, where the Protectour now lay, and where accor∣ding to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham, accom∣panied with a great number of Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen, who sent word to the Protectour, that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a bu∣sinesse of great importance. The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires, and give them admittance (as if the businesse had been New unto him) feyning as though their un∣expected comming, the cause not knowne why, had made him somewhat jealous. Buckingham by this His refusall strongly ar∣gued the Protectours integrity, as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was. Hee sent him word againe, that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe; securing him in so humble and submissive a way, as was sufficient to have wrought beliefe in one who had really doubted. He at the last appeared, having two Bishops by his sides, in a bay-win∣dow, which lookes out upon the Hall. The Duke of Bucking∣ham, making a low reverence, begg'd two things of him: the one, that he would suffer them to make an humble supplication to him: the other, that he would pardon them, in case it should not prove acceptable to him; for though it aimed at nothing but his Honour, and the good of the Kingdome, yet hee was afraid his Modesty (hee being a Prince endued with so much worth)

might take it in a contrary sence to their intention. The Prote∣ctour answered: He was so confident of their integrity, as Hee hoped they would say nothing that might displease Him; Hee therefore granted the Leave and pardon they demanded. Buc∣kingham, after having made a long digression of the Kingdomes grievances, which were not to be cured but by a Prince of his vertue and endowments, said: That they were expressely come humbly to desire him, that the unlawfull birth of his brother King Edwards children considered (not daring to touch upon the birth of Edwards selfe) he would vouchsafe (for his owne innate Goodnesse, for the Zeale he had ever borne to the Weale of the People, and for the Compassion, which upon this present occa∣sion, more then upon any other whatsoever, was to shine forth in him) together with the Government of the Kingdome, to accept of the Crowne, to the glory of God, and Countries safety: being he might rest assured, that never did any Prince reigne whose people did thinke themselves so happy, as would His people thinke themselves most happy under Him. The Protectour, as if offended at this request, with angry looke, answered: That though much of what hee had said was true, yet the love hee bare to his brother King Edward, his affe∣ction to his Children, and his regard unto his owne Honour, would not permit him to accept of such a burden: for it was to be believed, that should hee depose his Nephewes, and make himselfe King, the ignorant and malignant would ac∣cuse him to all the Princes of the World, as if hee had done it not out of the right pretence hee had thereunto, or being enforced to it by the Peoples importunacy, and necessity of the Kingdome (which, to say truth, could not be in worse con∣dition then it was) but through his owne Ambition: Yet know∣ing their good intentions, hee did not onely pardon them, but returned them thankes, since hee conceived it proceeded from the love they bare him; the which hee desired might be tur∣ned to the King, under whose government they now lived, whom he with his person and best advice would serve; ho∣ping to put the affaires of the Kingdome into so good order, as they should not have any thing to wish for: as (he praised God) he had given some testimony since his being Protectour; notwithstanding the malignity of some, which had rather been supprest by Divine Providence, then by Humane Wisdome. This answer being given, the Duke of Buckingham stept aside, as if to consult with the Noble-men, the Lord Major, and the Recorder of the City: the which being done, he desired par∣don againe; and having obtained it, he said with a Loud voice, as if he were somewhat moved or heated: That the Kingdome was absolutely resolved not to permit Edwards Children to reigne; not so much for that they had proceeded so farre in their requests they were not to hope for Pardon, as for that the Publique good required it: That therefore hee beseeched

him to accept of the Crowne, which if he would not doe, they should be enforced to offer it to one that would not refuse it. The Protectour seemed to be affraid of these threats; hee see∣med sorrowfull, that they should have so ill a conceipt of his brothers issue: Hee confest hee could not governe or reigne without their good wills; therefore their resolution being such, and there being none to whom the Crowne did of right be∣long but to Him, being legitimately descended from the Duke of Yorke: and that to his Naturall and Lawfull Titles, there was added his now Election, the chiefest of all the rest; Hee yeilded to their intreaties and requests: by accepting the Crown, and taking upon him from this time forward the State and Regall preheminence of the two Kingdomes of England and France: the former whereof should be Commanded, Gover∣ned, and Defended by Him and his Heires: the other by Gods assistance and theirs Regained; that so it might be in perpetuity established under the obedience of England, whose greatnesse and reputation he so much coveted, as he desired God he might live no longer, then his life might be serviceable to this end. The which being said, they cried aloud King Richard, King Richard, the Artillery playing their part. The Lords went up to him where he was, to kisse his hand, whilst the People departing, spake as leudly of him as they might: being displeased at no∣thing more then at the counterfeit carriage of the businesse, which being plotted and resolved upon long before, there had not∣withstanding been so many stage-like actions used therein, as if it had never been thought of till then: and as if choice had been made of the Spectatours as of so many of the most senselesse and stupid people of the Land.

The End of the Seventh Booke.

THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Richard the Third.

KIngdomes which belong to others are not usurped without violent meanes; of all which Warre is the least blame∣able, though the most harmfull. A valiant usurper is like your High∣way robber who bids the traveller stand, and if he take away his purse does it with his Sword in hand. Ri∣chard tooke not this way in his usur∣ping the Crown: not that he wanted courage (for of the good qualities he was endued withall, Valour was the onely one which was not counterfeit) but because hee found none that did withstand him. Deceipt, fraud, cruelty, and trea∣chery were the meanes he used: one or two of which being suffi∣cient to other men, they did not all serve his turne; for he inven∣ted one beyond imitation or example; the defaming of his mo∣ther.

Had he who wrote the booke De Principe met with this sub∣ject, he would have quit Duke Ualentine, and taken this man for the patterne of his tyrant. Not that the difference between them was great, but for that that was, was in the most essentiall points. Valentines vices, if they were not more execrable, yet were they more dishonest. Richards were more execrable, but more secure. And though both were bad beyond belief, yet Richard by the death of a few infused terrour into the rest, and made himselfe a King; where Valentine by the death of very many could keepe his owne Principality. And if it be said, that Richard weakned the King∣dome and its forces by taking off the heads of such as might have made themselves heads of the people, and so have withstood him; that being of the Blood-royall, he had many that sided with him: whereas Valentine on the contrary, had Provinces, Princes, and Republiques for his enemies: the wary wickednesse of the one will be the more remarkable, who knew his advantage; and the unwary rashnesse of the other, who assisted onely by Ecclesiasti∣call forces, terminable with the Popes death, undertooke what was not to be effected, or at least not long to be made good.

The ambition of getting the Kingdome began in Richard during his brothers life: and having formerly plotted the whole affaire, he laid the first ground-worke thereof by the death of Henry the sixth, and the Duke of Clarence; and in processe of time, he fini∣shed the Fabrick by putting those to death who were likely to op∣pose him: and by terrifying the rest, he made his election, which was made by the baser sort of people, be as available as if it had been legally resolved upon by the whole Kingdome: and which is further observable, he pretended not to accept of it, till intreated and enforced. Arguments of a head-piece, which had it been im∣ployed in good enterprises, instead of proving the most lewd might have been the wisest then to be found. For all things else, there was no evill which he committed not: He betrayed his Nephews, and then slue them: he cheated his brothers wife; and together with her, those whom he made use of as instruments to remove the little Duke of Yorke from the Sanctuary: in the height of cruelty and irreligion, he counterfeited the perfection of piety, and tendernesse of blood: All his actions were larded with fraud and lyes: the Queen and her brother were by him perswaded to lay downe their armes; the later whereof he imprisoned and be∣headed: in like manner he incensed and slue the Chamberlaine: He sacrilegiously divulged his mother to be an Adultresse in a place appropriated for preaching the Word of God; declared his ne∣phews to be Bastards, counterfeited the good he had not, conceal'd the evill he had; was like to none but to himselfe. Encomiums worthy of such qualities; (and qualities unworthy of that Crowne, which consisting of Honour, was whilst he wore it dishonoured by his wickednesse. He omitted not any shew of sorrow at his brothers death: he solemnised his Funerals at Yorke, with the rites of mourning. But whilst aiming at usurpation, he seemed to

be fond of his nephews, whom he intended to betray, he minded not divine admonitions, which manifesting themselves by sundry waies, are wont by way of observation to advertise us of dangers, to the end that reforming our selves we may change our lives and thoughts from bad to good: for Christian vertues are able to frustrate that which the Ancients called Fate, by withdrawing us from vice and procuring the divine Providence to protect us. The observations here meant are, that all the (Kings) Richards, and all the Dukes of Gloucester came to violent ends: an observation redoubled in him, being by name, Richard; and by title, Duke of Gloucester. Such like observations, though they be not superstiti∣ously to be believed, yet are they not slightly to be despised. But the proud man considers no other interest, no not the concernment of his life, so his ambition may be satisfied: upon which his spirits were wholy bent; and upon the arriving whereunto he out did himselfe. He made his vices vertues. He became courteous libe∣rall, and affable, especially to Lawyers: he studied nothing but justice, observance of the Lawes, and the peoples indempnity: by which arts he prevailed so farre, as the Crown, which was tu∣multuously conferred upon him, was legally offered him by the Parliament; which with base flattery intreated him to accept of it, out of these reasons.

That the Kingdome of England had been very happy under the government of wise Kings, assisted by understanding Counsellors: but when their successors began to governe themselves according to their owne fancies, she fell into all manner of misery: The chiefest of which, and from which all the mischiefes of the present time did derive, was Ed∣ward the fourths unfortunate praetended marriage with Eliza∣beth widow to Sir Iohn Gray (who did still assume to her selfe the title of Queen) which had perverted all the orders not onely of God and the Church, but of nature and the Kingdome: there being now no more propriety, nor any condition which was not subject to feares; since the Lawes either abandoned or abused were rendered uselesse and of no protection. Hence proceeded faults of all sorts; murthers, extortions, and such oppressions as men had no security neither of their lives nor fortunes; much lesse of their wives or daughters: all women were subject to violence; nor was any one though she should refuse, safe in her Honour. To this might be added the blood of so many of the Nobility, of hundred thousands of the Communalty, shed in the late warres, to the universall prejudice of all men, and to the greatest sufferance of the most innocent. That the forenamed pretended marriage was Clandestine, made without the know∣ledge or consent of the Nobility: the Devill was the authour thereof, witchcraft the meanes, Elizabeth the chiefe agent, and her mother, the Dutchesse of Bedford, her coadjutrix: that so it was believed; and when time and place should serve it would be proved. But that which chiefly aggravated this businesse, was, That King Edward was long before married to another Lady,

when he tooke her to his wife; so as in living with her, contrary to the Lawes of God, and of the Church, in continuall adultery, his sonnes by her were bastards, and, as such, incapable of succes∣sion. That by this so heinous sinne, and to the prejudice of the true heire, hee had provoked Gods anger, who had therefore forsaken him, and brought the Kingdome into all those miseries. For these and other reasons they were inforced to elect a King, who by nature, and by the Law was undoubted heire unto the Crown. And because the Duke of Clarence convict of high trea∣son in the seventeenth yeere of the reigne of his brother Edward, had by his Attainder rendred his issue incapable of succession▪ therefore the Protector, being the onely undoubted sonne and heire of Richard Duke of Yorke, He and no other was undoubted successour; not reckoning in his vertues which were such as of themselves made him worthy of the Crowne: he being so rich∣ly indowed, especially with justice, wisedome, and valour, wit∣nessed in so many actions and battels, wherein he had personally beene, shewing his naturall inclination to the common good. Whereupon having no other respect but the peace and tran∣quillity of the Kingdome, his prosperity and ancient reputation, they had chosen him their King and Soveraigne Lord. Intrea∣ting him to accept the charge; as well by Title of Inheritance, as of Election: they promising for their parts that they would be his good and faithfull Subjects▪ ready upon this and any good occasion to live and die with him: for the oppressions and ex∣tortions they had suffered, contrary to the Lawes of God and the Kingdome, had made them resolve to runne what ever dan∣ger, rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done. They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings, to inspire him with his light, and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity, those praise-worthy parts, by meanes whereof he deserved to be King, though he were not. And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament (he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them) yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one, and assuming the other; for this cause, and to remove all doubts that might arise, the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons assem∣bled in Parliament, had in full Parliament pronounced, decreed, and declared, that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord, was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England, and of all that within or without belonged thereunto; and after him his heires: That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant; and after him those who should discend from him.

This decree being registred among the Acts of Par∣liament and approved of by King Richard, with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof, made it be understood, that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will; when they are either loved for their vertues, or feared for their force. For what concernes love, there is no proof in this present case; but

of feare, sufficient, feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse. Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction; the lawfull King being a Child, and prisoner; the Tyrant a man of braines, wel∣spoken, and of reputation in armes, not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it: all men doubting themselves: since their forces being cut off, and those put to death which might have re-united them, they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard; who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King, by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary, by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards, and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore, to boote with the death of so many Peeres. This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament, and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon, and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the City-Hall. Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances, hee went into Westminster-hall, sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit, and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne: the which hee exprest in a formall Oration, and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him, would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King: and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty, hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary, and whom he had alwayes mortally hated, to be brought before him; hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people, and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him: by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort; but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish. In his returne to his Palace, Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not, thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes, and to establish his government. Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune; He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces; causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome, in whom hee trusted, aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke, as likewise that living in re∣mote parts, they were not acquainted with his actions, as were the Londoners; who having him alwayes in their eye, abhor∣red Him. These Northern men appeared ill clad, and worse arm'd, which made them be but laught at: for twas thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them, they would not serve His turne; and that twas neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection. The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation, all things thereunto belonging being ready, as prepared for His Nephews Coronation. Hee

went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower; where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolke; Thomas Howard, Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey: Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham; and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine: and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath. The Archbishop of Yorke, the Lord Stanley, and the Bishop of Ely had beene pri∣soners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head; Hee set the first at liberty, finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome, otherwise Hee would not have done it; for be∣ing an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King: Hee freed the second out of feare; for His Sonne, the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire (a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed) it behooved him to appease Him: but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty, who was a faithfull ser∣vant to King Edward; for Hee was certaine Hee would never con∣descend to his Childrens deprivation, nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome: whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower, whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot. The Bishop was of no great birth; but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford, hee was taken from thence, being but bare Doctor, by Henry the sixt, and made a Privy-Counsellour: Edward, knowing his in∣tegrity, kept him still in that condition, and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors. Richard therefore, fearing Him, would have kept Him still in Prison, though Hee set the others at liberty; had not the Vniversity of Oxford (which Hee did al∣wayes very much favour) interceded for Him: so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity, Hee was content to take him from the Tower, as being too publick a place: but that Hee might not have His free liberty, Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire; where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine.

Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly: his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of War∣wicke, who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings, and Widow to Edward, Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales: to whom she was give in marriage, when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in France. So as being destin'd to be a Queene, it was her ill fortune to be one by his meanes who had slaine her former husband, and married her only for that shee, together with her Sister, Wife to the Duke of Clarence, were great Heires.

I will not treate of this Coronation; it tends not to our purpose. The solemnity being ended, hee dismist all the Lords that they might returne to their own homes: recommending to such as were in Office, the due Administration of Justice without extortion or injury, the execution of the Laws, and Libertie of the Sub∣jects

as not willing to have any thing ill done but by himselfe He dismist not the Lord Stanley, till such time as his Sonne Strange had disbanded the forces hee had raised. Hee also dismis•…•… the five thousand which he had caused to come for his Guard from the North having spoken them faire and rewarded them: where∣upon they went away so well pleas'd, as becomming thereupon insolent, they forced him to go in person into those parts, to ap∣pease the tumults they had there raised, the which could not be done but by the death of many of them. He forthwith sent to Lewis the Eleventh, King of France, touching the continuance of the League made with his brother Edward: but his Embassadour arriving after his Nephews death, Lewis would not afford him audience, esteeming his friendship unworthy of any humane cor∣respondency.

In what concerned their death, he demeaned himselfe in this sort. He first withdrew himselfe to Gloucester, the place of his Patrimony and Title, his conscience not permitting him to be in the place where his cruelty was to surpasse the cruelty of all other tyrants. He might have kept them prisoners without any man∣ner of danger, since they had no friends: and so he might not have arrived to the height of hatred he did after their death. But he, not esteeming himselfe King, whilst they were alive, sent his trusty servant Iohn Greene with Letter to Sir Robert Braken∣bury, Constable of the Tower, wherein he commanded the to put them to death; who, abhorring the act returned answer: He would rather die himselfe then obey him therein. Richard here∣by perceived he was not arrived at that power he thought he had beene; since any one durst disobey him in any how unjust soever a Command: so as not able to quiet himselfe, nor to take any rest in his bed, his page who usually lay in his Chamber, desired His Majesty he would be pleased to acquaint him with the rea∣son of his disquiet. To whom he replyed, he was miserable, not having any one on whom to trust: that he was repay'd with in∣gratitude, and his service denied by those, who having beene be∣friended by him, should thinke themselves happy when blest with an occasion of doing him service. The page not knowing the cause of his complaint, but well acquainted with his nature, thought the command must be horrid which any one durst dis∣obey: and calling a Gentleman to minde who lay on a pallet bed in the Ante-chamber, hee named him to Richard; and told him, there was not that thing of danger nor difficulty which he would not undertake. His name was Iames Tirrell: He might have past for a well-conditioned man, had hee not beene corrupted by dishonest ambition; he had left nor did leave no stone unturn'd whereby to get preferment in Court, which was his element: but was discontented being held back by Richard Ratcliffe and William Catesby, who govern'd the King, and werenot desirous of a third companion, that surpassing them in audacity, might surpasse them in fortune and put them from the favour they possessed.

This Page was a friend of his, and knew his discontents; so as thinking to do him a good turne (whilest he could not have done a worse) he propounded him to King Richard: who knowing his quality, rose out of his bed to make tryall of him; and throwing a night-Gowne about him, hee went where Tirrell lay, and Thomas Tirrell, his brother by Bloud, but not in conditions. Hee awaked him; and acquainted him with what hee desired craving his aide therein. Iames was not at all amazed, but under∣tooke the businesse; and was the next day dispatcht with Let∣ters to Brakenbury, wherein hee was commanded to deliver up the Keyes of the Tower for one night to this Tirrell, to the end he might do what he had in command. The Constable obeyed and delivered the Keyes. The two innocent children had beene more strictly kept after their unckle had quitted the title of Pro∣tector, and assumed that of the King: they were not only de∣barred visits, but had their servants taken from them; and had each of them two assigned to waite on them whom they knew not: and that rather in place of Guardians then servants. The Prince knew what was done to his prejudice: hee knew hee was no lon∣ger King: that his Unckle was crowned. Nature pointed forth unto him his danger; the apprehension and feare whereof was augmented by his tender age, subject to weakenesse: hee thought no longer of the losse of his Kingdome, neither did hee much value it; he though only on his Life: which being by the instinct of nature desired, and to be hoped for, (though as a pri∣soner) it might, in all reason, have beene granted him. He sigh∣ing said to him that brought him the first tidings that his Unkle had bereft him of his Crowne, He did not greatly care; so as to∣gether with it he would not take his Life away. After this time hee never put off his cloathes, nor ever went out of his Cham∣ber; but being together with his brother full of sad thoughts he kept his Chamber till the comming of this miserable night. Of the foure that waited upon them, Tirrell chose Miles Forest, a man from his youth brought up in bloud; to whom hee gave for his companion Iohn Dighton, the groome of his stable, a lusty strong rascall. He made them goe at mid-night into the Chamber where they slept, and where wrapt up in their Bed-clothes, they stopt their mouthes with the Bolster and Pillowes, and so stifled them. The businesse was soone dispatcht. Tirrell forthwith buried them under a great heape of Rubbish at the staire-foot in a deepe hole: which being done he hasted to horse, to acquaint the King with what had past; who together with other favours did at the instant Knight him (as some relate) being well pleased with all that had beene done, save their Bu∣riall. He had no scruple of minde to usurpe their Crowne, they being the true Heires; nor to murther them, being innocent: but He was troubled that being the Sonnes of a King and of His bloud, they should be buried in so contemptible a place: where∣upon the Chaplaine of the Tower tooke them from thence, and

buried them elsewhere; but hee dying soone after himselfe, 'twas never knowne where he layd them. Some will have it that hee put their bodies in a Coffin of Lead, and sunke it in the Thames mouth. 'Tis certaine that Tirrell being imprisoned in the Tower for treason in Henry the Sevenths time, confest what had beene sayd, after the same manner 'tis here, not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them. He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this: as did likewise the rest. God doth not al∣wayes punish all faults in an instant; but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends: for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes, if they escape one punishment, they fall up∣on another; and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former. As long as Richard lived after this, He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies; and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him, He after this so execrable act, injoy'd not one houre of quiet: his countenance was changed, his eyes were troubled and ghastly, Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes; and had almost continually, His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike, as if Hee had then beene strucken: He spent whole nights in watching; and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest, He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames, which would force him to quit His bed, and so walke up and downe His cham∣ber full of prodigious feares. The other two though they escap∣ed humane Justice, yet were they met with all by Justice from above: for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted, and then cut off: if Deighton fared not altogether so ill, yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death; for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him, that in his time he was alive in Callis, but so universally hated and detested by all men, that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes: Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery. The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall, were occasioned by the bad intel∣ligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buck∣ingham. What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture; yet such as is not likely to erre: They were both naturally proud; therefore prone to breake; and though Buck∣ingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His, he did it not in respect of his alike Genius, but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in, under the authority of the Queene and her kinred; to shun this Rock, he gave against the Other: which though it were the more dangerous, yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great, then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse. It is said that Edward being dead, he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was; who being privately admitted by night, made offer unto him of his Masters service in this

change of King; and that if neede should be, his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men: that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham: and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse; where a close friend∣ship being contracted betweene them, things followed as hath been said, even to the Usurpation of the Crowne: after which they cooled in their affections, to the amazement of those who observed their friendship: for they came to the point of not Trusting one another; and 'twas thought moreover, that in the last journey to Glocester, Buckingham ran hazard of his life. The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands, for that reput∣ing himselfe to be his Heire, he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him, neither in Justice nor yet in Recom∣pence of his service. But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late de∣pos'd Henry, and from Him upon the Crowne, they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension; which still con∣tinuing in the Duke, Richard feared least his thoughts might ex∣ceed the condition of a Subject: insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them, he received so sharpe, so threatning, and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it, he fained himselfe sick, that so he might not be at the Coronation; and Richard sent him word that if he would not come, he would make him be brought thither: whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts. Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this, not having as Then any being: that the King standing in need of him, would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner; and that the Duke, very well acquainted with his Nature, would not have hazarded his Life, being assured that upon any whatsoever occa∣sion, he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall. Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true, in respect of his proud behaviour; as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation, he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it: and that Rich∣ard though he knew him to be distracted, treated him civilly, and presented him at his departure to Glocester; but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock, and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely.

This Bishop was a learned man, and of a good life; a con∣stant part-taker with Henry the sixt, neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment. He fled with the Queen and Prince into France, and returned with them into England. But their affaires succeeding ill, and Edward being established in the Kingdome, He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master, he thought he would be

the like to Him; so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament, he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children: which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable, he put him in the Tower, and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, with whom discoursing of Richards iniqui∣ties, he gave the rise to his Ruine: for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter. But having retired him∣selfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires, he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King: by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury, and Chancellour of England; and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall: in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived.

This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard. He hoped to worke some good effect thereout; not by propounding any thing, but by seconding his opinions: in which he govern'd himselfe so well, as the more averse he shewed himselfe to what indeed he did desire, the more provoked he an eagernesse in the Duke to discover what he sought to hide:

so as exagerating Englands happinesse falne into the government of so wise a Prince, whilst under the government of a Child, gui∣ded by persons interessed, and hated, it must have been ruina∣ted; The Bishop answered, He must confesse the truth; (being sure that by doing otherwise he should not be believed) that if things lately passed had been to be decided by Votes, he should have voted that after Henry the sixths death, the Crowne should have gone to his sonne Prince Edward, and not to King Edward: but that both of them being dead, it had been great folly in him not to comply with the new King, since the dead doe not re∣vive: That hee had behaved himselfe to Edward in all things as a faithfull Subject and Servant ought to doe to his King and Master: That he would have done the like to his Children, had they succeeded Him in His Kingdome: but God having other∣wise dispos'd of them, his pretences were not to raise up that which God would keepe downe: And for what concern'd the now King, formerly Protector—

;Here he held his peace, as if he had unadvisedly falne upon that discourse; but after a whiles silence he pursued to say,

That hee had already too much trou∣bled himselfe with Worldly affaires; 'twas now time to retire himselfe, and consider nothing but his Bookes, and his owne quiet.

The silence that unexpectedly interrupted the discourse which the Duke desired to have heard finished, made his desire thereof the greater; so as thinking he had held his peace, as not being confident of him, he desired him to speake his minde Bold∣ly, assuring him he should be so farre from receiving Dammage thereby, as that it might redound more to his Advantage then hee imagined: That he had begg'd his Guardianship of the King for no other end, but that he might better himselfe by his wise Coun∣sels;

and that if He had been in any other mans custody, He could not have met with one that would have set such a value upon his worth, as did he. The Bishop thanked him, replying, That it

was not his desire to speake of Princes since they made the world to be not what it was, but what it seem'd best to them. Then when the Lyon banisht all Horn'd-beasts out of the Woods, one that had a little Wen in his forehead fled away with the rest; and being demanded by the Foxe, why he fled? he answered, because of the proclamed banishment. Yea but thou hast no Hornes (said the Fox.) Tis true, I have none, (said the other animal;) but if the Lyon should say this Wenne were a Horne, who durst say the contrary? In what case should I be? The Duke was well pleased with a Fable, yet could hee not perswade him there was no Lyon should doe him any harme. The Bishop said: It was not his intention to dispute the Pro∣tectours title, who was now King: but since their treaty con∣cerned the Common-wealth, whereof he was a member, he wisht it an addition of perfections to the many it already was endow'd withall; and amongst these, some of those with which God had adorned Him (the Duke.)

This being said, hee held his peace, much to the others displeasure; who was grieved, that whilst the Bishops discourse promised Much, hee had said just Nothing: whilst the comparison betweene the King and Him re∣quired not so darke but more intelligible explication. He told him, these many clouds of Diffidence injured their friendly com∣munication, assuring him, that whatsoever he should say, since it proceeded from a personage he so much honour'd, it should be as if it had not been said at all. Upon these words the Bishop re∣solved freely to unbosome himselfe; encouraged by the Dukes vanity, who loved to heare himselfe praised, and by the Hatred he had now discovered he bore unto the King. Whereupon he said,

He had read, that man was not borne for Himselfe alone, for his Friends or Parents, but Chiefly for his Countrey; that this consideration had moved him to take into his thoughts the present condition of this Kingdome, his native soyle; the which, (in comparison of former times) 'twas a wonder if it were not utterly ruin'd. That there had been Kings under whose go∣vernment it had happily flourished, the love betweene them and their Subjects being reciprocall; their interests being the same: At home Peace, Justice and Security; Abroad Victory, Honour, and Trophees: But now the world was much altered; there was but onely one hope left, which was in Him (the Duke) for considering his Publique Zeale, his Learning, his Wisdome, Wit, and so many other endowments, the Kingdome in the midst of so great misery could have recourse to none but Him: and that it had no Haven wherein to save it selfe during this tempest in which it was agitated, but the safe Rode of His government, out of which it was certaine to suffer Shipwrack: That it could not be denied but that the Protector (who now

stiled himselfe King) was endowed with Vertues, which made him worthy of the Kingdome, did he not reigne: but that these his vertues were corrupted by so many Old and New vices, that they had lost both their Quality and Name; a wicked Prince converting Vertue into Vice, as Vipers and Toads doe Nourish∣ment into Poyson: That there was no example in the usurping a Crown comparable with his for Wickednesse: He had procured it without any pretence of Law: contrary to the lawes of Hu∣manity, making his way thereunto by the Death of so many Worthy and Innocent persons: contrary to the law of Nature, by calumniating his Mother; whom hee would have to be ho∣nest onely when shee conceived him: contrary to the Laws of the Church; by declaring his Nephews to be borne in Unlawfull Matrimony: contrary to them All together, by being their Exe∣cutioner; so as their Blood, crying to Heaven for Revenge, warn'd every man to beware of his life; for if to possesse Him∣selfe of a Kingdome, hee had not spared Their lives who were Neerest in Blood unto Him, he would muchlesse spare the lives of Others that were Nothing at all unto Him, so to usurpe what belonged to them. To shunne therefore the Rockes they were likely to runne upon, he humbly desired him, That as he loved God, his owne House, and his native Countrey, he would accept the Crowne; free it from the captivity whereinto it was falne; and if he would not doe this, he conjured him by the obligations he ought to God, that hee would doe his uttermost to change the Government; since upon whomsoever it should fall, it must needs redownd to the publique service: but if He would as∣sume it, God would be therewithall well pleased, He and his House secured, the Kingdome obliged; and all the World would thanke him.

When he had ceased speaking, the Duke stood a good while pensive with his eyes fixt: whereat the bishop was much astonished; insomuch as his colour changed. In such like matters men are not satisfied with silence, nor mentall replies, which argue perill and prejudice. But supper time broke off their discourse, which the Duke adjourned till the morrow morning: and percei∣ving the bishop to be much troubled, he intreated him not to be disquieted at this delay, assuring him hee would keepe promise with him: which did not notwithstanding satisfie the Bishop, who was as desirous to know the Dukes intention now, as the Duke was earnest to know his the day before. But he failed him not in what he had promised him: for having handsomely and metho∣dically gone over all that the other had said, he laid his Hat upon the Table, and calling devoutly upon God, he thanked him for

that they being amidst so many tempests and dangers, in a good, but ill-governed ship, he had been pleased to enlighten them, by affording them a meanes how to provide themselves of a Steers∣man, who being one that would give satisfaction, would bring safety and welfare to the Kingdome. Then taking up his Hat, and putting it on his head, he thanked the Bishop for the affe∣ction

he had ever found in him, especially at this time, in this their weighty and trusty communication: his fidelity and zeale unto his Country, together with so many other unfained cir∣cumstances, and voyd of selfe-interest, rendering him worthy to be esteemed the honest man that all men thought him: He was sorry his deserts had not met with a fortune worthy of him; but he assured him that if God should at any time blesse him with meanes to shew his gratitude, he would not faile there∣in, but give it the precedency of all other duties. That now he came to his answer, wherein he would conceale nothing, being so taught and obliged to doe by his example. He wish him then to know that the reason of his alienation from King Edwards children, was their fathers discountenancing of him upon all occasions, without any cause given; whilst they two having married two sisters, he might have expected to have been more friendly treated: he therefore thought himselfe free from all bands of humanity, since the King used none to him, having not onely excluded him from all Offices and Honours, but treated him after a manner not worthy of his quality. The first thing then that after his death came into his thoughts was the miserable condition of the Kingdome, under the government of a woman and of a child; not so much in respect of the ones sex and the others age, as that her brother the Earle Rivers, and the Marquesse Dorset her sonne were to exclude from all authority and preemi∣nence, not onely the Dukes and great men of the Kingdome, but even the brother to the deceased King. He thought it therefore requisite for him, as well for the publique, as his owne private good, to joyne with the Duke of Gloucester; whom hee then thought as free from all dissembling, injury, and cruelty, as hee now knew him to be most dissembling, injurious, and cruell man that ever was borne. Upon this false opinion, at the first Coun∣cell held in London hee was by his meanes created Protector of the King and Kingdome: and after having by fraudulent preten∣ces gotten the Duke of Yorke out of the Sanctuary, he had the boldnesse (not without sprinkling some threats) to demand the Crown of him and the other Lords that were then in Councell, till such time as the King being full foure and twenty yeeres old should be of age to governe it: but that meeting with some diffi∣culties, (the like thing not having been formerly heard of, and that it was unlikely any man would be found so moderate, as to lay downe the Crowne, become a Subject, and submit himselfe to Anothers government, after He had governed of Himselfe so long) hee presented them with certaine Writings authenticated by Doctors, Notaries and Witnesses, by which it appeared Edwards sonnes were Bastards: which was then believed to be as True, as it is Now knowne to be notoriously False; the false witnesses being by recompences and promises, drawne to so great a treachery. This writing being read, he said unto the Counsellors: My Lords! I am assured that being Wise and

Faithfull, you will not suffer my Nephew to receive any injury: but I am likewise confident that being Just, you wil see no wrong done to Me. That which you have heard is either true, or false; if you believe it not, cleare your selves in the point; and if you be∣lieve it, which of you will deny Mee to be the undoubted Heire to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke, declared by the Authority of Parliament to be heire unto the Crowne? since the Duke of Clarence's Sonne is by his Fathers Delinquency made incapable thereof; and his Father more then He, being reputed a Bastard, and upon good presumptions held for such a one in the house of Yorke. Not any one answering him, much lesse opposing him, he was (chiefly by the assistance of Him, the Duke of Buc∣kingham) of Protector, made King; hee having first received his plighted faith there, which afterwards was confirmed to him by giving of him his hand in Baynards-castle, that he would provide for the Lives of the two Princes in so good a manner, that He and All the world should be therewith satisfied. Now where is that Prince that after such a Service, would not of his owne free will have sought out some meanes how to have gra∣tified him, unlesse it were Richard, who being demanded a thing which was not His, and which was not in Justice to be de∣nied, denied it him out of meere ingratitude? The things hee required of him were; the Office of High-Constable of Eng∣land, which having been enjoyed by his Fore-fathers, it was a shame for Him to goe without it; and the Lands belonging to the Earle of Hereford, which had beene wrongfully detained from him by his brother, King Edward: the which hee did not sodainely deny unto him, but held him a while in Hope; till being constantly solicited therein, hee absolutely denied him, objecting that such a demand pretended to set on foote againe the pretences of the house of Lancaster, since Henry the fourth, who was heire thereunto, having wrongfully usurped the Crowne, and by his usurpation united them to the same, they were not againe to be taken from the Crowne, unlesse that to∣gether with them pretence were had unto the Kingdome: the which it should seem was by him intended: since that, being falne by the death of Henry the sixth upon him, (Buckingham) according to the Common-law (in what concernes private men, but not the State) he did againe revive the tacit pretence there∣unto. Of the which, in good faith, Hee never had the least thought. Whereupon suppressing within himselfe the base in∣justice of so ungratefull a man, hee had much a doe to keepe himselfe within the bounds of Patience; till he heard of the Death of the two dispossessed and innocent Princes: of the which he tooke God to witnesse He was so innocent, as it never entered into his imagination; and that when he heard of it, he was so heartily grieved, as it was impossible for him any more to looke upon the King, abhorring his sight, and being resolved never to returne to Court, till he had wrought Publique Re∣venge:

but that finding it hard to get from him, (for Tyrants have no more faithfull nor vigilant guardians then their owne Suspitions) he at last so farre prevailed, as dissembling the True cause, and finding excuses to make his journey seeme necessary, hee had got leave, Richard believing that hee went away very well satisfied, whilst in truth he was much discontented. That, wherewith he entertained his thoughts in this voyage, was to finde out a meanes how to depose Richard; but a Successour being to be found out, he could not light upon any one more lawfull then Himselfe: for having made a mentall scrutiny, and finding that his Grandfather Edmund Duke of Sommerset was Twice removed from Iohn Duke of Lancaster, the Founder of that house; and Henry the sixth, Thrice; it followed that His mother, daughter to Edmund, being removed as Henry the sixth, He (her heire) should, after Henry the sixth, be the undoubted Suc∣cessour; the line of Sommerset descending from the said Iohn Duke of Lancaster in like sort, the other having onely prece∣dency by Birth-right in Henry the fourth, the fifth, and sixth: so as feeding himselfe with this imagination, assisted by Vanity and Ambition, he though he might have grounded Richards ruin upon the foundation of his Owne pretence not finding any opposition therein. But meeting with the Countesse of Rich∣mond (wife to the now Lord Stanley) betweene Worcester and Bridgnorth, his ill-grounded Fabrick was soon overthrowne. For calling to mind that shee was the onely daughter and Heire to Iohn Duke of Sommerset, elder brother to his Grandfather Ed∣mund, it followed that Her sonne the Earle of Richmond, was the true heire and pretender, which he had formerly thought Him∣selfe to be. And that believing himselfe to be so, he had pro∣ceeded even to the point of weighing the Dangers, and amu∣sing himselfe about what meanes he were best to make use of: whether of his naturall Right, or of Election: and though the Lawes both of the Kingdome and of Nature appeared sufficient to him, for what concerned his Naturall Right; yet the Succes∣sion having been Interrupted, and the house of Yorke in pos∣session, he had thought it requisite for him to have the Votes of the Lords and Commons, for that the generall lawfull Election would corroborate his particular Right, and exclude the Ty∣rant. Touching Dangers; he found they would be great in a litigious Kingdome, in which let the title be never so apparent, some will not be wanting who will oppose it; particularly upon the present occasion; the house of Yorke reigning, Edwards daughters being well Beloved, and by reason of their Unkles evill intreatment, Pittied by all men: so as though they might have a great desire to free themselves of a perverse King, yet was it not such as to make them favour Another to their pre∣judice who were held the true Heires. But the seeing of the Countesse having made him aware of the Injustice of his pre∣tences, and that if he should continue Obstinate therein, dan∣gers

were likely to increase, if Edwards daughters joyning with the Earle of Richmond, He were by their partakers to be set upon on both sides, hee had changed his mind. Not that the Countesse had spoken to him of it, who had no such Thought, but that he had observed Here a Neerer Propinquity. The dis∣course she held with him was; To conjure him by the Neere∣nesse of his Blood, and by the memory of Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, his Grandfather, and sworne brother to Iohn Duke of Sommerset her father, that he would entreat the King to re∣assume her sonne the Earle of Richmond into his favour, and suffer him to returne to England: and that for her part, shee would oblige her selfe to make him marry which of Edwards daughters the King would please, without Portion or any o∣ther thing, save onely his re-patriation. The which hee pro∣mised to doe; whereupon they parted: she with New Hopes, and he with New Thoughts. For, calling to mind the Earles claime, with the same apprehensions which were by Him (the Bishop) propounded the night before; he fell upon a resolu∣tion to assist him with all Might and Meanes, as true Heire of the house of Lancaster, in the defence whereof his Father and Grandfather had beene slaine; upon this condition notwith∣standing, that hee should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward: for that this marriage joyning together the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke, in the two persons who could onely pretend unto the Crowne, the Kingdome would be established, and all occasion of Warre or Civill Dissension would be taken away for the time to come. The which mar∣riage, if the Mother and the Sonne of the House of Lancaster would accept of, on the one side; and the Mother and Daugh∣ter of the House of Yorke on the other; none would be to be feared but the Boare that wounded all men with his Tuskes, and who would doubtlesly be soone destroyed; since all men were to joyne in a worke, from whence were to issue both Pub∣lique and Private ease and quiet.

