The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES. VOL. II. BOOK VII.

A Summary of the Contents of the Seventh BOOK.

THE Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban: which the Consuls excuse, and the Catholicks aggra∣vate. The like Transactions elsewhere. Character of Masuier, who writes to the King with Malice. Division of the Judges about the Inrollment of the Declara∣tions at Castres. Troubles at Nimes, occasion'd by a Jesuit.

Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel. Re∣taking of the Castle of Privas. All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reform'd, who are driven to Despair. Collusion with Chatillon and Mommorency. Orders from the Court to lay down Arms. Taking of Wa∣lons. Siege and Taking of Wals. Walons is Re-taken, and Restor'd. Assembly of Rochel. Lesdiguieres falls ou•• with the Assembly. The small Affection he had for his Religi∣on. He Marries Mary Vignon, against the Discipline of the Reform'd: Of which he makes publick Acknowledgment. Stra∣tagem of the Duke de Luines, in order to gain him. Double Commission to Treat with him. What Empire Deagean takes over Lesdiguieres. Feign'd Disputes of Religion. Bressi∣eux imploy'd to ruin the Work of Deagean. Bullion succeeds in it better than he. Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his Friends. Policy of Deagean. Luines is made Constable. Lesdi∣guieres remains at Court. Mediation of the Dukes de Roh••n, and de la Trimoville, render'd ineffectual by Favas Du Plessis and Du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up. Du Moulin in Danger of being made Prisoner. Coldness of James the First about the Affairs of the Palatinate. Du Moulin writes to him; and his Letter falls into the Hands of the Council of France. He makes his Escape happily. Effect of his Letters to the Assembly. Difficulties, which put a Stop to the Negoti∣ation. New Conditions of Acommodation. Seven Articles, which the Court agrees upon to amuse the Reform'd. The old Councellors of State are against War. The Duke de Lu∣ines is not inclin'd to it neither; but the Queen, the Prince of Conde, Puisieux, the Clergy, the Pope, and the Spani∣ards, prevail for War. Some are for Exterminating all: and others are for Sparing the Peaceable. Reasons of the first Advice. Reasons of the Second: which is follow'd, and suc∣ceeds. Reasons Publish'd to Blind the Reform'd. New Dif∣ficulties about the Time of beginning the War. How those Difficulties were remov'd. The King goes away from Paris unexpectedly; and takes away the Offices of Receipts from the Reform'd Cities. Settlement of War in the midst of the Negotiations of Peace. New Troubles in Bearn. The Duke

d'Epernon is sent thither. Cowardise of the People of Orthez. La Force Retires. All Bearn is subdued. Blindness of the Re∣form'd. Seditions at Tours and elsewhere. The Court steps the Progress of it. The Sedition Revives. Punishment of some of the Guilty, which deceives the Reform'd. New De∣claration. The General Assembly defend themselves in Writ∣ing. Particulars of their Complaints. The Marshal de Bou∣illon writes to the King. Reply of the Jesuits to the Writ∣ing of the Assembly. Lesdiguieres Breaks off with them. The Assembly draws a Project of Defence. Division of the Provinces in Circles. The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General. Irreparable Fault of the Assembly. Ge∣nerals of the Circles. Seal of the Assembly. The Peaceable a∣mong the Reform'd are disarm'd: Which causes a great De∣sertion. Treachery against du Plessis, to get Saumur out of his Hands. The Court amuses him with Promises, even in Writing. He is upbraided by the Assembly. Declaration of the King against the Cities of Rochel and St. John de An∣geli; which obliges the Reform'd to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing. Interested Cowardise of the Gover∣nors of the Cities of Surety. The King Dismantles the For∣tifications of the Towns that are deliver'd up to him. Apolo∣gy of the Assembly. Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux. Relation of what pass'd since the Assembly of Loudun. Rela∣lation of the Stratagems of the Court. Why the Assemblies re∣fus'd to break up before their Cahiers were answer'd. A vio∣lent Answer in the King's Name. Kidnapping of Children. The Reform'd excluded from all manner of Favours. The The Catholicks are excus'd from giving Church-Yards at their own Cost, in lieu of the old ones, which they took again. Writ∣ing of Tilenus against the Assembly of Rochel. Siege and Re∣duction of St. John de Angeli. Declaration from the King, which Abolishes the Priviledges of that City.

WHile the Churches of Bearn were expos'd to the Violences, I have mention'd heretofore, the Inhabitants of Montauban thought that they should serve their Brethren, by Frightning the Catholicks

with Reprisals. So that one day, after a long Deliberation upon the News of the Cruelties exerted at Navarreins, they seiz'd upon all the Ecclesiasticks, and kept them a little above Twenty four Hours Prisoners in the Bishop's House. At the same time they gave Notice to the other Inhabitants that were at Thoulouse, or in the Country, to retire into the City, lest the Catholicks should also use Reprisals upon them. The very next day those Prisoners were let out again, and only had the City for Prison, with Leave publickly to perform all the Exercises of their Religion in the Church of St. Lewis, where they us'd to perform them. But whatever Assu∣rance, and Liberty was given them, they refus'd, upon vain Pretences, to continue their Functions; to the end that the News of Divine Service being interrupted at Montauban, be∣ing carry'd to Court, might render the Conduct of the In∣habitants the more Criminal. Soon after it, they were al∣low'd to go out of the City, taking Leave of the Consuls; but no manner of Outrage was offer'd to their Persons, during the Process of that Affair.

The Consuls writ to Masuier, first President in the Parlia∣ment of Thoulouse, to acquaint him with their Reasons. They told him, that the cruel Execution of Navarreins having strangely mov'd the People, they had secur'd the Ecclesia∣sticks, only to save them from their first Fury. But the Ec∣clesiasticks gave a different Account of it, and made it pass for a very heinous Attempt. They also writ to Masuier, as soon as they were at Liberty; and though their Letters only con∣tain'd the same Facts which the Consuls own'd, yet they made them seem to be very Guilty. The Truth is, that there happen'd some Transactions very like those, in the County of Foix, where the Reform'd of Saverdun, of Cazeres, and of Pa∣miers, seiz'd upon the Catholicks, and upon some Houses seat∣ed upon the Passages, and search'd some Travellers, suspect∣ing that they carry'd Advices or Orders against their Safety. They also endeavour'd, but in vain, to surprise a strong House belonging to the Bishop of Pamiers. Those Proceedings did not please every body; and the abridg'd Assembly, which was at Montauban, was against confining the Ecclesiasticks closer

than within the Walls of the City. But the Spirit of Repri∣sals was predominant in the People of those Parts; and e∣ven at Castres they threatned the Counsellors of Thoulouse, who serv'd in the Party-Chamber, to use them accord∣ing as the Reform'd should be us'd elsewhere by the Ca∣tholiks.

Masuier being inform'd with all this, writ a very violent Letter to the King about it. He was one of the most violent Persecutors in the World; and according to the Character a∣nother President of the same Parliament has given of him, the greatest Villain that ever was at the Head of an Autho∣riz'd Society. He was a Man without the least Politeness; a down right Barbarian in his Temper, in his Language, and in his Manners. He was Covetous even to a degree of Infamy, and Cruel to the utmost. He neither understood Justice, or Equity, in point of Religion. It is reported of him, that being ingag'd in a Treaty made with some Persons, about the Cre∣ation of several new Offices, he had the Confidence to come into the Parliament, to preside at the Decree of Verification of the same. The Attorney General knowing that he had a Share in the Treaty, recus'd him, and his Recusation was al∣low'd of. Masuier was Censur'd in a full Parliament for his ill Conduct, and the said Censure was enter'd into the Regi∣ster. The Prince of Conde, who was at Thoulouse at that time about the same Affair; and who being as Covetous as Ma∣suier, was suspected of being Concern'd in it as well as he, came the next day to the Parliament, and had much ado to cause the said Censure to be taken out of the Register; but he had not Credit enough to blot it out of Peoples Minds, and an undeniable Witness has preserv'd the History of it. The same Author, speaking of the Zeal of that unworthy Man a∣gainst the Reform'd, says, that he would have been praise∣worthy, had he been more moderate. He was belov'd at Court, by reason that he was a Slave to all the Orders that came from thence, and that he knew no Rule of Justice be∣yond a Signet Letter; but he was hated by the People. The very Inhabitants of Thoulouse Conspir'd against his Life, and upwards of Four thousand Billets were dropt up and down

the said City against him one day, in which they threatned him with the utmost Extremities. Had he been to be try'd for any Crime, though there had not been sufficient Proofs a∣gainst him, the Hatred of all those that knew him, would have been sufficient to supply the Insufficiency of the Proofs. The Reform'd have often had the Comfort to see that their greatest Enemies were Men of that Character.

Masuier therefore writ to the King, as if the Ecclesiasticks had only been seiz'd at Montauban, in order to Massacre them, at the first News of any Ill Treatment acted any where else against the Reform'd. He gather'd all the Reports the Ca∣tholicks spread up and down, and grounded Designs of the whole Party, upon the least Word that fell from any over∣ra••n Person. He endeavoured to persuade, that there were some peaceable Persons in Montauban, who did condemn those Proceedings; but in order to lay the Blame upon the Generality, he said, that they were at the Disposition of the Factious. He affirm'd that the Enterprize upon Nava•…•… had been resolv'd at Milhau; and he even proceeded so far, as to specifie the day, on which the Reform'd were to take Arms. He had no other ground for either, but malicious Suspicions, or Reports spread on purpose to persuade that the Reform'd were the Aggressors. Nevertheless, the appointed day, which was the 25th of December, pass'd, and the Re∣form'd did not commit the least Act of Hostility; and they gave the King so much time to prepare himself, that he had enough to prevent them. Moreover, that pretended day, was an Invention of the Bishops of Bearn, who took Arms themselves that very day, under that Pretence, as I have related elsewhere.

Masuier envenom'd the Conduct of the Reform'd Councel∣lors at Castres extreamly in the same Letter, and imputed their Dividing upon the Prohibition of the Assembly of Mil∣hau, and upon the Inrollment of the Declaration given at Grenade against the Assembly of Rochel, as great Crimes a∣gainst them. But whereas there were Reasons for that last Division, it is proper to give an account of it. The King not being satisfied with prohibiting of that Assembly, and

ordering the Members and Adherents thereof to be prosecuted, •…•…d moreover by an express Clause derogate from the Privi∣•…•…ges of the Edict, which refer'd all the Civil or Crimi∣nal Affairs of the Reform'd to the Chambers; and he refer'd •…•…e Cognizance of that particular Crime to the Parliament. The Division only related to that one Article. The Catho∣licks pass'd it without Difficulty; but the Reform'd reserv'd the Cognizance of those Affairs to the Chambers, with the usual Condition, to make Remonstrances to the King about 〈◊〉〈◊〉. There really was a great deal to be said upon that new Clause, which first appear'd in the Declaration given against the Assembly of Loudun. It was a Breach of one of the most considerable parts of the Edict, of which the Consequences were visible. It was a great one for the Example of it; since •…•…hat in case they did allow such an Incroachment upon a Ju∣risdiction so well setled, and so necessary, it would encourage those who had inspir'd that first Enterprize, to attempt them upon all the rest, and by degrees, to ruine all the Articles of the Edict by the like Exceptions. It was also considerable, •…•…s to the thing it self, by reason that a General Law becomes •…•…llusive, when under pretence of Confirming it in the main, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Custom is made to derogate from it in particular Cases. It was also very considerable for the Danger to which it ex∣pos'd all the Reform'd, who might thereby easily be Involved in those sort of Crimes. The Parliaments of Thoulouse, and of Bourdeauz particularly, had admirable Secrets, to convert all the Affairs of the Reform'd into Crimes of State. It was sufficient, in order to convince one of those Hereticks, to ac∣cuse him before those passionate Judges; the very Name of Reform'd was a sufficient Conviction; Proofs were only de∣sir'd for Form sake. Those Reasons being added to the pecu∣liar Interest of the Chamber, occasion'd the Division of it, by reason that they lost as much by it for themselves, this Clause taking away part of their Jurisdiction, as for the Publick of the Reform'd, for the Life and Safety of which, the Edict had made them Depositaries.

This is what Masuier imputed as a great Crime against the Reformed Councellors of Castres; and upon which he desir'd an Order from the Court to Condemn them, to re∣move the Modification of that Clause, on pain of Suspension of their Places; as if, after the Considerations I have alledg∣ed, it were not very visible, that there could be no harm in hesitating a little upon an Affair of that Importance; and to advise the making of most humble Remonstrances to the King, before they did proceed any farther. Masuier might have added to all this, some Troubles that happened at Nimes upon the account of a Jesuit, who had been allowed to preach there by the Consuls. They had disarm'd the Catholicks; who, excepting that they had not the Power to do Harm, injoy'd a full Peace and Liberty. The News of the Executi∣on of Navarreins being brought to Nimes during the Avent, exasperated the People, who exclaimed against the Jesuit in Words, whose Name was James Georges. Some cry'd that he ought to be Ston'd; others that he ought to be Banishd; others that he ought to be kept, to be expos'd upon the Breach, in case the Duke de Mommorency came to Besiege the City, as it was reported. Those Words, which resemble the Licence of the Soldier, who jests, and who has a mind to frighten, were taken up as if they had been followed by the most Inhumane actions. Nevertheless, the Jesuit was only frightned, and the People did him no other Violence.

But this News of the Cruelties committed at Navarreins, oc∣casioned the Assembling of the Circle of the Lower Languedoc at Lunel, to put themselves in a Posture of Defence, and to pro∣vide for the Safety of the Churches. The Pensioners of the Court were dumb. The Transactions in Bearn were publickly known; and those who would pass for Reform'd had not the Confidence to excuse them. Chatillon counterfeited himself so Zealous, that he was elected General of the Churches of the Lower Languedoc, of the Cevennes, of Vivarets, and of Ge∣vaudan, and that they gave him an absolute Power to dispose of whatever related to the War, and to the Finances. The abridg'd Assembly of Montauban confirm'd that Power, and

soon after the Assembly of Rochel did the same. This Post •…•…ut him in a Condition to be bought by the Court, and to hinder those Provinces, which were able to make the strong∣est Diversion, from Succoring each other. Nevertheless, he did something at first in the War of Privas, which was re∣newed on the beginning of the Year, and which would have had another Success, had Chatillon been endued with more Constancy. Brison, who rely'd upon his Assistance, made himself once again Master of the Castle after some days Siege. All the Actions of Courage of the Besiegers have been repre∣sented by the Catholicks, as Actions of Rage and Cruelty; and during all the Course of the Wars, which began that year, they held the same Language; Military Actions were term'd otherwise than they us'd to be. When the Reform'd were at∣tack'd, their Resistance was stil'd a black Rebellion. Their Courage in Assaults, or in Sallies, in Combats or in Sieges, were term'd Fury. All the Enemies they kill'd in a just War, were Massacres. All their Undertakings to se∣cure themselves, to Fortifie their Cities, to prevent Surpri∣zes from their Catholick Fellow Citizens, was nothing but Barbarity, Impiety, Sacriledge. In a Word, all their Pro∣ceedings were vilify'd with all the Malice imaginable by Writers and Orators, in order to ingage the Catholicks the more to their Ruine. I think this general Remark will be suf∣ficient: I thought it necessary, le••t People might be impos∣ed upon by the Stile of those Days; and I will not renew it elsewhere.

