The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. THE SECOND PART. THE EIGHTH BOOK. (Book 8)

A Compendium of the Eighth Book.

MArshal de Bouillon's Letter. The King marches into Guy∣enne; the Siege and reducing of Clairac. The King's word ill observ'd. The Pope's Breve to the King. The Reformed every where unfortunate. The Siege of Montauban. La Force defends the Place. The King raises his Siege. Chamiere's Death. The Duke of Mayenne dies. The blame falls upon the Constable. The Jesuit Arnoux's disgrace. The Duke of Luines dies. As∣sembly of the Clergy. A violent Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes. The History of Dominic de Jesus Maria. Sedition at Paris. The Church at Charenton burnt. The Reformed forsake their Houses. They are accus'd of setting Fire to the Bridges of Paris, and the Prison at Lion. The Circle of Lower Langue∣doc displaces Chatillon. Great Confusion in that Circle. The Condition of the Court. The King returns to Paris. A re∣markable Writing of Jeannin, advising Peace. The Opinion of those who were more enclin'd to War. The Reformed take new Courage. The King departs from Paris. His Success in Poitou;

in Guyenne, where he treats with la Force. The sack of Ne∣grepelisse, and St. Antonin. Lesdiguieres interposes for Peace. Factions at Mompellier. Sedition against the Catholics. Bit∣ter Harangue of the Bishop to the King. Remarks upon the Stile of that Harangue. The Church of Foix laid waste. Attesta∣tion given to the Monk Villate. The King forbids the Reformer to forsake their Houses. Count Mansfeild treats with the Re∣formed. Proposals of the Marshal de Bouillon to the Duke of Rohan upon that occasion. The Court gains Mansfeild. The King makes use of Foreign Catholics in France. The Negotia∣tions for Peace renew'd. A Writing set forth upon that occasion. Siege of Mompellier. Capitulation made by Lunell, ill observ'd. Small Cities ill defended. Success of the War in several Pla∣ces. Chatillon made a Marshal of France. Seditions at Or∣leans, Fronsac and Lion. The Original of the word Parpailler. Other Originals. Of the word Hust. Violence of the Sedition. The Reformed are disarm'd. War against Rochel. Soubise sollicits for Succor from England. Treaty of Peace reassum'd near Mompellier. Conclusion of the Treaty with an Edict. Ri∣gour of the Parlaments. Advantages of that Peace. Qualifi∣cations of the Edict of Peace. All the Cities accept the Peace, which is ill observ'd by the Court. Treaty at Mompellier. The King returns to Paris. De Puisieux in Favour. The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal. Character of that Prelat. After what manner he receiv'd the news of his Promotion. Excessive Flatteries. Foul Play offer'd the Rochelois. Enterprises of Valence at Mompellier; where he takes the Duke of Rohan Prisoner, and makes a division of the Consulship. General Pa∣pers. Extravagant Answers. Exercises forbid. The Reformed excluded from Dignities in the Ʋniversity of Poitiers. The sing∣ing of Psalms in the Streets and in Shops forbid. A com∣mon Soldier deprived the Benefit of an Oblate. Attempts upon paternal Right. A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods. A National Synod. Galand the first Commissioner ever present to a National Synod. He is admitted out of pure Obedience. Deputies sent to the King, who sends back the Deputies laden with his Orders. The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians. A Writing publish'd by la Militiere.

Answer of Tilenus. Authority attributed to the Kings of France. Imposture set up against the Synod of Dordrecht. Obedience of the Synod of Charenton A Tignations ill paid. Propositions made to the Synod by Galand on the King's behalf. A new Deputation to the King, and the effect of it. Oath of Ʋnion. A Citadel built at Mompellier. Mariald opposes it in the name of the Reformed of the City. Presages of a new War. The death of du Plessis. The death of Marshal de Bou∣illon.

WHile the King lay before St. John d'Angeli, he receiv'd the Submissions of the Duke of Tremouille, who had sur∣render'd* 1.1 Taillebourg without much entreaty. On the other side, Marshal de Bouillon at the same time sent him a Letter full of smart Remonstrances: of which the principal Heads were, The retiring of the Reformed, which he attributed to the noto∣rious violation of the Declaration of the 24th of April. He ob∣serv'd how the Reformed, notwithstanding their peaceable De∣meanor, were disarm'd. How there had been taken from 'em four Towns upon the Loire, which had never had any Corres∣pondence with the Rebels: How the boldness of the Preachers was left unpunish'd, who preach'd nothing but Sedition, and equall'd to Martyrdom the death of those who were slain in the War against the Heretics: How severely the Judges put in exe∣cution the Declaration of the 27^th of May; and forc'd not only Men and Women, but ev'n Children too, not Fifteen years of Age, to take the Oath to disown the Assembly of Rochel: How they that were desirous to retire, were stopt upon the High-way; which was also done to those who went no farther then Sedan, tho that City were under the King's Protection. All which, said he, persuaded those affrighted People, that the King had some design upon their Religion, under pretence of hum∣bling Rebels. To this he added some things that concern'd him∣self, by reason of the little care that had been taken to observe the Treaty of Protection made with him for his Principality of Sedan.

In the mean time the King, continuing his Conquests, march'd into Guyenne with his Army, where he met with the same facili∣ty,* 1.2 in reducing all the Places which the Reformed held in that Province, which he had found in Poitou and Saintonge. The Treaties which the Governors made with him, regulated the march of his Army, and he went from City to City, presenting himself before the Gates of such Towns into which he was sure of being receiv'd. Boesse Pardaillan refusing to acknowledge la Force for General, out of a jealous Humor quitted the Party, and surrender'd about twenty Towns to the King. 'Tis true, that the greatest part of 'em being betray'd, betook themselves again to their Arms, so soon as they thought they might safely do it. Panissaut, animated with the same jealousy, constrain'd la Force to quit several Places where he was inferior in number. Lusignan surrender'd Puimirol with a frankness void of Self-In∣terest. But when he saw himself laught at for going about to approve himself an honest man, at a time and in an Affair that no body regarded Honesty, he betook himself to his Arms again; and then they were forc'd to give him Ten thousand Crowns to pay his Debts. The City of Tonneins also, desirous to signalize her Loyalty, found her self expos'd to the same Raillery. For several Lords of the Army being constrain'd by bad weather to shelter themselves in the Town, together with their Baggage, were well receiv'd and entertain'd by the Burges∣ses, and some small Parties wandring from the Body of the Ar∣my being in no small danger, had the Town had any intention to have fall'n upon 'em, were treated as in a friendly Country. But for all this, when they complain'd of some damages done 'em by the King's Soldiers, and urg'd their above-mention'd Kindnesses as proofs of their Loyalty, Answer was return'd 'em in an insulting manner, That they were not to produce as marks of their Fidelity, what they had done for want of Courage. This was the way to enforce men to be Rebels, thus to brand their Obedience with the ignominious Name of Cowardice. And indeed such usage as this, ought to be a Motive to all Men of Courage, rather bravely to die in the generous Defence of themselves, then stoop to an ignoble and fawning Submission, that renders 'em the Scorn of their Enemies.

The Duke of Mayenne, who prosecuted the War in that Pro∣vince, had perform'd some petty Exploits, and taken in some ••mall Villages, which had put themselves in a posture of defence. ••ut the King met with no resistance till he came before Clairac,* 1.3 which adventur'd to sustain a Siege. But 'twas the ill luck of his City, that there were several People who staid within it, to ••o other purpose then to discourage others; so that the City did not hold out so long as it might have done, had not the Ga∣rison and others bin treacherous among themselves. The Town surrender'd at discretion; which done, the King granted the inhabitants their Lives, and the exercise of their Religion. He excepted six persons only out of Pardon, and hang'd up three 〈…〉〈…〉 four, among which was the Minister. The King was ac∣custom'd to the punishment of such as wore that Character; ••nd thus it was, that the Jesuits, under his Name and Authority, ••ejoic'd at the Sacrifices of their Enemies which they offer'd to their malice. They had persuaded the King while he lay at ••oitiers, to condemn to death Clemenceau and Mallerai, the one 〈…〉〈…〉 Minister, the other an Advocate residing in the Town. But because they had escap'd their Clutches, the Minister being fled ••o Rochelle, and the Advocate to Nerac, they resolv'd not to lose ••ll their sport, and therefore had 'em executed in Effigie, and their persons defam'd with ridiculous Satyrs. This Rigor was observ'd in all Places that made any Resistance. The bloody Council of Clergymen thought it the most proper course they ••ould take; in regard that punishment always betokening a Crime in those upon whom it was inflicted, those Rigours fo∣mented in the King's mind that prepossess'd Opinion wherein ••e had bin bred, that the Reformed were Rebels.

The Clemency afforded to Clairac, had but little effect; for that the Soldiers enter'd the Town, and plunder'd as much as they could carry away. Nor is it true that they were hinder'd by Bassompiere, as was reported by a certain ignorant and mali∣cious Scribler; for that he was at Paris all the while that Clairac was besieg'd, and did not return till the Siege of Montauban. Besides, they were the cause that a good part of the Garison was destroy'd in passing the River. True it is indeed, that the Garison had a general Pass for their safeguard upon their

marching out, and that the common Soldiers were permitted to wear their Swords. But under pretence of saving 'em from the Fury of the Soldiers of the Royal Army, they were order'd to cross the water. But that was no more then perfectly in order to lead 'em to the slaughter; for the King's Soldiers fell upon 'em, and stript a great many. Which unexpected Violence 〈…〉〈…〉 terrifi'd the rest, that there not being above two or three Boa•…•… provided for their passage, while they crowded too numerously into 'em, the Vessels sank, and left 'em to the mercy of the wa∣ter. Others thinking to escape by swimming, to avoid one sort of death, met with another. There was also a Rope that cross'd the River for the use of the Ferry boat. But the King's Soldier•• seeing that several of those poor Creatures hung by the Cord•• most barbarously cut it; so that they perish'd with the rest of their Companions. Had there not bin extremity of foul play among the Commanders, it might have bin an easy thing to have prevented this Disorder, in regard there were then upon the place several Gentlemen of the Constable's Houshold, and some other Officers, who took no care to restrain the Cruelty of the Soldiers. But this Siege as well as that of St John d' Angeli, had cost the Lives of several of the Nobility; so that they resolv'd to sacrifice these poor Wretches to their revenge. The Fault o•• those that permitted these Barbarities, was laid upon the com∣mon Soldiers: however, for fear of the same usage at another time, two or three of those who had cut the Cord, were hang'd for a shew of satisfaction.

While the King press'd hard upon Clairac, he receiv'd a* 1.4 Breif from the Pope, wherein he congratulated his Victories; exhorted him not to lay down his Arms till he had subdu'd Rochelle, and depriv'd the Heretics of every thing that serv'd 'em for their security. He extoll'd his Enterprize to the Skies, and gave him great hopes of an issue correspondent to such prospe∣rous Beginnings, together with strong assurances of the pro∣tection of the Saints. Among the rest of his Eulogies, there was one very particular, That he had follow'd the Example of his Ancestors, who had paid as much Honour to the Instigations of the Popes, as to the Commands of God. The more sincere sort of Catholics acknowledg'd this Breif to be a real Truth, tho others

who were asham'd of it, would fain had it pass'd for supposi∣•…•…ious. 'Twas dated the Tenth of July.

During the continuance of this Siege, and the following* 1.5 ••onths, the Duke of Mayenne continu'd the War in the Quar∣ters assign'd to his Conduct, and made himself Master of Mas 〈…〉〈…〉 Verdun, Mauvesin, and the Isle of Jourdain, giving satisfaction ••o the Governors: But to the end that all men might have their ••hare in the miseries of the War, the Sums which were promis'd ••he Governors were paid 'em by the Inhabitants of the parts ad∣joining. The Duke of Espernon employ'd his time in burning •…•…he Houses and Mills about Rochel; and the Duke of Montmo∣•…•…n••y perform'd some petty Exploits in Languedoc, which tended all to annoy the City of Nimes. The Duke of Rohan, who ex∣pected that Montauban would be attacqu'd after the rest, kept himself in the parts adjoining to Castres and Albi, to provide •…•…r their security, and held himself up with much more Cou∣rage then good Fortune. The Assembly of Rochel sought for succor from all parts, but nothing succeeded to their wishes; ••ll Foreigners refus'd 'em the assistance which they implor'd. The Intrigues of Vatteville Mont-chrestien, whom they had sent •…•…to Normandy with several Commissions to raise men, prov'd •…•…ortive by his death. Mombrun, who endeavor'd to raise some ••orces in the Dauphinate, was not able to do any thing conside∣rable, by reason of Lesdiguieres's return, who prevented him: ••nd the Count de Suse, who had a design upon Grenoble, being known by a Catholic Peasant that serv'd him for a Guide, was •…•…d into a Precipice with his Followers, from which he could ••ot save so much as one single person; and he himself had •…•…erish'd thro the Rigor of the Parlament, had not the King com∣manded 'em to surcease their prosecution: So that till then all things gave way to the King's good Fortune; insomuch that •…•…e made himself Master of about Fifty Towns, of which seve∣ral were able to have given him as much trouble as St. John 〈…〉〈…〉 Angeli; yet all submitted, before so much as one great Gun ••as fir'd upon 'em; nor do I reck'n in those which either he or ••ny of his Generals had bin forc'd to besiege.

But Montauban put a stop to the Career of all this Prosperi∣••y. The City and Parlament of Tholouse had engag'd the King

to sit down before that Place, at a time when the Season was al∣ready far spent, and that his men were quite tir'd out with la∣bour, and the hardships which they had undergone. But Mon∣tauban was such an annoyance to Tholouse, by reason of the Ex∣cursions which the Inhabitants made, ev'n to the Gates of that great City, that the Tholousains promis'd to supply the King with ev'ry thing that was necessary for the Siege, provided he would but undertake it. And the good Success which had all along till then attended him, made him easily believe that Mon∣tauban would be as little able to withstand the Torrent of his Prosperity as the rest. Thereupon the Duke of Mayenne, and Marshal de Themines had Orders to make the Approaches. The former of these two had made himself Master of several Towns in the Neighborhood, but he could not surprize St. Antonin notwithstanding that he had gain'd the Governor, whose name was Penaveire. That faithless person had sold him the Town for Two thousand Crowns, for the payment of which the Duke had subscrib'd a Writing. But the Consuls coming to desire some Order from him which concern'd 'em, he gave 'em the Wri∣ting by mistake. Upon sight of which, the Consuls testifying their Astonishment by their Looks, the Governor perceiv'd his Error, but put it off with a good face, and a ready presence of mind. However he could not remove the Jealousies which th•••• Accident had rais'd; so that after that, he could not deceive the Consuls, who trusted him no longer, but stood upon their own Guard.

In the mean time the Siege of Montauban prov'd unsuccess∣ful.* 1.6 La Force and the Count d'Orval, Son of the Duke of Sulli, were got into it, and held it out like men of Courage▪ And as for the Correspondences which the King held in the place, they all fail'd; because that they who were the chief Conspirators were slain, and the rest were discover'd. The Duke of Rohan also reliev'd it with a considerable Reinforcement, not∣withstanding all the Precautions of the King's Generals, or the Duke of Angoulesm, who kept the Field with a flying Camp▪ After that, several Proposals were made for a Peace; but the King refusing to grant any Accommodation but only to the Duke of Rohan, and he denying to accept any other then a

general Peace, those Projects came to nothing; nor could they •…•…nd any Expedient to colour the raising the Siege. However the King was forc'd to draw off, after he had wasted near three* 1.7 months time before that place. Chamier, a Minister and Pro∣fessor in Theology, who was slain with a Cannon-shot, was one of the most considerable among those whom the Besieged lost. But the King mist a great number of brave Gentlemen, and among the rest the Duke of Mayenne, who was kill'd in the Attacques of Ville-Bourbon. He was a Prince of a surpassing Prowess, but who made too great an ostentation of it, and took delight to expose both himself and others without any shelter to the Enemies shot, out of a Vanity little becoming a great Soul. However it brought him to his end at length, as he had in the cause that many others by his Example had sacrific'd their Lives to the same vain-glorious Emulation. They of Montauban had notice that the Army would suddenly dislodge, by a Soldier of the Religion, who the evening before the Siege was rais'd, fell a playing upon the Flu••e the Tune of the Sixty eighth Psalm: which the Besieged took for a Signal of their de∣••••verance; nor were they deceiv'd.

They who had bin the occasion that the King receiv'd this ••isgrace, threw the blame upon the Reformed who serv'd in his Army. But the Constable, who had collected from several Cir∣cumstances, that his power with the King was declining, began to reflect upon the Advice which had bin several times giv'n him, to have a care of Civil Wars, of which the least ill Success would make him bear both the reproach and the loss. He per∣ceiv'd it more especially at Tholouse, where many ill offices were done him. 'Tis true, that he was still in so much credit as to procure the Banishment of the Jesuit Arnoux from the Court, who, tho he were beholding to him for his Preferment, ceas'd not however to plot and contrive his Ruin. The King al∣so took another Confessor of his recommendation. Never∣theless the Constable began to consider, that 'twas high time to think of Peace, and all that he lookt after was, which way to recover the Reputation which the King's Military Glory had lost before Montauban, to the end he might put the more honourable Conclusion to the War. But he dy'd before the end of the year

during the Siege of Monhurt. He also underwent the same destiny with all the rest of the Favorites. For he was neither piti'd by any body, nor lamented by his Master. All his Grandeur dy'd with him, and he hardly left behind him sufficient where with•…•… to defray the Expences of his Funeral.

