The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

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Title
The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.
Author
Benoist, Elie, 1640-1728.
Publication
London :: Printed for John Dunton ...,
1694.
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Subject terms
France. -- Edit de Nantes.
Huguenots -- France.
France -- Church history -- 16th century.
France -- Church history -- 17th century.
France -- History -- Bourbons, 1589-1789.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A27402.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A27402.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 17, 2024.

Pages

Page [unnumbered]

Page 245

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES. VOL. II. BOOK V. (Book 5)

The Summary of the Contents of the Fifth BOOK.

A Declaration upon the Coronation Oath. The Prince Authorize himself at Court. The Queen puts him into Prison; which occasions great Disturbances. The Re∣form'd make themselves Masters of Sancerre. A De∣claration upon the Edict of Peace. The Duke d▪ Epernon makes War against Rochel. Privileges of that City. Pre∣tences

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of the Duke. Rochel has recourse to the King, and makes an Ill Defence. The Duke retires after reiterared Or∣ders. Importance of his Enterprise. The Circle Assembles at Rochel, and summons a General Assembly: Which is not ap∣prov'd of by every Body. The Deputies of the Circle are ill receiv'd at Court. Reasons to prove that the Assembly is neces∣sary. Extremities to which the Male-contents are reduc'd. The King's Temper. The Original of the Fortune of Honoré Albert de Luines. Some question'd whither he was Nobly Born, Character of his Confidents. Death of the Marsh•••• d' Ancre. Alteration of Affairs, and confirmation of t•••• Edi••••s. Luines Marries into the House of Rohan. The As∣sembly of Rochel deputes to the King, and receives an order to break up. They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn. Their * 1.1 Cahiers. National Synod of Vitré. De∣putation to the King. Letters to the General Assembly, and their Answer. The Churches of Bearn and of Auvergn•••••••• disturb'd. The Count of Sancerre commits Host•…•… the City. The Churches of the Province of the Country •••• Foix, and those of Provence ill us'd. Leave given to Mini∣sters to assist at Political Assemblies. Places of Bailywicks establish'd but not exactly. Rogueries committed by the conver∣ted Moors. The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen▪ The Jesuit Cotton out of favour; Arnoux succeeds in his place. A Sermon Preach'd at Court by him. The Answer of the Ministers of Charenton, to an Information exhibited a∣gainst them. Writings on both sides. The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers. Assembly of the Clergy. The Bishop of Macon's Speech. The Jacobins turn'd out of Mom∣pellier. They refuse to admit a Jesuit Preacher there. The State of Bearn ill represented. The Effect of this Speech. A Decree Authorising the Jesuits to Preach at Mompellier. A Decree of restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands in Bearn. Re∣union of that Country to the Crown; which is oppos'd •…•…e Estates, La Force and Lescun. Deceit of the Co••••t. A Dissertation upon this matter: Discontinuation of Hommage: Inconveniencies of the Dis-union, and Advantages of the Re∣Ʋnion. By whom the Ʋnion is pursued. Motives of the

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Opponents, and their answer to the Dissertation. Publication of the Edict of Re-union. The Clergy obtains the Decree of restauration of Church Lands, which declares, That the Depu∣ties have been heard, and the Writings seen. Subtilty of the Clergy. A Violent Speech. The Bearnois endeavour to ward the Blow. Remonstrances of Lescun. Libels. The State of Religion in Bearn. Lescun obtains only Words. Those of Bearn prsist in their oppositions. Writings in favour of them. Why the Clergy refus'd to take the reimplacement themselves. An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois. The Sequel of the Answer. Injustices against the Reform'd throughout the whole Kingdom. Enterprizes upon the Cities of Surety. The free Exercise of Religion hinder'd in sundry places. Injustices of the Parliaments. Jesuits. Burials. Answers to the * 1.2 Ca∣hiers. Illusory Remedies.

WHILE the Prince of Conde was still uncertain whi∣ther he should go to Court there to gather the Fruits f the Peace: The Queen who was unwilling he should have ••••e honour of procuring some Advantages to the Reform'd, ••••om whom he had receiv'd such good Services, granted them 〈…〉〈…〉 Declaration suitable to the Answer the King had already gi∣en to their * 1.3 Cahiers, about his Coronation Oath. It import∣d that though the King had sufficiently evideno'd his Intenti∣ns, by the Confirmation of so many Edicts, nevertheless be∣ng inform'd that some Reform'd still entertain'd Suspicions, y reason of what was happen'd between the Deputies of the Nobility in the Estates General, he was still willing to give hem farther Proofs of his good Will towards them; and in rder to remove all their Scruples about the Propositions made n the Estates; he declar'd that it had never been his Intention o include in his Coronation Oath those of the Reform'd Reli∣gion, who liv'd in the Kingdom under the benefit of the E∣icts, Secret Articles and Declarations given in favour of them: And that in order to their better observation for the future, he confirm'd them a-new. This new Edict was dated the 20th of July, and was verify'd within a few Days after.

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But the Publick Tranquillity did not remain long ••••distur∣bed: And the very Conditions on which it was obtain'd gave an occasion to renew the Troubles. The Prince of Con•••• ••••••* 1.4 bethought himself; during the Treaty of Peace, to make two new Demands, after all the rest were granted to him, which gave the Queen a great deal of Vexation. The one was, That the Queen should take from the Marshal ▪ A••••••••, with whom the Duke of Long ueville, Governor of ic••••••••, could not agree, whatever he had left in that Province. The other was, To grant him to hold the Pen in the Council; which was the power of Signing the Decrees of the Council, the Weekly State of the Finances, and the Accounts of the Exchequer: That is, he desir'd an Authority, which would be so much the greater in the Affairs of the State, the Quality of first Prince of the Blood, being joyn'd to that of first Mi∣nister. The Queen had Spies at Loudun, which had given her an account of those Propositions of the Prince; before Ville∣roy, who had engag'd himself to obtain the approbation •••• that Princess, had acquainted her with it. She thought that those Novelties had been Inspir'd to that Prince by that Mi∣nister, who had been favourable to him all along in the Tr••••¦ty; as if he had design'd to Imploy his Credit against the Marshal d' Ancre, who design'd to ruine him. But as soon •••• he had spoken to the Queen, she immediately granted the Prince new favours, though she had express'd a great deal of •…•…y to it to her Confidents. The Reason of that ••••¦teration was, that Villeroy hinted, That in case the Pr•••••••• should make an ill use of that Power, contrary to the Quee•••• Intentions▪ it would be in her Power to secure him whenever she thought ••••••. Nevertheless this Expedient, which the Queen improv'd so well soon after, did not reconcile Villeroy with the Marshal d' Ancre, who put him out of favour in a short time. However he was restor'd to his Places again, as soon as that Favourite was Dead; but he did not live long to injoy th••••▪ The Prince coming to Court, after some Delays, soon saw Croud of Courtiers attending on him, and even the Marshl himself speaking before him, to secure himself against the Publick Ha••••ed. The Queen seem'd at first cordially recon∣••••••il'd

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to him, and the Prince of Conde who was satisfy'd with he degree of Authority he had obtain'd, sincerely desir'd on is part to live in good understanding with her: Insomuch that e took the Marshal d' Ancre into his Protection at the Queens equest, and promis'd to secure him against all Insults. But ••••at occasion'd so many Complaints and Reproaches against im, from those who had assisted him during the Wars, nd who were all Enemies to the Marshal, that he chose ra∣••••er to retract the Protection he had promis'd him, than to ••••se so many Certain and Useful Friends, for one Man, who as odious to the whole Kingdom. Whereupon the Marshal as oblig'd to remove from the Court, and to retire into ••••s Government of Normandy. The Queen was extreamly ••••ncern'd to see her Authority fallen to that degree, that it as not in her Power to maintain the dearest of her Crea∣••••res, without the Assistance of the Prince: But it receiv'd a ••••nsiderable Addition, when she found her self at the Mercy 〈…〉〈…〉 a reconcil'd Enemy; for whom the whole Court had al∣ost abandon'd her. Therefore, according to the Advice,* 1.5 〈…〉〈…〉 which she had receiv'd the Overture from Villeroy, she •…•…t him in Prison. This Enterprise as bold as unexpected, ••••ould have been greater, and perhaps would have secur'd ••••e Authority of that Princess for a long time, had she dar'd 〈…〉〈…〉 resolve three or four days sooner, to seize the other three ••••incipal Heads of the Cabal with him, who were all come •…•…considerately to expose themselves to be seiz'd upon. But ••••e durst not undertake it, not being prepar'd for it; and ereby she lost the benefit of the Prince's Imprisonment; 〈…〉〈…〉 reason that the others having reflected on their preceding ••••prudence, expos'd themselves no longer as they had done; hat at the first Notice they receiv'd of the Princes Prison; ••••ey all made their escape as well as they could; that they ••••ok up Arms again for their common defence, and that ••••ey never laid them down, until the Marshal d' Ancre's eath, and the Queens Retreat had chang'd the State of ffairs.

