The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE General Preface.

IF History be Properly consecrated to preserve to Posterity the remembrance of things the most remarkable that fall out in the World, it can∣not be deny'd, but that the deplorable end of the liberty which the Reformed enjoy'd so long a time in France, is one of the most memorable Accidents that merits to be taken in hand for the information of succeeding Ages. There is not any thing in that Re∣volution, which does not deserve particular Reflexions. Ʋpon whatever circumstance of that Horrid Desola∣tion a man fixes his mind, he shall find enough to exercise his Wit, either in wondering at the Malice and Wickedness of those that were the Authors of it, or in admiring at the Patience, and perhaps in tax∣ing the Pusillanimity and want of Courage of those that were envelop'd in it. That a Clergy compos'd in truth of great Personages, but of persons more in∣toxicated with the Grandeur and Maxims of the World, then sensible of the true Maxims of Religion, or capable indeed of understanding 'em, should make it so entire∣ly

their business to Extirpate poor People that were no longer in a condition to dispute their Possessions and Priviledges with 'em, and who had no further occasi∣on of difference with 'em, then what concern'd the Right of Believing and Preaching, in certain places, what seem'd to them to be most agreeable to the Truth. This is enough to astonish those who understand, that Men must have some specious pretence at least to excuse their proceedings to Extremities of Injustice, and Cruelty. That a King, who might have pass'd for one of the most Potent of those that ever wore the same Crown before him, and might have been the most Glorious of all his Predecessors, had he given his Subjects as much reason to admire his Equity, and the Fidelity of his word, as he had given Strangers an occasion to dread his Prosperity, and his Conquests should so far extend his complacency to a Confessor, and two or three other Ecclesiasticks, as without any ap∣parent cause to revoke one of the most solemn Edicts, and most worthy to have been inviolably observ'd, had it been for nothing else but only in respect to the Author: That this same Prince should deal more Rigorously then he would have done with Rebels, with an Innocent, Peace∣able and well-affected People, far from Plotting and Sedi∣tion; who for above these five and fifty Years have ne••re been known to have appeared in Arms, but for the Service of the State: And who when they had taken Arms in a Conjuncture of high importance, perform'd Atchievements as much to the advantage of the Grandchild of Henry the Great, as their Ancestors had done near a hun∣dred

years before, to support the Rights of that same Prince, of Happy and Triumphant memory. These are things, I say, would hardly be believ'd, had we not before our Eyes a thousand Testimonies that convince us of it. That a Counsel so profoundly and refin'dly Poli∣tick, and which to all the Enterprizes it un∣dertakes confers an Air of Grandeur, which may seem to exceed the bounds of human Condition, nevertheless should carry on this particular design after a manner so little proportionable to the ordinary Maxims it profess'd, that for the Oppression of People, not in a capacity to defend themselves, it should not spare to make use of Acts of Vio∣lence and Injustice, of Litigions and Impertinent wrang∣ling, the most mean and most malicious imaginable, so as to forget some certain forms of Decency and Deco∣rum, which are never to be neglected in things that are acted under the Kings Name, is thatwhich Posterity would never be convinc'd of, were it not confirm'd to future Ages, by Authentick Proofs. That a People also, who were able to raise a hunder'd thousand Men, able to bear Arms; who in many places surpass'd the Catho∣licks in Number, Wealth and Reputation; who were in no want of stout experienc'd Officers, full of zeal for their Religion, who often met with favourable opportuni∣ties for the resettlement of their Affairs: That such a People, I say, for thirty Years together should under∣go Oppression so unjust, a hunderd times more difficult to be endur'd by men of Courage, then the worst of in∣juries: That they should suffer themselves to be expos'd on all hands; to be reduc'd to such cruel Extremities, by a

thousand shameful Artifices, so as to behold nothing but Snares and Precipices on every side; to be so cow'd as not only not to dare to make the least Complaint, and shew the least Resentment of their Sufferings, but also not to dare believe what they felt; that they should labour under a Persecution for a long series of Years, spun out by the Malice of their Enemies; as if it were not so much the purpose of their Oppressors to extirpate, as to weary 'em out, and put 'em besides all their Patience: That in the midst of these Calamities and Afflictions, these People thus overwhelm'd, should sit still with such a Conscientious and precise Submissiion, without seeking any other Consolation then that of Sighs and Tears, without opposing the Designs of their Oppressors any otherwise then by repeated Petitions, by humble, respectful, moving Re∣monstrances, enough to have mollifi'd the hearts of all that had any remainders of humanity left; that they should literally practise the Christian Precept of praying for their Persecutors; that they should all along continue to the end in doing them Service, that erected before their eyes the preparations for their ruin; That they should make it a point of Duty to be faithful to those that al∣ways broke their words with them; This is that which Ages to come will very hardly be perswaded to believe. Neither do I know whether the Testimony of History will be sufficient to convince a Reader, never so little difficult of belief, of the Truth of an Event attended with so many extraordinary Circumstances.

Now in regard there are some things very false which often cover themselves with such appearance of Truth, that the most Prudent and Circumspect may be deceiv'd; so there are some Truths, that have something rare and unheard of that makes 'em taken for Improbabilities. And this, in my opinion, may be rightly apply'd to the Persecu∣tion which I have undertaken to give the Publick an ac∣compt of. And it may well fall out one day that some doubt may be made of the most signal Actions that refer to this History; since they who have been Eye-witnesses of them, they who have experimentally felt 'em to their sorrow, have much ado to believe 'em; and cannot comprehend that the fruit of a long fidelity, of several important services, of an Innocency beyond all reproach, of a try'd Submission, and chiefly of an invincible Patience, should be forc'd by necessity to renounce the sweets and conveni∣encies of a delightful Country: to abandon their tempo∣ral Estates and Advantages; to lose the more precious and natural part of Liberty, which is that of serving God according to the Rule which we are perswaded he has set down himself. And lastly, to seek for that, under another Dominion, and in a Foreign Air, which is de∣nyed 'em by the Commands of their natural Prince, and by those with whom they had breath'd the same Air from their Birth. It happens sometimes that men may take a plausible pretence for the commiting so many Cru∣elties, from the Politick Factions and Enterprizes of them against whom they are exercis'd: and in regard the service of God has often serv'd for a Cloak to the Am∣bitious, to cover the Design of their Quarrelsome Claims,

'tis no wonder that sometimes they make use of the same pretence against those whose Religion they seek to destroy, tho in reality they had no Intent to disturb the publick Peace. But there was nothing of this that could give the least Colour for the last Oppres∣sion of the Reformed. They had neither Protector nor Arms, nor Cities, neither were they in Confederacy; and the fear of giving an opportunity to those who had sought so long after one to persecute 'em, oblig'd 'em to carry themselves with the most exact Obedience imagi∣nable. The Faith of the Kings Promises, and the good will of their Soveraign had been so long preach'd up among 'em as a better security for them then all the strong Holds in the Kingdom, that they avoided, to the utmost of their power, all occasions of rendring them∣selves unworthy of his Favours. They were depriv'd of the means to signalize themselves in publick Employ∣ments, because they had by degrees excluded 'em from almost all Offices of State: but in all Employments from which they could not debar 'em, in the Exchequer Em∣ployments, where their Exactness and their Fidelity maintain'd them a long while; in Employments of Trade, the greatest part of which their Ʋnderstanding and Reputation had drawn into their own hands, in warlike Employments, to which they ran as often as the Kings service call'd 'em: In a word, in all things else wherein they were permitted to distinguish themselves, there was not any of the French Nation that shew'd more Zeal than they for the glory of their Prince, or who have more honour'd their Country by their noble Actions.