During the Siege of Montauban, the King gave Audience to the Deputies of the Assembly of the Clergy, which being met▪ and having began their Session at Paris, had bin remov'd to Poitiers, and from thence to Bourdeaux. They offer'd the King a Million of Gold, provided he would oblige himself to lay in all out in the Siege of Rochel. They consented only that the King should erect Receivers Offices, and Provincial and Dioce∣san* 1.8 Comptrollers of the Tithes. Cornulier, Bishop of Rennes▪ made a Speech to the King, and sang triumphal Paeans before the Victory. He return'd the King Thanks for what he had done for the Church, hoping that in a short time there would be but one Religion in France. He reckon'd the War, accord∣ing to the Principles of Ecclesiastical Charity, among the whol∣som and gentle means, of which the King made use to bring things to a happy Conclusion. He accus'd the Reformed, with great Passion, of all the past Troubles, and of having aspir'd to shake off their Yoke, with an Intention to share the Crown among 'em. He added several Complaints, which he accom∣pani'd with all the Aggravations that could embitter 'em; that they had turn'd the Churches of the Diocess of Rieux in•…•… Stables; that they had carri'd away the Pyxes wherein the Sa∣crament was kept; that they had shot the Crucifix through and through with their Musquets; that they had ti'd it to their Horses Tails, and dragg'd it to Tonneins; that they had salted their Meat in the Fonts of Baptism, after they had carri'd it in Procession round about the Church, as they did in a certain place within the Diocess of Pamiers; that in a place adjoining to Mompelier, they had cut off a Curate's Nose, and when they had done, threw him headlong from the top of the Steeple. However, 'twas not then a proper Season to take notice of these Extravagancies, supposing his Stories had bin true, which could be thought no other then the hair-brain'd Pastimes of Li∣centious Soldiers; nor to desire that Punishment might be in∣flicted

upon the Guilty only, as the Bishop of Luson did in 1615. when he presented the Papers of the Chamber of the Clergy at the rising of the States. There were also muster'd up many more Crimes of the whole Religion; nor were the Innocent di∣stinguish'd from the Guilty: And he demanded extremity of Remedies, as being to be appli'd for the Cure of extraordinary Mischiefs; and the more vigorously to move the King, he quo∣••ed the Examples of sundry Princes whom Heav'n had punish'd for neglecting the extirpation of Crimes of the same nature. He applauded the King for having taken up the Rod of Iron, ••nd exhorted him roundly to pursue his Resolutions. He could not find any milder term, through his whole Speech, for the Re∣formed Profession, then that of Irreligion: nevertheless his pas∣sonate vehemence against the Professors of that Doctrine, did not take him off from thinking of the Affairs of the Clergy, nor from manisesting his great care for the preservation of their •…•…mmunities and Revenues. He desir'd that the Reformed might not perform their Exercises within the Ecclesiastical Demeans •…•…nd Lordships; but above all, that the Agreements which the Clergy had made with the King might be punctually observ'd. He built his Request upon a Maxim, which would have bin of great advantage to the Reformed, had it bin inviolably adher'd •…•…o. The Word of God, said he, is call'd Truth: In like man∣ner the Promises of Princes ought to be firm and stable, not va∣•…•…k nor feigned; and this he was for having take place, chiefly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what concern'd the Church. But in regard there was no que∣•…•…ion to be made but his tacitly impli'd meaning was That the •…•…i•• of that same constancy of the King's word, did no way be∣long to the Heretics, he farther desir'd, That the Tempest con∣•…•…r'd up against 'em, might not be allay'd after the usual man∣ner; but that all the places of security might be utterly demo∣••••sh'd. He blam'd Violence in matters of Religion, when it did not tear up Errors by the Root; and acknowledg'd, That what∣ever was introduc'd by Force, was neither of long continuance, ••or of any value toward the propagation of Faith, which ought to be free. But for all that, he prest the King to imitate Philip Augustus, and the Father of St. Lewis, who utterly extirpated the Albigeois, the Heresy, and their Habitations. So that accord∣ing

to the Principles of that pious Cruelty, he made no scruple of commending and justifying Violence, so it were put in pra∣ctice for the extermination of the Reformed and their Doctrine. He exhorted the King more especially to reduce Rochel into a Country Town, and to disperse the Reformed into the Villa∣ges, in imitation of Constance, who confin'd the Gentiles thither▪ and who for that reason were call'd Pagani, or Villagers; upon which immediately the whole Empire became Christian. This Harangue, tho full of venom and virulence, was not however without a certain briskness, which is requisite for Invectives▪ that they may not seem tedious.

But the death of the Duke of Maine had like to have caus'd great disorders in the Kingdom. The Reformed were in danger of being massacr'd at Paris, when the news was first brought thither. That name was in high veneration among the common People, who bare the League in remembrance. Insomuch that the multitude resolv'd to revenge his death upon the Reformed in that great City, who were the most quiet and peaceable throughout the whole Kingdom. All the whole week, from the 21^st of September, till Sunday the 26^th, was spent in deadly Menaces. Now it happen'd that some days before, a Carmel•…•… Fryar, who call'd himself Dominic de Jesus Maria, arriv'd in tha••* 1.9 City, having acquir'd both in Spain, in Italy and Germany, a great reputation of Piety. It had cost him however nothing but the Mops and Mows of a detestable Hypocrisie, and bloody Coun∣sels against the German Protestant Princes. He was, by birth, a Spaniard, as also by his inclination and education. After some time spent in Travel, and some stay at Rome, and in the Empe∣ror's Court, he became so famous, that the greatest Princes thought it an Honour to 'em, to have a veneration for him. He was the Promoter of the Bohemian War, by reason of those Acts of Injustice which he persuaded the Princes of the House of Austri•…•… to commit against the Protestants, and by means of that same inhuman Zeal with which he inspir'd and animated the People. One Artifice which this Monk made use of to inflame their minds, was, that he always carri'd about him an Image, which he call'd, The miraculous Image of our Lady of Victory. It was a Picture of about a Foot and an half in height, and about a

Foot broad, wherein the Nativity of Christ was painted. It was •…•…und under a huge heap of Chips and old rotten Wood: The figure of the Virgin also, by some mischance or other, had both the eyes torn out; and this same wretched Monk reported •…•…ery where, without any other proof then his own word, that the Heretics were they who had committed that Sacriledge. This Picture he carri'd always about him, and he never shew'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without a world of Imprecations upon the heads of those who had so rudely disfigur'd it. He made use of it in Bohemia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 incense the Imperialists, and spur 'em on to a War with the People of that Kingdom who were revolted. He made use of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in France, to animate the Catholics to undertake the utter de∣struction of the Huguenots. At length he carri'd it to Rome, where the Pope sanctifi'd it with a Consecration upon the Altar of St Paul, and together with all the Cardinals, all the People, •…•…nd all the Clergy, paid such extravagant Honours to it, as if •…•…e would have justifi'd the truth of those Reproaches which the Reformed throw upon the Church of Rome in reference to Ido∣•…•…try. After the ruin of the Reformation in Bohemia, where it •…•…ad bin so potent, this Monk came into France to make his ad∣vantage of the Civil Wars, and there to do the Catholic Reli∣gion the same service as he had perform'd in Germany. He was receiv'd at Paris as a man that was full of the Spirit of God, and whose Actions were all as so many Miracles. The People •…•…rowded after him, and some persons of Quality also; but to •…•…ender himself more venerable, he would not be seen every day, •…•…cting to lock himself up in a Convent of his own Order. Nevertheless he was obedient to his Superiors, who understand∣ing the knack of inflaming the Peoples desire by feigned denials, grounded upon the pretended humility of this Hypocrite, suf∣ferd him at length to appear, when they thought it seasonable to act the Farce. Then this pretended Saint receiv'd the Homa∣ges that were paid him, next to Adoration, they kiss'd his Feet; they thought themselves sanctifi'd by touching the hem of his Garment; they carri'd away pieces of it, which they kept as Reliques; and thought 'em the cause of a thousand Miracles, of which there was not so much as the least appearance. 'Tis easy to apprehend what a predominancy his Speeches had over a

People so prepossess'd, to whom this Villain preach'd nothing but Sedition and Violence. But the Chancellor, the Duke of Mombazon, together with the Sorbonne, abhorr'd these Affecta∣ctions, and maugre the passion of the People, constrain'd the Monk, who said he was sent from the Duke of Bavaria to the King, to depart Paris, and pursue the delivery of his message▪ However, during his Journey, he behav'd himself still after the same manner, and he had like to have bin the cause of a thou∣sand mischiefs, in places where the People bewitcht with his Grimaces, were inclin'd to Sedition. Insomuch that ev'n a•…•… Saumur itself, where the Catholics had receiv'd so many kind∣nesses from du Plessis for 32 years together, while he was their Governor, they resolv'd to massacre their Fellow-Citize•…•… of the Reformed Profession. But d' Aiguebonne, who commanded there in the absence of the Count de Sault, by his diligence pre∣vented the fatal effects of that desperate design; and so wel•…•… secur'd the Gates of the City, that the Promoters of the Con∣spiracy durst not make any Attempt. These wicked effects of the Monk's piety, lost him his reputation in France among all honest men, who perceiv'd that his Zeal had something too much of the Spaniard in it, which kept 'em from being deluded by his counterfeit Sanctity; so that after this Journey, there was no farther talk concerning him.

But at Paris, all the care that was taken for the security of* 1.10 the Reformed serv'd to no purpose. They judg'd that they were not to forbear the continuance of their Public Exercises, because of the Threats of the People, in regard it would be a diminu∣tion of the King's Authority, who had taken 'em into his Pro∣tection, and would shew a distrust of his Word and Justice. Therefore on Sunday the 26^th they went to Charenton, and the Duke of Mombazon order'd all things the best he cou'd for their security, guarding the Road in person, by his presence to protest 'em in their return. But for all that, the seditious Rabble fell upon those that lagg'd behind; so that from words they fell to blows, and some few were kill'd. Among the rest, one Woman that would not bow to the Image of the Virgin set up over St. Anthony's Gate, was murder'd; and a Priest, mistaken by the multitude for a Minister, had much ado to escape their hands, by

the assistance of the Duke's own Servants. Some Houses also, where the People, out of compassion, had shelter'd some of the Reformed, were forc'd open and pillag'd. And all this was done under the very Noses of the Guards and Archers, who were ap∣pointed to conduct the Reformed, and might have prevented these Violences, had they but let fly two or three times among the Rabble. But the veneration they had for Catholic Blood, would not permit 'em to shed the least drop for the preserva∣tion of the Huguenots. So that in less then a minute the City was all in an uproar: the Chains were drawn up; the Citizens were order'd to stand to their Arms; and Guards were set at the Gates: But Night was more powerful then all the Orders which the Magistrate could give, and sent the seditious Mobile to their own Houses.

The next day, the Mutineers not daring to attempt any thing* 1.11 in the City, where their Party was not strong enough, ran all to continue their Violences at Charenton. Where they pillag'd some Houses; but their chief spite was at the Church, which they burnt; together with the Shops where the Booksellers left their Books of Devotion, which they durst not sell in other pla∣•…•…es. The Library was robb'd; the Walls of the Cloyster pull'd down; nor did the Fury of these People cease, till their Rage •…•…ad no more Materials to work upon. 'Tis true, that the Duke of Mombazon and the Parlament caus'd two of the chief Actors •…•…o be seiz'd, who were also executed for an example to others. •…•…t while he was at the Parlament, busy in consultation by what means to stop the Career of these Enormities, the Sedition broke but again in the Fauxbourg St. Marceau, where the greatest part of the Reformed Artificers, who are debarr'd from keeping Shops in the City, were set up, to the end they might follow their Em∣ployments without molestation; and in this Uproar also one or two of the Reformed were kill'd, and some Houses pillag'd. But at length the Tumult was appeas'd, and the Parlament ha∣ving issu'd forth a Decrce, putting the Reformed under the Protection of the King and the Law, which was presently dis∣•…•…cht away to the several Bayliwicks under their Jurisdiction, •…•…his same Spirit of Violence was suppress'd for some time, to

the great grief of those who in several places were prepar'd for Insurrections no less dangerous.

But for all this, the Reformed began again to quit their Ha∣bitations,* 1.12 and many People left Paris, as others quitted other pla∣ces, who had hitherto flatter'd themselves that they should live in security, so they had no hand in the War. They likewise, who staid behind, lock'd themselves up in their Houses for some days, tho in continual fears; or else they conceal'd themselves among the Catholics, with whom they had contracted a friend∣ship either upon the score of Kindred, or Neighborhood, or some tie of Interest. As for the Ministers, they were in the number of those that retir'd; and tho they alledg'd for them∣selves St. Cyprian's Reasons, fearing, as he did, that their presence made the Sedition more fatal to their Flocks, yet their aban∣doning their stations was censur'd by a sort of People who are always finding some fault or other in the conduct of other men.

But tho the Seditious themselves were supprest, yet the Spirit* 1.13 of Sedition was not laid; for some Houses hapning to be a fire at Paris, and the Flames taking hold of the Houses adjoining with that fierceness as to burn down the two Bridges, call'd P•…•… aux Marchands, and Pont au Change, the People presently accus'd the Reformed, as if they had bin the Authors of the Conflagra∣tion. Nay, they would have had it believ'd, that they had a design to have set the whole City on fire, to revenge the burn∣ing of their Church at Charenton. But, after all the most dili∣gent Inquisitions that could be made, they could not find the lea•…•… Pretence to make good that Calumny: a clear discovery being soon after made, that the Accident happen'd through the negli∣gence of a Maid-servant. There happen'd also such another Mischance at Lion much about the same time. A Gentle∣man returning out of Germany, and taking Post in that Ci∣ty, had a Quarrel upon the same occasion with one of the Canons of that City, who assume the Title of Counts of 〈…〉〈…〉 Upon which the Canon riding before to stay for the Gentlem••n upon the Road, discharg'd two Pistols at him, but mist with both: on the other side the Gentleman had a better Aim, and

kill'd the Canon fairly, according to all the Maxims allow'd by •••••• of the Sword; nevertheless he was seiz'd and imprison'd at ••••••. The next day the Jail happen'd to be a-fire, and very much endamag'd both the Prison and the Palace. Presently the Catholics knew where to lay the fault: for because it had so fal∣len out, that the Gentleman's Servants, and some of the Re∣•…•…med had bin heard to say, that the Gentleman was wrong∣fully imprison'd, in regard he had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Self-defence, therefore the Catho∣lics would have it, that either the one or the other set fire to the Prison. But the Informations acquitted the Parties accus'd, and made it appear that the Misfortune happen'd through the carelesness of the Keeper and his Servants. Thus the se∣ditious discourses of the Monks both in public and private, had infus'd this malignant Spirit among the vulgar Catholics, that the blame, whatever happen'd, was by them laid upon the Re∣formed; and that they lookt upon the most moderate and most peaceable, as People that were always hatching and contriving mischievous designs, and seeking an opportunity to put the Kingdom in confusion. So that they found themselves in the s••re condition with the Primitive Christians, who were accus'd by the hot-headed Gentiles of all the Misfortunes and Calami∣ties that befel the State, whether Famine, Pestilence, Inunda∣tions, or Drowth.

During these Events, the Circle of Lower Languedoc was in* 1.14 a miserable condition. Chatillon made no other use of his Au∣thority, then to prevent the Reformed in those Quarters from •…•…ouring their Friends in other places; and it may be easily conjectur'd, what they might have bin able to have done, had he •••••• faithful, by what they did in despite of all the disturbance which he gave 'em. Montauban was reliev'd, notwithstanding all his opposition; and as negligent as he was in the preserva∣tion of the places, of which the Assembly had given him the Government, the Duke of Mommorancy made no great progress. Nevertheless there were so many People who were sensible that •…•…llon was intent upon his own Affairs, to the prejudice of the Public Concerns, that at length the Assembly of the Circle which then ••ate at Mompelier, turn'd him out of his employ∣ment;

and the 21^st of November, set forth a very large Decla∣ration, containing the Reasons of their Severity. They accus'd him of having betray'd the Churches, and of making his own Fortune at their Expence: For having rais'd men, not for the service of the Reformed, but to understand the utmost strength of the Circle; what number of Soldiers they could raise; and what quantity of Arms and Ammunition they were able to provide: For having often let the Enemy escape, when they might have been easily defeated: For having thrust out of employment such persons as he knew to be too well affected to the Common Cause: For having giv'n notice to the Enemy to stand upon their Guards: For having represented to the Reformed the Mischiefs greater, and the Remedies more difficult then they were: For having kept private several Matters, which he ought to have communicated: For keeping Spies, which he sent to the Court, to discover the Secrets of the Reformed: For having favor'd and receiv'd into his friendship those who had surrender'd their Strong holds to the King: For having scornfully affronted the Assembly of Rochel: For having by his own Authority disan∣null'd their Resolutions: For having restor'd to the Enemy the Booty taken from 'em in a just War, without so much as de∣manding, at least by way of compensation, what had bin plun∣der'd from the Reformed: And for suffering the loss of great quantities of Arms stor'd up with great Expences. But he had done one thing contrary to the interests of the Party, which did him more harm then all that was laid to his charge: For he had drain'd the Province of Cevennes, by a Levy of Six thousand men, which he had sent into the Venetian Service. And this was the reason that the Province could not raise the one half of the Soldiers that were promis'd, when the Duke of Rohan was con∣strain'd to take Arms.