In the mean time this Imprisonment occasion'd great Alte∣••••tions.* 1.6 The Inhabitants of Paris reveng'd it upon the

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House and Rich Furnitures of the Marshal d'Anre, which the Queen suffer'd to be pillag'd for three days together, for fear of exasperating those Riotors by opposition. The Re∣form'd did rise in divers parts; and dreading that Affair would be attended with general Consequences, which might bring all those into Question, that had been concern'd in the last Troubles; they took some measures to avoid being prevented. This first Act of Authority done in the King's Name since his Marriage, renew'd all their Former Fea••••; and taught them to judge by what had been undertake against the first Prince of the Blood, after a Solemn Treaty, what the Court might be capable of doing to the Prejudice of the Edicts, against odious people, whose Ruin had been Swo•••• for so many years. Among other things which those diffi∣dences put them upon Acting, they made themselves Ma•…•… of Sancerre, a City that had been Famous ever since the 〈…〉〈…〉* 1.7 Siege and cruel Famine they endur'd under the Reign of 〈…〉〈…〉 the IX. They lookt upon it as one of the Places of Surety and had possess'd it as such, under the Title of * 1.8 Mar•…•… with that of Thouars. But the Count of Sancerre Lord o the Place, animated with the same Spirit as all the other Catholic Lords, who had made sundry such undertaking in divers places, being unwilling to leave his City in 〈…〉〈…〉 Power of the Reform'd, had found the way to re-establish himself in it, and to get the upper hand there. Cou•…•… Marans his Eldest Son lived there, in order to keep all thing in the State his Father had settl'd them: But the Inhabit•…•… turn'd him out, alledging, that since the said City had been sur∣pris'd from them, they had a right to retake it. Moreo•…•… the only thing in debate in this Affair, and in all others of the same Nature, was barely the Guarding of the said places. They neither disputed the Revenues, nor Rights of Fie•••• with the Lords; but they pretended, that there ought to be no Gar∣rison settled by them in the same, and that those 〈…〉〈…〉 of places were to be left to the Guard of the Inhabitants. The Affair was carry'd before the Council, which at any other time would undoubtedly have favour'd the Lord against the City, because their design was to make the Reform'd lo•…•…

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their places of Surety, beginning first by those of Marriage, and by such as they held against the Inclination of the Ca∣tholic Lords. But the Court had other Prospects at that time. They were unwilling to increase the Party of the Male-contents by vexing the Reform'd. Therefore they deposi∣ted the City and Castle of Sancerre into the hands of the Inhabi∣tants,* 1.9 to be Guarded by them, until farther Orders: For which Letters Pattent were Granted to them. The same reason induc'd them to publish a Declaration on the 30th of September, which confirm'd the Edict of Blois and the Treaty of Loudun. The pretence of it was, that all the Lords who had left the Court, after the Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde, had only done it out of Fear that they design'd to revoke it: and they added farther, as if it had been certain that they ••••d had no other reason for it, that they had assur'd the •…•…ng of their good Intentions; and had express'd to him with Respect, that they only desir'd to live in quiet. All •…•…is was Invention, and it only tended on their part to •…•…ke their time and measures: And the Queen made use of with great Policy to perswade distant Provinces, that the affairs were in a fair way of Accommodation; and there∣by to destroy the Correspondencies that might be form'd there against her Authority. The Duke of Sully who was come back to Court again after the Peace, and who was call'd to council, was against that Declaration, which he neither •…•…ok'd upon to be sufficient to bring back the Male-contents, or Honourable for the King; because that the Lords who were gone would have time to shew the falsity of what it con∣i'd, before it could make such Impressions in the Provin∣ces as the Queen desir'd: But the Court was in hopes of the contrary, having so often experienc'd the Credulity of the people, that they did not question, but they would be de∣cided by those specious Protestations.

The Duke d'Epernon was one of those, the Marshal d'An∣•…•…* 1.10 was Jealous of, because his haughty Humour did not per∣it him to humble himself before him. Therefore, seeing •…•…s Enemy recall'd to Court, and more in favour than ever; •…•…e Old Ministers turn'd out, and the Queen's Creatures put

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in their Room; the Bishop of Lucon Secretary of State; and Mangot Keeper of the Great Seal, he was afraid lest the hatred of the Favourite might prove prejudicial to him. He resolv'd to put himself in a posture of defence, in case any should dare to Attack him: But his Pride not allowing him to joyn with the other Male-contents, because he could not have the Chief Command among them, he was forc'd to seek another pretence to take up Arms. Rochel afforded it to him. He pretended, that important City was one of the* 1.11 Dependencies of his Government. The City on the con∣trary pretended an immediate dependence from the King; not to be oblig'd to suffer any Souldiers but their own Inhabitants; or to have any Governor but their Mayor, whom they Elected yearly. Their Pretence for it was, that having formerly been under the Power of the English, they had voluntarily submitted to France on that condition. The Truth is, that the most Ancient Historians confess, That they obtain'd so many Privileges, and such advantagious Condi∣tions, that they tended as much to put them at Liberty, as to change their Master. The only Objection against them was, that having been taken since by the English, and afterwards retaken by the French, they were no longer to be consider'd in the State in which they were put by the first Treaty, but 〈…〉〈…〉 having receiv'd new Conditions, when retaken by force by the Kings of France. The Duke d'Epernon made use of that Pretence: And the Council also us'd the same, when they resolv'd to ruin the Power of that City, which so many Pri∣vileges daily increas'd. But they reply'd, that the Inhabi∣tants had not violated their Treaty, when the said place was taken by the English; that having only been forc'd to sub∣mit to a Superior Power, without Fraud or Treason, at a time when the King was not in a Condition to succor them, they had not forfeited their first Conditions; that the English after the taking of it had left them their Privileges; Tha the French not having retaken it by Storm, and against the Will of the Inhabitants, could not deprive them of them; that the City had contributed towards its return under the French Dominion, both by the Affection the Inhabitants had

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preserv'd for it, and the little Assistance they had given the English; Whereby it was evident, that they had lost no∣thing by being restor'd to the Power of their Lawful Sove∣reign; and that they were restor'd to it with their former Advantages. They added, that the Kings of France had confirm'd all their Privileges, several times since their being retaken; and moreover had augmented them by New Con∣cessions: Whereupon they laid a great stress upon what happen'd to Lewis the XI. a Prince who having oppress'd the Liberty of his Kingdom in many things, was not of a humour to do that for a City that had lost her Freedom, which did not belong to it by an evident indisputable Right. He made his Entry in Rochel on the 24th of May 1472. He Swore before Gaubert Cadiot who was Mayor of the Place, to preserve all the Privileges of the City, which are all set down in the Act. The King was upon his Knees be∣fore the Crucifix during the Ceremony, and oblig'd himself to succor the City in case of need, even with his Person, and to Death inclusively. We may say, that the said Oath is the most perfect Abridgement of the Fundamental Obliga∣tion of a Sovereign towards the Preservation of his Subjects. After this Oath was taken, the Mayor Cadiot took the Oath of Allegiance to the King in the behalf of the whole City.

This did not hinder the Duke d'Epernon from taking up* 1.12 Arms, under pretence to force the said City to pay him those Devoirs they refus'd him; and to obtain satis∣faction for some Injuries he pretended to have receiv'd from them. He complain'd, that the Rochelois had sur∣pris'd the Castle of Rochefort, which he pretended to be in his Government, and that they had put a Garrison in the same. He Publish'd a very severe Manifesto, and full of Invectives against the Reform'd in General; and at the same time march'd against Rochel with 6 or 7000 Men, and commit∣ted some Spoils about it. The City did not expect those Acts of Hostility; whither they thought that the Duke would not dare to proceed to an open War against a City that was Powerful of it self, and seconded by all the Re∣form'd Party; or whither they expected a speedy Relief

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from the adjacent Provinces in case of being attack'd. This* 1.13 was the Reason that they were unprovided, that they made an ill defence; and that the World beheld with Astonishment that formidable City, which had been attack'd in vain by so many Kings, reduc'd to suffer the Incursions of a Private Person, without being able to free the Estates their Inhabi∣tants possess'd in the Country from the Pillage of his Soul∣diers. Their Recourse was to the King, to whom they* 1.14 made their Complaints against the said Duke: And whereas the Court was otherwise imploy'd at that time, and that they were desirous to see the Duke lay down his Arms, those Complaints were hearken'd unto, and the Duke was order'd to leave the Rochelois in Quiet. However, he did not desist at first. Boissise who was the first that was sent to him, could not prevail with him to give over his Enter∣prise; and was even constrain'd to throw himself into Ro∣chel, to acquaint the Inhabitants that the King disown'd the Dukes proceeding, and to give them leave to take up Arms for their defence: Which however, could not hinder him from being suspected of double Dealing. Vignols being sent sometime after him, to renew the same Orders to the Duke, found him better dispos'd. The Duke, properly speaking did not lay down his Arms: But he withdrew his Forces from the Territories of the Rochelois; and his Excuse for his so ea∣sily granting what was desir'd of him at that time, was that he was sufficiently Reveng'd by the devastations he had com∣mitted. He Writ very boldly to the King to excuse his En∣terprise, considering that he was a Man who had much to fear, and who was not belov'd.

