Baconiana, or, Certain genuine remains of Sr. Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, and Viscount of St. Albans in arguments civil and moral, natural, medical, theological, and bibliographical now for the first time faithfully published ...

The Lord Bacon's REMAINS, Civil and Moral.

The Charge‖ 1.1 by way of Evidence, by Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesties Attourney General, before the Lord High Stew∣ard,* 1.2 and the Peers, against Frances Countess of Somerset, concerning the poysoning of Sir Thomas Overbury.

IT may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of England, and you my Lords the Peers.

I am very glad to hear this unfortunate Lady doth take this Course, to confess fully, and freely, and thereby to give Glory to God, and to Justice. It is (as I may term it) the Nobleness of an Offen∣der to confess; and therefore those meaner

Persons, upon whom Justice passed before, confessed not, she doth. I know your Lordships cannot behold her without com∣passion. Many things may move you, her Youth, her Person, her Sex, her noble Fa∣mily, yea, her Provocations, (if I should enter into the Cause it self) and Furies a∣bout her; but chiefly her Penitency and Confession. But Justice is the work of this Day; the Mercy-Seat was in the inner part of the Temple; the Throne is publick. But since this Lady hath by her Confession prevented my Evidence, and your Verdict; and that this Day's labour is eased; there resteth in the Legal Proceeding, but for me to pray that her Confession may be recor∣ded, and Judgment thereupon.

But because your Lordships the Peers are met, and that this day and to morrow are the Days that crown all the former Justice; and that in these great Cases it hath been ever the manner to respect Honour and Satisfaction, as well as the ordinary Parts and Forms of Justice; the Occasion it self admonisheth me, to give your Lordships and the Hearers this Contentment, as to make Declaration of the Proceedings of this excellent Work of the King's Justice, from the beginning to the end.

It may please your Grace, my Lord High

Steward of England, this is now the second time, within the space of thirteen years Reign of our Happy Sovereign, that this high Tribunal Seat (ordained for the Trial of Peers) hath been opened and erected, and that with a rare event, supplied and ex∣ercised by one and the same Person, which is a great Honour unto you, my Lord Steward.

In all this mean time the King hath reigned in his white Robe, not sprinkled with any one Drop of the Blood of any of his Nobles of this Kingdom. Nay, such have been the Depths of his Mercy, as even those Noble-Mens Bloods, (against whom the Proceeding was at Winchester) Cobham and Grey, were attainted and corrupted, but not spilt or ta∣ken away; but that they remained rather Spectacles of Iustice in their continual Im∣prisonment, than Monuments of Iustice in the Memory of their Suffering.

It is true, that the Objects of his Justice then and now were very differing; for then it was the Revenge of an Offence against his own Person and Crown, and upon Persons that were Male-Contents, and Contraries to the State and Government; but now it is the Revenge of the Blood and Death of a particular Subject, and the Cry of a Prisoner; it is upon Persons that were highly in his Fa∣vour;

whereby his Majesty, to his great Honour, hath shewed to the World, as if it were written in a Sun-beam, that he is tru∣ly the Lieutenant of him with whom there is no respect of Persons; that his Affections Royal are above his Affections private; that his Favours, and Nearness about him, are not like Popish Sanctuaries, to privilege Malefactors; and that his being the best Ma∣ster in the World, doth not let him from being the best King in the World. His Peo∣ple, on the other side, may say to themselves, I will lie down in Peace, for God, the King, and the Law, protect me against great and small. It may be a Discipline also to great Men, especially such as are swoln in their Fortunes from small beginnings, that the King is as well able to level Mountains, as to fill Vallies, if such be their desert.

But to come to the present Case, The great Frame of Justice (my Lords) in this present Action, hath a Vault, and hath a Stage: A Vault, wherein these Works of Darkness were contrived; and a Stage, with Steps, by which it was brought to Light.

For the former of these, I will not lead your Lordships into it, because I will engrieve nothing against a Penitent, neither will I open any thing against him that is absent.

The one I will give to the Laws of Humani∣ty, and the other to the Laws of Justice; for I shall always serve my Master with a good and sincere Conscience, and I know that he accepteth best. Therefore I will re∣serve that till to morrow, and hold my self to that which I called the Stage or Theater, whereunto indeed it may be fitly compared: for that things were first contained within the Invisible Judgments of God, as within a Curtain, and after came forth, and were acted most worthily by the King, and right well by his Ministers.

Sir Thomas Overbury was murthered by Poison, Septemb. 15. 1613. This foul and cruel Murder did for a time cry secretly in the Ears of God; but God gave no answer to it, otherwise than by that Voice, (which sometime he useth) which is Vox Populi, the Speech of the People: For there went then a Murmur that Overbury was poisoned; and yet the same submiss and low Voice of God (the Speech of the Vulgar People) was not without a Counter-tenor or Coun∣ter-blast of the Devil, who is the common Author both of Murder and Slander; for it was given out, that Overbury was dead of a foul Disease; and his Body (which they had made Corpus Iudaicum with their Poi∣sons, so as it had no whole part) must be

said to be leprosed with Vice, and so his Name poisoned as well as his Body. For as to Dissoluteness, I have not heard the Gentleman noted with it; his Faults were of Insolency, Turbulency, and the like of that kind.

Mean time there was some Industry used (of which I will not now speak) to lull a∣sleep those that were the Revengers of the Blood, the Father and the Brother of the Murdered. And in these terms things stood by the space of two years, during which time God did so blind the two great Pro∣curers, and dazle them with their Greatness, and blind and nail fast the Actors and In∣struments with security upon their Protecti∣on, as neither the one looked about them, nor the other stirred or fled, or were convey∣ed away, but remained here still, as under a privy Arrest of God's Judgments; inso∣much as Franklin, that should have been sent over to the Palsgrave with good store of Money, was by God's Providence, and the Accident of a Marriage of his, diverted and stayed.

But about the beginning of the Pro∣gress the last Summer, God's Judgments began to come out of their depths. And as the revealing of Murder is commonly such as a Man said, à Domino hoc factum est; it

is God's work, and it is marvellous in our eyes: so in this particular it was most admi∣rable; for it came forth first by a Comple∣ment, a matter of Courtesy. My Lord of Shrewsbury, that is now with God, recom∣mended to a Councellor of State, (of spe∣cial Trust by his place) the late Lieutenant * 1.3 Helwisse, only for Acquaintance, as an ho∣nest and worthy Gentleman, and desired him to know him, and to be acquainted with him. That Councellor answered him civil∣ly, That my Lord did him a favour, and that he should embrace it willingly; but he must let his Lordship know, that there did lie a heavy imputation upon the Gentleman, Helwisse, for that Sir Tho. Overbury, his Pri∣soner, was thought to have come to a violent and an untimely Death. When this Speech was reported back by my Lord of Shrews∣bury to Helwisse, percussit ili••ò animum, he was strucken with it, and being a politick Man, and of likelihood doubting, that the matter would break forth at one time or o∣ther, and that others might have the start of him, and thinking to make his own Case by his own Tale, resolved with himself upon this occasion, to discover unto my Lord of Shrewsbury, and that Councellor, that there was an Attempt (whereunto he was privy) to have poisoned Overbury, by the hands of

his Underkeeper, Weston; but that he checked it, and put it by, and disswaded it. But then he left it thus, that it was but as an Attempt, or an untimely Birth, never exe∣cuted; and as if his own Fault had been no more, but that he was honest in forbidding, but fearful of revealing, and impeaching or accusing great Persons. And so with this fine point thought to save himself.

But that Councellor of Estate wisely con∣sidering, that by the Lieutenant's own Tale it could not be simply a Permission, or Weakness; for that Weston was never displa∣ced by the Lieutenant, notwithstanding that Attempt; and coupling the Sequel by the be∣ginning, thought it matter fit to be brought be∣fore his Majesty, by whose appointment. Hel∣wisse set down the like Declaration in writing.

Upon this Ground the King playeth Salo∣mon's part, gloria Dei celare rem, & gloria Regis investigare rem, and sets down certain Papers of his own hand, which I might term to be Claves Iustitiae, Keys of Justice, and may serve both for a Precedent for Princes to imitate, and for a Direction for Iudges to follow. And his Majesty carried the Ballance with a constant and steady hand, evenly and without prejudice, whether it were a true Accusation of the one part, or a Practice and factious Scandal of the other.

Which Writing, because I am not able to express according to the worth thereof, I will desire your Lordships anon to hear read.

This excellent Foundation of Justice being laid by his Majesties own hand, it was re∣ferred unto some Councellors to examine further, who gained some Degrees of Light from Weston, but yet left it imperfect.

After it was referred to Sir Ed. Cook, Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, as a Person best practised in Legal Examinations, who took a great deal of indefatigable pains in it with∣out intermission, having (as I have heard him say) taken at least three hundred Exa∣minations in this Business.