This displacing of Chatillon, put the whole Circle into an ex∣traordinary* 1.15 Confusion; for that Chatillon's Party was very po∣tent in those Quarters. They who were not Members of the Assembly, nor had any share of the Public Command, complain'd that the Assembly abus'd their Authority, and some Provinces murmur'd against it. Berticheres, whom they had elected for Lieu∣tenant General, endeavour'd to keep his ground without any

Superior; to the end that having a more spacious Country to surrender, he might be able to make an Accommodation so ••uch the more advantageous with the Court. And indeed there was nothing which preserv'd to the Reformed what was ••••ft in the Circle, but that Affairs at Court were not in much better posture, where the Constable's death had wrought great ••lterations. Every one aspir'd to be Master of the King's Fa∣vour, that they might have the sole Authority in the Govern∣ment. But whether it were that the Pretenders obstructed one another, or that the King, who, as I may say, was but just ••ot out of Wardship, as yet too sensibly remember'd the •…•…oable which the greatness of his Favourite had put him to; or whether his distrust of those who were about his person, kept ••im upon his guard against Surprizes, he would not suffer him∣self to be prevail'd upon, all of a sudden, by any new Affection: so that, in the mean while, the Cardinal de Retz, Schomberg, Grand Master and Superintendant, and de Vic, to whom the Seals were committed, took upon 'em the greatest share in Affairs. The Prince of Condé, who was desirous that the King should continue the War, join'd with 'em, in regard they were all of •…•…e same mind; and this is one thing very remarkable, that the Marshals of France, and such as might pretend to the same Dig∣•…•…, appear'd as much inclin'd to Peace, as the Officers of the ••ong Robe and the Finances were averse to it. The Prince therefore, and the three Ministers, who were of his Opinion, 〈…〉〈…〉 as much as lay in their power to stop the King's return to Paris, where they expected nothing less then to be oppos'd by the old Ministers; and where the Prince was afraid lest the Au∣thority should devolve again into the hands of the Queen Mo∣ther. To this purpose, having persuaded the King to march toward Bourdeaux, they propos'd to him the making himself Master of Chatillon, a Town belonging to the Marshal de Bou∣•…•…, upon the River Dordogne; and the Expedient they had ••ound out to compass their design, was to treat with the Gari∣son of the place, which stood Neuter as the Master did, in the same manner as they had practis'd with du Plessis. The effect of their Consultations therefore was, that the King should en∣ter into the Castle, under pretence that 'twas his pleasure to

lodge there; and that when he was in, he should turn out the Gari∣son that kept it for the Duke of Bouillon. But this City, as well as all the rest, which belong'd to that noble person, was comprehend∣ed in the same Treaty, upon the confidence of which the Duke liv'd peaceably at Sedan, and never concern'd himself in the War; so that the Proposals of surprizing it, was manifestly op∣posite to Honesty and Sincerity. However that sort of Policy that mov'd upon the hinges of Craft and Injustice, was justfi••'d while the deceased Constable was in favour. Nevertheless, i•• regard the honest men were more numerous then they wh•…•… gave this pernicious Advice, they persuaded the King to aban∣don the Attempt, and so it ••ell to the ground.

The King then having left the best Orders he could in the* 1.16 Provinces to hinder the Reformed, who were brought very lo••* 1.17 in Poitou and Guyenne from rising agen, return'd at length •••• Paris, where the old Ministers recover'd a little credit with him and inclin'd him to Peace. The Chancellor and Jeannin deem'd it very necessary, and made no question but that it was more proper to destroy the Reformed then War. There is to be see•• a small Treatise compos'd by the last of these two, which per∣haps may be lookt upon as one of the most authentic Pieces tha•• are to be produc'd in favour of the Reformed; and which ut∣terly overthrows the Pretence, which was taken from their sup∣pos'd Rebellion, to exterminate 'em. He acknowledges almost in express words, That the Catholics were the Aggressors i•• that War, and that the Reformed acted meerly in their own de∣fence: at least it is to be deduc'd from his discourse by eviden•…•… Consequences. He presupposes, That it behov'd the Reformed* 1.18 to be united, since it was evident to 'em that there was a design•• upon their Religion; and he sets down several Reasons why they had cause enough to think so: That so long as they believ'd the King's Intentions to be no other then to chastise Rebels, there were many who continu'd in perfect Obedience; but that they found themselves no more kindly us'd then they who had t••kn Arms: That the principal Members of the Council publicly gave out, that the King would no longer permit any other exercise of Divine Worship then that of the Catholic Religion: That the

Preachers stust their Sermons with Menaces of the same nature, •…•…d endeavor'd to persuade men, that the following of any other •…•…unsel was profane, and savor'd of Impiety: whence it follow'd, •…•…at the War would prove more bloody and universal then it had •…•…n, if the Reformed, united as it behov'd 'em to be for their common Interest, shou'd put themselves into a posture of de∣•…•…nce. Farther also, and that clearly enough, he asserts, That •…•…e Aim of those who advis'd a War, was to take their opportu∣nity, because the Foreign Protestants being busi'd at home, •…•…u'd not attend the succor of those that were oppress'd in •…•…. He made excellent Reflections upon the Wars which •…•…d been all along continu'd against 'em, with the same design 〈…〉〈…〉 destroy 'em, sometimes by Fire and Sword, sometimes by De∣•…•…it and Treachery. Thence passing to give Sentence upon the •…•…casion that had constrain'd their Enemies to grant 'em such a number of Strong-holds, he concludes, That after the Massacre •• St. Bartholomew, and the Siege of Rochel, there was a necessity 〈…〉〈…〉 allowing 'em a greater number, to secure 'em, says he, against ••r Perfidiousness and Infidelity. He observes, how much the ••eace, which they were suffer'd to enjoy for five years together, under the Reign of Henry III. was to their disadvantage, through the Policy of that Prince, who excluded 'em from all •…•…ratifications: a powerful means to infect the minds of those ••ho are oversway'd by their own Interests. The King himself perform'd the office of a Converter, and his Reasons, which he ••••compani'd with Favours or Denials, as he thought proper, ••eg••in'd to his Religion all those who had a design to please him. several also who continu'd in the Reformed Religion, for their •…•…wn Soul's health, yet bred their Children up in the Roman Re∣ligion, for the security of their Fortunes. Jeannin adds farther, •••• demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the ••eformed, for that when they had a mind to betake themselves ••o their Arms after a long rest, they always found it a difficult •…•…ing to rouze up from their Repose and Tranquility, those ••ho had for some time bin tasting the delights of Peace; ••e••ides, that there was less danger in attacking 'em, after they ••ad ••••••eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an ••••sy life. And he was so possess'd with this Opinion, that as he

wrote before the Peace, to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉〈…〉 make it, so he publish'd another Writing, after it was conclu∣ded, to advise 'em to keep it.

But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side, the••* 1.19 who assail'd him in his weakest part, prov'd most successful; an•• for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fix'd in his min•• they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger, in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at th•…•… head of an Army. To say the truth, there was a strange alteration 〈…〉〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris. But it seems, he though•• a Peace would not be for his Honor in the present Conjunction. On the other side, the Reformed had almost every where regain'd* 1.20 fresh Courage. The Duke of Soubise had recover'd their Af∣fairs in the Lower Poitou, and in the Islands. La Force had re∣incourag'd to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold. He had wrested St. For o•• of Theobon's hands, by means of a Female Intrigue, in regar•…•… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen. To•…•…∣neins, Clairac, and several other Strong-holds once more acknow∣ledg'd the Reformed for their Masters. The Duke of Ro••a•• elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc, had by 〈…〉〈…〉 Policy and Prudence, his Frankness and his Patience, reconcil'd the Differences which had for some time disunited that Pro∣vince; so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign, which had cost him so much men an•• money.

The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday, and by re∣ceiv'd* 1.21 Intelligence, that the Duke of Espernon having drawn o•• all his Forces for the security of his own Governments, there wa•• not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head a∣gainst* 1.22 the Duke of Soubise, therefore he was constrain'd to begin his Campaign in those Quarters; where the Duke, either for want of Judgment, or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him, became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men, and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours. Royan was surrender'd to the King, after a Siege of some few days; and these Successes buri'd in oblivion the Trea∣ties

of Peace which had bin observ'd till that time; and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother, were enforc'd to return as they came. On the other side the King, upon some jealousy of the Duke of Tre∣•…•…ouille, who had remov'd to Sedan the Prince of Talmont, his Eldest Son, afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente, whom he had left at Thouars under the tuition of the Dutchess Dowager, dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place, and secur'd the Castle for himself, which was of some consequence at that time. After this, the King march'd into Guyenne, where he presently retook all that* 1.23 The Reformed were Masters of; and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force. In pur∣suance of which, he honour'd him with the Batoon of Marshal of France, which had bin promis'd him above Twelve years be∣fore. Moreover, he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thou∣sand Crowns, to recompence him for the loss of his Govern∣ments, which both he and his Children were oblig'd to quit. Thus it comes to pass sometimes, that Rebellion is more for∣tunate then Merit; and that a man by rendring himself for∣midable, secures to himself the reward of his Services. La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy, where the King so∣lemniz'd the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day; the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before. But la Force treated only for himself, obtaining for his Friends no more then a bare Act of Oblivion; which created him many Enemies in the Countrey, where ma∣ny of the Nobility had follow'd him before. Moreover, 'twas twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him, when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court, because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belong'd to the Reformed, and made some Scruple to surrender it; which resistance they would fain have had to have bin lookt upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son. But that Advice was rejected, as well for fear of the Consequences, as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave, who obstinately op∣pos'd it.

The King now hastning into Languedoc, was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way; and for that, the Ci∣ties which he had no design to have attack'd, surrender'd merely out of fear of being besieg'd. Negrepelisse and St. Antonin, small Cities, not far distant from Montauban, were taken by Assault, and all the Cruelties imaginable committed. The Women suf∣fer'd all that could be fear'd from the sensuality of Brutish Com∣mon Soldiers, and the Men were almost all massacr'd. The Pretence was, That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Ga∣rison which the King left there the year before; and that St. An∣tonin had stay'd took long before it surrender'd. They also, who retreated to the Castle first of all, after the Town was sur∣render'd, had their share of the same usage: And when they had surrender'd at discretion, the Council order'd twelve of 'em to be hang'd. There were some that follow'd the King, who by no means approv'd these Cruelties; who rescu'd as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches, and redeem'd some Women and Virgins, that were threaten'd extremity of out∣rage, with their own Money. But the King, who was naturally good natur'd, and under whose Name these Cruelties were com∣mitted, was more concern'd then any body. So that his abhor∣rence of such Barbarities prov'd not a little serviceable to those that were enclin'd to peace, toward the disposing him to resume the firmer Negotiations for an Accommodation.

Lesdiguieres, who had no longer any Competitor, renew'd his Pretensions to the Constable's Sword, and promis'd to turn Catholick, upon condition he might have that Dignity conferr'd upon him; that he might be made a Knight of the Holy Ghost, and his Son-in-Law Crequi, a Marshal of France. But to com∣fort the Reformed for the loss of his Person, he became an ear∣nest Intercessor for Peace. He had already had one Conference to that purpose with the Duke of Rohan at Pont St. Esprit; where all the Pretensions of the Reformed had bin reduc'd to four Heads: The Restitution of all Places of Security; Liberty of Politic Assemblies; Payment of the Sums promis'd for the Ministers Salaries, and the maintenance of the Garisons; and the disingagement of the Nobility that had bin ruin'd by the War. These Articles being carri'd to the King by the Com∣missioners

introduc'd by Bouillon, were not agreed to, because the King's Forces had defeated Soubize, and put him in hopes of an easy conclusion of the War. But because the Season of the Year was far spent, and for that there were many things to be done, these Proposals were again brought into play, and many Journies were made to and fro, for the obtaining of Peace. The Duke of Rohan also acted so far, that he had render'd himself suspected at Mompellier, and saw his Credit upon the brink of an utter decli∣nation. For there were several Factions in that City, who mu∣tually sought to destroy one another. Among the rest, there was one which was call'd the Faction of the Catharinots. A word, of which I know not the original. However, it was the most Seditious of all the rest, and lookt upon as Traytors all those that did not tread after their steps. Now Lesdiguieres ha∣uing sent the President Du Cros, to Mompellier, to persuade 'em •• peace, that Faction stirr'd up a Sedition against him, and safely murder'd him. But the Duke of Rohan caus'd some of the most guilty to be severely punish'd, which did not a little humble the Insolent Cabal. The Minister Souffrein, who was accus'd to have a hand in that Murder, chose rather to remain suspected, than to expose himself to the Issue of a Criminal Pro∣secution, and withdrew from the City.

The same Mutineers also rais'd another Insurrection against* 1.24 the Catholics of the City; and they carri'd it so far, that their behaviour being represented to the King by the Bishop of Fenou∣illes, awaken'd in him that aversion which had been always in∣••ill'd into him from his Cradle against the Reformed. That Pre∣late was both eloquent and witty; and he made a sedulous use of his Parts to inflame the King's Indignation. He call'd the Conduct of the Reformed a Tyrannical Phrenzy of Rebellion and Heresy; and the condition wherein they kept the Catholics in his City, an Oppression great in it self, ingenious as to the Invention, ex∣quisite in Cruelty, and universal in the Ravages it committed. He said, that Heresy, animated by Rebellion, which is the usual spirit that attends it, was demonstrable by the accumulation of their Crimes; and he imputed to it what e're Impiety durst ever presume to think of, and put in execution, in opposition to that Veneration which is due to the Holy Saints. He laid before the

eldest Son of the Church, the Outrages that had bin committed against his Mother, so dreadful for their Number, so violent in the excesses of Fury, so solemn for the impudence of the Au∣thors, so horrible for the Sacrileges that attended it, so abomi∣nated by Heav'n and Earth, that such Hyperboles would have been hardly tolerable in setting forth the horrors of a St. Bartho∣lomew's Massacre. And to render the Reformed of his time more odious, he compar'd the modesty of the growing Reformation with the Reformation establish'd; and in regard he had bor∣row'd that same common place from the Letter of that same Charpentier, whom Bellievre had gain'd to write an Apology for Massacres, he envenom'd this Comparison likewise with Im∣postures, and perpetual Imputations of Rebellion. By the by he girded the Edicts of Peace, which God, as he said, had never blest, and which had been as yet of little force to exorcize the spirit of Rebellion; so that his whole Speech was an expresse Exhortation to revoke 'em. He aggravated, as heinous Crimes whatever the Laws and Necessities of War had enforc'd the Reformed to act in their own defence; and to raise a more ten∣der Compassion, he complain'd, that after they had so ill us'd the Catholics, they depriv'd 'em of the liberty to bemoan their mi∣serable Conditions. Yet all these horrid Crimes amounted to no more, then that they had imprison'd the Catholics at Mom∣pellier; that they had constrain'd 'em to bear their share in the expences of the City; and that they had either demolish'd or de∣fac'd their Countrey Houses. But in regard all this might be easily excus'd by Reasons drawn from the consequences of War or the necessity of putting themselves into a condition to sustain a Siege, for which the City was oblig'd to prepare themselves he drew an Inference from thence, that they had threaten'd the Catholics with a general Massacre. The name of Heresy made a great noise throughout all his Speech; 'twas stuft all over with descriptions of those Propensities which it infus'd into men to ravage and destroy. He upbraided the Reformed with having romag'd the Graves of the dead, and digg'd 'em out of their Sepulchres; as if the same thing had not been done every day by the Catholics, who held it to be a duty of their Religion. This Crime was aggravated as if it had bin very usual, and

gave him an occasion to call the Reformed by the name of damned Souls, which by the counsel and instigation of Hell com∣mitted all manner of Crimes. And in the series of his Ha∣rangue he added, that they surpass'd the Devils in wickedness. The Body of a Nun, being found buri'd in the habits of her Order, gave him a new occasion to display the whole force of his eloquent Fury. And some Ecclesiastics being put out of the Town, for fear they should betray it, and some of the Canons being detain'd as Hostages, for the security of the Ministers, afforded him a large Theme for another most embitter'd Com∣plaint. Some Distresses also levi'd in the Houses of those that refus'd to contribute toward the Public Charges, were lookt up∣on as Plund'ring: And the Crime was represented so much the more heinous, because the Priesthood was advanc'd above Angelic Excellency. Afterwards appear'd a long and pathetic description of a Church, without the exercise of Divine Wor∣ship; a Reproach for making use of the Materials of demolish'd Churches in their Fortifications, and for having forc'd thousands of Catholics to abjure their Doctrine. The War also which the King had undertaken was call'd Sacred, and he was exhorted to make no more Treaties with Rebels.