The Glory of that Expedition has been mightily cry'd up* 1.15 in the History of his Life; and that Exploit mention'd in it, as if it had been the first Cause of the Siege, Cardinal de Rocheliu laid before the said City; because, say they, That the success he obtain'd in that small War, made the Court sensible, that since they could not defend themselves against the Forces of a private Person, it would not be impossible for the King's Forces, taking a favourable occasion to reduce them to reason. But the Truth is, that the said Action is

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too much Honor'd in it. It neither answer'd the Noise the Duke had made, nor the Threatnings of his Manifesto. He ought not to have laid down his Arms, with∣out having first dismantled that Proud City, and made it a lasting Monument of his Vengeance, and of his Power. Nevertheless, all this dwindled to the Pillaging of Peasants, and destroying of the Estates of some private Persons: Which a Band of Thieves might have done as easily as a Re∣gulated Army. After which, he retir'd home, having only seen the Walls of the City at a distance: Very well pleas'd to cover his Retreat with the King's Authority, who had laid his Commands on him to lay down his Arms. There∣fore, the Reform'd had some Reason to turn the said Expedi∣tion into Ridicule, and to relate in the form of extraordinary News, That the Duke d'Epernon had made his Entry before Rochel.

But during this small Trouble, Rochel having implor'd* 1.16 the Succor and Council of their Neighbours, Assembled the Circle, according to the Regulation made at Saumur; that is some Deputies of the Provincial Council of five Neighbou∣ring Provinces, to deliberate about the means to repel the Duke d'Epernon. Those Deputies observing great Marks of a good understanding between the Duke d'Epernon and Vig∣nolles, and little or no Effect of what had been promis'd; being moreover dissatisfy'd about the Conduct of the Court, which gave good Words, but came to no performance; suffer'd themselves to be perswaded by the Marshal de Bouil∣lon to do something extraordinary, in order the better to mollifie the Court and the Duke d'Epernon. The Duchess of Bouillon, who seconded her Husband pretty well, passing in those parts, under pretence of going to Turenne by his Or∣der, sollicited those who had a respect for him so powerfully, that the Circle resolv'd to Convene a General Assembly at Rochel for the 15th of April; and that they sent Deputies to the King, to ask his Leave in order thereunto. The Marshal* 1.17 had a great interest in that Affair. As he was one of the Male-contents, who had made a New League against the Marshal d'Andre, he had been declar'd a Criminal of State;

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and according to the Maxims of the Court, he was none of the least Guilty, since that besides his Religion, and his be∣ing Esteem'd the Primum Mobile of that Cabal, it was ve∣ry well known, that he endeavour'd to strengthen his Party abroad, when he requir'd Money and Men. Therefore, he was also desirous to make an Interest at home, to the end, that in case his other Measures should fail, he might at least be able to make his Peace, or to save his Person, by the Credit of a General Assembly.

This Convocation did not please every Body. Many thought it unnecessary, because the Court promis'd to see Ju∣stice done to Rochel, and that in Effect, the Duke d'Epernon began by degrees to perform what he had promis'd, and not executed. They added, that it would be dangerous; that it would displease the King, who seeing it form'd at a time when the Troubles began to be renew'd in his King∣dom, would think that it was held against to his Service. They said, that it was conven'd contrary to the Settlements, which did not allow a Province which had no Grievances to desire it. They endeavour'd particularly to insinuate, that Rochel, upon whose particular Account it was desir'd, would abandon the rest of the Reform'd, as soon as they had receiv'd satisfaction from the Court. These were the sentiments of those who preferr'd Tranquillity to all things; and especially of the Reform'd, who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of Paris, who commonly were more inclin'd to Timorous, Slow Councils, than to bold precipitated Resolutions. But the others reply'd, that if the King had receiv'd ill Impressi∣ons concerning the designs of those who desir'd the Assem∣bly, it was necessary to remove them by the good Resolu∣tions they should take in it; that a General Assembly being capable to reunite all People to the desire of a Peace, was the best expedient that could be taken to procure it, and above all to obtain it from the King's Clemency, by most humble Supplications; that nothing was done contrary to the Settlements, considering the Just Cause of Complaint they had; that the strongest of all Laws, in a time of Confusion and Disorder was Necessity; and that Rochel

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would not abandon the common Cause, for the particular Offers that were made to them.

However, the Deputies of the Circle were not well re∣ceiv'd* 1.18 at Court; from whence they departed without ob∣taining the permission they desir'd. Besides, the usual rea∣sons the Court had to dread Assemblies, they had some that were particular for this. The Troubles were so great every where, that they could not Authorise a General Assembly, without being guilty of Imprudence; by reason, that what∣ever side they inclin'd to, they were capable to give the up∣per hand to the Party they should Embrace; and perhaps •…•…rm one apart, which might take the advantage of the Weakness of the others. It was generally believ'd, that the Duke of Vendome design'd to put himself at the Head of the Reform'd; and it was publickly discours'd, that he kept a •…•…an on purpose at Rochel, to Treat in his Name with the Assembly. There was no time to make Rome Relish that ••••rmission, the Council of which had taken such an Empire over that of France, that they regulated all their proceed∣ings. The Queen had been oblig'd to give the Cardinal de •…•…yese ample Instructions before the Assembly of Saumur, 〈…〉〈…〉 excuse the favour she had Granted to the Reform'd upon •…•…e account of Necessity; either in confirming their Edicts •…•…y a Solemn Declaration; or by allowing them to Assemble 〈…〉〈…〉 a time, when they could draw such advantages by their •…•…nion. It would have been difficult to use those Reasons at resent, which might have pass'd for good at that time, because they could not have been insisted upon, for fear of discovering the Weakness and Confusion of the Government. The shortest way was to refuse the permission desir'd by the Deputies of the Circle, in hopes that those who did not ap∣prove that Assembly, would have Credit enough, to per∣wade the rest to have patience. Nevertheless, that Refu∣•…•… aggravated matters instead of suppressing them; and it did not hinder them from inviting the Provinces to send their Deputies to Rochel on the appointed day, so that as they persisted in the Resolution to hold the Assembly without leave, in case they could not obtain the consent of

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the Court, they thought fit to Publish their Reasons about it.

Therefore they Publish'd a kind of Manifesto, in which* 1.19 they observ'd, that people were in Arms every where; that the two Parties, who aim'd to destroy each other, pretended equally the King's Service; which might occasion the Ruin of the State, and of the Churches, unless a distinction were made a what the Real Service of the King consisted, in or∣der to side with that; that particular Persons, apt to di∣vide themselves, according to their Interests and Inclina∣tions, were not proper Judges to decide that Question; that its General Assembly was more capable to do it; that the Edicts of Nantes and of Loudun were daily violated as to what related to the Churches; that the Deputies General having made their Complaints to the King about it, with∣out having obtain'd the least Redress, there remain'd no way to Remedy the same, but by a General Assembly; that the Commissioners promis'd by the Court in the Assembly, which was held at Rochel at the time of the Treaty of Lou∣dun, had not been in the Provinces, or at least, that what∣ever was favourable to the Catholicks having been Executed long since, nothing had been perform'd of those things which were advantagious to the Churches; that the Court had re∣fus'd the so often promis'd Creation of two Offices of Ma∣sters of Requests for the Reform'd; that a Fort had been de∣molish'd in one of the Suburbs of Gergea, in Order to ren∣der that Town of Surety Useless to the Churches, and to de∣prive all the Reform'd between the Seine and the Loire of a secure Retreat; that they had refus'd to put a Reform'd Governor in Sancerre, according to Henry the 4th's Promise; that Fontrailles having promis'd to go to Mass, provided he were maintain'd against Angalin in Leitoure, which render'd him incapable of Commanding there, because it was a Place of Surety, of which the Governour ought to be a Prote∣stant, his Proposition had been heard, and that Angalin was not re-establish'd, altho the Change of Religion of his Com∣petitor had remov'd all the difficulties of that Affair; that the Parliament of Paris had suppress'd the Place of Codrai,

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which was one of the Six allow'd by the Edict to the Re∣form'd, under pretence of that of Villemerau which they had gain'd; which show'd, that they would not admit them without distinction into Imployments; that la Ferté Vidame had been taken by Surprise from the Vidame of Chartres, a Reform'd Lord, at whose Charge a Garrison had been put into it, tho' he had never been suspected, nor a Rebel; and that no regard had been had to his Petitions; that the Swit∣zers of the Reform'd Religion that were Quarter'd at Poi∣iers, had been forbidden to go to Church; which was look'd upon as a step to do the same to the Scots and Swit∣zers of the Guard; that instead of protecting the Duke of Bouillon against the Arch-Dukes, he had been declar'd a Cri∣minal of State; which alone requir'd a General Assem∣bly, in Order to consult about it: That the Council had re∣solv'd the reunion of Navar, and of the Principality of Bearn o the Crown, to have a pretence to introduce the Edict of Nantes there, contrary to the Edict of Loudun, and that which had been Publish'd in consequence thereof; that the said Union was attended with several Inconveniencies; Viz. that the Ministers, and the Colleges would be depriv'd of their Subsistance; that the Presidentship in the Estates of Bearn, would be given to the Bishops; that la Force would be depriv'd of the Government, and his Son of the Survivorship; that the Garrison of Navarreins, an important City, provided with Ca∣nons, and Munitions would be disbanded, and that the said City would thereby remain expos'd to the Surprise of the Spa∣niards. They added to all this, considerations upon the Enter∣prise of the Duke d'Epernon against Rochel; and from all those Subjects of Complaint, concluded that the Assembly was ne∣cessary to redress them.