I could here set down a very considerable Catalogue of those who since the taking of Rochel, as well by their merits as their services have remov'd all the obstacles which their Religion lay••d in their way to Prefer∣ment, and attain'd to the highest Employments both Civil and Military. 'Tis known that the most noble Atchievements of Turenne, and which were of great∣est advantage to the Crown, preceded the change of his Religion. But I cannot forbear saying this far∣ther, that at the very same time that the Act of Nantes was revok'd, the two greatest Captains in the Service were Both of the Reformed Religion. Mareschal Schomberg has spread the Reputation of his Ma∣sters Arms as far as well it could fly; and after the death of Turenne, France thought her self hap∣py in such a person as he, to support the Kings Ho∣nour, after it had receiv'd so great a loss. The de∣ceased Prince of Conde, who was one that well could judge of a Souldiers Capacity, made no scruple to compare 'em both together, and to discover in M. Schomberg, something I know not what more spright∣ly, quick and ready, when he was to resolve upon an unexpected Accident. The Marquis of Quesne, who commanded the French Fleet, had no body after the death of Admiral Ruyter that would dispute with him for priority in that Profession. So that Merit has raised two of the Reformed, notwithstanding the malice born to their Religion, to the Highest Dignities in the Mi∣litary Art, as well by Sea as Land.

What likelyhood was there that at a time when so many noble Actions spoke in favour of the Reformed, they should not only endeavour, but accomplish their ruin? That they should take a time to destroy 'em, when they could neither accuse 'em of Rebellion, nor look upon 'em as useless to the Kingdom? Certainly no man would have imagin'd a hundred years ago, that France would have expos'd her self in our Time, by such a piece of Injustice as this, to the reproach of all Europe. At least people would suppose there might be some private reason to treat with so much inhumanity a number of poor Christians, who by their quiet dispositions, not to speak of their Services, seem'd to merit quite the contrary. 'Tis not easily to be suspected that one man should exercise the fury of his hatred against another, without having at least some specious pretence for it. How then is it possible to believe, that in France men should be transported to the extremities of rigour against a Million of innocent Persons, for no other rea∣son, but meerly out of an ill grounded hatred? Never∣theless this is all that can be said of the motives of the last Persecution. Not only hatred, but hatred without a cause, without pretence, without excuse, in∣flam'd against a People without defence, who sought to vanquish the aversion of their Enemies, by their Patience, and by their Services. Doubtless therefore it is but justice truly and faithfully to inform Po∣sterity, that they be enabl'd to give a right Judgment, upon an Event so little known; and do the same Ju∣stice to the Authors of these Cruelties, as we now do

to those who have giv'n us a Model of what was for∣merly committed in the first Ages of Christianity, as also under the Bloody Reign of Charles IX.

But besides the general Reason of preserving the re∣membrance of this Persecution, there are two others which deserve to be considered. The one is, because that they who advised it have endeavour'd to antici∣pate Posterity upon this Subject, by divers Artifices. I know not how many Writers hir'd on purpose to disguise Affairs, and to deprive Truth of her natural Weight and Matter, have fill'd all Europe with their Pam∣phlets fitted out to make the World believe that they who suffer'd all the effects of Violence and Injustice, should be one day lookt upon as Criminals, to whom there was a great deal of Mercy shewn. On the one side they set 'em out in most black and dreadful Colours. They aggravate with an envenomed Eloquence what ever can be laid hold on for a pretence to accuse 'em; and finding nothing in their Actions that may serve as a foundation to their Invectives, they search for reasons in their Thoughts, in their Desires, in their Inclinations, which they describe after a very detestable manner. They attribute to 'em a troublesome, turbu∣lent, unquiet spirit, Commonwealth-Maxims, an a∣version to Monarchy; a Heresie incompatible to the repose of Kingdoms, and which infuses an ambitions, daring Genius, always in Action, if it be not sup∣press'd by a greater Force. But certainly this accu∣sation has been loudly contradicted by the long Peace

wherein the Reformed have liv'd. And it would be a difficult thing for these Calumniators to tell us, what became of this Seditious spirit for five and fifty years together; how it came to lose the oppor∣tunity of a Minority, and a Civil War, without laying hold of the advantages of so convenient a season; how it happen••d not to burst forth in a doleful Oppression of thirty years together. There seems to be a great deal of rashness in an accusation of such Importance, when there are no proofs of matter of Fact to make it out; and that it is only supported by the Impudence of the Authors of it. But this will not put a stop to those Writers, who are sufficiently pai'd for venting their Impostures, and can easily qualifie the Affront of a Lye publickly given 'em, with the hopes of finding Credulous Readers, who with∣out putting themselves to the trouble of examining mat∣ters, will pin their Belief upon the slieves of such extravagant Authors. On the other side they extenuate the occasions of complaint, which have been given to the Reformed for so many years together. They talk of nothing but the soft and charitable means that have been us'd to reclaim 'em from their Errors; of their Paternal cares, and Spiritual Exhortations. There is not the least Pamphlet that peeps abroad, wherein the Author is not very double diligent to slip in a word, and tell us, how there could be nothing more Charitable or more Evangelick, than the Expedients made use of for the Conversion of Hereticks. This Falsehood is become one essential part of their Epistles Dedicatory.

It would look as if something were wanting, if they did not croud in by head and shoulders some Elogy or other of that new sort of Tenderness and good Will, which never make themselves known but by Condemnations, Imprisonments, Confiscations, Banish∣ments, the Galleys, Gibbets, the Wheel, and such like merciful Acts of Clemency and Mildness. But in regard they dare not promise to themselves that all men will take these extraordinary Violences for marks of Charity, they have bethought themselves of another course to satisfie those nice and difficult Peo∣ple, who call Cruelty Cruelty, and Injustice Inju∣stice. There are some Writers who have the knack of it, to deny matters of Fact, that are known all over Europe, and to cry 'em down for Imposture, tho they that carry'd upon their Bodies the marks of their sufferings, made loud complaints in foreign Coun∣tries. Those People have the Confidence to give the lye to the Eyes and Testimonies of all those that have seen and felt what has past. As if there were not only a Million of People who are living proofs of it, but an infinite number of publick Acts which all confirm what has fallen out. Lastly, that they may not omit any thing that lies in their power to dis∣guise the Truth of things, there are some Authors who have endeavour'd to make it out, that all those Acts of Injustice, Violence and Fraud, which have been committed against the Reformed, were the effects of an exemplary Justice. If they have taken from

'em their publick Places of Exercise, 'twas done, say they, because those places were usurp'd: if they have tormented 'em with a thousand vexatious Ordi∣nances, 'twas only, say they, to retrench 'em of those priviledges which they took, notwithstanding there was nothing in those Edicts which authoriz'd their enjoyment of 'em. If they did inhumanely de∣lude 'em by confirmations of the Edict and Promises to observe it, which they violated in the most Essen∣tial Concessions, 'twas, say they, by interpretations of the true Sence, which had been misunderstood. If they tortur'd 'em, by a thousand personal Processes and Suits, by quartering of Soldiers upon 'em with Li∣cence to live at Rack and Manger; by divers Out∣rages and Punishments; 'twas, say they, because they had deserv'd it, by doing those things that were for∣bid 'em by the last Declarations. In short, Declara∣tions were expresly given out, to make those things Criminal, which were either most Innocent or most Indispensable, to the end they might be always secure of a Pretence to abuse and evil-intreat 'em, because of their having done something which they could not avoid the doing, or which in Conscience they were oblig'd to do so for their own safety and the welfare of their Families. Thus it was that they were condemn'd to the Galleys, when they sought to depart the King∣dom, or to send away their Wives and Children in∣to Places of more security; that they ruin'd 'em by their Garisons, dragg'd 'em from Dungeons to Dungeons,

and sent 'em to the newfound World because they refus'd to go to Mass. They were forbid the one, the other they were commanded. All the mischief therefore which they suffer'd for having disobey'd, was no more, say they, but a just punishment of their disobedience. As if it had been a reall Crime to abstain from things unjustly forbidden; or not to do those things that were unjustly commanded. All these Artifices, and others of the same nature, may so alter the outward Face of things, that it would be impossible that ever Posterity should be rightly inform'd, if men did not take the pains to represent 'em in their natural Condition, and with their legitimate Circumstances.