It would be a difficult thing to meet with such a violent Ha∣rangue,* 1.25 and where the most innocent things, or at least the most to be excus'd, by the necessity that constrain'd em, were black∣en'd after the most odious manner imaginable. The torments of an infinite number of poor Creatures that were destroy'd in all places where the Catholics came, the burning of Tonneins, Monhart, Negrepelisse, and other Towns; their frequent Insur∣rections against the Reformed, their forcing Conversions, of which that War afforded various Examples, would make those tremble, and their hair stand an end, that read the Story, should •• set 'em forth in the stile of this Harangue. But this is the Character of the Catholic Prelates; whatever it be that never so little touches the Respect which is due to their Grandeur, is by them cry'd down for Sacriledge, and is never to be excus'd: But whatever they do in order to the destruction of those that offend 'em, though never so opposite to all the Laws of God and Nature, is lawful and clear from all Reproach and Censure:

Thus the City of Foix, the Metropolis of that Province, being inhabited by some Reformed Families, the Monk Vi••••arte, a* 1.26 Capuchin, being sent thither by the Bishop of Pamiers, went thither toward the end of the last year, to do all the mischief he could, under pretence of preaching the Advent Sermons, and return'd thither to preach the Lent Sermons of this year. But his seditious Declamations, his Monastical Controversies, his Conferences offer'd to the Ministers, the pious Violences of the Governors of the Province, and the City, and the Treache∣ry of some persons won over to their Party, brought over all the Families to the Church of Rome. There was not one with∣stood this Hurricane, but the Minister and his Wife, who was permitted to retire, not so much out of Humanity or Justice, but to give the greater lustre to the Monk's Victory. And the Minister was spar'd, to be a testimony of the desolation of his Church, and to carry the news to the places of his retirement. To which purpose they caus'd a Trumpet to attend him, who under pretence of conducting him, sounded forth the Tri∣umphs of the Monk over the Minister and his Flock, both in the streets of the City and in the Countrey. Nor had the Reform∣ed at Foix any other then a limited Exercise, as I have said already.

In the mean time the Ecclesiastics of Foix gave this Monk a* 1.27 Certificate, which made him lookt upon as the only Author of these goodly Conversions, and which assur'd the world that no other violent means was made use of then that of the Word of God. But 'tis observable, that they never bethought themselves of attesting in behalf of these New Converts, that there was nothing but what was free and voluntary in their change. The Art of Converting was then but in its Infancy: Time brought it to some perfection; for that in our days they never fail to cause these sort of Attestations to be sign'd by those that had suffer'd the utmost extremity of Violence at their hands. More∣over, the demolishing the Church, which was done by the bare Authority of the Inhabitants, without staying for the King's Orders, follow'd the Monk's Victory close at the heels; and the Catholic Churches of the City shar'd among 'em the Spoils of the Reformed. It may be judg'd with what moderation this

Affair was carri'd on by the precipitancy of the Catholics, who ••ever consulted their Sovereign upon two Points of that impor∣tance. It may be said, perhaps, in their behalf, that they did nothing without the private encouragement of the Court, who ••ook in good part what ever was serviceable toward the Con∣version of the Heretics. But the Archbishop of Ambrune haran∣guing the King upon his return to Paris after the Peace made, ••vent a little farther then all this: He made the King an Apostle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Speech; and, to support his new Eulogy with a Reason, ••e added, that the King procur'd Conversions by his Prudence, and the concurrence of his just Arms. The meaning of his words is easily apprehended, which seem'd to intimate, that in Conversions of this nature, Terror wrought no less effectually ••hen Instruction.

While the King lay at Bezieres, where the Bishop of Mom∣•…•…* 1.28 had made him a Speech, he put forth a Declaration dated 〈◊〉〈◊〉 25. which renewing the ill-observed Promises of the King's Protection to those that liv'd in Obedience, and staid at home under the benefit of the Edicts, forbid all the Reformed to ••••uit their Habitations, whether in City or Countrey, upon pain 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forfeiting all the Favours that had been afforded 'em, and to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proceeded against as guilty of High-Treason, Deserters of the Kingdom, and Disturbers of the Public Peace. The Pre∣••ence for these Prohibitions was, That the Reformed forsook▪ their Houses, to join with those that were in Arms; or with For∣eigners that drew toward the Frontiers, and threaten'd the Kingdom with an Invasion. The truth is, that the greatest part of those that quitted their Houses, were forc'd to wander 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where in search of their security. The heats of the Ca∣tholic Rabble, the seditious roaring of the Monks in their Pul∣•…•…, the uncontroul'd Licentiousness of the Soldiers, the pro∣•…•… of Protection a thousand ways broken, Capitulations ill observ'd, the frequent Tortures of those who surrender'd at dis∣cretion▪ the enormous fury of the Rascally Mobile against the bodies of those who had undergone the utmost extremity and Torments, yet stedfast to the end; and several other Circum∣stances of the present condition of the Reformed in France, were •…•…rrible, that they expected a Massacre every day, which every

body strove to avoid, by withdrawing into places where there was more probability of safety. But to speak the truth, the Court was not free from Alarums; and if the Confederates had but had a little ready money, they would have made the Court repent their declaring War against 'em.

Count Mansfeild, who was enter'd into the Confederacy* 1.29 against the House of Austria, and who after the overthrow of the King of Bohemia, had maintain'd his ground with good re∣putation, at that time besieg'd Savern in Alsatia with a conside¦rable Army: but before he could take the place, he was constrain'd to retreat, for fear of the Imperialists, who were within some few days march of him with three Bodies of an Army much su¦perior in number to his. In his retreat, he was constrain'd to cross Lorrain; which the Duke, who had not his Forces ready durst not deny him. Now the Count, not having money, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no other way to keep his men together, but by the liberty which he allow'd 'em to do what they pleas'd: so that there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 likelihood that he could subsist any long time, provided his Par¦ties could be hinder'd from roaming about from their mai•• Body. Marshal de Bouillon therefore liking well the opportuni¦ty, and weary of the Neutrality which he had observ'd since the beginning of the War, and desirous to make one smart E•…•… say before he dy'd, for the support of a Religion, of which, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 clearly perceiv'd, the Catholics had vow'd the destruction, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought himself of treating with the Count, and found it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hard matter to gain him. To that purpose he promis'd him mo¦ney, and that he should be conducted into France by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reinforcements of men that would very much augment his 〈◊〉〈◊〉. He promis'd also to send him the Prince of Sedan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eldest Son, and the Duke of Trimouille to accompany him and in a word, those Lords, assisted by the Counts of Suze 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Roussi, and some others, sent their Friends and their Servants who rendevouz'd from all parts at the places that were assign'd 'em. These motions persuaded the Court, that all they who quitted their Houses, went to strengthen this Foreign Army, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make a considerable diversion upon the Frontiers of Champaigne. For which reason, several persons were seiz'd, upon suspicion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 favouring the Duke of Bouillon's Enterprize; and besides some

Officers of his Houshold, who were imprison'd in several pla-•…•…es; the Son of the Vidame of Normandy was secur'd at Paris, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Count of Suze at Lion, and the Duke of Sulli at Moulins, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being suspected to be of the Confederacy. In the mean time Marshal de Bouillon, who had promis'd money before he knew where to have it, made it his business to seek where to raise it: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he wrote to the Duke of Rohan, to see whether he could 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any that way. His Letters however contain'd two things 〈◊〉〈◊〉 opposite one to another: for at the beginning he exhorted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke to Peace, for fear the continuance of the War should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ruin of the Reformed. He observ'd that their ill ••uccesses proceeded from the dispersing of those who were able 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bear Arms, but who were made uncapable of succouring one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by their separation. He added, as it were, to lead him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of one discourse into another, that this misfortune was oc-•…•…ion'd by the want of Foreign Soldiers. For the supply of which defect, he offer'd the bringing in of Count Mansfeild to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assistance of the Reformed; in order to which, he de∣•…•…nded three things; an express approbation of his design; money for the payment of his Foreign Forces, and assurance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he should be comprehended in the Peace, both he and his, if happen'd to be made. But money was more difficult to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, then the demanded Approbation and Assurances; so that the ••ourt had time enough to gain Mansfeild, and prevent his entring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France. Propositions therefore were made him of being enter∣•…•…* 1.30 in the King's service, and some ready money fix'd his resolu∣•…•…ns. But the Bishop of Alberstadt, a Prince of the House of Bruns∣•…•…k, to whom some part of the Forces belong'd, was willing •…•…heark'n to Marshal de Bouillon's Proposals▪ and to be contented 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the small Sum which the Marshal offer'd for present neces∣•…•…y, till a more considerable could be rais'd: which differing •…•…linations set the two Generals at variance, who never after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did any thing considerable; so that after some Sieges at∣tempted without Success, Mansfeild retir'd into the Low-Coun∣•…•…s, where his Army was utterly ruin'd.

France would have bin very much incumber'd with him, had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hir'd his Army into her Service: She had no Foreign War, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would the Council of Conscience permit the King to con∣cern

himself with the King of Bohemia's Broils: and therefore there was an Expedient found to get rid of him, by sending him into the Service of the Low-Countries then in amity with the King, chusing rather that he should join with the States, the•• with the King of Spain or the Venetians, who both courted him▪ Thus the Churches of France were flatter'd with an appearance of hope that vanish'd as soon. Nor were the Reformed the 〈…〉〈…〉 that treated with Foreigners: for the King had set 'em an Ex∣ample, and sent into Languedoc some German Troops that serv's under the Duke of Mommorancy: so that it could not be justly laid to their charge, that they went about to expose their Coun∣try to the Plunder and Ransack of Foreigners, since the Catho∣lics were the first who had call'd the Reiters and the Lansquenets into the Kingdom.

In the mean time the fear of Mansfeild's Army render'd the* 1.31 King's Council more pliable, so that the Proposals of Peace were renew'd. But whether it were that the Duke of Rohan Demands were too high, or that the Council were freed from the terror of Mansfeild's ever coming to hurt 'em, the Negotia∣tion came to nothing, and Lesdiguieres spent all his pains and 〈…〉〈…〉 time to no purpose in promoting it. Nevertheless the Cou•••• began to hanker after Peace, of which they who were desirous to advance themselves in the King's Favour, or by the manage∣ment of Affairs stood in great need, to the end they might 〈…〉〈…〉 have too much variety of business to trouble their heads wi•••• at one and the same time. For as for the Cities that remain'd they were of quite another consequence then the paltry Tow•• the gaining of which had bin, till that time, the sole Fruit •••• the War. Only they were desirous that the King should gra•••• the Peace, like the Lord and Master of it; and they avoided •••• General Treaty, for fear the Union of the Reformed should be justifi'd, and as it were legitimated by a Treaty of that nature. These Sentiments were sufficiently express'd by the Author of •••• Treatise that appear'd upon this Subject, after the enterview •••• Lesdiguieres and the Duke of Rohan. And indeed, no less the•••• three persons, of a different character, deliver'd their Opinion•• upon the Peace. The one a Reformed, who was desirous to ob∣tain the Four Articles upon which the Lords were agreed; •…•…

other was a Zealous Catholic, who was altogether for Exter∣mination. The third a moderate man, who took the middle ••ay between the other two Extreams; but who rejected the 〈…〉〈…〉 Articles as contrary to the good of the State. The Author 〈…〉〈…〉 himself the name of Francophilus, because he was willing •• give his judgment for those of the truly honest Frenchmen, ••ho lov'd the Honour and Repose of the Kingdom.

He asserted, that it was not proper to allow the Reformed by longer possession of Places of Security, because the time al ••ted for 'em to hold those Places, was expir'd; That the Rea∣sons why they were granted were out of doors; That the League ••as the true motive which induc'd Henry IV. to trust 'em in ••e hands of the Reformed: That he was willing to permit the ••eformed to be in Arms, that they might be serviceable to him •• case of necessity: That the particular safety of the Reformed ••er so many Wars, was but a second motive of less importance, ••••d only serv'd as a pretence for the other; That the same Prince, before his death, began to re-assume 'em indirectly; and ex∣••ted Promises in writing from the Governour, which he sent either, that they would keep 'em for his Service: That the Re∣formed had made an ill use of 'em, and by consequence, that they ••••d forfeited their Right, if they had any: That they were the perpetual occasion of renewing the Troubles: That it was be∣••w a King to think there should be such Reasons of mistrust between him and his Subjects, that his word and Faith should ••••t be as good as Places of Security. 'Twas also there main∣tain'd, That at first those Cities were not given to the People, ••••t to the Princes of the Blood, who had sided with 'em: That •• reality, they were of no use to the Reformed, because the ••ant of 'em never could warrant 'em from being attacqu'd by ••e King; That 'twas not to be thought that the King had any ••••sign to ruin the Reformed, tho he had taken their Cities from ••••••: And he prov'd, That 'twas nor the Aim of the Council either, by an Extract out of a Book call'd, Les Armes Victori∣••ses du Roy, wherein it was made out, that it was a great piece of injustice to force the Conscience; and that there was nothing incompatible with the welfare of the State in the Toleration of ••wo Religions. This Francophilus was of opinion, That the

Reformed might be suffer'd to hold Ecclesiastical Assemblies un∣der certain Conditions; to reduce Colloquies from four to one in a year; but to hold Provincial Synods but once in three years nor for one Province to hold correspondence with another; no•• to have any more National Synods; or if they had, not to me•••• above once in six years with the King's permission▪ and in such a place as he should be pleas'd to appoint, under the oversight •••• a Commissioner to be present on the King's behalf. As for Politie Assemblies, he deem'd it necessary that they should be suppress'd as pernicious, or to suffer 'em only at some time three years after the National Synods. He observ'd that the Nobility were never present at those Assemblies, but only to flatter, and get Pensions whether in Peace or War, at the expence of the Common Cause: That the Commissioners of the Third Estate had the same Ends: That it was dishonest, unprofitable, and dange∣rous, for Ministers to leave their Churches, to be present •• those Meetings. And in a word, he would have all these Meet∣ings to be very rarely held, and after another manner then ti•••• that time they had bin allow'd. As to the Money, of which the Reformed demanded restitution, he was of opinion, That •••• ought not to be restor'd: 'Twas in his opinion Money ill be∣stow'd, which serv'd only to defray the Expences of Assemblies▪ where nothing but War was talk'd of. The disingaging of private Persons was to be referr'd to the King's Prudence; who was •••• judge upon whom it was proper to confer his Favours, and how far it was fitting for him to extend 'em; provided those Favour were requested not with their Arms in their hands, and with Rebellious Expostulations, but with tears in their Eyes, and te∣stimonies of Repentance. He concluded, That if Peace were offer'd upon Conditions dishonourable to the King, a War would be more advantageous.

The Contents of that Treatise may well be thought to be writ∣ten by a Person well inform'd of the Court's Intentions, since that afterwards they put in practise every thing that he asserted. The War then was continu'd; and after the taking of several* 1.32 Little Places that might annoy the Army, the King sate down before Mompellier. But the Prince of Condé, who had the Com∣mand of these petty Enterprizes, discharg'd his duty after a most

cruel manner. Always some unfortunate Creatures were 〈…〉〈…〉 to be executed in those Cities that were surrender'd 〈…〉〈…〉 himself; and 'tis a wonderful thing, that those Rigorous Pro∣ceedings did not animate the Reformed to be more obstinate in their Resistance: For there was not any Place that yielded, which could not have held out much longer, or that might not we obtain'd at least an honourable Capitulation. Lunel was ••e of those unfortunate Cities, where the Garison that sustain'd ••e Siege, underwent all the Cruelties that could be expected or ••r'd from a faithless Enemy. For that instead of being safe conducted, as they ought to have been, they were almost all 〈…〉〈…〉 to pieces by the Soldiers of the Prince's Army, who gave but ••••••y slight and superficial Orders to prevent the slaughter. All ••e Paggage which they carry'd out was pillag'd; and they who ••••d committed this Barbarous Action, re-enter'd Lunel with a ••ring confidence, carrying away those people Prisoners who ••••ve them any hopes of Ransome, and making them the Porters •• their Booty, as if it had been the Prize of a just and lawful ••ar. But by good luck for some of those Prisoners, Bassom∣••rre happen'd to be at the Gate as the Soldiers were coming ••••t, who caus'd some of 'em to be hang'd; order'd the Priso∣ners to be set at liberty, and their Baggage to be restor'd 'em. ••owevert his was all the justice that was done to recompense the ••ughter of the greatest part of the Garison that march'd out. ••••ch an Action as this committed by the Reformed would have ••••en a copious Subject for Fenouillet's Eloquence to have en∣gag'd upon.

Moreover, Several of these Places had bin half demolish'd: and the Reformed being too late convinc'd of the truth of what 〈…〉〈…〉 had often formerly repeated to 'em, that the too great ••••mber of Places which they coveted to hold in their hands, did not weaken up, and keep their Forces too much separated, they ••••e••e desirous to preserve their Men for the most important Ci∣••••s, as Nimes, Ʋsez, Mompellier, and some others. Their Re∣••••tance in those of lesser Importance was only to amuse the Ene∣••ys Army, and that they might waste their Time, their Am∣munition, and their Men. Which makes it apparent▪ whither the Catholicks had any reason to complain that the Reformed demo∣lish'd

their Houses, and levell'd the Fortifications of their Ca∣stles, since they as little spar'd their own Houses, as such Town•• also which they had no mind to defend.