Those Reasons were so much the stronger, by Reason that* 1.20 the Court had been inform'd of those Injustices by the Peti∣tions of the Deputies General, who had not been able to obtain an Answer to them: Another Consideration likewise, made them exceedingly more weighty. The Party of the Male-contents was reduc'd almost to the utmost Extremity. They had but one Town left; and the Duke of Mayenne was Besieg'd in Soissons, and no longer in a Condition to defend

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himself, had he been vigorously press'd. They were afraid, that the Marshal a'Ancre after this, being Proud of their De∣feat, and moreover an Enemy to the Reform'd, would inflict a Punishment upon them for the Resolutions taken at N••••es, which had reduc'd him upon the very Brink of the Precipice. But his unexpected fall remov'd the pretence of those Ter∣rors. When Fortune seem'd to have plac'd him, above the reach of his Enemies, a Tragical End was preparing for him, by means which he never could foresee, nor prevent. The* 1.21 King was hardly minded at Court. He was young, and of a Weak Constitution. He Lov'd Hawking and Music, and pass'd his time in those little Amusements, leaving the sole Authority of the Government to the Queen his Mother. He was nevertheless Jealous of his Power even to Excess, though he neither understood it, nor could injoy it. During the whole Course of his Life, he never could exert it himself, nor suf∣fer it into the Hands of another. It was equally impossible for him, not to raise his Favourites to a vast degree of Power, and to endure them when Possess'd of that Grandeur to which he had rais'd them himself. By making them Rich, he put them in a State to displease him. The Excess of his Complaisance for them, was as it were the first degree of his Hatred: And I question, whither an Example could be found in his History of any Favourite, whose Death, or Ruin he was concern'd for. But his Sentiments were con∣ceal'd in his own heart: And whereas he only Communica∣ted them to few, those who are of Opinion, that there is always a Mystery in the Conduct of Princes, accus'd him of a Black and profound Dissimulation. To say the Truth, the reason of his silence was, that he neither confided in himself, nor in others; and that he had a great deal of Timorousness and Weakness. Most of those who have spoken of him, acknowledge that he had Courage; and that he did not lose his Judgment in danger; that he lov'd and understood War; that he was a good Scholar; but that he was not capable of* 1.22 Reigning.

There was a Man about him, whom no body was Jea∣lous of, because his parts were too mean to be fear'd. He

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was suffer'd with him as a Man, who amus'd him with the pleasure of Hawking, which those who had the Authority were very well pleas'd to see him imploy'd about, to the nd that they might do what they pleas'd. They say, that this Man begun to insinuate himself into the King's Favour, by present he made him of two * 1.23 Wary Angles, taught to Fly t small Birds in Hedges. This Animal is not much larger than a Sparrow, and is naturally addicted to peck others, nd to keep them from his Nest: So that Application and Care may easily form him for that small War; to which he s naturally inclin'd. This Present Inchanted the King, who ook a great deal of Pleasure to see those little Birds imitate those of a higher Flight. They diverted him at all times. n Rainy Weather h made them fly in his Chamber, or in some Gallery. He affected to go often to Mass to the Capu∣ins; their House being conveniently Seated to afford him that pleasure; by reason, that his way thither was through he Thuileries, a Royal Garden, in which he met with Birds, which he caus'd to be taken by those Wary Angles. He had a little Net set up at the End of the Hedge, into which those Birds being thus pursued, never fail'd to Intangle them∣selves; and he took abundance of pleasure to see them pluck'd by those little Animals, which he often carried himself upon his Finger, with Bells and Varvels like Hawks. And lst that Pleasure should fail him sometimes for want of Birds, he caus'd abundance to be taken and bred, which he never set free again, but to be taken by those Wary Angles. Whereas the Reader may perhaps never find in any other Book, which were the beginnings of the greatest Fortune that ever a Subject was rais'd to: I thought I might make this digres∣sion to oblige him.

The Person I am speaking of was Luines, a Man almost* 1.24 unknown, and even during whose Favour, some question'd whither he was born a Gentleman. It is certain at least that he was very Poor: And 'tis reported, that when he came first to Paris with Brantes and Cadenet his two Bro∣thers, they had but one Cloak amongst them▪ which they wore by turns, two of them remaining at home while the

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other was in the City, or at Court about their common Af∣fairs. No Body thought him capable to perswade the King to any thing but the Pleasures of Hawking: But they were mistaken; and Luines having found the Ascendent he had over the King's Mind, made use of it to destroy the Marshal d'Ancres. Whither he were put upon it by the Male-contents who had gain'd him; or whither he were Animated by the Spaniards, who dreaded the Marshal's growing so Powerful, as to have no longer occasion for them; or whither he design'd to raise his Fortune upon the Ruins of that Wretch, he took the ad∣vantage of the King's Foible which he knew; and stuff'd his Head with Jealousies and Vexations, against those who abus'd his Authority and Treasure. Three Men serv'd Luines in that design: Deagean a Suttle, Violent and Ambitious* 1.25 Man, who was first Clerk to Barbin the Queen's Creature, betray'd his Master, and came every Night to give the King an Account how they play'd with his Power. Marcillac an inconsiderable Person, who Traffick'd for his Service, se∣conded in the day time by his Discourse, what the other had advanc'd. Desplans, a Souldier in the Guards, had a share in the said Conspiracy. Deagean was the only Man of Parts among them: But he had too much Genius for Luines, who in order to be rid of him, bounded his Fortune to a Place of President in the Chamber of Accompts of Grenoble, where he sent him to reside, under pretence of watching the Con∣duct of Lesdiguieres. The King being perswaded by those Agents of Luines, who among other things, never fail'd to acquaint him with the Murmurs of the People against the disorders of the Government, was at a Loss which way to rid himself of his Wardship. He had a mind to Fly to Meaux, there to Summon his Subjects from all Parts to his Assistance. Some propos'd to him to go to the Parliament upon some Pretence; and there to cause the Marshal to be seiz'd in his Presence, and to give an Order for his Tryal. But Luines either Dreading the King's Weakness, or the Queen's Authority, chose to have him Seiz'd in the Louvre. The King gave Order to Vitri to do it, who apparently had receiv'd secret Orders from Luines about it, to whom the

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King having sent him back again, to know his Pleasure, he carry'd the thing farther than it was design'd. He caus'd* 1.26 him to be kill'd on the 4th of April, under pretence that he had leave so to do, in case he made any resistance. Yet he made none, but only express'd his Astonishing by some Words, when Vitri acquainted him that he was his Pri∣soner. But this Action of Vitri was justify'd, and that Ser∣vice made him a Marshal of France.

The State of Affairs was quite Alter'd by that Death. The* 1.27 Queen being penetrated with Grief, was depriv'd of all Au∣thority. Her Creatures lost their Places; those she had re∣mov'd from Court were recall'd: The Male-contents sub∣mitted themselves; and the King Granted them a General Pardon in the Month of May, in which acknowledging that they had only taken Arms for their safety, against the Inso∣lent, Violent and Pernicious designs of the Marshal d'Ancre, who imploy'd the King's Forces contrary to his Intention to ruin them; that after his Death, they return'd immediately to their Allegiance, and that they had implor'd his Pardon very submissively, he revok'd the Declaration that had been given against them, Abolish'd the remembrance of what was pass'd, confirm'd the Treaty of Loudun, and the Edict of Blois, and Order'd that all his Subjects, as well Catholics as Reform'd should live in Peace, under the Benefit and Au∣thority of his Edicts. After which the favour of the New Favourite was exerted against the Miserable Remains of the Marshal's Family, even to Inhumanity. His Lady was Ex∣ecuted for pretended Crimes, of which she was found Guil∣ty, more upon the Account of the hatred of the Public, than by any solid Proofs. Luines was Adorn'd with his Spoils, and saw himself so great-all of a suddain, that he was Astonish'd at his own Fortune. He made use of his Au∣thority in a manner yet more Odious than the Marshal d'An∣cre, whom, to say the Truth, he neither surpass'd in Birth or Merit. His Favour was only for himself; he injoy'd it amidst Seditions, and Civil Wars; and he ingag'd himself into Foreign Cabals, to the great detriment of his Country.

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I must also add, that in order to maintain his Credit, he Marry'd the Daughter of the Duke de Mombazon, of the* 1.28 House of Rohan. This perswaded the Duke of that Name, that he would be consider'd by that Favorite, who was Ho∣nour'd by his Alliance. But the Duke being come back to Court, after the Treaty of Loudun, had reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Queen, who had receiv'd the Excuses •••• made to her about his taking Arms very favourably. All that he had obtain'd by the Treaty was the assurance of the Government of Poitou, provided he could obtain the Duke of Sully's Demission; because there was an Article in the Edict which promis'd expresly that the King would Grant no more Survivorships. When he had obtain'd the Demis∣sion, he was oblig'd to come to Court in Person to obtain his Letters Patent for the same. He did it boldly enough; tho he thereby expos'd himself to the Mercy of Persons, of which some hated him Mortally; and the others were very Faithful. Nevertheless, it prov'd to his Advantage; and the Queen gave him his Patents, which the change of Af∣fairs hinder'd him from injoying. Yet notwithstanding, he apply'd himself to the Service of that Princess with so much Fidelity, that he made an End of Ruining himself at Court; and that far from drawing an advantage by the Alliance of that New Favorite, he created an irreconcileable hatred be∣tween them. It will be necessary to know the particulars, which were the Motives or occasions of the following Wars.