But these things were not done in a Cor∣ner, I need not speak of them. It is true, that my Lord Chief Justice, in the dawning and opening of the Light, finding the matter touched upon these great Persons, very dis∣creetly became Suitor to the King, to have greater Persons than his own Rank joined with him; whereupon your Lordships, my Lord High Steward of England, my Lord Steward of the King's House, and my Lord Zouch, were joined with him.

Neither wanted there (this while) Pra∣ctice to suppress Testimony, to deface Wri∣tings, to weaken the Kings Resolution, to

slander the Justice, and the like. Nay when it came to the first solemn Act of Justice, which was the Arraignment of Weston, he had his lesson to stand mute, which had ar∣rested the whole Wheel of Justice: but this dumb Devil, by the means of some discreet Divines, and the potent Charm of Justice together, was cast out; neither did this poisonous Adder stop his Ear to these Charms, but relented, and yeilded to his Trial.

Then followed the other Proceedings of Justice against the other Offenders, Turnor, Helwisse, Franklin.

But all these being but the Organs and In∣struments of this Fact, (the Actors, and not the Authors) Justice could not have been crowned without this last Act against these great Persons; else Weston's Censure or Pre∣diction might have been verified, when he said, He hoped the small Flies should not be caught, and the greater escape. Wherein the King, being in great straits between the defa∣cing of his Houour and of his Creature, hath (according as he useth to do) chosen the bet∣ter part, reserving always Mercy to himself.

The time also of Justice hath had its true Motions. The time until this Ladies delive∣rance was due unto Honour, Christianity, and Humanity, in respect of her great Belly.

The time since was due to another kind of Deliverance too, which was, that some Causes of Estate which were in the Womb might likewise be brought forth, not for matter of Justice, but for Reason of State. Likewise this last Procrastination of Days had the like weighty Grounds and Causes.

But (my Lords) where I speak of a Stage, I doubt I hold you upon the Stage too long. But before I pray Judgment, I pray your Lordships to hear the Kings Pa∣pers read, that you may see how well the King was inspired, and how nobly he carried it, that Innocency might not have so much as Aspersion.

Frances, Countess of Somerset, hath been indicted and arraigned, as acces∣sary before the Fact, for the Murder and Impoisonment of Sir Tho. Overbury, and hath pleaded guilty, and confesseth the Indictment: I pray Judgment a∣gainst the Prisoner.

The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon, his Majesties Attourney General, by way of Evidence, before the Lord High Steward, and the Peers, against Robert Earle of Somerset, concerning the poisoning of Overbury.

IT may please your Grace, my Lord High Steward of England, and you my Lords the Peers; You have here before you Robert Earl of Somerset, to be tried for his Life, concerning the procuring and con∣senting to the Impoisonment of Sir Thomas Overbury, then the King's Prisoner in the Tower of London, as an Accessary before the Fact.

I know your Lordships cannot behold this Nobleman, but you must remember his great favour with the King, and the great Place that he hath had and born, and must be sensible that he is yet of your Number and Body, a Peer as you are; so as you cannot cut him off from your Body but with grief; and therefore that you will expect from us, that give in the

King's Evidence, sound and sufficient matter of Proof, to satisfy your Honours and Con∣sciences.

And for the manner of the Evidence also, the King our Master (who among his other Vertues, excelleth in that Vertue of the Im∣perial Throne, which is Justice) hath given us Commandment that we should not expa∣tiate, nor make Invectives, but materially pursue the Evidence, as it conduceth to the Point in question; a matter that (tho we are glad of so good a Warrant) yet we should have done of our selves; for far be it from us, by any strains of Wit or Art to seek to play Prizes, or to blazo•• our Names in Blood, or to carry the Day otherwise than upon just Grounds. We shall carry the Lanthorn of Justice (which is the Evidence) before your Eyes upright, and be able to save it from being put out with any Winds of Evasions, or vain Defences, that is our part; not doubting at all, but that this Evidence in it self will carry that force, as it shall little need Vantages or Ag∣gravations.

My Lords, The Course which I shall hold in delivering that which I shall say (for I love Order) is this,

First, I will speak somewhat of the nature and greatness of the Offence which is now to be tried, and that the King, however he might use this Gentleman heretofore, as the Signet upon his Finger (to use the Scripture Phrase) yet in this Case could not but put him off, and deliver him into the hands of Justice.

Secondly, I will use some few words tou∣ching the Nature of the Proofs, which in such a Case are competent.

Thirdly, I will state the Proofs.

And lastly, I will produce the Proofs, either out of the Examinations and Matters in Writing, or Witnesses viva voce.

For the Offence it self; it is of Crimes (next unto High-Treason) the greatest; it is the foulest of Fellonies. And take this Offence with the Circumstances, it hath three Degrees or Stages; that it is Murder; that it is Murder by Impoisonment; that it is Murder committed upon the Kings Pri∣soner in the Tower: I might say, that it is Murder under the Colour of Friendship; but that is a Circumstance moral, I leave that to the Evidence it self.

For Murder, my Lords, the first Record of Justice which was in the World was a Judgment upon Murder, in the person of

Adam's first born, Cain: And though it were not punished by Death, but with Ba∣nishment and mark of Ignominy, in respect of the primogeniture, or of the populati∣on of the World, or other points of God's secret Will, yet it was adjudged, and was (as I said) the first Record of Justice. So it appeareth likewise in Scripture, that the murder of Abner by Ioab, though it were by David respited in respect of great Ser∣vices past, or Reason of State, yet it was not forgotten. But of this I will say no more. It was ever admitted, and so ranked in God's own Tables, that Murder is of offences between Man and Man (next to Treason and Disobedience of Authority, which some Divines have referred to the First Table, because of the Lieutenancy of God in Princes and Fathers) the greatest.

For Impoisonment, I am sorry it should be heard of in this Kingdom: It is not no∣stri generis nec sanguinis; It is an Italian Crime fit for the Court of Rome, where that Person that intoxicateth the Kings of the Earth with his Cup of Poison in Here∣tical Doctrine, is many times really and materially intoxicated and impoisoned him∣self.

But it hath three Circumstances, which make it grievous beyond other Murders:

Whereof the first is, That it takes a Man in full Peace; in God's and the King's Peace; He thinks no harm, but is comfor∣ting Nature with Refection and Food: So that (as the Scripture saith) His Table is made a Snare.

The second is, That it is easily commit∣ted, and easily concealed; and on the other side, hardly prevented, and hardly discovered: For Murder by violence Princes have Guards, and private Men have Houses, Attendants, and Arms: Nei∣ther can such Murders be committed but cum sonitu, and with some overt and appa∣rent Act, that may discover and trace the Offender. But for Poison, the said Cup it self of Princes will scarce serve, in regard of many Poisons, that neither discolour nor distast; and so passeth without noise or ob∣servation.

And the last is, Because it containeth not only the destruction of the maliced Man, but of any other; Quis modo tutus erit? For many times the Poison is prepared for one, and is taken by another: So that Men die other Mens Deaths; Concidit infelix alieno vulnere: and it is as the Psalm cal∣leth it, Sagitta nocte volans; The Arrow that flies by night, it hath no aim or certainty.

Now for the third Degree of this particu∣lar Offence, which is, that it was commit∣ted upon the King's Prisoner, who was out of his own Defence, and meerly in the King's protection, and for whom the King and State was a kind of Respondent, it is a thing that aggravates the Fault much. For certainly (my Lord of Somerset) let me tell you this, That Sir Tho. Overbury is the first Man that was murdered in the Tower of London, since the murder of the two young Princes.

For the Nature of the Proofs, your Lordships must consider, that Impoisonment, of Offences is the most secret: So secret, as if in all Cases of Impoisonment you should require Testimony, you were as good pro∣claim Impunity. I will put Book-Exam∣ples.

Who could have impeached Livia, by Testimony, of the impoisoning of the Figs upon the Tree, which her Husband was wont, for his pleasure, to gather with his own hands.

Who could have impeached Parisatis for the poisoning of one side of the Knife that she carved with, and keeping the other side clean; so that her self did eat of the same piece of Meat that the Lady did that she did impoison? The Cases are infinite, (and

indeed not fit to be spoken of) of the se∣crecy of Impoisonments; But wise Triers must take upon them, in these secret Cases, Solomon's Spirit, that where there could be no Witnesses, collected the Act by the Af∣fection.

But yet we are not to come to one Case: For that which your Lordships are to try, is not the Act of Impoisonment (for that is done to your hand) all the World by Law is concluded, ••••t to say that Overbury was impoisoned by Weston. But the Question before you is of the procurement only, and of the abetting (as the Law termeth it) as accessary before the Fact: Which abetting is no more, but to do or use any Act or Means, which may aid or conduce unto the Impoisonment.