The occasion of the new Enterprize of Brison, was that the Inhabitants of Privas having rais'd some Works to secure themselves against the Garison of the Castle, by reason that they could obtain no Redress for the Injuries they receiv'd from them; St. Palais, who Commanded in it, fired his Ar∣tillery upon the Town, to put a Stop to the Work. He re∣fus'd to hearken to the Remonstrances the Citizens made to him about it; and the Duke de Ventadour, the King's Lieu∣tenant, to whom they apply'd themselves after that Refusal, instead of giving them an Audience, us'd them like Rebels, and threatned to hang them. They were us'd in the same

manner throughout the Kingdom; and the poor Wretches did not know which was best for them, to Obey, or to Re∣sist. A thousand Indignities were put upon them, when they arm'd themselves with Patience; and they were threatned with the Punishment of Criminals, as soon as they seem'd to have a Mind to defend themselves. They had no Choice left, but to suffer their Throats to be cut without Speaking, or to be Condemn'd as Rebels. This is forcing of People to act by Despair. I will not treat this Question methodically in this place, viz. Whether in those Extremities it be a sin against the Gospel to defend ones self; but I dare say, that in such Cases Nature inclines People to defend themselves, ha∣ving no prospect of Safety any other way. And no equita∣ble Person can deny, but that Acts of Despair ought less to be imputed to those that commit them, than to those who reduce them to the indispensible Necessity of committing them.

The Duke of Mommorency not daring to besiege Privas a second time, during the Assembly of the Circle, with whom Chatillon seem'd to agree, feign'd to be willing at the Re∣quest of that Lord, who came to him at Mompellier with the Consuls of Names, and of Ʋsez, and some Deputies of the Assembly, to hearken to some Accommodation, and pro∣mised not to come to Privas, unless it were with a Spirit of Peace. But it was only to gain time to assemble his Forces, and to find out a way to disband those of Chatillon, who on∣ly wanted a pretence for it. An Expedient was foun•• for it in an Interview of Lesdiguieres, of the Duke de Venta∣dour, and of a Gentleman from the Duke de Mommore••••••, who either could not, or would not come in Person. They resolved to get an Order from the Court for both Parties to disarm, and to leave things in suspence in the mean time. The Order was brought by Des Ruaux, and Chatillon obey∣ed; but he had had the Complaisance before, the Order came, to suffer Villeneuve de Berg to be taken by the Duke at Mommorency without opposing it; although the said Town was necessary to incommode an Army that should besiege Privas, in the Neighbourhood of which it was seated, and

to put a Relief in it, which might come through the Sevenes, of which it was the Passage. The Duke de Mommorency caused Mass to be said in it immediately, which had not been celebrated there for upwards of Sixty Years.

The Order was to refer the Cognizance of the Affair of Privas to the King; and that the two Chiefs should Dis∣arm; but Mommorency did not disarm, under pretence that Chatillon, who agreed under hand with him, had not pro∣perly laid down his Arms, since he had only dispersed his Forces, without disbanding them. But he had only kept them on foot to amuse the Simple, since their Retreat fa∣vour'd Mommorency to take Walons, out of which the Gari∣son, which had been put into it by Chatillon, withdrew by his Order. The Duke also attempted Wals by a down right piece of Treachery. That little Town, pretty strong by its S••ituation, did belong to Collonel Ornano, who was after∣wards Mareschal of France. Montmajour his Brother, desir'd to have the Command of Wals, under pretence that he would take more care than another, to make his Soldiers behave themselves civilly there, by reason that it was his Interest so to do. Mommorency had two ends in so doing; the one was to imitate Chatillon, in dispersing his Forces, instead of Dis∣banding them; but in Dispersing them, he gave them con∣venient Quarters to assemble again in a short time, and to hinder those of the Reform'd from rejoyning, in case they should have a mind to Succor Privas. The other was to put a Catholick Garison, under the Name of a Catholick L••••d, in a Place where there ought to be a Reform'd one, ac∣cording to the Briefs: That is, that in order to show the Ref••rmed what they were to trust to about the Restitution of Privas, the Court design'd to dispossess those of Wals, who were under the same Circumstances of the Guard of their Town.

The Inhabitants easily discovered the Snare, and refus'd to quarter the Duke's Forces. They were forthwith besieged within ••ight of Chatillon; and being disheartned at the first Discharge of the Cannon, they surrenderd upon shameful Conditions. The Consuls begg'd Pardon upon their Knees,

and the Duke put a Catholick Garison into the Castle. They valu'd themselves extreamly upon the taking of that little Place, because it was commonly called Little Geneva, all the Inhabitants being Reform'd; and the Maiden, by reason that it had never been taken by Arms. The Catholick Religion was restor'd there, and the Example of the Duke, together with the Endeavors of the Jesuits, soon made such Conver∣sions there, as we have seen in our days. Chatillon, who still kept some measures, durst not suffer Wals to be taken, with∣out seeming to prevent it: But whither he did not use so much diligence as was necessary, or that the Consuls, sur∣render'd the Town too soon, d'Autiege who commanded the Succors, was acquainted with the Surrender of the Town by the Way. In Order to imploy his Forces, he retook Walons, and forc'd an Exemt out of it, whom des Ruaux had left there. The Duke Besieg'd it again immediately: And as if d'Autiege had only put himself into it, to receive an Affront, he Surrender'd it within three days, upon very hard Conditions. He March'd out of it with his Men, with∣out any thing but their Arms; and he promis'd, that nei∣ther himself nor they, should bear them in the Province for six Months time; and he did not so much as obtain a Capi∣tulation for the Inhabitants, who were left at the discretion of the Souldiers.

During these Transactions, the Assembly which was Sum∣mon'd at Rochel repair'd thither; and all the Endeavours us'd by the Court to prevent it, prov'd ineffectual to pre∣vail with them, or to frighten them. Altho they had chang'd the Place, they still retain'd the Name of Assembly of Lou∣dun for some time, because they pretended it to be a bare continuation of that, which was held in that City, which had only been suspended to please the King, in expectation of the performance of his promises; having the Power to Assemble again, by Virtue of a Verbal promise they had receiv'd of the King for it, in case the things agreed upon, were not per∣form'd at the appointed time. They writ to Lesdiguieres and to Chatillon to inspire them with the resentment they ought to have, at the Publick breach of a Promise, of which

they had been as it were, Guarantees, and Depositorys. Cha∣tillon made fair promises, which he did not keep; and when he had obtain'd a Place from them, which made him to be fear'd at Court; he obtain'd what he pleas'd there, and fell out with the Churches, for their Service. But Lesdiguieres ••ef••s'd to hearken to the Propositions of the Assemby. There pass'd a long Commerce of Letters between them, by which they insensibly exasperated each other; and finally proceed∣ed to invectives and Reproaches on both sides Among the Letters which the Assembly had written to him, while they were at Loudun, there was one in which they offer'd the Place of General of the Reform'd to him, to keep him an Army of 20000 Men, and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month, and to give him sufficient surety for the payment of the same, in any Protestant City of Europe, he should be pleas'd to pitch upon. But he was no longer in a Condition to receive those Offers; and the Court had engag'd him with greater hopes.

Notwithstanding he still profess'd the Reform'd Religion, he was already a Catholick at the Bottom, since▪ he had pro∣mis'd to be so. His secret practises with the Jesuits; the preferring of Crequi, a Catholick Lord, to the most Illu∣strious Alliances of the Reform'd; his affecting always to make a separate body from the rest▪ Joyning with the Chur∣ches when he stood in need of them, and forsaking them when they wanted his Assistance, were good Reasons to show that Religion was not his predominant Passion. More∣over, he had lately given a sensible Proof of it. Mary Vig∣noa, with whom he had led a very scandalous Lite for ma∣ny years, whose Husband it was thought he had caus'd to be Kill'd, either to injoy her with more freedom, or to hinder that Jealous injur'd Man from destroying his Wife, Govern'd him absolutely. After her being a Widow she turn'd her Lust to Ambition, and omitted no means to be∣come his lawful Wife, after having so long been his Mistress. She had two Daughters by him, which she was in hopes of marrying to Soveraigns, if she could cover the Defect of their birth by Marriage. Lesdiguieres was amus'd with the

same hopes: So that this Woman found it an easie task to ob∣tain what he passionately desir'd himself. He Marry'd her; and being sensible that all Persons of Honour would blame that Action, he was the first that turn'd it into Railery. It is one of the Maxims of those that resolve to do unaccoun∣table things: They prevent peoples looking upon their Be∣haviour as Infamous, by using them not to speak of it as of a serious thing.

The said Marriage was directly opposite to the Discipline of the Reform'd, which did expresly prohibit a Man's Mar∣rying a second Wife, after having committed Adultery with her during a first Marriage. Moreover, it was Celebrated in the Roman Church, upon the Account of Mary Vignon, who had Power enough to prevail with him to do it. The Truth is, that he made Publick Reparation for it: But that did not hinder people from judging, that he might easily have avoided that false step, and that Mary Vignon would have made no difficulty, in order to become Duchess de Les∣diguieres, to be Marry'd by a Minister, if he had desir'd it. Besides, the Reform'd did not like the prospect this New Marriage gave him, for the Establishment of his Family. The Catholick Religion was always put at the Head of all the hopes the Catholicks him with: And whereas the favour of the Court was necessary for his designs, they did not fail to insinuate to him, that he might expect a great deal more from it, by turning Catholick, than by remaining steady, by a scruple of Honour to the profession of a Religion that was run down, and which they had resolv'd to blot out of the Memory of Men.

On the other hand, Luines had designs, in which he was in hopes Lesdiguieres would be of Use to him; and therefore in Order to gain him, he flatter'd him with the Dignity of Constable. Not that he design'd to give it him: But aspiring to it himself, he durst not venture to ask it in his own Name, for fear of a denial. That great Office which plac'd almost all the Regal Authority in the hands of a Subject, had not been fill'd since the Death of the last Duke de Mommorency, to whom Henry the Fourth had given it. The design of in∣troducing

Arbitrary Power, did not suit with the great Au∣thority of a Constable: Therefore the Court design'd to oppress it; and it was actually abolish'd in the begining of Cardinal de Richlieu's Ministry. It had been vacant a∣bout seven years, when the Duke de Luines undertook to ••••ve i•• dispos'd of again: But in order to meet the less diffi∣culty in it, he resolv'd to revive it, under a Name, more Il∣lustrious than his own; not doubting but after that, he would easily find a way to get it for himself. He certainly was very well acquainted with the foible of Lesdiguieres, to un∣•…•…take to abuse him, as he did: And had he dar'd to put the same Trick upon the Duke d'Epernon, he would never have been Constable.

In Order thereunto, he pitch'd upon two different Men, •••• whom he gave two different Commissions. The one was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 persuade Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick, in hopes of be∣ing made Constable. The other had Orders to represent to him, that that Grandeur would create him a World of ••nemies, and that he would do better, to persuade the ••••ing to give it to his Favourite; and to rest satisfy'd with certain advantages which would be granted to him, to make him amends for the said Refusal. The Commission of the ••••rst was known to the King, who was not as yet acquaint∣•…•…d with the pretentions of the Duke de Luines: But that of the second was only known by the said Duke, who was un∣willing the King should be acquainted with that ••eere•• In∣trigue: Besides, he only gave it to stop the Progress of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which succeeded better and faster than he desir'd. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that was imploy'd about the Duke de Lesdiguieres, was the same Deagean, who had serv'd the Duke de Luines, to incense the King against the Queen his Mother, and against the Marshal d'Ancre. The King repos'd a great Confidence in him ever since that Affair; an I sometimes gave him pri∣vate Commissions, without the knowledge of his Favourite: As he had done after the Queen Mother made her escape out of Blois. He made use of him to write to the Bishop of Lu∣con to repair to that Princess, and to dispose her to an Ac∣commodation. Deagean relates it himself, tho' other Me∣moirs

do not speak of it, as of a thing done without the Dukes knowledge. But if what Deagean says about it be true, it was enough to make the Favourite his Enemy. A Man that had a Genius for Affairs, who was Subtle, Dis∣sembling, Ambitious, and Bold, was capable of doing to much with an easie Prince, who repos'd some Confidence in him, to be agreeable to Persons, who had neither Wit nor Experience enough to oppose him. Therefore, the Duke took a pretence to send him to Lesdiguieres, to remove him from the Court; and in Order to keep him at Grenoble, a Place of first President of the Chamber of Accounts, was bought for him in that City, under pretence that it would hinder people from penetrating into the real Motives of his abode in that Province.

Altho Deagean was very sensible for what reason he was confin'd in Dauphine, yet he accepted the Commission that was given him; relying perhaps, more on the Gratitude of Lesdiguieres, than he had reason to trust to the Duke de Luines. And flattering himself, that he wou'd promote his own Fortune the better, by opposing the Protection of a Constable, against the Jealousies of a Favourite. The suc∣cess can never be unhappy, when matters are well dispos'd. Deagean easily persuaded Lesdiguieres to change a Religion which he little matter'd: But in Order to render his Sollici∣tations the more Powerful, he made use of the Wiles they us'd to practice. There still remain'd a Scruple of Honour in Lesdiguieres, which persuaded him, that it was a shame for a Man of his Age to change his Religion. But he remov'd it by private Conferrences, by reason that Publick ones made too much Noise, and that Deagean had no mind to make any. He got Ministers, whom he had gain'd to meet him at Lesdiguieres, as if it were accidentally, and whom he seem'd not to know, that the meeting might seem undesign'd. Those Traytors, after some feign'd resistance, never fail'd to yield to Deagean's Reasons; and to give him a fair pretence, to press Lesdiguieres to overcome those lit∣tle Scruples. Le Visconte Professor at the College of D••, who was an Italian, and who had been a Fryar, was one of

them. He suffer'd himself to be vanquish'd in a Conference; after which, he confess'd Ridiculously, that it was impossi∣ble to Answer Deagean's Arguments. That Comedy was Acted so grosly, that it was impossible for Lesdiguieres not to perceive it. It was pleasant to see Deagean, who had pass'd the best part of his Life in the Dignity of Clerk of the Finances, to become a Champion in a dispute of Reli∣gion; and without using any other Arguments but certain Vulgar Sophisms, repeated over and over, to reduce all of a sudden, Persons of some Reputation, and better Vers'd than himself, in matters of Controversie, to confess that his Reasons were convincing. Nevertheless, those Artifices ac∣quir'd Deagean so great an Empire over Lesdiguieres, that he Govern'd him as he pleas'd; and that when the General As∣sembly offer'd to create him General of the Churches, to maintain him an Army of 20000 Men, and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month, and to give him sufficient security for the payment of it, in any Protestant City he should be pleas'd to chuse; the said Deagean dissuaded him from accepting of the said Offers, and even dictated the Answer he made up∣on that Subject. He did the same with all the Letters Lesdiguieres writ to the Assembly.

This great Credit of Deagean had like to have broken the measures of the Duke de Luines, who intrusted the second Commission, I have mention'd, to the Marquess de Bressieux, which tended to cross the Negotiation of Deagean, and to persuade Lesdiguieres to yield the Dignity of Constable to that Favourite, upon which Condition, he was allow'd not to turn Catholick. This New Deputy was order'd by an Article of his Instructions, to obtain a promise from Lesdi∣guieres, before he did reveal his Commission to him, that he would conceal it all from Deagean: But he could never pre∣vail with him to do it; and for fear of worse, he was ob∣lig'd to stick to the Terms of the first Commission, and to content himself with pressing Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick. But the Duke de Luines, imputing to the Marquess, who perhaps was not inclin'd to pursue so great a Cheat; the ill

success of his design, imploy'd Bullion in the same Intrigue; who prevail'd so far upon Lesdiguieres, as to perswade him to come to Paris, to renounce the Constableship, and to yield that Dignity to the Duke of Luines; to advise the King, whom he said he would oblige, to Raise his Favou∣rite to that high Place; and finally to serve against the Churches, still professing the Reform'd Religion. Lesdi∣guieres resisted a little at first; but finally he was so good, as to consent to all; and was not asham'd to serve in the Quality of Marshal General, under a Constable, who was hardly any thing of a Souldier. The Duke d'Epernon, more re∣solute, and more haughty than he refus'd to Obey either; and whereas he had the art to keept the Court in awe of him, the Court was oblig'd, in order not to lose him to give him the Command of a small Body, without receiving Orders from any Body.