The Duke of Mommorency likewise obtain'd some small Ad∣vantage* 1.33 over the Reiters, and the Lansquenets: But the redu∣cing of Aiguesmortes, which Chatillon surrender'd to the King was of greater consequence. He had held it a long time as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were, in trust, and he was so well fix'd there, that the Assem∣bly, who depriv'd him of the Government of the Circle, and who put him out of Mompellier, notwithstanding the numerous▪ Party which he had there, could not dispossess him of that Place. All that they could do, was to declare the City 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Associate with Chatillon in his Desertion, and to look upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as a Town in hostility against 'em. Nor had they made but a very lame Answer, in the behalf of that Nobleman, to the Ma∣nifesto publish'd against him by the Assembly. The whole was reduc'd to a bare denial of those things which were laid 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Charge, which in reality were too evident; or to excuse some things, as done out of a good Intention: All the rest was only stufft with Recriminations and Reproaches. But his Ad∣vancement after all this made it appear, that their Suspicious were not ill grounded. For at length the Promises of the Court, with which he had bin so long time held in play* 1.34 were fulfill'd to him; and the King created him a Marshal of France. But the Duke of Vendome had no such good suc∣cess in Upper Languedoc, where the King had left a small Bo∣dy of an Army. At first, he took in some Places inconsidera∣ble for their strength; but having laid siege to Briteste, he was foil'd before that Pitiful Hamlet, where the Garison behav'd themselves so manfully, that after two Months time lot, he was so happy as to receive an Order to attend the King before Mompellier, which gave him an honourable Occasion to raise his Siege.

Among several Persons of Quality that laid their Bones in the Approches of Mompelier, the Duke of Fronsac, a young Gentleman of great hopes; and the only Son of the Duke of St. Paul was slain; and his Death had like to have bin reveng'd by a Massacre of the Reformed. For the People of Orleans of∣fer'd

to the Count of St. Paul, their Governour, to avenge the •…•…eath of his Son upon the Reformed, their Fellow-Citizens;* 1.35 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had much ado to put a stop to their Fury, upon his re∣usal of their insolent Offers. But when the Corps of the young •…•…ince was carri'd to Fronsac, where he was to be entomb'd, •…•…e Catholics could not be hinder'd from sacrificing several of •…•…e Reformed to his Ghost, notwithstanding the presence of the Count of St. Paul himself, whose menial Servants join'd themselves with the Catholics. Nor were they suppress'd, till they had in some measure appeas'd their bellowing Rage with •…•…e Atonements of Blood and Plunder. However the Count, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shew that he by no means approv'd such Acts of Violence, •…•…us'd one or two to be hang'd. Nevertheless, I know not that excuse he could make for his Indulgence to his Servants, those punishment would have bin much more exemplary, then •…•…at of any one cull'd out of the multitude. But the Sedition 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lion could not be so soon pacifi'd, where it brake forth most •…•…olently upon the 27^th of September. It began among the •…•…bble, intermix'd with Lacqueys, who seeing a Reformed pass •…•…ng in the Piazza of the Grey Friers, where he liv'd, began 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abuse him, but he made his escape to a Neighbour's house. However, his Goods were plunder'd and burnt; at what time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others of the Reformed crossing the Piazza in like man∣•…•…r, were set upon, and most injuriously handl'd by the same 〈◊〉〈◊〉. There was then a certain new word, which was be∣•…•…me in fashion, and which the Catholics had always in their •…•…ouths, when they had a mind to affront one of the Reformed. The word Huguenot was grown so stale, that they were ac∣custom'd to it; and many very prudent and moderate People ••ade use of it as a word equivalent to that of pretended Re∣formed. But instead of that, they afterwards invented ano∣ther, which the Rabble swallow'd with extraordinary greedi∣•…•…ss. This was the pleasing Nickname of Parpaillots; the Ori∣ginal of which word lies very obscure. Some assert, that* 1.36 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first time it was made use of, was at the Siege of Clairac. the Garison, say they, made a Sally one night, and to the end they might distinguish each other in the medley, they put their •…•…irts over their Cloaths; which made the King's Soldiers, by

whom they were repuls'd, give 'em the Nickname of Parpail∣lots, because that under that dress, they resembl'd Butterflie•• which have white wings, and of which there were great num∣bers flying about the Fields at that time: For the Vulgar in Gay∣enne and Languedoc call those little Insects Parpaillets, or Parpail∣lots. This word being pronounc'd by some in view of the Sol∣diers as they march'd out of Clairac, was taken up by others and in a moment spread over the whole Army; from whence it flew over all the Kingdom where the Soldiers were quarter'd▪ Nor were there many places in France where this word was more in use then at Paris, and it miss'd but very little of being as common in Guyenne; which renders that Province the most likely place from whence the word was first of all de∣riv'd.

Others refer it to some Surprizes of the Reformed, who ei∣ther innocently or imprudently fell into the Snares that we•…•… laid for 'em. And some making the Original of this word al•…•… most as ancient as the Civil Wars, refer it to the simplicity •••• the Reformed Chieftains, who went to Paris under the Pre∣tence of the Marriage of the Prince of Navarre, to lay them∣selves at the mercy of their Enemies. For that upon the Mas∣sacre which ensu'd, they were compar'd by those People wh•• insulted over their Credulity, to Butterflies, that fly of them∣selves to burn in the Candle. And because the Comparison might first of all perhaps be made by some one that liv'd in the Country where those Insects are call'd Parpaillots, therefore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gascon word was retain'd, in derision, rather then the French. There are others who derive the word, with probability enough▪ from the white Mandillions which the Reformed wore in the first Wars; more especially in that which the Prince of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 began, by his attempt upon Meux. Those white Mandillions behav'd themselves so well at the Battel of Paris, in the judg∣ment of the Turkish Envoy, who beheld the Combat from the walls of the City, that he wish'd his Master but Six thousand such as they, to subdue the whole world. That sort of Habit was the reason that they were call'd Papillons, or Parpaillots, in English Butterflies, in regard their best men came from that Pro∣vince where that word is in use. These Derivations might seem

natural enough, were it certain that the word was known long before the Wars of Lewis XIII. But some derive it from an Ori∣ginal less noble, and say, that among those who were executed after the taking of Towns, some poor Wretch or other at the same of his approaching death, with an assurance that his Soul, so soon as it parted from the Body, should fly to Heaven, made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the comparison of a Papillon or Butterfly; which being ridicul'd by the Spectators, they took an occasion from thence, to call all the Reformed Parpaillots, or Butterflies.

However it were, certain it is, that the Reformed were high∣ly offended at this Nickname; nor did they look upon the word Huguenot as half so great an Affront. And indeed there are two things of which it is equally difficult to give a reason; the Original of certain words, which of a sudden become univer∣sally in use, though no body can tell either who was the Author, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what was the occasion; and the Idea of the Injury which People believe attends the use of 'em.

Thus the word Hust in Normandy was a Reproach which* 1.37 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vulgar sort of People threw upon the Reformed. Never∣theless, the word in it self has no signification, and concerning the Original of which, I never could hear but ridiculous Stories without any probability; however the word was lookt upon as ••ery seditious. And I have seen Petitions presented to the Ma∣gistrates, which have produc'd Informations, Sentences and Decrees of Parlament, which forbid the use of that word, the •…•…nely Crime mention'd in the Complaint.

'Twas the same thing with the word Parpaillot, of which the Reformed complain'd as of a heinous Injury, though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so ••••ensive in it, unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came, spoke it with a design to affront 'em.

The Reformed then being assail'd at Lion by that seditious* 1.38 Rabble, were, among other foul language, call'd Parpaillots, and threaten'd with the Halter. To which, while some were a ••••ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought, they ••••nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated, and whose number was already swell'd to three or four thou∣sand, by the concourse of Lacqueys, Children, and the Rifraff

of the People; so that at last, they broke into the houses of the Reformed, plunder'd whatever was of value, burnt what they could not carry away, beat, wounded and kill'd several of those that fell into their hands. This Fury lasted three days; nei∣ther the Magistrates, nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences. And yet, to say the truth, consi∣dering the condition the City was in at that time, they must needs have bin very remiss, or else it ne're could have bin so difficult a matter to have reduc'd that Canaille to reason. For d'Alincourt, the Governor of the City, had his Guards, the City was divided into Quarters, which had every one their Captains and their Streamers, and could have easily rais'd men enow to have dispers'd those Rakehells. The Queen and the Queen∣mother were both at Lion, together with the Bishop of Lus••••, soon after made a Cardinal, with some Soldiers to guard 'em. But at Lion, as well as at Paris, they were much afraid of spil∣ling Catholic Blood. Otherwise, they might have drawn to∣gether a little Army able to have done much more, then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lacqueys. But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remon∣strances; and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation, had they not him afraid lest the Rabble, having once tasted the sweets of Pillage, should have flown upon the Catholics, after they had got what they could from the Reformed. All the severity of the Magi∣strate went no farther then to place Guards in some places, and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison. At length indeed the Queenmother caus'd herself to be carri'd to the place where the disorder was most violent, and then the seditious Rout, already almost aweary, began to retire. But there was no body punisht for all this Insolence but the Re∣formed; for instead of giving 'em satisfaction, d'Alincourt dis∣arm'd 'em. Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death* 1.39 of those that were massacr'd, or to repair the damages of those who had bin plunder'd and burnt. Nay, they were made be∣lieve, they had a great Favour done 'em, that so much care had bin taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multi∣tude. As for the Catholics, there were some indeed committed

••o Prison, but releas'd agen in a few days after, without either Fine, or any other punishment. The only harm that was done ••em, was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future. A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious. And had the Reformed ••appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens, all the blood in their bodies would not have suf∣••••'d to have expiated their Crime.

While the King lay before Mompelier, the Count of Soissons ••ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land, and the Duke of Guise by ••ea; and that potent City was every way hard beset. The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis, which was like to ••rove a great Annoyance to it, in regard it commanded the Channel; so that the Sea was no longer open to her, nor could he be reliev'd on that side but with great difficulty. Never∣theless the Assembly stood their ground, and issu'd forth the ••est Orders they could for the support of the common Cause. they held Correspondences in several places, and sometimes ••••me of the Nobility, and some Soldiers of good Note, got in∣to the City to defend it. However, several of their Enterpri∣••es had no success; and though Rochel had bin the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea ••nd Land, she was at last reduc'd to fight for her own Walls. ••he Duke of Soubise, after the Overthrow he had receiv'd, went* 1.40 into England, and left no Stone unturn'd to procure some consi∣derable Succor from the King; but that Prince, always obsti∣nate in his Maxims, would not hear a word of it, but forbid his ••ubjects to assist the Reformed, whom he made no scruple to all Rebels. Nevertheless he offer'd his Intercession with the King of France, for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him ••nd his Subjects. In short, he order'd his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉〈…〉 their business, as he had done before, when Montauban was ••esieg'd, where Hay his Envoy had already made some Over∣••••res; and when the Conditions were resolv'd upon as a ground work for entring into a Treaty, he earnestly prest the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to 'em. In the ••ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France: for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke

Soubise, that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail, la∣den with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel. But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbor before it set Sail; so that when the Duke came to take shipping, he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations, and all the marks of a terrible Shipwrack.

But before Mompelier, things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes. The City held out stoutly; the Season spent apace; and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot; and though on the one side, the Reformed had rea∣son to fear that the King at last would take the City; on the other hand, the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forc'd to lose all his labour, and go without it. These Fears, on both sides, bent their Inclinations to Peace: but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it, was to be kept pri∣vate from him. Lesdiguieres, created Constable but a little be∣fore, undertook the Negotiation once again, and after several Obstacles surmounted, which had like, several times, to have dash'd the whole Negotiation to pieces, at length it was decreed and the Constable came to the Army to put a final end to it▪ One of those things which occasion'd the greatest trouble, was that the King would needs enter into the City, and that the In∣habitants were afraid that if they did admit him, he would make 'em pay dear for the Expences of so long a Siege. Never∣thelefs, the King disdaining to promise one of his Cities, by a formal Treaty, that he would not have entrance into it, there was a necessity of endeavouring to persuade the Inhabitants to submit. To this purpose the Duke of Rohan had leave to en∣ter, and make the Proposal to the Citizens. He did so; b•• whether he undertook that Commission rather to inform him∣self of the true state of the Town, then to persuade the People to a good liking of the Proposal; or whether it were, that he could not remove out of their minds the fear of being made a new Example of the Infidelities of the Court, he return'd, with∣out being able to obtain the Consent of the City to admit the King. Upon that, he promis'd to send 'em Relief, because the Town was in great want of men: but he met with so ma∣ny

difficulties, after the Duke of Vendome's and the Constable's ••en were arriv'd in the King's Camp, that at length he resolv'd ••pon a Peace.

Thereupon it was concluded in despight of the Prince of* 1.41 Condé, who for madness, to see that he had so little Credit, ••nd that an Affair of such Importance should be conceal'd from ••is knowledge, quitted the Court, and travell'd into Italy. On the other side, the Duke of Rohan, with the Commissioners ••f Cevennes, Nimes, and Ʋsez, came to Mompellier; and the ••9th of October the Edict of Peace was publish'd in the Camp before Mompellier. This Edict was set forth in the Form of •• Pardon, wherein the King, before all things, took care to as∣sert the Justice of his Arms taken up against the Reformed; whose Rebellions he ascrib'd to the Artifices of those who thought to make advantage of their Simplicity, and the Trou∣bles of the State; and he took God to witness that his Inten∣sion had always bin to procure the Peace and Welfare of his Subjects. After which, he declar'd that he had granted a Peace upon the humble Petitions and Supplications of the Re∣formed, who had besought it by their Commissioners sent on purpose, together with a Pardon for their Offences. By this Peace he confirm'd the Edicts not only of the deceased King, ••ut his own. He likewise confirm'd the Secret Articles; but ••e added the word Enregister'd, wherein he had an Aim that ••o body mistrusted; and which was afterwards the foundation ••f many Cavils. He re setled the Roman Religion in several places where the exercise of it had bin interrupted, and re∣cor'd to the Ecclesiasticks their Tenths, their Revenues, and their Houses. He also re-establish'd the Reformed Religion in places where it had bin disturb'd by the War. He ordain'd that the Cities remaining in the hands of the Reformed, pre∣serving their ancient Fortifications, should demolish their new ••nes; for which they gave Hostages; and he forbid the forti∣fying of any place, under any pretence whatever. He extend∣ed the benefit of the Peace to all those that would submit in fifteen days after publication of the Edict. He put down all Politic Assemblies, if they were not authoriz'd by his Express Permission; but he consented to their holding Consistories,

Colloquies and Synods, according to custome, provided that nothing were handl'd therein but meerly Ecclesiastical Af∣fairs. He granted an Act of Oblivion for all that had hap∣pen'd since the first of January 1621, as full, and with the same Restrictions as that which had been granted by the 76th, 77th, and 86th Articles of the Edict of Nantes. He added a particular Amnesty for what had happen'd at Privas, wherein he comprehended Brison, who had been the Author of those Commotions, and who had kept his ground there ever since the beginning of the year. As for the Accompts, and the Sentences or Decrees that had bin issu'd out against the Re∣formed who had born Arms, they were regulated according to the Articles of the Edict of Nantes, that mention'd the same things; and the Judgments pronounc'd between Persons of their Party by the Judges setled in the Provinces by Authority of the Chieftains, were confirm'd; the Prisoners on both sides were releas'd without Ransom. All Persons of what quality soever were restor'd to their Estates, their Dignities and Employ∣ments. The observation of this Edict was regulated according to the Form prescrib'd by the 82d Article of Nantes; and the King promis'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces to see it duly executed.

This Edict free'd from much trouble a great many Persons,* 1.42 against whom the Parlament had issu'd forth very severe De∣crees, which were put in execution without mercy. Thus the Unfortunate L••ssius, who had been proscrib'd at the be∣ginning of the Troubles, not being able to escape his being sur∣priz'd at Bourdeaux, was put to death, in pursuance of a De∣cree set forth against him the 18th of May. For they thought it more proper and more agreeable to their nature, to look upon his Actions as Acts of Rebellion against his Prince, then effects of Zeal for his Religion and Countrey. He was suspected for one of those who had a great share in the Intrigues of the Re∣formed, and they coupl'd him with Chamier, who was slain at the Siege of Montauban, and Hautefontaine, who liv'd with the Duke of Rohan. The Parliament of Rennes no less violent then that of Bourdeaux, had upon the 10th of the same Month issu'd forth a most terrible Decree against the Marquess de la

Muce, and le Noir his Minister. They condemn'd 'em for Con∣••••macy to the * 1.43 Amende Honorable, ••nd to be drawn by four Horses. Their Posterity was degraded, and declared Peasants: de la Muce's Houses and Castle were demolish'd, and his Wood cut down to the ••eighth of a Man. Moreover, their Goods were confiscated, and themselves fin'd the Sum of Ten thousand Livres, and Six thousand Livres to be bestow'd upon some Churches and Mo∣••asteries. La Muce was also levell'd with the Earth; though 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Decrees of Contumacy the Proceedings were not wont to be •…•…swift: But in regard the persons condemn'd were out of the Parlament's reach, they were discharg'd for an Execution in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. There were also several other very Rigorous Decrees ac∣cording to the Passionate Humour of the Parlaments, which were to take cognizance of the Parties accus'd. Nay, the Duke of Rohan himself had bin declar'd a State-Criminal by a particular Decree made on purpose. However they spar'd him, while the Constable de Luines liv'd; but after his death a De∣claration was publish'd against the Duke and his Adherents; ••et though it came forth 27th of December of the preceding ••ear▪ it was not verify'd till the fourth of July, 1622. So that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke bore Arms above a year against the King, made himself master of several Places, reliev'd Montauban, and com∣mitted all manner of Hostilities all the while, before he was •…•…s'd as a Rebel.