So that it is not the buying or making of the Poison, or the preparing, or confecting, or commixing of it, or the giving or send∣ing, or laying the Poison, that are the on∣ly Acts that do amount unto Abetment. But if there be any other Act or Means done or used, to give the opportunity of Impoisonment, or to facilitate the executi∣on of it, or to stop or divert any impedi∣ments that might hinder it, and this be with an intention, to accomplish and atchieve the Impoisonment; all these are Abetments,

and Accessaries before the Fact. I will put you a familiar Example. Allow there be a Conspiracy to murder a Man as he jour∣nies by the ways and it be one Man's part to draw him forth to that Journey by invi∣tation, or by colour of some business; and another takes upon him to disswade some Friend of his, whom he had a purpose to take in his Company, that he be not too strong to make his defence: And another hath the part to go along with him, and to hold him in talk till the first blow be given. All these (my Lords) without scruple are Abetters to this Murder, though none of them give the Blow, nor assist to give the Blow.

My Lords, he is not the Hunter alone that lets slip the Dog upon the Deer, but he that lodges the Deer, or raises him, or puts him out, or he that sets a Toyle that he cannot escape, or the like.

But this (my Lords) little needeth in this present Case, where there is such a Chain of Acts of Impoisonment as hath been seldom seen, and could hardly have been expected, but that Greatness of For∣tune maketh commonly Grossness in of∣fending.

To descend to the Proofs themselves, I shall keep this course.

First, I will make a Narrative or De∣claration of the Fact it self.

Secondly, I will break and distribute the Proofs, as they concern the Pri∣soner.

And thirdly, according to that distribu∣tion, I will produce them, and read them, or use them.

So that there is nothing that I shall say, but your Lordship (my Lord of Somer∣set) shall have three thoughts or cogitati∣ons to answer it: First, when I open it, you may take your aim: Secondly, when I distribute it, you may prepare your An∣swers without confusion: And lastly, when I produce the Witnesses, or Examinations themselves, you may again ruminate and readvise how to make your defence. And this I do the rather, because your Memory or Understanding may not be oppressed or overladen with length of Evidence, or with confusion of order. Nay more, when your Lordship shall make your Answers in your time, I will put you in mind (when cause shall be) of your omissions.

First therefore, for the simple Narrative of the Fact. Sir Tho. Overbury, for a time was known to have had great Interest, and great Friendship with my Lord of Somer∣set, both in his meaner Fortunes, and after:

Insomuch as he was a kind of Oracle of Direction unto him; and if you will be∣lieve his own vaunts (being of an insolent Thrasonical disposition) he took upon him, that the Fortune, Reputation, and Un∣derstanding of this Gentleman (who is well known to have had a better Teacher) proceeded from his Company and Coun∣sel.

And this Friendship rested not only in Conversation and Business of Court, but likewise in Communication of Secrets of Estate. For my Lord of Somerset, at that time, exercising (by his Majesties spe∣cial favour and trust) the Office of the Se∣cretary provisionally, did not forbear to ac∣quaint Overbury with the King's Packets of Dispatches from all parts, Spain, France, the Low Countries, &c. And this not by glimpses, or now and then rounding in the Ear for a favour, but in a setled manner: Packets were sent, sometimes opened by my Lord, sometimes unbroken unto Over∣bury, who perused them, copied, registred them, made Tables of them as he thought good: So that I will undertake, the time was, when Overbury knew more of the Se∣crets of State, than the Council Table did. Nay, they were grown to such an inward∣ness, as they made a Play of all the World

besides themselves: So as they had Ciphers and Iargons for the King, the Queen, and all the great Men; things seldom used, but either by Princes, and their Embassadours and Ministers, or by such as work and practise against, or at least upon Prin∣ces.

But understand me (my Lord) I shall not charge you this day with any Disloyal∣ty; only I say this for a foundation, That there was a great communication of Se∣crets between you and Overbury, and that it had relation to Matters of Estate, and the greatest Causes of this Kingdom.

But (my Lords) as it is a principle in Nature, that the best things are in their corruption the worst: And the sweetest Wine makes the sharpest Vinegar: So fell it out with them, that this excess (as I may term it) of Friendship, ended in mor∣tal Hatred on my Lord of Somerset's part.

For it fell out, some twelve months be∣fore Overbury's imprisonment in the Tower, that my Lord of Somerset was entred into an unlawful love towards his unfortunate Lady, then Countess of Essex; which went so far, as it was then secretly projected (chiefly between my Lord Privy Seal and my Lord of Somerset) to effect a Nullity

in the Marriage with my Lord of Essex, and so to proceed to a Marriage with So∣merset.

This Marriage and Purpose did Overbury mainly oppugn, under pretence to do the true part of a Friend (for that he counted her an unworthy Woman) but the truth was, that Overbury, who (to speak plainly) had little that was solid for Religion or Moral Vertue, but was a Man possessed with Am∣bition and vain Glory, was loth to have any Partners in the favour of my Lord of Somerset, and specially not the House of the Howards, against whom he had always pro∣fessed hatred and opposition. So all was but miserable Bargains of Ambition.

And (my Lords) that this is no sinister construction, will well appear unto you, when you shall hear that Overbury makes his brags to my Lord of Somerset, that he had won him the love of the Lady by his Letters and Industry: So far was he from Cases of Conscience in this Matter. And certainly (my Lords) howsoever the tra∣gical misery of that poor Gentleman Over∣bury ought somewhat to obliterate his Faults; yet because we are not now upon point of Civility, but to discover the Face of Truth to the Face of Justice: And that it is material to the true understanding of

the state of this Cause, Overbury was nought and corrupt, the Ballades must be amended for that point,

But to proceed, When Overbury saw that he was like to be dispossessed of my Lord here, whom he had possessed so long, and by whose Greatness he had promised him∣self to do wonders; and being a Man of an unbounded and impetuous spirit, he be∣gan not only to disswade, but to deter him from that Love and Marriage; and finding him fixed, thought to try stronger Reme∣dies, supposing that he had my Lord's Head under his Girdle, in respect of com∣munication of Secrets of Estate, or (as he calls them himself in his Letters, Secrets of all Natures) and therefore dealt violently with him, to make him desist, with menaces of Discovery of Secrets, and the like.

Hereupon grew two streams of hatred upon Overbury; The one from the Lady, in respect that he crossed her Love, and abused her Name, which are Furies to Women; The other of a deeper and more Mineral Nature from my Lord of Somerset himself; who was afraid of Overbury's Nature, and that if he did break from him and fly out, he would mine into him, and trouble his whole Fortunes.

I might add a third stream from the Earl of Northampton's Ambition, who desires to be first in favour with my Lord of Somerset, and knowing Overbury's malice to himself, and his House, thought that Man must be removed and cut off. So it was amongst them resolved and decreed, that Overbury must die.

Hereupon they had variety of Devices. To send him beyond Sea, upon occasion of Employment, that was too weak; and they were so far from giving way to it, as they crost it. There rested but two ways, Quarrel or Assault, and Poison. For that of Assault, after some proposition and at∣tempt, they passed from it; It was a thing too open, and subject to more variety of chances. That of Poison likewise was a hazardous thing, and subject to many pre∣ventions and cautions, especially to such a jealous and working Brain as Overbury had, except he were first fast in their hands.

Therefore the way was first to get him into a Trap, and lay him up, and then they could not miss the Mark. Therefore in exe∣cution of this Plot, it was devised, that Overbury should be designed to some ho∣nourable Employment in Foreign Parts, and should under-hand by the Lord of So∣merset be encouraged to refuse it; and so

upon that contempt he should be laid Pri∣soner in the Tower, and then they would look he should be close enough, and Death should be his Bail. Yet were they not at their end. For they considered, that if there was not a fit Lieutenant of the Tower for their purpose, and likewise a fit under-keeper of Overbury: First, They should meet with many Impediments in the giving and exhibiting the Poison: Se∣condly, They should be exposed to note and observation, that might discover them: And thirdly, Overbury in the mean time might write clamorous and furious Letters to other his Friends, and so all might be disappointed. And therefore the next Link of the Chain, was to displace the then Lieutenant Waade, and to place Helwisse a principal Abetter in the Impoisonment: Again, to displace Cary, that was the under-Keeper in Waade's time, and to place We∣ston, who was the principal Actor in the Impoisonment: And this was done in such a while (that it may appear to be done, as it were with one breath) as there were but fifteen days between the commitment of Overbury, the displacing of Waade, the pla∣cing of Helwisse, the displacing of ••ary the under-Keeper, the placing of Weston, and the first Poison given two days after.

Then when they had this poor Gentle∣man in the Tower close Prisoner, where he could not escape nor stir, where he could not feed but by their Hands, where he could not speak nor write but through their Trunks; then was the time to execute the last Act of this Tragedy.