During these Transactions, the Deputies of the Provinces that were Invited to Rochel, were got thither for the most* 1.29 part; and that Assembly created equal Jealousies, on all sides▪ by reason that the State being divided into several Parties, •••• body knew which they would joyn with. But the Marshal's Death, and the Queen's Exile having appeas'd the Troubles the most specious Reasons of the Assembly were remov'd▪ They sent Deputies to the King upon this unexpected▪ alterati∣on, to Congratulate the recovering of his Authority. Those Deputies did not see the King, who refus'd to treat them as

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Deputies from a Lawful Assembly: But after that the Answer •…•…e sent them was not disobliging. The King refer'd to hear* 1.30 them when the Assembly should be Dissolv'd; they were de∣sir'd to behave themselves as good Subjects ought to do, when they have something to desire of their King; to draw their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cahiers: To separate forthwith; and to retire into their* 1.31 Respective Provinces: That upon that Account the King would favour them in all things that were reasonable and •…•…st. Therefore they broke up at the return of their Deputies,* 1.32 according to the Advice of the Wisest, who remonstrated to them with a great deal of Vigor, That it behov'd them to how by that mark of Obedience, that they did only Assemble when they had just reasons to fear; but that they dissolv'd of themselves as soon as ever those fears were dissipated. They ••••serted an Article in their Cahiers which related to the Churches of Bearn, desiring that no Innovations might be ade in that Principality, either in Church or State. But they show'd yet better how much they concern'd themselves •••• the Affairs of that Province, by an Act they made, which oblig'd all the Churches to assist those of that Province, in •…•…ase of Oppression and Necessity, by some Alteration of the State, •…•…ither in the Ecclesiastick or Politick part, if those Churches •…•…plor'd the assistance of those of France. They order'd the Provinces of the Upper Languedoc, and of the lower Guyenne, to Assemble by their Deputies with those of that Soveraignty, of necessary, to endeavour to prevent their being oppress'd. They writ to the great Lords to Intercede for the Reform'd of Bearn, and they exhorted all the Councils of the Provinces to recommend them to the Deputies General. The Affection they express'd for those threatned Churches prov'd useless: And the King's very Answer to the Article which spoke in their behalf, destroy'd by one word which was Inserted in it on purpose, all the hopes of their being favourably us'd. The King promis'd to preserve all his Subjects of the Country of Bearn, both Catholicks and Reform'd in the Possession of their Ancient Privileges; and to maintain Peace and Union there as among the other Subjects of his Realm. The Equivocation

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of the word Ancient was a plain Argument, that the Council design'd to look upon the present State of Bearn as a Novelty▪ And to restore the Catholicks there to all the Advantages they had lost, by the attempt they had made against their Lawful Queen.

The Assembly Inserted in their * Cahiers some other impor∣tant* 1.33 Articles; viz. Concerning the Exemption of the Mini∣sters, and the Declaration given upon that Subject, which the Court of Aids still refus'd to verifie; the Necessity of Reform'd Associates for the Instruction of Criminal Causes; the discharge of certain Offices which were impos'd upon the Reform'd, tho▪ they thought they could not Officiate them without wounding their Consciences; concerning the Privilege of Reform'd Ma∣gistrates and Officers, not having discharg'd their Trust in their Offices, to be prosecuted in the Chambers of the Edict, and before no other Judges; and several others, to which they receiv'd Specious Answers; but without Effect. Besides all these Articles there was an Instruction which they charg'd the Deputies General with, to beg of his Majesty to put the Prince of Conde at Liberty. This was the only effect produc'd by the Sollicitations of the Princess his Mother, who was at Ro∣chel, and who endeavour'd to oblige the Assembly not to break up before they had obtain'd his Deliverance. Nevertheless they were oblig'd to give over that pursuit, because the State of Affairs was not dispos'd towards it, and that the new Fa∣vourite was not in the least inclin'd to put a Prince at Liberty▪ who would soon get the better of him in the Management of Affairs.

While the Assembly was still in being, the National Synod* 1.34 assembled on the 18th of May at Vitrë. The Principality of Bearn had obtain'd leave in the preceeding Synod to Convene it: But all things were alter'd since that time; and that which was lookt upon then to be useful towards the preservation of that Province, seem'd to be of ill consequence against their Privileges, as soon as it was known that the Council did propose to re-unite it to the Crown. In submitting to the same Discipline with the other Churches of the Realm, they seem'd to act against their own pretensions, that they

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could not be subjected to the same Laws with the rest of the Kingdom; and by making but one Body Ecclesiastick with the rest of the Reform'd, they afforded a reason to say that it was not inconsistent with their Privileges, to be united •…•…o the other Provinces depending of the Crown, as part of one and the same Body Politick. Those Reasons were approv'd •…•…f. The Synod excus'd them from submitting to the Disci∣pline of the other Churches, and to the National Synods, du∣•…•…ng the present Conjuncture. But they allow'd the Deputies •…•…f that Country to assist at their Deliberations, and to give •…•…eir Votes, unless some of them desir'd the contrary. So •…•…at they appear'd in that Assembly as Deputies not of subject •…•…hurches, but of Churches that were Ally'd by the Commu∣•…•…on of the same Doctrine.

Immediately after the Overture of the Synod, they deput∣•…•…* 1.35 four Persons to the King, with Letters fill'd with the usual •…•…ubmissions and Protestations of Obedience and Loyalty.* 1.36 they also writ to the Assembly of Rochel, to give them an account of what they had done; and to express their Inten∣•…•…on to remain in perfect▪Union with them. The Answer of the Assembly was made in the same Terms; and moreover •…•…ontain'd an Article, by which they demanded of the Synod •…•…e Contribution of certain Sums for the General Affairs. This contribution, which was to be rais'd out of the Sums granted •…•…r the Sallaries of the Ministers, appear'd dangerous as to the consequences of it: but whereas there was Money due to them, •…•…nd that the Concessions of the Treaty of Loudun had made •…•…he Churches pretty easie, they would not refuse all, and •…•…anted something at the Request of the Assembly. In the •…•…ean time the Deputies were well receiv'd at Court; and •…•…ame back to the Synod with Answers capable to satisfie them, •…•…ad fair words been sufficient to redress the Evils they com∣•…•…lain'd of. The King writ very obliging Letters by them, in which he prais'd the Loyalty of the Reform'd, and gave them •…•…ssurances of his Protection for the future▪ and to maintain whatever was promis'd by the Edicts, in case they persever'd in that Conduct.

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That would have been very well, if while they were ex∣horted to be Loyal, the Court had not at the very same time* 1.37 labour'd openly by a thousand Vexations and Injuries to t•…•… their Faith and Patience. Besides the dread which the Pro∣secutions of the Clergy created among the Churches of Bearn, those of Auvergne were also very much tormented. They had not as yet been able to injoy the benefit of the Edict there peaceably, by reason that the Catholicks had oppos'd it. There were potent Families in that Province who were altoge∣ther inclin'd to a League, and who thought it a point of Conscience to hate the Reform'd, and to Persecute them with∣out Mercy. They us'd them Cruelly in all respects; and the Reform'd were not in a Condition to resist them, because their Number was inconsiderable. The Court might easily have put a stop to those Violences, had they been well inclin'd; but it is easie to judge of their Disposition in that respect, by the little care they had taken to redress the Wrongs done to the Reform'd of that Province: The Synod gave express Or∣ders to the Deputies General, to make earnest Sollicitations to obtain a redress for those Afflicted Churches; and to press the Court to send Commissioners thither, in order to regulate those long Differences by some Decisive Decree: which had already been desir'd often to no purpose.

Moreover the War continu'd between the City of Sancere▪* 1.38 and the Count de Marans; who did the Inhabitants all the harm he could. He proceeded on his part to Surprises, Out∣rages, and Assassinations: And he was accus'd of having late∣ly caus'd Captain Bouchard, in whom the City repos'd great Confidence, to be Murther'd. So that the City had two great Affairs in hand; the one to preserve their Privilege of being a City of Surety which was disputed, and the other to defend themselves against the Hostilities of the Count. As they had a greater Extent of Ground than Riches, they were soon drein'd by the great Expences they had been oblig'd to make; and they could not hold out much longer, without being assi∣sted. Therefore they had recourse to the Liberalities of the* 1.39 Synod. The Churches of the Country of Foix were reduc'd to the same Misery of late Years. They were forc'd from Ju∣risdiction

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to Jurisdiction, about the Quality of Places of Sure∣•…•…y: which the Cities in which they perform'd the Exercises of their Religion had had till then: So that they had troubles upon that Question in the Parliament, in the * 1.40 Party-Cham∣bers, and in the Council of State. This was a subtilty of the Council, either to weaken the Reform'd, by taking from them •…•…veral Towns they held by that Name, the Title, or Quali∣•…•… of which was disputed by their Enemies upon divers pre∣•…•…nces; or to put them upon some desperate Resolution, by •…•…ese Proceedings, in order to have a plausible occasion to •…•…mplain of their Behaviour. For that reason the Court af∣fected, whenever they renew'd the Permission of keeping them to slip in some Equivocal Terms in the Briefs; to the •…•…d that being favour'd by that Ambiguity, they might say, •…•…at those they design'd to take from them were not compris'd 〈…〉〈…〉 the same.