The second Reason for writing the History of these Transactions, is, because we do not meet with any thing, since the death of Henry the Great, which gives us an exact accompt of the Affairs of Religion, in reference to the Churches of France. Before that time we find Memoirs sufficient, Writings in abun∣dance, wherein Affairs of that Nature are laid down. And in regard the Catholicks have compos'd great Volumes to throw the blame of all upon the Reformed: They on the other side have not sate mute, nor have they fail'd to make good defences for themselves. There have been passionate Writers of both Parties, who have discours'd the general Affairs with heat and Violence, and who have run themselves too far into ••omplaints and Invectives. But there have been others more moderate, who have treated of the same

things, with extraordinary Modesty and impartial Equity. The President James Augustus Thuanus, and the Historian Mezeray, are of the number of those who have handl'd this Subject with most mild∣ness and reserv'dness. And tho by the Style of their Writing they may well be discern'd to be Catholicks, and prejudic'd in favour of their Religion; yet there is a certain splendor of Truth that shines forth, and which gives satisfaction to an impartial Reader. A man may easily, in reading these Historians, disin∣tangle that which is infus'd by zeal for Religion, from that which is the pure and naked Truth. And the matter of Fact being genuinely recited, the Writer's judgment does no way deprive the Reader of his li∣berty to be of a contrary opinion. But since the death of that Prince we meet no longer with any faithful Historiographers. Several Catholicks have written that which pass'd under the Reign of Lewis XIII. But they have interlarded their Writings with so much Violence and Fury, that there is no perusing them with Patience. They who desire to make tryal of this, need no more than only to cast their Eyes upon the History of the Rebellion, or upon that which was compil'd by the unfaithful Du Pleix. They also who have not suffer'd themselves to be trans∣ported to the same excesses which those Authors of Lower Rank have been guilty of, nevertheless have not ob∣serv'd sufficient measures to procure 'em the name of just and Equitable; as having stuft their Writings with so ma∣ny

venomous Expressions, so many malignant Reflecti∣ons, so many Testimonials of their Passion and Hatred, that that same perpetual Character of Bitterness and Parliality renders 'em suspected in what ever they say, and is the reason that we dare not believe 'em when they speak Truth. Nor have the Reformed been so careful to oppose better Histories of their Affairs to these injurious Relations: So that they seem by their silence to have authoriz'd the Invectives of their Op∣pressors, as if they had nothing solid to return 'em ••n answer. 'Iis true, that there have been some per∣sons, who either by the Command or Approbation of National Synods, have attempted to Collect the Me∣••oirs of such important events in reference to Religi∣on. But the one have written with more zeal than knowledge; others have been constrain'd to aband on the Enterprize, because the Times would not permit 'em∣•••• deliver their Sentiments with freedom. The De∣signs that were laid before the beginning of the Civil Wars under Lewis XIII. could no longer be put in execution with security, after the prosperous success of that Prince had brought down the strength and con∣••age of the Reformed. 'Twas then a Crime of State •• say, that the Court had broken their word. To ex∣cuse the Actions of those who had taken up Arms, or set forth the Justice of the Complaints upon so ma∣•••• Breaches of the Edict, which the Court would ne∣ver make good, was enough to expose a Man to all the Punishments of the most infamous Rebels. After that

the King began to be troublesome to the Ministers, upon pretence that they had committed or spoken some∣thing prejudicial to his service; and the least words that they could lay hold of to mi construction, drew upon 'em Prohibitions not to meet at Synods; Com∣mands to stay till new Orders in certain places that were assign'd 'em for Prisons; Injunctions not to act in their Functions within the Kingdom; Menaces of more severe usage if occasion offer'd: there was no bo∣dy that dar'd take upon him to inform the Publick of these Truths, so ill receiv'd by those who thought themselves offended by so doing, and so fatal to those that had the boldness to utter 'em. 'Tis no time for a Man to make his Apology, when he is reduc'd for his own preservation to submit in all things, and to take it as a favour at his Enemies hands for granting life to the Innocent, upon condition they will confess them∣selves guilty. However, such was the Condition of the Reformed, after they were once depriv'd of all their Places of Security. Disarm'd, Disunited, Van∣quish'd, that they were constrain'd to talk of their own Conduct as the Victors discours'd; to condemn, with them, whatever was past, as if they never had had any just cause of Fear, or any good reasons for them Complaints. And to thank 'em as for a most endear∣ing favour, that after they had taken from their Churches all Support and Maintenance, they did not al∣together quite exterminate their persons. 'Tis not therefore to be thought a wonder, that at a time when

it was so dangerous to speak Truth, and so necessary to keep silence, there should be no History of the Re∣formed written, which would have certainly cost the Author inevitable ruin. But in regard that many times Truth grows less odious the older it is, Time affords us more security to tell it, and gives us liberty to rescue it from that darkness where the Terror of Punishment had oblig'd us to conceal it.

These several Considerations have made me for a long time wish, that some person capable of so great a underta∣king, would give himself the Trouble to compile so necessary a History, and to oppose against the Invectives with which the Conduct of the Reform'd have been blacknd for seventy Years together, either a genuine and sincere Recital of what has befallen 'em, or an Apology for their Actions, which have given the greatest advantages to their Detracters. I never que∣stion'd but that it was greatly to their disadvantage to suffer those to talk alone upon this Subject, whose inte∣rest it was to delude the World; and that, one day, the Reform'd persecuted with so much violence, In∣justice, Breach of Faith, would be expos'd to the sini∣ster Judgments of Posterity, if succeeding Ages were not rightly otherwise inform'd of the miseries they have suffer'd, than by the Relations of their Adversaries. Posterity then would meet with nothing but outragious Panegyricks, Hyperbolical Elogies, and Studid Com∣parisons, exalting this continu'd inveteracy, and this insulting Oppression above the Noblest Actions of the