Then must Franklin be purveyour of the Poisons, and procure five, six, seven several Potions, to be sure to hit his Com∣plexion. Then must Mris Turner be the Say-Mistris of the Poisons to try upon poor Beasts, what's present, and what works at distance of time! Then must Weston be the Tormenter, and chase him with Poison after Poison, Poison in Salts, Poison in Meats, Poison in Sweetmeats, Poison in Medicines and Vomits, until at last his Body was al∣most come, by use of Poisons, to the state that Mithridate's Body was by the use of Treacle and Preservatives, that the force of the Poisons were blunted upon him: We∣ston confessing, when he was chid for not dispatching him, that he had given him enough to poison twenty Men. Lastly, Be∣cause all this asked time, courses were taken by Somerset, both to divert all means of Overbury's Delivery, and to entertain Over∣bury by continual Letters, partly of Hopes and Projects for his Delivery, and partly

of other Fables and Negotiations; some∣what like some kind of Persons (which I will not name) which keep Men in talk of Fortune-telling, when they have a felloni∣ous meaning.

And this is the true Narrative of this Act of Impoisonment, which I have summarily recited.

Now for the Distribution of the Proofs, there are four Heads of Proofs to prove you guilty (my Lord of Somerset) of this Impoisonment; whereof two are prece∣dent to the Imprisonment, the third is pre∣sent, and the fourth is following or subse∣quent: For it is in Proofs, as it is in Lights; there is a direct Light, and there is a re∣flexion of Light, or Back-Light.

The first Head or Proof thereof is, That there was a root of Bitterness, a mortal Malice or Hatred, mixed with deep and bottomless Fears, that you had towards Sir Thomas Overbury.

The second is, That you were the prin∣cipal Actor, and had your hand in all those Acts, which did conduce to the Impoison∣ment, and which gave opportunity and means to effect it; and without which the Impoisonment could never have been, and which could serve or tend to no other end, but to the Impoisonment.

The third is, That your hand was in the very Impoisonment it self, which is more than needs to be proved; that you did direct Poison, that you did deliver Poison, that you did continually hear∣ken to the success of the Impoison∣ment, and that you spurred it on, and cal∣led for dispatch, when you thought it lin∣gred.

And lastly, That you did all the things after the Impoisonment, which may detect a guilty Conscience for the smothering of it, and avoiding punishment for it, which can be but of three kinds. That you sup∣pressed, as much as in you was, Testimony: That you did deface, and destroy, and clip, and misdate all Writings that might give light to the Impoisonment; and that you did fly to the Altar of Guiltiness, which is a Pardon, and a Pardon of Murder, and a Pardon for your Self, and not for your Lady.

In this (my Lord) I convert my speech to you, because I would have you attend the Points of your Charge, and so of your Defence the better. And two of these Heads I have taken to my self, and left the other two to the King's two Serje∣ants.

For the first main part, which is the

mortal Hatred coupled with Fear, that was in my Lord of Somerset towards Overbury, although he did palliate it with a great deal of hypocrisie and dissimulation even to the end; I shall prove it (my Lord Steward, and you my Lords and Peers) manifestly, by matter both of Oath and Writing. The root of this Hatred was that that hath cost many a Man's Life; that is, Fear of disco∣vering Secrets. Secrets (I say) of a high and dangerous nature; wherein the course that I will hold shall be this.

First; I will shew that such a Breach and Malice was between my Lord and Over∣bury, and that it burst forth into violent Menaces and Threats on both sides.

Secondly; That these Secrets were not light, but of a high nature, for I will give you the Elevation of the Pole. They were such as my Lord of Somerset for his part had made a Vow, That Overbury should neither live in Court nor Country. That he had likewise opened himself, and his own fears so far, that if Overbury ever came forth of the Tower, either Overbury or himself must die for it. And of Overbury's part, he had threatned my Lord, That whether he did live or die, my Lord's shame should never die, but he would leave him the most odious Man of the World. And farther

that my Lord was like enough to repent it, in the place where Overbury wrote, which was the Tower of London. He was a true Prophet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that: So here in the height of the Secrets.

Thirdly; I will shew you, that all the King's Business was by my Lord put into Overbury's Hands: So as there is work enough for Secrets, whatsoever they were. And like Princes Confederates, they had their Ciphers and Iargons.

And lastly; I will shew you that it is but a Toy to say that the Malice was only in respect he spake dishonourbly of the La∣dy; or for doubt of breaking the Marri∣age: For that Overbury▪ was a Coadjutor to that Love, and the Lord of Somerset was as deep in speaking ill of the Lady, as Overbury. And again, it was too late for that Matter, for the Bargain of the Match was then made and past. And if it had been no more but to remove Overbury from disturbing of the Match, it had been an easy matter to have banded over Overbury beyond Seas, for which they had a fair way; but that would not serve their turn.

And lastly, Periculum periculo vincitur, to go so far as an Impoisonment, must have a deeper malice than flashes: For the Cause must bear a proportion to the Effect.

For the next general Head of Proofs, which consists in Acts preparatory to the middle Acts, they are in eight several points of the Compass, as I may term it.

First; That there were devices and pro∣jects to dispatch Overbury, or to overthrow him, plotted between the Countess of Somerset, the Earl of Somerset, and the Earl of Northampton, before they fell upon the Impoisonment: For always before Men fix upon a course of Mischief, there be some rejections; but die he must one way or other.

Secondly; That my Lord of Somerset was principal Practicer (I must speak it) in a most perfidious manner, to set a Train or Trap for Overbury to get him into the Tower; without which they never durst have attempted the Impoisonment.

Thirdly; That the placing of the Lieute∣nant Helwisse one of the Impoisoners, and the displacing of Waade, was by the means of my Lord of Somerset.

Fourthly; That the placing of Weston the under-Keeper, who was the principal Im∣poisoner, and the displacing of Cary, and the doing of all this within fifteen days af∣ter Overbury's Commitment, was by the means and countenance of my Lord of Somerset. And these two were the active

Instruments of the Impoisonment: And this was a Business that the Ladies power could not reach unto.

Fifthly; That because there must be a time for the Tragedy to be acted, and chiefly because they would not have the Poisons work upon the sudden: And for that the strength of Overbury's Nature, or the very custom of receiving Poison into his Body, did overcome the Poisons that they wrought not so fast, therefore Over∣bury must be held in the Tower. And as my Lord of Somerset got him into the Trap, so he kept him in, and abused him with continual hopes of Liberty; and di∣verted all the true and effectual means of his Liberty, and made light of his Sickness and Extremities.

Sixthly; That not only the Plot of get∣ting Overbury into the Tower, and the de∣vices to hold him and keep him there, but the strange manner of his close keeping (being in but for a Contempt) was by the device and means of my Lord of So∣merset, who denied his Father to see him, denied his Servants that offered to be shut up close Prisoners with him, and in effect handled it so, that he was close Prisoner to all his Friends, and open and exposed to all his Enemies.

Seventhly, That the Advertisement which my Lady received from time to time, from the Lievtenant or Weston, touching Overbu∣ry's state of Body or Health, were ever sent up to the Court, though it were in Progress, and that from my Lady: such a thirst and listening this Lord had to hear that he was dispatched.

Lastly, There was a continual Negotia∣tion to set Overbury's Head on work, that he should make some recognition to clear the honour of the Lady; and that he should become a good Instrument towards her and her Friends: All which was but entertain∣ment: For your Lordships shall plainly see divers of my Lord of Northampton's Let∣ters (whose hand was deep in this Business) written (I must say it) in dark Words and Clauses; That there was one thing pre∣tended, and another intended; That there was a real Charge, and there was somewhat not real; a main drift and a dissimulation. Nay further, there be some passages which the Peers in their wisdom will discern to point directly at the Impoisonment.

After this Inducement followed the Evi∣dence it self.

The Lord Bacon's Letter to the Univer∣sity of Cambridg.

Rescriptum Procuratoris Regis Primarii, ad Academiam Cantabrigiensem, quan∣do in Sanctius Regis Consilium cooptatus fuit.

GRatae mihi fuere Literae vestrae, atque Gratulationem vestram ipse mihi gratu∣lor. Rem ipsam ita mihi Honori, & volup∣tati fore duco, si in hâc mente maneam, ut Publicis Utilitatibus, studio indefesso, & perpetuis curis, & puro affectu, inserviam. Inter partes autem Reipublicae, nulla Animo meo charior est, quàm Academiae & Literae. Idque & vita mea anteacta declarat, & scripta. Itaque quicquid mihi accesserit, id etiam vobis accessisse existimare potestis. Neque vero Pa∣crocinium meum vobis sublatum aut diminu∣tum esse credere debetis. Nam & ea pars Pa∣troni, quae ad consilium in causis exhibendum spectat, integra manet; Atque etiam (si quid gravius accideri••) ipsum perorandi Munus (licentiâ Regis obtentâ) relict••m est; Quod∣que Iuris Patrocinio deerit, id auctiore pote∣state

compensabitur. Mihi in votis est, ut quemadmodum à privatorum & clientelarum negotiis, ad Gube••nacula Reipublicae translatus jam sum; Ita & postrema Aetatis meae pars (si vita suppetit) etiam à publicis curis ad otium & Literas devehi possit. Quinetiam saepius subit illa Cogitatio, ut etiam in tot & tantis Negotiis, tamen singulis annis aliquos dies apud vos deponam; Vt ex majore ve∣strarum rerum notitiâ vestris utilitatibus meli∣us consulere possim.