Provence was also expos'd to great Vexations. The Re∣form'd* 1.41 were very much divided there; and the Catholicks •…•…ok an occasion from those Discords which they themselves •…•…ad sown, to do them all manner of Injustices. That Pro∣•…•…nce overwhelm'd the General Assemblies and the National •…•…ynods, with Complaints, which the Members of one and •…•…e same Church brought in there against one another: And •…•…e Deputies of those Different Parties, often mutually disputed the Right of their Deputation. Nevertheless •…•…ere were so few Churches in that Province, that they were not able to furnish the Number that was necessary to di∣•…•…ide it into two Assemblies; and that it had been propos'd some times to annex them to those of Dauphine, to make but •…•…ne Synod of them. So that their own weakness render'd •…•…heir Union the more necessary, by reason that they weaken'd themselves still the more by their Division. The Synod re∣commended all those Affairs to the Deputies General; and did not forget the Edict of Exemption which the Ministers had been amus'd with for five Years together, without their De∣•…•…uties having been able to get it into their hands, to pursue the Verification of it, which the Court did not press in the •…•…east.

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The Synod allow'd Ministers to assist at Political Assem∣blies, which had been forbidden by the former Synods. The* 1.42 reason of it was that those who had given an occasion to make that Prohibition being either Dead or Revolted; and the Discontents of the Duke of Bouillon being cool'd, there was no reason to exclude the Ministers from those Assemblies, in which they might sometimes prove useful by their Zeal and Prudence. But the Synod at the same time desir'd the Politi∣cal Assemblies to Exempt the Ministers from Deputation to the Court; whither it were that they look'd upon themselves as Persons that were odious to those that Govern'd; or whe∣ther they thought the Intrigues of the Court not suitable to the Profession of the Evangelical Ministry; or whether they thought that as they were Persons dedicated to Preach the Truth, it was not fit to Expose them to the Temptations, which till then, had render'd the Air of the Court so fatal to Men of their Character. The Synod also Nominated four Deputies to assist at the General Synod the States General of the Ʋnited Provinces did propose to Assemble, to determine the Disputes of the Arminians, which were call'd Remonstra∣tors; and of those who call'd their Doctrine a Novelty, which were call'd Counter-Remonstrators, or Gomarists. But the Council of France did not approve that Deputation, as I will relate in another Place.

Moreover it appears by the Acts of the said Synod, that* 1.43 until then the settlement of the * 1.44 Places of Bailywicks had been made with little Exactness. They had sometimes been desir'd in Places that were so inconvenient, that they had built no Churches in them. The Truth is that the Catholicks had not as yet bethought themselves to maintain, that the Right of performing the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in those Places, was lost by a Prescription of some Years. Therefore the Reform'd were Allow'd to resume the use of them when they pleas'd, notwithstanding their having left them as it were in suspence for sometime: And sometimes also they Transferr'd the said Privilege from one place to another, by a kind of Con∣cession, which the Commissaries, or Judges of the said Pla•…•… did not refuse to Authorize by their Ordinances. Thus Tingri

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being given for a Place of Bailywick in the Province of Cham∣paigne, that Right remain'd long without Effect; by reason that Lorrain, in the Neighbourhood of which the said Town was setled, and from whence it was hop'd that the Reform'd would repair thither to hear Sermons, could not furnish a suffi∣cient Number of People to maintain a Church there. There∣fore the Synod being unwilling to lose that Considerable Right, rder'd it to be Transfer'd to Langres, where there was more likelyhood of forming a Considerable Church.

It likewise appears by the same Acts, that some Moors be∣•…•…g* 1.45 Invited to remain in France, upon the account of the Edict •…•…e late King had Publish'd on their Behalf, when they were •…•…rn'd out of Spain, stopt in the Places that had been as∣•…•…gn'd to them. Though the Edict only allow'd such to re∣•…•…ain in the Kingdom as should embrace the Catholick Reli∣•…•…n, yet several of them Embrac'd the Reform'd. But where∣•…•… for the most part those that remain'd were only such as had nothing to carry away, it was not Conscience that inclin'd •…•…em more to one side than the other: It was only a prospect 〈◊〉〈◊〉 subsisting one way or other. As their Conversion was on∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 Interest, it soon degenerated into Publick Roguery. The •…•…oor being neglected in the Roman Church, wheras the Re∣•…•…rm'd had the Reputation of assisting them with more Order •…•…d Charity, all the Beggars turn'd Converted Moors; and •…•…nning from Church to Church to surprize Alms, they re∣•…•…c'd the Consistories and Synods to take measures to secure •…•…emselves against this sort of Plundering. The Catholick •…•…al did not murmur at that time to see the Reform'd Religi∣•…•… prefer'd to the Roman: And they did not envy this Honour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Reformation, because they could not deprive them of it without Expence. The same Zeal being refin'd in our Days, as not been able to endure things to remain upon the same •…•…ot; they chose rather to let the Jews and Mahometans re∣•…•…ain in their Errour, than to permit them to embrace Chri∣•…•…ianity by Embracing the Reform'd Religion. However these •…•…retended Moors being very troublesome to the Churches, the •…•…ynod I am speaking of resolv'd to apply proper remedies to it. They order'd People to Watch the Conduct of these Converts,

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and to take certain Precautions, by giving them Testimonials, to prevent those Impostures.

During these Transactions Luines, who knew the King's* 1.46 Easiness by Experience, suffer'd no Persons of any Genius to be near his Person, nor any of those who had had any In∣gagements with the Queen. The Bishop of Lucon, so fa∣mous since under the Name of Cardinal de Richelieu, was one of the Creatures of that Princess, and one of those whose W•••• and Parts were most capable to inspire Jealousie in a Fa∣vourite. Therefore Luines was so far from suffering him to live at Court, that he would not so much as allow him to re∣main with the Queen. The Bishop being sensible that he was obnoxious, remov'd out of the Kingdom: But yet being un∣willing to give over his hopes altogether, he retir'd to Avig∣non, where he thought himself secure under the Pope's Au∣thority. Nevertheless the better to remove all manner of Su∣spitions, he feign'd to renounce Politicks, and to apply him∣self for the future in things more suitable to his Profession. In order to which he took up Controversie, and Writ against the Reform'd; taking an occasion so to do from the Affairs I am going to relate. Luines also remov'd from the King Cotton the Jesuit, who had been all along ingag'd in the Queens Interest, and who endeavour'd to perswade the World, that this sud∣den Retreat from the Court was only the effect of his disgust of the World, though it was only the effect of a very Mortifying Disgrace. But Luines put in his room a Man of the same So∣ciety,* 1.47 who being oblig'd to him for his Promotion, seem'd to him a fit Instrument to manage the King's Inclination to his Advantage. But he was cruelly deceiv'd; and this Villain paid him for his good Will, like a true Jesuit: So that he also was forc'd to retire at the end of some Years. Thus the King left the Management of his conscience as well as of his Kingdom to the discretion of his Favourites; and changing his Affecti∣on according to their Pleasure, he allow'd them to Reign into the most secret parts of his Confessions and of his Thoughts. This Jesuit was Arnoux, known at Court by Conferences and Sermons, which had gain'd him some Esteem. Amongst the* 1.48 Sermons he was most noted for, he Preach'd one at Fontain

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bleau before the King, in which he attack'd the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd, and maintain'd that the Passages cited in the Margin were falsely alledg'd. This Accusation could not fail of being taken notice of, in a Court in which there were abundance of Officers and Lords who did profess the Reform'd Religion. So that upon the Disputes occasion'd by the said Sermon, the Jesuit who had not advanc'd this Proposition with an Intention to retract it, gave a Memoir of the Falsi∣•…•…ies he pretended to observe in the said Quotations to a Re∣form'd Gentleman who desir'd it; and the said Gentleman gave it to Du Moulin.