Greatest Heroe's; and well might our Off-spring be excus'd for not discerning through these disguises the In∣nocence of the Ʋnfortunate, of which no Body had been so careful as to preserve good Testimonials. 'Tis true, the Registers of the Council, of the Parliaments, of all the Iurisdictions both Soveraign and Inferiour are full of Acts, the very reading of which alone might serve to prove the Innocence of those against whom they were issu'd forth; and that the greatest part of 'em were publish'd with so little precaution, that they are rather Demonstrations of their Accusers breach of word, and the ignominious compliance of the Judges, than any proofs of the Crime imputed to the Parties accus'd. But in the first place, 'tis impossible, confi∣dering the present posture of Affairs, that any one should undertake to make a Collection of those Acts, the very search after which would render the person suspected: and 'tis yet more unlikely that there will be any body, a hundred years hence, that will think himself so deeply oblig'd in justification of the Innocent, as to take upon him an inquisition which can never prove successful without a great deal of Care, Time, Labour and Expence. Moreover, all the World is well acquainted with the Policy of the Roman Church. She knows how to suppress what ever may redound to her prejudice. There are now an infinite number of Acts not to be found in the Registers, which being use∣ful to her at the time when they were made, she was afterwards asham'd to have seen. By this means she

has conceal'd the source of a great many of her Ʋsur∣pations. She has reduc'd those that fain would dive into the Original of that Corruption, which she has introduc'd into all the parts of Religion, to a necessi y of romaging all the Libraries of Europe, in search of some Monument that might discover the occasions and progress of her Enterprizes. And she has had such good luck in several matters of great importance, that she has render'd many Certainties almost doubtful and problema∣tical, tho she could not succeed so far, as altogether to de∣prive 'em of the Character of Probability and Likelihood: which in things that cause the Persons to blush, who are upbraided to have committed 'em, makes us lawful∣ly suspect that they supprest the most convincing Proofs. And thus perhaps it was, that she gave her Writers the priviledge to call in question the famous History of that Woman, who, as they say, sate in St. Peters Chair at Rome for several years under the name of John VIII. I should have a greater esteem for some Historical Observations that seem to destroy what is averr'd concerning this matter, but that I know that Prudence in suppressing the Monuments of shameful Acts, and puzzling the circumstances of odious deeds, either by falsifying the Date, or the alteration of some decisive, word, is no new sort of Prudence. But when I add to this consideration so many proofs more than probable, which serve as a foundation to this History, I must acknowledge my self almost con∣vinc'd of the truth of it. In things of this nature

the just suspicion which men have of the bad Credit of the accus'd, when they have already been frequently convinc'd of having abolish'd such Monuments by which the truth of things was preserv'd, is doubtless an imperfect proof against 'em. But when the matter of Fact is farther suported by a multitude of pressing in∣stances and strong presumptions, it cannot be deny'd but that imperfect proof may become equivalent to a good Demonstration.

But not to engage my self in an unprofitable digres∣sion, I shall only add, That the Author who wrote the History of the Reformation of England had more than once sufficient experience of the great care which the Catholicks took to deface the memory of things, which they were unwilling Posterity should know, that the publick Registers of his Country which ought to have been inviolable, were not lookt upon to be so sacred by those who met with any Acts which were not to their ad∣vantage. I conclude from all this, that perhaps a hun∣dred year hence the Jesuits will have taken the same precautions to abolish the memory of those Acts of in∣justice, which they have either committed or advis'd, and that they will leave nothing in the publick Regi∣sters to give us any knowledge of what past in our days, in France, as to matters of Religion. So that I cannot but think it necessary to prevent the Effect of their Artifices, and to publish, at least by way of A∣pology, certain proofs of the Innocence of the Reformed, and the violated Faith of their Adversaries; to the

end Posterity may be able to give a more equitable judg∣ment of the matter of Fact that is not be deny'd by either side, upon the Invectives of the Accusers and the Defences of the Parties accus'd. I had some rea∣son to hope, some years since, that I should see my desires accomplish'd, when I understood that a per∣son whose name is famous all over Europe, and whose Writings have enforc'd his very Adversaries to admire his piercing Wit, his Exactness, his Sincerity and So∣lidity, was about to have undertaken this great Work. But having chang'd his mind for some reasons, I have been constrain'd to supply his place, and to expose my self to ill success, in an enterprize so much above my ability, since it would have been so proper for so great a Person. I shall not go about to antici∣pate the minds of men in my favour, by humble ex∣cuses for my rashness; nor to incline 'em to pardon the faults I may commit in a Work so laborious as this, by confessing before hand, that I am not infallible, and by declaring that I submit my self to their Censure, provided they will be just in pronouncing it. I well know what has formerly been said, and what may now be retorted upon those, who strive this way to inveagle the Reader into a good Opinion of their Works. 'Tis better to abstain from committing Faults, where it is in our Power, than to beg par∣don, on purpose to render 'em more tolerable. I night have let writing alone, because I was not con∣strain'd to it: and if I were afraid of not pleasing

all the World in a Work of this Importance, 'twas long of my self that I displeas'd anybody, who might have avoided the occasion of committing faults, which no body perhaps will have the goodness to pardon; which I might have easily done by sitting still and not writing at all. But I must confess that the fear of seeing the design, of so necessary a History quite given over, prevail'd with me above all these considerations which might have diverted me from it: and that I thought it more profitable for the Publick, to oblige the World with such a Work as I was able to pro∣duce upon this Subject; than to leave men ill informed of so woful a Revolution as has befallen the Affairs of the Reform'd. And that which has the more con∣firm'd me in this resolution, is this, that other per∣sons having labour'd upon the same Subject a little be∣fore I appli'd my self to it, I found in their writings a great deal of Apology, but little History, tho I ob∣serv'd solidity sufficient.

Now this is that which appears to me in writing what has pass'd both for and against the Reformed to be principally indispensable; to give a just extent to the matters of Fact which concern 'em; to the end, that considering them on every side with all their cir∣cumstances about 'em, it may be the more easie to judge, whether they be the Marks of a Factious, Licentious and turbulent Spirit, as their Adversaries give out, or the effects of a necessary prudence, and a law∣ful precaution, as the Reform'd pretend. When ••••

read a History in Abridgement, the matters of Fact being too naked and too bare, afford not scope enough to the Reader's judgment: So that before he can give his Opinion upon what the Historian has related to him, he frequently desires to know the circumstances which the Author's brevity has conceal'd from him. As for example. Look into the Writings of Maimbourg, Soulier, la Croix; or any such like Authors, who have only taken their Pens in their Hands to ren∣der the Reformed odious: and if any one finds there in abstract, that the Reformed having persever'd a∣bout eight or nine Years in the pursuite of certain Petitions, which King Lewis did not think fit to grant 'em, the Prince being importun'd by their solli∣citations, took Arms to reduce 'em to his Will: took from 'em their places of Hostage; broke their Ʋni∣••n; despoil'd 'em of several of their Priviledges: ••ere is most certainly real matter of Fact; but the ••revity of the Relation does not satisfie the Reader. Therefore that he may judge knowingly of the matter, ••is necessary that he should be inform'd of the nature •••• the things demanded by the Reformed, and the rea∣••ns why they were demanded with so much perseve∣••ance: it behov'd him to know what were the grounds •••• the Courts refusals, and what was the occasion of ••••eir taking Arms, to stop the course of those demands which were made 'em with so much importunity. Without this, 'tis impossible to know whether the ••ars of the Reformed were just or no; whether their

complaints were lawful; whether the Courts refusals pro∣ceeded from ill will, or from the injustice of the Requests; nor is it possible otherwise to judge whether the Reformed were duly punish'd as Rebels, or op∣press'd, as unfortunate innocent persons, by the War which the Court declar'd against 'em. Therefore the matter of Fact is to be unfolded and laid open be∣fore the Reader's Eyes. It must be made clear to him, why the Reformed complain'd: how they came to be under new fears and apprehensions every day. Why the Court accus'd 'em of Disaffection, and sought all manner of ways to surprize and destroy 'em. Thus the Reader having understood the state of the Questi∣on, is at liberty to judge whether the fears of the Reformed were Vain, and whether the Court had reason to overwhelm 'em as they did. If he be not equitable in his sentence, that's no fault of the Hi∣storian, because he has given the Reader light suffi∣cient to judge with knowledge.