Such Low, and such abusive Wiles were practis'd to ob∣tain this consent from Lesdiguieres, that had not his Mind and Heart been weaken'd by Age, it is not to be believ'd, that he would ever have submitted to such unworthy pro∣ceedings. The best friends he had among the Reform'd, be∣ing acquainted with what pass'd, by reason that the Duke de Luines had had the cunning to Publish it, to raise diffi∣culties upon that Affair, omitted no means to raise his Cou∣rage again; and to make him sensible, how shameful it was for him to Sacrifice his Religion and his Honour, towards the Ambition of the Duke de Luines. But those who pos∣sess'd his Reason, made him pass over all those considerati∣ons; and he only seign'd to persevere in the Reform'd Reli∣gion, to deceive those that had still some confidence in him. The Catholick Zeal will undoubtedly appear very tractable in this Affair: But at the same time it cannot be deny'd, that the Roman Church alone knows, to what degree trea∣chery and Hypocrisie may be carry'd innocently; and with∣in what bounds they are to be kept, to make them part of the service of God. What Deagean did to remove the Scruples of Lesdiguieres about Religion, is so singular upon that Subject, that it deserves a Place in History. A∣mong

the Ministers he had brib'd, there was one of the Low∣er Languedoc, in whom Lesdiguieres repos'd a great deal of Confidence, who had been his Chaplain, and who had se∣cretly abjur'd the Reform'd Religion. He acquainted Dea∣gean with all his Masters secrets, and told him the Reason for which Lesdiguieres express'd, in a certain Conjuncture, a little more repugnancy to pleasure the Court, than he was wont to do. The cause of that little disgust was a certain Suspicion, which was given him of some designs form'd a∣gainst the Reform'd in Dauphine, in which he was to be in∣volv'd. When Deagean had Learn'd that secret, it was easie for him to destroy the Suspicions of Lesdiguieres, whose mind he turn'd as he pleas'd. Therefore, the said Minister doing him such good Services, he would have been a Loser, by his changing of his Religion publickly, by reason, that being then no longer able to penetrate into his Master's secrets, he would no longer be able to betray him. But Deagean pro∣vided against it by a Notorious Cheat. He obtain'd a Brief for that Minister from the Pope, who allow'd him to per∣form the Function of his Ministry for three years longer, on condition, that he should neither Preach against the Do∣ctrine of the Roman Church, nor Administer the Sacra∣ment according to the Reform'd manner. I do not know, which ought to appear most singular in this to Men of sense, the Niceness of that Villains Conscience, who would not be guilty of Hypocrisie without Leave, or the Popes com∣plaisance, who under the pretence of his being useful, al∣low'd him to make a sport of Religion for three years to∣gether, and to abuse God and the World with impunity. They did not do so much for Lesdiguieres. They only ex∣cus'd him for a while from keeping his Word. The Truth is, that he had made a promise in Writing, to imbrace the Roman Religion: But since they did not perform their promise to him in recompence of it, they did not press him to put his in Execution. Moreover, when they found that he press'd the conclusion too fast himself, they desir'd him not to make so much haste; to reduce his Ambition to less Imployments, and to keep his Religion in lieu of the Dig∣nity

which he was persuaded to yield to another▪ As if a Man, who was ever ready to Sacrifice his Conscience for Tempo∣ral Advantages, would be so far in Love with Piety, as to think himself rewarded for the refusal of such Advantages, by the Liberty of professing his own Religion.

There happen'd three, very singular Incidents in that Ne∣gotiation. That the only Man who could be thought capa∣ble of the first Dignity of the Kingdom, should consent to fool himself to get it for another. That the King should be so weak as to be persuaded, that a Man who was not able to Exercise a Regiment, without the help of a better Souldier, deserv'd to be Constable. That all the Court should Adore that Master-piece of Fortune, and that the Princes should submit to an Authority so ill plac'd. A Brother of his was al∣so soon after made Marshal of France, who was hardly a better Souldier than himself, and who show'd at the Siege of Montauban, at the cost of many brave Men, that he did not understand how to charge a Mine. The Truth is, that the King soon repented the complaisance he had had for his Favourite. The Crowd of Courtiers that attended that new Constable, displeas'd the King, who finding himself almost forsaken, whereas his Favourite was follow'd by all the Court, call'd him sometimes with a spightful Air, King Lu∣nes: And let fall some Expressions of the desire he had to humble him. That was his Forble; he could not indure the greatness he had rais'd himself. Tho incapable to keep his lawful Authority, he was Jealous to see it in the hands of those to whom he had given it.

But whatever Lesdiguieres could do, did not prevent his being in danger of being secur'd at Court. He had been warn'd of it by the way, and he fail'd but little of Experi∣encing, that the said Advice was well grounded. Never∣theless, the Court obtain'd so many things of him, that they thought him secure; and whereas he was always to remain with the King; they look'd upon his presence, as a suffici∣ent Pledge of his Fidelity. By that means Dauphine, in which there was a great deal of Reform'd Nobility, was retrench'd from the Union of the Churches; 12 or 13 Pla∣ces

were secur'd, in which he promis'd to put Catholick Governors and Garrisons; and he was set up for an Exam∣ple to many of the Reform'd, whom the Court would ob∣lige not to meddle with the Assembly, and even to bear Arms against their Brethren. But tho he assur'd every Body, both by Word of Mouth and in Writing, that he did not design to change his Religion; yet he Writ to Cardinal Ludovisi•• who had lately succeeded Paul the V. and who had taken the Name of Gregory the XV. after his Election to the Pon∣tificat, to congratulate his Exaltation. He had formerly promis'd that Cardinal out of a Compliment, that when ever he came to be Pope, he would turn Catholick: And that Jest was imploy'd as an Argument to persuade him to do it; as if he had been oblig'd in Honour to do it, after so positive a promise.

During these Transactions, the Assembly of Rochel re∣main'd steady; and the Court was not without disquiets on their side, by reason that they were sensible, that there were many Male-contents in the Kingdom, besides the Reform'd: So that they were glad to find, that some of the Reform'd Lords were willing still to offer their Mediation, in order to an Accommodation. The Dukes of Rohan and de la Tri∣mouille undertook it, after having taken measures with Du Plessis about it, and Writ to the King upon that Subject. But Favas finding himself fool'd at Court▪ and that the Govern∣ment of Leitoure had been given to Blainville, in spight of him destroy'd the Project of that Mediation. He tarry'd at home in Guyenne, after the King's departure from Bourdeaux; and he seem'd to be unwilling to meddle any farther with the General Deputation: But he was unhappily oblig'd to come back to Court, in order to have the management of the Ne∣gotiation of that Agreement. He spoil'd it by his un∣even Temper; and the Court, which knew him, made use of him to deceive the Reform'd, and to reconcile some Princes with the Constable, who built great designs upon the War of Religion which they saw at hand. Those Male-contents were the Count de Soissons, a young Prince, who had partly the Genius of his Father, and the Dukes de Nevers, and de

Mayenne. Villarnoul Son-in Law to Du Plessis, suffer'd him∣self to be perswaded to tell the Count, that the Accommo∣dation of the Assembly with the King was concluded: And Favas himself had the Complaisance to Write to the two Dukes, that he was going from the Court, with a perfect satisfaction for the Assembly. Nevertheless, he repair'd to Rochel, with a greater mind to exasperate matters, than to Reconcile them.

The heats of that Man, whose mind ran still upon Le∣toure, broke the Course of the Mediation, those two Lords were willing to take upon them. So that, they were reduc'd to endeavour only by their Letters, and by their Deputa∣tions to persuade the Assembly to keep within the bounds of their Allegiance. Du Plessis particularly behav'd himself so, that he was suspected of having lost part of the Vigour of his mind with Age, and to be mov'd by Interest as Lesdi∣guieres. Du Moulin also joyn'd with them. He had been at Sedan ever since the Synod of Alets. He did design to call at Rochel, in returning from the Synod to Paris: But things were so imbroil'd before he could come away, that he durst not follow his Inclination, for fear of making himself Cri∣minal, by Communicating with a prohibited Assembly. His Prudence in this point avail'd him nothing, the Court would have him guilty, Right or Wrong. He receiv'd notice at Lions, by a Letter from Drelincourt his Colleague, that he would be taken up, as soon as he came to Paris. This News oblig'd him to take a by way to go home, where he tarry'd but one Night, and went from thence to Sedan; where the Duke de Bouillon gave him the place of Professor in Theo∣logy, and of Minister in Ordinary. Tilenus his Enemy did not fail to Write Violently against that retreat, which he en∣deavour'd to represent as a Mercenary flight.

The pretence the Court had to seize upon him was, that the English Ambassador had desir'd Du Moulin to Write to the King his Master, to exhort him to assist the Elector Pala∣tin his Son-in-Law. That Prince having too soon taken the Name of King of Bohemia, which had been offer'd him by the People, lost a Battle near Prague, and his New Kingdom,

together with his Ancient Patrimony, which the Emperor dive••ted him of, as a Rebel. France suffer'd it calmly, by ••eason that the Policy of Spain and of Rome prevail'd in their Council, and represented that War, as a War of Re∣ligion. Jeannin himself remember'd, that he had been a Member of the League; and Writ a Pamphlet, to hinder •…•…he King from succoring the Bohemians, in which he urg'd so many Reasons to prove, that all the Advantage of that War would remain to the Protestants, and all the damage •…•…o the Catholicks; that France lost that opportunity of ruin∣•…•…ng the House of Austria in Germany; and that they look'd •…•…pon the Ruin of an Ancient A••ly of France, as a Triumph of the Catholick Church. The King meddled no farther with this War, than by a Solemn Embassy, at the Head of which, he plac'd the Count d'Auvergne: And that serv'd ••••ly to render the Catholick League the stronger, and the Emperor more formidable. But the Coldness of the King of England Scandalized, even those that profited by his Weak∣•…•…ers. He did not relish certain Maxims of Honour, which he was continually put in mind of; and he thought it a •…•…iece of Policy, not to assist Subjects against their Soveraigns, •…•…ven in the Case of a manifest oppression. He apply'd that •…•…e Policy, which no other Prince ever bethought himself •…•…f, to the Affairs of his Son-in-Law: And his Ambassador who was sensible, that he was despis'd every where for that false Prudence; had a mind to draw him out of that Error. He look'd upon Du Moulin, as a Man capable to revive the Courage of that Prince, by whom he was very much re∣spected. Du Moulin writ, after having excus'd it a while; and his Letter was given to the Courier the Ambassador sent into England. But it was soon after put into the hands of the Ministers of the Cabinet Council, whither it were •…•…one designedly by the Courier, or by the Ambassador; or whither it were intercepted by some Wile; or finally, whi∣ther King James himself, who had particular Ingagements with the King of France, had Communicated it to the Mi∣nisters of that Prince. The said Letter was look'd upon as being very Criminal, by Reason, that the Condition of the

Churches of France was set out in it, and their ap∣proaching Ruine alledg'd, as a proper Reason to excite the King of England to assist his Son-in-Law, whose Prosperity was a Refuge to the Reform'd, as his Ruine was a Presage of Decay for them.

The Jesuits, whose Bane Du Moulin was, were glad of that Opportunity to ruine him, and having neither been a∣ble to Corrupt him by fair Offers, nor to destroy him by di∣vers Conspiracies against his Life, they imagin'd that he could never scape them that time. But they were deceiv'd, and he scap'd that Snare by the Diligence of his Retreat. It was from Sedan he writ to the Assembly of Rochel. It is un∣certain whether he did it of his own accord, or by the Order of the Mareschal de Bouillon, who was of the same Opinion with all the Grandees of the same Religon; or whether his Friends perceiving that his Enemies had a mind to represent him as a Seditious Person, who inclin'd People to Rebellion by his Advice, advis'd him to disprove them by such a Let∣ter. But it is certain that it was written with great Vigor, and that he declar'd in it, that the Assembly would be an∣swerable for the Ruine of the Churches, in case their refu∣sing to break up should occasion it. The Effect of that Let∣ter was, That it increas'd the Divisions to the utmost Extre∣mity. Some Members of the Assembly withdrew, and ne∣ver could be prevail'd upon to come again. Others acquain∣ted Du Moulin that his Letter had been read, but not ap∣prov'd of, and begg'd of him not to communicate it to any body, lest it should serve as a Pretence for those, who had a mind to withdraw out of the Union.

It were to be wish'd, that the Assembly had follow'd that Advice, only to try what the Court would have done after their Separation; in order to render the Cause of the Churches the clearer, by removing the Pretence of Disunion from those, who had too much Faith and Credulity. The Event show'd, that if those Members of the Assembly, who would not break up without Security, were not the most prudent, yet they were the best inform'd; and those who hinder'd them from taking such Measures for their Safety, had cause

to repent at leisure, their being too Credulous. Two things •…•…opt the Negotiation: The one was, that the Assembly •…•…ould not resolve to beg Pardon for meeting at Rochel, by rea∣son that they pretended, that they might lawfully do it, after •…•…o positive a Promise, as they had receiv'd for so doing at London from the King. That Confession of having done ill was of greater consequence than it seem'd to be at first, since 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imply'd a tacit Acknowledgment that the things promis'd had been perform'd: The Consequence of which was, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would stop their Mouths for the future upon the Business of the two Councellors, of Leitoure, and of Bearn. Favas •…•…sisted upon those Considerations with great Vehemency. The other was, that they were willing to see at least some∣thing done upon their Complaints, before their Breaking up, for fear of being shortly oblig'd to begin all things a new, as it had happen'd more than once. Moreover, the Decay of the Reform'd Religion in the Kingdom of Bohemia, which those who were for the Dissolution of the Assembly, made use of to make them dread the Events of War, was taken in ano∣ther Sence by many, who look'd upon it as a good Reason to take Precautions against the Oppression, of which the Affairs of Germany gave a Presage.

Nevertheless, the Assembly not being able to withstand the Advice of all the Grandees, from whom they receiv'd Letters upon Letters, and Deputations upon Deputations, to induce them to submit, oblig'd the Lords, who had offer'd their Mediation before, to resume the Negotiation of an A∣greement. The thing seem'd to be brought pretty near a happy Conclusion that time. The said Lords found an Ex∣pedient, which apparently was like to satisfie every body. They thought fit that the Assembly should break up for form •…•…ake, without removing above one or two small days Jour∣ney from Rochel: That the Deputies should remain in Places of Safety, under pretence that they could not go Home, by •…•…eason of the Declaration which render'd them Criminal: That they should tarry for the King's Answer, in a Readi∣ness to assemble again in case he should break his Word: That it should be done without mentioning the Right they pre∣tended

to have had to Assemble: That before the said Sepa∣ration, the Council should agree with the Deputies General, about seven Articles they were to present to the King: But that he should not dispatch them till the Assembly were actu∣ally dissolv'd, and the Members gone Home: And that in order to enable them so to do, the King would revoke the Declaration, by which they were declar'd Criminals.