It cannot be conceived how overjoy'd the Bishop was to heare this his Conclusion, being the same he desired: so as praising the Dukes Goodnesse and Wisdome, and now longing to see the businesse on foot, he asked him with which of the two he inten∣ded to treat first? who answered, with the Countesse of Rich∣mond; for that it was necessary first to know the Earle her Sonnes mind. Which the Bishop approving of, he offered to bring unto him Reynold Bray, a Houshold-servant to the Countesse, a wise discreet man, and who being verst in the negotiation of great businesses, would be fittest to be imployed in this. The which the Duke approving of, hee wrote unto him, and sent the Letter by an Expresse, wherein he desired him to come to Brecknock, for a businesse which concerned the Countesse his Mistresse. He forthwith obeyed who 'twas sent for him. The instructions he received were, that considering the Kingdome could not be

brought to quiet but by advancing the Earle of Richmond to the Crown, by meanes of uniting the two houses of Lancaster and York by marriage; that the Countesse of Richmond should treat thereof with Queen Elizabeth, and having obtained Her good will, and Her eldest Daughters, shee should send into Brittany to treat thereof with her Sonne: who if He woud promise to marry Her after He should have obtained the Crowne, they engaged them∣selves, by joyning the Forces of the Factions, to make him King. Bray being dispatched away with this Embassie, the Bishop took leave likewise of the Duke: the Duke was loth to part with him, needing his Advice; but he resolved howsoever to be gone: and whilst the Duke fed him with hopes, under pretence of raising men who might secure him in his journey, he stole away disgui∣sed; and getting luckily to Ely, he provided himselfe of moneys and past over into Flanders: where being Absent, but in a safe place, he furthered the businesse more then he could have done, had he, not without danger, stay'd in England. Yet did his depar∣ture prove unfortunate to the Duke: for, wanting His advice, and some too early notice being gotten of the Designe, it proved his finall ruine.

Bray acquainted his Lady with the businesse, who approved of it, encouraged thereunto by the great quality and condition they were of who were the promoters of it: but the Queen be∣ing in Sanctuary, and it not befitting the Countesse to goe to her in person, she sent to her her Physitian Lewis, who being a lear∣ned man, by birth a Welchman, and one of the greatest esteeme of as many as were of his profession, was fitter to be imploy'd in this businesse then any one of another condition; for the Queen stood in need of such men, being continually troubled with new indispositions of health, caused either for want of bodily exer∣cise, or by the superaboundant exercise of her mind; so as wil∣ling him to visit her as of Himselfe, she wished him to acquaint her with the businesse; not as it was Digested and Concluded, but as a conceit of his Owne, not hard to be effected if She would approve of it. The Physician consented; and going to London upon some Other pretence, he went to visit her, being well known unto her: and having occasion to speake of her Afflictions, he

desired leave to acquaint her with a Thought which since it pro∣ceeded from a good Heart, he hoped that though it might appeare to Her to be Vaine, and not Feasible, yet she would not be the worse for knowing it. The Queene permitting him to say his pleasure, he told her; That since the Death of King Edward of glorious memory, and of the two innocent Children her Sonnes, and since the Usurpation made of the Kingdome by Richard, the most detestable of as many Tyrants as ever had been heard of, he could never be at quiet within himselfe till he had found out a meanes whereby to put the Kingdome in Quiet, the just Heires in their Possession, and to bring the unjust Usurper to ruine. But that having considered many, he

bethought himselfe, that so much blood having been spent be∣tweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke, the best way was to unite them both by Marriage; giving the Lady Eliza∣beth heire to the house of Yorke, for wife to the Earle of Rich∣mond heire to the house of Lancaster. A match wherewith all the Kingdome was to be satisfied, for that Peace being thereby likely to ensue, the two Houses were to be accorded, to the Destruction of the Tyrant, and the restoring of Her selfe, Fa∣mily, and Children, to their former greatnesse.

If things natu∣rally good of themselves are apt to content such as are endued with Reason, and especially those who are thereby to receive Ease and Comfort, great reason had the Queene to be herewith∣all pleased; who being laden with so many miseries, saw in this her desperate condition, an evident meanes of restoring her Selfe and Family. She thanked God, acknowledging that if there re∣mained any hopes of consolation to her, there was none in hu∣mane appearance, more likely then this. After she had thank∣fully acknowledged her Obligation to the Physitian for his so wise and discreet advise, she prayed him that since he had beene the first inventor, he would likewise put it in execution: that she knew of what esteeme he was with the Countesse of Richmond; to whom she bad him say in Her behalfe, That if the Earle her Sonne would binde himselfe by Oath to marry Elizabeth her El∣dest Daughter; and in case she should Die, her Second daughter; she promised to assist him, by all friends and adhaerents, in get∣ting the Crowne. The Physician having told the Countesse thus much, she presently went to worke. Reynald Bray dealt with such as he knew faithfull, and fit for a businesse of such impor∣tance; whilst the Queen negotiated with all those who hated the King, and wisht for nothing more then an opportunity of doing her service. Those imployed by the Countesse, besides Bray and the Physitian, were Sir Giles Aubeny, Sir Iohn Cheinie, Sir Richard Gilford, Thomas Ramney, and Hugh Conway. The Physi∣tian had preferred one Christopher Urswick to be her Chaplaine; a wise man, and who having served on the behalfe of Henry the sixth as long as he lived, might safely be relied upon, as well for his Fidelity as for his Wisdome. She had purposed to have sent him into Brittanny to her sonne; but being the Duke of Bucking∣ham was the promoter of the businesse, she thought it was fitter to imploy some one of a better quality: she therefore sent unto him Hugh Conway, who with a good summe of Money tooke his way by Plymouth through Cornwall; whilst Sir Richard Gilford sent Thomas Ramney for the same end through Kent; to the effect that if the one should miscarry, the other might doe the worke: but Fortune was so favourable to them, as they differed not many houres in their meeting in Britanny. Their Embassie was:

That he was sent for as King, Named thereunto by the Great ones, and desired by All: The marriage agreed upon by the Queene and the Duke of Buckingham: That he should come away with

all possible haste, and land in Wales; where he should finde Ayd and Friends sufficient to render himselfe powerfull in an In∣stant; both factions being for him.

The Earle, fashioned out by nature to be King, communicated the businesse to the Duke of Britanny (who after King Edwards death had given him his li∣berty) desiring his assistance in so necessary an expedition: he being called in by a free-borne people, profest enemies to the Tyrant, whose cruelty was so detestable to all the world; pro∣mising him that if God should so farre favour his cause, (as he well hoped he would) he would be answerable unto him with such Services as befitted an obligation never to be forgotten. Richard had by meanes of his Embassadour Thomas Hutton, yea by the proffer of certaine summes of Money, dealt with the Duke not long before, to keepe him in safe custody: but the Duke de∣testing Richards wickednesse, did not onely doe nothing therein, but made good all his promises of Favour to the Earle upon this occasion. So as confident of good successe, he sent Conway and Ramney backe to his mother, with answer that he did accept of the invitation; that as soon as he should have provided things necessary, he would come for England; that in the meane time order might be taken for the affaires there, to the end that he might finde the lesse impediments. Upon the hearing of this, they who sided with him tooke courage, and began to prepare for the businesse. They sent into requisite places people fit to make them good; and disposed of other Commanders in other places, that they might be ready upon occasion: Others under-hand sollicited the people, to the end they might be ready to rise when time should serve. The Bishop of Ely wrote from Flanders to such as he knew hated Richard, promoting the businesse by the sole authority of his Letters. So as though amongst as many as were therein imployed, there was not found one Unfaithfull person, yet the affaire being to passe through so many mouthes, and to come to so many Eares, it was impossible but that some Whispering or confused Notion thereof should reach Richards eares; who judged things the Greater by his not knowing them: for ignorance cannot Obviate, since it doth not foresee. He was not ignorant of his being generally hated; and was not sure that no man out of his owne inclination would discover any thing to Him; so as all his intelligence must proceed from his owne Di∣ligence and quicke Foresight. So as placing Spies everywhere, he tooke Armes: and though he knew not which way to bend his course, yet was he in readinesse to march whether necessity should compell him. But such commotions never wanting a prime Ring-leader, he thought the Duke of Buckingham must nee•…•…s be the Primum mobile of this: he therefore was of opinion, that the chiefest provisions were to be made against Him; but resolved first, to try him with offers, which if they should not take effect, then to make him an Example to all such as had or should hereafter conspire against him. He sent an expresse messenger to him with

Letters full of Courtesie, wherein he desired him to come unto him▪ giving order to the Gentleman that carried them, to promise him he should have what ever he could demand. But these prof∣fers, the Larger they were, the more Suspicious were they, and out of time: the Duke would not heare on That eare; he knew Richards nature, and that he had proceeded on like manner with all those he desired to abuse. He therefore desired to be excused, alleaging the indisposition of his Stomacke, which having taken his Appetite quite away, did likewise rob him of his wonted Repose. Richard not herewithall satisfied, wrote to him in termes cleane contrary to the former: he commanded him in a re∣proachfull manner, that all delayes and excuses laid side, he would come to him. The which the Duke not being able to digest, and being resolved upon the Rebelion, he forgot all manner of Artifice, and in down-right terme told the Gentle∣man that brought the Letter, he would not come: that he estee∣med him as an Enemy, and that he had never been befrinded by him. Thus all dissimulation layd aside, they prepar'd for Warre; and advertised their friends, to the end they might raise the People, and make them take Armes. The noise hereof made the Marquesse Dorset sonne to the Queene Dowager, quit the Sanctuary where together with his Mother he was, and goe to Yorkeshire to raise forces. In Devonshire and Cornwall Sir Edward Courtney, and his brother Peter, Bishop of Exceter, did the same: and Sir Richard Gilford, assisted by many other Gentlemen, began the warre in Kent. Richard was not taken at unawares, having formerly provided for himselfe; but this Bore not making any account of these little Beagles (for such he reputed Gilford, Court∣ney, and Dorset) he did not disunite his forces, that so he might lead them All against the Duke, who was the chiefe Mastiffe of this Bore-baiting, whom if he should beate, he assured himselfe, he should easily teare the other in pieces. Thus resolved, he tooke his way toward Salisbury, whilst the Duke (who had gotten to∣gether an Army of Welshmen, more by Threats and Haughty Demeanour, then by money or faire entertainment) marcht to∣wards Gloucester, that he might passe the Severne there, and so joyne himselfe with the two Courtneys, and the rest of their adhe∣rents: which could he have done, Richard had been undone. But whilst he marched along with this designe, the Severne, through the extraordinary Raine, had so overflowed its bankes, as that it became not onely impassable, but men had therewithall been surprised by night in their beds, children carried away in their Cradles, and the tops of Hils were covered with waters, so as flockes of sheepe were not there safe. This deluge of raine con∣tinued for the space of Ten daies, leaving an unlucky name be∣hind, of the great waters of the Duke of Buckingham. He then finding the passage shut up on all sides was enforced to stay a while; whilst his Souldiers almost drowned with Raine, famisht for want of Victuals, and having no Pay, tooke a resolution to

disband of themselves: the Duke had no authority to keepe them together, his Intreaties were not heard, his Perswasions were of no efficacy, his promises vaine and unprofitable; insomuch as he was left almost all Alone, not knowing what way to take, or where to save himselfe. He dismissed all his attendance and resol∣ved to go neer Shrewsbury to the house of one Humphrey Banister, a servant of his, who having beene beloved by him and well re∣warded, he thought he might expect from him such service as by obligation and gratitude he was bound unto; till such time as he might either gather new forces, or passe over into Britanny to the Earle of Richmond. But he failed in his designe; for in this so great necessity, Banister who ought him all the Obligation that one man may owe another, was faulty to him.

The disbanding of his Army being known, and it not known whether he were Alive or Dead, such feare was thereby appre∣hended by those of Kent, Devonshire and Cornwall, as laying down their Armes, they thought only how to save themselves, some in∣to Sanctuaries, some beyond the Seas. The Bishop of Exeter, his brother Sir Edward Courtney, who was by Henry the 7^th afterwards made Earle of Devonshire, Thomas Gray Marquis of Dorset, the L. Wells, Sir Iohn Bourchier, Sir Edward Woodvile a gallant Souldier, and brother to the Queen Dowager, Sir Robert Willougby, Sir Giles d'Aubeny, Thomas Arundell, Iohn Cheyny, with two of his bro∣thers, and Richard Edgcombe, (all of them for the most part Knights) fled into Britanny; and were follow'd by Captaine Iohn Hollow∣well and Captaine Edward Poynings. Richard hearing of the Welch∣mens retreat, the Dukes flight (it not being known whether, and the rest of the Conspirators designe to save themselves) he sent to all the ports to the end they might not be suffer'd either to come in or go out at any of them; making Proclamation, that whosoever should discover or deliver up into his Hands the Duke of Buck∣ingham, if he were under the condition of Villenage he should be enfranchis'd; and if otherwise, together with a generall par∣don he should have a Thousand pounds ready money given him. Together with this he made strong preparations at Sea, being as∣sured by Thomas Hutton, who had been Embassadour in Britan∣ny, that, without all doubt the Earle of Richmond was to be assist∣ed by the Duke thereof both with men and monie: hee sent many Ships well furnished with men and Guns to the Coast of Britanny, with intention either to fight with him, or hinder his landing on the English shoare. In other parts he left no place un∣provided for; people were not suffer'd to land without diligent search, that so some news might be had of the Duke of Bucking∣ham. Banister (into whose hands the Duke had trusted his safety) hearing of the Proclamations, and the Rewards therein promi∣sed (were it either for Feare or Avarice) discover'd where he was to the Sheriffe of Shropshire: who going to Banisters house, found the Duke in a Day-labourers apparrell digging in a Garden; in which habit he sent him well guarded to Shrewsbery, where Rich∣ard

then was. He denyed not the Conspiracy, he hoped by his free confession to have gotten admittance into •…•…he Kings Presence; some think with an intention to beg his Pardon; others, to kill the King with a Dagger which he wore underneath his Cloths. But Richard not suffering him to be brought unto him, he was behead∣ed on All-soules▪ day without any other manner of Processe, in the Market place. To Banister (the chiefest of all ungratefull Traytors) nothing that was promised was made good: Richard who was unjust in all things else was just in This; denying him the reward of his Disloyalty: which amongst his many Faylings wor∣thy of Blame, was the only one worthy of Commendation. Pu∣nished thus slightly by man, he received much more greivous punishments from God: his Eldest son died mad; his second of Convulsion fits; his Third son was Drown'd in a Standing poole; and his Daughter a very Beautifull young Woman was crusted over with Leprosy: he himselfe in his later Yeares was convict of Man-slaughter, and condemned to be Hanged, but was saved by his Booke. The Duke was in his death accompained by many others; amongst which, by Sir George Browne, Sir Roger Clifford, and Sir Thomas Saintlieger, who was the last husband to the Dutch∣esse of Exeter the Kings sister.

The Earle of Richmond assisted by the Duke of Britanny, had got together five Thousand Britons, and forty Ships furnished for all purposes, wherein he imbarked himselfe and made for Eng∣land. But the next night he met with a terrible Tempest which disperst all his Vessells, carrying them into severall places, inso∣much as there remained onely One with him, with the which he found himselfe neer the Haven of Poole in Dorsetshire: where he discoverd the shore all over pester'd with men, whereat he was much afraid; for they were placed there to hinder his landing, in like manner as others were sent for the same purpose to other places. He cast Anchor, expecting the arrivall of his Other Ships: he commanded that none should go on shore without His leave, and sent forth a boate to see who those men were: when the boat was come within Hearing, those on shore said they were sent to conduct them to the Duke of Buckingham, that was not far from thence with a great Army, expecting the Earle of Richmond so to give chase to Richard who had but small forces with him, being abandoned almost by All men. But the Earle finding out the co∣senage (for had it beene so, they wanted not Boates to have sent some known man abord him) no newes being heard of the rest of his Fleet, and the wind being reasonable faire for him to re turne, he hoisted Saile, and with a fore-winde landed in Norman∣dy. Charles the Eight Reigned then in France, his Father Lewis being not long before dead: the Earle was desirous to returne by Land to Britanny, and being to go through France he durst not adventure without a safe conduct: he therefore dispatcht away a Gentleman to the King for one: he was graciously heard by the King; who commiserated the Earles misfortunes, and together

with a safe conduct, sent him a good sum of money; by meanes whereof he past safely into Britanny, whether likewise he sent his Ships. But understanding there what ill successe his affaires had in England, how the Duke of Buckingham was dead, and that the Marquis of Dorset with the rest of his companions (who having many dayes expected some news of him in that Court, grew now to dispaire thereof, believing some mischiefe had befalne him, and therefore had withdrawne themselves to Vennes) was come, he was much grieved and tooke this frowne of Fortune at his first be∣ginning for an ill Omen: yet was he comforted at the arrivall of his Friends, promising some good to himselfe through their safe∣ties. When he was come to Renes, he sent for them and welcomed them with termes of Curtesy and Thankefulnesse. The condition of affaires being well weigh'd, they resolv'd to effect what former∣ly had beene but spoken of: to wit, The war against Richard, and his deposing: and the making of Richmond King; upon Condition that he should promise to Marry the Lady Elizabeth Daughter to Edward the Fourth. These Articles were agreed upon and sworne unto by all parties on Christmasse day in the Cathedrall Church of that City; where likewise the Marquis, with all the rest did Homage unto him, as to their actuall King, swearing to serve him Faithfully, and to employ their Lives and Estates in endevouring Richards destruction. The Earle failed not to acquaint the Duke with all these proceedings; and to make knowne unto him the cause why he undertook this businesse, and what he stood in need of to effect it: the cause was; his being sent for, Called in, and Expected; Richards government being growne intolerable: that he stood in Need of was Another Fleet, and supplies of money; he having in setting forth the Former▪ spent all that his Mother had sent him, and what he had gathered amongst his Friends: he therefore desired the Duke to lend him some monies promising (to boote with the never to be forgotten Obligation) sodainly to repay him, when God should have given a blessing to his just en∣devours. The Duke was not backward either in Promises or Per∣formance: so as the Earle had conveniency of furnishing himselfe with Men and ships; •…•…hilst Richard did what he could in England to hinder his designe: though to no purpose, for if God keepe not the City, the Watchman watcheth but in vaine. He in sundry pla∣ces, put many who were guilty or suspected to death: and having returned to London, Hee called a Parliament wherein the Earle of Richmond and all that for his cause had forsaken the Land were declared enemies to the King and Kingdome, and had their goods confiscated. They being many and the richest men of the King∣dome their confiscations would have beene able to have discharg∣ed the Warre against them, had not Richard beene formerly too liberall in his Donatives, thereby endevouring to reconcile mens mindes unto him, and to cancell the uncancellable memory of his cruelty to his Nephews: so as though the Summes were great which hereby accrew'd, yet were they not sufficient; nor did

they free him from laying insufferable Taxes upon his people. 'Twas a wonder the Lord Stanley was not in the number of the Proscribed, his Wife Mother to the Earle of Richmond being chief of the Conspiracy: but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt; and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife, least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quali∣ty, He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred. He was content∣ed shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband, with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House, and that none should be suffered to come to her, who might con∣veigh Letters to her Son, or Messages to any Other. He also cau∣sed William Collingborne, who had beene High Sheriffe of Wilt∣shire and Dorsetshire, to be executed, for having written by way of jeare That a Cot, a Rat, and Lovell the Dog, did Governe England under a Hog: alluding by Cat, to Catesby; by Rat, to Ratcliffe, and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell, who gave the Dog for his Armes, as did Richard the Boare for His: and these three were His chiefest Favourites: Some were of opinion, Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Rich∣mond, and with Marquis Dorset; for hee was convict to have prof∣fered Money to a certaine man, to carry Letters into Britanny; wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly, and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire, whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People.

To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts, and that He might the bette•…•… minde his Home-broyles, Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland, who often troubling Him with Inroades, diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and King∣dome. This businesse was treated by Commissioners, who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares, each of them being to keepe what they were possest of; except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany, the last time that Hee fled from Scotland: which the Scots would have restored. And that he might have a double tie upon them, he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and He•…•…e of Scot∣land, and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke, and his Owne Sister Anne, a Lady so affectionately be∣loved by him, as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead, he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclam∣ed heire to the Crowne, disinheriting, of meere hatred; his bro∣thers Daughters, and for that having declared them to be Bast∣ards, his Owne title was preserved by the continua•…•…ce of their such repute. All these precautions did no•…•… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their natu∣rall habitation, had brought Hell into his Conscience; so as though Buckingham were dead, and so many others Dead and Banisht, yet could not he have any Security: his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commit∣ed, his deserved Hatred, and the Earle of Richmond, would not

suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest. And albeit in his contri∣ving how to usurpe the Crowne; hee made no account of Him, whilst his brother liv•…•…d, his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King, and was then in Being, yet Times and Persons being changed▪ He likewise changed Opinion: the one being Dead, the other Alive and at Liberty, and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others. Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession, or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liber∣ty (as he had done in his brother King Edwards time) would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England: and not believing he was likely to obtaine a fa∣vour of this nature by way of Friendship, much lesse for any Rights sake, he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest; the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice. He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke: together with Them he offered him Richmondshire, and all the Revenues of the Earle, as likewise all that belonged in England, to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny: the which being very much, would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times, as he was held by all men. This is Arge•…•…es his relation, who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County, together with the Names of the Churches, Monasteries, and Priories there∣in: but if the Duke should die without heires of his body, the Reversion should fall▪ to the King. The Embassadours or De∣puties (as Hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them) could not have accesse unto the Duke, being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto)▪ whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais, who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased. The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded: his base minde (not va∣luing Honour) made him accept of the Offer, but not in such manner as it was propounded. For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle (the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him, or to detaine Him) He would have Richmondshire to himselfe; whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dis∣patcht for England, which was the Earles safety: for these practises being discovered in England, and the Bishop of Ely being adve•…•…tised in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, He speedily gave the Earle notice there∣of advising him immediately to depart from thence, for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State; so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe▪ He would fall into his enemies hands. The Earle re∣ceived this advertisement when▪ He was at Vennes, from whence hee sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a safe-conduct, which was by the King

thereof without delay sent him: and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers, at the same time, he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes; gi∣ving order to the Earle of Pembroke, who conducted them, that when they should be upon the Confines, He should immediate∣ly quit the Countrey; as he did: whilst He himselfe, feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes, got on horse-back, waited on onely by Five servants; and when He was entred the Wood, He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State, and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were, but long before, come. His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected; having left above three Hundred English, all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes; otherwise it would have gone ill with Him: For Pe∣ter had already raised people, and appointed Commanders over them, who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him; hearing (by what meanes I cannot tell) of his Departure, he dispatched so speedily after Him, as those who had the Commission to stay Him, got to the uttermost bounds of Britanny not above an Houre after He was gone out of them. The Duke, being this time returned to His perfect sence, was displeased hereat, thinking this might redound to his Dishonour: He chid Landais; and commanded that all the English that were left in Vennes should be suffered to depart, making them to be defrayed not onely whilst they were in His State, but till they came to their Master; to whom He likewise sent the Money He had promised, by Edward Woodvile and Edward Poinings two English Gentlemen: for the which the Earle returned Him ma∣ny Thankes; saying, He should not be at quiet till Fortune had befriended Him with some meanes whereby in some sort to re∣quite His infinite Obligation to the Duke▪ by whose favour on∣ly He lived. King Charles was then at Langres; whither the Earle went to Him and acquainted Him with the reason of His flight from Britanny, and how the Nobility and People of England had sent for Him to free them from Richards tyranny. Hee in∣treated his assistance; which was not hard to obtaine from so ge∣nerous a Prince as Hee was, against one who for his notorious wickednesse was abhorred by all men. The King bad him be of good comfort, promised to assist him, and brought him on his way to Montargis, treating the Lords that were with him with hospitality becomming a King; whilst thus he was ordering his affaires, Fortune, the better to encourage him, sent unto him a man, not onely forgotten but who was little better then thought dead; Iohn Vere, Earle of Oxford, who after the Battell at Bar∣net, had gotten into Scotland, from thence to France, and from thence had made himselfe Master of Saint Michales Mount in Co•…•…wall: where being besieged, and yeilding up the place, King Edward had sent him prisoner. This Noble-man had so farre prevailed with Sir Iames Blunt Captaine of that Fort, and Sir Iohn

Fortescue Porrer of Callis, that he did not onely obtaine his liber∣ty, but got them to forsake their commands, and go along with him to put themselves under the conduct of the Earle of Rich∣mond. But Blunt having left his Wife and all his goods in Hammes, he fortified it compleately, and added to the usuall garison an extraordinary number of Souldiers, to the end that if they should be besieged they might defend themselves till Fortune had tur∣ned her back upon Richard. The Earle tooke this unexpected Liberty of the Earle of Oxford as a good augury: for being of Noble Blood, of esteemed valour, of praise-worthy constancy, (having beene alwayes a sider with the House of Lancaster) one in whom vertues disputed for precedency, in whom wisdome and valour were rivalls; he thought God had given him his Li∣berty at this so necessary time, that hee might assist him. The King being returned to Paris, the Earles retinue increased; all that were fled from England, as well as all the English that were in those parts, either as Schollers in the Universities, or retur∣ning from their Travells, flockt unto him: amongst which one Richard Fox a Secular Priest, a man of very good parts, who was shortly after advanced to great places and dignities.

Richard this meane while was not wanting to Himselfe; his spirits were bent upon his Owne Preservation, and the preserva∣tion of the Crowne which hee unworthily wore: and though he saw both Heaven and Earth conspired against him, yet hee thought by his own Wil nesse to make his party good in despight of them both. But when he understood the Earle was fled out of Britanny, he was much amazed; his safety consisted in his hopes of having Him in his power, vvhich now fayling him he began to feare: his enemies forces consisted novv of both the factions; for by the Match vvith the Princesse Elizabeth, he had united the faction of Yorke to his owne of Lancaster; so as the claime of Yorke falling upon him by his Marrying the right Heire, he vvas sure to meet vvith great Opposition: His onely remedy vvas to breake the Match; but barely to breake it vvas not enough: he must do more, and by fore-casting the vvorst, do vvhat vvas best for Him. He thought how to strengthen himselfe by the same pretences, notwithstanding his being therein opposed, by the Laws, Blood and Enmity; he vvould marry his Neece: Incest vvould serve but as a Laurell to crowne all other his abominati∣ons: He could easily vvithout any scruple rid himselfe of his pre∣sent Wife: His conscience vvas so stecled over as it could not suf∣fer compunction: As for the opinion of the World, vvho re∣gards not Honour, values not shame: His subjects hatred vvas not to be respected; so long as with a Rod of Iron he could keepe them in obedience. That vvhich he pitcht upon vvas, Deceit, Slaughter, and Incest: for Deceit; vvith Allurements and faire Promises to sweeten the Queene Mothers distastes; and thereby to make vvay for the other two; his Wives Death, and his Marriage vvith his Neece.

He chose people fit for this of∣fice.

They excused what was past; they made her believe the King was much troubled for his much beloved Neeces: that he was sorry they should make themselves voluntary prisoners, that they mistrusted the naturrall inclination and love of an Unkle, who, as if he were their Father thought of nothing but their Good: That his chiefest desire was to treate them accord∣ing to their Birth and his Affection: to have them in Court; to finde out good Husbands for them, and see them well be∣stowed: and that if it should be his fortune to lose his Wife (whose indispositions were such as there was no great hope of her Life) his resolution was to make the Princesse Elizabeth his Queene: that the Neerenesse of Bloud would prove no impediment; Lawes were not without some Exceptions, and were to be dispenced withall, when the Necessity of the State, the Quiet of the Kingdome, and the Peoples safety did require it: They forgate not the Marquis Dorset promising him Moun∣taines of Gold if he would returne to England: they shewed how the way he was in was dangerous; that he should rather hope upon a fortune already made, then to be made; that old wayes were plaine, and sure; New ones, slippery and Preci∣pitious.

These men with these and the like conceptions knew so advantageously to behave themselves, that the Queene at the very first Onset gave them Hearing, and began to Melt; and at the second, gave consent to All that the King desired: forget∣ing her sonnes deaths, her Husbands Infamy, who was divulged to be a Bastard; her own shame, her marriage being in the Pul∣pit said to be Adulterous, she a Concubine, and her Daughters illegitimate; and (which most imported) the Promise she had made to the Countesse of Richmond concerning the Marriage of her eldest daughter sealed with an Oath: All these things were to her as if they never had beene: Ambition so farre prevailed with her, as to make her faulty to her owne Honour, to the safe∣ty of her Daughters, to the Generosity of her past actions, and to her conscience; not regarding Oathes when put in balance with the Perswasions of him, vvho had alwayes done her mischiefe. Being thus abused shee dispatcht away a Messenger to her Son Dorset, vvho vvas in France, commanding him that he should leave the Earle and come for England; telling him that all past injuries vvere forgotten, and forgiven, and were to be repair•…•…d with Honours and Preferments; for that the King desired nothing more then how to give him satisfaction. Richard having obtained the First of his three designes (having reconciled his Sister in Law, and his Neeces being come to the Court, where they were by him with great Solemnity received) the other Two remained: the Second would bee imperfect without the Third; and the Third vvas impossible without the Second: Hee could not marry his Neece, except his VVife were dead; upon this therefore hee wholly bent his thoughts, Hee considered that by putting her to a Violent death hee might

alienate his peoples hearts, which hee somewhat gained upon by his hypocriticall proceedings, which made them believe he was changed in life and disposition: so as a Relapse would prove dangerous to him, and make him not to be believed in what for the future he was to counterfeit. He lighed upon a meanes ne∣ver dreamt of any Divell in Hell: that Griefe, Melancholy, and Feare, might joyntly worke that effect in her without Scandall, which Sword nor Poyson could not doe but with Scandall. He forbare her bed, nor would he Speake with her; not onely deny∣ing her his Company, but his Sight: He began to bewaile his mis∣fortune, in that he had a wife that was Barren, who would beare him no Children; a curse which did so wound his Soule, as it would in short time cost him his Life: he made knowne this his great sorrow to the Archbishop of Yorke, whom he had newly set at liberty, being sure he would acquaint his wife with it, and hoping it might worke the Effect he desired. The Arch∣bishop, who was a wise man, and very well knew Richards dis∣position, spake hereof with some of his most intimate friends, judging the unfortunate Ladies life to be of no long durance. The King shortly after made it to be noised abroad that she was Dead, to the end her death when it should happen, might be the lesse strange, mens eares being accustomed thereunto; and he made the bruite of her death arrive at her owne eares: all this was done, in hope that the violence of Griefe would kill her; or if not, that he might with the lesse Noise make her away, who had been so Often thought Dead. The Queen, who was a Tender Lady, and not able to resist so many machinations, was hereat much dismayde, knowing that Tempests use to follow Thunder, especially in so perverse a Climate as that of her Husbands: she ran much afflicted to him, to know wherein she had so Highly offended him, as that he thought her not onely wor∣thy of his Hatred, which was apparently seene, but of the Pu∣nishment which being to befall her, the world thought her dead Already? His answer was pleasant in words, but of sad Sense, mingled with Smiles, which gave her more cause of Suspition then of Comfort. She went backe to her owne lodgings, where not many daies after she departed this life: whether of Griefe or Poyson, it is not certaine; those who judge by likelihood, thinke the last. This Princesse was borne under an unhappy Constellation, as well in respect of her Selfe, as of those who did any waies appertaine unto her. She was daughter to Richard Nevill Earle of Warwicke and Salisbury, a Peere of greatest Power and Repute that ever England had; her Grand-father was be∣headed, her Father and her Unkle were slaine in the battell at Barnet; her Nephevv, Son to her Sister the Dutchesse of Cla∣rence vvas beheaded by Henry the Seventh; and her Neece his Sister, by Henry the Eighth, both her Husbands came to vio∣lent ends; the First, Sonne to Henrys the sixt, slaine by this her second Husband; and He by others (as wee shall shortly see).

She was in her Life time bereft of the onely sonne she had by him. Lastly, as for her owne death what ever it was, it could not but be happy for Her, she being thereby freed from the hands of so cruell a Monster.