Now in regard that this Reflection may be appli'd to all matters of Fact that concern Religion, I thought it not enough to publish a History in Epi∣tome of the misfortunes of the Reformed Churches in France; but that they ought to be set down at large, that by going back to the Original of the whole matter, and setting forth the Progress and Series of what has befallen 'em good or ill, not only the variety would render the reading of Work the more delightful, but that the display of the most important circumstan∣ces

would make it likewise more profitable; and would serve for the more solid foundation of an A∣pology, for those forlorn and disconsolate Flocks at this day scatter'd over the Face of Europe. To this purpose I propos'd to my self to do that which I saw no body else preparing to undertake: and to the end I might give an occasion of judging more soundly whether the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which we have seen in our days, were an Act of Justice and Sin∣cerity, I have endeavour'd faithfully to set down what∣ever I could learn concerning the manner how it was pursu'd, obtain'd, publish'd, put in execution, or violated, while there was yet some respect and reverence shew'd to the name and Author of it. To this purpose I have under taken to write the History of whatever past in France upon the account of Religion, from Luther to the Time that this Edict was set forth; to the end it might the better be known what right the Reformed had to demand it; what reasons oblig'd 'em to be satisfi'd with it; why there happen'd so many Contests about some Articles which it contain'd; why the King had so much trouble to grant it; why the Clergy were so unwilling to consent to it, and the Parliaments shew'd so much reluctancy to verifie it. To this purpose it is requisite that we should shew what figure the Re∣formed made in the Kingdom: what Tyes and Obli∣gations there were between Them, and the King, when ••e came to the Crown; who were their Friends or their Enemies; and what were the reasons either of

their hopes or fears. 'Twas my opinion that in order to this design it would be sufficient to set down in few words the most remarkable and most unquestio∣nable Events, from the Reformation till the death of Henry III. as being enough to give at least an Idea, and a Taste of the general Affairs of that time. On the other side, I judg'd it meet to be more profuse and copions in relating the Transactions which belong to the Reign of Hen. IV. as having so strict a Connex∣ion with the Affairs of the Edict; which unless they be more distinctly known, it would be a difficult thing to judge how justly, and how prudently it was resolv'd upon, and how necessary to be granted.

This design which has caus'd me to undertake a History of above fourscore and fifteen years, not to speak of the Compendium, which comprehends above seventy more, has render'd my trouble so much the greater, and gave me an occasion to fear my ina∣bility to attempt so great a Work. I do not presume to boast the extent of an extraordinary Wit; and I am clearly convinc'd, that neither Force nor delicacy of stile are fallen to my lot. My vanity perhaps may flatter me to be worthy of being number'd among the midling sort: and if there be any who believe it does not become me to soar so high, I am willing to de∣scend a degree lower. Moreover, I have spent the greatest part of my life in such kind of studies as no way cultivated my Genius for the writing of History. And my assiduity in another sort of employment would

not permit me the leisure to think upon other things. The Persecutions of the Church for so many years, have all along overwhelm'd me in tedious, frequent and irksome distractions, which have engag'd me to cares far different from those that are proper for a person who designs to be a Historian. So that it was impossible on my Part, that I should come furnish'd to the Work which I have undertaken, either with the gifts of a surpassing natural inclination, or the sagacity of a cultivated Wit, with so much care as necessity requir'd. For 'twas impossible for me to acquire the know∣ledge of several Professions, of which it is requisite to understand the most common Terms, to speak after a manner proper to please and inform, when occasion presents it self. Consequently it was impossible for me to avoid falling into many errors, which perhaps more equitable Readers will pass over; but Criticks, who are always the greater number, will never par∣don. This may raise against me all those that think themselves more dextrous and witty than others, not so much perhaps because they are able to do better, but because that having studi'd nothing more in Books, than the defects of other Men, they believe them∣selves to have acquir'd the Art to commend, and the Priviledge to censure 'em. 'Tis the custom of these people to fasten upon what is least essential in Books, and to make a great noise of the faults which they find there, to the end that they whose conside∣rations never pierce to the bottom of things, may judge

from thence, that the whole Work is of no value. The Jesuit Palavicini, by this Artifice has found no less than three hundred and sixty faults, by tale, in the History of the Council of Trent, written by P. Pa∣olo Sarpio. But to fill up the number, he was forc'd to make use of all the springs and little engins of fal∣lacy and litigious Cavils; to make an ill mark'd Date pass for a Capital Crime, one Number mistaken for another, Six for Five, Twenty for Twenty one, and such like trivial Slipps; but more especially, to tax for contradictory, matters of Fact which alto∣gether may be true, and agree well enough one with another. Who would not think that a Book, where no less than 360 faults are found, and Arithmetically number'd out, should be lookt upon as an ill Book? Nevertheless make an abatement from this number of the meer Trifles, which change not at all the nature of the matters of Fact, and the errors which appear not to be errors, only because the Censurer, who observes 'em, conceals the reasons that justifie 'em, you shall see perhaps three fourth parts of the faults pretend∣ed, vanish of a sudden; and the fourth part that re∣mains, will not be lookt upon as well prov'd neither, till the Character of both Historians be compar'd together; till the reasons that support the Objections, the Motives that engage either the one or the other to deceive the World, and the purity of the Springs from whence the Proofs are drawn, for what they aver be rightly examin'd.

But I never thought that the fear of these inconve∣niences ought to stop me. The cause of Truth and Innocency would be too much abandon'd, if men should be afraid of defending it, for fear of drawing upon 'em the Censures of People that understand how to falsifie backwards and forwards with an equal boldness. We must either renounce writing for the Publick good, or harden our selves against these inevitable Rancounters. Principally when it is a matter of History, and such a History which in favour of Oppress'd Innocence, attacques the most formidable Puissances in the world, we must expect a Tempest of Injuries, Reproaches, Lyes, and whatsoever else is proper to cry down the Book and Author of it, and render both obnoxious to the Indignation of the Vulgar. Now as I foresaw that this might befall me, it will never be a wonder to me if it happen. And I thought I could not bet∣ter arm my self against these stroaks of interested ma∣lice, than with Sincerity, Truth and Exactness; ne∣ver minding the trouble which imposture and brang∣ling might put me to. We never ought to write but for the sake of brave and generous Souls; and those of that Character never judge of things without pro∣found consideration, gliding over faults that have nothing of Importance, or Essential. Now I hope they will ne∣ver be able to surprize me in errors of the latter qua∣lity. I have endeavour'd to s••un all manner of dis∣guises; and perhaps I have spoken too plainly and openly of several things, which another would have

envelop'd in a prudent silence. But when it is Im∣possible to justifie the Innocent but by revealing Truths, tho somewhat nice and delicate, of necessity it behoves us to lay aside some certain respects, that cannot be observ'd without betraying the Cause which we desire to defend. This is the only excuse that I intend to make to those who perhaps will find that I speak of certain things with too much liberty. I thought it my duty so to do, to gain the reputation of greater credit, and more clearly and faithfully to inform the Readers of the sources of Events, and the grounds of my par∣ticular Reflexions.