Those seven Articles, which were treated of several times with the Deputies General, and which were at last agreed upon, with some Modifications, contain'd in Substance, that the Reform'd should not be oblig'd to use the Words of Pre∣tended Reform'd, in speaking of their Religion: That the King should remedy the Political and Ecclesiastical Affairs of Bearn: That La Force and his Children should be maintain'd in their Places, as they had been during the Life of the Late King, and paid their Arrears and Pensions; and that Lescun should have his Imployments restor'd him: That the Settle∣ment of the Places of Dauphine should be deliver'd according as it had been promis'd by the Treaty of Loudun: That the Modification of the Article of that Treaty, which spoke about the Reception of two Councellors in the Parliament of Pa∣ris, should be remov'd: That the Cahiers of the Assembly of Loudun should be speedily and favourably answered: That care should be taken for the Payment of Ministers, and of the Garisons: And finally, That the King's Soldiers should be re∣mov'd from such Places where they created Jealousies.

But the Intention of the Court, by these Negotiations, was only to amuse the Reform'd, as they us'd to do, in order the better to take their Measures, and to break those of the Assembly, by flattering the Credulous with the appearances of an approaching Peace. The truth is, that the Resolution of making War had not been taken in the King's Council without Difficulty. Though there was a great Party that press'd the Ruin of the Reform'd, the Wisest of the Council were against it; particularly the three oldest Ministers that remain'd of the ancient Court, who could not abandon the late King's Maxims. They thought it a piece of Rashness to attack a Party that had Two hundred strong Places, the least

of which might tarry till a Breach was made before they did Capitulate, and of which, many could sustain long Sieges be∣fore good Armies: That there was no likelihood of improving their Divisions, which would cease immediately as soon as a War should be declar'd against them, by reason that then the most Simple would begin to fear for themselves. Moreover, that there was not more Union at Court than among them, by reason of the Jealousies about the Government: That the Re∣form'd had the Reputation of being good Soldiers, and good Politicians: That there was no reason to believe that they had given over their foreign Correspondencies: That the Conformity of their Condition would ingage those Countries that profes'd the same Doctrine, to succour them. That the Allies of France would be troubled at that War, because it would enable the House of Austria to oppress them, while the King should be diverted from Foreign Affairs by those Do∣mestick Broils. That the Ʋnited Provinces would be expos'd to all the Forces of Spain, which would take the Advantage of the Civil Wars of France, to oppress that State, which the King had so much Interest to preserve. That the King had no Money, by reason that the Avidity of his Favourites de∣vour'd all his Revenues; insomuch that all the Money of seve∣ral Years was spent, and that all the Expence was still to come.

The Duke de Luines, on his side, had no Inclination to make a War. Du Plessis had given him some Advices upon that Subject which stuck to his Heart, and which made him fear, either that the Malecontents would increase the Party of the Reform'd, or that a Peace would be made at his Cost. But on the other hand, the Ministers were all for taking Arms. The Queen expected a kind of Regency while de Luines should lead the King from Province to Province; and perhaps she had higher Designs. The Bishop of Lucon, who was one of her Creatures, had a mind to make himself necessary. The Prince of Conde, who expected to have the Command of the Army, no longer remember'd the Services he had receiv'd from the Reform'd. Puisieux, Son to the Chancellor, who had suc∣ceeded Villeroy, both in the Secretary of State's Place, and in his Passion for the Spanish Maxims, was at the Devotion

of Spain, and press'd the Duke by so many Reasons, and found so many Expedients to cure him of his Fears, that fi∣nally, he inspir'd the same Sentiments in him. The Clergy of France being ignorant and corrupted, thought their whole Duty was comprehended in the Extirpation of Heresie; and they offered great Sums, provided they were imploy'd in that War. The Pope, who has the Art to persuade Princes that they are obliged to sacrifice the Repose of their State to his Grandeur, and who always advances his own Affairs at the Cost of others, seconded that Advice by all his Authority. But the Ministers of Spain in particular, who were the prin∣cipal Promoters of that Cabal, omitted nothing to engage France in a War, which, according to all human appearance, was to set the first hand to the Decay of the Monarchy. The Policy of Spain was so refin'd at that time, that they made those serve towards their Projects, who had most Interest to oppose them; and that they engag'd France voluntarily in a Civil War, of which they ought to have dreaded the cruel Consequences, after having experienced it for the space of Five and thirty Years.

But finally, the thing was resolv'd upon, after the Duke de Luines had obtained the Dignity of Constable, which gave him the Command of the Armies. He was thereby de∣liver'd of the Fear of being obliged to make the Prince of Conde too Powerful, by giving him the said Command. But when that Difficulty was remov'd, there arose another, which was of no less Consequence. There were two Opini∣ons about the Degree to which they should proceed in the Ruine of the Reform'd. Some said that it ought to be done at once; that the best way was to destroy both the Heresie and the Hereticks, and to imitate Charles the Ninth, who on∣ly Consented to the Massacres of 1572, on condition that no body should be suffer'd to escape that might upbraid him with it. The Pope was of that Opinion, and was seconded by the Cardinals, by the Clergy of France, and by the Jesuits. The Pope offer'd on that Condition, to contribute Two hundred thousand Crowns, the Cardinals as much, and the Clergy the same Sum. The Jesuits, who are us'd to take, offer'd

nothing, unless we impute to their Intreagues, the Offer of Thirty Millions of Livres, which was made by some of the Grand Farmers, for the Confiscation of the Estates that be∣long'd to the Reform'd on this side the Lotre. It is very well known, that those subtle Politicians have more than once slipt their Necks out of the Collar, when Money has been requir∣ed of them, by proposing Advices or Expedients to raise s••me, without contributing any thing towards it themselves. But some were of a more moderate Advice, or rather more Politick, who were for laying Religion aside, and only to wage War against the Resorm'd as Rebels; and to let the E∣dicts subsist in favour of such as should remain quiet in their Houses.

The Reasons of the first Advice were, that in case any Di∣stinction were made among them, those that should be spar'd would prove the most dangerous: That they would perhaps prove one day the Recourse of their Party: That they would ••••••ain at Home, not out of Fidelity, but out of Prudence: T••••t they would keep a Correspondence with those that should be in Arms: That they would be their Spyes, to give them Notice of whatever should relate to them: That they would ecretly assist them with Money and other Necessaries towards the War. But the Reasons of the others were, That the Distinction that should be made of the Peaceable, and of the Rebels, would be a certain way to weaken the Party by ••••viding them: That a considerable Number of Persons, in ••••••es of preserving the Liberty of their Religion by their Obedience, would retire home, and would behold the De∣struction of the rest without moving: Whereas in case they declar'd War against the whole Party, the most Peaceable would be forc'd to joyn with the others for their Common Defence: That for that Reason it would be imprudent to u∣•…•… near Four hundred thousand Men, to which the Num∣•••••• of the Reform'd, capable of bearing Arms, was thought to amount: Besides, That such as would be spar'd by that Po••icy, would remain at the Mercy of the Conqueror after the Destruction of the rest: That this Distinction would hinder the Protestant Allies from taking any Jealousies about

that War, and would persuade them that they did not aim at their Religion, but that they were arm'd against a Cabal that was always ready to trouble the State, and to joyn with the first Malecontents who had a mind to exclaim against the Government.

This Advice prevail'd, and Experience show'd that the Reasons of the first were all Illusions. The Reform'd, who were put in hopes that the Edicts would be observ'd, gave little or no Assistance to the others: and during the whole course of the War, the Catholicks, and particularly the Gen∣tlemen, were much kinder to the Reform'd in Arms, than to the Reform'd that remain'd Peaceable. They gave the most considerable and the most certain Advices: It was from them, those Cities that were resolv'd to hold out a Siege, bought Provisions and Ammunitions; and from whom, in a word, they receiv'd the greatest Testimonies of Correspondence and Sincerity. The reason of it was, That there were many Catholicks, who not being blinded by the Zeal of Religion, foresaw what the Event has but too much demonstrated, and what even the Catholick Historians have not scrupled to write; that under pretence of reducing the Reform'd, the Court conceal'd a Design to Establish Arbitrary Power; and that the Ruin of what they call'd a Cabal, would serve as a Step towards the Oppression of the whole Kingdom. The Reform'd on the contrary being blinded by Promises of Li∣berty, avoided all Commerce with those that were in Arms, for fear of giving the Court a Pretence to involve them in the Destruction of the others, as their Accomplices; and there were many, who in imitation of Lesdiguieres, were not a∣shamed to bear Arms against their Brethren. The worthiest Persons amongst them, only succor'd them with Prayers and Tears, which the Fear of Oppression only allow'd them to shed in secret.

During the whole Course of the War, the only Cry was, that the King's Arms were only design'd against the Rebels: That the Edicts should be observ'd in favor of the rest: That they had no thoughts of destroying the Reform'd Religion: This is what was written abroad; what all the Pensioners of

••••e Court preach'd up and down; and what was Publish'd •••• all the Declarations. In order to hinder People from ••enetrating into the secret Reasons of those Reports, the Court publish'd others, which could do no harm, and which ••ere so plausible, that they might pass for true. They said that 〈…〉〈…〉 was not reasonable to force Consciences that were us'd to a ••••ng Tolleration; that what had been good 60 years before to ••••event the Introduction of Heresie, while Liberty of Consci∣••nce was unknown, would be dangerous after having relish'd it 〈…〉〈…〉 long: That it was not fit to give any Jealousie to the Pro∣••estant Neighbouring Princes, lest they should come to the Assistance of the Reform'd; whereas none was to be expect∣••d from the Catholicks Abroad, who were desirous to make ••he War last, to hinder France from crossing their Designs: ••hat the King had many faithful Subjects among the Re∣••o••m'd, who ought not to be Confounded with those Rebels. Others added moreover, in order to make their Reasons the ••ore weighty, that the Reform'd were useful in France: ••hat they were born Enemies to the Enemies of the State: That in case there were none of them left in the Kingdom, it ••ould be necessary to send for some from Abroad, far from destroying those who were born there. The Reform'd were ••••••t the only Persons that said this; there were Catholicks even in the Council, who were really of that Opinion; and ••t the beginning of the present Reign, there still were Mini∣••••••s who had been bred in the Policy of Cardinal de Richelieu, who held this Maxim as a true one, and who express'd it in the very Terms I have us'd.

This Difficulty being remov'd, there appear'd a third. Some were of Opinion to begin the War without delay, in ••rder to suppress the Reform'd, who were astonish'd, and not in a Posture of Defence. It was the Advice of the Prince of C••nde, who expected to make a better Figure in the War than at Court, where he was oblig'd to have base Complaisances for the Favorite, and where he was look'd upon with an ill ••ye by the Queen-Mother. Du Vair, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Jesuit Confessor to the King, seconded it with all their Might. Jeanin and the other old Ministers,

who were not heartily inclin'd for a War, oppos'd it, and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the con∣trary in threatning a War; and in the mean time to prepare for the last, in case the Reform'd should refuse the first on Con∣ditions worthy of the King. The Duke de Luines joyn'd with the last, but for other Reasons. He saw no Money ready for the War; he had rather apply the Finances to his own, and to his Friends Advantage, than to a doubtful Enterprise. He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies. He was not secure of the Foreigners. He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him, in marching with the King towards the Southern Pro∣vinces. In fine, the Number of the Reform'd Lords made him dread Diversions where-ever they had any Authority.

But he was so happy, that all those Difficulties were le∣vel'd. He gain'd most of the Great ones. Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff. The Marshal de Bouillon remain'd long Newter. Lesdiguieres fool'd him∣self, and many others follow'd his Example. He met with no Oppositions from Abroad. The King, under pretence of a Journey into Picardy, secur'd himself on the side of the Ne∣therlands, and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire, being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately. Cadenet, Brother to the Favourite, who was created Duke de Chaunes, easily prevail'd with the King of England, who thought himself oblig'd to lose all the Op∣portunities which a good Politician would have improv'd, to make himself Arbitrator of Europe, when there was a Neces∣sity to succor Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto. The Ʋnited Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France. It is true, that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State, and seem'd to favour the Party of Barnevelt, they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange. But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests: The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria, did not permit the States to fall out with an Allie so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth. The Court sow'd the utmost Divisions among the Reform'd. They endeavor'd

to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the As∣sembly. They endeavor'd to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel, either as designing to promote their own Advan∣vage at their Cost, or as designing to become the Center of their Union, and to ingross all the Authority. Though all the Reform'd were not susceptible of those Diffidences; yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions.

Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositi∣ons of the Mediators, with as much Application, as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace: People were strangely surpriz'd to find in the middle of those Negotiations, when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprize, that the King repair'd to Fontainebleau, from whence he writ to the Duke de Bouillon, and to Du Plessis, and some others, that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey, and that it oblig'd him to repair to Tours, and perhaps farther, if it were necessary, to be near at hand to give his Orders. He mix'd with this Advice, As∣surances of his good Intentions, in favor of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty. The next day after his Arrival, he revers'd the Priviledge of Elections, and remo∣ved the Offices for the Receits of his Revenues, out of the Cities held by the Reform'd, by an express Declaration, and transfer'd them to Catholick Cities, under pretence of hin∣dering the Reform'd from seizing upon the Royal Treasure. But he restor'd that of Saumur by a Brief, to satisfie du Ples∣sis, for whom a far greater Affront was preparing. This E∣dict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War; but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace, and they continu'd their Mediation, some with Since∣rity, and others to please the Court, which was desirous to amuse the Reform'd by those Appearances. So that Confe∣rences were held still, in which all things seem'd to tend to an Accommodation. The Constable seem'd to open his Mind freely to the Deputies, and to consent to a Peace upon tole∣rable Conditions. For which reason the Agents and Media∣tors

left Paris with Pavas, to repair to Rochel by divers ways, and upon different Days, in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them. But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas's Departure; a Council was held in the King's Presence, in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot, and Eight thousand Horse, to be distributed in the Provinces ac∣cording as it should be necessary. The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council; La Force was depriv'd of all his Places; the Survivorship of them was ta∣ken from his Son the Marquess de Mompouillan, who created Jealousies in the Favorites, and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments, and by the Share he had in the King's Fa∣vour; and he was order'd to retire from the Court. That Prince permitted those who govern'd him, to dispose of his Inclinations, as they did of his Finances, and of his Authori∣ty; and always approv'd the Reasons that were alledg'd to him, no longer to love what he had most lov'd.

The Pretence us'd for that Disgrace, was, That Peoples Minds began to be heated again in Bearn, and that the Af∣fairs there seem'd to be upon the Point of a new Revolution. La Force was inrag'd, that instead of making him some Re∣paration for the Affront he had receiv'd from Poyane, who had taken Arms, not only without his Leave, but without his Knowledge, the Court had sent him an Order by Salu∣die to lay down his Arms, approving the Actions of Poyane. The Marquess de la Force press'd his Father to resent that Af∣front, and look'd upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury, to oblige an old Governor of Province, an ancient Officer of the King's Houshold, to disarm before the Governor of a Town, who ought at least to have honour'd him as a Superior, and to communicate his Designs to him, though he were excus'd from receiving Orders from him. Moreover, it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force, to send Orders to an inferior Officer, without ac∣quainting him with it. Therefore the Bearnois being alrea∣dy as uneasie at the Alterations that had been made among

them, as they were fatal to their Liberties, the Discon∣tents and Intrigues of their Governor soon dispos'd them to improve the Occasion. The Earnestness the General As∣sembly express'd for their Affairs, encreased their Courage, and easily persuaded those People, who were naturally Confident, that they would soon be as Free as the French. La Force being flatter'd with that Hope, writ to the King in the Month of February, a Letter that was very pressing, and well written, upon the Refusal the Court had made to hear the Deputies of the Assembly. That Letter perhaps prov'd one of his greatest Crimes. The Court no longer relish'd those free Contradictions. He Remonstrated with too much Boldness, how much the Severity of the Court increased Peoples Terrors. He complain'd that the Catho∣licks of the Province said publickly, that the King was re∣solv'd to declare a War against the Reform'd, and to de∣stroy them; and he concluded by a pressing Exhortation, that his Majesty would be pleased to hear what the Depu∣ties of the Assembly had to say.