Two of Richards designes being obtained, the Third yet re∣mained, his marriage with his Neece. He began to make love unto her, but it was not love that troubled him (though he would have it so believed) hee was troubled with thoughts of another nature: To see so many of the prime Nobility fled into France to the Earle of Richmond, to see himselfe so nauseous to his People, as they were ready to vomit him out, and that the Conspiracy Discovered, but not Extinct, had made the Con∣spirators the more wary; these were the businesses which exclu∣ded his feyned love; love being fed by Idlenesse, Delights, and want of other affaires whereon to imploy ones thoughts. He was jealous of none more then the Lord Stanley, father in law to the Earle: his brother Sir William Stanley, Gilbert Talbot, and hundreds of others did not so much trouble him as did He alone: insomuch as this Lord Stanley being desirous to returne to his Countrey-house, under pretence of some domesticall affaires, (but in effect, that hee might be ready at the arrivall of his sonne in Law whom he daily expected) he would not suffer himto goe, unlesse hee would leave his Eldest sonne George Stanley in Court, reputing him a sufficient hostage for his Fathers loyalty.

When he understood of Blunts rebellion, how that the Earle of Oxford had escaped out of prison; and how that Both of * 1.15 them having betaken themselves to the Earle of Richmond, they had delivered up unto him the Castle of Hammes; hee gave order to have it besieged by the garrison of Calais; and Rich∣mond sent the Earle of Oxford with a great many Souldiers to raise the siege; who having encamped himselfe not farre from the Besiegers, passed Thomas Brandon with Thirty commanded men into the Town, which so encouraged the Besieged, as that the Enemy being shot at, at the same time, from the Town, from the Castle, and from Oxfords campe, offered a Blanke paper, into which they might enter what Conditions they pleased, so as they would surrender up the place. The Earle of Oxford who consi∣dered that the possession of Hammes was not of any consequence to the getting of the Kingdome, which they were in pursuit of; and that it was succoured onely out of a desire to save the Garrison, and Iames Blunts wife, together with their Goods, willingly surrendred up the place; taking from thence the Men, Munition, Victuals, Cannon, and all that was there of any value, which he brought all safe to Ba•…•…is.

Richard was so puft up with this appearance of victory, as he believed that to be true, which was falsely informed him: That he Earle of Richmond, weary of the large promises made him by Charles to assist him with Powerfull succours, was faine

to content himselfe with very small ones, in which he likewise found himselfe to be abused. Whereupon thinking his men of warre upon the Narrow Seas, and the troops of men he had dispo∣sed upon the Sea-coasts, to be superfluous, he recalled his ships, and disbanded his men: judging that the Nobility which inhabi∣ted the maritine parts (particularly those of Wales) were sufficient to take order that the enemy should not land unfought withalland unbeaten.

The information which was given to Richard, though in effect it was false, yet it bare with it so many likelyhoods of Truth, as were sufficient to make him believe that the Earle of Richmond, abandoned by Charles, was not likely to trouble him with any forces he should receive from Him; and this was the occasion: Charles being in his Fourteenth yeere of age under the govern∣ment of his Sister Anne, wife to Peter of Bourbon, Lord of Beau-ieu; and according to the Ordinance of Charles the fifth his predecessour, free from Guardian-ship; the Princes of the Blood did notwithstanding aspire to the Regency, under pre∣tence of the weaknesse of his Constitution, and of his being ill brought up, he having till then been onely brought up in Childish sports, not being taught so much as to Read. The pretenders hereunto were, the Duke of Orleans first Prince of the Blood, and Peter of Bourbon in his wifes right, she being thereunto na∣med by the late Lewis: and great troubles were likely here∣upon to have ensued, had not the State, by committing the Kings person (according to his fathers will) to his sisters custo∣dy, determined that the Kingdome should have no Regent, but should be governed by the Counsell of State, composed of Twelve personages, to be chosen for their worth and Qua∣lity. So as France being in this condition, the Earle could not obtaine what was promised him, since it was not the King Alone that could effect it; and the Twelve, though willing to assist him found many Difficulties therein, but were especially hindred, through feare of a Civill warre within them∣selves.

At the same time the Marquesse Dorset attempted to escape away; his Mothers advertisements, which filled him with high hopes, and the rubbes he saw the Earle met withall made him tacke about, and side with Richard. He went out of Paris se∣cretly by night, taking his way for Flanders, that from thence hee might passe into England: but the Earle being informed thereof, and having gotten leave from the King to stop him wheresoever he should be found, sent into all parts after him, and Humphrey Chenie had the fortune to light upon him, who with Perswasions and faire Promises brought him backe: other∣wise he might have proved very prejudiciall to them, for hee knew the very bottome of all their designes. But this chance made the Earle very much apprehend, that through delay he might either Lose or Ruine his friends; he therefore judged it neces∣sary

to attempt that with a Few which he could not with Many. He borrowed money of the King, and many others, to whom he left as in pawne Sir Iohn Bourchier and the Marquesse Dorset, whom hee did not assie in, to have him neere him. Thus ha∣ving assembled together certaine Souldiers, hee went to Roan, expecting there till the ships came to Harfleur which were to carry him over. Here he understood of the death of King Ri∣chards wife, how he had resolved to marry his neece, who by her mother was promised unto Him; and that Cecilie the Second daughter was married (which was false) to one of so base con∣dition as his pedegree was not knowne: hereat hee was much troubled, as were likewise all the Lords that were with him; since the hopes which they had built unto themselves upon the Yorkish faction were vanished by vertue of the aforesaid mar∣riage. Consultation was held what was to be done; it was judged a rash resolution to undertake so dangerous a businesse with such a Handfull of people: The resolutions which they pitcht upon were; not to stirre till they should have new advertisements from beyond the Seas; and to entice over to their party Sir Walter Herbert, a Gentleman of a great fa∣mily, and of a great power in Wales, promising that the Earle should marry His sister; and to send a Gentleman to the Earle of Northumberland, who had married the Other sister; to the end that he might negotiate the businesse. But nothing ensued hereon; for finding the passage shut up, the messenger returned not doing any thing.

But having much about the same time received Letters from Morgan Ridwell, a Lawyer and a Confident of his, with newes that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage, two men of great retinue in Wales, would declare themselves for him; and that Reynald Bray had in his possession great summes of money to pay the Souldier; so as he should doe well to make haste, and land in Wales, since delay might be prejudiciall to him: hee tooke shipping on the fifteenth of August, having but a few ships and two thousand Souldiers with him. In seven daies space he lan∣ded at Milford-haven in Wales; from whence passing on to Dale, (a place wherein all Winter long troopes of Souldiers had beene kept to hinder his landing) he went to West-Hereford, where he was entertained with all sort of content by the inhabitants. Here he understood that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage had declared themselves for Richard, which if it had beene true, the businesse had beene ended. Upon such like occasions diversity of Newes useth to be spread abroad, good or bad according as people hope or suspect. Those who were with him were much amated at this, till they were comforted with a later advertise∣ment. Arnold Butler a very valiant Commander, and one that in former times had been no great well-wisher to the Earle, gave him to understand, that those of Pembrokeshire were ready to obey Iasper Earle of Pembroke, his unkle and their naturall Lord:

that therefore he might make use of this advantage: the Earle being herewithall encouraged, marched on to Cardigan, his camp increasing every houre, by people which flocked unto him. But here he heard newes againe that Sir Walter Herbert (he whose sister the Earle had thought to have married) was in Caermar∣then, with intention to oppose him; the which did much af∣fright him, for hee did thinke to finde him an enemy; so as whilst they betake themselves to their Armes, with an inten∣tion to fight with him, the Scouts who were sent before to discover the Countrey, returned with newes that there was no enemy to be seen, the Countrey being open, free, and voyd of Opposition. This contentment was augmented by the comming of Richard Griffith, and Iohn Morgan, with a great many figh∣ting men: and though Griffith was a confederate of Sir Walter Herberts, and of Rice ap Thomas (of whose inclinations he was doubtfull) yet the Earle forbare not to march on, fighting with, and beating as many as opposed him, that hee might leave no enemies behind him. But seeing himselfe reduced to such termes as he was not to hope for safety but by victory, it be∣ing impossible for him to Retreate; and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas drawing neere him, to hinder his pas∣sage, hee could not without more helpe make any long resi∣stance; he wrote to his Mother, to his Father in Law, and his Father in Lawes brother, and to Sir Gilbert Talbot:

That being come upon Their Advice into England, it was Their Aydes that must sustaine him; for he having but a Few peo∣ple with him, if hee were Once defeated, hee was defeated for Ever: That the Countrey hee was to passe over, was of a great Length: That reason required hee should passe the Severne at Shrewsbury, to come to London: That they should thinke how to succour him in Time; otherwise their succours would be too Late for Him, and Ruinous for Themselves: That their communication being necessary for his Counsels, they should come Suddenly, least Delay might marre All: That Temporizing was the Ruine of Designes: That if Dis∣simulation had been requisite till Now, it was now no more So, but Harmefull: for that thereby those who yet had cou∣rage would be disheartned.

This dispatch being sent away by a faithfull servant, he resolved to fight with whoever should oppose him: it was the onely way to worke his ends; Regality was not to be had but by Regall valour. Hee tooke his way towards Shrewsbury, and in his march met with Rice ap Thomas, who with a considerable number of Welshmen swore Fealty to him, the Earle having two daies before promised to make him President of Wales, as soone as hee should be King, (which ac∣cordingly hee did.) Being come to Shrewsbury hee met with an answer from his Mother and the Others, according to his desire. From thence hee past on to Newport, where Sir Gilbert Talbot with two thousand men came to meet him; as likewise

did Sir William Stanley at Stafford, where hee made some stay to refresh his people. Sir William after he had a long time con∣sulted with the Earle, returned to his Troopes, which being defrayed by his brother, were not farre of. The next day hee came to Litchfield, where being come by Night, hee lay in the Field; and the next day was by the Townesmen received into the City as their Prince. The Lord Stanley had been there two daies before with his Souldiers, and was gone from thence to make way for the Earle, and that he might not be seene in his company: he was cautelous in what he did by reason of his Sonne who was left Hostage with Richard, and who otherwise would have lost his life.

Richard (who at this time was at Nottingham) knew of the Earles arrivall; but with such a relation of his inconsiderable forces, as he made no Account of him. He thought he was come onely with those who had fled to him from England, and that his Forces consisted meerly of Banisht men, who growne despe∣rate, betooke themselves to their last refuge: as for others, he perswaded himselfe there would not be any one that durst de∣clare himselfe for him: so as the rashnesse of a desperate man was not worthy his trouble: hee thought it would be beneath Him to take Notice of him; and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas were sufficient of Themselves either to beate him, or to make him ignominiously surrender himselfe. But afterwards well weighing the Consequences, hee was of another minde: his affaires appeared to be in a condition not to be trusted to Other mens directions, by reason of his being so generally Ha∣ted; and the wicked meanes used in his usurping of the Crowne. He therefore thought it not safe for him to confide in Others; and having a Scrutiny of such as were most Interressed in the preservation of his Person and Dignity, from out the not many he chose Iohn Duke of Norfolke, the Earle of Northumberland, and the Earle of Survey; giving them Commission to gather to∣gether the best and most trusty of such as did depend upon them, and come unto him: and he gave order to Robert Brackenbury Lieutenant of the Tower, that he should raise all the force hee could, and bring along with him as his companions in Armes Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford; not for that hee expected any service from them, but that being jealous of them, he feared lest they might conspire against him. All these his foresights did not satisfie him, when hee understood the Earle had past the Severne. He then began to mistrust his affaires, and to complaine of those who had promised to defend the pas∣sage: Now it was that he saw his businesse was not to be trusted to any Third party; and growing to distrust all men, he went himselfe in Person in the head of his Army to give him battell: executing Himselfe the duty of a Sergeant Major. He came by night to Leicester upon a white Steede, environed by his Guards and great number of Foot, with a staring and threatning Coun∣tenance

answerable to the speeches hee uttered against such as forsaking Him, had denied him to be their King; or who by abandoning him Hereafter, were to doe so. The Earle hea∣ring of his approach, encamped himselfe neere to Tamworth, where in the mid-way hee was met by Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford, who fearing Richard, had privately stolne from Brackenburies forces. The like from Other parts did di∣vers personages of good condition; who it may be would have proved his Enemies, had not their Hatred to Richard moved them to take part with Him. Yet this Concourse of people wherewith hee ought to have been comforted, freed him not from the much melancholy caused by the Lord Stanley, who kept farre from him, and in a posture (as it appeared) rather to be Doubted of then Hoped in. As hee rode thus pensively in the Reare of his Troopes, hee was so transported with sad thoughts, that hee was not aware how hee was left behind, with not above twenty Horse with him: the Army being passed on, and having encamped it selfe, whilst hee through the Ob∣scurity of the Night had lost the Tract thereof. He wandred up and downe a good while, hoping to meet with some of them, or to heare their noise; but neither Finding nor Hea∣ring any thing of them, hee got into a little Village, fearing lest hee might be knowne, taken, and carried to the Enemy: and not daring to aske the Inhabitants any questions, hee con∣tinued in these feares till the Breake of Day; whilst his campe was more troubled then Hee, not dreaming that hee had Lost his Way, but fearing some strange Misfortune had befalne him. 'Twas his good lucke not to meet with any enemy: but when hee was come to his Army, hee did not tell them that hee had lost his way through Musing or Carelesnesse, but that he stayed purposely behinde to Speake with some hee had received ad∣vantageous advices. From hence he went to finde out the Stan∣leys, who with their Militia were quartered in Aderston; hee understood the falshood of his suspition; and how that the Lord Stanley could not openly declare himselfe for Him, till the very last Up-shot, for feare lest his Sonne might suffer for it: after divers consultations it was resolved to give Battell, if Richard would accept it. At his returne he found Sir Iohn Sa∣vage, Sir Brian Stamford, and Sir Simon Digby, who having left the King, were come with their forces to serve Him. Both sides were equally inclined to fight; moved thereunto out of their Severall feares; Richard, of being abandoned; the Earle, that his followers might grow weary, either by the Incommodities they might suffer, or by their Expences; since hee had no Au∣thority but what they of Free will gave him. But Richards condition was by much the worse of the two, for still Some or Other fled from him; so as seeking out a fit place to fight in, hee encamped himselfe neere a Village called Bosworth, not farre from Leicester, where having refreshed his people hee

prepared to fight. They say that the night preceding he in his sleepe had certaine strange fearefull Apparitions that he be∣lieved to be Divels, which troubling him, broke his sleepe, leaving him so affrighted, as every one wondred at it: where∣upon he who had alwaies wont to appeare Chearefull in fight, thought that if now any Sadnesse should be discovered in him, it would be accounted Cowardise; and that therefore it was ne∣cessary for him to tell his Dreame. Hollingshead layes this to his sting of Conscience, the which as it is credible, so is it incredible that when a man drawes neere his End, hee is by some internall motions admonished thereof.

Day being come, Richard drew forth his Troopes, putting them into such a figure as for terrour sake might make the grea∣test shew. Hee made the Rankes of the Vantguard very long, which was commanded by the Duke of Norfolke, and his Sonne the Earle of Surrey: hee Himselfe led on the Second, wherein were the choicest and best armed men; and which was guar∣ded on the Flankes by the Horse, and on the Front by Bow∣men. For all his Boasts their whole number was but very Small, not worthy to have decided the controversie for a private Castle, muchlesse a Kingdome. But it behoved him to ha∣sten; as well for that His Forces were by much greater then the Earles; as likewise, if hee should have Tarried expecting More, hee might have runne hazzard of Losing those he had: for Savage, Stamford, and Digby had carried along with them a great many fighting men. The Lord Stanley stood as stickler betweene them, who having taken his stand betweene the two Armies with three thousand Souldiers, afforded Hopes and Feares to them Both: for being desired by his Sonne in Law that hee would come to take the care of Ordering and Commanding his men, his answer was: Let him doe that of∣fice Himselfe; hee would come when he should see conveni∣ent time: and to Richard (who swore by the passion of Jesus Christ, that if hee came not over to him, hee would cut off his Sonnes head before Dinner) hee answered: Let him use his pleasure; howsoever I have More Sonnes. This ambi∣guity was notwithstanding his Sonne Stranges safety; for Ri∣chard having commanded that hee should be beheaded, hee suspended the Order; not so much in that hee was Advised thereunto (it being time to Fight, not to play the Execu∣tioner) as that hee feared lest Stanleys Cloud which threat∣ned a Tempest might shoure downe upon Him; as it did, in a season when hee could not with danger to the other avoyd it. The young Strange did for all this account himselfe as a Dead man, being assigned over a prisoner to those who kept the Tent Royall: and certainely hee had suffered death, had not God saved his Life by the Kings Death. The Earle was not troubled at his Father in Law's answer: Hee ordered his

Souldiers. Hee placed the Bow-men in the Front, under the Conduct of the Earle of Oxford: hee gave Sir Gilbert Talbot charge over the Right-wing; and Sir Iohn Savage command o∣ver the Left: Hee kept for Himselfe and His Unkle the Earle of Pembroke a good proportion of Horse, but few Foot: with intention to joyne with the Troopes which were kept as a Reserve, to come in and succour where need should require. All his Forces exceeded not the number of five thousand, and his Father in Law had not with him above three thou∣sand; Richard having Twice as many men as Both they put together. The One and the Other of them made long Spee∣ches to their Souldiers. Richard had much adoe to colour over his Cruelties, which not being to be Denied, hee slub∣ber'd them over, not naming them; hoping thereby to get Absolution. For what remained hee said,

That hee had governed the Kingdome by meanes of their Advice and Va∣lour: Hee had punished such as were Seditious and Rebels according to their Merits; hee hoped to doe the like upon the same occasion: Hee held the Crowne of Them, 'twas They that ought to make it good unto him: An unknowne Welshman contended with him for it, begotten by a Fa∣ther lesse knowne then Himselfe; whose Forces consisted of Banished Delinquents, and certaine Britons and begger∣ly French, come to plunder their Goods, ravish their Wives, and kill their Children: A better occasion then this could not be met withall, wherein to exercise their Valour, and to grow angry without Sinne or Offending God; since thereby they were made ministers of his Justice, and their Owne Revengers, for which they should be prai∣sed of all Nations: As concerning victory, it was not to be Doubted; since they were to fight against a Handfull of two sorts of people so often Overcome, of which these were the very Scumme, led on by Necessity, appearance, and Num∣ber; a number notwithstanding so Small as would make up the third part of Them: for Himselfe; hee promised all that could be expected from a generous Prince, and a Valiant Commander; which the Effects should Witnesse; for he resolved not to quit the field till either Conquerour or Dead.

The Earle on the Other side, being got to the highest part of his Campe

pleaded the Justice of his Cause; shewing how necessary the Extirpation of so cruell and monstrous a Tyrant was, for Publique and Private good: That there was not a more praise-worthy action, nor more conforma∣ble to whatsoever Law, then to punish Him who having destroyed his Owne house, by the Effusion of so Innocent Blood, and Defamed it with so False defamations, had Slaine, impoverished, and brought to an ill end so many

of the Nobility, onely out of a desire to Tyrannize: For what concerned Himselfe, hee would say nothing; from whom the lawfull inheritance was usurped, which had been so long possessed by the house of Lancaster; all whose Kings had been men of Reputation in the World, and of Glory to the Kingdome; and if there were any thing amisse in the Last, they were not his Faults, but superabundant Good∣nesse abused by wicked people: It was to be believed, that their adversary Outwardly assailed by Their forces, and In∣wardly by his Owne faults, must needs fall; since Gods judgements the Longer they are in comming they fall the Heavier, the weight of Heavens scourge being (according to the orders of Divine justice) inevitable: It was not to be endured, that to the excesse of so many enormities, In∣cest should be added; the Onely sinne remaining for him to have runne through the whole Catalogue of wickednesse: That he pretended to marry his Neece the Princesse Eliza∣beth, to honest by some colourable Title, his unlawfull pos∣session of the Crowne; the which being due to Him, as one∣ly true Heire, and therewithall the said Princesse (who was promised to him in marriage) 'twould be great errour in Them to permit either the One or the Other: That since God had freed him from so many Treacheries, beene gra∣cious to him, in suffering him quietly to passe the Seas, to be peacefully received in England, and brought to confront His and the Common Enemy, hee would not be now wan∣ting to worke the confusion of that Enemy, through Their valour; since hee makes use of Good men to punish the Wic∣ked: Their rewards were to be Great, all goods Confisca∣ble should speedily be distributed by Him, who was to be Judge of each mans valour and desert: They ought not to be terrified at their owne Small numbers, and the Many of the Enemy; for as divine Justice was the first argument of Victory, so those people which they saw were led on by the Lord Stanley, were all for Them; as likewise were many Others, who now appearing under the Enemies Colours would in the heate of the battell shew themselves Friends. For Himselfe; hee promised all that could be expected from a Souldier, and Commander; He desired them onely to Imi∣tate Him in what belonged to the Souldier; that whilst hee fought, They should fight; and when Hee should forbeare to fight, that then they should Forsake him: The summe of all his considerations and reasons were; That as the Victory con∣sisted in their Valour, so if they should be Failing to them∣selves, were to fall under the power of an Enemy, who not being to be parallel'd for Cruelty, 'twas better for them to Die Honourably with Sword in Hand, then Ignominiously to Lan∣guish under a Tyrant, that had not forborne his owne Nephews.

This being said, vvith a Confident heart, and vvith Cheerefull countenance he gave on upon the Enemy, and vvas as cheerefully follovved by his men.

Richard fared otherwise: no Jollity was observed in his march nor yet willingnesse, save in such whose fortunes depended up∣on His: all the rest were wavering and divided into Three seve∣rall opinions; some thought to side with the Earle, some with him of the two who should Overcome, and some, neither with the One nor the Other, but to be meere Lookers-on. Richard being now King found like loyality in his subjects, as whilest He was a subject, he used to the King his Nephew.

There stood between the two Armies a piece of marish ground with some causey waies that had beene made for the conveniency of Passengers; and though the season (it being the 22 of Au∣gust) had hardened it, yet the Earle, knowing the situation there∣of to be for his purpose, to secure his small number on that side, he hastened to be first Master thereof: and having it on his right hand hee wonne the Sunne, which was in face of the Enemy; who advancing, the fight beganne. The Earle of Oxford being himselfe so farre advanced that hee was in danger to be cut off, commanded his men not to stirre Ten foote from their Colours: whereupon They forbearing to fight, that they might close to∣gether; the Kings Vantguard did the like, being desirous ei∣ther Not to fight, or that the victory might be theirs against whom they were Enforced to fight. But Oxford being returned to his charge, returned to Handy blowes. At the joyning toge∣ther of the two Armies, their severall inclinations were quickly seene: those of the Kings side that Fought fought Faintly; and those who fought Not, withdrew themselves, and forsooke the Campe. The King had commanded those he most relied on, to have a care that businesses might be carried without Disorder, and that they should advertise him of any Danger that should ap∣peare; These seeing how some were Negligent, and how o∣ther some withdrew themselves, advised him to save himselfe, judging that hee was betrayed. But Divine Justice would not suffer him to listen to such advice; no not when Victory appear∣ing evidently on the Adversaries part, they presented him with a Fleet horse whereon to escape: the which hee would not do saying, That that day was to terminate either the Warre or his Life. Understanding afterwards that the Earle was not farre from him guarded but with a few Gens de Armes, hee spur'd on towards him and knowing him by some markes, hee ranne at him with his Lance in Rest; the Earle was not displeased with the encounter, judging it the true way to decide their controver∣sy: but he could not meet him hand to hand, being thwarted by some of his owne men. They gave against the Standard, slew Sir William Brandon the Standard bearer, and advancing for∣wards, Sir Iohn Cheiney stopt his passage, whom hee bare to the

ground, though hee were a Gentleman of much strength and va∣lour. The Earle with his Sword in hand stopped his fury, at the very instant when the Lord Stanley investing the Kings squa∣drons afforded occasion to such as had a minde thereunto to run∣away: the which when Richard perceived, hee left the Earle, and thrust himselfe into the thickest of the fight, either to re∣unite his owne men, or die the sooner: the later of which be∣fell him; for fighting valiantly, he fell with his Sword in hand all besmear'd with blood. All things made for victory on the Earles behalfe, to counterpoise the smalnesse of his numbers: in himselfe, Prudence, Diligence, and Valour; in those that sided with him, Despaire of safety if they should lose the day, and the Regaining of their Goods, Countrie, and Honours, if they should Overcome. But all this was not likely to have suffi∣ced; for the Kings desperate valour, who encouraging by his example, kept his men in their duties, had brought the enemy in the two houres space which the battell endured to such a passe, as being but few and out of breath, they began to give back: whereupon if the Lord Stanley (who kept himselfe to decide the day) had not come in to succour, they were likely, all of them, to be lost. We have hitherto spoken ill of Richard, though not so ill as he deserved: yet now wee must say, That though he lived ill, he dyed well, according to the esteeme of humane generosity. His end bore with it heroicall effects: Wis∣dome and Fortitude were two lights which if they did not illu∣minate the actions of his past Life, they did illustrate his pre∣sent Death. When he saw himselfe abandoned by all; that those who yet stayd by him, served against their wills; but very few willingly; hee thought it would be base in him and prejudiciall for him to runne away, since thereby he should lose his repu∣tation with the People, whereon his welfare did depend. He therefore resolved to do his uttermost; for should hee Over∣come, all things were likely to succeed well unto him; and should hee lose the day, Death would be advantageous; hee having no hope at all of safety: Enemies on all sides; Scotland (his onely refuge) was but a fading hope, notwithstanding the new Peace, and lately contracted Marriage; well might he trust thereto if his fortune should prove Good, but not if other∣wise: and say it should Favour Him, He had but little hopes of getting thither untaken by the way, being so generally ha∣ted; and 'twas impossible for him to passe unknowne, for his features and shape of body were such, by those that had never seene him. There is to be discerned a confused mingle-mangle of vertues in this; wisdome, in knowing his Danger to be such as was unavoidable; and Fortitude, in resolving to die since he could not eschew danger: so as Writers have great reason to affirme that he wan more Honour in these two houres by his Death, then he had done all the time of his Life. For what con∣cernes

his Soules health; God is able of Stones to raise up chil∣dren unto Abraham, but this is but when he pleaseth: and al∣though there be no differences to be made in Him of Easy or Un∣easy (since Hee framed the whole World by his bare Word; Hee spake and it was made; He commanded and it was Crea∣ted) yet let it be permitted according to humane conjecture to say, That it is, I will not say more Easy, but more usuall for him to save one who is naturally Good, then one who is naturally Bad: since naturall Goodnesse may be said to be the Materia Prima of Salvation, containing in her that Disposition, which, that wee might be saved, was of His meere mercy be∣stowed upon us gratis. So as though the rule of Christianity teacheth us not to Judge any one to the Damned, yet it for∣bids us not to Doubt of a mans Salvation; as wee do of Rich∣ards: for as in the good Tree that beareth good Fruit, some may be Wormy and Rotten; so in Man-kinde, man created to the fruition of Heavenly Glory, may notwithstanding be damned, if he be wormeaten with wickednesses and rotten with the obsti∣nacy of sin.

His Death afforded invitation to those who yet fought to save themselves; and the rest that, like Spectatours, had not moved from their station, came to give obedience to the Con∣querour; by whom they were gratiously received, as likewise were those who laying downe their Armes, submitted them∣selves unto him. Of the number of the Slaine it is diversly writ∣ten: some speake of a Thousand, some of foure Thousand. Sir Gilbert Talbot in an account which hee giveth to his friends in writing, sayes there died onely Tenne of the Earles side: Hall saies a Hundred. Of the Peeres on Richards side were slaine, the Duke of Norfolke and the Lord Ferrers of Chartley: of Knights Sir Richard Ratcliffe, and Sir Robert Brakenbury, Lieutenant of the Tower: but few Gentlemen. The Duke of Norfolke was perswaded by his friends to withdraw himselfe from the Bat∣tell; the which hee denying to doe, two Verses were fastned to his Chamber doore the night before the Fight, wherein he was advised not to ingage himselfe in the behalfe of a King that was Bought and Sold; but hee, having beene true to him in his Life would be so likewise in his Death: and was praised for it. The Prisoners were many amongst which was Sir William Catesby (hee who betrayed the Lord Hastings) a man of great esteeme among the Professors of the Lawyers, and the chiefe of the Kings Counsell. He was with some Others beheaded two dayes after at Leicester. Of those that fled away the most con∣siderable were Viscount Lovell and the two brothers Humphrey, and Thomas Stafford, who got into the Sanctuary of S^t Iohns in Gloucester. Of those who would not fight, was the Earle of Nor∣thumberland; who comming to acknowledge the Conquerour, was therefore by him received to grace, and afterwards made

Privy Counsellour. Thomas Howard Earle of Surrey, Sonne to the deceased Duke of Norfolke, was not received into favour, though hee layd down his Armes; but was put into the Tower, where he stay'd a good while; the inward friendship hee had had with Richard doing him no good; but being afterwards received to grace, he was created Treasurer of England. The Earle after the Victory made Te Deum be Sung. Hee praised his Souldiers valour, and thanked them, promising to reward them according to their Loyalties. He gave order to bury the Dead, and to cure such as were wounded. He Knighted such as he thought did most deserve that honour: the which being done out of his Owne meere motion, did so inanimate his Soul∣diers as they cryed him up King; whereupon Stanley tooke Richards Crowne which was found amongst the Booty, and put it on his Head: so as he was chosen King by the Souldier, ac∣cording to the ancient custome of diverse Kingdomes. The Lord Strange, who as wee have said, was delivered over to the custody of those who guarded the Tents Royall, that when the Battell should be ended he might be given in charge to the Hangman, at his guardians entreaties, interceded for them: the King granted him their Pardon, received him with much Honour, and his Father with much Joy. He went from thence to Leicester where he stayed two dayes to refresh his men and take order for his going to London. The day before, Richard went from that City in great Pride and Pompe, waited on by so many Lords, Knights, and Souldiers as made the World to wonder: he returned thither whether the next day like a slaine Buck layd acrosse upon the Croupe of a Horse, his Head and Armes hanging on One side, his Legges on the other, Scorned and all Naked (save his Privy Members which were covered with a course piece of Cloth) besmeared with Blood and dawb'd with Dirt, a Horrid sight to behold. The Heralds name that carried him was White-Bore, and the White-Bore was Richards Impresa, the which was torne and cut in pieces in as many places of the Kingdome as it was found. His Body lay na∣ked two whole dayes upon the bare Earth in a Church of the Minorites in Leicester, whither it was carried: nor could the People be satisfyed with that sight, which being Gastfull in any Other, was in Him Pleasing and Delightfull, so much had his actions exasperated them against him. Hee was buried in the said Church without any manner of Solemnity or Funerall rites. King Henry shortly after made a Monument bee made for him with his Statue of Alablaster which represented him to the Life: the which at the suppression of that Monastery was bro∣ken in Pieces: the place where Hee was buried is since over∣growne with Weedes and Nettles, so as it cannot bee novv said Here was Richard Buried. The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof, is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in,

which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in, in a Neighbouring Village. They say the Body being taken from thence, was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester: and many other things are said of it, which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention, then that there is any thing of Truth in them. In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased: some except Ed∣ward Plantagenet, Earle of Warwicke, Sonne to the Duke of Clarence, whom I do not account upon, since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male: As vvee shall see.

The End of the Eighth Booke.

The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND, In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh.

OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occur∣rences of a Kingdom, the Government where∣of passed now from one Family to another; it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom, to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration. Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood, as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto. His father Edmund Earl of Rich∣mond, was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth, whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kin∣red to the House of Lancaster. By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him; since Margaret Countesse of Richmond (one∣ly daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset, and grand-childe to

Iohn Duke of Lancaster, the father of Henry the fourth, the first King of that House) pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail, she and her son were to succeed, as rightly descended from the said Iohn, the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster. But this meets with two oppo∣sitions: The one, That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown: The other, That, say it had, the House of Som∣merset did not partake therein, though sprung from the same Head. The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these: Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa, daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster, elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster, upon whom (King Richard the second dying without sons, as he did) the Succession fell: So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth, the fifth, and sixth, 'twas im∣possible for them to transmit that right to Others, which they Themselves had not. That the House of Sommerset, though the Other had had right, did not partake therein, is thus proved: The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche, Constance, and Katharine, the due claims of his children had by them, were not the same, forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance, in respect of the several Dowries, and different Qualities of the three mothers. Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster; Constance, the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon; and Katharine, no∣thing at all, being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche: So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche, could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance; nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster, in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters; much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pre∣tence at all, in prejudice of the children by the former two wives, unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fa∣thers Inheritance; wherein must be considered their disadvan∣tage of being the last born, therefore not to enjoy the preroga∣tive which the Laws give to the first-born: To this may be added, that they were born whilst Constance yet lived; so as they were not onely Bastards, but in such a degree as doth aggravate the conditi∣on; they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery: And though after the death of Constance, he married Katharine; (which sub∣sequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament) yet, they not being of the whole Blood, the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster, in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown, their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father: So as Henry the fourth being established in the king∣dom by the Authority of Parliament, and by the same Authority his sons & such as should descend of them being declared his law∣ful Successors therein; he (in case his succession should fail) made no mention at all of his Half-brothers, or such as should descend

from them. So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation (it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election) yet had not the House of the Sommerset (though de∣scended from the same father) the same pretence; since not be∣ing able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster, much lesse could it pretend to the Crown, the father having no pretence at all thereunto. And if Henry, his eldest son, obtained the Crown, it was by Purchase, and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name: So as the Crown (according to the Laws of England) belonging to the House of York, by the Marriage with Anne, sister and heir to the afore∣said Edmund Mortimer, there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown, in prejudice to the first Mortimer, and consequent∣ly to the House of York. If it could not Then justly do it, neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown: and if it could do it; in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer & the House of York, by making Henry the fourth King; it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster, by making Edward the 4 King. So as Henry the Seventh (be it either by Election or by natural Descent) is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown: which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person, not in those who have descended from him. For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York, his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown. And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him, let us say, that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence, it had it by the Mother, who was Heir to the House of Sommerset; and if the House of Som∣merset be different from that of Lancaster, so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim, yet may he have it Another way; being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Ed∣ward the 4 were: So as the legal Right being in Elizabeth accord∣ing to Natural Descent, and in Him according to Election; and it being sufficient according to the laws of Nature and of the King∣dom, that the right be in any one of them, it matters not in which; since either of them having it, there is none that suffers wrong thereby. 'Tis a wonder notwithstanding that it could so much as fall into his imagination to pretend thereunto before this Marri∣age; and that Edward and Richard should without any cause be afraid of him: but the reason is, because, as Head of the Faction, he might be troublesom to them. For though Henry the Sixth and the Prince his son were extinguished (they being the last of the House of Lancaster) yet was not that Party or Faction extinguished; which could not be revived again, save under his conduct who had the neerest Relation thereunto. For this it was that the last Duke of Buckingham (not calling Henry to minde before his meeting with his mother) thought he himself had reason to pretend thereunto. In such a case, the right & lawful title of King imports not so much as

the lawful Title to be Head of a Party: the first is communica∣ble by Fortune, Force, or favour of Parliament; the other onely by Descent: for upon such occasions, Law is not sought after, but a Pretence: To Pretend, is that which is desired, and which suf∣ficeth. And this it was that moved the two Brothers to sollicite to get him into their Tuition from the Duke of Britanny: for as for any thing else, they had no reason to fear him. The Lancastrian Fa∣ction had never been likely to have been revived, had not Richard been a Tyrant; for Edward, through his Affability, had ground∣ed such an affection of the People towards the House of York, as neither would Richard's wickednesse, nor Henry's goodnesse, have been able to have rooted it out: nay, Henry would have had none at all to have sided with him (though against a man so much ab∣horred) had it not been for his promise to marry Elizabeth, the Heir of the House and Kingdom. The troubles which after∣wards befel him, sprung from hence; for he always shewed him∣self but luke-warm in his affections towards his wife, and an ir∣reconcileable enemy to her House; insomuch as having gotten the Victory and slain his Enemy, he grew obstinate in his will not to be King but by his Own Title: he deferred his Marriage, and Her Coronation, till such time as being crowned Himself, and established by Parliament, he had onely accepted of the Title of Lancaster, as the First and Chiefest Fundamental; and of the other two (Conquest and Marriage) but as Accidental, or as Adjuncts. Nor ought this to be imputed to him as a Fault; since it was not caused by any Hatred he bare to the House of York, but out of the Love he bare unto Himself, and through a cautelous Foresight. For a noise being rumour'd that the Duke of York was alive (preserved from death by those who had the charge to kill him) his claim by his Wife would have failed him, if her Brother had been alive, who could not have been excluded but by the litigious Title of Lancaster. And suppose this News were false, there remained yet Other doubts: for if she should die without children, the bare Title of Marriage would not make good the Crown unto Him, which was to fall upon her Sisters: And if she should die, leaving children by him behinde her, the Crown would fall upon Them: so as many inconveniences might have happened to him thereby. For, suppose that his Chrildren and the Parliament should both of them have been contented he should have continued in the Government, there is a great Dif∣ference betwixt reigning by vertue of Birth and Law, whereby he was not obliged to any; and the doing of the like by vertue of Another's Consent, which obliged him to Every one: In the first, he was Free and Independent; in the second, of Courtesie, and Dependent. To make use of his Title of Conquest, was Dangerous, and which might alienate even those that sided with him: for thereby he had authority to take what he would, from whom he would, to make what Conditions he pleased, to make Laws at his pleasure, to disannul Laws already made, when he

liked; and to dispose of men, not as a King of Subjects, but as a Lord of Slaves. And though the Title of Lancaster were con∣demned by Parliament as Usurped and Unjust; and that he him∣self was called unto the Crown, not by vertue of his Own Title, but that by marrying with the Princesse Elizabeth, the true Queen and Heir to the House of York, all those Disputes might be ended; yet moved by the abovesaid Considerations, and not valuing the inconveniences that might arise, he declared himself King by ver∣tue of his Birth, not naming the Princesse Elizabeth in any thing; as willing to run whatsoever danger, rather then to be King by his Wives Courtesie, while she should Live; by the Good-will of his Children, if she should Die; and by the Permission of Parliament, if he should have no Issue by her.