The same sincerity which I profess in History, ob∣liges me to acknowledge that there may be faults in this Work of mine, which may be found to be essential, and which perhaps I may be willing to grant for such, when they shall be really made out. But they will not be imputed to me for such by impartial Judges, when I shall make it out from whence they may proceed. 'Tis certain that I had not all the assistances which were requisite for an enterprize so great as that which I have undertaken. There are many things, without question, which have escap'd me by that means, and which have enforc'd me upon several occasions to make recitals not so full, nor so dilated, or fortifi'd with Circumstances, as I could have wish'd. The Reader might have justly expected that I should have given him clearer illustrations of certain matters, and that I should have prevented several questions that will re∣main

for him to ask me, after due examination of the matter of Fact which I relate. But I could not do better: and in my opinion 'twas much more to the pur∣pose to make but little stay upon some Subjects, than to supply the defect of Evidences and Memoirs with the boldness of my own conjectures. However I do not pretend thereby to lessen my obligations to those who have assisted me with several important Pieces, and who by their generous imparting to me their Books and Manuscripts, have furnish'd me with the principal materials of my Work. I must acknowledge there were several persons who sent me whatever they had proper to serve me, a hundred and two hundred Leagues from hence: And as I receiv'd great assistance from those remoter places, so have I had the help of many curious Persons in our Neighbourhood. Publick and private Libraries, the Cabinets and Studies of the more exacter sort, where Fugitive Pieces secure themselves, and several other Springs and Sources of History were open to me. I should most gladly name the Persons that gave me aid, not only in regard it is but just they should share with me in the publick acknow∣ledgement, to whose instruction they have so liberally contributed; but also because they are the Guaranties of what I publish to the World, and for that the very names of some among 'em would suffice to demonstrate ••he verity of the Evidences, from whence I have drawn the materials of my Labour. But the greatest

part having desir'd not to be nam'd, because of their being related to several persons that are still subject to the general oppression, 'tis not in my power to afford 'em those Testimonies which I owe to their good will, nor to make that Advantage of their names, which I might have done, were I not oblig'd to a deference for their desires to remain unknown. I shall speak in an∣other place of a Collection prepar'd by the deceas'd Mr. Tessereau, a person well known to all the World for being Laborious, Exact, Curious, and capable of Collecting whatever might serve to a great Work. Nor shall I dissemble the assistance which I had from the Memoirs which he left behind, tho, at the time of his Death they were found to be in great Dis∣order.

But notwithstanding all their aids, I fail'd in ma∣ny others, from whence I might have had great light. When the Council of France began to search into the Rights of Exercise, 'twas their pleasure to oblige the Churches to produce the Original Evidences which they pretended to make use of. This was a thing in the main, of which there was no great necessity. But in regard that from that very time they began to take their measures, which way to deprive Posterity of the knowledge of their causeless Cavils, they were desirous to get into their hands all the Monu∣ments that might preserve 'em to Posterity, and only to leave the Reformed such Writings, the authority of which they might the more plausibly contest, because

they were not Originals. The Council detain'd the greatest part of those Writings, even after the Affairs were determin'd. There were very few Churches that could obtain restitution of 'em. They who had lost their Causes were told, that their papers could no lon∣ger signifie any thing to 'em: and they who had been more favourably us'd, were pay'd off with some scurvy trick or other, on purpose to elude their importunities for the restitution of their produc'd Originals. Sometimes they were told, that the last Decree was worth all their Evidences, and so the other were absolutely of no use to 'em. Also of late years, they bethought them∣selves of constraining the Consistories to produce all their Papers, whether Originals or Copies: and the least piece conceal'd was a reason sufficient for the Banish∣ment of the Ministers, and demolishing the Churches. So that there were very few Churches that durst ad∣venture to put it to the hazard, but deliver'd all they had of Instruments and Evidences. The pretence for this vexation was, that they were resolv'd to dis∣cover whatever they had of Estates, after the Con∣fiscation of which their Persecutors thirsted with so much Passion. But the main reason, tho the most conceal'd, was their eager desire to deprive 'em of the means to preserve any Memoirs, by which Posterity might be truly inform'd of the injustice that was done 'em. However, to say Truth, notwithstanding all these precautions, there remain'd sufficient to form the Body of a History large enough: tho it cannot be deny'd, but

that many Churches were despoil'd of the means to afford me those assistances which I might have expected from 'em, especially such where the common Evidences belonging to each Province were deposited. Moreover, it may well be imagin'd, that the Manuscripts in the King's Library, of that in the College of four Nati∣ons, and in some others both publick and private, were never imparted to me: and that I could not find any body that would venture himself to make Ex∣tracts useful for my design. I might there have found all the Negotiations tending to the Edict, all the Instructions of the Commissioners, all the Intrigues of the Court at the time of the general Assemblies, the whole Project of the Wars, and Violences put in pra∣ctice by the Council of Lewis XIII. for the ruin of the Reformed. There is no question but that I might have found in the multitude of those Volumes of Ma∣nuscripts, particular things which I could not have met with otherwhere, and to which I could never at∣tain by my conjectures. But there are three Con∣siderations to make us some amends for this defect. 1. I have collected as well as I could, out of such Memoirs as came to my hands, the substance of things which might have been found in those Manuscripts more at large and clearer to the understanding; and I have suppli'd from those printed Pieces, of which we met with a great number, the defect of the Manuscripts. 2. In regard those Libraries were easie of access to all that wrote against the Reformed, for example, Ber∣nard,

Maimbourg, Solier, la Croix, and other indefa∣tigable Persecutors of the Churches of France, it may be said that whatever was to their disadvantage in those Manuscripts, was recited by their Enemies in their Works; and if they have not extracted much, 'tis a sign they met with but little to feed their Passion: so that no body loses but my self, for want of those Manuscripts, from which I might have had some light toward the justification of those whose defence I have undertaken. Now there is no great likelihood that they who apply'd themselves with so much fury and passion to destroy us, will impute it to me for a Crime, to have forgotten something that might have laid more open the Evidence of their Injustice and Cruelty. 3. If any one shall undertake to refute this work of mine, he must furnish himself out of those Manuscripts with Arms to fight me. Which if he do not do sincerely, his answer will put me to little trouble. But if he acquit himself like a person of Faith and Credit, he must produce entire the Foundations of his Reflections, and by consequence publish many secrets, which may perhaps prove confirmations of our own Collections.

In the main, these Considerations ought to be as equally beneficial to me, in the cause which I defend, as proofs in the claims of particular persons, or strong presumptions of a Robbery, or House-firing, or of any other accident not to be remedy'd, whereby they demonstrate the loss of their Evidences that

should have justifi'd their claims, or the answers which they make to their Adversaries. I prove that the Evidences that might be requir'd of me are detain'd, or taken away from me be a greater force; and which is of more weight, I demonstrate, that the Authors of that Violence or that Robbery, are the same persons that require me to produce the same proofs which they have forcibly rifled from me. That there is knavery in their exceptions against my proofs, because they have by force despoil••d me of my Evidences which were my legal defence. That they had need of great and posi∣tive proofs to convince me, because their Prosecution is suspected to be fraudulent; and for that slight pre∣sumptions are not sufficient against me, because they have unjustly torn from me those monumental Deeds, from whence I could have drawn stronger proofs. But I am not altogether reduced to presumptions only: for that, maugre all the Artifices of a malignant Prudence, an infinite number of authentick Monu∣ments of the miseries which the Reformed have suffer'd, have escap'd the Gripes of Plunder and Destruction.