This Peace prov'd very honourable for the Duke of Rohan,* 1.44 who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns, was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace, which the King had refus'd at the Siege of Montauban; but the Pri∣••ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the Gene∣ral. The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Re∣formed, not under the Title of Security, Marriage or Hostage, but by way of free Gift, and voluntary Concession; which did ••ut only alter the name, not the thing. 'Tis true, that the King would no longer tye himself to pay the Garisons, nor what was due for the time past, as the Sums promis'd either by himself, or his Father, for the Salaries of the Ministers:

Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the fu∣ture: But that Article was ill observ'd as well as the rest.

By a particular Brevet, the King promis'd that he would nei∣ther keep any Garison, nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier▪ that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls; and that there should be no Innovation, other then the demolishing of the new Fortifications: which Breif was deliver'd to the Duke of Rohan, who lodg'd it in the Consul's hands. By other Breifs, permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as the•…•… stood; and that the Works about Nimes, Castres, Ʋsez, and Milhau, should be but half demolish'd. But when that Ar∣ticle about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to •••• put in execution, notice was giv'n to the Parlament of Tho∣louse, that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities, they made 'em better and stron∣ger then before: so that upon the 14^th of December there came forth a Decree, which forbid those counterfeit dismant∣lings: which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside, and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found 'em.

Nor did the Parlament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications. The Parlament of Paris, instead of the words, Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion, put in, Cities 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion: and in the room of th•• words, Ecclesiastical Affairs, they alter'd 'em into, Affairs con∣cerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reformed Religion▪ These petty Niceties however display'd no signs of Embitter∣ment: But the Parlament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shewn during the Frenzi•••• of the League. They verifi'd the Edict, without approving any other then the Catholic Religion, or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs. They ordain'd that the dismantling of their Towns should be continu'd, till it were thoroughly finish'd▪ that such Judgments as were in favour of the Catholics, should stand good; but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed, should be revokable upon a bare Petition; and th•••• no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the King∣dom.

These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict, ••ight well be lookt upon as a Presage, that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom, would not be of long conti∣••••ance.

Nevertheless, all the Cities which had join'd together in the* 1.45 ••••mmon Cause, accepted of the Peace, though there were ••••me that were afraid of the Consequence. Privas, and Brison, who had held it out, notwithstanding the Conquests which Cha∣••llo•• had suffer'd the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts, came in upon the general Conditions. Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person, and of preserving her Fortifications as a Tro∣•…•…y of her Victory, accepted the Conditions also. Rochel prest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sea and Land, and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom, if she refus'd the Conditions pro∣pos'd, submitted to the Count of Soissons, who commanded the King's Forces that attacqu'd her. However, the Duke of Guise, •…•…ough well inform'd that the Peace was concluded, adventur'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City; and because he could not ••••••d out a way to excuse that Action, which cost a great deal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Blood on both sides, 'twas given out that Rochel knew it as well as he, and that she would not have accepted the Peace, ••••d she got the better. To say truth, her loss was not so great, ••••t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be said, that her damage consisted in this, that the least •…•…es of a City, that has no other assistance to trust to but her ••wn, are always considerable, rather then in her receiving any great harm by the King's Fleet. But after the tidings of the ••eace, all Acts of Hostility ceas'd, and the City thought her¦self deliver'd from all her fears of a long Siege. Ʋsez, Nimes, Milhau, all the rest of the Cities obey'd, and flatter'd themselves with seeing the Edicts better observ'd for the future, then hitherto ••••ey had bin.

But Catholic Zeal had not yet alter'd her Characters: nor* 1.46 was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature, ••••t with a resolution to violate it. One of the first effects of ••••e Infidelity of the Court, was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause, and denying 'em the Re∣compences

which had bin promis'd em; for the performance 〈…〉〈…〉 which Promises they never had bin urgent. The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed, ha•…•… disingag'd him from the Promises which he had made to parti∣cular men, meerly to retain 'em in their obedience. Nor would many People have murmur'd at this piece of Infidelity, had th•…•… stopp'd there: and it was agreed on all sides, that they who ha•• sold for ready money, the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences, deserv'd no better usage: b•…•… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of high•…•… importance. For they had promis'd the Rochelois to demoli•…•… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built, to curb and a•…•… noy the City. But they were so far from observing that Ar∣ticle, that the Fort was not finish'd till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain a•…•… other then feigned Commands to demolish it; of which they to whom they were sent, had private Orders to take 〈…〉〈…〉 notice.

Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier, there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants, that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Foo•…•… which should march out back again with him. To elude which Promise, the whole Regiment of Guards was order'd to enter i•…•… under no more then four Colours, unworthily abusing the a•…•… biguous signification of the word; though, as time has made it out, the word Colours or Ensign, signifies much more usually in common speech, a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉〈…〉 Ensign, then the Colours or Ensign it self. But they carri'd th•…•… Fraud yet higher; and to enforce the Inhabitants to suffer 〈…〉〈…〉 Garison 'twas thought fit to demand Hostages of 'em, for secu∣rity of the Commissioners which the King intended to leav•…•… there, under pretence of looking after the demolishing of th•…•… Fortifications: and the number of Hostages was so great, 〈…〉〈…〉 which there must be so many that had no kindness for the Coun•…•… or well affected to the Reformed Religion, that they well equally terrifi'd with the choice and the number. Besides, that Proposal was made 'em with such an air, as made it sufficiently apparent that Hostages were demanded of 'em to no other pur∣pose▪

then to make 'em redeliver the Breif which exempted 'em ••••om admitting a Garison, and which made 'em afraid that if ••••ey did not provide for themselves, they shou'd be forc'd not only to give Hostages, but receive a Garison also. At last some ••eople, who had bin none of the most zealous during the War, ••••fected a servile compliance with the good-will and pleasure •••• the Court, in hopes of reconciling themselves to the King, ••••d made it their business with great fervency to discourage ••••hers, so that they accepted a Garison, and thought it their du∣•••• to receive it, though they had a mortal reluctancy against it, if it had bin a favour done 'em to abuse and then laugh at 'em. Nor did the Court stop here; the Consulship of Mompelier ••as intermix'd half Catholics, half Protestants, and a Citadel ••oreover erected.

In the mean time the King return'd to Paris, and in his march* 1.47 ••••ok from the Reformed all those places which were under their ••overnment. The Constable, though he were turn'd Catho∣••••••••, could hardly preserve his own in the Dauphinate. Nay, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had bin despoil'd of 'em, had not his Son-in-law, Crequi, pro∣••••s'd to resign 'em after his death. The Adviser of these tart ••roceedings was Puisieux, who began to grow into favour. The ••••ath of the Cardinal de Retz, who possess'd a great share of ••••e Royal Authority, and the absence of the Prince of Condé, ••••o shar'd another part, gave him an opportunity to engross ••••e whole; and as if the King had bin weary of governing alone, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 resign'd himself up almost without any limitations, into the ••••nds of this new Favourite. The Spaniards had already got ••••e Ascendant over him, and had infus'd into him their own ••••litics. The Court of Rome, which at that time acted only 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Concert with the House of Austria, supported those Foreign ••axims to the utmost of their Power: so that Puisieux, full of ••eneration for those two Potentates, did nothing but with a ••••sign to render himself their Minion, and who was therefore ••••ely guided by their Counsels. And indeed till then there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 certain kind of Fatality which intangl'd the Favourites in ••••reign Interests: As if they could have erected their Gran∣••••ur upon a better Foundation, by corresponding with an Ene∣mies

Court, then upon the good-will of their Sovereign, and the prosperity of his Affairs.

But this Favour lasted not long; for while it seem'd to be* 1.48 almost Battery proof, there was an Alteration prepar'd for him which no body suspected in the least: For the Queen Mother had not quench'd as yet her violent thirst of Rule; and in re∣gard she had a great confidence in the Bishop of Luson, she us'd her utmost endeavour to advance him, persuaded that he would be so grateful for her Favours, as always to depend upon her▪ That Prelat had wound himself into the King's good opinion because he had more then once contributed to patch up the Dif∣ferences between him and the Queen his Mother, whose restless spirit gave him cause of vexation enough: so that he was loo•• upon with a favourable Aspect by both sides, and both Parti•…•… though themselves beholding to him for what he only did 〈…〉〈…〉 gratify his own Ambition. So that he readily obtain'd of the Queen-mother the utmost of her endeavours to put the Kin•…•… upon demanding a Cardinal's Cap for him; nor did the Kin•…•… make any great scruple to consent to her Request. Neverthe less, this Negotiation held off and on for above two years be∣fore it took effect, as being thwarted, perhaps, by those that were unwilling by so fair and proper a means to hand a ma•…•… of his Genius into Authority. But the Sollicitation was re∣doubl'd this year so luckily and so effectually, that the Po•…•… granted the Cap to this Bishop at the beginning of September▪ As for the Bishop, he had waited the success of the No•…•…∣tion with extraordinary Impatience, despairing almost of suc∣cess, by reason that Puisieux seem'd to him a dreadful Enemy and such an one in whose power it was to put a stop to his Pre∣ferment, more especially because his Kinsman Silleri was th•…•… Ambassador at Rome. So that the News could not chuse 〈…〉〈…〉 be a pleasing Surprize to him.

Nor could the towring Genius of that Prelat hinder him from* 1.49 being extremely sensible of the Impressions of unexpected Events and he was no less prone to commit great Absurdities, when he had not time to compose himself. Never was any man less th•…•… Master of his first Transports. But he was so lucky, that he easily got time enough to recollect himself; and he was so••

dextrous, that he never let the opportunity slip. So that he •…•…em'd to have a heart that nothing could surprize, and which was equally provided against all Accidents. I shall here relate what was told me upon this occasion, by one of the most consi∣derable persons in the Court of France. There was at the Court of Savoy a French Gentleman who had bin forc'd to quit ••hat of France, by reason of some distaste which he had given ••o the Bishop of Luson. That Gentleman, who passionately ••ought all means to be reconcil'd to the Bishop, was in the Duke of Savoy's presence when the Courier, who brought the News of the Promotion of Cardinals, came to present him with the Letters: which were immediately open'd by reason of the Cu∣riosity, which is common to all Courts, to know the names of ••hose whom the Pope has advanc'd to that Dignity: and then it was that the Prince read aloud the names of four who had a share in that Honour. But then the Gentleman hearing the Bishop of Luson's name, began to consider with himself, whether if he should be the first that carri'd him the tidings, it might not be enough to restore him to his favour: and thereup∣on finding he had time enough to get before the Courier, he took Horse immediately, and made such speed, that he got to Lion two hours before the Courier.

Presently away he went directly to the Bishop's Apartment,* 1.50 who was no less surpriz'd at his Arrival, then to see him at his feet. But when he understood from the Gentleman the News of his Promotion, and how he came by his Intelligence, he abandon'd himself to such an excess of Joy, and after such an unusual manner, as if the giving him the Cap, had depriv'd him of his Reason. He forgot all the gravity and decorum of his Character, and display'd his satisfaction by motions and gestures so unbecoming a man of his Age and Quality, that the Gentle∣man was more afraid of his hatred then ever, as having bin so unfortunate to be the Witness of a piece of weakness which the Bishop had reason to be asham'd of as long as he liv'd. But after a little time had giv'n the first transports of his Joy leave to evaporate, the Bishop deliver'd him out of his fears, and on∣ly very seriously admonish'd him not to let any body know what he had seen, nor to appear at Court till the Courier was arriv'd.

But though the Gentleman were very trusty in observing the last Injunction, he could no more forbear his disobedience to the latter then Midas's Barber. In the mean time, the Bishop came to himself agen, and had time to compose the Disorders of his mind; so that when the Queen sent for him, to impart the wel∣come News to him, he receiv'd it with such a careless Hypo∣crisy, as if his Soul had bin above such a Transitory Dignity. That Gravity, which he had had time to study, begot him a world of Admiration, and caus'd the Courtiers to speak many things in his commendation. Thus many times in Eminent Persons, the Hits of Chance are imputed to Prudence; Prospe∣rity is admir'd as the Architecture of the Man's Genius, and the Praises belonging to Vertue, are bestow'd upon outward Ap∣pearances.

The King lay then before Mompelier when the New Cardinal* 1.51 came to pay him his returns of Thanks, so that he could not give him the Bonnet till after the Peace, when he return'd to Paris. I would repeat the Prodigious Flatteries of those that harangu'd the King all along where he lay upon the Road, did I not find that the Reformed imitated the Catholics; and strove to outvy 'em in their Excesses and Hyperbole's. Nevertheless, I cannot forbear to say something of the Consul Montelimar, who extended the extravagance of his Style, and his Eulogies, farther then any other. He insisted upon the Divine Aspect and presence of the King: He attributed to him Vertues that Heaven rever'd, and the Earth ador'd, and a Life so holy in the midst of Crowned Exaltation, and Royal Grandeur, that he deserv'd both the Altars and Sacrifices of Sacred Veneration. These Fulsome Flatteries are either the Effects or Forerunners of Pusillanimous Servitude; and Subjects renounce their right of complaining that their Soveraign exalts his Power above Justice, when they make him more then mortal by such soaring Adulations. Which is the reason that now-a-days we find that Flattery has no bounds, where the People have lost their Liberty beyond re∣covery.

While the King lay at Lion, whither the Duke of Rohan fol∣low'd him to sollicit the performance of the Treaty of Peace, the Commissioners from Rochel arriv'd there the same time, to ob∣tain

an Order for demolishing Fort Lewis. 'Tis true, they re∣ceiv'd some shew of satisfaction, because they had a Letter gi∣ven 'em under the Privy Signet, directed to Arnaud Commander of the Fort, wherein he was order'd to level it with the ground within eight days after the Rochelois had dismantl'd some of their New Fortifications. But at the same time there was ano∣ther Letter written, which was sent by a shorter way, wherein Arnaud was order'd to give no credit to the former Letter. So that when the Rochelois deliver'd him the Letter which their Commissioners had brought, they were scornfully us'd, and re∣turn'd without any hopes of satisfaction. Soon after also, not∣withstanding these Counterfeit Letters from the Court, they ••aw quite finish'd what remain'd to be done, in order to put∣••ing the Fort into a perfect posture of defence. On the other side Valencé, who was left by the King in Mompelier, with a considerable Garison, endeavour'd to make himself Master of some places in Cevennes, under pretence of quartring some Sol∣diers that were only upon their march through the Countrey. Upon which the Cities of Sauve and Gange, either too credulous, ••r because they had not sufficient warning, gave the Soldiers ad∣mittance. But the Duke of Rohan took such care, that the rest preserv'd themselves from being so surpriz'd.

Soon after, the Duke went to Mompelier, to regulate some* 1.52 things which Valencé, to whom, in his return from Lion, he* 1.53 carry'd a Letter from the King which concern'd the Execution of the Peace; But no sooner was he enter'd the City, but Va∣lencé being inform'd of his Travailing by himself, and by conse∣quence, having had leisure to prepare himself for such an Action, seiz'd upon him as his Prisoner. His Pretence was, That he was come to raise Commotions and that he did not pursue the Intentions of the Court in the Execution of the Peace. 'Tis true indeed, he was not privy to the Intentions of those who never made the Peace but with a design to break it: He observ'd the Terms of the Declaration and Briefs: But Valencé, who was Puisieux's Brother-in law, better understood the My∣stery. That Minister had promis'd the Pope's Nuntio, That ••he Peace should serve to no other end then to ruin the Reform∣ed; and he made use of all the most palpable Frauds that could

be devis'd, to bring it to pass. But the news of the Duke of Rohan's being detain'd a Pris'ner, begat both astonishment and indignation in all the Reformed who had any thing of courage left; and Soubise threaten'd to renew the War. Nor was the Court less astonish'd at the News, then they were in the Pro∣vinces: And the boldness of the Action appear'd so great, that they were in no small perplexity what course to take. There were some, who neither consider'd the King's Honour, nor the scandalizing all Europe, that were for putting the Duke to death: But Moderation was thought the better way: He was releas'd upon condition he should quit the City, and the Lower Languedoc, and execute his Commission in the Upper. This Proceeding of the Court may be attributed to several Reasons; some will say, that it was infus'd into 'em by that little respect they had to Honesty and Sincerity, which would not permit 'em so publickly and egregiously to violate a Peace that had been so lately concluded; or because they thought it not just, to ruin a Man of that importance as the Duke, who had done nothing which deserv'd death, since the Pardon that the King had grant∣ed him. On the other side, it may be said, That either they they had not time to examine the Consequences of so violent an Action, or that they fear'd to arm against 'em all the Lords that had submitted to the King, if they us'd the Duke after such a manner as might give them just occasion to be afraid of the like usage upon the first opportunity that offer'd. Yet some have written, that none of these Motives induc'd the Court to release the Duke, but that the Interest of a Ball decided the Dispute. For the Queen had appointed one, wherein the Dutchess of Rohan was to bear a part; and every thing was ready, when the News of the Duke's Imprisonment arriv'd. Which Acci∣dent would have quite broken off the Match; and the Queen must either have lost, or been forc'd to have deferr'd a Pastime she was just about to enjoy; which would have bin a very great disappointment to a Princess of her Age: and there∣fore it was better to let an Enemy live, then disturb the Plea∣sures of a Young Queen. So that the Duke was more behold∣ing for his Liberty to a Dancing Match, then to the Publick Faith.