5. Julij 1616.

Amicus ves••er maximè Fidelis & Benevolus. Fr. Bacon.

The same in English by the Publisher.

The Answer of the Lord Bacon, then Attorney General, to the University of Cambridg, when he was sworn of the Privy Council to the King.

YOur Letters were very acceptable to me; and I give my self joy, upon your Congratulation. The thing it self will (I suppose) conduce to my Honour and Satisfaction, if I remain in the mind I now am in; by unwearied study, and perpetual watchfulness, and pure affection, to pro∣mote the Publick Good. Now among the Parts of the Common-wealth, there are none dearer to me than the Vniversities, and Learning. And This, my manner of Life hitherto, and my Writings, do both declare. If therefore any good Fortune befalls me, you may look upon it as an accession to your selves. Neither are you to believe, that my Patronage is either quite removed from you, or so much as diminished. For, that part of an Advocate which concerneth the giving of Counsel in Causes, remaineth entire. Also (if any thing more weighty & urgent falleth out) the very Office of Pleading (the

King's leave being obtained) is still allow'd me. And whatsoever shall be found wan∣ting in my Juridical Patronage, will be com∣pensated by my more ample Authority. My wishes are, that as I am translated from the Business of private Men, and particular Clients, to the Government of the Com∣mon-wealth; so the latter part of my Age (if my Life be continued to me) may, from the Publick Cares, be translated to leisure and study.

Also this thought comes often into my mind, amidst so many Businesses, and of such moment, every year to lay aside some days to think on You: That so, having the greater insight into your Matters, I may the better consult your Advantage.

Iuly the 5th 1616.

Your most faithful and kind Friend, Fr. Bacon.

Sir Francis Bacon's Letter to King Iames touching the Chancellors Place.

It may please Your most Excellent Majesty.

YOur worthy Chancellour* 1.4 (I fear) goeth his last day. God hath hitherto used to weed out such Servants as grew not fit for Your Majesty. But now He hath gather'd to Himself one of the choicer Plants in Your Majesties Garden. But Your Majesties Service must not be mortal.

Upon this heavy Accident, I pray your Majesty, in all humbleness and sincerity, to give me leave to use a few words. I must never forget when I moved your Majesty for the Attorney's Place, that it was your own sole Act, and not my Lord of Somer∣set's; who, when he knew your Majesty had resolv'd it, thrust himself into the Busi∣ness to gain thanks. And therefore I have no reason to pray to Saints.

I shall now again make Oblation to your Majesty; first of my Heart; then of my Service; thirdly, of my Place of Attorney; and fourthly, of my Place in the Star-Chamber.

I hope I may be acquitted of Presump∣tion,

if I think of it; both because my Father had the Place, which is some civil inducement to my desire, (and I pray God your Majesty may have twenty no worse years than Queen Elizabeth had in her Model after my Father's placing) and chiefly because the Chancellor's place, after it went to the Law, was ever conferred upon some of the Learned Counsel, and never upon a Judg. For Audley was raised from King's Serjeant; my Father from Attorney of the Wards; Bromlie from Sollicitor; Pucke∣ring from Queen's Serjeant; Egerton from Master of the Rolls, having newly left the Attorney's place.—

For my self, I can only present your Ma∣jesty with Gloria in Obsequio; yet I dare promise, that if I sit in that Place, your Business shall not make such short turns up∣on you as it doth; But when a Direction is once given, it shall be pursued and per∣formed: And your Majesty shall only be troubled with the true Care of a King; which is to think what you would have done in chief; and not how for the Passa∣ges.

I do presume also, in respect of my Fa∣ther's Memory, and that I have been al∣ways gracious in the Lower-House, I have some interest in the Gentlemen of England;

and shall be able to do some good Effect in rectifying that Body of Parliament, which is Cardo Rerum. For, let me tell your Ma∣jesty, That that part of the Chancellor's place, which is to judg in equity between Party and Party, that same Regnum Iudici∣ale (which since my Father's time is but too much enlarged) concerneth your Majesty least, more than the acquitting of your Conscience for Justice. But it is the other Parts of a Moderator amongst your Council; of an Overseer over your Iudges; of a Planter of fit Iustices and Governors in the Country, that importeth your Affairs, and these Times, most.

I will add likewise, that I hope, by my Care, the Inventive Part of your Council will be strengthned; who, now common∣ly, do exercise rather their Iudgments than their Inventions; and the Inventive Part cometh from Projectors, and Private Men; which cannot be so well: In which kind my Lord of Salisbury had a good Me∣thod.—

To conclude; If I were the Man I would be, I should hope, that as your Majesty of late hath won Hearts by Depressing, you should in this lose no Hearts by Advan∣cing. For I see your People can better skill of Concretum than Abstractum; and that

the Waves of their Affection flow rather after Persons than Things. So that Acts of this nature (if this were one) do more good than twenty Bills of Grace.

If God call my Lord Chancellor, the Warrants and Commissions which are re∣quisite for the taking of the Seal, and for working with it, and for reviving of Warrants under his Hand, which die with him, and the like, shall be in readiness. And in this Time presseth more, because it is the end of a Term, and almost the be∣ginning of the Circuits; so that the Seal cannot stand still. But this may be done as heretofore, by Commission, till your Ma∣jesty hath resolved on an Officer. God ever preserve your Majesty.

Your Majesties most humble Subject, and bounden Servant, F. Bacon.

A Letter written* 1.5 by the Lord Bacon to King James, for Relief of his Estate.

May it please your most Excellent Majesty.

IN the midst of my misery, which is ra∣ther asswaged by Remembrance than by Hope; my chiefest worldly comfort is, to think, That since the time I had the first Vote of the Commons House of Parliament for Commissioner of the Union, until the time that I was this last Parliament, chosen by both Houses for their Messenger to your Majesty in the Petition of Religion, (which two were my first and last Services) I was ever more so happy as to have my poor Services graciously accepted by your Ma∣jesty, and likewise not to have had any of them miscarry in my Hands. Neither of which points I can any ways take to my self, but ascribe the former to your Maje∣stie's Goodness, and the latter to your pru∣dent Directions; which I was ever careful to have and keep. For as I have often said to your Majesty, I was towards you but as a Bucket, and a Cistern, to draw forth and conserve, your self was the Fountain.

Unto this comfort of nineteen years pro∣sperity, there succeded a comfort even in my greatest adversity, somewhat of the same nature; which is, That in those of∣fences wherewith I was charged, there was not any one that had special relation to your Majesty, or any your particular Com∣mandments. For as, towards Almighty God, there are Offences against the first and second Table, and yet all against God. So with the Servants of Kings, there are Offences more immediate against the Sove∣reign: Although all Offences against Law are also against the King. Unto which Comfort there is added this Circumstance, That as my Faults were not against your Majesty, otherwise than as all Faults are; so my Fall was not your Majesties Act, otherwise than as all Acts of Justice are yours. This I write not to insinuate with your Majesty, but as a most humble Ap∣peal to your Majesties gracious remem∣brance, how honest and direct you have ever found me in your Service; whereby I have an assured belief, that there is in your Majesties own Princely Thoughts, a great deal of serenity and clearness to me your Majesties now prostrate and cast-down Servant.

Neither (my most gracious Sovereign)

do I by this mention of my Services, lay claim to your Princely Grace and Bounty, though the priviledg of Calamity doth bear that form of Petition. I know well, had they been much more, they had been but my bounden Duty. Nay, I must also confess, that they were from time to time, far above my merit, over and super-rewar∣ded by your Majesties Benefits which you heaped upon me. Your Majesty was and is that Master to me, that raised and ad∣vanced me nine times; thrice in Dignity, and six times in Office. The places indeed were the painfullest of all your Services; But then they had both Honour and Pro∣fits: And the then Profits might have main∣tained my now Honour, if I had been wise. Neither was your Majesties immedi∣ate liberality wanting towards me in some Gifts, if I may hold them. All this I do most thankfully acknowledg, and do here∣with conclude, That for any thing arising from my self to move your Eye of pity to∣wards me, there is much more in my pre∣sent Misery, than in my past Services; save that the same your Majesties Goodness, that may give relief to the one, may give value to the other.