After these reflections in general, it remains for me to give a particular account of the method which I have follow'd in compiling this History. And first of all it behoves me to answer those who may take it amiss that I adhere to a side, shew too openly of what Reli∣gion I am, and declare my self concern'd in the things which I recite. All people would have an Historian observe an exact neutrality; that he should never suf∣fer

his particular sentiments to be seen through; that he should not anticipate his Readers with his manner of writing▪ and that in stopping at a description altogether of bare matter of Fact and Circumstances, he should never incur the character either of Party, Advo∣cate or Judge. However, I have dispens'd with these se∣vere Laws; I have argu'd the case; I have deliver'd my opinion; I have prov'd, I have refuted sometimes, as I thought, the Subject requir'd. But I could bring se∣veral reasons to justifie my conduct, were I not willing to be as short as is possible. The example of almost all those who have undertaken to write, is sufficient to make my Apology. We do not meet with any that have confin'd themselves within these narrow limits: and indeed it is a thing so impossible for a man to reduce himself to that ••trictness, that if they who prescribe these Laws to others, were to give an account of any Transaction themselves, they could never forbear violating the pre∣cepts of this painful exactness. I shall therefore only speak two things in my defence. The first is, that my Opinion and Ra••iocinations are to be consider'd as the Opinion and Reasonings of the persons in whose behalf 〈…〉〈…〉 speak; either because they are the extracts of Dis∣courses, and Speeches made in favour of 'em, or pro∣ceed from the same things, and for that they represent that the Reformed would have said for themselves, had they been judicially interrogated in Court. The ••••cond is, That there was a necessity for me to give •…•…y History the character of a Defence, because I wrote it

on purpose to serve for a Reply to the violent Decla∣mations of those who have persecuted us. Therefore the mingling my Reflections sometimes with the Rehear∣sal of matter of Fact, was a thing not to be avoided, to the end I might the better prove the Fraud and Injustice of those whom I accuse, and more clearly make out the Innocency of those whom I justifie. Ne∣vertheless you may be assur'd, that upon several occasions where it seems to be my self that speaks, I have so nar∣rowly watch'd my expressions, that there are few a∣mong the Reformed that will presume to disown what I say. In the main, this liberty of delivering a mans own opinion is not incompatible with impartiality in an Historian. All that sincerity exacts from him is, that he neither disguise nor dissemble things; and as to that, I have impos'd such severe Laws upon my self as, I hope, will satisfie the most rigid Censurers. But in re∣gard the Readers are no way bound to submit to the private Opinion of an Historian, which is rather as much subject to the Reader's judgment, as the recital it self of the matters of Fact; therefore they ought to think themselves rather oblig'd to the Historian for the trouble which he has taken to prepare the Process, upon which they are to give their Verdict, fit for Hearing, than to complain of his Anticipating their Judgments, by the liberty he has taken to declare his Sentiments. They find the matter ready to their hands, and without toyling themselves to reason upon the several matters, they have no more to do than to pronounce whether

the Author had a true notion of the things, and hath reflected as one that rightly understood 'em.

I have taken the liberty sometimes to alter the ex∣pressions of the Acts which I have cited. But no body ought to be troubl'd at that; in regard it is im∣possible to do otherwise, when there is a design to Ab∣breviate. Moreover, in regard I am forc'd to trans∣mit several of these Acts to publick view, People have the less reason to blame me for not reciting word for word in the Body of the Book, what I have plac'd ••ll along in the Order of the Proofs. Besides, that when there were any expressions in the Acts that were remarkable and important, I always exactly retain'd ••he Sense and Substance of the matter. This is suffi∣cient to satisfie unbyass'd People. Words are not so much the business as Deeds; and the alteration of words is of little Importance, when the matters of Fact are represented with a faithful exactness.

I have set down almost all the Edicts and Decla∣rations under the Date of the Day wherein they pass'd ••he Seal, rather than of their verification in Parlia∣ment, tho the said Acts begin to be in force, as Laws, from the day of their being register'd. But I took that to be the better way, in regard the jurisdiction of France being divided under several Parliaments, it ••arely happens that the said Acts are register'd in all ••laces, or upon the same day. So that it would have occasion'd a kind of intricacy, and would have ren∣der'd

the matter dry and sapless, which of it self is not very opulent or pleasant, had I put so many dif∣ferent Dates to every Edict. I know very well, that usually they mind no more than the day of verificati∣on in the Parliament of Paris, as having some certain priviledge which distinguishes it from others. But since an Edict which is therein register'd has not the force of a Law in another Parliament, till the performance of the same Ceremony there, I thought it more to the pur∣pose to keep to the Date of the Seal, which is fixt and common over all the Kingdom. Besides, that at this day it is a Maxim of the Council of France, that Edicts derive not the force of a Law from their being register'd, but from the King's Pleasure only, and from the im∣pression of the Seal; and that the Parliament has no other authority than to publish it, and to put it in exe∣cution. So that I had reason to prefer the Date from whence the Acts derive their force, before that which affords 'em nothing, and only serves to remove from a∣mong the People all excuses of ignorance.

I also give this farther notice, in reference to the Dates, that if I have fallen under any mistake, 'ti•• not I that am to be blam'd. I follow'd that which I met with in the printed Papers, which I made use of, and which being almost all of 'em set forth by the Ca∣tholicks, have receiv'd from them all the alterations which are there to be found. Moreover if I commit any error in the number of the Articles, several of which I divide into pieces, there is nothing to be imputed to

me. For that division is almost arbitrary: and some∣times you shall find it vary in different Editions of the same Edict and the same Decree, tho they be all equally Authentick.

You will find, that in some places I suppose that the Reader knows certain things, without the know∣ledge of which it would be very difficult to under∣stand the matter of Fact of which I give an ac∣count. I know that this may well be lookt upon as a fault: and I have found it bad my self, when the Historian neglected to explain somethings which he presum'd I knew before, because they were known to him. But I must confess, I thought it impossible to avoid this fault; because that if a Historian were bound in favour of strangers to explain whatever may put them to a puzzle, for want of having an exact knowledge of Customes, of Families, of the situation of Places, and an hundred other particulars, my History would have been swallow'd up in Episodes, ••r Digressions, with which I must have been con∣strain'd to load it. So that, whether I will or no, I am constrain'd to refer the Reader, who is desirous to know what I have not inform'd him, to such Authors ••ho have particularly treated upon that Subject.

I do not believe they will be offended with me for ••ot enlarging upon Foreign Affairs, because they were ••ot proper to my Subject. Nevertheless, when I thought •• necessary, I observ'd their Connexion with those of ••e Reformed Churches. I have not ty'd my self to

the relation of Sieges and Battles, when I speak of the Civil Wars, because other Historians have made long descriptions of those matters; besides that I should run astray too far from my principal aim which is on∣ly to relate after what manner the Edict was observ'd. I have also taken the liberty to scatter some Senten∣ces in my relations; wherein I have done no more then according to the practice of all Historians. If they be done with judgment, the Reader will not be offended: if they be little to the purpose, he will not find 'em either so long or so frequent, as to chastize me too severely for 'em.

It may be said perhaps that I tye my self too much to the Histories of the Great Lords, such as Mar∣shall de Bouillon, the Duke of Trimouille, the Con∣stable de Lesdiguieres and several others. But one re∣flection shall serve for all, to shew that I could not do otherwise. Those Lords were the occasion of almost all the Good, or Mischief that befell the Churches. They did 'em good, when they renounc'd their own in∣terest to serve 'em; they did 'em mischief, when they engag'd 'em in their own particular Affairs. So that you meet with 'em every where: nor can you speak of the Churches, without having an occasion to mention those Eminent Persons, who have either supported 'em with their Protection, or ruin'd 'em by their Quarrels and Contentions.