That Letter and the Advices the Court receiv'd from Bearn, that the Towns, out of which the Garisons had been remov'd, were revolted, made them forget that La Force had obey'd the Order he had receiv'd from Saludie without replying: That he had caus'd the Tower of Mon∣giscard to be restor'd and dismantled, which the Bensins, ac∣cus'd of the Conspiracy of Navarreins, had fortify'd to an∣noy that Place: That in order to observe some Decorum, he had deliver'd that Fort, not to Poyane, who had besieg'd it, but to Councellors, that were deputed by the Sove∣raign Council of Pau, who caus'd it to be demolish'd. The King not being satisfy'd with turning La Force and his Children out of their Imployments, order'd the Duke d'E∣pernon to turn them out of Bearn, and to reduce the Peo∣ple to their Allegiance. The Court did not do the Duke that Honour out of a Pure Effect of Good Will; but lest in case they should slight him in a Time of Troubles, he might grow jealous of the Forces that march'd towards

his Governments, and put himself in a Posture to hinder the Progress of the Favorite, who did not love him; tho his Policy oblig'd him to dissemble, and to express an ex∣terior Friendship to him. The Court gave him nothing to help him to make that Expedition. He had not so so much as time allow'd him to raise Money and Men; and he march'd towards that Country with so small an Army, that had he not rely'd upon the Correspondencies the Court held in the Towns, his Enterprise would have been a great piece of Rashness. The Truth is, that La Force was not yet ready, and that he made his Preparations like a Man, who was uncertain what he had best to do. The Succors of the Provinces, who had undertaken the Preser∣vation of Bearn, fail'd him, and that of the Assembly Ge∣neral was yet at a great distance. Therefore he had re∣course to Submissions, and endeavour'd to stop the Duke's March by reiterated Offers of Obedience and Fidelity. But the Duke made no less hast for that, and for his first Expedition he besieg'd Orthez. The Place was in a Con∣dition to make a long Resistance, during which, Forces might have been assembled, which might easily have dissi∣pated the Duke's, who had neither a Place to retire to, nor Provisions, or Ammunitions. Moreover, there were more Men in the Town capable to bear Arms, than there were in the petty Army that besieg'd it. Nevertheless, The Force of their Correspondencies within prov'd so ef∣fectual, that they surrendered without tarrying for the Cannon, as if they had only tarry'd for the Duke's coming to their Gates, to commit that Piece of Cowardize. That Success afforded the Duke d'Epernon all that he wanted, by reason that the Town was very well provided. La Force judging by this Success what he had to trust to from all the rest of the Country, retir'd out of the Government. Af∣ter which all the Towns that were in his Party being asto∣nish'd at the Capitulation of Orthez, and at the Retreat of the General, surrender'd upon the first Summons. The Truth is, that the Duke's Severity, as soon as any body

show'd the least Inclination to resist, struck a Terror eve∣ry where. Those very Places that obey'd, had the Grief to see their Fortifications demolished; but every where else, Confiscations, Banishments, Hanging, were the Duke's daily Sports, whatever the Author of his Life re∣ports. We have a Specimen of it, by the poor Pretence he took at Oleron, to Execute a wretched Soldier he found in the Town. The Duke Condemn'd him to dye, be∣cause he had manag'd the Work of some slight Retrench∣ments which it had been cover'd with. That did not render him more Criminal than those who had set him at Work, and who had taken him into their Service. Never∣theless, he was Executed; but not being able to persuade himself, that what he had done deserv'd Death, he im∣puted his Crime to his being a Provencal, and reproach'd the Duke at his Death, that he was the Victim of his Ha∣tred for that Province.

But those Rigors of the Duke render'd his Expedition very short, and very successful. After the Capitulation of Orthez he soon made himself Master of Oleron, of Sa∣lies, of Nay, of Sa••veterre, and finally of Pau; and ha∣ving order'd all things according to his Mind, he left the Country in a full Submission. That Expedition did not last above three Months, which afforded him time to come back to the King, who was before St. John d'Angeli at that time. The War was begun in Poitou as soon as in Bearn, and with the same Success. Though the Duke d'Epernon's Commission was known by every body, and that the Settlement of War drawn in the King's Council was become Publick, the Mediators being stupified by some strange Charm, would still persuade themselves that it was nothing, and that, provided the Assembly would obey, the King would proceed no farther; so that their Letters, and their Advices still retarded the Affairs of the Reformed, and afforded the Court time to take all their Measures at leisure. Nevertheless, Favas, being inform∣ed by Chalas his Colleague, in the General Deputation, who

with the Court, with what pass'd after his Depar∣ture, acquainted the Assembly therewith, and gave them an Account of the Illusions they had been amus'd with, while the Court was preparing to laugh at them and at him openly. As that Settlement of War had been drawn the next day after his Departure, he receiv'd the News of it the next day after his Arrival; so that he was enabled at once to inform the Assembly with the Disposition of Peace, in which he thought he had left the King's Coun∣cil at parting, and of their Resolution for a War, of which the News was written to him.

They heard at the same time that he arriv'd at Tours on the 18th of the same Month. One Martin, who kept a Publick House there, had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion; and that Change had occasion'd some Jests, and some Sa∣tyrick Songs, which had often expos'd him to the Laugh∣ter of the People. The Magistrates not having sup∣press'd that License, though contrary to the Edicts, and to sound Policy, the Catholick Children had learnt those Songs, and the said Martin dying soon after it, they sung the said Songs while his Corps was Carrying to the Ground. Some of those that accompany'd the Corps being disturb'd at that Noise, gave one of the Children a Box on the Ear. The simple Catholicks, who diverted themselves at those Childrens Play, and who often ex∣cited them to do what they durst not do themselves, cry'd out that he was kill'd, because he was a Catholick. Whereupon the People rose immediately, fell upon the Reform'd, abus'd, wounded, and affronted all those they met. The Night did not appease their Fury. The next day the Seditious went to the Church-yard of the Re∣form'd, dug up the Corps, which had been flung into the Ground in haste, tore it in pieces, and committted a thousand Indignities against it. From thence they went to the Temple, and burnt it: They plunder'd the House of the Sexton, and committed great Violences against him. This Rage lasted three days; but finally, it was

appeas'd for want of Matter, by reason, that the Re∣form'd hid themselves, and that the most considerable retir'd in such Places, where they expected to find most Safety. The Magistrates barely made some weak In∣formations of the Fact, and imprison'd some of the most Miserable; but as if the Reform'd had been as Guil∣ty as the rest, some of them were also secur'd to keep the Catholicks Company.

Those Mutineers seem'd to have look'd upon the King's Journey to Fontainbleau as the Signal of their Enterprize; and the People judg'd by the Coldness of the Magistrates, that they were certain the Court would approve those Proceedings. Nevertheless, the thing was look'd upon to be of too much Consequence in that Conjuncture, to be wink'd at. The Court was sensible that the Impunity of those Violences would open the Eyes of those they design'd to blind, by the fair Pro∣mises of the Observation of the Edicts; and that in case Despair should re-unite the Reform'd, their Ruine would prove a difficult Task. Moreover, it was an Example of very ill Consequence, which appear'd, in that the Peo∣ple rose at Pottiers as well as at Tours, beat down the Wall the Reform'd had built about their Church-yard; broke the Tombs, violated the Sepulchres, and endea∣vor'd to demolish the Temple. Those Violences did not extend to Persons, by reason that the Place in which the Reform'd perform'd the Exercise of their Religion, was at a great distance from the City; and that the Magistrates, who dreaded Reprisals, put a stop to the Disorder. But the Punishment of the Seditious was very inconsiderable, and did not terrifie the Mob so much, as to hinder them from committing the like Excesses in divers other Places, as at Croisie, at M••uze, and else∣where.

The Court dreading the Consequences of the Sediti∣on of Tours, receiv'd the Complaints of the Reform'd, who desir'd that an Examplary Punishment might be made of it; and in order to blind them with an ap∣parent Satisfaction, the King issued out a Declaration on the 20th of December, by which he took the Peace∣able Reform'd into his Protection, and injoyn'd the Parliaments, and all other Officers to whom the like Edicts are commonly directed, to make them injoy a Liberty suitable to the Edicts. Moreover, he sent the Mild Malleville, Master of Requests, to Tours, with a Commission to try the Guilty without Appeal. The said Commissioner, without making any Informations, but those that had already been made by the Judges of Tours, put the Reform'd at Liberty, and Condemn'd some of the Catholick Prisoners to Dye. That Severi∣ty renew'd the Sedition, and the People being in a greater Fury than ever, ran to the Prisons, broke o∣pen the Doors, put the Condemn'd at Liberty, Plun∣der'd the Houses of the Reform'd, and among the rest, that of a Notary, whose Minutes they tore. The Commissioner being Terrify'd, was constrain'd to hide himself; and the Mutineers could not be appeas∣ed untill the Magistrates promised them to obtain a General Pardon for their Crime; that the Catholick Prisoners should be put at Liberty, and that the Pro∣cess should be burnt. The King, whose Authority was concern'd in that Second Sedition, took his time to do himself Justice; and leaving Fontainbleau to march towards Poitou, he came to Tours, and there caused four or five Wretches to be Executed, who had been concern'd in that Tumult; but the most considerable escap'd. The Execution of those Wretches calm'd the Minds of those, that had been terrify'd by those Vio∣lences committed in so suspicious a Conjuncture. The Reform'd kept at Home, and saw without any Emoti∣on, the Weight of the War fall upon the small Num∣ber

of those that follow'd the Orders of the Assembly. Moreover, They accus'd them of Obstinacy, and of be∣ing the Cause of their own Misfortunes, by an affect∣ed Consideration of future Misfortunes. In a Word, the Effect of that Shadow of Justice, which the King did the Reform'd on that Occasion, was such, that the very Catholicks wondred at it, and made Jests of the Simplicity of those Wretches. An Historian, who speaks of those Affairs like a passionate Catholick, neverthe∣less says, upon that Subject, That he does not wonder that the Vulgar, whose Impetuosity is blind, should be caught in such a Snare; but that he cannot imagine how it could deceive the Grandees, the Gentry, and the Of∣ficers of that Sect, who had been repnted till then Wise Politicians.

On the Fourth of the same Month, the King pub∣lished yet another Declaration before his Departure from Fontainbleau, of the same Stile with all the rest. It began with a Protestation of having all along been desirous to cause the Edicts to be observ'd, as the most effectu∣al way to make his Subjects live in Peace; of having wink'd at the Infractions committed by some of the Reform'd; of having endeavour'd to make them sensi∣ble of their Duty by Divers Edicts publish'd on pur∣pose. From thence it proceeded to the Motives of the Declaration given at Grenade, in the Month of October last past, to interdict the Assembly of Rochel; and complaining that it had not hinder'd the Reform'd from assembling in the said City and elsewhere; from ordering divers Acts of Hostility, as by Reprisals; from Electing Chiefs; from Fortifying of their Garisons; from Raising Men and Money; from Listing Soldiers, Casting of Artillery, Buying of Arms and other Amu∣nitions. It added, That notwithstanding all this, the King had granted several things, desir'd by the Memo∣rials presented to him by the Deputies General: But, that finally he was resolv'd to go as far as Touraine, and

to march himself towards Poitou and elsewhere, to be near to apply a Remedy to those Evils; being re∣solv'd to maintain the Publick Peace, to cause the E∣dicts to be observ'd, in favour of such as should keep within the Bounds of their Allegiance, and to chastife the Rebels: Whereupon he confirm'd a new, all the Edicts and Declarations, and order'd them to be kept in favour of those that were, and should remain with∣in the said Bounds of their Duty, whom he took, as well as their Families and Estates, under his Protecti∣on and special Safeguard; commanding his Officers and Governors of Cities to see it performed. He order'd the same thing for the Catholicks, to the Officers of the Places in which the Reform'd were the strongest. After which he came to Blois, from whence he repair∣ed to Amboise, and afterwards to Tours, to Thouars, where the Dutchess de la Trimoville receiv'd him, and finally to Saumur, out of which he turn'd Du Plessis in a very Unkingly manner.

While the Court was so diligently imploy'd about the Preparations of War, the Assembly was near as di∣ligent in putting themselves in a Posture of Defence; being equally troubled with the little Union they ob∣serv'd in their Bosom, and with the little Authority they had in the Provinces, and the continual Contra∣dictions of those who thought they were the Wisest, who did nothing but Preach Obedience to them. As soon as they were inform'd that the King had refus'd to hear their Deputies, they order'd them to put those Remonstrances in Writing, which they were to have made by Word of Mouth. They did it accordingly, and in order that every body might be acquainted with them, they publish'd them. After having declar'd, that the Reason which oblig'd them to make them publick, was, that they were not allow'd to speak to the King; they set forth all the Promises that had been made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name, the Prince

of Conde's, and the Duke de Luines; and they related the very Expressions they had us'd; and among the rest, what the King had said to those who carry'd the Nomination of the Deputies General to him, that he would perform the Promises of the Prince, and of the Duke. They complain'd that those Solemn Promises had been violated; and having observ'd at what time the King took his Progress into Bearn, they thought it was a great Injustice to impute it as a Crime to the Assembly, to have met upon the Word of a Prince, of the Favourite, and of the King him∣self.

After which they proceeded to the Particulars of those things in which, the Court had not perform'd their Pro∣mises: viz. That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine had not been deliver'd, though it was an Affair but of half an Hour. That the Reception of the two Coun∣cellors in the Parliament of Paris had been deferr'd as long as possible could be. That it had not been per∣form'd till after the Convocation of the Assembly. That only one of them had been receiv'd in Reality, the Reception of the other being evaded by the Clause of Modification, which oblig'd Le Cog to resign his Place to a Catholick. That every thing had been alter'd in Bearn, and the Assembly of Rochel declar'd Criminal, without hearing the Persons concern'd. That the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion had been inter∣rupted at Clermont de Lodeve, though it was a Place of Surety. That the Catholicks hinder'd the Execution of the King's Orders by Force of Arms, and the Proceed∣ings of the Commissioners sent to re-establish it there. That the King's Council declar'd that the King's Authority was concern'd in it; but yet that they Authoriz'd it by Conniving at it. That Pri∣vas had been taken from the Reform'd, though it was a Place, where, according to the Edicts and Briefs, nothing ought to be Innovated. That during Eighteen

Months last past, the Court had detained the Sums promised for the Maintenance of the Garisons, and for the Sallaries of the Ministers. That Seditious Sermons against the Reform'd were tolerated. That their Dead were taken out of the Ground again. That their Tem∣ples were burnt. That their Ministers were turn'd out. That the Delivery of the Places, in which they were to perform the Exercise of their Religion was hinder∣ed; and among the Places in which those Excesses were committed, they mentioned Moulins, Bourges, Baux in Provence, Lion, Dijon. That their Cahiers were not answered, and that when any of the Articles were an∣swered, either the Answers were not put in Execution, or they were contrary to the Intention of the Edicts. That the Commissioners sent into the Provinces, either refus'd to perform their Office, or perform'd it ill, by a visible Collusion. That all this proceeded from the Council and Malice of the Jesuits. They Concluded, Imploring the King's Favour, and earnestly desir'd the Revocation of the Declaration which treated them as Criminals, protesting that they only desir'd the Liberty and Safety of their Religion, to remain inviolably ty'd to their Allegiance.