The Ministers were not as yet reduc'd to suffer every thing* 1.49 without making a defence: Moreover they were firm and vi∣gorous in their Repartees; and particularly when they met 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jesuit in their way they never fail'd to speak of the Merits of his Sect. Therefore Du Moulin who had a Sprightly Wit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fruitful Imagination, a heart full of Zeal, and who, as it as been own'd by his very Adversaries, did Write with as much Politeness as Force and Ease, was not long before he Answer'd the Jesuit, having first Consulted Montigni, Du∣ant, and Mestrezat his Colleagues in the Ministry. They gave it the Title of, Defence of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd Churches of France, against the Accusation of Ar∣noux the Jesuit, &c. which they Dedicated to the King. They mention'd with some Vigour in the Dedication the Services the Reform'd had done to the State; and they us'd the Jesuits in it, in the same manner as all Persons of Honour had us'd them till then. They did not forget the last Estates held at Paris, and the Controversie that had been mov'd there con∣cerning the Independency of Kings, who, they said, had lost their Cause by the Faction of the Clergy. Arnoux and the Jesuits being nettl'd at this Letter, caus'd a great deal of Noise to be made about it: So that almost as soon as the Book ap∣pear'd* 1.50 they inform'd against the Work, against the Author, and against the Printer. The Lieutenant Civil, or Common Judge having first taken Cognizance of it, that Affair was soon after remov'd before the Parliament, which occasion'd a Dispute in point of Jurisdiction between the Great Chamber,

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and the Chamber of the Edict: The first pretended to retain the Cause, as being a Civil Cause; and the last would have it Try'd before them, as being an Affair of Religion. This Contestation was determin'd by a Decree of the Council, bearing Date July the 20th, which refer'd the Cause to the King: And within a fourth Night after it, another Decree was made, in which the King forbad the Dedicating of any Book to him without his express leave; suppress'd that of the Ministers, forbad the reading of it, or to keep it, under cer∣tain Penalties; and order'd the Provost of Paris to Prosecute the Printer.

This Decree dictated by the Jesuits, only serv'd to set a* 1.51 greater value upon the Book. Divers Pamphlets were di∣spers'd on both sides upon that Subject; among which there was one which acknowledg'd Arnoux the Jesuit to be the Ag∣gressor, and that pretended that it was a Crime in the Mini∣sters to have dar'd to defend themselves. So that according to the Maxims of that Writer, the Condemnation of the Mi∣nisters could only be look'd upon as an Oppression of Inno∣cence, so much the more Unjust that though those who had been attack'd had been punish'd, the Aggressors had not so much as receiv'd a light Reprimand. It was agains this Book of the four Ministers that the Bishop of Lucon resolv'd •••• Write. He insisted particularly upon their Letter, and en∣deavour'd* 1.52 to prove, that they had fill'd it with falshood. He made all his Efforts to justify the last Estates: But he did it by Reasons which he knew to be false better than any Body; which most of those that had been concern'd in what past, there could easily have convinc'd him of. That manner of Writing was an effect of his fear. It was the Stile that best pleas'd the Jesuits, whom that Bishop was then as loth to of∣fend, as he despis'd them since, when he found himself in a more prosperous Fortune.

About the time the Synod was at Vitre, the Clergy was As∣sembled* 1.53 at Paris, and vigorously prosecuted the Project they had form'd in the last Estates in Order to the Ruin of the Re∣form'd. The Bishop of Macon made a Speech to the King •••• the second of June, at the Head of the Deputies of that

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Body: And it is easie to Judge by the Style of it, that the Catholicks were no longer inclin'd to use the Reform'd equi∣tably. He call'd the Reform'd Monsters, and compar'd their Church to Agar, styling it a Concubine. He acknowledg'd that the Clergy dissembled with them, and only Tollerated them for the sake of Peace. He maintain'd that the Catholick Churches were happier under the Turks, where the free Exercise of their Religion was allow'd, than in those Places where the Reform'd were Masters. His Complaints were grounded par∣ticularly upon Three Points. The first was, that the Bishop f Mompelier having been desirous to introduce Reform'd Ja∣cobins* 1.54 into the Monastery the Friars of that Order had in the aid City, by the Consent, as he said, of the Old ones, of the General of the Order, and by the Authority of the Parli∣ament of Thoulouse, the Inhabitants instead of allowing that Alteration, had not only refus'd to receive the New ones, but ad turn'd the Old ones out of the City. But the Bishop did not say what had induc'd the Inhabitants to do it. The Bi∣shop of Mompelier had for a long while occasion'd continual isorders and disputes there, and had offended the Reform'd y the boldness of his Enterprises. Whither it were then, hat they were afraid that these New Friars, under pretence of an Austere Reformation, might be indued with a more se∣litious Spirit, and consequently more capable to second the said Prelate in his designs; or whither it were that remem∣bring the Original of that Order, which had Signaliz'd it self from its first Formation, by a thousand Massacres, and who had acquir'd the Government of the Inquisition in Spain by such Qualifications, they were afraid these New comers might introduce this Spirit of Fury and Cruelty in Mompe∣lier, and might have secret Instructions from their General ending to that End; Whither, I say, it were for the first, or last of these Considerations, the Reform'd refus'd to admit such Guests. They involv'd the Old ones with the New, by reason that the one having given their Consents to the In∣troduction of the others, it was evident by that, that they were animated by the same Spirit.* 1.55

The second cause of Complaint was, that the same People

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had refus'd to suffer a Preacher in their City, whom the Bi∣shop had pitch'd upon to Preach there in Advent and in Lent. The Governour had undertaken to obtain their leave for it; and after having us'd Perswasions he had imploy'd Commands. But the reason the Reform'd urg'd was that the said Preacher was a Jesuit, and that the Members of that Order endeavouring to imbroil every thing where ever they came; it was but just to keep them out of Cities, in which the Reform'd had so much Interest to hinder Seditions and Disorders. It was so evident that the Jesuits only sought to introduce themselves in those Places, to Plot something against the Repose of the Reform'd, that apparently their Reasons could not fail of being understood and approv'd of by all those who were not prejudic'd by Passion. Moreover, there was a General Reason, which oblig'd the Reform'd to oppose all the Alterations the Catholicks endeavour'd to make in the Places of Surety; which was, that one of the Con∣ditions granted with the Places of Surety, imported that no Innovations should be made there. So that the Bishop of Mompelier's Enterprises were Unjust; since they were two important Innovations, the one to introduce a New Reform of Friars into that City, and the other to call a Preach•…•… thither of a suspected Society, which had no right to send any. Yet the said Bishop was Fenouillet, for whom Sully had obtain'd the said Bishoprick, as I have related elsewhere.

The Third Complaint was the Use that was made in Bearn,* 1.56 of the Estates that did formerly belong to the Ecclesiasticks. He spoke about it in the most Violent terms; as if it had been a Horrid Sacrilege, to apply to the Use of the Reform'd Churches Estates which had been so lawfully confiscated and taken from those that did formerly possess them. To move pitty the more, he desir'd that Mass might be re-establish'd in above one hundred Parishes of that Principality, affirm∣ing with as much boldness, as if he had spoken the Truth, that out of thirty persons there, there were five and twenty Catholicks. This was notoriously false; and I need not give a farther Proof of it in this place, than that in our Days af∣ter the Alteration of Religion, occasion'd in that Province

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by Oppression during the Civil Wars; by the Establishment f several Monasteries, that had seduc'd many Families; by whatever the Art, Violence, Promises and Threats of the Catholicks, and the Inconstancy and Weakness of the People ad been able to contribute towards it, there still remain'd more Reform'd there than the Bishop calculated by his Speech. Of about 33000 Families which Inhabited in Bearn, there were reckon'd about seven thousand of them professing the Reform'd Religion Ten years ago. But the Clergy seldom leave their Affairs imperfect, when after having put them n a pretty good condition, they only want an Imposture to make an end of them.

Nevertheless, this Speech prov'd effectual; and the Turn* 1.57 e gave to his Remonstrances was very well relish'd by the Court, which was resolv'd to satisfie him, even before he had been heard. He had the boldness to say, that he did not esire his Majesty to cross the Seas, to drive the Enemy of the Christian Name out of the East; but only that he would be pleas'd to restore an intire Liberty to some Catholick Chur∣ches of his Kingdom, which he pretended were oppress'd by the Injustice of the Reform'd. This was the Character of that Prelat's Eloquence, that he fill'd his Discourse with lit∣tle Allusions, among which some happen'd to be well apply'd. That which he made in this Place, alluding to the Cruisado's undertaken to Conquer the Holy Land, and particularly to that of a Prince of the King's own Name, who was Cano∣iz'd in recompence of his having ruin'd his Kingdom, by those Wars beyond Sea, flatter'd the King agreeably, who aspir'd to imitate his Predecessor. Besides, the Tacit Comparison he made of the Reform'd that injoy'd Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn, with the Mahometans Possessors of those Places, to which an Ignorant Zeal leads so many Pilgrims, pleas'd all those who were prejudic'd against the Reform'd with a Blind hatred, and already resolv'd to Sacrifice them to the Passion of the Clergy. So that the Bishop did not fail to obtain part of what he desir'd.* 1.58

A Decree was made by the Council of State, on the 10th of November following, which allow'd the Catholics of Mom∣pelier

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to have Jesuit Preachers, and such others as the Bishop should think fit to send thither: Declaring that the King by his Briefs never design'd to deprive the Catholicks that inhabi∣ted in such Cities as were held by the Reform'd, of the Liberty of having such Secular, or Regular Preachers as the Dioces•…•… should think fit to call thither: which was said by way of Inter∣pretation of the Answers the King had given to * 1.59 the Cabien of the Reform'd in 1611. and 1612. which they made use of to keep the Jesuits out of the Places of Surety. The truth is that this Interpretation was Contradictory to the Answer: But they began to introduce a certain Policy into the Council, which makes a sport of the Credulity of the People, and which finds a way to destroy the most formal Laws, and those that are most clear, under pretence of Interpreting the. This singularity was also observ'd in the said Decrees, that the King did not so much as order the said Preachers to observe the Edicts, and to abstain from such Terms in their Sermons s might give Offence. Neither did the said Decree prove suffi∣cient to Introduce the Jesuits-into considerable Places; a the Reform'd oppos'd the said Innovation, as long as possible they could.