There are some words which perplex'd me not a little. Conversion, Heresie, Hereticks, and the like, have quite another signification from the lips of a Reformed, from what they have in the mouth of a Catholick. But I must have had recourse to endless Circumlocutions, should I have been always studying to avoid the ma∣king use of those words in the same sence that the Catholicks take 'em. I thought it sufficient to distin∣guish the places where the words carry a Catholick sence, by printing them in a different character from the Text: and there is no great likelihood that the Ca∣tholicks will be offended at me for calling 'em Ca∣tholicks quite through the whole Book. 'Tis a name they glory in; and there are Edicts in France which forbid the calling 'em otherwise. Nor did I think it proper to give 'em any other; because 'tis a long time since it has been made use of by way of President, that it is no longer Synonymous with Orthodox; and for that in common speech it signifies those who acknow∣ledge the Pope for Ʋniversal Head of the Church. 'Tis in that sence, that I give it 'em; and I had rather comply with 'em so far, then give 'em any other name, that would not be so pleasing to 'em. There is some∣thing more in that of Reformed, which I give to the Protestants of France. For a Reformed Officer, •• Reformed Captain, does not always signifie, in the French Tongue, such as profess the Reformed Religi∣on. But I could not meet with one more proper. ••••is a defect, which all the exactness of the Acade∣my,

or the good opinion the French have of their Language, could ever have avoided; that is to say, to have some words that proved to be equivocal: so that the Reader must gather the true meaning and sense of the word from the Subject in hand. I did not think such an inconvenience sufficient to hin∣der me from making use of a word, that sav'd me the labour of searching after Periphrases and Circumlo∣cutions to express my self: and 'tis my opinion that when we write for the Publick, we are not to mind the distaste of those that take a pett at such equi∣vocals.

I shall not here go about to make any Apology for my sentiments touching the Authority of Kings, and the Duty of Subjects. 'Tis true that the judgment which will be made of my Book, depends in some measure upon the truth of the Maxims which I sustain. But I should unprofitably extend this Preface, by the dis∣cussion of a Subject which is at this day become the Theam of all Conversations, and of several Books. There is nothing more A-la-mode than to handle this important Argument. And perhaps a fairer opportu∣nity was never offer'd for people to believe this diffi∣cult question decided. All Europe has consider'd of it; and all Kingdoms having approv'd the Revolu∣tions in Great Britain, have by consequence pronounce sentence in favour of the People against the Pretences of Soveraigns. Liberty has gain'd the point, and Ar∣bitrary Power is generally condemn'd. The Rights

of Subjects are clear'd up, and the Ʋsurpations of Puissances are disapprov'd. 'Tis not therefore neces∣sary for me to engage in giving reasons for my senti∣ments; since all Europe has divulg'd 'em for me; besides that, I shall be oblig'd to speak more expresly upon this Subject in another place.

There remain only Three Remarks for me to make, be∣fore I conclude this Preface. The first is, That some people may think I have done amiss, not to set down in the Margin the names of the Authors, and the place in their Works from whence I took my ob∣servations. It seems, this is come now to be thought as necessary in Histories, as in Polemick Writings. But I must confess, 'tis a custom which I did not think it my duty to submit to. In the first place, I have the example of all the Historians of any reputation on any side; chiefly those who having first of all ap∣ply'd themselves to this kind of writing, ought to be lookt upon as Models and Presidents for others. Besides, that it seems as if this abuse were only in∣troduc'd by the Captious, out of the Profundity of their refin'd Cavilling, who are secretly preparing a way ••o decry the most faithful Histories, under pretence of some Quotation found out as a handle for Censure to ••ay hold on. The Authors of the first magnitude were ••one of those that impos'd this Law. But your Maimbourgs and Souliers; a sort of People; who, if they can but find an opportunity to trifle upon some Quotation, believe they have ruin'd at once all the

Reputation of their Adversary. 'Twould be a very hard case, that a man who has spent several years in reading hunderds of printed Volumes, and thousands of Manuscripts, should see the fruits of all his labours blasted by the Cavils of some captious Monk, or some skue-disposition'd Wit, that should arraign him upon the Truth or Justice of a Marginal Quotation. It would be more to the purpose for those that desire to confute my Book, to take upon 'em the trouble of reading what I have read, that so after that, they may be able to judge, whether I have faithfully reported what I found in the Authors I consulted. Nevertheless, to let 'em see that I do not avoid a fair Challenge, but only Cavil and Impudence, I have in two things, follow'd the footsteps of the best Historians. First, I have given a Catalogue of the Books from whence borrow'd the Materials for my Work: and in the next place, I have publish'd the principal pieces which I made use of to take from thence the matters of Fact, of which I have given the relations. They are Printed at the end of every Part.

The second Remark concerns the Language. You will not find in it perhaps that extraordinary delicacy, which now adays gives all the Life and Beauty to Books. There is a great deal wherein the Reader will find me nothing at all, were but the Lineaments of the Pen, and Features of the Draught only, taken away. For my part I confess, there will be many careless neglects found in the Stile, many little Faults,

of which Criticks will make great Monsters. I free∣ly give 'em leave; nor will it be any wonder to me at all. Perhaps I am not really perswaded that what they take for Beauties are really such. For it may as well be true that that same Purity of Lan∣guage, so much celebrated, which is only learnt in Ladies Chambers, and by conversation with persons, who, to make a right judgment of 'em, want nothing but good Sence and Ʋnderstanding, does more inju∣ry, then it affords luster and honour to the Lan∣guage. It would be more Opulent and Masculine, if the rules and regulation of it were sought for in a better Fountain. However it were, I never labour'd any farther then to make my self understood: nor did I ever take the pains to flourish my Stile with certain allurements, which perhaps I might have ••ound out as well as another: So that where it is not worth my while, I never desire to pleasure those that •…•…nsist upon Trifles, because they are not capable of any thing that is more elevated. Nevertheless, if they make ••udicious and impartial Remarks upon my Labours, whether they regard the matter, or whether they have •• relation to the Stile and Manner, I promise 'em they •…•…all find a Docility in me, which Authors are seldom •…•…ilty of; and that if ever this History of mine be •…•…ought worthy of a Second Edition, they shall see •…•…at I have profited by their just Corrections.

The third Remark concerns the manner after which I speak of the Clergy of France, and chiefly of the Je∣suites. Some will imagine, that I have suffer'd my self to be somewhat too far transported by my Passion, when I have occasion to say any thing concerning 'em; and that out of the bitterness of my Animosity, there is a mis-becoming tartness and virulency in my Ex∣pressions. To which I answer, that they are deceiv'd: for I had not spoken those harsh things of 'em, but out of a necessity of speaking Truth, which I im∣pose upon my self. Besides, that the evil I have reported of 'em, amounts not to a hundredth part of the mischief they have done to all the World: and my opinion is, that the Jesuits would not have known themselves in this History, had I flatter'd 'em. They are so accustom'd to see themselves painted out in black Colours, in all manner of Writings, that it would have been thought I had spoken of some other Order, had I given any other description of 'em. They also know so well themselves, that their Bloody and Perfidious Politicks are the cause of all our mis∣fortunes; and they pride themselves to that degree in not observing any measures of Faith or common Huma∣nity with Hereticks, any more then with all the rest of Manking, that it may be they will look upon all the Reproaches which I throw upon 'em as so ma∣ny Elogies, and behold all the Stroaks and Dashes wherewith I blackned 'em as so many Rayes of Glory which is due to 'em. In a word, after all the mise∣ries

which by their contrivances we have undergone, for so many years, 'tis a very small revenge, that ought to bedispleasing to no body, to call 'em by their right names; and only to revive those Reproaches against 'em, with which the most prudent Catholicks have loaded their Society from the very Infancy of their In∣stitution.