And indeed, if it may please your Majesty, this Theme of my Misery is so plentiful, as

it need not be coupled with any thing else. I have been some Body by your Majesties singular and undeserved favour, even the prime Officer of your Kingdom. Your Majesties Arm hath been over mine in Council, when you presided at the Table; so near I was: I have born your Majesties Image in Metal, much more in Heart: I was never in nineteen years Service chidden by your Majesty, but contrariwise often over∣joyed, when your Majesty would sometimes say, I was a good Husband for you, though none for my self: sometimes, That I had a way to deal in Business suavibus modis, which was the way which was most according to your own Heart: And other most gracious speeches of Affection and Trust, which I feed on to this day. But why should I speak of these things which are now va∣nished, but only the better to express the Downfal?

For now it is thus with me: I am a year and an half old in Misery; though I must ever acknowledg, not without some mix∣ture of your Majesties Grace and Mercy; For I do not think it possible, that any you once loved should be totally miserable. Mine own Means, through mine own Im∣providence are poor and weak, little bet∣ter than my Father left me. The poor

Things which I have had from your Maje∣sty, are either in Question, or at Courtesy. My Dignities remain Marks of your Favour, but Burdens of my present Fortune. The poor Remnants which I had of my former Fortunes in Plate or Jewels, I have spread upon poor Men unto whom I owed, scarce leaving my self a convenient Subsistence. So as to conclude, I must pour out my Mi∣sery before your Majesty, so far as to say, Si deseris tu, perimus.

But as I can offer to your Majesties com∣passion little arising from my self to move you, except it be my extream Misery, which I have truly laid open; so looking up to your Majesty's own self, I should think I committed Cain's fault if I should despair. Your Majesty is a King, whose Heart is as unscrutable for secret motions of Goodness, as for depth of Wisdom. You are, Crea∣tor-like, Factive, and not Destructive. You are the Prince, in whom hath been ever noted an aversation against any thing that savoured of an hard Heart; as, on the other side, your Princely Eye was wont to meet with any motion that was made on the relieving part. Therefore as one that hath had the happiness to know your Ma∣jesty near hand, I have (most Gracious Sovereign) Faith enough for a Miracle,

much more for a Grace, that your Majesty will not suffer your poor Creature to be ut∣terly defaced, nor blot that Name quite out of your Book, upon which your Sa∣cred Hand hath been so oft for new Or∣naments and Additions.

Unto this degree of compassion, I hope God above, (of whose Mercy towards me, both in my Prosperity and Adversity I have had great Testimonies and Pledges, though mine own manifold and wretched unthankfulnesses might have averted them) will dispose your Princely Heart, already prepared to all Piety. And why should I not think, but that thrice Noble Prince, who would have pulled me out of the Fire of a Sentence, will help to pull me (if I may use that homely phrase) out of the Mire of an abject and sordid condition in my last days: And that excellent Favorite of yours, (the goodness of whose Nature contendeth with the greatness of his Fortune; and who counteth it a Prize, a second Prize, to be a good Friend, after that Prize which he carrieth to be a good Servant) will kiss your Hands with joy for any Work of Piety you shall do for me. And as all commiserable Persons (especially such as find their Hearts void of all malice) are apt to think that all Men pity them; I assure

my self that the Lords of your Council, who out of their Wisdom and Nobleness, can∣not but be sensible of humane Events, will in this way which I go for the Relief of my Estate, further and advance your Majesty's Goodness towards me: For there is, as I conceive, a kind of Fraternity between Great Men that are, and those that have been, being but the several Tenses of one Verb. Nay, I do further presume, that both Houses of Parliament will love their Justice the better, if it end not in my ruin. For I have been often told, by many of my Lords, as it were in excusing the seve∣rity of the Sentence, that they knew they left me in good Hands. And your Majesty knoweth well, I have been all my life long acceptable to those Assemblies, not by flat∣tery, but by moderation, and by honest expressing of a desire to have all things go fairly and well.

But if it may please your Majesty, (for Saints I shall give them Reverence, but no Adoration; my Address is to your Majesty the Fountain of Goodness) your Majesty shall, by the Grace of God, not feel that in Gift, which I shall extreamly feel in Help: For my Desires are moderate, and my Courses measured to a Life orderly and reserved, hoping still to do your Majesty

honour in my way. Only I most humbly beseech your Majesty, to give me leave to conclude with those words which Necessity speaketh: Help me, (dear Sovereign Lord and Master) and pity me so far, as I that have born a Bag, be not now in my Age forced in effect to bear a Wallet; nor I that desire to live to study, may not be dri∣ven to study to live. I most humbly crave pardon of a long Letter, after a long si∣lence. God of Heaven ever bless, preserve, and prosper your Majesty.

Your Majesties poor ancient Servant and Beadsman, Fr. St. Alb.

Certain Apothegms of the Lord Bacon's, hitherto unpublished.

1. PLutarch said well, It is otherwise in a Common-wealth of Men than of Bees. The Hive of a City or Kingdom is in best condition, when there is least of noise or Buzze in it.

2. The same Plutarch said, of Men of weak Abilities set in Great Place, that they were like little Statues set on great Bases, made to appear the less by their Advance∣ment.

3. He said again; Good Fame is like Fire. When you have kindled it, you may easily preserve it; but if once you extin∣guish it, you will not easily kindle it again; at least, not make it burn as bright as it did.

4. The Answer of Apollonius to Vespasi∣an, is full of excellent* 1.6 Instruction: Ve∣spasian asked him, What was Nero's over∣throw? He answered, Nero could touch and tune the Harp well; but in Government, sometimes he used to wind the Pins too high, sometimes to let them down too low. And certain it is, that nothing destroyeth Au∣thority

so much as the unequal and untime∣ly enterchange of Power pressed too far, and relaxed too much.

5. Queen Elizabeth seeing Sir Edward— in her Garden, look'd out at her Window, and asked him in Italian, What does a Man think of when he thinks of nothing? Sir Ed∣ward (who had not had the effect of some of the Queen's Grants so soon as he had hop'd and desir'd) paused a little, and then made answer, Madam, He thinks of a Wo∣man's Promise. The Queen shrunk in her Head, but was heard to say, Well, Sir Ed∣ward, I must not confute you. Anger makes dull Men witty, but it keeps them poor.

6. When any Great Officer, Ecclesiasti∣cal or Civil, was to be made, the Queen would enquire after the Piety, Integrity, Learning of the Man. And when she was satisfied in these Qualifications, she would consider of his Personage. And upon such an Occasion she pleas'd once to say to me, Bacon, How can the Magistrate main∣tain his Authority when the Man is de∣spis'd?

7. In Eighty Eight, when the Queen went from Temple-Bar along Fleetstreet, the Law∣yers were rank'd on one side, and the Com∣panies of the City on the other; said Ma∣ster Bacon to a Lawyer that stood next him,

do but observe the Courtiers. If they bow first to the Citizens, they are in Debt; if first to us, they are in Law.

8. King Iames was wont to be very ear∣nest with the Country Gentlemen to go from London to their Country Houses. And sometimes he would say thus to them; Gentlemen, at London you are like Ships in a Sea, which show like nothing; but in your Country Villages, you are like Ships in a River, which look like great things.

9. Soon after the death of a great Offi∣cer, who was judged no advancer of the King's Matters, the King said to his Sollici∣tor Bacon, who was his Kinsman; Now tell me truly, what say you of your Cousin that is gone? Mr. Bacon answered, Sir, since your Majesty doth charge me, I'le e'ne deal plainly with you, and give you such a character of him, as if I were to write his Story. I do think he was no fit Counsellor to make your Affairs better; but yet he was fit to have kept them from growing worse. The King said, On my So'l, Man, in the first thou speakest like a True Man, and in the latter like a Kins∣man.

10. King Iames, as he was a Prince of great Judgment, so he was a Prince of a marvel∣lous pleasant humour; and there now come

into my mind two instances of it.

As he was going through Lusen by Green∣wich, he ask'd what Town it was? they said, Lusen. He ask'd a good while after, What Town is this we are now in? They said, still 'twas Lusen. On my So'l, said the King, I will be King of Lusen.

11. In some other of his Progresses, he ask'd how far 'twas to a Town whose name I have forgotten; they said, Six miles. Half an hour after he ask'd again; one said, Six miles and an half: The King alighted out of his Coach, and crept under the Shoulder of his Led Horse. And when some ask'd his Majesty what he meant; I must stalk, said he, for yonder Town is shie and flies me.

12. Count Gondomar sent a Complement to my Lord St. Albans, wishing him a good Easter. My Lord thank'd the Messenger, and said, He could not at present requite the Count better, than in returning him the like; That he wished his Lordship a good Passover.