He began his Reign the Two and twentieth day of August, * 1.16 1485, at the same time that Richard ended his: from whom he did very much differ in Conditions. They were both Constant, the one in Wickednesse, the other in Worth: insomuch as had he not had too great a desire to encrease his Treasure, he would hardly be out-done by whatsoever praise-deserving Prince; he was deservedly praised for his Wisedom and Valour. The Lord Chancellor Bacon, who hath written his Life, calls him England's Solomon, not so much in that he brought Peace thereunto, as that being Wise like Solomon, he was, like Him, very Grievous and Burdensome to his People, never wanting some invention or other to draw Moneys from them.

The Princesse Elizabeth, and Edward Plantaginet Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence, were in Sherifhutton-Castle in York-shire, where they were both kept by Richard's command. King Henry commanded that the Princesse should be brought up to Lon∣don, to the Queen her Mother; whither she went attended on by Lords and Ladies: But the Earl of Warwick, he gave order that the keeper of the Castle should deliver him unto the custodie of Sir Robert Willoughby, to be by him brought prisoner to the Tower; for though he were very Young, yet was he not a person fit to enjoy his Liberty in such litigious times. For if being a Prisoner, there wanted not some who feigned themselves to be Him, taking his Personage upon them; what would have been done, had he had his Liberty? Henry's resolution therefore in this point, did not proceed from a violence of Will, or weaknesse of Judge∣ment (as is the opinion of some Writers) but from exact Wis∣dom; chusing of two evils the Lesser and least Dangerous.

He went from Leicester towards London, without any ostentati∣on of Victory or Conquest: his Journey was peaceful; all Mi∣litary insolencies were forbidden, and forborn: he marched not like a New King, but like one who had been so Long; welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy. His taking up the Olive∣branch, and laying aside the Palm, did enhearten the People; who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry

the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits; being subject to so many Alterations, as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue, the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore & six yeers. In like manner made he his entrance into London: for though he was met by the Maior, Magistrates, and Citizens (besides the No∣bility and Gentlemen which accompanied them) notwithstand∣ing, dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first en∣trance of Kings into that City, he made his entry in a Coach un∣displayed; to the end it might not be thought that having re∣invested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes, and gotten the Crown by the Kings death, he had any intention to Triumph over the People. His entry was upon a Saturday, the day of his Victory; which day he solemnized all his life-time, as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week. He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church; where he made Te Deum be sung, and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy, to be there hung up. He pretended to no other Trophies; nei∣ther did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour, or from Fortune, but as from God, the onely Fortune whereunto Sacri∣fices ought to be made. He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church, as not being far from the Tower, from whence he was to come to his Coronation. And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny, (which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke, was believed to be true) he in an As∣sembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom, which was called for that purpose, did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth: by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him: yet did he defer the Consummating of it with∣out any manner of scandal, till being Crowned, and in Possession by his Own Title, he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife. He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve, and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Ban∣nerets. He created his Uncle Iasper, Earl of Pembroke, Duke of Bedford; he who having brought him up of a Childe, saved him from Edward the Fourth, by carrying him into Britanny. He cre∣ated his Father-in-law, the Lord Stanley, Earl of Darby; and Ed∣ward Courtney Earl of Devonshire. He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities, and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People. Cardinal Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, executed that Office. He held a Parliament Seven days after, wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him; and made the like De∣cree against the chiefest of the Other side: and to take away all suspition from the rest, he granted out a General Pardon, which freed such of fear, who had cause to fear: for his having conde∣mned those whom he would not pardon, did secure These, and * 1.17

was a sure signe he would pardon the rest; so as quitting the San∣ctuaries, and places where they had hid themselves, they swore Fealty to him, and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration, and reentred into their Possessions. Afterwards as concerning his Title (which was the chiefest Concernment) he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse, as that the Prin∣cesse Elizabeth not being named therein, he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense: that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten, not declaring whether it were his by Nature, or by Conquest; it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it, it must make for his advantage. He would not prescribe any Succession in case he, and those that should lawfully descend from him, should fail, because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York: he there∣fore left the decision thereof to the Laws. He, in the same Par∣liament, conferr'd more Honours: he created Monsieur de Chan∣dos (a Gentleman of Britanny, who during his being there, had been his familiar friend, and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England) Earl of Bath: he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby, Barons: he restored Edward Stafford, el∣dest son to the Duke of Buckingham, to his Blood, Dignity, and Goods: and though his Confiscation were great, yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse, and having thereupon lost his Life, he restored all unto his Son: which won him the reputation of being Grateful. And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments, without demanding some Aids by Moneys, and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People, he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time, as not having any Grace to confer, fitting to the time: for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace, yet would not he pre∣tend it to be such, but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him, in receiving him to be King by his Own Ti∣tle. Besides, he not having War with any one, and having ma∣ny great Confiscations faln unto him (the which he so modera∣ted as might become a favourable Confiscator, and be expected in a good Government) he was willing to spare his Subjects purses. And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him, nor He to fear Them; yet knowing he had Enemies, he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain; which was a New thing in England, where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections. So as to take away all Jealousie, he declared the Institution to be Perpetual: moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do: and, for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King; and is requisite to be had, if not for Necessity, for De∣cency.

The Parliament being dissolved, he forgot not that he had

left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England. Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens, he commanded the Lord Treasu∣rer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks: and after sundry consultations, the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling; the which though it came short of the sum that was de∣sired, he took in good part, supplying the Remainder (which was much) out of his Own moneys, to the end the Hostages might return for England, as they did. He forgot not the services done to him by Iohn Morton Bishop of Ely, and Richard Fox Bishop of Exceter, for which he made them both of his Privie-Councel, and gave unto Morton the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, which fell void by the death of Cardinal Bourchier: he made Fox Lord Privie-Sea; promoting him from the Bishoprick of Exceter to that of Bath and Wells, from thence to Durham, and from thence to Winchester, the richest of All the rest.

Having now no impediment to hinder the performance of his promise, he married the Princesse Elizabeth, to the peoples so * 1.18 great joy, as he was not much therewithal pleased; ror he never had any great inclination to the Match: his inveterate enmity to her Family prevailed more with him, then did the Goodnesse, Fruitfulnesse and Beauty of so worthy a Wife.

Soon after Henry's coming to the Crown, England was afflicted with a disease not known in former times; so as the remedies not being known, many perished of it: of a Hundred scarcely One escaped, till experience taught the Way how to cure it. Men were taken with a deadly Sweat, with Pains in the Head, and Bur∣nings in the Stomack, which rendred them dry and desirous of Cold, they were by the one and the other of them dispatcht in Four and twenty hours: for, casting off their clothes, and drink∣ing cold Beer as it came from the Cellar, they died irrecoverably. But some few relapsing twice or thrice into this Maladie, it was found that taking Cold and not drinking Warm drink, were the causes which made it mortal. The Cure then that was found for it, was, To endure the Heat Four and twenty hours, in such manner as the Sweat was neither Irritated, nor kept Back; and to drink Warm drink a little at a time, rather to Allay then to Extinguish thirst. This Sicknesse began in the midst of Septem∣ber, and continued all October: it hindred not the solemnity of the Coronation: it begot no Swelling nor Sores, and became curable if the remedies were Timely applied: neither was it Contagious but the Fever which did accompany it was Pestilential. It was judged to proceed from a Malignant vapour, which stuffing up the Vital spirits, was wrestled with by nature, to drive it out by Sweat. An Author of good quality saith it could not be called Epidemical, though it so generally spred it self: and that if sprung from a certain malignity of the Air, occasioned by the

Unseasonablenesse of the weather. But Fernelius, who wrote of it at the intreaty of an English Ambassadour, calleth it Epidemi∣cal. Those that esteemed it a Prodigie, would have it to foreboad a Hard and Troublesome Reign. But Polydor Virgil's opinion is not to be rejected: That the King should be troubled even till the Last day of his Life; since from the beginning to the end, he Never had any quiet. A Divination which was not likely to prove false, being made After the Event; nor did the Other which was made Before it.

All things having succeeded according to his wish, Henry thought now he should meet with no more oppositions: He was King by his Own Title, in his Own Right: he had married the Prin∣cesse; and by his General Pardon and Restitution of Goods, he had reconciled such as were his Profest Enemies: yet the Nor∣thern people, bearing still a love to the House of York, and to the late Richard, he thought it requisite for him to go into those parts; hoping by his Presence to cure their infatuated imagina∣tions. He kept his Easter at Lincoln; whither he was hardly come, when he understood how the Lord Lovel and the Two Staffords (brothers) Humphrey, and Thomas, had forsaken Sanctuary, it not being known whither they were gone: but assoon as he was come to York, he understood that the Lord Lovel was not far from thence, with good store of men about him: and that the Staffords, having raised Forces in Worcester-shire, were marched towards York to assault him. This second information, though it did a lit tle trouble him, yet he took it to be but the remainder of Richard's yet panting spirits: but he was more confused to think that he was amongst a people that did not affect him, that sided with the House of York, and of whom, without danger, he could not make use. Amidst these difficulties, he muster'd out of those that fol∣lowed him, and such as had relation to them, Three thousand fighting men, on whom he might affie; which being sufficiently ill armed, he gave in charge to the Duke of Bedford; giving him for his Vant-guard a General Pardon, which like Cannon-shot might ru∣ine the Enemy; as it did. For the Duke being come in sight of him, and the Heralds having published the Pardon, he was there∣with so stricken, as doubting not onely to be Abandoned, but to be yeelded up Prisoner, he fled the same night towards Lancaster; and from thence into Flanders, to the Dutchesse Dowager of Bur∣gundy: whilst the rest, laying down their Arms, yeelded themselves to the Duke. Whereupon they that were with the Staffords, their hopes being lost, disperst themselves into sundry places; and the two brothers got into the Sanctuary at Colnham neer Abington, where they found not the safety they imagined: for the priviledge thereof not extending to save Traytors, they were taken from thence. Humphrey was executed; and Thomas was pardoned, for that, as the Younger brother, he was enforced to obey the Elder.

The King having quieted this Rebellion, and reduced these Nor∣thern people to his Obedience, returned to London. The Queen in

September brought him a Son; who lived, though born in the Eighth Month, contrary to the rule of Common Observation: it may be there was some Errour in the Calculation; for it is more likely that Women may be deceived in the time of their Conception, and in the Counting of their Months, then that Hippocrates should be deceived in his Principles. He named him Arthur, in memory of the ancient Britons, from whom he descended; Wales (as hath been said) not being any part of the Angli-Saxones, which possessed all the Rest of the Kingdom; but of the Original people of the Island, the residue of the Britons, which saved themselves by fleeing into those Provinces: and from thence came the First so famous Ar∣thur, who really and without any manner of Fable or Romanza, was a very valiant Prince: so as Henry to revive his memory, call∣ed his Son after His name.

There lived at this time in Oxford one Richard Simond a Priest, in∣differently well educated, but of mean birth: and who (abounding with strange ambitious fancies) durst do that which another could never have dared to do. This man took upon him to bring up a yong Boy of so Sweet and Ingenuous a Countenance as one would not have thought him to be a Baker's Son, as he was: his name was Lambert Symnel. There were then Two rumours noised every where, and which were spread abroad by such as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign: the one, that the Duke of York, son to Edward the 4, was Alive; the other, that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick, who was prisoner in the Tower, secretly to death. The First was divulged, to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected; the Second, to en∣crease Hatred against the King, as if, equally cruel with Richard, he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick, as Richard had treated his Nephews. Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion, bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York; but presently altering his Opinion, he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner, the Earl of Warwick: and that if his endeavours should succeed, and that Lambert should be made King, he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England, and the Go∣vernment of King and Kingdom. Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein; since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom, they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Prin∣cesse Elizabeth, he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be. Resolving hereupon, he began to give such in∣struction to Lambert as such a businesse required; and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents: but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many, and not known to him, he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court, who might be informed by those that had

served the Earl, of his childish conversation, and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death; at which time he was but Ten yeers old. None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager, she was imagined to be the Instructresse: for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little belo∣ved, and so coolly treated as a Wife, and as a Queen, wanting the usual Marks of that dignity; (for Henry had neglected her Co∣ronation, though he had lately born him a Son) not that her in∣tention was to make Lambert King, but to make use of him, to Depose her Son-in-law; to substitute the infant-Prince, the law∣ful Successor, in his place; and, in case she should meet with too great oppositions, Lincoln, or Warwick; which were Both of the House of York. That which made people of this opinion, was, Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery, upon no weighty pretence; as we shall see. The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault, for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known. Howsoever it was, Lam∣bert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Per∣sonage, with so miraculous punctuality, as that these being joyn∣ed to his Natural Sweetnesse, a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him. The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian per∣sonate the son to the Duke of Clarence, then King Edward's son (though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive) was, That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower, he observed so Great Joy in the Peo∣ple, as he thought he should have more to further him in his de∣signe, and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man; falsly supposed to have made an escape, then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed: for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed; Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him, which could not, without danger, enter into such souls, especially under such a King as was Richard; and the Escape from the Tower, which aug∣menting the danger, took from the belief of any Compassion in Them, or Life in Him. But that which chiefly made him re∣solve upon This, was, that whilst he was doubtful what to do, 'twas said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower. Now to act this Comedy well, he did not think England a fit Scene, a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not: unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place, which might be avoided abroad; where no Witnesses being, to convince; nor Acquaintance; to confound; boldnesse▪ becomes impudence: without which, Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected. He resolved to go over into Ireland, a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York, and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing; neither Deputy, Councellor, nor Officer; the same

commanded there, that were there placed by Richard: a negli∣gence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was, who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People, wherein if altera∣tions chance to happen, remedies are hardly come by; none be∣ing to be had from within it Self, and all External helps (the Sea interposed between them and home) being Difficult, Dan∣gerous and Slowe. All which made for Symond's purpose; who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare, who was De∣puty (a man ill-affected to Henry, as he was well-affected to the House of York) presented his pretended Prince unto him, using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction, the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches, and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be: insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession, he found them, and together with them, the People, prone to Rebellion. They received this fancied Prince with great honour; they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging; and few days after proclaimed him King, by the name of Edward the Sixth. There was not any one Province that denied him obedience; and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry: whilst on the contrary side, there was not any one that spake a word, or drew a sword in his behalf. But that Kingdom being but bare of Mo∣ney and Arms, and but meanly furnished with Souldiers, they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York, and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy, would, in a businesse of so great consequence, assist them with their Supplies: whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland, where he was received and proclaimed King; that they were purposed to bring him into England, his hereditary Kingdom, if they would be ready with their assistance, to secure his Entry; and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money, Souldiers, and Commanders. Margaret, by reason of her vertue (for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster) was in great esteem amongst the Flemings: she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy, who being slain before Nanci, left no Heir behinde him save Mary (born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon, his second wife) who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third, to whom she bare Philip and Margaret, which (their mother being dead) were brought up with much charity and affection by this window, she doing for Them, as she could have done had they been her Own children: which caused the Subjects, moved thereunto by her so great Charity, to honour and obey her, as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Prin∣cesse. Her husband had left her a very great Dowry; so as she having had no other occasion of Expence, saving her frugal Do∣mestick affairs, she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers, of her Self, unassisted by any Other, undertake this

business. She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie: not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it (for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept, as he could not escape) but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry. His marriage with her Neece, which should have reconciled her to him, did the more Incense her against him, since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom, and to take it from Her House, without any Hope of ever Recovering it again: whereupon she readily Promised Assistance; and, in it's due time, Sent it more Readily.

The King, when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland, was very much troubled; being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor. And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This, yet was he not to be excused; for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident; but Contingent dangers: neither was it Contigency, to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party; it was not to be be∣lieved, that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations; for Hatred in inveterate Factions, is seldome changed. But having no ready remedie, nor being able to exer∣cise his own Valour upon this occasion, as he had done upon Others, by reason of the Sea's interposal, he called his Council together, to know their Opinions, and to resolve upon what was to be done. They propounded and concluded upon Three expedi∣ents: First, a General Pardon for All faults (Treason against the Kings Person not excepted) to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty: a thing most Usual upon Other occasions, but necessary at This time; since Ordinary Trea∣son, which is usually pardonable, was not Now treated of; but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate, even to the Uttermost Hazard; their welfare being in∣compatible with the welfare of the Prince. This Article was re∣solved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton, who had saved the Lord Lovel: for, being a powerful man in his Countrey, he might have assembled many men, who, joyned to the rest, might have done much harm: and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish, yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity; it was thought fittest for the Present Danger, not to put him to Desperation, not to Pro∣voke him to Mischief, and to shew him a way to save himself. Secondly, that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower, and shewn to the People, to the end they might know he was not dead; and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera, framed onely to trouble the State. Thirdly, that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey, and that her goods should be confiscated; for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King, whilst he was in Britanny, she had, contrary to the Articles of Agree∣ment, delivered Her, and the rest of her sisters, up to Richard.

The issue of these three Resolutions, were; Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon: Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls, being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him, especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition; to the end they might be convinc't in their reason. The which though it availed in England, yet did it no good in Ireland: where the King was accused, That, out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance, which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd, he had shewed to the view of the People, a young boy who was somewhat like him, to the end they might believe a Falshood, thereby cheating the World, and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church, and sacred Ceremonies. The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect, though not without Scandal: for there being no other cause then what was alleadged, the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty: of Avarice, be∣cause the King got thereby her Confiscation, which was very Great; of Cruelty, because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman (the Weaknesse caused by the Threats, the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant) and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary (an End whereof she was Never to expect) did not deserve so Severe a punishment. Not but that her fault was very Great, since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain, and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey, and their Possessions, who upon her promises were gone into Britanny: but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man, without Forces; against a powerful King, a skil∣ful Warriour; together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham, who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd: the sufferings of her Body and Minde, made her co∣vet a Quiet; which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People: and if This were her Onely fault, wherefore was she not at first proceeded against, before her daughter's Marriage, and the Prince's birth; in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her, neither held her as a Delinquent? But in my Opi∣nion it is to be thought that the Kings nature, though Covetous, yet not Wicked, did not move him to deal so injuriously with her: rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause; and that those Forces above mention'd, which made her guilty in the highest degree, made him so ex∣ceeding Severe: else he would have punisht her Before, as in Justice he might have done. But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions. This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works; whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery, proved Constant: from being a widow to a bare Knight, she was made wife to a great King; who being fled away, deposed, and banished, she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son, which she bare there, to take

Sanctuary; her husband not many months after returning home Victorious, and Triumphing, she likewise returned with him, and during his life, lived in her former Greatnesse and Felicity: when he died, she fell upon the like necessity, as formerly, of taking Sanctuary; her Brother-in-law having usurped the King∣dom from her Sons, declared them to be Bastards, and cruelly put them to Death; for her yet greater grief, her Brother, and one of her sons, had by her Former husband, died under the Hangmans hands: in lesse then Three months space, she was wounded with the death of Three Sons and a Brother: her el∣dest Daughter being married to the new King, moved by her womanish anger to practise uneffectible Chimaera's, she lost her Honour, Goods and Liberty; and shortly after died unhappie; not visited by any whilst she lived, abandoned by her friends. She was endued with Rare Qualities; but her ruine proceeded from her abuse in the Choice of them: Wisedom and Wylinesse be∣ing of the like Habit and Aspect, are easily mistaken One for Another; she took the Later for the Former; which she would not have done had she well considered them, for they are of Dif∣fering Liveries; the one's is border'd about with Vertue, the other's with Deceipt. Queens Colledge in Cambridge is her foun∣dation, and so call'd from her at this hour.

The Earl of Lincoln fled at this same time into Flanders: he was son to Iohn de la Poole Duke of Suffolk, and Elizabeth, Eldest sister to the Two Brothers Edward and Richard. Richard had declared him to be his Successor, in case he should die without Children; for having published King Edward and the Duke of Clarence to be born in Adultery, he could not (if he would maintain the pre∣tended justice of his Own cause to the Crown) but reject their issue; especially having injured them so heinously. The Earl, upon these hopes, flew High in his conceipts: he was a man so well conditioned, as had his Title been just, he deserved to have attain'd at what he aim'd. His designes, which were born to the ground by Henry, who by his Uncles death had gotten the Crown, began to renew again at this Irish news: for knowing the preten∣ded Plantagenet's falshood, he thought the troubles that were thereupon like to arise, would bring him to what he desired; for Henry being once overcome, it would be easie for Him to bear down the Impostor. The King had oft-times had him in his thoughts; for being a Bird fit for the Cage, to let him fly loose Abroad, might prove pernicious to Himself and to the State: but the Earl of Warwick's imprisonment, at which the People were offended, was the cause why he imprisoned not Him; which should he do, they would take yet greater offence: and he hoped, though He were at Liberty, he could not hurt him so long as the Other was in Prison: Warwick's pretension was Just, and accord∣ing to the Laws; Lincoln's was Illegal, obtained from one who had no Power to give it: and the more it was Questionable, the lesse was it to be Feared; for it was not likely that by the

difference of Two disagreeing Pretendants, any One of the par∣ties might by Concord be established. In which if he was decei∣ved, it was not to his Prejudice. For Lincoln being fled (not without the knowledge and appointment of Sir Thomas Broughton) he went to his Aunt the Dutchesse, who after divers consultati∣ons, sent him into Ireland, accompanied by the Lord Lovel and other Fugitives, with a Regiment of Two thousand choice Dutchmen commanded by Martin Swart, a Valiant Captain. She thought this ready succour would produce many good effects; as the Confirming of the Rebels in their Obstinacy; the Securing the Counterfeit King in Possession, and the Encouraging of his Party in England, by making them Ready at their arrival to set upon Henry, to fight with him, and to put him to flight: for the Feigned Edward the Sixth was to be Held up, as long as need re∣quired, and not Yet to be cashiered, and the True Edward, which was in the Tower, put in his place. She had no thought at all of Lincoln in this businesse, knowing he had no Right of Pretence, unlesse she would have Seconded her brother Richard in his Decla∣rations, to the Shame of her House, which she was very far from.

The King, when he understood of his flight, was much per∣plext; he saw, that, the Dutchesse having declared her self in the behalf of the Rebels, he must defend his Crown with the Sword. The first provisions he made, was to make the Sea-coasts on that side be well guarded, to the end that Others might not follow Lincoln's example. He raised a Great Army, and divided it under Two Generals, the Duke of Bedford, and the Earl of Oxford; believing to be set upon at one and the same time, both from Ireland, and Flanders. And though he expected not this be∣fore the Spring, yet forbore he not to make a journey almost in the midst of Winter into Suffolk and Norfolk, to take order for necessary provisions. And understanding by the way, that Mar∣quesse Dorset was coming to him, to clear himself of some impu∣tation which was falsly laid upon him, he dispatched away the Earl of Oxford to meet him by the way, with order to carry him to the Tower, and to tell him, That this was not done for that he had Deserved it, or that the King had any Ill opinion of him, but to Free him from the Danger of being Perswaded to undertake any thing which might redound to his Prejudice; so as though he could not chuse but think such a provision very Hard, he wish∣ed him to take it Patiently, promising him he should have Ho∣nourable and Satisfactory reparation. The King kept his Christ∣masse at Norwich; and went from thence by way of Devotion to our Lady of Walsingham, and from thence returned by Cambridge to London.

The Earl of Lincoln's arrival in Ireland, with so many good men with him, added to the Rebels hopes: they were very proud * 1.19 to see themselves favoured by the Dutchesse, by her sending of such ready Helps, and Two so great Lords, as were Lincoln and Lovel. At their coming, King Lambert was Crowned, being

formerly but Proclaimed King. Being in Council, they differ'd in Opinions, whether the war were to be made in Ireland or Eng∣land: Those who would have it made in Ireland, alleadged for their reasons, That Henry being necessitated to passe over thither in Person, lest he might lose that Kingdom, he would meet with many disadvantages; amongst which the most Considerable would be, his giving way for the Faction of York to Spread it Self, the which being already Great, would Encrease and grow Greater in the Absence of the King, and such Forces as he must carry along with him; so as the Faction of Lancaster consequently growing Weaker, it would run danger of being Destroy'd, and divers would be encouraged to Abandon it, who Already were prettily well Enclined so to do: which if it should fall out, he would be able to do but Little good in Ireland, since he would want Supplies, being likely to have None from England, which, peradventure, he might Lose. They were but Few that were of this opinion: for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War, strong Holds, Arms, Money and Souldiers; an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds, nor Themselves Secured; without Money Souldiers were not to be had; nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England: Henry had done the same with Grea∣ter & Lesser company, and yet had had Good successe; it was to be believed, that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland, he would have but Few in England; where, if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York, whilst they had No Head to follow, what would they when they should have a lawful King, at∣tended on by a whole Kingdom? an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like. But all these arguments, though Sufficient, were not efficacious enough to make this reso∣lution be taken: the onely reason: which bare sway to have the war in England, was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen, and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fight∣ing in Ireland. The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum; those who had nothing but their Lives to lose, were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey. They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons; and landed with Lambert, clad in kingly apparel, at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire; they were con∣ducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare, and Viscount Lovel, fol∣lowed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart. Broughton met them at their landing, with but a few men: they marched towards York, and passed peaceably where they went, to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease, not to Oppresse their Subjects: but shortly after, their hopes began to grow cool, when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March; especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York, and to Richard. But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there

the yeer before, they might believe, They were not now likely to fare better. Some were of opinion, that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations, the Dutch and Irish, should pretend to present them with a King made by them: and though Henry the 4, and Edward the 4, and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Stran∣gers, yet the case differ'd: They (the first and last) were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom, to free them from the two Richards, the 2 and the 3, the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other; and Edward came of himself, building upon the People's Love: nei∣ther had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out; rather the opinion of his Worth, and his having Matcht with the House of York, had established him: moreover, the Pro∣cession made to Paul's, wherein the True Plantagenet was seen, made them not minde the False one.

Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire with∣out ruine, resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel. He marched towards Newark, minding to make himself master thereof: but Henry, who at the first news of their landing, was advanced to Coventry, sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Priso∣ners, that he might learn News: a superfluous diligence; for he had Spyes amongst them, who advertis'd him of all their proceed∣ings. Being come to Nottingham, a Counsel of War was held, wherein it was discust where 'twere better to protract time, or to Fight: the King was for giving Battel, being encouraged by the ac∣cesse of 6000 fighting men, most of them Voluntaries, under 70 Colours: the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders; and that the enemy might not take the ad∣vantage of Newark, the King encamped himself between them and the Town. Lincoln, seeing himself so closely pursued, went to Stoke; planting himself upon the side of a little hill, from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel: the which was valiantly fought on Both sides; but of the Man∣ner how, there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge. 'Tis held, that of the King's Three Battallions, the Vantguard onely fought, & the other Two moved not at all; which seems the Stran∣ger, for that having fought even to the Last man (the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain) the King would purchase the Vi∣ctory at so Dear a rate; which, if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought, he might have had it better Cheap. All the Chief of the Enemy were slain; Lincoln, Kildare, Lovel, Broughton, and Colonel Swart: great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish, who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight: the Dutch, who were well armed, and understood their work, died not unrevenged. The Conflict endured Three hours; not likely to have endured so Long, had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought. 'Tis said the L. Lo∣vel sought to save himself; but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse, they were both drowned, as not able to clammer up.

Others will have it that he got over the River, and that he lived a long time in a Cave. The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death, not that he Loved him, or out of desire of further Revenge; but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him, what Correspondency the Dutchesse Mar∣garet had in England. There died, Four thousand of the Enemy, the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard; and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions: So roundly were they dealt withal. Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side. They took many Prisoners: amongst which king Lambert Symnel, otherwise called Edward the Sixth, and Simond his Tutor and Seducer: 'twas thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against; but his yeers (he not being full Sixteen yeers Old) freed him from the Highest of faults. He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth; that the fault proceeded from his Governour, whom he was not wont to disobey. His punishment was the Kitchin; where he was put to the vilest employments; his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks: he continued in the office of a Scullion, till by what means I know not, he was prefer∣red to be one of the King's Falconers, in which condition he died; not giving any further occasion of Story. The King shewed herein his Wisedom: for had he put him to Death being so Young, and for a fault not of his Own Chusing; Severity might have had the face of Cruelty, and Justice of Injustice; and toge∣ther with his Life, his Memory would have been Lost: whereas, by Pardoning him, he gave life to a testimony of his Own Cle∣mency, and Others Wickednesse; and instructed the People up∣on other occasions. The being a Priest, saved Simond, though worthy of whatsoever punishment: the King was pleased to af∣ford him Penitence and Pennance; by giving him leave, during his Life, to bewail his sin in Prison. There is a great difference between Polydor Virgil's calculation of this Battel and that of Other Writers: he affirms it to have happened in the yeer 1489; the rest, in the yeer 1487, on the Sixteenth of Iune, on a Saturday, the day which was observed to be happie and propitious to the King. I follow the Later. The King went not from the Camp till he had given humble thanks to God for the Victory; the which he did likewise three days together at Lincoln; with Processions, and other religious duties; and he sent his Standard to our Ladies Church in Walsingham, whither he had vowed it. He caused some of those that were taken to be put to death; doing the like in York-shire, where diligent search was made after the Rebels: and since it would have been a kinde of Cruelty, to have punished so Many for One fault; he was contented to commute the Blood of their Veins for the Blood of their Purses, imposing great Pecuniary pu∣nishments upon them, wherewith both He and They were satisfi'd.

He went to Newcastle; from whence he sent Ambassadours to the King of Scotland, to invite him either to a Treaty of Peace, or to a longer Truce. His being but newly setled in his kingdom,

and the Inveteratenesse of the Faction, counselled him to be at quiet with his Neighbours, especially with Scotland: for these two kingdoms being almost Naturally given to be Enemies, they did much harm one to another by fomenting Rebels, and nou∣rishing of Seditions. Yet was this peace more requisite for King Iames then for Him. For being a friend to men of Mean condi∣tion, and an enemy to the Nobility, he never wanted cause of Fear; so as it behoved him to have Peace with England, that he might punish the Contumacious, and revenge himself upon his enemies. He therefore courteously received the Ambassadours, letting them know there was nothing which he in his heart more desired, then that which they came for; but that there would be great difficulty to make the Parliament condescend thereunto: for that there was an ancient Law which did inhibite Peace, lest the people, growing carelesse, through Idlenesse, and losing their natural vigour, which was conservable by the Use of Arms, might become Lazie; to the prejudice of the State: that therefore they must content themselves with a Truce for Six or Seven yeers; which being obtained, they might Renew from time to time, without much difficulty: for what concern'd Himself, King Henry might assure himself he would Always be his friend: he intreated them howsoever, to keep secret his free Communicati∣on with them; otherwise they would ruine the businesse; for nothing would be granted which should be known they had desired of him. Henry was contented with a Truce of Seven yeers; which being obtained, he returned to London; where, being taught by the last events, that his hatred to the House of York had been the cause of all the disorders that had ensued, he prepared for the Coronation of his Wife; which was effected the Five and twentieth of November; which was in the Third yeer of his Reign, and almost Two yeers after he had married her. 'Twas generally believed this resolution proceeded from Any thing else rather then from Good-will, the affections where∣with we are born being as hard to be concealed, as to be laid aside. Neither is it to be marvelled at if Henry born during the time of Hatred and Civil wars, wherein he had lost his estate, and been kept Prisoner till he was Ten yeers old; carried Exile into Bri∣tanny; demanded from thence by Edward and Richard; granted and sold to the former; to the Second sold, but not granted; and saved, as it were by miracle, from the hands of Both of them: it is no marvel, I say, if the Remembrance of these things did confirm him in the above-said hatred, and that that Hatred was converted to his very Nature and Blood, against the Blood of those who had laid traps to Ensnare and to Destroy him. But neither did his memory fail him in what concern'd Good Turns; for the cloud of Dangers and Suspitions being blown over, he set the Marquesse Dorset at liberty: and that he might know his impri∣sonment had proceeded from the Jealousies of the Times, and not from any Evil he had Done him, he suffered not those Ce∣remonies

to be used to Him, which usually are to such as are im∣prison'd for any fault.

His affairs being thus quieted, he dispatched away an Ambas∣sadour to Pope Innocent the Eighth to give him advertisement thereof, and to thank him for having honoured his Maariage with the assistance of his Nuntio, offering Himself and his Kingdom to be upon all occasions at his Service: for which the Pope, by way of correspondency, gratified him, by Moderating the Priviledges of Sanctuaries, and other Priviledg'd places; and by sending him a Bull; which was welcome and advantageous to him; for thereby Traytors became lesse bold. We have hitherto, spoken of the affairs Within the kingdom; we must now passe on to External businesses, to the which the King could not Before at∣tend, being busied about Home-affairs which more concerned him.