In the mean time Valence made the best of this Accident: for while he kept the Duke in Prison, he proceeded to the Ele∣ction of the Consuls, and caus'd the one half to be chosen Ca∣tholics; as he had already done by the Marine Consulship, out of which he had taken out one half of the Reformed. Both the one and the other was against the express terms of the Breif, by which it was promis'd that no Innovation should be intro∣duc'd into the Consulship: and there is great probability that the Duke of Rohan would have very much obstructed Valence's Enterprize, had not the latter prevented him by Imprisonment. But when the Duke was set at liberty he found the thing done, and the Order which oblig'd him to retire into Ʋpper Languedoc, depriv'd him both of time and means to apply any Remedy. The Reformed complain'd, that Valence had made use of Vio∣lence in the electing what Consuls he thought fit himself; and that he had kept the Consuls that were going out of their em∣ployments, a whole night Pris'ners in his own house, to force their consent to the election of Catholics. But the Court took ••o notice of these Complaints; and all that the Duke cou'd obtain from 'em was, that Valence shou'd recall the men that he ••ad quarter'd up and down in Cevennes. Valence's Credit was then so great, that though he were no more then Governor of Mompelier, he was consulted by all Languedoc, to know the secret intentions of the Court; and that 'twas enough for him to say, ••hat 'twas the King's pleasure that such or such a thing should be done, to have it put in execution. Orders of the same na∣ture, given out of the Jurisdiction of his Government were obey'd, as if they had come from the King himself: and Acts, ••f which the purport only was, that Valence had written that the King's Pleasure was so or so, have past in our days for defi∣nitive, in Affairs of great importance. Nevertheless it was ••oth contrary to Probability and Custom, that the Governor of 〈…〉〈…〉 particular Town, should be the Arbitrator of a whole Pro∣vince. But in Affairs of Religion, 'twas enough to authorize Fraud and Injustice against the Reformed, for a Catholic to ••ay, Le Roy veut, 'tis the King's Pleasure. As for the Duke of Rohan, when he was got clear of Mompelier, he went to Milhau, where he understood that the Duke of Espernon, to whom the

King, a little before had giv'n the Government of Guyenne instead of that of Saintonge and Augonnois, went about to hin∣der the Cities held by the Reformed in Rouvergne, to elect their Consuls as they were wont to do; and that he had written to 'em not to make any new Elections, till they understood from his mouth the King's further Pleasure. But the Duke of R••∣han explaining his Pleasure by the terms of the Peace, persua∣ded 'em to elect their Consuls at the usual times, and after that to send Commissioners to the Duke of Espernon, to know his Will. They took his Advice, and by that means preserv'd their right to keep the Catholics out of the Consulship.

But while things thus past in Languedoc, the general Com∣missioners,* 1.54 Mommarton and Maniald, who had been substituted in the rooms of Flavas and Chalas, present a Paper to the King, wherein they demanded several things necessary for the preser∣vation of Peace. It consisted of Twenty two Heads, the sub∣stance of which was, That Commissioners should be sent into the Provinces to see the Peace duly executed; That the Garison might be remov'd out of Mompelier; That the Brief which promis'd there should be no Innovation, might be ob∣serv'd; That Fort Lewis might be demolish'd; That the Re∣formed who had bin condemn'd to the Gallies, might be set at liberty; That the Sums promis'd for the Ministers Salaries, for the low state of Pensions, and the payment of the Garisons, might be discharg'd both for the time past and for the future; That Candal, who had paid some money before-hand, might be reimburs'd; That the King should provide for the payment of the Ministers of the Country of Gex, to whom there had been assign'd a Fund upon the Toll-money, in recompence of the Ecclesiastical Revenues which had bin taken from 'em; That the King would be pleas'd to contribute something toward the rebuilding of the Church at Charenton, which was burnt down in the War-time; That he would be pleas'd to cause the Church at Tours to be rebuilt at his own charges, in the same place where it stood before the Sedition, according to his promise; That he would vouchsafe to let the Church of Bourg be rebuilt, notwithstanding that the Catholics disputed their Right to the Ruins of it; That free Exercise of their Religion might be

restor'd to the Reformed at Villemur, Fontain, Luson and Tal∣••ont, in which places they had carri'd their Violences so high against those that went about to assemble together, as to level their great Guns against 'em; That the same liberty should be also allow'd at Surgeres, Bagnols, St. Giles's, Figeac, Puimirol, ••i•• en Armagnac, from whence they had expell'd the Minister, ••nd lastly at Quilleboeuf in Normandy; That the Reformed of Poitiers might be discharg'd from the payment of Twelve hunder'd Livres, which had bin laid upon 'em by way of Tax for the Guard of the City, though they would not do 'em the ••onour to trust 'em with it, as they did the rest of the Inhabi∣tants; That the Edict of Compensation might be executed in ••earn, and that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion might ••e restor'd to the Navarreines; And that the Churches, Bells, Church-yards, which the Reformed enjoy'd there, by the Decree ••f the Commissioners, might be preserv'd to 'em, since they ••ad resign'd all the rest to the Catholics; That the Party Cham∣bers might set up again in those places where they had bin re∣••or'd, during the Wars; That the Reformed might be exempted from the building of Churches, to which the Catholics of Ar∣••••i le Due went about to constrain 'em; actually prosecuting ••em at the Council-board, in order to have 'em comprehended ••n the raising Six thousand Livres, design'd toward the building of a Church for the Capuchins; That the Church of Remoren∣••in, burnt in the time of the War, and that of Gergeau, pull'd ••own since the Peace, might be rebuilt; That the Cities of Ber∣••eras and St. For might be eas'd of several Grievances; And ••astly, That for the re-establishing a mutual confidence between ••oth Parties, the Forces left in Languedoc, Cevennes, and other ••laces, might be disbanded

By the Answers that were return'd the 4^th of March to the* 1.55 Heads of this Writing, there was nothing expresly granted, but ••n exemption from contributing toward the building of the Ca∣••uchin's Church, and the release of those who had bin con∣••emn'd to the Gallies for having born Arms. All the rest con∣••ain'd no more then uncertain and conditional Promises, or Re∣ferences to the Commissioners, who, as they were told in their Answer to the first Head, were already upon the Road. There

was only a Promise, that as to the Garison of Mompelier, care should be taken about it, so soon as satisfaction should be given to the Edict of Peace. The Alteration made in the Ma∣rine Consulship was confirm'd, as being grounded upon the definitive Decree of the Chamber of Castres; and for the Consulship of the City, 'twas referr'd to the usual Forms. As to the Article about the Toll-money, and the Affairs of Bearn, they were referr'd to the Breif of the 24^th of October, which promis'd to take care of those matters. The Ministers of G••x were paid with general words. As to the rebuilding of the Churches of Tours and Charenton, the Reformed were referr'd to their own care and diligence. All the Articles that men∣tion'd any places, or demanded free Exercise of Religion, were referr'd to the Commissioners: and by a Reference of the same nature, they evaded the Article touching Fort Lewis. The Ar∣ticle about the money advanc'd before-hand by Candal, was re∣ferr'd to a Petition which he was left at his own liberty to pre∣sent himself: as to the Twelve hunder'd Livres which the Re∣formed were tax'd at Poitiers, their Answer was to be imparted to the Sheriffs; and they promis'd to write to the Duke of Espernon about easing the Grievances of Bergerac and St. Foy.

But the most part of these Promises were so ill fulfill'd, that the Condition of the Reformed was never a whit the better: On the contrary, the exercise of their Religion was forbid in many other places, then those where it had bin interrupted by the War. Particularly the Duke of Guize, who had marry'd the* 1.56 Daughter of Joyeuse the Capuchin, forbid it at Poiré, a place de∣pending upon the Principality of Roche sur Yon, which belong'd to himself. The Church grounded her Right upon a Possession well prov'd by the Terms of the Ninth Article of the Edict of Nantes: But then they began to demand the Consent of the Landlords, who were Catholicks, as a thing which was very necessary. So that the Parlament of Paris quite ruin'd that Church by their Edict of the 21st of February, allowing only to the Inhabitants a place for the burial of their Dead. There was also a Decree of Council, dated the sixth of July, which took away from the Reformed Members of the University of

Poitiers, their Right of being Rectors and Deans, of presiding 〈…〉〈…〉 Assemblies, or of having any determining Voice in those ••here any Disputes were handled in reference to Divine Wor∣••hip and Ecclesiastical Ceremonies. There was moreover one ••icked piece of Fraud in that Clause, which tended to exclude ••he Reformed out of all Assemblies; in regard the Catholics of ••he Assembly being oblig'd to a Procession every Month, which ••hey mention'd at the opening of all their Sessions, they con∣••uded from thence, that the Reformed could not give their ••oices upon any of those Occasions, because there was none of ••hose Assemblies wherein Ecclesiastical Ceremonies were not ••andl'd. There was likewise another Decree of Council, da∣••d the 19th of August, which forbid the Reformed to sing their ••salms either in the Streets, or in their Shops; a Liberty which ••hey could not assume since that, without bringing trouble up∣••n themselves; though many times the Catholics were asham'd •••• their setting forth Prohibitions of that nature. The Seventh •••• September came forth a Decree of the Parlament of Paris, ••hich depriv'd a Reformed Soldier of the Benefit of an * 1.57 Oblate, ••hich the King had granted him in the Abby of St. Julian at ••ours. The Abbot oppos'd him, and a Catholick Soldier in∣••rpos'd his claim to that small Pension; by which means the Reformed Soldier was excluded by a disadvantageous Judgment given against him. But that which was most remarkable, was ••he Pleading of the Advocate-General Talon, full of Bitter Pas∣••ges against the Reformed Religion. He call'd those that em∣••rac'd it Apostates in down-right Latin: And to those who had always made profession of it, he appli'd the words of Christ, •••• is not good to give the childrens bread to dogs. To evade that ••ight to Charity and Alms, which the Edict had granted to ••he Reformed, he distinguish'd Alms into two sorts; the one ••hich he call'd Alms of Charity, and the other which he term'd, Alms of Precept. He pretended that the Reformed were not •••• be admitted to the first by vertue of the Edict; and that they who receiv'd the benefit of Oblates were of the second sort. Which was a malicious distinguishing where the Law it self ne∣ver made any distinction, and to teach others a general way to ••vade the most express Intentions of the Edict, by inventing a

destructive Distinction. But every thing began to be of force against a Religion, of which they had vow'd the ruin. There were also several Decrees issu'd forth against the Authority of Fa∣thers* 1.58 over the Education of their Children; and the Reason which they always alledg'd for taking away that Right, was, That in regard they had by some Express or Tacit Act consented that their Children should be educated by Catholics, they had renounc'd the priviledge of the Edict. This was the reason that the Advocate-General Talon refus'd to restore a Daughter to her Mother; because, said he, by having put her for some time into a Nunnery, she had resign'd the power of her Edu∣cation.

Nevertheless, these were not the greatest Acts of Injustice that were done the Reformed: I shall recite two that deserve particular consideration. The first is the Declaration which was* 1.59 set forth at Fontain Bleau the 17th of April, to deprive the Re∣formed of the Liberty of their Colloquies and Synods, which till then, were left 'em almost entire. By that Declaration it was ordain'd, that for the future, a Royal Officer, and of the Roman Catholic Religion, deputed by the King himself, or by the King's Governors and Lieutenants in the Provinces, should sit in those Assemblies, to take care that nothing should be there treated of, but Matters permitted by the Edict. It for∣bid the summoning or holding Assemblies, before the Commis∣sioner was appointed; and commanded his admittance without any scruple or reluctancy. Which Innovation was grounded upon two Pretences: The one, that they meddl'd with Politic Affairs in their Synods; the second was, that they gave admit∣tance to other persons besides their Ministers and Elders; and that they took Resolutions contrary to the Intentions and Opi∣nions of the generality and most considerable of the Reformed. However, the Reformed made no opposition to a Declaration of this importance, at least they carri'd it not very far; seeing that three months after, they held Synods in all the Provinces, and summon'd a National Synod at Charenton, to meet the first of September. They thought they might, by Submissions and* 1.60 Petitions, discharge themselves from this Restraint, more inju∣rious by reason of the Motives which induc'd the other Party to

subject 'em to it, then inconvenient, because of the necessity which lay upon 'em to expose to the view of the Court the Se∣•…•…et of their Discipline, and the display of their Policy. In a word, at first it many ways perplex'd 'em. For there were se∣veral Provinces where the Governors started a thousand Diffi∣culties about the nomination of a Commissioner; and took that •…•…ccasion to vex 'em, as most proper to exercise their malignant •…•…d no less ignorant Zeal against 'em. Insomuch, that all the Commissioners which arriv'd at Charenton, came not till after •…•…e day appointed for the sitting of the Assembly; and that •…•…veral excus'd their slowness, as being occasion'd by the Obsta∣•…•…es and Delays, by means of which the King's Governors and Officers protracted the summoning of the Synods in their Pro∣•…•…nces.

The Commissioner appointed by the King for this Synod was •…•…us G•…•…d, a person who lov'd the Reformed Religion, •…•…d whose Offspring of later years have given great Testimo∣••••••s of their Zeal and Affection for the Truth. But he was one of those Reformed who made the Service of God and the King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 almost equally parallel; and who persuaded themselves •…•…t a blind obedience of Subjects to their Prince was essential to Christianity. He believ'd that Sincerity was altogether on •…•…e Court-side: and he had reason to believe it, because his Re∣ligion was no hindrance to his Advancement, and his being made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Councellor of State. But he was not aware that this was but an effect of Policy, to cover the Design that was laid to ruin all; to •…•…eap Favours apon some, to ••••ll others asleep, till they were in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 condition to oppress all together. He therefore serv'd the Court with great Affection and Constancy; and in regard he •…•…rew from thence considerable Recompences for his good Ser∣•…•…ce, he found himself expos'd to the Reproaches and Indigna∣•…•…n of his Brethren. The Commission which was given him •…•…as worded so, as seem'd to render it perpetual, and made People conjecture that for the future there should be no Natio∣nal Synods held any other-where then at Charenton; to the end the Court might be more near at hand, to observe the Proceed∣ings of those Assemblies. Nevertheless they were afterwards permitted to be held in other places.

As for this Synod, they receiv'd him with respectful Prote∣stations, that they did it out of pure Obedience: to which they* 1.61 added some Complaints, to see their Liberty so narrowly con∣fin'd, and the Synods accus'd of going beyond their permitted Limits, by medling with other Affairs then their Church-Dis∣cipline, and they decreed to make their humble Remonstran•…•… to the King upon these Heads. The general Commissione•…•… declar'd, that they had done what lay in their power to hind•…•… the registring of the Declaration, which had bin drawn up and publish'd without any regard to what they had represente•…•… though their Importunities had put off the verification of i•…•… for above a month. After this, they sent their Commissione•…•… to the King, to return him thanks for his permission. the Com∣missioners were kindly receiv'd, and enjoin'd to assure the Synod* 1.62 of the King's good-will, if they continu'd in their Obedience▪ But he charg'd 'em by word of mouth to carry back two thing•…•… One, That the King was willing to tolerate such Foreign Mini∣sters as were already admitted, but that he would not that any* 1.63 more should be admitted for the future. The other was, That he took it ill that they had resolv'd to uphold the Doctrine de∣cided in the Synod of Dort, which he call'd a new Doctrine▪ which he would not afford his protection. To which the Com∣missioners return'd for answer, That that Doctrine was the same with their Confession of Faith. Whereupon Reply was made▪ That the King left the judgment of their Doctrine to them∣selves, nor would he concern himself with it; but that he did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 understand the making any person swear to another man's Faith, or that any man should be depriv'd his liberty of believing what Faith he pleas'd; so that in those times there was a great lati∣tude allow'd to Liberty of Conscience.

It may be wonder'd from whence it should proceed, that the* 1.64 Court was so inclin'd to favour the Arminians. 'Tis not pro∣bable certainly, that they had any other reason then to make some great division, by giving free course to a Doctrine which had created so wide a chasm in the Low Countries. Besides the Arminians, who saw themselves quell'd and born down by the cen∣sure of their Doctrine, flatter'd the several Potentates, in hopes to raise themselves by means of their Protection, if it were pos∣sible.