The Marshall de Bouillon writ from Sedan to the King, the same day that the Remonstrances appeared. He freely expressed the Reasons of Diffidence that had been given to the Reform'd, by the Threatnings of Re∣voking the Edicts, that is, to take away the Liberty of their Consciences, the Safety of their Lives, their Estates and Dignities. He said that the Affair of Bearn had been anticipated; that the Promises had been ill executed; that Garisons had been put in divers Places without Necessity; that the Assembly of Rochel was us'd with too much Severity. He intreated the King to hear the Remonstrances of their Deputies, and to reject the Councils of those that advis'd him to force the Consciences of his Subjects. But the Council was

hardned against those Advices which tended to Peace; and seem'd not to relish them, only the better to take their Measures.

The Jesuits answer'd the Reproach that was made against them of exciting a War, in Writing. In or∣der to refute it, they made use of the Sermon the King's Confessor had lately Preach'd at Court, that the King was oblig'd to protect all his Subjects, even those that were of a different Belief from his. That Answer tend∣ed to persuade that their Society was innocent of all the Ill they were accus'd of; and that they only ap∣ply'd themselves to Convert those that Stray'd, and to prevent the Progress of Heresie by their Sermons and Writings. They made it a Crime for the Reform'd to suppose in their Complaints, that the King suffer'd himself to be govern'd by the Jesuits. And they said that all the Articles set down in their Petition were false; and for an Instance of the Innocence of the So∣ciety, and of the little Share they had in the Violent Councils that were daily given to the King against the Reform'd, all their Actions were represented in it in a manner full of Fury and Venom. That Apology could not deceive those who had any Sence. It was very well known that the Theology and Morality of the Jesuits are always Slaves to their Policy; and that it is impossible to guess their Sentiments by their Ser∣mons. It was easie to oppose to the Moderation of the Jesuit Arnoux, the Seditious Sermons of the Monks of the other Orders, who being more Impetuous, and Hairbrain'd than the Jesuits, declar'd inconsiderate∣ly in their Pulpits, what those cunning Politicians had the Art to cover with a profound Dissimulation. Even at S••••mur, a Franciscan Fryar had had the Boldness to say, comparing those who were for tolerating the Reform∣ed, to the Soldiers that Spit in the Face of Jesus Christ, that for his Part, who was afraid of no body, he de∣clar'd publickly, that a War was necessary. We may

Judge by that, what Liberty they took in Places of less Consequence than Saumur, where they stood in no dread of the Reform'd. Moreover, it was very well known, that in the Application of the Jesuits towards the Conversion of those they call'd, strayed, all means were lawful alike to them; and that according to their Max∣ims, success rectifies the most Violent and most Unjust Expedients.

Lesdiguieres before and after his coming to Paris, ac∣quainted the Assembly with all that Deagean inspir'd him with, and endavour'd to persuade them, that they were to blame to complain. The Assembly answer'd him pretty Vigorously, and took him to Witness himself of the Royal promises, upon the Account of which they did repair to Rochel. But when he Writ to them from Pa∣ris, with Reproaches and Threatnings, declaring that he would bear Arms against them, unless they did submit to the King's Pleasure, they answer'd him upon the same Tone, which broke off all manner of Correspondence be∣tween them. He had play'd his part so well till then, that he had deceiv'd the most clear sighted; and that he seem'd equally well affected to the Peace of the State, and the pre∣servation of the Churches. His Refusals of joyning with them, being mix'd with such specious Reasons, and with such moving Protestations, that even those that did not believe him, did not know what to Answer him. During the War of Privas, the Provincial Assembly of An••••s••, deputed the Marquess de la Charse to him, who represent∣ed all the Grievances under which the Reform'd Labour'd to him. He omitted nothing to persuade him to take some useful Resolution for the good of the Churches. He imploy'd in his Discourse all the Motives of Religion▪ of Honor, and of Interest; the good of the State, the Ad∣vantage of the common Cause, the particular interest of his Person and of his Family; Remonstrances, Reason∣ings, Conjurations, &c. But he could not prevail upon his Mind which was prepossess'd by Deagean. Lesdiguieres

lessen'd as much as he could by his Answer, the Sub∣jects of Complaint and of diffidence alledg'd by the Marquess. He endeavour'd to prove, that all the proceedings of the Court were Just; and gave no other Advice, but that of •…•…ing, and of submitting. But he accompany'd his Advice with so many fair Words, and with such 〈…〉〈…〉 of his Affection for the Churches, that the Marquess •…•…s constrain'd to seem satisfy'd with his Refusal; and •…•…o seem to believe that he spoke from the bottom of his heart. He never put off his Mask till he came to Paris, and oblig'd himself to serve against the Churches.

But as there were Members of the Assembly at Rochel, •…•…o acquainted the King with all the Transactions there, so •…•…ere were Persons at Court, who gave the Assembly a •…•…ithful Account of all the Resolutions that were taken here against them So that, after they knew that the King was gone from Paris, they did Nominate Nine Commissioners to draw a settlement of War: And on the •…•…oth of May, after having heard that Seditions were made 〈…〉〈…〉 all parts against the Reform'd; That the King had made 〈…〉〈…〉 settlement of near 50000 Men on his side; that he had made a New Edict, which at the the bottom was only a Declaration of War; That he was gone from Fontainbleau fully resolv'd to begin it in Poitou; That consequently there was no longer any reason to rely on Negotiations they agreed upon 47 Articles prepar'd by their Commissioners, which Regulated the Distribution of the •…•…nces, the Generals that should Command there, 〈…〉〈…〉 Power, their Office, the Authority of the Provin∣•…•… Councils and of the Assembly; the Discipline they •…•…d observe in their Arms; The manner of Treating •…•…ners of War, and of managing Military Enterprises; that should be freed from Spoils, and what should be observ'd for Correspondence. They also contain'd Regu∣lations for the Finances; and the manner of Raising them, of receiving them, and of laying them out. The last made Provision for the Subsistance of the Reform'd▪ that

should be oblig'd to quit their usual abode, and to aban∣don all their Estate during the War. But the first was the most remarkable, by reason, that it contain'd the division of all the Churches of the Kingdom into Cir∣cles, which were to have each their General, and to furnish a certain part of the Men and Sums, that were necessary for the common defence. Those Circles had been Instituted long ago: But they were only compos'd at first of some Neigbouring Provinces, who were to Assemble themselves by the Deputies of their respective Councils, as soon as any of them should be attack'd; and were oblig'd to assist each other, as soon as requir'd. They had Uunited those in such a manner which were able to maintain their Correspondence with less difficulty, and that border'd in part upon each other. Some Alterations were made about that Institution upon the Occasion of the approaching War: particularly, in that a Man of Quality was created General of every Circle: So that the said Division seem'd to be form'd upon the Model of the Circles of Germany, from whence the very Name of Circle was borrow'd.

Those Circles were of an unequal Extent, according as the Provinces of which they were compos'd, had more or less Churches or strong Places; and by that Inequality of Extent, the Reform'd had endeavoured to make them partly equally strong. There were Eight of those Cir∣cles. The first was composed of the Isle of France, o•• Normandy, Pickardy, Beausse, Berry, Anjou, Maine, P••∣che, Tourane, excepting the Isle of Bouchard, which was joyn'd to another Circle. The Generality of that great Circle was design'd for the Duke of Bouillon. Moreover, the Office of Generalissim•• of the whole Party was offer∣ed him; but he refus'd it upon the Account of his Age, and of the Gout, which he was very much troubled with. He remained Neuter, as to Action; but he often gave the Assembly good Advices, which were not fol∣lowed. Among the rest he advis'd them to put a Caris••n

of Six thousand Men into Saumur, by reason that it was not likely that the King would leave a Place of that Con∣sequence behind him; and that if they did put a suffici∣ent Garison into it, to resist the first Effort of his Arms, the War would soon be at an end. The Assembly believed him, and sent Forces to secure that Place; but upon some ill Advice, they were countermanded, after they had begun their March. Soon after it, when they heard that the King was marching that way, they were sensible of the Fault they had committed, in not provid∣ing the said City with Men, Amunitions, and Money. They endeavoured to repair that Fault by Diligence; but the King made yet more Diligence than the Assembly, and before the Relief they sent was got half way, he had turn∣ed Du Plessis and his Garison out of Saumur.

The Second Circle, composed of Poitou, of Bretagne, and of the City and Isle of Bouchard, was to be Governed by Soubise, Brother to the Duke of Rohan. La Trimouille had the Government of the Third, which was to contain Angoumois, Saintonge, and the Islands. The Lower Guy∣enne made the fourth Circle, and La Force was Governor of it. The Fifth, given to the Marquess his Son, compre∣hended Bearn, and the Dependencies thereof. The Ʋpper Languedoc, and the Ʋpper Guyenne, which made the Sixth, was to be Commanded by the Duke de Rohan. The Se∣venth, which contained the Lower Longuedoc, the Ceven∣nes, Givaudan, and Vivarets, was to be Governed by Cha∣tillon. And the Eighth, composed of Burgundy, Provence and Dauphine, was left to Lesdiguieres, from whom it could not be taken. Rochel made a Circle apart in that Division; and there was a particular Exception in favour of them in the Forty seven Articles I have mentioned, which exempted them then and for the future of having any Governor besides their Mayor. Of all those Circles, none but the Ʋpper Guyenne made any Resistance that year, so that it proved by so much the more easie for the King to vanquish, that he had in effect but the Eighth part of the

Reform'd of his Kingdom to deal with; since even in that Circle which made some Resistance, several Towns and Captains made none at all.

The Catholicks made a great deal of Noise about these Settlements, and for that the Assembly had caused a new Seal to be engraven, in order to fix it to their Ordinances and Commissions. The Constable himself represented that Action as a publick Declaration of their Resolution to withdraw from their Allegiance to the King; of design∣ing to establish a New Holland in France, and to settle a Re∣publick there, of which the Assembly retained the Supe∣riority. It was easie to persuade it to the King, who was bred with an Aversion to the Reform'd, and was ev•••• susceptible to the Jealousies, that were inspir'd in him about his Authority. But to say the Truth, it was a wretched Reproach; for if the War was just on the side of the Reform'd, the Regulations made, in order to sustain it, and the Seal engraven in the Name of their Union, could not render it Criminal. The Question was, whe∣ther the Reform'd were in the Right to take up Arms; by reason that granting, that it could be no Crime in them to make Laws to unite themselves, nor to agree about a Seal, as a General Mark to know each other by. More∣over the said Seal was only an Emblem of their Religion, the same as is still often met with in the first Page of the Books of Religion, written for the use of the Reform'd. There only were some Words ingraven about it, which signify'd that they took up Arms for Christ, and for his Flock. The first Letter of the last Word not making a good Impression upon the Wax, the Sence was different, and the Words that appeared, signified only for Chr••••••▪ and for the King. This Diversity might persuade some People that they had two Seals; and there are some Writ∣ings of Catholicks, in which there are Remarks that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that some have read it one way, and others another; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I find nothing positive about▪ it in▪ the Memoires I have seen▪

Besides these Regulations, the Assembly did defend themselves by Apologies and Manifesto's, while the King press'd them with Sword in hand. All the Lords upon the Discontents of which they reckoned, had made their Peace with the Constable, and serv'd against them. The Duke de Mayenne commanded a Body of Men in Guyenne. The Prince of Conde commanded another in Berry, where he besieged such Places as did not open their Gates to him, and disarmed the Reform'd that made no Defence. He took by a Form of Siege Sully and Sancerre; and the Reform'd of Blois, of Tours, and other Places, where they were not much to be feared, were obliged, like the rest, to suffer themselves to be disarmed. Count de St. Paul be∣ing assisted by the Marshal de Vitri, made himself Master of Gergeau; and thus the Reform'd had no Retreat left them about de Loire. The Duke de Longueville disarm'd them also in Normandy; and they received the like Treat∣ment in all the Provinces the King left behind him. This Proceeding so contrary to the last Declaration, which pro∣mised such great Matters to those that should remain at Home, cast a Terror and Repentance in the Hearts of all those unfortunate People, who regretted too late their having reposed so much Confidence in a Court, accustom∣ed by the Duke de Luines to violate them, as soon as they ••o••••d a specious Pretence to do it. The fair Words of those who committed those Violences could not remove their Consternation, being then afraid that the Catholicks would only wait for the happy Success of some Battle or ••••••e to Massacre them. Insomuch that many of them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom, or retired in such Places, where they were in hopes of meeting Friends and Protectors. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was crouded with them. Even those who could not resolve to quit their Estates, sent their Children or Wives into Places of Safety, and remained at Home, al∣most persuaded that they should be the Victims of some Bloody Orders, or of some Popular Sedition.

But nothing made so much Noise, as the Trick that was put upon Du Plessis, who was the King's old, and Faith∣ful Servant. The King sent him word that he designed to take up his Quarters at Saumur, and Villarnoul his Son∣in-Law was told positively, that he had sent to Court to learn the Kings Intentions, and that no more should be done on this Occasion, than had been done on others, when the King and Queen Mother had lodged there. That Du Plessis should only draw out the Garison of the Castle for Form sake, and that after the King had tarry'd there as long as he thought convenient, he would leave him the Go∣vernment of the Place, as he had possessed it till then. Les∣diguieres and the Constable engaged their Words to him for it positively. Nevertheless, Du Plessis was turned out of the Castle, under Pretence to Lodge the King there, and they did not so much as allow him one Chamber for his Family. Soon after it, he was told that the King designed to keep Saumur at least for three Months longer; and finally, he was offered a Recompence for it. He ne∣ver would accept any Composition; and he expressed a great deal of Concern to find, that after Two and thirty Years Tryal of his Probity, he was suspected of not being able to preserve the same Probity to the end of his Life. He insisted strongly upon, that there remained still near four Years of the Time for which the last Brief confirmed the keeping of the Places of Surety. He proposed Means to remain in the said Place, without giving the King any Jealousies; and represented, that the said City was a Re∣fuge to many peaceable Families, who were come thither out of the Country and elsewhere, to avoid the Spoils of War. That their Terrors would be revived, in case the Appearance of Surety, they expected to find in the City, should be removed; and the natural Inhabitants would forsake all themselves, if he received a Treatment, of which they would think the Consequences would prove fatal to them.

All this produc'd nothing but Promises by Word of Mouth, and in Writing, Sign'd by the Constable, and by the King himself, to return him the Place in a cer∣tain time; and to amuse him in the mean time, they •…•…rt him the Title of Governor, and put Count de Saulx, Grand-Son to Lesdiguieres, who still profess'd the Re∣form'd Religion, into Saumur, to keep the Place as long as the King said that he would detain it; but in or∣der that Du Plessis might only have the Shadow of the Go∣vernment, a Catholick Garison was put in it. Soon after that, Du Plessis retir'd to his House of La Foret upon Saivre, where he soon discover'd that he was fool∣ed. This Disgrace drew a thousand Reproaches from the Assembly upon him. They called him Coward, Hypocrite, and Deserter. They had been jealous of him for some time; and they had •…•…ke to have seiz'd upon Villarnoul, the last time he came to Rochel with the Instructions of his Father-in-Law. His Councils, which always thwarted those of the Assembly, and that were ever contriv'd with Lesdi∣guieres, had created great Jealousies; so that the seiz∣ing of Saumur, which was only a Trick of the Court, was lock'd upon in the Assembly as a piece of Treason of Du Plessis, which they upbraided him with in very dis∣obliging Terms. Time justify'd him, even to those that were most suspicious; and when they saw him dye within some years after it, without having receiv'd from the Court the just Recompence, either of the Go∣vernment, or of the Expences he had been at, nor yet of his Goods, and particularly of his Books, which had been expos'd to a kind of Plunder, nor of▪ the Amunitions he had paid for with his own Money, nor of several other things, in which he had been a great Sufferer, they found that the Court had impos'd upon his Good Nature and Sincerity.