The designes of Lewis the Eleventh King of France, father to Charles the Eighth who at this time reigned, were to establish himself within the limits of his own Kingdom, and such bounds as confin'd upon his kingdom, by readjoyning unto it whatsoe∣ver at sundry times had been dismembred from it, either by Ap∣pennages, or Otherwise; and to beat down the Authority of Princes and great Lords that hindered him in his designe, which was to become Absolute: to bring this to effect, it was necessary for him to collogue with England (which was the onely place able to disturb him) and prodigally to present it; whereby ha∣ving laid it asleep as he desired, he reunited to the Crown the Dukedoms of Burgundy and Anjou, the Counties of Bar, and of Provence, together with all the best places of Piccardy. He in∣tended to do the like to the Dukedom of Britanny, but not effect∣ing it, he left the care thereof to his son Charles, who though very Young, did fully bring it to passe. For Peter de Landois, a proud and insolent Officer of the Duke of Britanny, having in∣cens'd the Nobility of the Dutchy, and called in Lewis, Duke of Orleans, to his aid, by making Anne (the Eldest daughter and Heir to that State) be promised to him in Marriage by her Father; the Barons had recourse unto Charles, who being entred with Four several Armies, into Four several parts of their Countrey, made them too late perceive, that they had not call'd him in to Assist them, but to Destroy them. The Duke of Britanny, who knew his Forces too weak to withstand the King's, had recourse to Henry, to whom Charles had already sent Ambassadours to shew him, That the chief Princes of the Blood and greatest Lords of his Kingdom being retired into Britanny (under pretence of Re∣fuge, but in effect that being joyned to that Duke, they might mischief Him the more) he was forced to take up Arms, and necessitated to war for his Own Defence, and to Prevent him that sought His ruine: that the war was Defensive on His side; that he pursued Rebels in a Prince's Countrey, who owing Ho∣mage to Him, ought not to have received them, and much lesse

to have Conspired against him with them: wishing him to re∣member, that if the Duke of Britanny had done him any favour, he had marr'd the merit of it; since it failed on his part, that he might have been utterly ruined, by being deliver'd up to Richard: that he did not pretend to remember him of the Assistance and Favours he had received from Him, which were done out of meer Affection, and contrary to what Reason should have perswaded him to for his Own good; since it had been better for him, that a Tyrant, like Richard, should have reigned in England, then so vertuous a King as was he: That if he would rightly weigh both their good turns, he should finde His proceeded from true Friend∣ship; the Duke's, from Self-interest: That he did not desire a Requital of Assistance, knowing that he was but Newly possest of the Kingdom, which he had purchas'd with great Expence and Trouble; but onely that he would stand Neuter: That he would not, by aiding the Duke, hinder the just progresse of hi•…•… Arms, justly to punish Rebels; and to give due correction to him that had, contrary to all Law, received them. He herewitha•…•… acquainted him with his having taken some certain Towns from the Archduke Philip in Flanders; affirming he had not done it out of any Ill-will, but for that it behoved him a little to Quell him: the difference between them, for any thing else, being Little or Nothing, they being Neighbours, and he to marry his sister. He said this to disswade Henry from believing that he made war in Britanny to Possesse himself thereof; and to honest the Usurpa∣tion by Marrying the Heir, as he intended, and as he did: and to make him believe this the rather, he discover'd unto him (as a businesse of great Trust) his designes upon the Kingdom of Naples; as if the attempt upon Naples, which was but an imaginati∣on in Future, were not compatible with his Present Real attempt upon Britanny.

Henry was displeased at this Embassie, Two Princes being therein concern'd, of which he knew not whether to prefer, be∣ing obliged to them Both, and equally favoured by them Both. He knew Charles did but Dissemble; that the injury he did the Duke was unjust, and hurtful for England: that France might peradventure have reason enough to be Offended with Britanny, but none to Subdue it: The danger was great: The Duke was Old, Sickly, and for the most part out of his Wits: He had no issue Male; Females, the weaker they are and Marriageable, the fitter are they to serve for an occasion of Oppressing the Coun∣trey: The Nobility was Mistrustful; the People, wavering: He objected to himself, that the Duke having preserved Him so many yeers, against the Treacheries of so many Enemies, he was, in Honour, obliged to do the like for him; wherewithal it like∣wise became him to preserve the freedom of Commerce unto his Kingdom; which would be Lost, or much Lessen'd, should it fall into the hands of such a King, who if by reason of what he al∣ready possessed, he were of so great might as he became formid

able to his neighbours, and those that lived further from him, what would his greatnesse become when it should be Augmented by the Addition of a Dukedom equal to a Kingdom, rich in No∣bility, People, Seas, and Ports? But having been likewise Obli∣ged to Charles, he could not (without the Badge of Ingratitude) treat him like an Enemy. To do then what he ought to do (which was not to Declare himself Against the One, nor Suffer the Other to be Undone) it behoved him to have Evident Reasons (should he do Otherwise) whereby it might Appear that he was Per∣force induced thereunto. His Obligation being Equal, his duty of gratitude could not be Dispensed withal to Either of them: so as, desirous to carry himself Indifferent where Circumstances were Equal, as in his Obligations; it behoved him to do Other∣wise, where Circumstances Differ'd, as in Interest of State, and Justice; Two ponderous weights, Both of which were put into the Duke's Scale. Having then answer'd the Ambassadours in matters of Lesser importance, as in the businesse of Flanders, he told them, He found himself bound in a Like bond of obligati∣on to the King and to the Duke: That the cause of his flight from Britanny into France, was not from the Duke, but through the wickednesse and malice of his Officer, Landois: He must con∣fesse he Oft hath owed his Life unto him, having had divers trea∣cherous plots contrived against him by the corruption of his Ser∣vants; that He never failed him, neither in Will, nor Deed: So as finding himself in this condition with them Both, he hoped that his Interposing himself as a Friend between them, might produce that Peace which was to be desired; and to which end he would forthwith dispatch away an Ambassadour to him. They being dismiss'd with this answer, he bent all his endeavours to work a Reconciliation between them, that he might not be En∣forced to take up Arms; the which if against his will he Must do, he was resolved to employ them to Preserve Britanny: nei∣ther did he believe fortune would prove so favourable to Charles, but that He might have time to Negotiate this businesse, ground∣ing his Confidence upon the great Oppositions he had; on the one side, Maximilian; on the other, the Forces of Britanny; and the Orleanists in the Bowels of his Kingdom ready to raise a Civil war, which he was not likely Quickly to quit his hands of: toge∣ther with the Inconstancy of his Young yeers, able to make him Change his minde; especially he being environ'd with men of Mean condition, who rather make their fortunes in Court-chan∣ges, then in Chances of War. Upon these supposals (which proved all false) he sent his Chaplain Christopher Ursewick into France: he gave him order that if he found Charles disposed to Peace, he should instantly go to Britanny, and conclude it in the best manner he could. Ursewick came to France, where Charles made him believe he did passionately desire Peace, whilst he was far from it; he therefore past on into Britanny, thinking he had done Half of his work; but he found he was deceived; for

the young King handled the businesse with so much Subtlety, as he that had been longest Experienced and Verst in businesse, could not have done it better. He seemed to be very desirous of Peace, knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose; for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judge∣ment (having indeed None at all) and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it; for being injured by him, it was not likely he should trust him. He on the other side, should by this means justifie himself to Henry; since the making of peace stuck not at Him; so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him, the fault (in all appearance) not being His. Urse∣wick being come to Britanny, found the Duke so very ill, as it was impossible for him to treat with him, who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement: it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans, whom he acquainted with the King his Master's de∣sire, and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto; so as there remained nothing to establish a good A∣greement, but to conclude upon the means, to every one's satis∣faction. The Duke being far from any such thought, knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for, and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse, and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny, an∣swer'd, He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles: and that those reasons, to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude, bore no sway with him: that he should do well to re∣member the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father t•…•… him, from his Childhood, till his promotion to the Crown; to the which (though Nature, Birth, and the Kingdom had play'd their parts) he had Never attained, had he not used that charity towards him, which obliged Henry to do the like for Him: that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse: that it was Destructive; but Useful for Charles; who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not: that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde, of his Tye of Friendship, and of the imminent Danger: the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage; 'twould be too Late, Dangerous, and Dishonourable, to know it by the Event: that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself, he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand; so that if it should prove Otherwise, he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him: by do∣ing this, he should acquit himself on All hands, nor could any one have just cause to complain of him: And if the reasons of Gratitude (which were the same with those of Honour) were not of force enough to perswade him, he ought to do it out of reason of State; and take upon him that defence in Time, with∣out Offending Any One, which, should he undertake Unseason∣ably, would be offensive to All Three; to France, by opposing

it in Open War; to Britanny, by giving it too Late succour; and to England, by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power, State, and Situation, hurtful to that Kingdom; who was set up∣on on all sides, subject to the discretion of England, upon whose pleasure he depended, having Seas, Ports, Commerce, and all that could accommodate, or incommodate; secure, or endanger England. Ursewick was ready to answer, That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another, especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety; not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions, but that she should too largely dis∣pose of her self, if where there is Parity of Friendship, and Ob∣ligation, she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be: that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him; which if it were not through any fault of the Duke, 'twas through the fault of Landois, Fortune, and Chance: 'Twas Chance, that when fleeing from England, he would have gone to France, brought him into Britanny: Fortune, when he would have stay'd in Britanny, brought him into France; whither he would not have gone, nor have had any obligation to the King thereof, had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois: He did not accuse the Duke of this; but neither ought the Duke to accuse him, if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two, that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone: He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude; neither could he take One of them into his consideration, and leave the Other neglected: More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land, then to send an Embassie; the One did not hinder the O∣ther: That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life; no resolutions of importance be∣ing taken between Prince and Prince, but by Mediation. But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This, nor what more he would have said (for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him) he returned to Charles; who told him, He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not, un-enforced, yeeld to any Pacification: that he would endeavour to force him to it, as his obstinacy required; in the mean time he desired Henry not to de∣sist from doing good offices: for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired; to which he, for his part, would Never be Averse: and that, under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him. Lewis, the father of this Prince, would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare; wherein he so well profited, as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson, and be∣ing thought by reason of his rough nature, to have but a blunt judgement, he deceived all men, especially Ursewick; whereby the King, his Master, was likewise deceived. Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned, that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated, and which would be of great Trouble to him. But if he were not Deceived, he

deceived Himself: for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse (being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny, and Orleans his party) it proved clean Otherwise.

The French Army being entred Britanny, and brought in by the confederate Barons, made them soon repent it. The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken; Cities besieged, taken and Sacked; no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate, and Not confederate: whilst the Duke, abandon'd by his Subjects, and not assisted by his friends, escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes, from whence with much ado he got to Nantes; where being besieged and destitute of hope, he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman, to get aid from England: who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger, the Countrey being wholly possest by the Enemy, got to S. Malo; where they unluckily put four times to Sea, and were as often driven back; so as they gave over their employment, believing the succour they went for would come too Late, and that therefore they must look for some from Else∣where; but it was more then needed: For the Frenchmen, de∣spairing to win the Town, gave over the Siege.

Charles whilst he besieged Nantes, had sent Bernard of Aubeny in∣to * 1.20 England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace: and he either believing it, or seeming so to do, named the Abbot of Abing∣ton, Sir Richard Tunsdal, and the former Ursewick, his Commissioners, to treat thereof; giving them full Authority, though the circum∣stances afforded little hope. Which Edward Woodvile, Uncle to the Queen, a gallant Gentleman, perceiving, he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers, with which he would Privately steal over, so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him. It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no, but in Publike he denied his request, charging him not to depart from Court: not∣withstanding he went to the Isle of Wight, where of he was Gover∣nour, and raised there Four hundred fighting men, with which he sailed into Britanny; causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France, as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated, had not Charles (whose conscience accused him) seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head, since the Reputation of England, and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men. The Commissioners having discover'd his minde, return'd to England, and acquainted the King, that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit, the better to gain time, and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny. Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament; wherein succour being re∣solved upon, he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers, sending word to Charles, that his Kingdom liked not this war with Bri∣tanny made by him; there having always been an un-inter∣rupted

Friendship between that Dutchy and England; wherefore they could not now abandon it, since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof: that He therefore could not op∣pose his People, as Charles himself might judge: that he thought good to give him Notice hereof, as well to the end that his Mo∣ving or Marching might not be News unto him, as likewise to en∣treat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing; which if he would not, he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny; from whence if the French would withdraw themselves, they should not be Pursued by his men, nor fought withal, Out of Britanny: so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War. The Ambassa∣dours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe, as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England; having received news of the surrender of Ancenis, Fou∣geres, Saint Aibine di Cormier, and not long after, that the Armies had met, and that the Britons were discomfited. The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine; as they did: whereupon follow∣ing them, and coming up to them not far from thence, they fought with them, and had the Victory: they slew the Four hundred English, with Woodvile their Commander; took the Duke of Or∣leans, and the Prince of Orange, prisoners; who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did, had it not been for their Wives; (Orleans his wife being the King's sister, and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon) for after divers Removals from one prison to another, they, by the Inter∣cession of their Wives, obtained Liberty and Pardon. Henry, understanding of this defeat, sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook, which joyn∣ing themselves with the Duke's Forces, marched towards the Enemy, who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves, but to come to Blowes, thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army, and sallying out with their Light-horse; which they did; but with more Losse then Gain.

This mean while Francis the Second, Duke of Britanny, died, leaving Two Daughters behinde him; the younger whereof di∣ed not many months after, and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne: but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death. A month before this, the Duke was constrain'd to Com∣pound with Charles, and subscribe to the Articles of Agree∣ment, remitting the Difference to Arbitratours. Charles preten∣ded to this Dukedom out of Two reasons: by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny, which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh; and by the rights of the Vis∣count of Rohan, descended from Mary of Britanny, sister to Mar∣garet, the first wife of Francis the Second, the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles: and these Two sisters, being Daughters to Francis the First, would in

succession have preceded Peter the Second, Arthur, and Francis the Second, had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny, as were the Three above-named. The which being then brought into question, made the dispute more intri∣cate; though it should not so have done: for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire, by a Treaty made with Lewis himself: and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment (made by him, not that he believed he had any Right thereunto, but to please Charles) was of no Validity, since he descended from Wo∣men, and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage, in the Wills of the Dukes, and in the De∣crees of the State of Britanny. Reasons which though they were all of force enough, yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker; for the weakest pretences are sufficient, so they have power enough to prove their right by force. The King was Young, and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree; the Sister, for her part had already, in her conceipt, devoured the City of Nantes: the Britons, who were Partakers, pretended to participate there∣in; whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden, and un∣der the Sword of a Powerful King, resolved to Declare them∣selves for him, before they were by force Constrained so to do. Whereupon the English, not able to Save what ran to so Head∣long a Ruine, returned into England, after they had spent Eight months in Britanny, and done nothing.

The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men; which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham; which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any. They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past; and for the Present they had not backs to bear any More. This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York, and their Hatred to the present King. The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them, knew not what to do; for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's De∣cree. They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northum∣berland, who wrote thereof unto the King; and received answer, That the Subsidies were given by Parliament, and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom; and that he would have them of Them, without the Abatement of one Peny. The Earl, calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey, acquainted them with the King's answer; who believing he had framed it of his Own head, broke into his house, and slew him, together with many of his Servants. This being done, they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head; and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour; both which were Seditious men. Their con∣ceit was to meet the King, and give him Battel in defence of their

Liberties; the which the King understanding, he commanded Thomas, Earl of Surrey (lately before taken out of the Tower) to compel them; which he did by Discomfiting them, and taking à Chamber prisoner. Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret; à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York; and some others of the Chiefest of them, were hanged round about him, but somewhat Lower. This was the end of this Rebel∣lion.

Iames the Third, King of Scotland, and friend to Henry, died this yeer; who was brought to a miserable Period, rather by evil Counsel, then evil Nature. He had naturally good inclinations, but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes: an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts. His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty, was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever, not to be quench∣ed by all the water of Nilus. He valued not Legal authority, but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom: His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel: and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill; the which they did, not to incur the danger of his Disfavour: and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine. Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility, was his breach of Faith; so as they not believing any more in him, nor trusting him, there ensued a Rebellion; and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence, they thought to make use of the Prince, a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age; and under the shadow of the Son, to send the Father to eternal Darknesse: but the Prince being endued with much Worth, would not accept so detestable a Charge: whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England, deprive him of his Birth-right, and possibly of his Life: so as, thus threatned, he gave way to their Will. Iames, this mean while, having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth, and to his Two Neighbour-Kings of England and France, might have been suc∣coured all in good time, had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough, a safe place: but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in, whom he en∣pected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom, was in going thither, fought withal, and beaten; whereupon retyring to a Water Mill, with intention to save himself in certain Ships, which were not far off, he was miserably slain: and Iames the Fourth, his Son, by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron, to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived. Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto, upon this occasion for Scotland, a man of noble conditions, who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident: he thought presently to have returned; but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts, which were by Morton,

Archbishop of Canterbury, commended unto him. Neither were they any whit deceived; for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world, to boot with his Learning (Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue, and the most Eloquent next Cicero) he came to the highest de∣grees of Preferment. The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford; which he refusing, he gave him that of Bath and Wells, and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome: which made him (being promoted to be a Cardinal) acknow∣ledge his favours, and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy. This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope, ruined his Honour, his Fortune and Himself: it being verified in Him, that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life. The reason of his ruine was, that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio, having together with certain other Cardinals, his Confederates, plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth, there were Three that were not Of this Confe∣deracy, but Knew of it; Riario, Soderini, and this Adrian: who not medling in the businesse, did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect; for each of them aspired to be Pope. Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope, when he comes to speak of Adrian, says:

But Adrian, not mo∣ved by Hatred, but by a vain Desire of Rule, wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer; who having long before this (being asked by him) told him many things touching his Own fortune, and the Publike affairs of the World; told him for a truth, that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death, an old man call'd Adrian, should succeed him, famous for his Learning, who building onely upon Vertue, had without any Help from his Ancestors, gotten the highest Ecclesiastical prefer∣ments: and it seemed all this was found in Him. For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany, of mean mechanical parentage, he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders. Neither did the Old woman foretel a False∣hood: for one Adrian an old Dutch-man, son to a poor Artifi∣cer, famous for his Learning, was by much good fortune, made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says; Soderini by vo∣luntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi; but Adrian being fearful and suspitious, not trusting to Leo's clemency, went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit; and not being pursued by any, changed from place to place, still seeking to hide himself, till he died.

And Guicchiardine speak∣ing more clearly of him, says;

Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled, save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money: but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome, as neither did it become their Dignities; Vol∣terra with leave from the Pope went to Fondi, where he staid till the Pope's death, under the protection of Prospero Colonna:

As for Adrian, he privately stole away, it never being known what became of him.

I was desirous to relate the intire History of this great man, for our instruction: for Two distinct species of ambition are therein comprehended; the one Praise-worthy, the other Not: which may be compared to Two Horses; the Praise-worthy is like a stately well-managed horse, which in due time doth all things by obeying the hand: the other like a hair∣brain'd ill-ridden horse. Adrian rid both these: the first brought him Safely and without Danger to his old age; the second over∣threw him, and lost him to the world. A rare example, and un∣parallel'd in a man of so much Worth: for to perish and die in Persecution, is that which at all times befals Many; but I have not heard of Any man that perished and for Fear of death Died, whilst Alive, save this alone.

The affairs of Britanny after Duke Francisco's death were so encumber'd, as no good was to be expected. The Dutchesse was Young, her governours Unfaithful, the greatest part and best of the Barons Alienated, the Others upon designes respecting their Particular interests; and the State as it was by many pretended unto by Marriage, so was it by many Practis'd upon. The father had, at sundry times, promised the now-Dutchesse his daughter to Three several men: first, to Maximilian, who lost her through Negligence: after, to the Duke of Orleans (though he were married) who lost her, by being taken Prisoner: lastly, to Al∣bert, who had her not because She would not have Him. But Charles, a tacite pretender, got her; who seemed not, till long after her father's death, to have any intention toward her. Her first inclinations were to Maximilian, to whom she was solemnly promised; her second, to Orleans, she being made believe that his First marriage was Invalid. She abhorred Charles as an Ene∣my and Perturber of her quiet, and the Destroyer of her State: a natural Antipathy, or rather Ambition to be Queen of the Ro∣manes, made her not regard Albert. Honour and Title are able to do much; and Albert, though he was very Noble and not a Subject, yet was he Vassal to the Crown of France. He was de∣scended by the Mother's side from the House of Britanny. Mar∣garet daughter to Iohn the Fifth, wife to Alaine the Ninth Vis∣count of Rohan, had Three daughters, the Second whereof was Mother to this man, surnamed the Great Alaine: the Eldest was married into the House of Rieulx; and the Youngest to Iohn of Orleans, Count d' Angoulesme, who was father to Francis the first, King of France. Duke Francis had offer'd him his daughter upon hopes of great succour; which proved but Small and Tardy: for he judging it necessary to interest Ferdinand and Isabella in this war, to the end they might not annoy his son the King of Navar, (they being offended that in the marriage of the Queen, he was prefer'd before the Prince of Castile, for whom they would have had her) he went to them to Valencia; and complaining that Charles had seized on his State for having brought the interest

of his son to the Crown of Navar, against the Viscount of Nar∣bonne, whom Charles favoured; he desired them to take him into their protection, and together with Him the aforesaid King; as likewise the Dukes of Orleans and Britanny, to defend them from the violence of such as abused the Authority of the King of France: offering in their names to cause the Territories of Ros∣sillion and of Cerdagna, which Iohn the King of Arragon had pawn'd to Lewis the Eleventh, to be restored to Catalonia. Having obtain∣ed what he demanded, and moreover certain Troops under the Command of Gralla, the Steward of their House, he returned to Guascoigne; and joyning these Forces to his (which all together made about Four thousand men) he would not passe the River Garonne till the promise of Marriage was confirm'd unto him: which if it had been done, the Reward had much exceeded the Service; the promise being made, with intent to have Forces able to Repulse the enemy, which he had not. whereupon Hen∣ry, considering that the King of France was likely by this Marri∣age to make himself master of Britanny, unlesse he should meet with some great obstacle, he counselled Maximilian to pursue it again; since, Orleans being excluded, Albert refus'd, and Charles (who seemed not to pretend thereunto, being already married) not likely to get her, His hopes might be good. There was none that more molested the Orphan Princesse, then did her Gover∣nour the Marshal of Rieulx; for quitting his Obedience, to Force her to marry Albert, he had put the remainder of her estate, not yet possest by the French, in confusion. But she (resolved rather to take a Cloister then to marry Him) sent into Flanders to Ma∣ximilian, and to Ferdinand of Spain for succour: she sent at the same time to Henry of England, who sent her the Eight thousand men; whilst Maximilian not able to pursue the Match, was lesse able to Succour her. For the Dutch had so shut him up, as he was not able to help Himself, much lesse to assist Her. His wife had left him Two children, Philip and Margaret: the inhabitants of Gaunt and Bruges had taken them from him; and had given Four Tutours of Their ordaining to Philip, and married Margaret, an Infant of Three yeers old, to Charles, during the life of his fa∣ther Lewis the Eleventh: and contrary to all reason of good Go∣vernment, they cut off Artois and the French County from the States of the Low-countreys, and gave them in Portion with her: they likewise kept him Prisoner a long time; and granted him not his Liberty till he had Sworn to Pardon all Offences, and Never to take Revenge for them. And though his father the Emperour (not liking so Unworthy agreements) came to his Succour; yet did he not at all help him: for he returned to Ger∣many, not having done any thing but irritated the more those peo∣ple (of whom Monsieur de Ravestein had made himself Head, backt by the Governour of Piccardy, who went immediately to besiege Desmunde) and left him in case hardly able to Defend Himself, much lesse to Assist Others. But Henry not willing to

Break with France, nor yet to let Flanders be lost; sent the Lord Morley to Monsieur Dawbeny, Governour of Callis with One thousand men, under pretence of a Supply for the Garison on that side the Sea; but with secret order to succour Desmunde; the which he so well obeyed, that to those Thousand another Thousand being added, which he drew from the Garison of Hammes in Guisnes, he passed over the water of Graveling by night, and got into New∣port; where augmenting his Forces with Six hundred Germanes which he found there, and led by a trusty guide into Desmunde, the Enemy (which lay on the other side) not perceiving it: he set upon them unawares, and was victorious; slew Eight thousand, and got all their Artillery and Baggage. The cause of so great slaughter, was this; Morley being the onely man who amongst so many fought on Horse-back, was unhors'd and slain; whereat his men were so enraged, that they slew their Prisoners, and together with them, all those that could not flee away: not above Two hundred of Them being slain. Monsieur Daubeny returned to Callis, having left his wounded men and the booty at Newport; affording thereby a thought of Recovering it to Monsieur Cordes who was at Ypre: he brought Twenty thousand men with him thi∣ther; play'd upon the Town, and gave an Assault. The De∣fendants did their parts Manfully, and were helped by such as were left Wounded there: after a long fight, they lost one Tower upon which Cordes planted the French Colours; and was likely to have won all the Rest, had not Fortune disfavour'd him at that very Instant, by a Small Succour which entred the Town from Callis: for Dawbeny knowing the slendernesse of the Garison, had embarked Fourscore chosen Souldiers to Abet them, till such time as he might send Greater Forces to Free them Altogether. These men arriving in the Heat of the fight, whilst the Defeud∣ants fought out of Meer Courage (for New wounds being added to what they had Formerly received, they could scarcely stand upon their legs) they ran to the Walls, drave back the Besiegers, regained the Tower, and this with such Forward Valour, as Cor∣des believing them to be a much Greater number, raised the Siege: whereupon this Personal Disgrace added to his former National Hatred, he swore, He would be content to be Seven yeers in Hell, so he might have the fortune to take Callis from the English.

Henry, not contented to have assisted Maximilian with Arms, en∣deavoured to do the like with Counsel: he perswaded him to re-assume the businesse of the Marriage, and to Conclude it with the Dutchesse, as hath been said. Which counsel he presently embraced, and sent Four Ambassadours to her, to whom he gave the Count de Nassau for their Chrief, with Commission, that when all things were agreed upon, the Count should marry her in His name, as he did; and used therein a Ceremony not accustomed in those times for ought I know: The Dutchesse being lay'd in her Bed, the Count (in the presence of many Lords and Ladies)

put one of his Leggs between the Sheets in signe of Consum∣mation of the Marriage, holding, all the while, Maximilian's Proxie in his hand. Belforest denies this Marriage by Proxie; and to boot with the reasons he alleadges for his opinion, one chief one is, That if it had been so, the Annales of Britanny would have made some Mention of it: I confesse I have not read Them, nor do I know the Author's name: I have read Argentres, the last who hath written thereof, and he alleadges for his Testimony the Records of that Countrey: he says, That the Dutchesse after this Marriage assumed the title of Queen, and that the publike Acts and Proclamations were made in the Names of Maximilian and Anne by the Grace of God, King and Queen of the Romanes, Duke and Dutchesse of Britanny. But Maximilian did not pursue this his ad∣vantage with requisite effects; for believing he had so Consum∣mated this Marriage as it could not be Broken, he neglected the sending of Aid into Britanny: so as leaving it to Fortune, which favours the Provident, it did frown upon Him, who Negligent in his affairs, did not almost ever do any thing, which, though it might Begin well, had a good End. He was endued with very Excellent qualities; but abounding with Bad ones likewise, by which his good parts being born down, all his undertakings pro∣ved, for the most part, unfortunate. His Valour, Knowledge in Military affairs, and his good Understanding in matters of Counsel, became un-useful to him through his ill Government. He never raised Moneys for making of a War, but that he had Spent them before the War was Begun: he was one of those that can tell how to Propound, but not how to put in Execution: wise in Discourse, foolish in Action: so as if it had been possible to have furnished him with one to have Executed his Projections, nothing had remained to have been desired in him. I have sometimes thought it impossible, that the understanding Conceiving aright, should work Evil Effects; and that it being our Directour, it should not be of force enough to make our Actions conformable to those Idea's upon which they depend: but daily practice shews me I was in an Errour.

He then not having done what he ought to have done, Charles * 1.21 believed it behov'd him to do what became him: wherefore Charles betook himself to a double remedy: To the Dutchesse, in Countermining her Marriage with Maximilian, by endeavouring to marry her Himself; for so he was advised to do by those who bore the greatest sway with him: and to Henry, by sending Am∣bassadours to him, who were Francis Lord of Luxenburgh, Charles de Marignan, and Roger Gaguine the Writer of the French Story. Their Instructions were to treat a League or Peace with him; which was desired by him, not that he (Charles) might the more securely turn his Forces upon Italy, but out of an Affection that he bore unto him (Henry) from the first day he saw him, either out of Natural Sympathie, or Heavenly Constellation: He knew there was no Enmity between them, but that the casual encounters

of their Subjects in Flanders, and in Britanny, did require a Con∣firmation thereof: that he did not accuse his actions in this be∣half, it being a thing certain, that Frontire-wars draw Princes to them, as Wounds do Humours; so as such effects being Natural, they ought not to be esteemed the motives of Ill-will: that for such he esteemed them, and so interpreted them; wherefore he likewise desired to be excused; for if he had made war upon Bri∣tanny, 'twas for that his Honour, and the Preservation of his due Prerogative, would not suffer him to do otherwise: and if up∣on Flanders, still out of the same considerations; because those of Flanders, being under the Soveraign Protection of France, op∣pressed by their Prince, and fleeing to Him for Succour, he could not chuse but assist them: and though the casual encounters of the French and English Nations, had not thereupon raised a For∣mal War, yet a Consolidation of Friendship between those Two Nations was requisite, to the end that when he should have turn∣ed his Arms elsewhere, the World might not rest in doubt of it: that he would acquaint him with his more Secret designes, as an Earnest of the Confidence he would always use with him; that his intention was not to conquer the Kingdom of Naples, a King∣dom which of right belonged to him; and that from thence (by God's assistance) he would passe into Turkey and wage war with those Infidels; a thought worthy to be favour'd by all Christian Princes, much more by a Christian King, and a Friend, as was Henry: and for that the war with Britanny might move some jea∣lousies in him, the true Reasons whereof not being known, he gave him to understand, that, that Countrey being Feudatary to him, it became him in his reputation to preserve his rights there∣in; amongst which one was, that the Heir could not marry with∣out his Consent: that the Dutchesse having done otherwise, in freely disposing of her self without the Consent of Him her So∣veraign, it behoved him (with his good leave) to match her so as might not be prejudicial to his Crown; to the which he hoped He would give way, as to a thing becoming the reason of State and Justice. Henry, perceiving that the King of France would have him swallow up a bitter Pill wrapt up in Leaf-gold, caused an∣swer to be made to the Ambassadours, That Peace ought not to be treated of thereby to make War upon one's Friends; that to Demand it was Unjust, Most unjust to Grant it: He had too much of interest with Britanny, to abandon it: That the pro∣ceedings held by Charles, were not like those of a Lord, who intends to keep his right of Fee-farm; but like those of an Ene∣my, which intends Usurpation: That his Correction (say it were just and necessary) needed not to be imposed by so Unjust means, and such Unnecessary Arms against a Maiden: That he did not dispute whether it were Charles his Right to marry her as he pleased or no; though he thought few Presidents could be given thereof: That Britanny's tenure in Fee was not subject to the Justice, Laws and Will of the Lord thereof, as were Other

Common tenures: That Gascoigne and Normandy, in Former times, and Flanders, at the Present, were not under so Servile a Subje∣ction: but say they were; Marriages ought to be Free, not made by Force, the parties not Constrain'd; otherwise they would be against the Laws, both Humane and Divine: and suppose his disposal of her did not contradict the Laws, it might yet be averse to the interest of Other Princes; who, peradventure, might be content he should marry her to some Other, and not unto Him∣self. As for Flanders; he wonder'd so Wise a King as Charles, should use such slight Arguments in so weighty a matter; that he should term the Oppression of the Prince, the People's Oppres∣sion; the Rebellion of the One, the Injustice of the Other: that after having so many months detained him prisoner, slain his ser vants, bereft him of his Son, and injuriously put him under their own Government, they should pretend by Injuring to be injured; being protected and confirmed in their Rebellion by Charles him∣self: A thing which had not formerly happened, and which now fell out opposite to the Interest and Dignity of All Princes; for in time that might happen to Each of them, which now be∣fel This; so as all Princes were bound upon such like occasions reciprocally to Help one another; the which if it became O∣thers, much more did it become Charles, who being Soveraign, ought to chastise Rebellion in the people; not to Authorize and Nourish it: He thanked him for his acquainting him with his Se∣cret designes; which were So secret, as not onely Italy, but the whole World knew of them: For his ends of Passing into Ma∣cedonia to make war upon the Turks, they were not onely Chri∣stian, but Generous; so as if in stead of his demanding Peace, he would grant his request in accepting of Him for a Companion in so holy an Enterprise, he should think himself happie: but that his arguments were of too Repugnant a Construction; God did not command Evil to be done that Good might come there∣of, nor that what is offer'd on His Altars should be taken from Another's flock: Yet if he thought he might with Justice, set upon the Kingdom of Naples, and that his pretended right there∣unto was good, meerly by the Renunciation of the House of Anjou; what might He think of himself, that was bereft of Nor∣mandy, Anjou, Gascoigne, and All France (which falling upon his person by natural Inheritance; not by Anothers Renounsal, was his Legal Patrimony) if, being instructed by him, He should not do the like? He would therefore follow his example, and run the same carreer he had traced out to him: Therefore if he would have Peace, he might have it upon condition, either that he would Renounce that which by an unjust title he Possessed, or else pay such a Tribute as might be proportionable to what he should hold. The Ambassadours, not expecting such an Answer, said, They had no Commission to any such purpose; but that they were sure their King's Sword was able to defend his Crown from losing any the least of his Flower-de-Luces: that for what con∣cern'd

his marriage with the Dutchesse, he never had any such Thought, being already married to Maximilian's daughter. To which the King reply'd, He lookt for such an Answer; and that he would send Ambassadours to him, the better to be satisfied therein: whereupon he dismissed them; and Gaguine stayed in England till he had dispatcht Thomas Earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldenstone Prior of Christs-Church in Canterbury, Ambassadours into France for that purpose.

Charles this mean while, labour'd to remove from the Dutchesse Ann: all scruples and detestations which withheld her from taking him for her husband. He employed people of all conditions; Divines, Ladies, Lords, Counsellours, and all such as had accesse unto her. The Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Orange, new∣ly freed from their imprisonment, pleaded for him; so did the Count Dunois, who after Orleans was tane prisoner, turn'd again to the King's party. The Marshal de Rieux, Chancellour Mount∣alban, the Ladies and Gentlewomen that were familiar with her, and almost the whole Counsel were his instruments herein: Madame de Laval her Governesse and Lady of Honour took more pains herein then All the rest. Much ado there was to perswade the Dutchesse to forget how unworthily she had been dealt withal for Three yeers together; how the Agreements made with the Duke her father, and after with her Self, had ne∣ver been observed; that Charles had destroy'd and sackt her Countrey; that he was married to the Daughter of the King of the Romanes, and the King of the Romanes married to Her: So that if the Divines were troubled to remove from her her Scru∣ples of Conscience, Madame de Laval was no lesse troubled to rid her of the Hatred she had conceived against his Person. She at the last yeelded thereunto upon the remonstrance of Peace, the Necessity of embracing it, and that there was no other way to compose it then by this Marriage; Maximilian being Far off, and reduced to such Poverty, as in a time of so great need, he could assist her with but Two thousand men: Charles on the con∣trary was Neer at hand, Powerful, and not likely to give over, till he had bereft her of her Countrey, and brought her to Po∣verty and Misery; the which if it should so fall out, Maximilian would no longer care for her; whose end was to possesse himself of Britanny, and not barely of her Person: that Promises of Mar∣riage, yea, Marriage it Self, were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity: that the Pope would not be found difficult herein, since Blood, War, and Desolation would otherwise ensue, which by Peace might be prevented; and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage: that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment, since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent: For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self, though Promised, yet was it not Consummated; the Solemnities used therein were meer Cere∣monies invented to dazzle the World; they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil: And if nothing else

would prevail with her, the Preservation of her State, her's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers, and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World, ought perswade her. Weary at last with so many Onsets, she gave way, though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian; but he being accused of having failed in his Duty, and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her (which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive) she was likewise quitted of That.