13. My Lord Chancellor Elsmere, when he had read a Petition which he dislik'd, would say; What! you would have my hand to this now? And the Party answering, yes; He would say further; Well, so you shall. Nay, you shall have both my hands to't. And

so would, with both his hands, tear it in pieces.

14. I knew a* 1.7 Wise Man, that had it for a by-word, when he saw Men hasten to a Conclusion; Stay a little that we may make an end the sooner.

15. Sir Francis Bacon was wont to say of an angry Man who suppressed his Passi∣on, That he thought worse than he spake: and of an angry Man that would chide, That he spoke worse than he thought.

16. He was wont also to say, That Power in an ill Man, was like the Power of a black Witch; He could do hurt, but no good with it. And he would add, That the Ma∣gicians could turn Water into Blood, but could not turn the Blood again to Water.

17. When Mr. Attourney Cook, in the Exchequer, gave high words to Sr. Francis Bacon, and stood much upon his higher Place; Sir Francis said to him, Mr. Attour∣ney! The less you speak of your own great∣ness, the more I shall think of it; and the more, the less.

18. Sir Francis Bacon coming into the Earl of Arundel's Garden, where there were a great number of Ancient Statues of na∣ked Men and Women, made a stand, and as astonish'd, cryed out, The Resurrection.

19. Sir Francis Bacon (who was always

for moderate Counsels) when one was speaking of such a Reformation of the Church of England, as would in effect make it no Church; said thus to him, Sir, The Subject we talk of is the Eye of England: And if there be a speck or two in the Eye, we endeavour to take them off; but he were a strange Oculist who would pull out the Eye.

20. The same Sir Francis Bacon was wont to say, That those who left useful Studies for useless Scholastic Speculations, were like the Olympic Gamsters, who ab∣stain'd from necessary Labours, that they might be fit for such as were not so.

21. He likewise often used this Compa∣rison. * 1.8 The Empirical Philosophers are like to Pismires; they only lay up and use their Store. The Rationalists are like to Spiders; they spin all out of their own Bowels. But give me a Philosopher, who like the Bee, hath a middle faculty, gathering from abroad, but digesting that which is gathered by his own virtue.

22. The Lord St. Alban, who was not overhasty to raise Theories, but proceeded slowly by Experiments, was wont to say to some Philosophers who would not go his Pace; Gentlemen! Nature is a Labyrinth, in which the very hast you move with will make you lose your way.

23. The same Lord when he spoke of the Dutchmen, used to say, That we could not abandon them for our safety, nor keep them for our profit. And sometimes he would express the same sense on this manner; We hold the Belgic Lion by the Ears.

24. The same Lord, when a Gentleman seem'd not much to approve of his Libera∣lity to his Retinue, said to him; Sir, I am all of a Piece; If the Head be lifted up, the infe∣riour parts of the Body must too.

25. The Lord Bacon was wont to com∣mend the Advice of the plain old Man at Buxton that sold Beesoms; A proud lazy young Fellow came to him for a Beesom up∣on Trust; to whom the Old Man said; Friend! hast thou no Mony? borrow of thy Back, and borrow of thy Belly; they'l ne're ask thee again, I shall be dunning thee every day.

26. Solon* 1.9 said well to Craesus, (when in ostentation he shewed him his Gold) Sir, if any other come that has better Iron than you, he will be master of all this Gold.

27. Iack Weeks said of a great Man (just then dead) who pretended to some Religi∣on, but was none of the best livers; Well, I hope he is in Heaven. Every Man thinks as he wishes; but if he be in Heaven, 'twere pity it were known.

Ornamenta Rationalia.

A supply (by the Publisher) of cer∣tain weighty and elegant Sentences, some made, others collected, by the Lord Bacon; and by him put un∣der the above-said Title; and at present not to be found.

A Collection of Sentences out of the Mimi of Publius; Englished by the Publisher.

1. A Leator, quantò in Arte est melior, tantò est nequior.

A Gamster, the greater Master he is in his Art, the worse Man he is.

2. Arcum, intensio frangit; Animum, re∣missio.

Much bending breaks the Bow; much unbending, the Mind.

3. Bis vincit, qui se vincit in Victoriâ.

He conquers twice, who upon Victory overcomes himself.

4. Cùm vitia prosint, peccat, Qui rectè facit.

If Vices were upon the whole matter profitable, the virtuous Man would be the sinner.

5. Benè dormit, qui non sentit, quòd malè dormiat.

He sleeps well, who feels not that he sleeps ill.

6. Deliberare utilia, mora est tutissima.

To deliberate about useful things, is the safest delay.

7. Dolor decrescit, ubi quò crescat non habet.

The flood of Grief decreaseth, when it can swell no higher.

8. Etiam Innocentes cogit mentiri dolor.

Pain makes even the Innocent Man a Lyar.

9. Etiam celeritas in desiderio, mora est.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 in desire, swiftness it self is delay.

10. Etiam capillus unus habet umbram suam.

The smallest Hair casts a shadow.

11. Fidem qui perdit, quò se servat in reliquum?

He that has lost his Faith, what has he left to live on?

12. Formosa Facies muta commendatio est.

A beautiful Face is a silent commendation.

13. Fortuna nimium quem fovet, Stultum facit.

Fortune makes him a Fool, whom she makes her Darling.

14. Fortuna obesse nulli contenta est semel.

Fortune is not content to do a Man but one ill turn.

15. Facit gratum Fortuna, quam nemo videt.

The Fortune which no Body sees, makes a Man happy and unenvied.

16. Heu! quàm miserum est ab illo laedi, de quo non possis queri.

O! what a miserable thing 'tis to be hurt by such a one of whom 'tis in vain to com∣plain.

17. Homo toties moritur quoties amit••it s••os.

A Man dies as often as he loses his Friends.

18. Haeredis fletus, sub personâ risus est.

The Tears of an Heir are laughter under a Vizard.

19. Iucundum nihil est, nisi quod reficit varietas.

Nothing is pleasant, to which variety do's not give a relish.

20. Invidiam ferre, aut fortis, aut foelix potest.

He may bear envy, who is either coura∣gious or happy.

21. In malis sperare bonum, nisi innocens, nemo potest.

None but a virtuous Man can hope well in ill circumstances.

22. In vindicando, criminosa est cele∣ritas.

In taking revenge, the very haste we make is criminal.

23. In calamitoso risus etiam injuria est.

When Men are in calamity, if we do but laugh we offend.

24. Improbè Neptunum accusat, qui iterum Naufragium facit.

He accuseth Neptune unjustly, who makes Shipwrack a second time.

25. Multis minatur, qui uni facit inju∣riam.

He that injures one, threatens an hun∣dred.

26. Mora omnis ingrata est, sed facit sa∣pientiam.

All delay is ungrateful, but we are not wise without it.

27. Mori est foelicis antequam Morte•• invocet.

Happy he who dies e're he calls for Death to take him away.

28. Malus ubi bonum se simulat, tunc est pessimus.

An ill Man is always ill; but he is then

worst of all when he pretends to be a Saint.

29. Magno cum periculo custoditur, quod multis placet.

Lock and Key will scarce keep that se∣cure, which pleases every body.

30. Malè vivunt qui se semper victuros putant.

They think ill who think of living al∣ways.

31. Malè secum agit Aeger, Medicum qui haeredem facit.

That sick Man do's ill for himself, who makes his Physician his Heir.

32. Multos timere▪ debet, quem multi ti∣ment.

He of whom many are afraid, ought him∣self to fear many.

33. Nulla tam bona est Fortuna, de quâ nil possis queri.

There's no Fortune so good but it bates an Ace.

34. Pars beneficii est, quod petitur, st bene neges.

'Tis part of the Gift, if you deny gentilely what is asked of you.

35. Timidus vocat se cautum, parcum sor∣didus.

The Coward calls himself a wary Man; and the M••ser says he is frugal.

36. O Vita! misero longa, foelici brevis.

O Life! an Age to him that is in misery, and to him that is happy, a moment.

A Collection of Sentences out of some of the Writings of the Lord Bacon.

1. IT is a strange desire which Men have, to seek Power and lose Liberty.

2. Children increase the cares of Life; but they mitigate the remembrance of Death.

3. Round dealing is the honour of Man's Nature; and a mixture of falshood is like allay in Gold and Silver, which may make the Metal work the better, but it embaseth it.

4. Death openeth the Gate to good Fame, and extinguisheth Envy.

5. Schism, in the Spiritual Body of the Church, is a greater scandal than a corrup∣tion in Manners: As, in the natural Body, a Wound or Solution of Continuity, is worse than a corrupt Humour.

6. Revenge is a kind of wild Iustice, which the more a Man's Nature runs

to, the more ought Law to weed it out.