The King published another new Declaration at A••∣ort on the 27th of May, which declaring all the Cities and Persons Criminal, who sided with the Assembly, and particularly, the Cities of Rochel and St. John d'Angeli, of which, the one harbor'd the Assembly, and the o∣ther was preparing to sustain a Siege, forbad all the Reform'd to adhere to that Party, or to acknowledge the General Assembly, or any other Assembly, Circles, A∣bridgments, Councils of Provinces, or Congregations that held any Correspondence with the Assembly of Ro∣chel, or that should be held without positive Leave from the King. All their Adherents were declar'd guil∣ty of High-Treason in it, and Condemn'd to the Pu∣nishments expressed in the Ordinances. The Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli, and those that fol∣low'd their Examples, were depriv'd of all the Grants, Priviledges, Franchises, and other Favours they had ob∣tain'd from the Kings. But that which was most re∣markable, was a Command made to all the Reform'd Gentlemen and others, of what Quality soever, even in the Cities and Communities, to repair to the register Office of the Bayliwick or Seneshalship of their Precinct, there to de∣clare that they would serve the King against those that adhear'd to the Assembly: That they did renounce all manner of Communication with them, and that they disown'd whatever might be resolv'd on there, or in any other Assemblies of the same Party; which the King more over would oblige every one of them to give in Writing for their Discharge. This was Executed with so much Severity, that the Duke de Sully, and the Marquess de Ro••y his Son, were forc'd to serve as Examples to others, and to sign the Declaration in the Terms of that Ordinance. Care was taken to send a particular ac∣count to Court of the manner in which it had been re∣jected, or received, in those Places where it was sent; and it was observable, that where-ever there were per∣sons brib'd by the Court, the Obedience was very exact.

Thus far the King had met no manner of Opposition; and all the Governors of the Places of Surety that happen'd •…•…e in his Way, deliver'd up their Places to him with as much Ease as Du Plessi••s, but their Prudence had ••••••e Interest in it. They all secur'd Recompences for their Cowar••i••e; and that Commerce was so much in vogue during that War, that no body surrender'd up a•…•…own to the King, without obtaining something for it. Even four of them, who had surrender'd their Towns up generously to the King at first, without bargaining for it, bethought themselves, seeing the Ad∣vantages others got by their Obedience, and prevail'd with some Places to revolt, in order to have an Op∣portunity to make a Treaty by which they might get something. Parabere surrender'd Niort with Ostentati∣on. Loudrieres, who was only Deputy Governor in Fon∣t••nai le Com••e, deliver'd the Place without acquainting the Governor with it, who was absent. After which, he had the Confidence to lock himself up in St. John d'Ange∣li, in order to form some Division there, under pre∣tence of Serving during the Siege of that City, which the King threatned; and Soubise was either so impru∣dent, or so ill inform'd, as to receive him. Chatea••∣n••••••. Governor of Pons, suffer'd himself to be gain'd by Lesdiguieres, though he had been one of the hon∣est, and most obstinate of the Assembly. The Truth is, that the Court seem'd to Besiege that Place, the bet∣ter to colour that Treaty. Those Bargains were in vogue even in those Provinces where the King was not in Per∣son, and Mon••••mm••ry, who Commanded in P••nterson, a small Sea Port Town in Normandy, deliver'd it up to the King on certain Conditions. A••genton, the only Place of Surety the Reform'd had in B••••ry, was deliver'd up to the Prince of Conde, upon the Account of such a Bargain. As soon as the King was Master of any Place, he caus'd the Fortifications to be demolished; which might have seem∣ed strange, had not the World had evident Proofs before

of the Di••ingenuity of those that Govern'd him. Those Towns which surrender'd at the first Summons could not be treated as Rebels; and whereas they belong'd to the Churches yet for above three years to come, according to the last Brief, confirm'd since by the Writ∣ing the King had given to Du Plessis, the King ought to have been satisfied with their Submission, without depriving the Reform'd, who kept within the Bounds of Duty, and who surrender'd them so handsomly of those Refuges. But the Design of that War, was to revoke the Briefs; and whatever Distinction the Court had promis'd to make between the Reform'd that were Peaceable, and the Factious, they were re∣solv'd equally to take all the Places of Surety from them.

The Apology of the Assembly appear'd about the time of that Commerce of Cities, under the Title of Declaration of the Churches of France, and of the So∣veraignty of Bearn, in their Assembly at Rochel, of the unjust Prosecution they are prosecuted with by the Ene∣mies of the State, and of their Religion, and of their lawful and necessary Defence. All the Editions of that Apology are not alike; some have Articles that are not in the others: Some of them have not, what we read in others; that the Edict of Nantes was made at a time when the Reform'd might have shared the King∣dom with the Catholicks, if they had pleased; which they had renounced, by reason that they only desired the Liberty of their Consciences; and that having subscribed the Peace on those Conditions, they were in the right to make War, when that Condition was violated, to preserve by Arms, what they had lost by a Cowardly Peace. But at the Bottom, the beginning of that▪

and perhaps this air of Loftiness would have been excus'd, ••ad the Assembly had strength enough to have made it good. After the accustom'd Protestations in Manifesto's, and an Invi∣••itation of French and Foreigners to hear the Complaints which they had to make, by the way they refuted the Reproach of Rebellion, and fell foul again upon the Project of ruining •…•…e Reformed ever since the sitting of the States in 1615. where •…•…ere was a Proposal made for petitioning the King to fulfil his Coronation Oath. More especially they lay hard upon the Je∣•…•…its, and principally upon the King's Confessor, whom they •…•…acqu'd with a long Invective. They ript up his Behaviour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bearn, his Attempts against the Parlament of Paris, whose Decrees he had caus'd to be cancell'd; and against the Universi∣ty, whose Censures he had caus'd to be disannull'd: his Credit greater then that of the Bishops, who in three days had pre∣•…•…il'd to get the Decree of Compensation past, which the whole Clergy had solicited fifteen years in vain; the Tricks which he •…•…'d to abuse the King's tender Conscience, and the Authority which he assum'd to himself, to be of his Council of Conscience. •…•…om thence they past to the Maxims of his Society, touching •…•…ith and Promises engag'd to Heretics; to the Testimonies of •…•…e Clergy's passionate Violence; to the unjust Acts of the Par∣•…•…ments; to the Admonitions whisper'd in the ears of the Re∣•…•…rmed at Court, that they must either quit the King's Service or their Religion. Nor did they forget the Affairs of the Counsel∣•…•…rs in Parlament; the Corruption of the Governors of the Pla∣•…•…s of Security; the seditious Sermons of the Preachers; the •…•…undring of Churches; the digging up the Dead out of their •…•…raves; the cruel usage of those that lay Sick and upon their •…•…eath-beds in Hospitals, where they were deni'd requisite Nou∣shment and Remedies; and the forcing of Children from their •…•…others Arms. They complain'd further, That when the Re∣formed had recourse to the Magistrates for Justice, they were •…•…uted and laught at; and that when they went to lay their ••omplaints at the King's feet, they were treated as Rebels.

After this, they proceeded to the Affairs of the Assembly of •…•…don; and having laid open the Original and Benefit of those Assemblies, they justifi'd this by the manifold Oppressions, of

which they had so much reason to complain. They set down at large the series of all their Differences and Contests with the King, till their Breaking up; and till the Promises made 'em b•• the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Lunes; and made it o•• how all those Promises had been violated. They gave an Ac∣count of the King's march into Bearn, and of all the Violence•• which had been there committed. And here they hinted a•• along at the Sophism which the Jesuit Arnoux had made 〈…〉〈…〉 of, to justify the Breach of a Promise made to Sales, whe•• he was put out of Navarreins, that there should be no Innova∣tions introduc'd. This Promise, said he, ether relates to th•• Conscience, or to the State. It concerns not the Conscience continu'd he, because it is contrary to the Precept of the Church if then it be a State-Promise, it ought to be referr'd to the Se∣cret Council, whose Opinion it is, that it ought not to be kep•• This Sophism would not suffer the King, who was rather a goo•• Prince then a Logician, to follow his own Inclination, which was to be as good as his word.

Then they proceeded to make a display of the Artifices which the Court made use of to corrupt Lesdiguieres; the War of Pr••∣vas; Mommoranci's Exploits; the way which they took to g•…•… Chatillon, and ruin both la Force and his Children. They 〈…〉〈…〉 the common Reports, that gave out nothing but the destructi•••• of the Protestants, and went so far as to limit the time with•…•… three months. To these things they added the new Exploits 〈…〉〈…〉 the Duke of Espernon in Bearn, and of the King himself at S••••∣mur. They took notice of the Cunning of the Court, who ha•• invited the Duke of Rohan, and the Duke of Subise, his Brothe•• to meet the King, to the end that Auriac, who betray'd 'em might more easily surprize St. John d' Angeli; which he at∣tempted in vain, because they kept out of the snare. The•• add the small Satisfaction which the Court had given to th•• particular and general Commissioners; and they observ'd tha•• when Lesdiguieres had written to the Assembly to oblige 'em 〈…〉〈…〉 break up, he would never promise 'em any thing in the King'•• Name, but only upon his own score; by which it was appa∣rent, that he was willing to reserve an Excuse to himself, that he could not possibly alter the King's mind. But in regard it

was charg'd upon the Assemblies General as a Crime, that they ••fus'd to break up, before they had receiv'd an Answer to their ••pe••s which the States General refus'd to give 'em, they set ••rth the Inequality of these two sorts of Assemblies: for that ••e States General met together to make Laws and Regulations 〈…〉〈…〉 State, the Authority of which ought solely to flow from the ••ing. But the Assemblies of the Reformed meeting only to ••mand Reparation for Wrongs and Oppressions, which fix'd ••m within the Rules of ordinary Justice, whereby the Parties ••ere not oblig'd to withdraw themselves, till their Complaints ••ere adjudg'd; they concluded with a Protestation, That they ••d no Design against Regal Authority; they glori'd in the ••ervices that were done the two last Henries, by the Reformed against the Catholics; they offer'd all Obedience and Service to ••••wis XIII, and implor'd his Royal Succor, and the Compassion 〈…〉〈…〉 Foreign Princes, but principally God's Assistance against ••eir Oppressors. This Apology was sign'd by the Moderators and Secretaries.

There was an Answer made to it in the King's Name, but ••here was nothing in't to shew that it was own'd by the King ••Twas said that the Oath sworn to exterminate Heretics, of which they made such loud Complaints, was no new thing; ••ut that it had never been put in execution; that they never ••urmur'd against Henry IV. who had taken it; and that Lewis ••••II. had taken care to free himself from such a cruel Obliga∣••ion by a Declaration set forth on purpose. They eluded that Reproach thrown upon the Jesuits, for medling more then be∣••ame 'em with the Government, by saying, That the Ministers ••ad as much Authority over the Reformed; as if there were ••ny Comparison between the one and the other; That it was ••ereditary to their Sect, to seek the Oppression of Kings in their Cradles; which they prov'd by King James's hatred of the Pu∣••itans of Scotland. To destroy the Advantage which the Re∣formed pretended to have over the Catholics, in being more obe∣dient to their Sovereigns, they alledg'd, Assemblies held in op∣position to their Approbation; the Oath, the Regulations and Seal of the Assembly of Rochel. 'Twas asserted, That the Suc∣cor which the Reformed had given to Kings, proceeded from

Interest, because they procur'd their own Security by it; be∣sides that they had shar'd it with the Catholic Nobility: And here 'twas thought necessary to add, that Leitoure was nei∣ther a City of Security, nor Marriage; that it belong'd by In∣heritance to Fontrailles; and 'twas deem'd no more then what was reasonable; that the Reformed shou'd take it for full satis∣faction, that it was given to Blainville. Upon the Refusal to receive the two Counsellors in the Parlament of Paris, it was repli'd, That Parlaments were more ancient then the Reformed; that there was no Law which justifi'd the admitting of Here∣tics into it, as if the Edicts of Nantes and Loudun had not the force of Laws. And lastly, That the Reformed had enough to content 'em in the enjoyment of the Chambers, half one half t'other, without thrusting themselves into Parlaments. 'Twas alledg'd, That they had no cause to complain of the non-per∣formance of some Promises by the King, in regard there was no Law which oblig'd him to pay 'em: as if so many Brevets, one after another, more especially, that which granted a certain Sum to the Reformed in compensation of Tythes for their Mini∣sters Salaries, ought not to have bin as effectual as any express Law. Then follow'd a storm of railing Expressions, which made the Reformed responsible for all the Confusions and Disturbances which had happen'd in the Kingdom for sixty years together: as if they had bin the Contrivers and Authors of the League under the Two last Reigns; or of those Troubles, of which the prodigious Fortune of Marshal d' Ancre had bin the occasion. The Violences committed at Pau, during the Procession of the Eucharist, were palliated, by saying, That the People were ei∣ther to get out of the way, or fall upon their knees: 'twas al∣ledg'd, that such a thing might be done by the favour of an am∣biguous Expression to delude the Catholic's Zeal, and that it was Prudence to do it sometimes. The Reformed were accus'd of drawing upon themselves the Sedition at Tours, by reason of a Box o'th' ear which one of 'em gave a Child; and therefore adjudg'd it a sufficient Reparation for their Losses, that four or five of the Canaille were hang'd for it. As to the forcing away of Children, of which the Reformed made great Complaints, the Answerers endeavour'd to make it lawful, by saying, That

••e Children became Catholics by Choice at the Age of Fifteen ••ears; and that there was a very ancient Law which allow'd ••m to be Masters of their Choice at that Age. So that the ex∣••ress Provisions of the Edict of Nantes were lookt upon as no∣••ing by the Authors of that Answer.

Therefore two particular Accidents deserve to be recounted ••ere, to shew what Sincerity was observ'd at that time in the Conversion of Children.