The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis, met with the Bishop of Concordia, sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings; for through the molestation of their Wars, Christendom was in great danger of the Turks, who made daily further progresse thereinto. The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles (who feigned a willingnesse to Peace) came to England, where he did nothing; for the Marriage with Bri∣tanny being published, the Treaty was broken off, and each King sent for his Ambassadours home. Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation, and being by Maximilian pro∣mised strong succours from the King of Spain, called a Parlia∣ment, and there propounded war with France; not to be made any more by Deputies, as was the war of Britanny, but by Himself in Person, to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth, against a Prince who for his Pride, and for his pretending over every one, was unworthy of All men's Friendship; since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud, and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince, he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection; that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom: honesting his thirst after Rule, and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples, by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infi∣dels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea: he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much; for that England be∣ing already girt about with Piccardy, Normandy, and this new pur∣chase of Britanny, it would be easie for him to molest her; if suf∣fering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done, she should be abused, as she had been: that the French forces were not un∣known to the English; as had been witnessed by their Battels, Victories, and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings: and if the English had at last had unhappie successe, 'twas not be attributed to Their Valour, but to Civil Dissention, which like tempestous Hail, had beaten down the Fruit, upon the very point of Ripening: that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest: that Fortune did second Justice, and Valour accompany her: that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation, and an Example unto Others; to Flanders, and Spain, for their Own Interests; and to Britanny, for that being won more by Cor∣ruption then by Arms, there wanted not such as were evilly af∣fected; the People were discontented, and the greatest part of

the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd: the Pope would joyn with them; for detesting to have Italy molested, Diversion was that which would free him from Danger: All which were thus presented not as the Ground∣work, but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on, upon hopes of Assistance from Others: that England was of it Self sufficient; neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own; it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers, the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct, but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours: and though Honour have no reward wor∣thy of her self but Her Self, yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford; sufficient to maintain the Publike expence; to adorn the Nobility with Lordships, Vertue with Employments, and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches: Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways (as is the Blood from Vein to Vein) to England in general: and that those who for the present should contribute towards it, were to enjoy in the future, aboun∣dant Increase for what they should Now part withal: that the war was to be made, not as at the First, at the expence of the Kingdom, but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer; it had been done so Formerly, and should be so Now: so as they that would contribute towards it, he wisht they might do it Readily; for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort, but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys.

The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament: They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny. But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of: he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon, nor yet those of Ferdinand; for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Cof∣fers; and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost (which he a∣spired unto) was not to be effected by fighting with Charles, but with Seconding him. He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly; when divided into Two Factions, it made way for the advancing of the English For∣ces: it was now United; the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground, and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority; that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely, and to fight no more with Violence, but upon Advice; so as he should Weary his people, Weaken his Forces, and Impo∣verish his Kingdom. Feigning notwithstanding the contrary, he seemed to Desire, what he Detested: he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen, as satisfying his Honour with the Ap∣pearances and Beginning of War, he was sure to make Peace when he listed: for Charles would be Desirous of it, that he

might bring to passe his intended Designes; and he Himself would Accept of it, as not being deceived in his opinion of Ma∣ximilian's Impotency, and the vain hopes from Spain. Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear, who had his minde so fixt upon the Conquest of Italy, as he did not care to part with a Certainty for an Uncertainty: so as getting Moneys from Him, and Benevolences from his Own Kingdom, he was likely to be a good Gainer by the bargain. Besides, his affairs were not so secure at Home, as to let him think on Forreign businesse; for he had discover'd how the Dutchesse of Burgundy was hatching another Plot to trouble him: so as though Profit (where∣unto he was Naturally enclined) had not been concern'd, yet was he to have an eye to the Dangers wherewith he was threa∣tened.

Great store of Moneys coming in by the means of Benevolen∣ces (for he took a great care none should be exempted that were * 1.22 able to lend) he in a small time raised a mighty Army: and knowing that Charles had renewed his ancient Confederacy with Iames the Fourth, King of Scotland, with a reciprocal obligation to be assistant one to another, he proclamed War against them Both; but not without fear that Maximilian would fail him at his greatest need: for though his Weaknesse and Wants were capable of remedy, if he should be succour'd against his Subjects which molested him, yet his Nature was incapable thereof. It was impossible for him to maintain Ten thousand fighting men, for Two yeers together, upon his Own Purse, according to his promise: though being Madded (as then he was) at the Double affront; of his Daughter's Repudiation, and the Usurp∣ation of his Own Wife, he hoped to do Somewhat out of No∣thing. That which did yet more weaken this Prince, was the Rebellion of Philip de Cleves Lord of Ravestein, who being upheld by Charles, had raised such Combustions in Flanders, as having possest himself of Gaunt and Bruges, the chief Cities of that Coun∣trey, he had forced such as favour'd Maximilian to quit those Towns: and reaching further, he had made himself master of Sluce, and of the Two Castles which were it's Security, seizing upon all Ships that went upon the Sea, hindering the Commerce of Antwerp, Brabant, Zealand and Freezland, and taking such as came from England and the Northern Countreys; to the general prejudice of All Nations. Albertus, Duke of Saxony, Lantsgrave of Misnia, governed Flanders at that time, under Maximilian; it being left unto him by the Emperour his father, when he went from thence. This man foreseeing he could not force Ravestein unlesse he should get Sluce, nor that he could win Sluce, without having the Dam, by which succour came to it from Bruges, he feigned to make for Bruges, for matters concerning that Province; and not being to take such a journey, unlesse well followed, and in good Equipage (he being the man he was) he sent some Troops before, which entring peaceably in, went to the gate

which looks towards Dam, as if they would quarter in the Neighbouring Villages, and not incommodate the Citie. Dam was not above a Flanders-mile from thence; the inhabi∣tants whereof thinking these Troops had been sent from Bru∣ges, let them in: and they making themselves Masters there∣of, Bruges was in a manner besieged, and Sluce deprived of Succour. The Duke, for all this advantage, had no hopes to get Sluce without Forces by Sea: he sent news hereof to England; whereupon the King, who had had many com∣plaints made him by the Merchants of the Insolencies of Ravestein, and desired to uphold Maximilian, sent unto him Twelve Ships well furnished with Men and Ammunition un∣der the Command of Sir Edward Poynings; who having shut up the Haven of Sluce, besieged the Town by Sea, whilst the Duke did the like by Land; and play'd with his Cannon upon the Two Castles wherein the Losse or Preservation of the Town consisted. They were valiantly defended for the space of Twenty days: the Earl of Oxford's brother was slain in a Sal∣ly which they made: and longer would they have held out, had not the Besiegers (in the dark of night) burnt the Bridge which Ravestein had built between the Two Castles, which not being able to succour one another, he was enforced to surren∣der them, and together with them, Sluce. Bruges being reduced to it's obedience, was the occasion of many Other Towns doing the like.

Henry, this mean while, past the Summer in Ordering his * 1.23 men that were to go for France; and finding himself in a condition to passe over; he sent Sir Iohn Risloy and U-sewick to Maximilian, to agree upon the place where they were to meet: but they found him so Unprovided, as having no hope, they were ready to return; yet they did not so, judging it fitter to advertise the King, and expect his Commands. The King, who feared the same, praised their discretion, and commanded them not to return till they had received new Directions, and that they should conceal that Prince's weaknesse, for fear of Disheartening his men. His Army was compos'd of Twenty thousand Foot, and Sixteen hundred Horse: the best men flocked thither; some to purchase merit, and some as thinking it not fitting to stay Behinde when the King went in Person. He landed at Callis on the Sixth of October, the wiser sort marvelling that he would undertake so difficult a Warre in so unfitting a time; for the Fore-runners of Winter began already to be felt: but these difficulties served him to make men believe he desired that which indeed he did not: to wit, That being to begin a tedi∣ous Warre, the Season was of no importance, since he had Callis, from whence he might draw out his Army in the Spring without any manner of difficulty; and to trans∣port

it then from England, would be a long businesse, and, in respect of the Windes, uncertain. Assoon as he was Landed, he sent for his Ambassadours back, and Maximilian's weaknesse was publikely made known, and that no Other help was to be expected from him then his Good-will; wherein he did as much abound, as he was defective in any other manner of assistance. At the hearing hereof, the Souldiers courage was somewhat Cooled, though not altogether taken Away; it served to dispose them beforehand, for Henry's designes: to work the same effect, there came Letters from Seignieur de Cordes, wherein was made an overture for Peace on Charles his behalf; which containing in it Reasonable conditions, it had been Unreasonable not to listen to it: From other parts it was confirm'd that Ferdi∣nand and Isabel were Agreed with him, having received from him the County of Rossillion, without repaying the Three hundred thousand Crowns for which it was pawn'd to him: this made all men see a Necessity of Peace. Henry notwithstanding, playing his game handsomly, deputed the Bishop of Exceter, and the Lord d'Aubeny to give Cordes a hearing; whilst he, without delay, on the 19 of October, planted his Camp before Boloigne; a Town well fortified, wherein was a great Garison, and good store of Ar∣tillery; so as it was not to be taken but in a Long processe of time, with the losse of many men, and much blood. He had hardly sate down a Month before it, when a Breach being thought fitting to be made, and the Souldiers ready to give the Assault, News came that Peace was concluded, to the great Dislike of the Army, and the Madding of such who having sold their possessions upon the hopes of this Warre, found themselves deceived. One cause which made Henry willing to accept of Peace (to boot with what have been already alleadged) was for fear lest Charles might foment a New Duke of York; who began then to shew himself. The substance of the Agreement was; That Charles should pay Seven hundred fourty five thou∣sand Crowns for divers considerations; for satisfaction of the Fifty thousand Crowns Yeerly, which ought to have been pay'd, but were not after the Death of Edward the Fourth; as also, for the Succours he had sent into Bri∣tanny, which the Dutchesse Anne acknowledged her self to stand indebted for; and for the Expences he had been at in this Present war. The French Historians agree upon the same sum, but they do not specifie the Causes why. Polydore affirm∣ing that the Peace was concluded by the payment of a great sum of money, adds Five and twenty thousand Crowns a yeer for Succouring of Britanny; which after Charles his death and Henry's, were pay'd to Henry the Eighth by Lewis the Twelfth and Francis the First, who durst not deny the payment of it, for fear of being set upon by him, whilst they made war in Italy. Charles did moreover, in imitation of his father, give Pensions and Presents

to the chief of Henry's Court, that they might either favour him the more, or hinder him the lesse: whereat Henry connived; for it behoved him to interesse the Greatest of the Kingdom in the Peace, which was but badly construed by the Rest. He endea∣vour'd likewise to satisfie those who for their own particular re∣spects were discontented; by shewing them what Blood, and Losse of Lives, would have ensued in the assaulting of Bullein, together with the Small hopes they had to come off with Ho∣nour: and that if he had been Successeful therein, yet had he deserved Blame; since what was to be gotten did not answer to the Losse of the Valiantest of his Army. He made use of the same arguments to make others perswade Him to make Peace, that it might be thought to have ensued from the Motion of O∣thers, not from Himself.

This Peace was good for Both the Kings: for Charles, by secu∣ring to him Britanny (which by occasion of this War was like to have Stagger'd) and opening a way unto him to agree with Maxi∣milian, as he did: so as his Confines being secured on that side (they being formerly secured on all Other) he might with a quiet minde totally intend the getting of Naples: a resolution which proceeded not from Lodowick Sforza, who first incited him there∣unto, but from his natural Genius, which compell'd him to un∣dertake it, (notwithstanding the many Difficulties he was to meet withal, especially the Want of Moneys) without any real foundation. Fortune, when she pleases, is able to make impos∣sibilities possible. 'Twas good for Henry; for he thereby filled his Coffers, and was freed from the danger which the new Fan∣tasm, representing the Duke of York, might have brought unto him, had it been so strongly backt by the King of France, as it was witnessed by the Dutchesse of Burgundy, and seconded by the King of Scotland. He feared some Insurrection from those which favour'd the White Rose: for the love which the people had born him in regard of their Hatred to Richard, was grown lesse, so as he was now to subsist onely by his Own worth: and his Wives faction failed him, he having failed Her in those respects which his desire of being King in his Own Right, would not per∣mit him to use unto her. His Camp being raised from before Bullein, he returned by Callis for England: having written to the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London, before he took Shipping, his reasons for Ending the War; not touching upon those we have spoken of, but such as he thought would Please; especially that the enemy had purchas'd Peace at so High a rate: this notwith∣standing pleased not those who had been liberal to him in their Benevolences; 'tis true, their distaste was lessened by his return∣ing with his Purse full; which made them believe he would not of a long time expect any thing from Them.

Alphonso Duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdinand King of Na∣ples, had intreated Henry to admit him into the Order of the Gar∣ter, * 1.24 believing the War between the Two Kings to be Endlesse.

He thought that to have the Honour to be of the most famous Or∣der of Christendom, would make him be respected amongst Princes, and reverenced by his Subjects; especially at such a time: he hoped that if France should stir against his Father, the King of England with opportune assistance would discharge the duty of the Fraternity: but he was deceived; it doth not dilate it self to so prejudicial an Obligation. Honours are the Alchimy of Princes, which like Gamesters Tantoes, are worth as much, as they are made to be worth; they are not burdensom to the giver, en∣rich not the receiver: Mines are not digg'd up for them, treasure is not exhausted; neither have they any other Being then what Opinion gives them: he that hath not merit enough in himself to deserve them, is like a Sumpter-horse marked with the mark of a stately Courser. The King being come to London, sent him the Garter, and Robes belonging to the Order, by Ursewick. The Order was received by Alphonso, with the greatest Pomp that could be invented by any one who believes that Ostentations dazzle mens eyes, and bring things to their designed Ends: which happening but Sometimes, did not befal Him: for neither did This, nor any Other industry preserve him from ruine. But for that his successe belongs not to Our Story, we refer the Reader to Guicchiardine's Relation.

The King at his arrival in England heard that the Duke of York was not slain in the Tower, as he was believed to be; but that he was with his Aunt Margaret in Flanders: the which though Hen∣ry understood when he was in France, and, in his agreements, had made Charles, with whom he then was, send him away; yet he did not think the noise of this fiction was to be despised, since it might breed great troubles. We will relate the Beginning there∣of, and the resolution which he thereupon took. The Dutchesse Margaret had, together with her Milk suckt in hatred against the Red-Rose-faction, enemy to the White, from whence She de∣scended, insomuch as she spared not either for Injustice or Fraud, so she might oppresse it; neither did Religion, or any other Scru∣ple, withhold her from doing what in her lay to destroy it. She might have been contented that her Neece Elizabeth was Queen of England in default of her Two Nephews who should have inherited the Crown; since they failed therein, not through the cruelty of the Lancastrians, but of her brother Richard: yet was she not satisfied; but favoured Lambert Symnel, one unknown and Meanly born, by whose means she endeavoured to bereave her Neece of the Kingdom, so to deprive Henry and her Nephews begotten by him, (by her rather reputed Enemies then Ne∣phews) her innate Hatred was of more power with her, then her Love to her Neece, and those that came of her: but failing in that designe plotted by a Priest, she would contrive one Her Self; and make thereof so hard and intricate a knot as that nei∣ther Henry's Wisedom, nor Sword, should be able to untie it or cut it in sunder. There are some that term her his Iuno: for

as the ancient Fictions, one never ceased to persecute Eneas, till fatal destiny made her aware that she vexed him but in vain; so this New and True one never ceased to persecute Henry, not per∣ceiving that she contended with divine providence, which intend∣ing him for the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom, did in despite of her, defend him from her malice. This new Duke of York was a poor lad, by whom she thought to effect that mischief, which she could not bring to passe. His father (who dwelt in Torney) was a Jew turn'd Christian, named Iohn Osbeck, who ne∣cessitated by some occasions, went together with his Wife, to Lon∣don, where she bare him this son; who being Christened by King Edward in his Own person, 'twas thought he would not have done so great a favour to so mean a childe, had he not had some Secret interest in him; and (his mother being very fair) some were of opi∣nion he had begotten him. He was named Peter, which according to the Custom and Diminutive of the Dutch Tongue, was con∣verted to Perkin. Those who knew him not from his beginning, called him Warbeck, his true name of Osbeck not being known, till after enquiry had been made into it: so as the name of Warbeck, which was first given him out of Ignorance, by Custom continued to him. He was but very young when his father returned to Flanders; when he was somewhat Bigger, his father sent him to Antwerp, and from thence to Other parts: His travels and con∣versation with Divers Nations, had not onely made him skilful in many Languages (English being his Natural tongue) but apt to fit himself to other mens Humours and Customs. This lad being met withal by some of Margaret's Officers, and by them judged very fit for what was to be done, they presented him to her: it cannot be said how much she was therewithal satisfied; for all conditions requisite for her purpose, were met together in him; Yeers, beauty, wit, comlinesse of feature; I should say Majesty, but that was a quality of her Addition: She took an affection to him for his being God-son to her Brother; and the rather for that (being very fair) she thought him a by-scape of his: an opinion which made her form and transform him with the greater care and diligence. She bethought her self of all that she was either to instil into his minde, or affix in his actions: she omitted not any thing whereby to make him personate to the life the deceased Duke of York; she decipher'd out unto him, as in so many well-drawn Pictures, the Delineaments, Semblances, and Behaviours of those of the Blood-royal: of the King, Queen, Prince, and Princesses; of the first he was to speak, as of his Father and Mother; of the rest, as of his Brother and Sisters: she bethought her self what Questions might be asked him; fitting him with Answers thereunto, such as might become his Youth: she did the like for what concern'd such past busi∣nesses as might have fallen within his knowledge: she forgat not the particulars of the Sanctuary; how the Queen fled thither with the Duke of York; how he was taken from thence; how

much Richard made of him when he had gotten him; his resort∣ing to his brother in the Tower; the Manner of their living there; what Servants waited on them; their Fears; and the manner of his pretended Eseape; the names of the Lords, with each parti∣cularity, which to such a purpose had happened: she chiefly taught him how to counterfeit innate Nobility; in which he was so tractable, as he thought himself the very Duke of York whom he personated. She fitted the places of his peregrination with the times, to the end that when he should discourse of what had there happened to him, they might be believed. And finding him generally of a miraculous capacity, and in judgement much beyond his yeers, she took delight to instruct him, and was plea∣sed in her Own work, happily invented, as she thought. She kept him continually in her most private lodgings, not trusting him to the air; for the chiefest article of this mystery was, to make the world believe she had never seen him. When she had brought her work to Perfection, she laid before him as his object the purchasing of the Crown of England; wherein if he should not prosper, then the chief place in her Court; for that he was to be reputed, not what in truth he was, but what for her honour he was to be believed to be: she being obliged to uphold him, to the end her favours might not be accounted the effects of Ma∣lice, but of Blood. When she afterwards perceiv'd that Henry proceeded on in the affairs of Britanny (so as he must of necessi∣ty break with France) she would not keep him any longer with her. She sent him into Portugal, under the conduct of an English Lady, where he tarried for almost the space of a Yeer: and this she did, to the end that when he was to appear, it might be from a Third place: he had then directions sent him to passe into Ire∣land; for Henry having now declared War against France, 'twas a fit time to molest him: and the White-Rose saction being great in Ireland, he might get Assistants, and give a beginning to his Metamorphosis.

He obey'd; he pass'd into Ireland: he made his abode in Cork; where at first sight, he was esteemed a man of great consequence: for his comely demeanure, and his plenty in all things (the Dutchesse having furnisht him in great abundance for his better appearing) were sufficient to make the people take one thing for another. Having a while held them in suspence, he acknow∣ledged himself (but as if he were enforced thereunto) to be the Duke of York, who having escaped out of the Tower, and run divers fortunes, was come to that Kingdom, hoping that the affection it had always born to his House, would now continue firm to him. Henry was not at this time pass'd into France, being retarded by the difficulties of so important an Expedition; so as Charles hearing of this apparition in Ireland, he thought it might make for his advantage to have him with him; that so he might trouble England if Henry should continue in Hostility; and if he should not continue therein, he might make his Peace upon

better terms. One Steven Frion was Secretary to Henry for the French tongue, who being discontented, and holding Correspon∣dence with the Dutchesse Margaret, fled into France, assoon as the War was proclamed: this man gave Charles the first advertise∣ment of Perkin: Charles sent Him together with another, as Am∣bassadours, to Perkin, inviting him to come into France, and offer∣ing to assist him in the regaining of England. An Invitation which augmented the hair-brain'd vanity of this Impostor: for being chosen by the Dutchesse of Burgundy, a wise Princesse, to a businesse of this weight, received by the Irish (undoubted enemies to the House of Lancaster) and sent for by a King whose interests were concern'd in His, he believed, That Fortune never undertook any great businesse without finishing it; not minding that Beginnings and Endings conform but Seldom; and that Princes preserving themselves by their Own strengths, 'tis usual with Fortune to ruine such with the more certain praecipice, whom she hath by unusual steps raised to the Highest point of her Wheel. When he had acquainted those whom he most trust∣ed in Ireland with this Invitation, and thereby won more credit with them, he went to France, where he was by the King received with all honour due to the Duke of York: he called him by that Title; and according to that degree, fitted him with House, Ser∣vants, and Expences; and with a Guard of Souldiers under the Command of the Lord Congreshal, to make him the more respect∣ed: Sir George Nevil and Sir Iohn Taylor, with above a Hundred other English-men, waited continually upon him; and the Court it self, which follows the Prince's example, shew'd him the like respect, not but that the greatest part of the Courtiers, and especially the King, knew who he was; but because it was ex∣pedient for them not to know him. The Imposture was appa∣rent, not by his ill governing himself, or through any default of his Person (for he abounded in Decency and Majestie) but by the true story of the true Duke of York; by the Unlikelyhood and Impossibility that he should escape the hands of a Crafty, Malicious, Dreaded Uncle: Yet did he not Long enjoy this glory; for the differences being ended between the Two Kings, it behoved him to be gone. Henry would have had him delivered into His hands; but Charles esteeming it an unworthy action, would not do it. He commanded him to depart his Kingdom; which he forthwith did: for he very much apprehended the be∣ing made the Offering in the Sacrifice of this Peace. He with∣drew himself into Flanders, where the Dutchesse and he counter∣feited their parts Strangely well: he seemed as if he had never been in those parts before; and she, as if she had never before seen him: He feigned to be fled thither as to a Sanctuary under the protection of an Aunt, who for the Neernesse of Blood that was between them, ought to professe her self his Mother; She coun∣terfeited Fears of being Deceived, being made cautelous by the example of Lambert Symnel; and this might be a counterfeit as

well as He: She sent oftentimes for him, feigning to make an Exact scrutiny: at first, she seemed to be Doubtful; afterwards not Clearly satisfied; then more Inclining to Believe well: at Last, she broke forth into an Admiration, and Thanksgiving, praising the Divine Providence which had had commiseration on that innocent Blood, and had vouchsafed to preserve him so mi∣raculously, shewing the wonderfulnesse of his blessings to him: She then, with much seeming Passion, called him Nephew; the Bud of the White-rose; the Hope of the House of York; and the Restorer of the Honour and Justice of England: She as∣signed unto him a Guard of Thirty Halberdiers for his safety. Now every one began to think him Really to be what he perso∣nated, not imagining that a Woman could be capable of so much Cunning: insomuch as if he were respected in France as a for∣reign Prince, he was little lesse then Worshipped in Flanders, as Nephew to the Dutchesse, and almost as much as if he had been her Son. This news being brought into England, it was there greedily listened after; for men do naturally love to believe things unlooked for and incredible: Passions augmented this be∣lief in such as were of that Faction, in those who desired Novel∣ties, in the Discontented: as also in those who loved Equity: for the Crown had neither belonged to Henry, nor yet to his Wife, if her Brother had been alive. Hereupon arose Whisperings, li∣berty of Discourse and Complaints: the present ill Government was in every man's mouth; the endlesse Impositions, the King's insatiable Avarice, which was the cause of a Shameful Peace, af∣ter Britanny had More shamefully been suffered to be lost: The Nobility were no lesse distasted; they were grieved at the small account the King made of them; so that All mens conceipts fell upon the same point, That God being a just Judge, had preserved the True Heir to seat him again in his Throne, which had been Twice usurped from him: for Henry had no right thereunto of Himself, and had Waved his Wives right that he might reign Alone; that therefore it was not to be wondred at, if after so much injustice, God had raised up his Brother-in-law to punish him. Nor did this businesse end onely in Discourse: for there were some personages of Great quality, who would sound the Bottom of it; amongst which were the Lord Chamberlain, Willi∣am Stanley, brother to Henry's father-in-law (he who had assisted him in the battel against Richards, and may be said to have made him King) the Lord Fitz-water, Sir Simon Montefort, and Sir Tho∣mas Thwaites: these made choice of some people of quality to send into Flanders, that upon their relation, they might ground their resolutions: but of many there were onely Two that would hazard themselves to undertake the businesse which was shunn'd by all the rest; for if the businesse should prove fictitious, they were likely to lose their Goods and Countrey. Robert Clifford and William Barley, were the Two; both of them of good Families, especially the first. When they came to Flanders, the Dutchesse

Margaret received them with much honour, and having dis∣coursed long with Clifford, that she might the better inform her self of their intentions that sent them, she brought him to the sight of Perkin: with whom after he had discoursed many days, he wrote back into England, that he was the Duke of York; and that he knew him as well as he knew Him∣self.

The King was troubled at these mens going, since it could not * 1.25 but produce dangerous consequences: but the greatnesse of his spirit being averse to fear, he forbare to make any extraordinaty provision against it, so not to augment the credit thereof, which his seeming neglect might lessen. Yet he forbare not to shut up the Ports, and to place such guards there, as he might know who came in and out; endeavouring to discover what correspondency the fugitives had. He feared not the Imposture, being certainly informed how the Duke of York was, together with his brother, put to death; but it behoved him that Others should likewise be certain thereof: wherefore he put, as prisoners, into the Tower, Sir Iames Tirrel, and his servant Iohn Dighton, who were the one∣ly Two that remained alive of the Four which were conscious of this cruelty; for Miles Forrest (the Second rogue that slew them) and the Priest that buried them, were dead: they depo∣sed, That Tirrel saw them Dead after they were Smother'd; that he made them be buried underneath a stair, and cover'd them with a Stone; from whence, by order from Richard, they were afterwards tane, and reburied by the Minister of the Tower; but in what place they knew not, the Minister being Dead. But the King, not satisfied with these testimonies, that he might divert the danger, and satisfie the World, he bethought himself of some other means whereby he might discover the Impostors con∣dition and descent. He made choice of some, and scatter'd them thorowout all Flanders, directing them what they were to do: Those who were not to stay in any setled place, were ordered di∣ligently to enquire after his Birth, and to give Him daily adver∣tisement of what they should learn: which makes men believe he had some glimpse of it before: the other, who were to make their abode where He was, were (by his direction) to seem as if they were fled away, so to shun the danger they should incur, if they were discover'd to be well-wishers to his party; and to pro∣fesse they were come to run the like fortune with Him: they were, as the Other, to make Discovery, but more particularly to finde out the Designes and Correspondencies; they were to grow familiar with those whom Perkin most confided in, and to shew them the Vanity of the Undertaking, they having to do with a wise King; not easily to be beaten without extraordina∣ry Forces; that the Dutchesse's favours were not answerable to their need; that they wanted assistance, and were not cer∣tain of what they presumed to be Secure; which was the assistance of the party, and the peoples inclination, both which were un∣useful:

for that such accurate and diligent provision was made, that all men would forbear to declare themselves, unlesse they might be encouraged by the sight of a Great army, which the Duke of York was not likely to shew them; no not if all Flan∣ders were to declare it Self for him. But their chief care was to sound Clifford by tasting him with fair promises; for if they could win Him over, the deed was done, he being the Ca∣binet of secret Correspondencies between Flanders and Eng∣land: neither were they much troubled to effect it; for, be∣ing come to the knowledge of this imposture, he was wrought upon by them; with promise of Forgivenesse, and of Re∣wards, proper baits for such a fish. Henry, this mean while, had made all those whom he had sent, to be excommunicated in Pauls, and their Names to be registred in the Book of the King's enemies (according to the custom of those times) to the end that no man might suspect them: neither did he for∣bear to sollicite the Confessors of the greatest men, that he might learn how they were enclined; not weighing the Profa∣nation of Religion and holy things, since his particular interest was concern'd, though in all Other things he was reputed a Pious Prince. At last they came to the perfect knowledge of Perkin's Birth, Name, Surname, Countrey, Employments, and Voyages, till coming to the Dutchesse, he was metamorphis'd into the Duke of York: they likewise won over Clifford, who gave them such proofs of his repentance, as the King was there∣withal satisfied. Perkin's Genealogie was published in the Court, and thorowout the Kingdom: and Henry not esteeming it fit∣ting that a Mechanick should with such ostentation be protect∣ed in Flanders, under a false name, and which redounded to His injury, he sent Ambassadours to the Archduke Philip (Ma∣ximilian being gone into Germany) who were Sir Edward Poynings, and Sir William Warham Doctor of the Civil Law. The Coun∣cil gave them audience, the Archduke being yet a Childe: their Embassie was, That Flanders being confederate, and in friendship with England, the King could not but resent that she should nourish an Impostour who durst call himself Duke of York, and pretended unto his Kingdom: that such a Belief must needs admit of some Malignity, since the Duke of York's death was too manifest to the world; which were it not so, very Conjecture were sufficient to put it out of doubt: the Nature and Craft of Richard the Third was not such as would encourage the Executors of his cruelty to save One brother, and murder the Other: Mercy was not to be suppos'd in such Rascals; and if it were, not without Reward, and free∣dom from Punishment: Reward was not to be expected from a Childe destitute of Hopes, and who getting out of pri∣son, had not wherewithal to feed himself: but say that meer Compassion had moved them to save him; such com∣passion must be either in One or in All of them: it was impossible

it should be in One of them, and the Rest not know of it; and it was incredible it should be in All of them, for that three such wicked ones could not so far trust one another, as not to live in perpetual Jealousie: And give this likewise granted, how could a childe, ignorant of the ways, wanting direction and counsel, passe undiscover'd, that the Night-guards which are usual in all the streets of London, should not stop him, should not take him? or that some other difficulty should not hinder him? 'twas im∣possible a tender childe of Nine yeers old, alone, in Lord-like looks, and apparel, could passe on, unknown by any: Certainly this could not have befallen the True Duke of York, much lesse could it have happened unto the Counterfeit, whose true name was Perkin: that the King knew him well; knew his Countrey and his Extraction, that the Nurse or rather Mother of this, the Dutchesse of Burgundy, knew it well enough, who emulating the ancient Fables, had brought him forth (as Iove did Mercury) out of her Brain, feigned him to be her Nephew, given him instructi∣ons and taught him how to lye: that she could not tolerate that her Neece should reign, being joyned to the House of Lancaster; her hatred being thereunto such, as rather then to suffer her to be a Queen with such a Husband, she would bereave Her and her Children of a Kingdom, and give it to Perkin, begotten by a Jew turned Christian: They desired, that after the example of the King of France, they would chase him out of their Countrey; and that if the useful friendship which was between the two Na∣tions, should perswade them (as well it might) to do More, they should do like true friends indeed, if they would deliver him up into Their Hands. The Answer was, That they desired to pre∣serve friendship with the King; that they would not assist the pre∣tended Duke of York: but that they could not hinder the Dutch∣esse (who was absolute in her Countrey) from doing what she listed. Henry was not pleased with this answer; knowing that Princesses Dowagers have not the like Prerogative over the Countreys where they govern as had their Husbands: for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion, they might wage War, put the State into Combustion, and utterly lose it: but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council, and that the Archduke could do no otherwise; whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him; he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders, and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England, and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis: the which though it were to the great losse of the People, and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it; yet did not he forbear doing the like, by driving the English out of his Dominions. The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford, imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water, Sir Simon Montfort, and Sir Thomas Thwaites, Willi∣am d'Aubeny, Robert Ratcliff, Thomas Cressenor, Thomas Astwood, Willi∣am Worseley Dean of Pauls, and certain Friers, amongst which

two Dominicans: he would have shut up More, but the scandal would have been too great. Montfort, Ratcliff, and d'Aubeny, were convinc'd of High Treason, and beheaded; the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis, not in despair of Life, by his endea∣vouring to escape, lost both his hopes and life: the rest were pardoned.

The King had created his second son, Henry, Duke of York, in Westminster, where, as is usual at such Solemnities, divers Knights * 1.26 of the Bath were made: but when he heard that Clifford was land∣ed in England, he withdrew himself to the Tower, that he might hear him There; to the end that if he should accuse any of ex∣traordinary quality, they might be imprisoned without any great noise. Clifford being admitted to his presence, threw himself at his feet, and begg'd his pardon; the which being formerly grant∣ed, he again confirmed unto him: and being commanded to speak, if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy, he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley: at whose name all the standers by were startled; it not being likely that a man of his quality, rich, the Favorite, neerest to the King, and the chief in∣strument of his Assumption to the Crown, should be a Traitour: whereupon being advised to think Better what he said; he with∣out Haesitation or Altering his Colour, accused him as Before. Stanley was shut up in his Chamber, and was the next day exami∣ned by the Council: he denied some few Circumstances, but confess'd the Fault; affying his Former actions, for which he pre∣sumed the King would pardon him: but he was deceived. De∣serts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike, when they are of a like Excesse: though he had Put the Crown upon his head; by ne∣gotiating how to take it Away again, he nullified his Former de∣serts: his Repenting for the Service done, cancell'd the Obliga∣tion; the which though it were very great, was in some sort re∣warded: Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom, by con∣ferring Another Kingdom to the Donour; or by resigning over to him the Same: the Inequality of the Persons, equals the Dis∣parity of the good turn: the Riches, and Honour he received from Henry, were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him: (if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him) the one was Born for It, the other for Meaner things. Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself, whether he should put him to death, or no: the love and reverence which he bare to his Fa∣ther-in-law, pleaded for Clemency; Example, and the Conditi∣on of the Times, put in for Severity; but if it be true which some Authors write, his Riches bore down the balance: he be∣ing esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England. Nei∣ther were men deceived in this their opinion; for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money (his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended) and in Re∣venues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer; a considerable sum in those days. Whereupon after having deferr'd

this businesse some Six weeks, to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it, he was condemn'd to die, and lost his head. His execution afforded matter of diver∣sity of discourse: those that were not of the Court, who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government, and made their conje∣ctures upon Circumstances, and doubtful Relations, esteemed the case, if not wholly void of Fault, at least not worthy of the High∣est punishment: a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad, That in his discourse with Clif∣ford concerning Perkin, he should say unto him, That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York, son to Edward the Fourth, he would not take up Arms against him: A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person, yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth; his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom; and the words not admitting of any other interpretation, then his Opi∣nion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown; which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster, and from the Authority of Parliament. The reason which alienated him from the King, is said to be, That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester (a Title, and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales, their first-born Sons) the King did not onely Deny his request, but was Offended with him for it; thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject, after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards: having made him Privy Counsellour, Lord Chamberlain, given him daily whatsoever he demanded, assigned Pensions to him, and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain, seemed not to take notice that he ap∣propriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp, of which He himself stood in Need, being but a New King: per∣mitting all things to him, to the end that when he was grown Rich, he might satisfie his own thirst of having. This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary, one man durst not trust another; each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords: Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting, that they made use of pen and paper, to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues; Libels were written against some of the Council, and against the King himself, the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves, but that Five of them miscarried, paying for their Errour with the losse of life. Perkin's party this mean while decreased; no man durst so much as think any more of him, and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flan∣ders: amongst which, Barley, Clifford's companion, was the chiefest, who notwithstanding, afterwards, alter'd his opinion, and together with his Pardon, got leave to return home.