7. He that studieth Revenge, keepeth his own Wounds green.

8. Revengeful Persons live and die like Witches. Their life is mischievous, and their end is unfortunate.

9. It was an high Speech of Seneca, (after the manner of the Stoic's) That the good Things which belong to Prosperity, are to be wish'd; but the good things which belong to Adversity, are to be admir'd.

10. He that cannot see well, let him go softly.

11. If a Man be thought secret, itin∣viteth discovery: as the more close Air suck∣eth in the more open.

12. Keep your Authority wholly from your Children, not so your Purse.

13. Men of Noble Birth are noted to be envious towards new Men when they rise. For the distance is alter'd; and it is like a deceit of the Eye, that when others come on, they think themselves go back.

14. That Envy is most malignant which is like Cain's, who envyed his Brother, be∣cause his Sacrifice was better accepted, when there was no body but God to look on.

15. The lovers of Great Place are im∣patient of Privateness, even in Age which

requires the Shadow: like old Townsmen that will be still sitting at their Street-Door, though there they offer Age to scorn.

16. In Evil, the best condition is, not to will; the next, not to can.

17. In great Place, ask counsel of both Times: of the Ancient Time, what is best; and of the latter Time, what is fittest.

18. As in Nature things move more vio∣lently to their Place, and calmly in their Place: So Virtue in Ambition is violent; in Authority, setled and calm.

19. Boldness in civil Business, is like Pronuntiation in the Orator of Demosthenes; the first, second, and third thing.

20. Boldness is blind: wherefore 'tis ill in Counsel, but good in Execution. For in Counsel it is good to see dangers, in Exe∣cution not to see them, except they be very great.

21. Without good Nature, Man is but a better kind of Vermin.

22. God never wrought Miracle to con∣vince Atheism, because his ordinary Works convince it.

23. The great Atheists indeed are Hypo∣crites, who are always handling Holy Things, but without feeling; so as they must needs be cauteriz'd in the end.

24. The Master of Superstition is the

People. And in all Superstition, wise Men follow Fools.

25. In removing Superstitions, care would be had that (as it fareth in ill Purgings) the good be not taken away with the bad, which commonly is done, when the People is the Physician.

26. He that goeth into a Country be∣fore he hath some entrance into the Lan∣guage, goeth to School, and not to travel.

27. It is a miserable state of mind (and yet it is commonly the case of Kings) to have few things to desire, and many things to fear.

28. Depression of the Nobility may make a King more absolute, but less safe.

29. All Precepts concerning Kings, are, in effect, comprehended in these Remem∣brances; Remember thou art a Man; Re∣member thou art God's Vicegerent. The one bridleth their Power, and the other their Will.

30. Things will have their first or se∣cond agitation. If they be not tossed up∣on the Arguments of Counsel, they will be tossed upon the Waves of Fortune.

31. The true composition of a Counsel∣lor, is rather to be skill'd in his Masters Bu∣siness than his Nature; for then he is like to advise him, and not to feed his humour.

32. Private Opinion is more free, but Opinion before others is more reverend.

33. Fortune is like a Market, where many times if you stay a little the price will fall.

34. Fortune sometimes turneth the han∣dle of the Bottle, which is easie to be taken hold of; and after the belly, which is hard to grasp.

35. Generally it is good to commit the beginning of all great Actions, to Argus with an hundred Eyes; and the ends of them to Briareus with an hundred hands; first to watch, and then to speed.

36. There's great difference betwixt a cunning Man and a wise Man. There be that can pack the Cards, who yet can't play well; they are good in Canvasses and Facti∣ons, and yet otherwise mean Men.

37. Extreme self-lovers will set a Man's House on fire, tho it were but to roast their Eggs.

38. New Things, like Strangers, are more admir'd, and less favour'd.

39. It were good that Men in their In∣novations, would follow the Example of Time it self, which indeed innovateth greatly, but quietly; and by degrees scarce to be perceived.

40. They that reverence too much old

Time, are but a scorn to the New.

41. The Spaniards and Spartans have been noted to be of small dispatch. Mi venga la muerte de Spagna; let my death come from Spain, for then it will be sure to be long a coming.

42. You had better take, for Business, a Man somewhat absurd, than overformal.

43. Those who want Friends to whom to open their Griefs, are Cannibals of their own Hearts.

44. Number it self importeth not much in Armies, where the People are of weak courage. For (as Virgil says) it never troubles a Wolf how many the Sheep be.

45. Let States, that aim at Greatness, take heed how their Nobility and Gentry multiply too fast. In Coppice Woods, if you leave your Staddles too thick, you shall ne∣ver have clean Vnderwood, but Shrubs and Bushes.

46. A Civil War is like the heat of a Feaver; but a Forreign War is like the heat of Exercise, and serveth to keep the Body in health.

47. Suspicions among thoughts, are like Bats among Birds, They ever fly by twi∣light.

48. Base Natures, if they find themselves once suspected, will never be true.

49. Men ought to find the difference between saltness and bitterness. Certainly he that hath a Satyrical Vein, as he maketh others afraid of his Wit, so he had need be afraid of others Memory.

50. Discretion in Speech is more than Eloquence.

51. Men seem neither well to understand their Riches, nor their Strength: of the former they believe greater things than they should, and of the latter much less. And from hence certain fatal Pillars have boun∣ded the progress of Learning.

52. Riches are the Baggage of Vertue; they can't be spar'd, nor left behind, but they hinder the march.

53. Great Riches have sold more Men than ever they have bought out.

54. Riches have Wings; and sometimes they fly away of themselves, and sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.

55. He that defers his Charity 'till he is dead, is (if a Man weighs it rightly) rather liberal of another Man's, than of his own.

56. Ambition is like Choler; if it can move, it makes Men active; if it be stop'd, it becomes adust, and makes Men melan∣choly.

57. To take a Souldier without Ambiti∣on, is to pull off his Spurs.

58. Some ambitious Men seem as Skreens to Princes in matters of Danger and Envy. For no Man will take such parts, except he be like the Seeld Dove, that mounts and mounts because he cannot see about him.

59. Princes and States should chuse such Ministers as are more sensible of Duty than Rising; and should discern a busy Nature from a willing Mind.

60. A Man's Nature runs either to Herbs or Weeds; Therefore let him seasonably water the one, and destroy the other.

61. If a Man look sharply and atten∣tively, he shall see Fortune; for though she be blind, she is not invisible.

62. Vsury bringeth the Treasure of a Realm or State into few hands: For the Usurer being at certainties, and others at uncertainties; at the end of the Game, most of the Mony will be in the Box.

63. Beauty is best in a Body that hath rather dignity of Presence, than beauty of Aspect. The beautiful prove accomplish'd, but not of great Spirit; and study, for the most part, rather Behaviour than Vertue.

64. The best part of Beauty, is that which a Picture cannot express.

65. He who builds a fair House upon an ill Seat, commits himself to Prison.

66. If you will work on any Man, you

must either know his Nature and Fashions, and so lead him; or his Ends, and so per∣swade him; or his weaknesses ••••d disad∣vantages, and so awe hi••••, or those that have interest in him, and so govern him.

67. Costly Followers (among whom we may reckon those who are importunate in Suits) are not to be liked; lest while a Man maketh his Train longer, he maketh his Wings shorter.

68. Fame is like a River that beareth up things light and swollen, and drowns things weighty and solid.

69. Seneca saith well, That Anger is like Rain, which breaks it self upon that it falls.

70. Excusations, Cessions, Modesty it self well govern'd, are but Arts of Osten∣tation.

71. High Treason is not written in Ice; that when the Body relenteth, the Impression should go away.

72. The best Governments are always subject to be like the fairest Crystals; where∣in every Isicle or Grain is seen; which, in a fouler Stone is never perceiv'd.

73. Hollow Church Papists are like the Roots of Nettles, which themselves sting not; but yet they bear all the stinging Leaves.

Notes

• ‖ 1.1

  Given May 24. 1616.
• * 1.2

  The Lord Chancelor Egerton, Lord Elles∣mere, and the Earl of Bridgwa∣ter.
• * 1.3

  Called in Sir H. Wotton's Reliq. p. 413. Elvis In Sir A. Welden's Court of K. Iames, p. 107. Elwaies. In Aulic. Coquin. p. 141. Ello∣waies. In Sir W. Dugdales Baron. of Eng. Tom 2. p. 425. Elways. In Baker, Yelvis. p. 434.
• * 1.4

  Chaenc. Egerton.
• * 1.5

  About a year and half after his Retire∣ment.
• * 1.6

  This Apo∣thegm is also found in his Es∣say of Em∣pire, P. 107
• * 1.7

  See this also in his Essay of Dispatch, p. 143.
• * 1.8

  See the Substance of this in Nov. Org. Ed. Lugd. Bat. p. 105. & inter Cogitata & visa. p. 53.
• * 1.9

  See this in his Es∣say of the true Greatness of King∣doms. p. 171.