Tilenus proceeded to very great extremities upon this subject against the Reformed of France. He wrote against 'em upon all occasions, without any moderation or curb upon him∣self. Besides his Admonition to the City of Rochel, which he publish'd in 1621. he printed the next year an Answer to a Treatise which was attributed to la Milletiere, and which was entitl'd, A Discourse of the true Reasons for which the Reformed of France both may and ought, in good Conscience, resist, by force of Arms, the open Persecution with which they are oppress'd. The Author of that Discourse, after he has cited the History of Bro∣chard Baron, which I have mention'd in another place, compares the Edict of Cyrus in favour of the Jews to that of Nantes; those who exclaim'd against the first, to those that ruin'd the second; the Calumnies of those that sought to render Cyrus jea∣lous of Jerusalem, to those that were made use of against* 1.65 the Protestant Cities. He distinguish'd the ancient and natural Subjects from those who had bin subdu'd. He asserted, That if the Rights of the latter could be grounded upon no other then upon Concessions and Favours; the Immunities of the other were founded upon a relative Obligation of the King to his Subjects, and of the Subjects to their Sovereign. He said, that Henry IV. was bound to grant the Edict of Nantes by a two∣fold Obligation: the one Personal, which oblig'd him to preserve those who had preserv'd himself: the other Royal, which en∣gag'd him to maintain the Liberties of those who had supported his Crown. After this, he justifi'd the taking of Arms, and that there is sometimes a Reason for lawful Self-defence, upon which he forgot not to enforce the example of the Maccabees. He an∣swer'd the contrary Arguments, and shew'd that the War pro∣ceeded from the Pope and his Maxims. He concluded with the necessity of expelling the Jesuits out of France, as they had bin driven out of Venice, and accus'd 'em of the King's death, and several other Assassinations.

Tilenus answer'd this Discourse by a Writing, wherein except∣ing* 1.66 the Portraicture which he gives of Milletiere, which is na∣tural enough, it may be said that he had neither sincerity nor judgment. And a man may judge of it, by the ridiculous Answer which he gives to the Example of the Maccabees, and which he

thought to evade by saying, that the History that relates it was held at Geneva for Apocriphal, as if neither Examples or Rea∣sons avail'd any thing in point of Policy or Right, if the Books out of which they were taken were not Canonical. Moreover, he makes an Apology for the Jesuits which justifies the Assassi∣nation of Kings: and with he audaciousness of a Missionary, he revives the reproach of having suborn'd Simon de M••••, hang'd at Paris for other Crimes, to attempt the murder of Katherine de Medicis. Nor did he forget Poltrot, who assassina∣ted the Duke of Guise; and fain would have one Philip de ••••∣lombault, Sieur de Varcieux, executed at Paris in the Court of the Palace, without any noise, and without expressing the cause, to be a Russian of the same stamp; grounding his Conjecture up∣on the privacy observ••d in his execution. He also spends a great deal of time, to prove that Kings are not bound to observe the Laws. Nor do she spare for Testimonies and Examples; and di••••n••angles himself from the Testimonies on the other side, by saying, That a Prince is bound to go according to the Laws; but if he breaks 'em, it is not lawful to resist him: which is as much as to say in a word, that nothing obliges Sovereigns to the observance of the most ••acred Laws; seeing there is no law∣ful means to defend the Laws in opposition to their violence, when they break 'em. Whence it follows, that every man who submits himself to a King, plainly renounces his own safety, since he only grounds it upon Equity and Probity; for which, it may so happen many times, that neither the Prince nor Coun∣sellors have any regard. 'Tis for the People to consider whether such Politics as these are convenient for 'em.

Above all things, Tilenus advances the Authority of the Kings of France to the highest degree. The Emperor's Autho∣rity, in his Opinion, was much more limited. Nevertheless, all that the most powerful of Kings have ever aim'd at, has bin to be Emperors in their own Dominions; and those Lawyers who at∣tribute the highest power to 'em, say nothing more of it. But that which might, beyond all this, encline the Court to protect* 1.67 the Arminian Theology, was the Imposture supported against the Synod of Dort: For they made France believe, that the se∣cret Design of that Assembly, was to form a Protestant League

••o destroy the Church of Rome. Tilenus also reveal'd this im∣portant Mystery in his writing, and from thence concludes, That the King did very well not to permit the Ministers of his King∣dom to go thither: as if such a great Affair could not have bin ••esolv'd upon for want of French Ministers. It may be judg'd by these little Remarks what kind of Answer Tilenus's was; ••nd at the same time, why the Court of France seem'd so averse ••o the Doctrine of that Synod.

But I return to that of Charenton. They resolv'd upon a* 1.68 ••unctual Obedience in reference to the two Articles, of which their Commissioners made their Report, reserving to themselves ••he liberty of addressing to the King for his permission, when they had a desire to send for any Foreign Minister. As for the doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort, they order'd it to be ••orn to under the name of the Doctrine of the Synod of Alets, without any appearance in the wording of the Oath, that it ••ad any relation to the Assembly of Dort. And the Articles of ••••at Doctrine were printed, together with the Doctrine of the ••ynod; and they were cri'd publicly upon Pont Neuf: But they ••ho were not pleas'd with those decisions, endeavour'd to dis∣••arage 'em by a thousand Observations, wherein Calumny was 〈…〉〈…〉 Argument that carri'd the greatest stroke.

The Commissioners had in charge to demand the resettlement* 1.69 〈…〉〈…〉 Assignations which had bin given, and which were due for •…•…e preceding years: for those which the Churches had obtain'd 〈…〉〈…〉 the year 1621, were allotted to other uses, nor had there •…•…n any for the year 1622. and at first they had order'd bad ones •…•…r the present year: But Candal refusing to accept 'em, they order'd better. Nevertheless, because they lay far remote, they remanded such as were nearer at hand, and of which they might have a quicker benefit. At length the Commissioners obtain'd ••orty thousand Livres in ready money, for which they had Bills upon the Exchequer. They had also fair Promises for the fu∣ture, but were put quite out of hopes for what was past.

During the sitting of the Synod, the King wrote a Letter to* 1.70 ••he Commissioner, dated September 25. and containing three ••h••ngs to be propos'd to the Synod. The first was, That the ••ing would not give leave that either Primrose or Cameron,

whom the Catholics could not pardon the Affair of Bourde••••••, should exercise the Function of the Ministry, or profess Divinity in the Kingdom. He said, That that Exclusion was not grounded upon their being Foreigners, but upon Reasons that concern'd his service. The second was, That when the King permitted Politic Assemblies, it was his pleasure that no Ministers should be deputed. He alledg'd, That they were taken off from their proper Duties; and he added, that he could have wish'd they had prevented his Commands. But if they did not obey, he should by an express Declaration give farther Order about it; or else in the Brevets of Leave which he should grant 'em for hold∣ing their Assemblies. Nevertheless, he did not extend the Exclusion to the Pastors of the place, who had his permis∣sion to be present. The third was, That this Declaration of his Intentions should be inserted among the Acts of the Synod.

The second Article was past, because they saw well that it would be in vain to oppose it; and for that other Synods had already taken a Resolution conformable to it, which nevertheless had never bin observ'd. The third Article pass'd in the same manner: But they sent a new Deputation to the King upon the* 1.71 former, to beseech him that he would remit something of his Severity in favour of Primrose and Cameron. And that Affair made 'em also bethink themselves of Moulin, whom the Court would not permit to return into France. The King made An∣swer, That he did not think they would have repli'd, after he had both writ and said what he had done: That he had good Reasons, which the Synod would readily allow, if they under∣stood what they were; nevertheless that he gave all the three Ministers leave to stay in the Kingdom, upon condition that for the present they forbore all manner of Exercise of their Fun∣ctions: adding, that time would bring all things to pass. In short, Cameron was call'd next year to the Academy of Mont••••∣ban, but dy'd within a little while after, before the second War brake out. Du Moulin returning from England, was discover'd at Dieppe, though in disguise, and had Orders to stop there, though 'tis true they were not very exact in pursuit of him. Af∣ter that he liv'd quietly at Sedan, even after the King had dis∣possess'd

the Duke of Bouillon of it. As for Bergerac, she had •…•…r share of the severity of the Court, which forbid the Synod 〈…〉〈…〉 allow any thing toward the maintenance of the Colledge of ••••at City: But the Commissioner never hinder'd the Synod ••om reviving the Oath of Union in Discipline and Doctrine;* 1.72 ••••r was the Court offended at it.

The second Act of Injustice done the Reformed, was the* 1.73 building a Citadel at Mompelier, directly contrary to the Treaty 〈…〉〈…〉 Peace, and the Breif granted in pursuance of it. Nor was ••••e Artifice made use of to justify the doing it very much to the honour of the Authors of it. For Valence permitted the Sol∣••••ers of the Garison to live as licentiously as they pleas'd them∣••elves, on purpose to give an occasion of making Complaints. ••nd because it seem'd a difficult thing to suppress 'em, he ••ackt an Assembly of the Citizens, who were to consult upon expedients most proper to restrain 'em within the Bounds of their Duty. Now the Catholic Consuls order'd as many of their own Religion as they could to be there: But as for the ••eformed, who were wont to rely upon others for the Govern∣ment of the City, and knew not the Mystery of that Consulta∣tion, for the greatest part they never came, and others durst ••ot appear: so that the Catholics were far superior in number 〈…〉〈…〉 the others, among whom also many were gain'd; which ••ave an occasion to say, that the Reformed and the Catholics were agreed in the same demand. Now then the Question being put, which was the best way to secure the Burgesses from the Insolen∣cies of the Soldiers, the Catholics presently embrac'd the Propo∣••al of demanding a Citadel, where the King might lodge his Garison, and discharge the City of quartering Soldiers. 'Twas ••n vain for the small number of Protestants that were at the Meeting to oppose it; and so the business was decided as it were ••y plurality of Voices, and Deputies were sent to Court to ob∣tain the King's consent, who was not very scrupulous of giv∣ing it.

But Maniald, who was one of the Deputies, being inform'd* 1.74 of this Enterprize, and entrusted with the Memoirs of the Re∣formed of Mompelier, made a Speech to the King upon this Subject, the 14^th of September: complain'd of the foul Play

that had been us'd; declar'd that the Inhabitants of Mompelier were forc'd to make this demand; protested that their Names were abus'd; requir'd the demolishing of Fort Lewis, and pro∣duc'd the Reports of the Works demolish'd by the Reformed ac∣cording to the Treaty of Peace; to the end there might not be a pretence of their not having done their duty. But they would not be better inform'd at Court; they were resolv'd to believe Valencé, and the Catholicks, to the contempt of the Protestatio•• which the Reformed made; and the Decree of the Parlament of Tholouse, put forth on purpose to elude their Obedience, pas•…•… for a conviction that they had not done fairly as to the demolish∣ing their Fortifications.

'Twas impossible that all these Acts of Injustice should be* 1.75 committed without causing great alterations in the minds o•• men; so that the Court expected to see the Peace suddenly bro∣ken. Nevertheless, as yet she had no great inclination to the War, because the Government was not as yet well setled. The Old Cardinals were jealous of Cardinal Richlieu. The high Fa∣vour wherein Puisieux, and the Chancellor his Father-in law were, began to totter: And there wanted a little longer time of Peace for every one of those who sought the advancement of their Fortunes, to secure and settle their Affairs. But the Council of Conscience, the Spanish Faction, that still held up its head, the Clergy unanimous, were all for a War. And Car∣dinal Richlieu, who would not seem to be lukewarm so soon after his Promotion, nor offend the Queen Mother, who em∣brac'd the same Interests, lean'd that way as well as the rest. Therefore as a foreboding of the Troubles that were suddainly to revive agen, a Declaration was given out the 10th of No∣vember, against those who went from Province to Province to sow Jealousies of the Infidelity of the Court, furnish'd with Letters and Instructions of the Dukes of Rohan and Subise. The King however declar'd, That he would not believe that either of those two Noblemen were any way concern'd in those In∣treagues, or that the Reformed in general had any thoughts of turning aside from their Obedience: However, to give 'em more perfect assurances of the reality of his Intentions, he confirm'd the Edicts and his last Declarations; he order'd, that the Com∣missioners

should continue in the Provinces till they were abso∣lutely fulfill'd; and forbid all manner of persons to speak, •…•…ite, suggest, persuade or give ear to any thing that was con∣•…•…ry to his good Intentions, or the Publick Tranquility; to go 〈◊〉〈◊〉 send into the Provinces, or to Assemblies that might be held the same effect, and to act nothing that tended toward a War •…•…on pain of being punish'd as Disturbers of the Public •…•…pose. Du Plessis lay drawing on, when this Declaration* 1.76 •…•…ear'd, and God took him out of this World before the •…•…ond War, to spare him the grief of seeing the Ruin of •…•…se Churches brought to perfection, to which he had so •…•…g been serviceable by his Writings, by his Counsels, and •…•…his Example. He had a little before come to an agreement •…•…th the Court about the Recompence which he was to have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all his Labours, which after he had been so long put off, and •…•…de the sport of his Enemies, was reduc'd to a hundred thou∣sand Franks. Marshal de Bouillon dy'd some months before him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon his Death-bed recommended nothing to his Children, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 perseverance in the Reformed Religion, and never to bear 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against the King so long as he secur'd the Peace of the Churches. Which last Injunctions of his, his Daughters obey'd •…•…ch better then his Sons: For his eldest Son forsook his Reli∣gion, and quitted the King's Service betimes.

The End of the Eighth Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Marshal de Bouillon's Letter.
• * 1.2

  The King marches into Guy∣enne.
• * 1.3

  Siege and taking of Clairac.
• * 1.4

  A Breif from the Pope to the King.
• * 1.5

  The Refor∣med unfor∣tunate eve∣ry where.
• * 1.6

  La Force defends the Place.
• * 1.7

  The King raises the Siege.
• * 1.8

  Passionate Harangue of the Bi∣shop of Rennes.
• * 1.9

  The Story of Domi∣nic de Je∣sus Maria.
• * 1.10

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Paris.
• * 1.11

  The Church of Charen∣ton burnt.
• * 1.12

  The Refor∣med quit their Habi∣tations.
• * 1.13

  They are accus'd of setting fire to the Bridges of Paris.
• * 1.14

  The Circle of Lower Langue∣doc ••••s∣••••ss Cha∣tillon.
• * 1.15

  The great Confusion in the Circle.
• * 1.16

  1622.
• * 1.17

  The King returns to Paris.
• * 1.18

  A remark∣able Wri∣ting of Jeannin, a iv••sing Peace.
• * 1.19

  The Rea∣sons for the War more prevalen••.
• * 1.20

  The Re∣formed reassume fresh Cou∣rage.
• * 1.21

  The King leaves Pa∣ris.
• * 1.22

  His Success in Poitou
• * 1.23

  And Guy∣enne, where he treats with la Force.
• * 1.24

  Sediion a∣gainst the Catholics.
• * 1.25

  Remarks upon the style of this Harangue.
• * 1.26

  Desolation of the Church of Foix.
• * 1.27

  Attestati∣ons given the Monk Villarte.
• * 1.28

  He forbids the Refor∣med to quit their Habi∣tations.
• * 1.29

  Count Mansfeild treats with the Re∣formed.
• * 1.30

  Mansfeild gain'd by the Court.
• * 1.31

  Negotiati∣ons of Peace reuew d.
• * 1.32

  The Siege of Mom∣pellier.
• * 1.33

  Success of the War in divers pla∣ces.
• * 1.34

  Chatillon made Mar∣shal of France.
• * 1.35

  Sedition at Orleans.
• * 1.36

  The Origi∣nal of Par∣paillots.
• * 1.37

  Of the word Hust.
• * 1.38

  Violence of the Seditior.
• * 1.39

  the Re∣formed disarm'd.
• * 1.40

  Soubise sollicits for Succor in England
• * 1.41

  The Treaty concluded with an Edict.
• * 1.42

  Right of Parla∣ments.
• * 1.43

  That is, to walk barefoot and bare∣headed through the Street with a burning Taper in their hands to some publick place, and there to acknowledg their Offence.
• * 1.44

  The Ad∣vantages of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Peace
• * 1.45

  All the Ci∣ties accept the Peace.
• * 1.46

  Ill observ'd by the Court.
• * 1.47

  The King return to Paris.
• * 1.48

  The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal.
• * 1.49

  The Cha∣racter of that Pre∣lat.
• * 1.50

  How he re∣ceived the News of his Pr••••o∣tion.
• * 1.51

  Excessive Flatteries.
• * 1.52

  1623.
• * 1.53

  The Duke of Rohan detain'd Prisoner.
• * 1.54

  General Papers.
• * 1.55

  Uncertain Answers.
• * 1.56

  Exercise of Religion forbid.
• * 1.57

  The Be∣nefit of a Monk's place as∣sign'd a Soldier grown im∣potent and maim'd in the King's Service.
• * 1.58

  Attempts upon Pa∣ternal Au∣thority.
• * 1.59

  A Decla∣ration establishing a Commis∣sioner in Colloquies and Synods.
• * 1.60

  National Synod.
• * 1.61

  He is ad∣mitted in Obedience to the King.
• * 1.62

  They send Commis∣sioners to the King.
• * 1.63

  Who return laden with Orders.
• * 1.64

  The Court inclin'd to favour the Armini∣ans.
• * 1.65

  Writing of la Mille∣tiere.
• * 1.66

  Answer of Tilenus
• * 1.67

  Imposture advanc'd against the Synod of Dort.
• * 1.68

  The Obe∣dience of the Synod of Cha∣renton.
• * 1.69

  Assignati∣ons ill paid:
• * 1.70

  Proposals made to the Synod by Galand.
• * 1.71

  A new De∣putation to the King.
• * 1.72

  Oath of Union.
• * 1.73

  A Citadel at Mom∣pelier.
• * 1.74

  Maniald opposes it in the name of the Re∣formed.
• * 1.75

  Presages of a new War.
• * 1.76

  Death of Du Ples∣sis.