But the death of the Conspirators, and the dissipation of the Complices, were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet, un∣lesse he should destroy the Nest which was in Ireland; seeing that

Lambert first, and then Perkin, had been so affectionately received there. It behoved him to settle his authority there in such man∣ner as it should be undoubted: he made choice of Two to serve him in Two several Offices; the Prior of Langton with title of Commissioner, that he might look to the Civil Government of the Kingdom, making him Chancellor; and Edward Poynings, who was to have charge of the Militia, giving him a great many Soul∣diers, with Commission to be Marshal, and Lieutenant, to which the Deputy, which was the Earl of Kildare, was subordinate. The Prior met with no difficulty; the Laws being his Arms, and the peaceful people the matter of his jurisdiction: but Poynings, who was to deal with Stubborn men and Rebels, had not the like fortune: for Ireland being full of Woods, Boggs, and Desert places (the happinesse of the poor people consisting in Idlenesse, in somuch as the ground is there for the most part unbroken up) he was to make War, just as men do Hunt; for those whose con∣sciences and courages mis-gave them, retiring themselves into places inaccessible for strangers, and unknown unto them, he spent much time there to small purpose; killing some few, and taking some few prisoners, which made not much for the main en∣terprise; so as being angry with those, who having no intention to withstand him, had no cause to fear him, he lay'd the fault upon the Earl of Kildare, as if he had succour'd them underhand. He sent him prisoner into England, without any other Proof against him, save his Own Suspition: and the Earl did so fully justifie himself, as that he was declared Innocent, and re-established in his former Government. But if Poynings had no successe with those which stood out against him, yet was his fortune such with the rest, as he perswaded them to accept of all Ordinances made in England till that day, which in former times were not of power in that Kingdom. This Declaration was and is called Poynings his Law. Ireland therefore is governed by the same Laws as is England; for so many as were made till the Tenth yeer of Henry: but such as have been made since are not admitted of, there.

The Conspiracy thus unsuccessefully ended, did not so quell Perkin's spirit, but that he thought the affections of those of his Party, were rather Oppressed, then quite Dead; and that a new spirit would so revive them, as Henry should not be so fortunate in suppressing them, as he had been. Thus flattering himself, he assembled together certain Troops of men of desperate fortunes, who either for Debts, or other misdemeanours, durst not shew their heads; and embarking them, he came to Anchor before Sandwitch, landing some of his men to learn news, and to disco∣ver how the people in those parts were affected, giving out that he had great Forces which were coming in a Fleet after him. The King at this time was gone his Progresse, and was now with his Mother in her house at Latham, whom he went to visit; and that by his coming thither, the world might know, that the death

of Sir William Stanley had not made his father-in-law think the worse of him: here he heard of Perkin's arrival; whereby he received this advantage, that he having so behaved himself as his People esteemed him to be a politick Prince, they thought nothing befel him which he did not foresee: and that his reti∣ring himself into the Northern parts, was one of his cunning fetches; for knowing he had left the South-parts free from dan∣ger, he intended to allure Perkin to land, that so he might be sure not to escape. But whatever the matter was, at the first news he resolved to return; and was not well pleased at the Second, which informed him that he was gone again; for he perceived this trouble would continue longer then he imagined. The cause of Perkin's departure was this; the Kentish-men had well obser∣ved the condition of those whom he had landed; and that there were but few English amongst them, and those few of no worth nor consideration; wherefore they took counsel with the Chief of the Shire, concerning their taking Arms; the which being agreed upon, they shewed a part of their men upon the Sea shore, to invite him to land; and scatter'd the rest abroad, some here, some there, as if they were ready to run away: but Perkin per∣ceiving their drift, budged not a foot; wherefore the Kentish∣men gave upon them that were on the shore: slew some of them, took other some, very few of them getting back to their Ships.

At this time died Cecilie Nevil, Dutchesse of York; who, born to be unfortunate, outdid the miseries of her daughter-in-law Queen Elizabeth, who was very unhappie: she bare to her hus∣band Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, Eight sons, and Four daughters: all her Sons died during her life; Four of them died natural deaths, while they were Young; of whom we make no mention in our Genealogie, because our History speaks not of them: of the Other Four, the Three Last came to a violent end, and the First died not well; for King Edward died in the strength of youth consumed by disorder; Edmund; Earl of Richmond, was, toge∣ther with his Father, slain at the Battel at Wakefield; George, Duke of Clarence, was put to death in the Tower by his brother; and Ri∣chard the Third was slain at Bosworth-field: She had been the lesse to be pitied, had the Funerals of her family ended in her Husband and Sons; but they extended themselves to her Grand-children male; all which she out-lived, save Edward Earl of Warwick, son to the Duke of Clarence, who being shut up in the Tower, was not to expect any other death then Violent, but to share therein with the rest, as he did: so as being made unhappie by so many miseries (any One of which had been able to have made her so) fortune would yet render her fuller of calamity, by making her lose her Honour, her own Son declaring her to be an Adultresse, thereby to make himself King: and though there were no true co∣lour for it, yet was the stain true, wherewithal she was asperst, by a Basilisk that issued out of her own bowels; which was a misery above all other miseries, and of all wounds the most sensible.

Perkin, being retired to Flanders, if he should tarry there, he must needs be discover'd for an Impostour; and the Dutchesse of * 1.27 Burgundy, should she detain him there, must be known to be fo∣mentresse of the Forgery: so as it behoved him to be gone from thence, and her to send him away, to go on with the work which they had both so unluckily begun. This resolution was befrien∣ded by the distaste which Maximilian, and his son Philip took at Henry, for taking the Commerce of England from their States; and by the like distaste taken by Charles, King of France, for his having entred into league against him, concerning his affairs in Italy. But Perkin's missing of entertainment in Ireland, which he expect∣ed (for Poynings had an eye to the actions of the Rebels there) he met with it in Scotland; whither he went, grounding his hopes upon the natural enmity of those Two Kingdoms, and upon the recommendation of the Three above-written Princes: he had solemn audience given him by the King, in the presence of all the Lords that were then at Court. His Lordlike looks, which (together with his being thought the true Duke of York) were augmented by Art, and by the gifts of Nature, captivated the good-will of the standers by. Having in a grave manner done his Obeisance to the King, he told him, That he was the unhap∣pie Richard Plantagenet, son to Edward the Fourth, who drawn by fraudulent promises from his mother's bosom (she having taken Sanctuary at Westminster) was brought to the Tower of London, there to be smother'd with his brother Edward; but that charity arising in the brest of those who executed that cruel office, they were contented with the death of his Elder brother, and saved Him, giving him life, liberty, and means how to scape away: he desired to be pardoned if he did not tell the Manner how, for that the interests of those that had saved him, who were yet alive, would not suffer him so to do: that Fortune had posted him into divers places, and God had given him the grace to conceal his condition, lest being known, the evil might have befaln him which the vigilancy of a wicked Uncle threatned, who having usurped his Kingdom from him, knew he could not enjoy it but by his death, which he thought had already happened: but that his Uncle being by divine justice rewarded according to his deserts, and he grown in yeers after many circumvolutions he had withdrawn himself from France, to his Aunt, the Dutchesse of Burgundy, who being a widow, and on the Other side of the Sea, could not give him such assistance as was requisite for the reco∣very of his Kingdom; which being faln from One Tyrant to Another; from an unnatural Uncle, to a Kinsman who was na∣turally his Enemy, he stood in need of some to assist him; Arms being the onely Tribunal whereat pretences to Kingdoms are dis∣puted: that England knew very well his claim, and his being; which some of the chiefest there had witnessed with their bloods, betrayed by their false, corrupt friends: that Corruption was easily effected, where Jealousie and Suspition made men, who

were naturally covetous and sparing, (as was Henry) liberall and profuse: that Ireland was not ignorant of this, but that being grievously opprest, her weaknesse was such, as she could not shew her fidelity, and obedience to the House of Yorke, and to Him the true heir thereof, as shee formerly had done, and would again doe; neither was it to be doubted, but that if he could find a place to take footing in, and any one that would protect him, he should, both from the one Kingdom, and the other, receive such assi∣stance; as might make the regainment of his owne an easie busi∣nes: that the Dutchesse, Emperour, Arch-duke, King of France, and Himselfe, finding there was no other wheron for him to take footing, then Scotland, nor other Protector for him, then the mag∣nanimous King thereof; they had advised him to present him∣selfe before his Majestie, they being afterwards ready to joyne with him in so just a cause, in defence of an Orphan, and to the assistance of a Prince betraid, usurp'd upon, and driven out of this Countrey as was Hee. Here enlarging himselfe upon Henrye's il∣legall pretences, upon his base, ignoble descent, vilifying his Grand-father Tewder as descended from the Scum of the poorest sort in Wales; he said that his title was in no sort good unto the Crowne, nor yet his Wifes title as long as He the Duke of Yorke (and of right King) lived: that Henry had endeavour'd to have him given up into his hands by Charles, when he was in France; but that being by Charles denied, hee had not spared for Treachery, Arms nor poyson to bereave him of his life, by the means of di∣vers of his Ministers, more particularly by Robert Clifford the wic∣kedst of them all; so as when all his diabolicall designes failed him, his last refuge was to slanders, and to new inventions drawn from hell, thereby to obscure the splendour of his Birth; to the end that, being believed to be what he would have him to be, his tyrannie and usurpation might not be withstood: that if he were such a one, King Charles, nor his aunt the Dutchesse would not have counsell'd him to have had recourse to the powerfull tuition of the King of Scotland, with hopes that he would succour him, as his generous Predecessours had formerly done the afflicted Kings of England; whose name, worth, and Kingdome since he inherited, he hope hee should inherit the like benefits as they had done; that hee might shew himselfe (having recovered his Kingdome) to be the most usefull and truest friend, that ever did or shall deserve to be celebrated for gratitude.

Perkins expressions, the compassion of his case, the recom∣mendation of so many Princes, and their promises; or rather the Occasion to wage war with Henry (whereunto he had a great de∣sire) moved the King to promise him his assistance: the which hee readily effected, though many, who knew the Imposture, disswa∣ded him from him; & moreover he did not only appoint unto him an Attendance and Entertainment every way befitting a Duke of Yorke, but that it might be beleeved he tooke him to be so, he gave unto him for wife his neerest kinswoman, Katherin Gordon, daughter

to the Earl of Huntley, a Lady of excellent beauty. Such pro∣visions being made as the enterprise required, he with a good * 1.28 Army entred Northumberland, where Perkin, under the name of Richard Duke of Yorke, the true and lawfull heir to the Crown of England, published a Declaration, the Contents whereof were;

That being by the Grace of God, and Favour of Iames the fourth King of Scotland, entred into his Kingdom of England, he declared his coming was not to make war upon his subjects, but to free them from the tyrannie wherewith they were oppressed: that it was known the Crown belonged to the Regall house of Yorke, of which since after the death of Edward the fourth, there remained no other pretender then Himself, his Son; He and no other was the lawfull heir thereof: that Henry Teudor had usur∣ped the Crown from him, and by in humane ways sought to be∣tray him, and bereave him of his life: that he had vaunted him∣self to have eased the subject of a Tyrant, but by excluding the Duke of Yorke, their rightfull King, he had made himself their Ty∣rant: that Richords tyranny was so much the more excusable, in that his Nephews being supposed to be dead, he had some Preten∣ces to colour it with: the difference between them two was, that Richard, a true Plantagenet, had for his aim the Honour of the Na∣tion, and the Subjects Tranquillity; Henry, meanly born, (not re∣garding the Honour of the Nation, nor the Peoples Tranquillity) had sold the Kingdoms best friends for ready money, made disho∣nourable peace, and not only oppressed the subject, but unjustly put to death the Lord Chamberlain Stanley, and divers others, who were likely to have withstood his oppressions. Ambition had moved Richard to tyrannie, Henry, Avarice; Ambition had made use of cruell means; Avarice not only of Cruell, but Base, ex∣tortive means: his Cruelty was witnessed by the death of so ma∣ny, and by the imprisonment of the Earl of Warwick, Son to the Duke of Clarence; his Basenesse and Extortion, by such extraor∣dinary grievances, Tenths, Subsidies, Taxes, and Impositions, un∣der the name of Benevolences; and by the wars and peace hee made, only that he might heap up treasure: and because his un∣just possession of the Crowne made him live in perpetuall fear and suspicion, not only of Men, but even of Women, hee had married Ladies of the blood Royall to people of mean condition, amongst which a sister of Him the Duke of Yorke, and a sister of his Cosin the above-mentioned Earl of Warwick, that hee might have the lesse reason to fear: so that, as hee now came to free them from violence by such forces as God should assist him withall, so by his plenary Regall authority, hee did at that present free them from all Grievances, by Re∣voking and abolishing in perpetuity, All that had hetherto been imposed upon them, contrary to all Law and Custom; and to the end that the good will of his subjects might not be prejudiced by the Law, for having illegally obeyed the Tyrant

he granted to them a Generall Pardon for all their transgressions, upon condition they would submit themselves to Him, and ac∣knowledge him for their King; the which they that should be the Forwardest to do, should be the First that should enjoy the Mai∣denhead of his Regall favours: that he would maintain all that his Ancestors, more particularly his Father Edward of glorious memory, had sworn unto; which was the Preservation of their Priviledges, and Liberty, the Franchise of the Clergy, Nobili∣ty and People: He promised a Thousand pound in ready mo∣ney, and Five Marks a yeare of Inheritance for ever, whosoever should take or kill Henry: he declared that the King of Scotlands assisting of him was not done out of any Bargain or Promise made Prejudiciall to the Kingdom of England, but out of the near love to Justice, a vertue wherein he excelled; and that when he should have put him in a condition or posture that he might be a∣ble to defend himself by the forces of his own English subjects, he would return to Scotland, pretending to nothing else but the Honour of having Raised Him up.

This Declaration proved like seed sown on the sands: where∣upon King Iames, after he had long in vain expected some Com∣motion, be took himself to plunder, and destroy with as little mer∣cy as the Scots had wont to doe in former times; and Perkin, who till now had plaid his part extreamly well, failed in This, shew∣ing too much Affection therein. For having desired the King not to suffer his men, contrary to the Laws of Arms to commit such out-rages, for that no purchase whatsoever could be acceptable to him, which was got with the Blood and Ruin of his own sub∣jects: the King, who either had before informed himself of his being; or else began to suspect it by this his so Affected and Im∣pertinent request, answered him, smiling; That he took too much care of what did not at all belong unto him; and that to endeavour the preservation of an Enemies countrey, was the most that could be done by a Perfect Christian. Having enriched his souldiers, he returned back, knowing that great forces were coming down upon him, and that it would be dangerous for him to stay till they came, finding himself encumbred by that great booty he took along with him.

Merchants were much troubled at the breach of Commerce between England and Flanders; insomuch as, meeting with a fit occasion, they began to treate thereof with their seve∣rall Princes; since that the reducing it to the former condi∣tion, would make for the advantage of Both sides, and there∣fore was to be desired by Both: by the Arch-duke; for being informed that Perkin (the cause of the disorder) was a Chea∣ter, he should have wronged his Reputation in favouring him any longer; and have much injured his Subjects and Himself, by the evill that might there hence have resulted, by Henry; for not valuing now Perkin any more, the breach of correspondence with Burgundy was not only prejudiciall to Private men, but even

to Himselfe; since that thereby his Customes (a principall arrow in the quiver of Princes) were diminished: notwithstanding though he did desire it, he would not seem to doe so, but appeare to be drawn by the instance of others. Commissioners were sent from both sides, who renewed their friendship, and reestablished the commerce in a better way then formerly: and to the articles touching this busines, and the Freedom of Fishing, was added an Inhibition of either side to entertain the Rebels of one another; in which article the Lands belonging to the Dutchesse Margaret were by Name inserted, to the end that such as did adhere to Per∣kin might not be shelter'd there.

The affront offered by the King of Scotland, stuck yet in Hen∣rie's stomack, which was not to be revenged but by war, war was not to be made without money, nor was money to be had without a Parliament: wherefore he called a Parliament, and therein ac∣quainted them with the Losses he had suffer'd by the King of Scots in Northumberland; who having no cause of enmity with Him, had taken upon him for a Pretence, to protect Perkin, though he knew him to be an Impostour; how the injury was aggravated by the Affront; for finding that countrey unarmed and void of defence, after having ruin'd and burnt up the countrey, he had safely re∣tired himselfe, laden with booty, into Scotland. This busines was judged worthy of the Kings consideration; (such injuries not be∣ing without shame to be put up) wherefore the Parliament de∣creed unto him good store of money, to be raised according to the usuall wont; which being paid in all parts else, was only de∣ny'd to be paid in Cornewall; the Inhabitants thereof thought this an unjust exaction; and that the Scotish Commotion was so farre from Them, as they were not thereby to be obliged as were the countries thereby detrimented; asif when the Head akes, the Legs and Feet be not concern'd, but may put over the execution of their duties to the Arms and Neck, as neerer thereunto. To make good this mutiny two mutinous heads appeared; the one a Farrier by his trade, the other an Atturney, each of which had their ends; Michael Ioseph the Black-smith was moved by Am∣bition, beleeving such a seditious action would adde luster unto him, and that his clownish loquacity would procure him the first place amongst the Countrey people: Thomas Flammock, the At∣turney, having gotten credit by his profession, had so far won up∣on their opinions, as they beleeved the denying of this Subsidy, and their mutiny thereupon to be Legall, and meritorious: his opinion was of authority sufficient to interpret the Power of King or Parliament: he had instructed them that they were not bound to the payment of any Subsidies for war with Scotland; that the Law had provided for it by other means, so as this Subsidy was invented to fleece the People: he therefore advised them to present a Petition to the King, who for the example of other men could not chuse but punish the Inventors of it: they both offer'd themselves to lead them on, till they should find some man

of Quality, under whom, they, with the hazard of their lives, would continue to serve them; but that for matter of Life, there was no Hazard at all, their demand being so Just, as it would be approved of by all the other shires; since the publick good was treated of, from which the Kings particular interest could not be separated. Hereby encouraged, they took up arms; and because they were not all provided of Bows and Arrows, they arm'd themselvs with such Tools as belonged to their severall Trades. They entered by Somerset-shire, and passed through Devonshire, not offering any manner of Out-rage: when they came to Taun∣ton, they slew one of the Commissioners for the Subsidy, who had shew'd himselfe more busie therein then the rest: at Wels they met with the Lord Audley, who having had former intelligence with their two Leaders, was chosen their Generall. They would go into Kent, out of an opinion that that countrey (which never having been conquer'd, was according to Flammock, the Freest part of England) was likely to joyne with them: but finding the contrary, some wondred at it, and other some were mad there∣at: the former handsomly drawing their neck out of the Yoke, returned home; the others, passing forwards, thought, that since they had met with no opposition in so long a march, the King and the Citie would suffer them to make their Own Conditions: and with this foolish imagination they encamped themselves within sight of London, between Greenwich and Eltham.

The King was troubled at the first news of this mutiny, fearing lest he should have Three Irons in the fire at once: the people of Cornewall, Perkins secret Intelligence, and the war with Scotland. He took up arms as soon as the Parliament was ended, thinking to go towards Scotland; but crost by the other occasion, he sus∣pended that resolution: and because he had sent the Lord d' Awbe∣ny (whom he had made Lord Chamberlain in lieu of Stanley) with some forces to the confines of Scotland; he sent for him back, to take such counsell as necessity required, and sent in his stead the Earle of Surrey with order to defend the countrey, in case the Scots should fall in upon it: he moved not at the very First (as was his wont) against the Rebels; for the Countrey, not being by them endammaged, did not require it; and he was confident that wanting Money and Ammunition, they would, of themselvs, Disband as they had already begun to doe, when they failed in their hopes of the Kentish men: but when he saw them encampt, he resolved to fight with them; moved thereunto, by his appa∣rant Advantages, by which fore-seeing what might be effected, he freed himselfe from all the hazards of Fortune: He divided his forces, which far exceeded Theirs, into three great Battali∣ons: he assigned the First over to the Earles of Oxford, Essex and Suffolke; the Second, to the Chamberlain; and he commanded the Third, Himselfe: he appointed the First to place themselves behind the Hill where They were encamped, and to secure all the Passages save that towards London, that being inclosed like wild

beasts in a toyl, they might not know how to escape: he ordered the Chamberlain to give them battell in the Front, having given unto him the Best and most Experienc'd Souldiers in all the Ar∣my, being it was on Them that the greatest burthen lay; he Himself stayed with the Third between London and Them, to supply them, if it should be needfull, and to fight with them that should dare march towards the Citie, as the citizens apprehend∣ed: The fear hereof had caused much confusion in London; ci∣tizens were seen to run armed through the streets, some to the Wals, some to the River, minding what they had to doe: for they could not think they were come from Cornewall, the utter∣most bounds of England, with other intention then to enrich themselves by the sacking of that opulent Citie; and they did not hold that their having past quietly through all other parts, ought to be taken for an argument to make them beleeve the like upon This occasion: but understanding the good or∣der which the King had taken, how that he had interessed his own Person in the danger; that the enemy was to win Three battels, before they could come to the Citty; and that the Com∣manders were not only Faithfull and valiant, but such as they confided in, they laid aside their fears. The King had caused it to be noysed abroad (to the end that he might take them the more unprovided) that he would not fight with them till the Munday following; but towards the Saturday Evening, the Lord d' Awbeny set upon some troops, which (not looking to be fought withall till Munday) were upon the side of the Hill, who though they resisted valiantly, yet being but Few in number, they could not make good their Station; so as quitting it, it was easie for the Kings Forces to clime the Hill, make themselves Ma∣sters of the Plain, and give on upon them: they (though taken thus at unawares with their troops out of order) received the assault so handsomly, as the Lord d' Awbeny, fighting in the Head of his men, and playing the part rather of a Common Souldier, then a Commander, was taken Prisoner; but was presently rescued: for the Rebels being ill armed without Commanders, Artillery, or Horse, they could not so far resist, but that in a short time, two Thousand of them were slain, and a great many taken Pri∣soners. The Generall Audley, and the two Seducers, (the Attur∣ney, and the Black-smith) suffered themselves basely to be ta∣ken alive. Three hundred of the Kings side were slain, all of them almost by Arrows; for the Cornish had strong Bows, and very long Arrows. The King came thither to make many Knights Ban∣nerets; and others he made in St. Georges fields where he was en∣camped: he gave the goods of such as were taken, to those that took them, to be disposed of as they listed. Audley was behead∣ed upon Tower-hill, having on him a Coat of paper torn, with his Arms painted thereon, the wrong side upwards. The Atturney and the Black-smith were brought to Tibourn, where they were Hang'd, Drawn, and Quarter'd; the Black-smith not

ceasing to shew his vanity and vain-glory at the very last; belee∣ving in future times his name would be big in story.

The King would not have their quarters be sent into Cornewall, as he had appointed; for, hearing that they were not totally ap∣peased, he thought it was not good to incite them any further. To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon; so as in so scandalous a rebellion, there were but Three that suffer'd: those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell, who perished rather by Fortune, then by way of Punishment.

The King of Scotland, hearing of this rebellion, made use of it: he went to besiege Norham Castle, plundering the countrey. This Castle belonged to Fox, the Bishop of Durham; who fore-seeing it would be besieged, had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition, causing the herds of Cattle, & what else might be help∣ful to the Enemy, to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths. The Earl of Surrey, who was ready, upon all occasions, in Yorke-shire, not far from thence, hasted thither, accompanied with good store of Souldiers: the which when King Iames understood, he with-drew himself, and was pursued by the Earl; who not able to over-take him, sate down before Hayton Castle, one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough; the which he quickly took: and not meeting with any opposition, he re∣turned to Yorke-shire, not doing any more; these two actions ha∣ving produced no matter of Note, but the Preservation of One Castle, and the winning of Another.

At this time came Pedro d' Aiala, a man of praise-worthy con∣ditions, to Henry; being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand, and Isabel, King, and Queen of Castile. The pretence of his Embassie was, to compound the differences between Henry, and the King of Scotland: but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage be∣tween Katharine, their second daughter, and Prince Arthur. My opinion is; that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature, till by this peace they might see Henries state setled: for considering him to be a New King, they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour, which being grounded upon the appearances, though but of a False name, were upheld by the King of Scotland; who if he should forsake him, they would soon vanish. Henry willingly embraced the Offer, being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland; by the cessation whereof, two great advantages were to redound to him: the one; he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom, with hopes to get him into his power; or else, that, wanting that leaning stock, he might easily end the busines Himself: the other; his desire to reign in Peace, being weary of so many molestations, which rising one in the neck of another, had always troubled him. So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of (his Honour, and all wherein it might be con∣cern'd, always preserved) he suffer'd him to go into Scotland: where having rough-cast the busines, and perswaded the King

to listen to Peace, (for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel, who favoured England) he writ to Henry to send some discreat man, who, together with Him, might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland. The King gave his Commission to Fox, Bishop of Durham, who was then at Norham, and sent him. When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree, by reason of many difficulties that arose: Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him; and Iames could not doe it, without a great aspersition to his Honour: for, though he knew he was but a Iuggler, yet having called him the Duke of Yorke, made war in his name, and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own, the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Repu∣tation. On Henries behalfe, was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd, and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England; which was impossible to be had: the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers; and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suf∣fer'd: it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse, then for the other to Repay it. But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace, 'twas easie to find a way to accommodati∣on; wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time, they agreed on a Truce, upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland. The Kings were here withall contented: Truce work∣ing the same effect. King Iames, calling Perkin to him, shewed him; that, according to his promise, he had done what lay in His power for him; which He had not correspondently done, in any thing he promised: for having made him beleeve, hee had a Party in England, not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made: that he (the King) had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war: The Scots would none of it; neither would his Occasions permit it: that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself, who in a bu∣sines of so great importance, had not cast up his accounts aright: that the Emperour, Arch-duke, Dutchesse of Burgundy, and the King of France, had been faulty both to Himself, and Him, that he could not doe all of Himself, whilest they, far from Danger, looked on from safe places, without either dammage or expence: though this were a sufficient cause, yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former reso∣lution, had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke, as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man: Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy, nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams, much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth: that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady, his neer kinswoman, to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him, and the English might take courage to own him; and if the second designe which depended on Him, (Perkin) did not suc∣ceed

well; the first which depended on Him (the King) failed not: that his Kingdom would have Peace; which they could not have so long as He stayed in it: that therefore it behooved him to be gone; for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England, as was by the said King Demanded, he could not de∣ny to send him out of Scotland; which should he not doe, it would be contrary to the interests of One of them, and repugnant to the affairs of the Other: Hee told him; Times did alter; so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be, it was impossi∣ble but the Time would bring the Truth to light: that though Fortune were Powerfull, yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth; if therefore his Pretence were such, he could not want Friends, and Furtherers; if otherwise, it behooved him to look to himself, and to put on apparell fitting his condi∣tion. Perkin, though convinced, seemed not to be so; casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune. And assu∣ring the King, hee would never be unmindfull of the favour he had received from him, he embarked himself together with his Wife, and such whose desperate condition necessitated them to follow him, in three ships which the King gave him, and made for Ireland, for he had no hopes in Flanders, by reason of the new friendship between the Arch-duke and Henry.

The Cornish men understanding that he was come into Ireland, intreated him to come over to them; professing their obedi∣ence, their Lives, and Lively-hoods, for the advancing of his pretences to the Crown. They who were taken Prisoners in the last Battaile, were returned home; having ransomed themselves at small rates from such as had taken them: and the Kings cle∣mency had wrought contrary effects in them, making them more enraged; for they did not interpret it as proceeding from Kind∣nesse, but Feare: so as falling upon new conceits, beleeving that all the other shires would follow them, they received Perkin with great applause; who Landed there with four little Barks; in Sep∣tember, having with him not above a Hundred and Forty men. Three Thousand of the Cornish presented themselves before Him in Bodmin all armed: from whence he sent forth a Declara∣tion under the name of Richard the fourth, King of England, pro∣mising great matters for the ease of the present Tyrannical go∣vernment. Hee had with him Three chiefe Counsellours come with him; a broken Mercer, a Taylor, and a Scrivener: Se∣cretary Frion had left him, when he saw none appeare for him in England: these three, seconded by the rest, were of opinion, the first thing which was to be done, was to winne some good Town, which might make for his Safety and Reputation, and might encourage the rest. They pitched before Exeter, which be∣ing a great and rich Citie, the hope of Booty invited other to come unto Perkin. They made faire promises to the Citizens; amongst which, That King Richard would make their Citie a new London, in recompence of their Fidelity, and for their being the

First that did acknowledge him for their King: but wanting Artillery to force them, bare words were not sufficient to per∣swade them. The Citie sent newes of the siege to the Court, and demanded succour; the which Perkin feared, and therefore did all he might to make himselfe Master of it before the succour could come: He assaulted it by Scaling Ladders, and set fire on one of the Gates, endeavouring to enter by one way or other; but the wals being well defended, the fire quenched, and many of the Assaillants slain, the danger past over. The King, when he heard of Perkins arrivall, and that he had be∣sieged Exeter, was exceeding glad, hoping to free himselfe from rather a Troublesome then Dangerous molestation. He sud∣denly dispatcht away forces to releeve it under the Conduct of the Lord Chamberlain, accompanied by the Lord Brooke, and Sir Rice ap Thomas; with directions that they should make it be given out that he was following himself in Person. But the Lords that lived in those parts, knowing they should doe an ac∣ceptable service, if they should come into the field unrequested, assembled many troops. The Earl of Devonshire, with his Son, and the chief Gentlemen of the Countie on the one side; and the Earl of Buckingham on the other; so as being joyned together before the Chamberlaine began to march, they adverti∣sed the King of what they had done, desiring to receive his com∣mands. Perkin, understanding these preparations, raised his siege and went to Taunton, though the Cornish did much encou∣rage him, promising not to leave him whilest they had a drop of blood in their bodies. But, were it either through feare, or that Warinesse had taught him not to trust to such promises, he would be gone; having about seven Thousand men with him, and seeming howsoever to be couragious: But forsaking all these the next night he fled, with Three-score and Ten horse, to Beaulieu; where with some of them he tooke Sanctuary. The King, hearing of his flight, sent five hundred Horse after him, fearing lest he might escape away by Sea; but finding he had taken Sanctuary, they used no other violence, but to keepe a good Guard over him till they should receive new Commands. The troops which remained in Taunton, yeelded themselves to the Kings mercy; who pardoned them all, save some Few, which being the most seditious amongst them, were put to death. And because the Lady Gordon, wife to Perkin, was left by him in Cornewall, at Saint Michaels Mount, as in a safe place, the King sent to take her from thence; not so much out of Civility to so Noble a Lady, as fearing lest shee might be with Child; which should shee have prov'd, it might have beene a new occasion of farther trouble: but it was Gods goodnesse to them both that shee was not. Shee was with all possible Honour receiv'd in Exeter; the King did much compassionate her excellent Beauty, which, deserving a true Prince, was falne into the hands of a cheating Impostour,

whom shee notwithstanding loved, as not beleeving him to be so. Hee sent her to the Queene, and assigned her a good Pen∣sion, the which shee enjoyed during his life, and many yeares after.

He made a solemn entry into Exeter, where having thanked the Citizens for their Loyaltie, he took off his sword he wore, and gave it to the Major, with power to have it carried before him. He sent expresse Messengers to the Sanctuary, to Perkin, with pro∣mise of Pardon, who seeing himself destitute of all hopes of safety, yeelded himself; and coming forth of Sanctuary, put himself into their hands; and was brought to the Court, but not to the Kings Presence, though oft-times, for Curiosities sake, he would see him out of the Gallery window. Divers Commissio∣ners were nam'd to proceed against such as had sided with Perkin; who were Punished with Pecuniary mulctes: the world not be∣ing deceived in their opinion, that he was better satisfied to let the Purses blood, then the Veins. The Scorn and Mockery which Perkin received from the Courtiers, and from such as ran to see him, as if he had been a Monster, would have been a greater pu∣nishment to a man of Honour then a Thousand Deaths. When he came to London, he was led on Horse-back through all the Ci∣tie, to the Tower, and from thence brought back again to West∣minster; suffering by the way a world of opprobrious and injuri∣ous Language. For his greater ignominy, they led another bound neer unto him, who was Farrier to the Kings stables, and who, next to the three above-named, having been one of his chief Counsellours, had in his running away put on the habit of an Hermit, hoping to escape better thereby, then by Sanctuary: but being known, taken, and brought to London, he was hanged, after he had accompanied his New Master in this Procession. Per∣kin, upon examination, declared at full his whole Genealogy; his Father, Mother, Grandfathers, Vncles, Cozins, their Occu∣pations, & Countrey; his voyages, together with many other super∣fluous things: concealing, or not setting down in writing, what was most Essentiall; as, that his Father was a Jew; that he him∣self was born in London, held at the Font by King Edward; and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises. He confessed his going to Portugall; but not, that he was sent by Her: In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland. Whereupon the Confession, being first written with his own hand, and afterwards Printed, did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity; since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse (the chief Actor in this Comedy) pur∣posely concealed. But the King would not irritate her any farther, thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spo∣ken of as shee was; together with her own vexation, that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world.

The Civill wars whereof I write, ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress: but the fire therof

though quenched, having left hot ashes; and caused the altera∣tions of those two Impostours, Symnell and Warbeck; it was requi∣site for me to write This life likewise, though with intention to end it (according to the Object, and Title propounded to my self) with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two; the last exhalation of all these Heats: But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off (there remaining so Little of it) with∣out discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England; and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck, and of the Earl of Warwick, the last Male of Plantagenets race, whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders. I wil then proceed, with the greatest Brevitie that may be.

The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made, but that an unexpected accident hapned, which had wel nigh broke it, and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condi∣tion. The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scot∣land by the river Tweed: so as neighbour-hood having caused con∣versation and friendship between some young men of Scotland, and of England, the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River, and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham: the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom, (their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce) did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship, but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications; whereupon falling first to Words, and then to Blows, the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place, and ods in number, were hardly treated; and some of them were slain. King Iames, taking this as done purposely to in∣jure Him, dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain there∣of; and, in case the King should not give good satisfaction, to denounce War. Henry, who minded nothing but his quiet, an∣swer'd; That he was sorry for the Accident, which hee neither knew of, nor did allow of: that hee would inquire into the Ac∣tors of it, and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce. But, time passing on, and nothing done, Iames, thinking this was but his Dissembling, with inten∣tion that Delay working Forgetfulnesse, might exempt the faulty from Punishment; was more offended then formerly: and certainly, somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned, had not the Bishop of Durham, who was Lord of Norham, wisely taken order in it. For, knowing that the injury was done by His men, he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it, as that he rested satisfied, and desired the Bishop to come unto him, that they might treate upon the present occasion, and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms. The Bishop acquain∣ted Henry with this, who gave him leave to goe: hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was; who at their first meeting complained of the injury done. The Bishop answer'd; that could not be call'd an injury, where there was no

intention of Offending: He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune; not out of any intention to offend Him: the offence, (if any there were) must needs pro∣ceed, either from the King, or the Garrison; not from the King; for he was not of such a nature; which if he were, it was not likely he would make a Truce, to Breake it immediatly, without any Advantage or Occasion: nor did it proceed from the Soul∣diers, who were sure to be Punished for it: a chance, unthought of, caused by suspition, could not be termed an Injury; not, that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it; but with the Di∣stinction allow'd of by the Lawes, between Accidentall, and Pre∣meditated faults: that, as the Later were worthy of severe Pu∣nishment, so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon; obtain∣able upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie. The King being pacified, said; He pardon'd the offence, in re∣spect of the Friendship contracted, the Continuance whereof he desired. And then, drawing him aside, pursued to say; His desire was to have a Long and Good peace: the which if Henry like∣wise desired, the true way to effect it would be, by Henrie's gi∣ving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret; for that thereby, the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall: that this was the reason why he had desired him, to come into Scotland, hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end. The Bishop, after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe, promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him, in effecting his desire. Being returned to England, he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire, wherewith King Henry was much pleased. The busines being long debated in Counsell, the match was agreed upon, so as Peace might precede it; which was done; Peace being concluded du∣ring the lives of the two Kings, and for one Year after: and the Marriage was to be celebrated, but not Yet; the Bride, who was born the 29. of November, 1689. being too young.