A certain Inhabitant of Paris growing jealous of his Wife, 〈…〉〈…〉 whom he had several Children, was so far transported by that ••orbitant Frenzy, that he kill'd the poor Woman; for which •…•…e was punish'd according to his deserts. But his Relations ha∣••ing demanded the Children, to the end they might be bred up 〈…〉〈…〉 the Religion which their unfortunate Father profess'd, there ••as a Decree made in Parlament, That the Right of their Edu∣••ation was devolv'd to the King, by reason of the Father's Crime, so that the Children were brought up in the Catholic ••aith. Another Man, originally a Native of Normandy, had ••hree Children; He put one to the Colledge of Jesuits; and ••me time after he return'd to Paris with another of his Sons, ••ith a design to put him also to the same place; but under∣••anding from the first, that he was refus'd the Liberty of his Conscience, the Father carri'd 'em both away, with an intent ••o place 'em in the Colledge of Sedan: but a Priest, his Kins∣••an, forc'd 'em away from him upon the Road, and sent 'em ••o the Jesuit's House at Pont a Mousson. The Father prosecu∣••d him for a Rape before the Bailiffs of Rheims, who, after a ••edious Suit, condemn'd him at length to the Gallies for Contu∣••nacy. But the Priest appealing from the Sentence, remov'd ••he Cause into the Grand Chamber. Servin, Advocate General, ••leaded long and hard for his Client, and put the stress of the ••i••pute upon this Issue, Whether or no a Father who had re∣••ounc'd his Right by the Edict, by declaring his Intentions to ••ut Children under the Tuition of Catholic Regents, which he ••ould not chuse but know to be such, could reassume when he ••leas'd his Right to their Education, and take away the Children ••rom their Catholic Tutors? He concluded, that the Father's decla∣••ing his Resolutions to entrust such Regents with the Education

of his Children, was a sufficient Renunciation of his Right, and that he could not recover it back. For form's sake also the Children were brought into Court in their Father's presence, the one above Eleven years old, and the eldest about Thirteen yearst of Age: at what time, being prepar'd before hand what to say, they desir'd to be bred up in the Catho∣lic Religion. Thereupon a Decree was made conformable to Servin's Conclusions: The Priest was discharg'd from his Con∣demnation; the Children were sent to the Colledge of Na••••, under the Tuition of the Principal, and the Father was con∣demn'd to pay the usual Quarterly Pension, and to supply the rest of their Maintenance; and besides that, he was forbid to take away his Children from the said Colledge, under the Pe∣nalty of Thirty thousand Livres. Never was Edict so Noto∣riously violated as was that of Nantes by this Decree, in those Articles which forbid the inveigling of Children to change their Religion, and which permitted the Parents to send 'em to Ca∣tholic Colledges, upon assurance that they would not molest their Consciences. By this the World may judge, whether the Assembly had just cause to complain or no; and whether the Replies of their Enemies were of any convincing force against 'em. This Decree was made the 22^d of December.

Affairs of greater importance, this year, will not permit me to insist upon particular Acts of Injustice done the Reformed in several places, either in reference to Legacies, or charitable Gifts to the Poor, which were sure to be adjudg'd to the Catho∣lics, as soon as they demanded 'em; or in respect of their Church-Yards and Burying-Places, which were the occasion of a thousand Brabbles every day; or in relation to things that might be reckon'd in the number of Favors. But that I may not make a general Omission, I shall only recite two Examples, which deserve to be remember'd The first is, That in February, the Parlament of Paris, by a Decree, declar'd a Soldier of the Re∣formed Religion incapable of the benefit of a Monk's place, for which he had Letters of Assignation, and condemn'd him to pay back the money which he had receiv'd. Those Places were very small Pensions which some Monasteries were oblig'd to pay to maim'd Soldiers, who were no longer able to work or do duty

for their living They that enjoy'd these Pensions, were also ••oand to wear a Cross upon their Cloaks; and in regard the Monks were desirous to be exempted from admitting the Re∣formed, because they scrupl'd to wear a Cross, the National ••••nods had given leave to such as were maim'd and infirm, to dispense with that Scruple; permitting 'em to wear a Cross, as the Symbol of their present condition: so that before that De∣••ree, the Reformed: had enjoy'd the Benefit of those Pensions, as well as others. But in regard this prov'd a fatal Year to 'em, ••ew Pretences were found out to exclude 'em from it.

The second Example is, That upon a Process remov'd into Parlament, by reason of a Corps interr'd by the Reformed in a ••art of a Catholic Church-Yard, of which they had bin a ••ong time in possession, the Catholics bethought themselves of •• brangling shift, which exempted 'em from granting other Church-Yards to the Reformed; and gave 'em leave to reassume those parts of the old ones which the Commissioners had either adjudg'd or left 'em. I have otherwhere observ'd the Altera∣tions which the Parlament of Paris and the Clergy had caus'd ••o be made in divers Articles, both general and particular, of the Edict of Nantes, and principally in the 45^th Article of Par∣ticulars, that mentions the Delivery of Church-Yards. There was so much Honesty and Justice in that Article, as it had bin decreed at Nantes, that tho it had been absolutely alter'd, never∣theless it had bin put in execution, as if there had been no Al∣teration in it from the Original. The Commissioners were agreed upon this Point, and it is not above twenty Years siuce the Re∣formed enjoy'd certain places at one end or other of a Catholic Church-Yard, which had been assign'd 'em by vertue of their Decrees, with the Advice and Consent also of the Catholic Clergy of those places, and of the Catholic Communities, be∣cause they chose to grant 'em a Portion of the old Church-Yard rather, then buy 'em a new one. Honesty had also pre∣vail'd so far in this Particular, that this Article was reprinted according to the Draught as it was at first agreed upon, and so it is to be sound in all the Editions. But this Year the Reformed were depriv'd this petty Convenience: James Talon, first Ad∣vocate General, pretended that those Editions were falsifi'd;

but accuses no body for being the Author of that Falsification, and caus'd the Edict and the particular Articles, as they were register'd by the Parlament Register, to be brought to the Hear∣ing. But certain it is, that the Alteration of that Article did not exempt the Catholics from allowing the Reformed other Church-Yards in recompence: However Talon, a Man of great Wit and Subtilty, found a way to extract out of that Article by the force of Consequences, Interpretations and Meanings, which the Article never mention'd expresly, and gave out a Decree, prohibiting the Reformed to bury their Dead in the Church-yards belonging to the Catholics, and which order'd 'em to provide other Burying-places at their own Charges. About a Year after, he caus'd another Decree to be set forth, which commanded a new Edition of the Edict, according to the Ori∣ginal remaining in the Registers. Wherein there appear'd something to comfort the Reformed for the damage which T••lo•• had done 'em by his Cavilling: For they who in our days sought after new Tricks and Shifts to elude the Edict, and chiefly the particular Articles, had the Confidence both to report and write, that those Articles were never register'd in any Parlament. It must follow then that they were torn out of the Register, since they were to be found in that which the Advocate General caus'd to be carri'd to the Audience, and according to which the next Years Edition was printed. I shall add, for the more clearly making out the Falshood of that Pretence, that they had bin verifi'd in the Parlament of Rouen, in the Reign of Hen∣ry IV. upon the 5^th of August 1609. and inserted into the Regi∣ster the next Year, upon the 27^th of the same Month, in pur∣suance of Letters Patents dated July 15.

I do not here pretend to give an Account of all the Writings that appear'd for and against the Reformed upon the subject of the Wars; but I cannot omit a Pamphlet which Tilenus wrote under the Title of, An Advertisement to the Assembly of Rochel. Nor could the Jesuits themselves write in a more venomous and embitter'd stile. He preach'd Patience as if there could never be any end of it. He maintain'd that Kings were never bound either to their own Ordinances, nor to the Decrees of their Pre∣decessors; which he supported by such weak Reasons, as might

•…•…e easily confuted by distinguishing between the nature of those ••aws. He asserted, That when Kings brake their Words, it ••ehov'd the People to have so much submission as to believe, that •••• they had good Reasons to promise, so they had as good Rea∣sons to retract their Promises. He exclaim'd against the Tole∣ration allow'd at Charenton for the Luxury of Marriages; against the Flight of Moulin; against the Assembly, of which ••••e greatest part disown'd their own Proceedings; and who by their own ill behaviour had expos'd above Three hundred of the Reformed to great dangers in the Provinces on this side ••••e L••••••••. After this, he discovers a little too openly the cause •••• his ill humor, by calling in question the Synod of Alets, be∣cause they had approv'd the Decisions of that of Dordr••••ht, not∣withstanding the Opinion of some Ministers who by no means approv'd it; and he accus'd of too much severity the ill usage •••• the Arminians in Holland; and yet, if he might be believ'd, then the Reformed were deliver'd up to the Fury of their im∣••••acable Enemies, by means of unjust Acts, and Breaches of ••ord, that cry'd loud to Heaven, they did amiss to complain. ••uch is many times the Moderation of those that preach up To∣••••ration: they would engross it all to themselves: but if others •…•…t with never so little vehemency more then ordinary, nay, if 〈…〉〈…〉 do but sigh and bemoan themselves, their very Groans and ••••ghs are not to be endur'd.

In the mean time, the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise, who had •• long time refus'd to yield to the Importunities of the Assembly, having bin disgusted by the Court, where the Prince of Co••dé 〈…〉〈…〉 the Constable were the Duke of Rohan's Enemies, resign'd themselves wholly to the Orders of the Assembly; and after some Submissions on their part, and some Offers from the ••ourt which signifi'd nothing, they resolv'd to hold out St. ••ohn a' Angeli to the last. The Duke of Rohan left his Brother •••• the place, and after he had furnish'd it with Men and Ammu∣nition, went into Gu••en to raise more Forces. On the other side the King, after he had summon'd Subise by a Herald, besieg'd the City; and Subise, by the foul Practices of Loudrieres, who discourag'd both the Soldiers and Inhabitants by his discourses ••nd his counsels, being constrain'd to surrender the place, march'd

out sooner then he would have done, had he not been afraid of being forsaken. All the security which either the City or the Garison had, was a wild and general Capitulation; by which the King promis'd only in writing to the Inhabitants their Lives, their Estates, and the Liberty of their Consciences and Persons; reserving to himself the disposal of every thing else as he should think convenient: declaring at the same time that he did not pretend to make any Treaty, but only to grant a Fa∣vour. However the Capitulation, as slight as it was, had the hard fate to be but very ill observ'd. The Soldiers plunder'd the Town, and yet constrain'd the Mayor, the Sheriffs, and the principal Inhabitants, to give 'em a Certificate, and forc'd ano∣ther from the Minister, that they had behav'd themselves ci∣villy. On the other side the King retiring to Cognac, set forth a Declaration, which was verifi'd at Bourdeaux; wherein to put the greater value upon his Clemency, which had spar'd their Lives and Estates, and given Liberty of Conscience to the Re∣formed of St. John d'Angeli, he order'd the Fortifications and Walls of the City to be raz'd, and the Moats to be fill'd up: He took away their Charters and their Franchises, and made the Town liable to Taxes for the future: He cancell'd their Go∣vernment by Mayor and Sheriffs, and and annex'd the common Stock of the Town to the Royal Demesnes; leaving 'em, out of his special Grace and Favor, their Election and ordinary Ju∣risdiction. Upon which Declaration a certain Historian, very much devoted to the Roman Church, observes, That it would have been taken for a just punishment of that City, had they not since that, us'd many very Innocent and Catholic Cities af∣ter the same rate.

The End of the Seventh Book.

Notes

• 1620.
• The Ecclesi∣asticks are seiz'd upon at Mon∣tauban.
• Which the Consuls ex∣cuse.
• And the Catholicks aggravate.
• The l••ke Transacti∣ons else∣where.
• Character of Ma∣suier.
• Who writes to the King with Ma∣lice.
• Division of the Judges of Castres about the Inrollment of the De∣clarations.
• Trouble at Nimes, oc∣casioned by a Jesuit.
• Circle of the Lower Langue∣doc assem∣bled at Lu∣nel.
• 1621.
• Retaking of the Ca∣stle of Pai∣vas.
• All manner of Justice refus'd to the Re∣formed.
• Which are reduc'd to Despaire.
• Und••rhand Dealing of▪ Chatil∣lon with Mommo∣tency.
• Order from the Court injoyning both Par∣ties to dis∣arm.
• Taking of Walons.
• S••••••e and Taking of Wals.
• 1621.
• Walons ••s retaken, an•• rest••r'd
• Assembly of Rochel.
• Lesdi∣guieres falls out with the Assembly.
• The small Affliction he had for his R••••••••i∣on.
• He Marries Mary Vig∣non.
• Contrary to the Dis∣cipline of the Re∣form'd.
• Of which he makes a publick ac∣knowledg∣ment.
• Notable Artifices of the Duke de Luines, to gain him.
• Double Commission to pr••va••t with him.
• What Em∣pire Dea∣gean gains over Les∣diguieres.
• Feign'd De∣puties of Religion.
• Bressieux order'd to ruin the works of Deagean.
• Buliion succeedes i•• it better than he.
• Lesdi∣guieres does not hearken to his friends.
• Notable Guile of Deagean.
• Luines is made Con∣stable.
• Lesdi∣guieres re∣mains at Court.
• Mediation of the Dukes de Rohan, and de la Trimou∣ille.
• Of which Favas ruins the Project.
• Du Plessis and du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up.
• Du Mou∣lin in dan∣ger of be∣ing secur'd.
• Coldness of James the I. about the Affairs of the Pa∣latinat.
• Du Mou∣lin writes to him and his Letter falls into the hands of the Coun∣cil of France.
• Effect of those Let∣ters to the Assembly.
• Difficulties which st••pt the Negoti∣ations.
• New Con∣ditions of Accommo∣dation.
• Seven Arti∣cles which the Court agrees up∣on.
• To amuse the Reform∣ed.
• The Duke de Luines is little in∣clin'd to it.
• But the Queen.
• The Prince of Conde.
• Puisieux.
• The Clergy.
• The Pope.
• The Spani∣ards make the King resolve up∣on War.
• Some are 〈…〉〈…〉 destroy∣ing Root and Branch
• Parti∣sans, or such as Farm the King's Re∣venues.
• And others for sparing the most Peaceable.
• Reasons of the first Advice.
• Reasons ••f ••••e Second.
• Which is followed.
• Reasons publish'd to blind the Reform'd.
• New Diffi∣culty about the time of beginning the War.
• How those Difficulties were re∣mov'd.
• The King goes unex∣pectedly from Pa∣ris.
• And re∣moves the Offices f••r the Receits of his Re∣venues out of the Re∣form'd Ci∣ties.
• Settlement of War drawn in the middle of the Ne∣gotiation of Peace.
• New Trou∣bles in Bearn.
• The Duke d'Eper∣non is sent thither.
• Cowardize of the Peo∣ple of Or∣thez.
• La Force retires.
• All Bearn is subdu'd.
• Sedition at Tours.
• And else∣where.
• The Court stops the Progress of it.
• The Sediti∣on is re∣new'd.
• Punishment of some of the Crimi∣nals.
• Which da∣zles the Re∣form'd.
• New De∣claration.
• The Gene∣ral Assem∣bl•• d••f••nds it ••••lf in Writing.
• Particu∣lars of their Complaints
• The Mar∣shall de Bouillon writes to the King.
• Reply of the Jesuits to the Writ∣ing of the Assembly.
• The Assem∣bly draws a Project to defend themselves.
• Division of the Pro∣vinces into Circles.
• The Mar∣shal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General.
• Irrepara∣•…•….
• General of the Circles.
• Seat of the Assembly.
• The Peace∣able Re∣formed are disarmed.
• W•••••••• c••••∣s•• a great D••••••••tion.
• Trick put upon Du Plessis to get Sau∣mur out of his hands.
• They amuse him with Promises even in Writing.
• Reproaches made to him by the Assembly.
• The King's Declarati∣on against the Cities of Rochel, and of St. John d'Angeli.
• Which o∣bliges the Reform'd to renounce the Party of the As∣sembly in Writing.
• Self-inter∣ested Base∣ness of all the Gover∣nors of the Towns of Surety.
• The King d••mol••shes the Fortisi∣cations of the Cities that are delivered up to him.
• Apology of the General Assembly.
• Invective against the Jesuit Ar∣noux.
• Why the Assemblies refus'd to break up, before their Papers were an∣swer'd.
• A violent Answer to •••• in the King's Name.
• Forcing a∣way of Children.
• Catholics dispens'd with granting their Church-Yards at their owa Charges.
• Tilenus writes a∣gainst the Assembly of Rochel.
• Siege and reducing of St John d'Ang••••i.
• Priviledges of the City abolish'd.