Charles the eighth King of France, died this yeare, on the 7. of Aprill; whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London; the King being very sorrowfull for his death, as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him.

Perkin was this mean while in Prison, but so carelesly looked unto, as, cosening his Keepers, he made an Escape. Not know∣ing * 1.29 whether to fly for safety, being followed, and diligently sought for, he returned to London, & presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam, a man of great esteem, desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary; the Prior acquain∣ted the King with it, desiring him to pardon his life: the Coun∣sell were, for the most part of a contrary opinion; desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed, so to end their fears; but the King, at the Priors intercession, pardoned him his life; being contented that he should stand in the Pillory, from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to West∣minster

yard, where hee again read his former Confession, the which he likewise did at Cheapside. Hee was againe put into the Tower to be better looked unto, but hee could not forbeare re∣lapsing into his former errour. For, growing great with foure of his Keepers, who were servants to Sir Iohn Digby, Lieutenant of the Tower, and making them beleeve he was the true Duke of Yorke, he so far prevailed with them, as that they perswaded the Earl of Warwick to escape away with Perkin; which by their means hee easily might doe, when they should have kill'd the Lieutenant, and taken from him his Keyes, Monies, and best Moveables. But the plot was discover'd, and he againe put over to Commissioners.

At this time an other Earl of Warwick appeared in Kent, in imi∣tation * 1.30 of Lambert Symnell. Lambert tooke upon him the person of the Earl of Warwick, by the direction of a Priest; and Ralph Wil∣ford (for so was this second supposititious Earl called) by the di∣rection of an Augustine Frier named Patrick: but this was soon ended; for the Frier puft up with a foolish confidence, and be∣leeving that businesses of this nature ought to be fomented in the Pulpit, he by inciting the People destroyed the building before the Ground-worke was lay'd; so as they were both taken; Wil∣ford was executed, and the Frier, in respect of his Habit, was condemn'd to perpetuall imprisonment. This accident gave the King occasion, to rid the true Earl of Warwick out of the world: whereupon it was thought that Perkins first flight, and this his se∣cond endeavour to doe the like, were wrought by His cunning; he giving way to the First, that hee might put Perkin to death; and stirring up means to plot the Second, so to rid his hands of the Earl, and Perkin, both at once. But, howsoever it was, Perkin being convinc'd of this second busines, and judged to die, was hanged at Tybourn; where, by word of mouth, hee confest his Imposture. The rest, who were involved in the same fault, suffer∣ed likewise with him. And Warwick, being accused before the Earl of Oxford (who, for this occasion was made High Constable of England) to have conspired together with Perkin, against the State and Person of the King, being proved guilty by his owne Confession, was beheaded upon Tower-hill. And thus in him ended the Male Line of the Plantagenets. This caused the King to be blamed, and hardly thought of, as having no reason to con∣demne him: for, having been Prisoner from the Ninth yeare of his age till the Twenty-fourth, and always in fear of Death, he was kept in so great Ignorance, that hee did not know a Duck from a Capon; and therefore so little capable of the fault, that he was altogether incapable to Dream of it: and his Confessing it, was out of a beleefe he was perswaded to, that by so doing he should be pardoned. Henry endevoured to lay the cause of this death upon the King of Spaine, shewing his Letters, wherein he said; He could not resolve to marry his Daughter to Prince Ar∣thur: since as long as the Earl of Warwick lived, he was not cer∣taine

of the Kingdoms succession: which might be a reason of State, but not of Justice; in so much as God would not give a Bles∣sing to that match; the which that vertuous Princesse, Katharine, Knew very well; for Prince Arthur dying shortly after, and shee being repudiated by King Henry the Eight after Twenty yeares marriage, she said. It was no wonder if God had made her Vn∣fortunate in her Marriages, since, they were sealed with Blood: meaning thereby, the Death of this Earle.

The King, though hee were no longer subject to the Appariti∣ons which the Dutchesse of Burgundy had raised up by her In∣chantments in the Transformation of People, yet was he not free from Influences common to other men; the Plague raged so ter∣ribly in London, that it forced him to quit the Town; and after∣wards by reason of its Vniversall dispersing of it selfe over the whole Land, to goe over to Callice; together with the Queene. The Arch-duke Philip, hearing of his being there, sent Embassa∣dours to him, to congratulate his Arrivall, and to know if hee would be pleased that he Himself should come to visit him: up∣on condition notwithstanding that he might be received in some Open place; not for that hee durst not Trust himself in Callice, or in what ever other Towne; but for that having refused to speake with the King of France, within any Walled place, hee would not by this Difference give him any occasion of Offence; nor that the example might prove prejudiciall to him in the fu∣ture for any thing that might happen either with the same King, or with any other. The Ambassadours were graciously received, and the Condition fairly interpreted, and St. Peters Church, not far from Callice, was appointed for the place. Hee likewise sent Embassadours to the Arch-duke, who appeared at Masse in the midst between them, all of them kneeling upon the same cu∣shion. As he was comming towards Callis, the King went out to meet him; and he alighted suddenly from Horse-back, as if hee would have held his stirrop: the King likewise alighted, and, ha∣ving imbraced him, led him to the Church which was appointed for their parley. The causes which brought this Prince thither, were two; his own Good nature, for that he had offended him by Protecting an Impostour; which fault though it was not His (he being then a Child) yet was it the fault of his Counsell, de∣pending upon the Dutchesse Margarets passion: so as he omitted nothing whereby to give the King satisfaction: the other; the Advise of his Father, and father in Law, who counselled him to make firm friendship with Henry, for the advantage of the Low∣countries, and for his own Safety against the Violences of France; but most for that they both hating that King (which was Lewis the Twelfth, who succeeded Charles the Eighth) they hoped for ma∣ny Advantages by his Friendship. The Arch-duke failed not to use all the art he could, though by nature he was not given to Dissembling: terming him his Father, his Protector, his Leaning∣stock. The things agreed on between them were; the Confir∣mation

of the former Treaties, and two reciprocall Marriages; the one, of the Duke of Yorke, the Kings Second Son, with the Arch-dukes Daughter; the other, of Charles, the Arch-dukes Eldest Son, with Mary, the Kings Second Daughter: but all of them being either Children, or Infants, these marriages ensued not, but did evaporate through Time and Interest. The Arch∣duke was hardly gone, when the King of France sent the Gover∣nour of Picardy, and the Baylife of Amiens to visit Henry, acquain ting him with his Victories, together with his getting of the Dut∣chy of Milaine, and his imprisonment of Lodwick Sforza, the Duke thereof. The Plague being, by this time ceased, Henry re∣turn'd to London, wel satisfied with the Testimony he had received, of how good esteem he was held by the confining Princes.

At the same time Iasper Pons, a Spaniard born, a learned, and well bred man, came into England, being sent by Pope Alexander the Sixth, upon the occasion of the year of Jubile; for since they only received the benefit thereof, who went to Rome, he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries, the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey: in so much as they staying at Home, might receive the same indul∣gences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome, if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks, whose advancing Hungary, Germany, and Italy, did much apprehend. This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair, as he thereby got a great summe of money, without any manner of grudging or murmuring, save against the Kings Per∣son; who being naturally given to Extort from his People, it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered, had not he Himselfe had a share therein. An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Se∣cond; who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine, who had been wife to his bro∣ther Arthur, Cardinall Adrian de Corneto, who endeavoured the ob∣tayning of it, alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry, his Father, that he had not pretented to share in the mo∣nies raysed by Pons in that kingdom. Neither was there any dis∣simulation used in this, by Alexander, at least there Appeared none: for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory, in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court; with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places: in Thracia; by the Hungarians, Bohemians, and Polanders: in Greece, by the French and Spaniards; and at Con∣stantinople by him Himselfe, accompanied by the King of England, and the State of Venice: and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes, that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities, in so pious a worke. The Answer which the King gave to Pons, was; That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse, but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner; the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the

charge of any of the rest: that the Kings of France, and Spaine, were first to be made Friends; which if it should not be effected, all other designes would prove but vain: that when they should be made friends, 'twas they that best might accompany him, as be∣ing Neerest him, which if they should Refuse to doe, He would wait upon him, Himselfe, not considering either Expence, or other incommodity: upon Condition he might have some Ci∣ties upon the Sea-side in Italy, delivered into his possession, to make use of what ever chance might happen. This answer, and, it may be, the Like of other Princes, made this undertaking va∣nish away to Nothing; when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected.

Cardinall Morton, who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Chancellour of England, died this year. We have spoken of him formerly. He was a man of great Integrity, yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse, which made him be ill thought of, for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Imposi∣tions. But, time proved the Contrary; and had he left no other laudable memory behind him, his being the First agent in the uni∣ting of the two Roses, is a merit whereby to render him Glori∣ous to all Posterity.

Iohn, Earl of Lincolne, (he who was slain at the battle of Stoke) left his brother Edmund, Earl of Suffolke, heir to his Humour, and his Misfortune: in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth, who was sister both to Edward and Richard, hee thought he might be as bold under This King, as he had been un∣der the Other two his Vncles. He had slain a man; in such a man∣ner notwithstanding, as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault. Henry gave him his Pardon: but so, as he was to passe all the course of Law, and Justice, and to appear before the Iudges, and receive Sentence of Condemnation. This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick, as re∣puting the Favour that was shew'd him, Ignominy, he sodainly left the Land, and went into Flanders, to his Ant Margaret: at which though the King was offended, yet was he resolved to ap∣ply Lenitive salves, giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First; so as he would return; knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves, and of much Trouble to Others. It succeeded according to his imagination; for accepting the Pardon, he returned to England; the Dutchesse not opposing him therein, either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings; or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Con∣fession, her name was conceal'd. But arrogant and proud na∣tures (such as was that of this Earl) leading men into Dangers, brought this man at Last to his Ruin, under Henry the Eighth.

The match between Prince Arthur, and the Infanta Katherine of * 1.31 Spaine, which had been treated on for the space of seven years; received this year its maturity; the King her Father sending her,

nobly attended into England. The tediousnesse of this negotiati∣on proceeded from Both parties: for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome, before the establishing of the Affinity, would see each others fortune established, the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets, without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe, or her Family; and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture, the third part of the Principality of Wales, of the Dutchy of Cornewall, and of the County of Chester: and if she should come to be Queene, she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had. The marriage was solemnized in Pauls: the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age; the Bride, Eighteene. The Festivals being ended, they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales; but their abode there, was but for while: for the young Prince died there, on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married; ha∣ving lived 15. Years, 6. moneths, and 13. Dayes. Nothing more is to be said of him: Authors write nothing of him; since hee lived not long enough to be knowne. All that is related of him, is: That being naturally given to study, he was learned beyond his Age, and the Condition of a Prince. This his death did much molest the King: the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands; and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife; he was to find out a second Joynture; a thing repugnant to the merit of State, and to his Frugall honour: whereupon, resolving to marry him to the same Katharine, he wrote concerning it, to Spaine and Rome. Ferdinand was contented; but he met with Difficulties, in pro∣curing a Dispensation from the Pope, and in getting his Sonnes Good-will; who, though he was then but Twelve years old, had courage enough to oppose his Father therein a Good while. It proved an unfortunate marriage: miserable Changes, and Troubles arose from the Divorce which thereupon en∣sued.

The marriage of the King of Scots with Princesse Margaret, which was treated of some years past by the meanes of Bishop * 1.32 Fox, was celebrated this year; which together with the preceding yeare, was remarkeable for two Marriages, and two Deaths: for the marriage of Prince Arthur, and his Death, the Preceding year; and for the marriage of the King of Scotland, and the Death of Queene Elizabeth, this Present year: the Queene dying in Child∣bed; and the Child dying likewise, not long after. This marriage was published in London, in Ianuary, for which Te Deum was sung in Pauls, and great Joy was had in the Citie. The cause of this long Dclay was by reason of the Princesse her tender age; who at the Consummation thereof, which was in August, was not above Fourteen yeares old, Besides; many of the Counsell had op∣posed it; for if the Second Prince should dye as did the First, England was to fall under Scotland; which they much abhorr'd: but the King cleared this opinion; for if it should fall out as was proposed the cleane Contrary was like

to happen: the King of Scotland would live in England; the Les∣ser being to give way to the Greater: which would not have hapned, if this Princesse should have beene married to France, and the succession should have fallen to her Children. Every one being satisfied with this reason, there was not any that opposed it. And this is the match which hath given the lawfull succession of England to the Kings of Scotland, which hath hapned without any opposition, in these our dayes.

The King now finding himself at quiet on all sides, his Neigh∣bours being his Friends, and having extinguisht all Intestine broyls, hee fell to be exceeding avaricious: so as those vertues, which placed before in a Benigne aspect, gave forth happy beams, were by the Interposition of this vice found to be in the shadow of a prodigious Ecclipse. Princes meet easilier with fitting Mini∣sters for what is Bad, then for what is Good. Henry met with two pernicious instruments who Nourishing Covetousnesse in him, did Increase it in him by unjust means, and by drawing blood from the Purse-veins of Thousands of Innocent people. These were Edmund Dudley, and Richard Empson; the first being borne a Gentleman, did by his wickednesse obscure the splendour of his Blood: the other, being the Son of a Shoo-maker, made good, that from Filth and Mire, nothing but Pollution and Stinch can be expected. They were admitted to the Court, being both of the same profession, Lawyers; and they by alike means got alike Preferment, being Both made Privy Counsellours: so as their Ambition being satisfied, their Avarice remained to be so likewise; which is the drift of Ambition, in Basely-minded men: but because Ingenuity and Justice, though they may nourish the moderate, cannot satisfie the Insatiate, they would not make use of Them, but of their Contraries; that from the Rivers of Gold which sprung up in the Kings Coffers, they might derive some Channels of the same metall, which might run into Their Purses, at the charge of King and Subject. The Laws, at that time, either by reason of the Civill Warres, or through the Neg∣ligence of the Iudges, were either Forgotten, or growne out of Use; and the Patrimony of the Crowne, enjoyed by many, by vertue of Long-Leases, being become almost as good as Fee∣simple to the Enjoyers, moved the King to look into them; and these two, who were thought the most Learned, and best Practi∣sed in the Law, were by him chosen to this purpose, and had full Authority given them. But ther was never any so Good or Whol∣som Law, which hath not been profan'd by Malice and Corrupti∣on. They raised up many Accusers; and the Accused being put in Prison, and there kept (the time appointed for their justifica∣tion, being maliciously Prorogued) they were enforced to Purchase their Liberties, with Great summes of Money: Others, being cited by Them, or their Delegates, the usuall course of Law not being observed, were Condemned; they abounded in False Witnesses, and False Pretences,

whereby they impoverished the wealthy: Wards was not suffer∣ed to enter upon their Lands without vast disbursements: Such Iudges, as, swayed by Integrity, resisted Their wils, were either better Taught by Imprisonment, or Ruin'd by Amercements: Laws which had at sundry times been enacted by Parliament, more for Terrour then Punishment, (a great part whereof were Repealed too) were without any manner of remission, rigo∣rously put in Execution: in so much that the King himselfe, be∣ing a little before his Death told by conscionable men; what In∣justice had been done; he left it in his Will, that such as had un∣justly suffered should have Ample Satisfaction made them; Which he Himself ought to have done in his Life time; but did not: for when Covetousnesse hath once taken possession of a mans heart, the Offices of Conscience have no Power; the Law of the Flesh which opposeth the Law of the Mind, doth captivate us under the Law of Sin; where withall being ensnared we can∣not get loose againe. I recount not All that is written to this ef∣fect; I will only relate One passage, which may serve for all the Rest. The King as hee came to Henningham, a Castle belonging to the Earl of Oxford (one whom he was wont to make use of, both in War and Peace) he was there received and feasted with much Splendour, and Magnificence: all that, by whatsoever ti∣tle, held any Land of the Earl, came at that time to give their Attendance on him; of the which many were Gentlemen, many Yeomen: these and the Gentlemen likewise, wore, all of them, the Earles Blew-coats, and Feathers in their hats, of the Earles colours: for the rest of their apparell, they were all richly clad, every man according to his Condition: when he King came forth, they placed themselves in two Rows, making a gallant shew in the Great Hall: He, looking wistly upon them, asked the Earl, if they were All his Servants? who smiling, answered; No; for then he should be thought an Ill husband; but that they were all his Tenants, who were come, upon this occasion, to wait upon His Majestie: the King having thanked him for his Good Entertainment, said unto him; that the Report of hospitality came short of the Truth; but that he could not suffer his Lawes to be broken in his Presence, without resenting it: and that his Atturney generall should talke with him about it. The Lords were then to give but a Certain number of Liveries, or Blew coats; which Law whether it stand still in Force, or no, I know not. This busines cost the Earle Ten Thousand Pounds (for for so much was he compounded with the Kings Officers) besides the Charge he had been at, in his Entertainment, which was very Great; and which might have Freed him from the Punishment he was run into, had the Kings Gratitude been answerable to his Covetousnesse, in emptying the purse of one of the Noblest and Best deserving subjects he had.

We related a little before, how the Earl of Suffolke returned to England, where he tarried all this time, the King treating him

Well, and he not having any occasion of Discontent: but, were it his own Mis-fortune which would be his Overthrow, or the Expences he had been at, at Prince Arthurs marriage which had dipt him deep in Debt, or the Hatred he bare unto the King, which could not suffer him to see him reign in Peace; he fled away into Flanders with his brother Richard; to the Peoples great Discontent, who thought that certainly some great Disorder must ensue thereupon: many of the Nobility being ill affected, and which already began to propose New hopes unto themselves, and to plot Insurrections. The King being accustomed to such like passions, and seeming as if he minded it not, wrote to Sir Robert Curson, Captain of Hammes Castle, that, feigning to Rebell, he should passe over into Flanders, to the Earl of Suffolke. Hee, forsaking his Command, seemed to steale away; he went unto the Earl, who with much joy welcom'd him; discovering unto him all his Designs, and who they were that sided with him in England. Curson advertised the King hereof; who imprisoned them, putting the Chiefest of them in the Tower: amongst which, William Courtney, Eldest Sonne to the Earl of Devonshire, (who, having married Katharine, Daughter to Edward the fourth, was become his Brother in Law) William de la Poole, brother to the Earl of Suffolke; the Lord George Abergavenny, Sir Iames Tirrell, Sir Iohn Windham, and Sir Thomas Green. The issue was; William Courtney was detained Prisoner during the Kings Life: not for that he was Guilty, but, for that, having Relation to the house of Yorke, he might serve as an Instrument, if there should be any designe of Troubling the State. William de la Poole was likewise kept Prisoner though not so strictly: Abergavenny and Greene were set at Liberty: Tirrell and Windham were Beheaded: the rest of inferior quality were Hang'd. This was that Tirrell, who had his hand in the Death of the two Princes that were smo∣ther'd in the Tower, by commission from Richard the Third. He came to too good an end; Fire and Torture was not sufficient for him: but he died not for That, 'twas for this Last fault that he suffer'd death. The Earl was grieved at the punishments his Complices under went; and at the Imprisonment of his Friends and Kindred, who were faln into this captivity, not for any Fault of His, or of Themselves: but meerly out of Suspition; for otherwise they should have walked the Same way as did the Rest. The King, that Cursen might be the better beleeved, and that he might the better pursue His Directions, made him, toge∣ther with the Earl and Others to be proclamed Traytor at Pauls Crosse; but he having no more to doe in Flanders, returned al∣most presently into England; where he was well liked of by the King, but not by the People. Such offices though of Trust, for what concerns the King, are in respect of Others, Detestable. His departure much abated the Earles courage, who now saw he was Betrayed: he therefore endeavour'd to procure helpe from Forraign Princes; he went into Germany; from thence into

France: but his Labours proving Vain, he return'd to Flanders, under the protection of the Arch-duke Philip: which was the Last of his Misfortunes.

Many Laws were made in the Parliament, which was this yeer called; and an Entire Subsidy was given unto the King, who had * 1.33 no Need of it: he being Rich, Frugall, without War; having no cause to Demand it, nor to have it Granted him. Not herewith∣all contented, he required a General Benevolence, which brought in Much money unto him; as did also the Alteration of the Mint; for certain coyns: the Citie payed him 5000. Marks for the Con firmation of their Liberties; and Ferdinand paid him Last pay∣ment of the Portion: so as all other Casualties, too long to number up, being comprehended, his Extraordinaries did much surmount his Ordinary Revenue; wherewithall his Coffers be∣ing fill'd, he might have been contented: whilest his subjects, who wisht him of Another humour, could not alter the Constitution of his Nature.

He was much troubled at the Death of Isabell, Queen of Castile, * 1.34 which hapned in the moneth of November, the year Before; by reason of the Resemblance that was in the Government of their kingdoms, between Ferdinand and Him; both of them reigning in the right of their Wives. And though he never admitted of his Wives Right (having obtain'd the kingdom under the title of the house of Lancaster, having won it by the Sword, and having it Confirm'd unto him by Act of Parliament) yet he could not but feare, that Ferdinands yeelding up the Crowne to his Daugh ter, might by way of Example prejudice Him, and make for his Sonne Prince Henry: the case was the same, and the formerly alleadged reasons were of no weight, in comparison of Naturall Extraction; which is to be preferred before all other claimes. Isabell left the Administration of the Kingdom to Ferdinand during his life; though Iane were the immediat Heire which distasted the Arch-duke Philip, for being become King of Castile in right of his Wife, he thought hee was injur'd, as being reputed unfit to go∣verne without his Father in Laws Assistance, and Superinten∣dencie: hee pretended the Mother could not dispose thereof to the Prejudice of the Daughter; that the Authority of Predeces sors ended with their Deaths; else seldome or very Late, would their Heirs come to Reigne: that the Reverence and Respect to Parents, did not amongst Private men, bereave their Children of enjoying their Private Inheritances; much lesse ought it to doe so with Kings, for what concernes Kingdomes: that the govern∣ment of Wives, and all that belonged unto Them, belonged to their Husbands, when they were of Yeers, as Hee was; the in∣terest of Children that are Heirs, belonging to their Fathers, who are neerer in degree unto them then are their Grand-fathers. He tooke offence at his being Forbidden to come into Spaine, without his Wife, as knowing the cause thereof: for he kept her from the sight of All men, the more to conceale her Infirmity,

(which was a spice of Lunacy) so as it was beleeved he would not Bring her along with him, lest her weaknesse being made Knowne, might not give force to the Will: wherefore he re∣solved to carry her thither the sooner, pretending to take Pos∣session of what Nature, and the Lawes, had given him: for ha∣ving married upon hopes of that Kingdome, it would be impu∣ted to Rechlesnesse in him, if it now being Falne to him, he should not obtain it. But, Ferdinand, having call'd together the States of Castile, and caused the Will to be read, Ioane was sworn Queen, and Heire to her Mother; Philip was sworne King as her Hus∣band; and Ferdinando as Administrator. The Queens disabilities sufficiently appearing, they intreated Ferdinand, that Hee would Govern them as he had done Before; in which respect All the Kingdom concurr'd, except some of the Nobility, who had grea∣ter hopes under a New Young King then under an Old and Anci∣ent one; who being sufficiently informed of their Humours, knew they were given rather to Tyrannize, then to be contented with Respect from their Inferiours. These Disputes caused great jea∣lousies on all sides; specially in Ferdinand: for, Philip following the advise of his Father, the Emperour, hee feared lest if they should happen to corrupt Consalvo (as they had endeavour'd it) they might take from him the Kingdom of Naples: wherefore he recalled 2000 Spaniards from that Garrison, under pretence of sending them into Africa, and making the Germans be dismist, he weakned the forces thereof, that he might have the lesse cause of feare. Amongst divers rumours which were spread abroad to dis∣credit him with the Castillians, one was; that he intended to mar∣ry Ioane, who was thought to be Daughter to the last King Henry who had beene a Competitresse for the Crowne with his Wife Isabel; that so he would undertake the Defence of Her claime, which formerly he had oppugned, and thereby make himself King of Castile: which he never Dream't of, Tis true; he pretended the claime of a Father, to whom the Guardian-ship of children under Age belongs, of which number though Ioane were none, in respect of Years, yet in respect of her weaknesse, she was to bee accounted one: The very selfe same thing was granted in the Kingdom of Navarre, to Iohn, King of Arragon, this mans Father. The rumour of his intention of marriage was not vaine; for hee Himselfe had caused it to be spread abroad, from the first Begin∣ning of the distastes, that he might thereby mortifie Philip; for in case she should have any Sons, he deprived him of all the King∣domes wherein He had any Propriety, especially of Naples: Hee pretended likewise to the Kingdome of Granada, or at least to Halfe of it, having gotten it with his Wife. These conceits pro∣ceeded from the Dislike hee had, that during the Life of Isabel, Maximilian and Philip should make Peace with the King of France, without His knowledge: & that of the Articles, These were some; The Marriage of Claudia, Daughter to Lewis, with Charles, Philips el∣dest Son: the investing of Milaine upon Lewis and his heires male, if

he had any; and in case hee should have none, upon Claudia and Charles; and if Charles should happen to Dye, upon Philips second Son, marrying with the same Claudia, so as willing to pay them with the same coyne, hee, not making Them acquainted there∣withall, made his Peace with Lewis; who gave unto him for wife, Germana de Fois, his sisters Daughter, and by title of Dowry, re∣nouncing unto him that part of the Kingdome of Naples, which belonged unto Him; with this obligation on the other side, that Ferdinand should pay unto Him 700000 Duckets within ten yeers, for the expences he had beene at in that Kingdome, and should give in Dowry to his Wife 300000. more. A busines which in∣cens't Philip, and made him undertake his voyage into Spaine.

The first contentions begate both Feare and Hope in Henry: Feare; that the Emperour, Arch duke, and King of France joyn∣ing in League together against Ferdinand, hee should not only fall from being Arbitrator between those Princes as till then hee had beene: but also (to boote with the Prejudice that might redound to Him, by their Confederacie) from the advantage of his friend∣ship with Arragon, which now being left Single, might be to his disadvantage: Hope; for that intending to marry Ioane, Queene of Naples, Dowager to the last Ferdinand, he beleeved, that Kingdome would be assigned over to Him, as a Feoffee in Trust; whilst the other two were in contention. There were at this time in Naples two Dowager Queens, the Mother and the Daughter; both of them but young. The first, who was sister to Ferdinand King of Arragon, was second Wife to Ferdinand the first, King of Naples; by whom shee had this second Ioane, who was both Wife and Ant to Ferdinand the Second; for she was sister, by the Fa∣thers side, to King Alphonso, who was his Father. Hereupon Henry built his Designe. He sent Embassadours, by way of Com∣plement, unto them Both; and Katharine, who was Widow to Prince Arthur, being Neece to the One of them, and Cozin to the Other, he gave unto them Letters from Her; giving them particular Instructions to examine the conditions well, and see what, by vertue of such a Match, might be hoped for in that Kingdome: from thence they were to passe into Spaine, as they did. But when they returned, hee gave over that Designe, ha∣ving learnt that she lived meerly upon Pensions from Ferdinand, without other Lands or Iurisdictions. The advantage hee got by this Embassie was, to know how hee might keepe the friendship both of Ferdinand and Philip, and to free himselfe from feare of Philips joyning with France, and of the Marriage of Charles, the Sonne of Philip, to the Daughter of Lewis; as was formerly a greed upon; for Ferdinands Secretary had secretly treated with the Embassadours, that the Princesse of France being taken from Charles, contrary to the First capitulation, that she might be mar∣ried to the Duke of Angonlesme, heire apparent to the Crowne; their king should give Mary, his Second daughter, for wife to Charles: A busines which hee was much pleased with, for

Charles was the Greatest match of Christendome, being to inherit all that his Father, Mother, and Grand-father possest: and to this purpose, he endeavour'd as much as in himlay, that there should be no breach between them in the future. Amongst so many of their relations, he liked not to heare that Castile desired Philip, and detested Ferdinand, by reason of the great Taxes and Impositions which he put upon them; it being his Own very case: so as, up∣on the like reason, he thought his Son might be desired and He abhorr'd; the grievances imposed by Him, much surpassing those of Ferdinand.

Those who tooke part with Philip did much importune him to come into Spaine, before Ferdinand should be setled in his preten∣ded * 1.35 Administration; but he desirous to come thither unexpected, took shipping together with his Wife, in Ianuary, when 'twas thought hee would not have tane his journey till the next Sum∣mer. He had hardly quitted the coast of Flanders, when, taken by a sodaine tempest his Navy was disperst upon the coast of Eng∣land: he himselfe lighted upon Waymouth, and was brought a shore in a little Frigat: His Counsell would not have had him landed, since by losse of Time, hee would misse of his designe of comming unexpected unto Spaine; but he being sea-sick, would by all means come on shore. The great number of his ships had given an Alarme to the Countrey, so as many troops of armed men came to Waymouth, not knowing what his Fleet was, nor what he would doe: Sir Thomas Trenchard, and Sir Iohn Carew, who were their Leaders, understanding the reason of his comming, desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there; to which he gave way, being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart. When Henry heard hereof, hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him, and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him. But Philip, fearing, lest, if he should waite his comming, his stay would be too long, resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry, ma∣king his Queene come at leisure after him. He was met six miles from Windsor, by Prince Henry; and One mile from thence, by the King: who received him with all terms of Honour and Friend∣ship. He treated with him of the marriage of their Children; and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy, Philips sister: he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip, Duke of Burgundy; Now, by the name of King of Spaine: they had better successe for the Eng∣lish, then had the former, especially in the Fishing-busines; at which the Flemmings were much offended: he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke, who lived under the protection of Philip; Henry knew so well how to perswade him, by passing his Word he would not put him to Death, that Philip sent for him into Flanders: the one desiring to have him before

the other departed; and the other not to depart, till he were ar∣rived; that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deli∣ver him up. Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower, Philip departed England; and was received in Spaine, without any manner of Resistance; Ferdinand totally quitting the Govern∣ment to him: but he enjoy'd it but for a while, for he dyed soone after. The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosti∣cated by the Fall of a golden Eagle, which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple, was blowne downe by the same wind, which drave him into Waymouth, and brake downe a signe in the Church∣yard, wherein was a blacke Eagle. Ferdinand, being call'd for, and entreated by the Kingdome, returned to the Government there∣of; this Death of her Husband, having so opprest the fancie of the Queen, his daughter, as she was never after good for any thing: not without suspition, that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery, that so he, of Himselfe, and without Trouble, might manage the Scepter of Spaine.

The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower, Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation: so as betaking him∣selfe to Domesticall affaires, he sent Thomas Wolsey (he who was Cardinall, and of so great Power under Henry the eighth) to Maxi milian, to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy: but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued. The marriage of Charles King of Spaine, with Mary, daughter to Henry, stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand: for though He was the first that had mention'd i•…•…, yet his Sonne in Law being Dead, and Charles being come to the Crowne, he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government; with Maximilian as Grand-father, and Henry as Father in Law; which though neither of them dreamt of, yet did He feare it: but This match had no better effect then had the Other; the tender yeares of the young couple, and the alterati∣on of affaires in following times broke it quite off. The expecta∣tion hereof, neverthelesse, made Henry live contented the little while he lived: for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland, and the Other to the King of Castile, Duke of Burgundy, he thought himselfe more safe, then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse. He, the mean while, began to draw towards his End: the Gout, a disease more Troublesome then Mortall, was the Fore-runner of a Distillati∣on, which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Con∣sumption, which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes.

He set all Prisoners at Liberty, who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings, hee himselfe paying the Creditours: he * 1.36 gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly: but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made a∣gainst Empson and Dudley, for their Oppressions; yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them. His Conscience and his Covetousnesse

wrought contrary effects in him: many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives: one died in Prison, before his cause was heard; another, being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at, was not let out till Henry the eighths time; and then Empson was put in his place.

To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to * 1.37 New Popes, he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassa∣dours to Pope Iulius the second, which he had not formerly done, though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth; but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given, in the life of Edward the fourth. Be∣ing dismist by the Pope, they carried the Garter, and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo, Duke of Vrbin, whose Father, Fre∣derick, had likewise had it. This Prince sent into England to be installed for him, according to the Institutions of that Order, the Count Balthasar Castillion, he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much.

The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy, was one of the last of Henries actions: he would not alter the name of it, this fa∣brick having beene, in former times, the habitation of Peter of Savoy, Unckle to Eleanor, the Wife of Henry the third; by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond: but he resigned the Earledome, when Savoy fell, by inheritance to him. The Lan∣castrians lived in this house, and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall. Besides this, he built three Monasteries for the Con∣ventuall Friers of Saint Francis order, and three for the Obser∣vantines of the same order in divers places. When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto. Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles; but always with prosperous and happy successe: he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars, he left it in a setled Peace: his subjects, who were impoverisht by the past disorders, were (notwitstanding his Taxations) by reason of his good Government, become Rich: he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt, but left it rich in Treasure; his sonne found in Richmond house, a Million, and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling; so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe. He granted out a Generall Pardon; and ordered by his Last Will and Testament, that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers.

He died at Richmond, the twenty second day of Aprill, in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried, by his wife, in the sump∣tuous * 1.38 and stately Chapell built by Himselfe, in the Abbey Church at Westminster. He lived two and Fifty years, and Reigned three and Twenty Years, and Eight moneths. The Children which he left behind him, were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown; Margaret, Queen of Scotland, from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend, and the Prince and Prin∣cesses of the Electorall house Palatine; and Mary married to Lewis

the twelfth, King of France; by whom having no issue, she, after his death, married Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne, and two Daughters, Frances and Eleanor. The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time: Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk, and by him had the Lady Iane Gray; who being married to Guilford Dudley, sonne to the Duke of Northumberland, and constrained to call her selfe Queene, was beheaded in Queene Maries time: she had by him moreover two Other daughters, Katharine, and Mary; who dyed without issue. Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford, Earle of Cumberland, by whom she had a daughter, named Margaret; who was married to Henry Stanley, Earle of Darby, and had by him two sons; Ferdinando and William: both of them, in succession one of the other, Earles of Darby. Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him, to inherit his Ho∣nours and his Estate.

The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England, betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster.

FINIS

[illustration]

Notes

• * 1.1

  1466.
• * 1.2

  1470
• * 1.3

  1472.
• * 1.4

  1473.
• * 1.5

  1474.
• * 1.6

  1475.
• * 1.7

  1476
• * 1.8

  1477
• * 1.9

  1478
• * 1.10

  1479
• * 1.11

  1480
• * 1.12

  1481
• * 1.13

  1482
• * 1.14

  1483
• * 1.15

  1485.
• * 1.16

  1485
• * 1.17

  1483
• * 1.18

  1486
• * 1.19

  1487
• * 1.20

  1488
• * 1.21

  1490
• * 1.22

  1491
• * 1.23

  1492
• * 1.24

  1493
• * 1.25

  1494
• * 1.26

  1495
• * 1.27

  1496
• * 1.28

  1496
• * 1.29

  1498.
• * 1.30

  1499
• * 1.31

  1501
• * 1.32

  1503
• * 1.33

  1504
• * 1.34

  1505
• * 1.35

  1506
• * 1.36

  1507
• * 1.37

  1508
• * 1.38

  1509