But the Bishop's Speech had a more speedy and greater ef∣fect,* 1.60 as to what related to the Affairs of Bearn. They ob∣tain'd a Decree of Restauration, which gave a beginning to the Civil Wars, which only ended by the so long and so ear∣nestly wish'd for Ruine of the Reform'd. Therefore I wil enlarge a little upon this Subject, tho' there are some things in it which seem to be beyond the bounds of my Chief De∣sign. In order to which I will repeat in this place, that the Affairs of Bearn had been very much discuss'd in the Cham∣ber of the Clergy during the Session of the last Estates; and that their Deputies had chiefly demanded two things, of which the one tended to the other, and serv'd as a Degree to arrive to it: The first was the Re-union of the Principality of Bearn to the Crown: The second the Restauration of the Ec∣clesiastical Estates, which had been Confiscated about three∣score Years before by the Authority of Queen Jane. The Council resolv'd to begin by the Re-union, as being that which

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admits of the most plausible Reasons, and which concern'd no ody particularly. Nevertheless the Bearnois judg'd other∣wise* 1.61 of it; and being perswaded that the Clergy only stir'd 〈…〉〈…〉 it, for their own advantage, on to oblige the Court in one •…•…ing, in order to obtain other favours from it in Recom-Pence, they us'd their utmost Endeavours to ward that blow hich they believ'd to be fatal to the Liberty of their Coun∣•…•…y. La Force was their Governor, a Man of Sence and* 1.62 Courage, who had Noble Places, and a great deal of Experi∣ence; and who was much better pleas'd with being Governor f an Independent Principality, which was only considerable y its Soveraignty; than with a small Country which would e inconsiderable, being once mix'd with the other Provinces hat were United to the Crown. Therefore he did not fail to represent the Consequences of that Affair to the Bearnois, and 〈…〉〈…〉 second their Endeavours with great Courage and Vigour. e was nevertheless accus'd of having only been difficult to sa∣tisfie in that matter, to make himself the more considerable; nd that his only aim in opposing the Court was to be Indem∣nify'd for what he was to lose by that Alteration.

But there was another Man of great Authority in Bearn in* 1.63 whom the Reform'd who were the strongest there, repos'd a great deal of Confidence. It was Lesoun a Councellor in the overaign Council of the Country; a Sprightly, Resolute, igorous Man, who had Courage, Learning and Eloquence: And the Bearnois held him in great. Veneration for that gene∣rous Love for his Country, and for the Publick Good, of which •…•…ve find no more Examples, unless it be in Ancient Histories. The Court on the contrary made him pass for a Factious Tur∣bulent Person: And took a pretence to make him perish as a Perturbator of the Publick Peace, by reason of the Undefati∣gable Zeal he express'd for the Welfare of his Religion, and of his Countrey. It is by those Rigors that all those who have im'd at Despotick Power, have stifl'd in all Hearts the Seeds of that Vertue, which was formerly the Noblest Character of the Hero's: Those were us'd by them as Criminals of State who look'd upon a Man of Honour to be oblig'd above all things to preserve the Privileges of his Countrey: And they

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were sensible that Men would lay aside that greatness of Soul, formerly so much Reverenc'd, finding it only attended with Disgrace and Misfortunes: And that all such would be sent to the Gallows, or to the Block to whom Antiquity would have rais'd Triumphal Arches and Statues. This Lefcun was depu∣ted to the Council, after the Clergy had caus'd the Bearnois to be summon'd there to be present at the Tryal of the Restaurati∣on of the Ecclesiastical Lands they pretended: But he was imploy'd at the same time in the Prosecution of both those Points; and he was amus'd long at Paris, without being ex∣pedited. Finally whether the Court was asham'd to try those Affairs in his presence, and that they were at a loss about his Titles, Remonstrances, and Reasons; or whither they were not as yet fully resolv'd about it, at a time when the Kingdom was threatned with a thousand other Troubles, he was set back again: And to remove all manner of suspition of their designing to try the business after his departure, they return'd him the Pieces he had produc'd; and they made a Verbal pro∣mise to him that they would not end those Suits without first giving him notice of it, and without hearing him.

Nevertheless they broke their Word to him: And in the se∣quel* 1.64 they made use of the Writings he had produc'd, as a pretence to say that they had heard his Reasons and seen his Papers. Therefore at the beginning of December in the Year 1616: in order to prepare People to receive the Edict that was publish'd some Days after it, they put out a pretty fine Differ∣tation, upon the particular Question of the Re-union of Bearn to the Crown. It presuppos'd that the said Re-union had al∣ready been made before by Henry IV. When he did re-unite Navar by a solemn Edict, in the Month of July 1607. the* 1.65 general Terms of which extended the same Re-union to all the Estates that did belong to him; before the Crown fell to him: So that the thing in Debate was not pro∣perly the Re-union of Bearn; but, to put the said Re-union which was already made in Execution. The Author of it pre∣tended that it was granted upon Right, and confirm'd by se∣veral Examples; That King's did contract a kind of Marriage with the Kingdom that fell to them; That the Re-union of

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their other Estates with that Crown, was a Gift which they were oblig'd to make to it upon the account of that Marriage, which became part of that Crown; That several Kings be∣fore Henry IV. had done the like; and that the Case of Bearn was the same. And as one of the main Reasons the Bearnois alledg'd against those Examples, was that they only related to moving Estates, and such as paid Hommage to the Crown of France; whereas Bearn was an Independent Prin∣cipality; They refuted this Pretension by a long Chain of Contrary Proofs. The first was drawn from the Ancient Division of France, whereby it appear'd that Bearn had been part of the Kingdom of Aquitain. The second was taken from the Privileges the Bearnois possess'd in France, where they were reputed Natives; and were not oblig'd to ake Letters of Naturalization, to injoy the Prerogatives of Frenchmen. The third was grounded upon the Prince of Bearn's having paid Hommage to the Kings of England, Dukes of Aquitain; That the same Princes had often appeal'd from the Judgment of their Barons to the Parliament of Guyenne, nd from thence afterwards to Paris; That by some Passages of the fifteenth Book of the Registers of Innocent III. it did ppear that the Duke of Aquitain had Commenc'd a Suit a∣gainst the Vice-comte of Bearn, as a Lord to his Vassal. They alledg'd for the fourth, That the said Principality had been sometimes under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thou∣louse; and they added finally, That when the Lords of that Country had refus'd to pay Homage for it, War had sometimes been declar'd against them to constrain them to do it.

They granted that there was a Prescription of many* 1.66 Years in favour of the Bearnois: But then they said, That it could be no Plea for them, by reason of this Despotick Max∣im, That no Prescription can avail against the Rights of the Crown, which are sacred, and can never be A∣lienated. A Maxim very opposite to Natural Right, which ever prejudges in favour of Liberty; and which wills that Servitude should be Establish'd by great Titles, but that they should be Abolish'd by short Prescriptions. Moreover they grounded the Nullity of the said Prescription, upon

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its proceeding from the Suspension of the Rights of France in favour of a King of Navar, who having been depriv'd of part of his Dominions, and reduc'd to retire with all his Court in Bearn, had not been prosecuted for the said Hommage, up∣on the account of his Zeal for the Service of France, for fear of adding Affliction to the Afflicted. They deny'd that ever the said Province was Infranchis'd by Charles Martel, as they pretended. They alledg'd the Example of the Re-union of Bretagne, which had been done notwithstanding the pretensi∣ons of the People who thought their Country Independent of the Crown; and who had formerly given the Name of Mauclere to one of their Dukes, Nam'd Peter; because th••••* 1.67 not understanding his Rights, he had acknowledg'd himself a Vassal of France: So that they claim'd a Right, deriv'd from an Injustice committed against the Brittons, even contrary to the Articles of the Treaty made with them when Charles VIII. Marry'd their last Dutchess, to do the same to the Bearnois. These are the Maxims of those who pretend to change the Na∣ture of things by saying, I will have it so. What they have done once, whither justly, or unjustly, becomes an Example for the future; and whereas they have done it maugre the Complaints and Murmurings of the Parties concern'd, they have acquir'd a Right of doing the same as often as new Oc∣casions offer themselves.

In the next place they endeavoured to prove, That the with∣drawing* 1.68 of Bearn from the rest of the Crown would be liable to a Thousand Inconveniencies; that considering what had happen'd to Navar, by the Invasion of the Spaniards, who had Usurp'd it from a Prince who was too weak to defend it, every body ought to desire to see Bearn Incorporated in a State potent enough to defend it; That its situation at the Foot of the Mountains which serve for a Barrier to the two King∣doms, requir'd to be united to that on the side of which it was seated. Moreover that they had no Intentions to ruine the Privileges of that Principality, nor to meddle with the So∣veraignty of their Laws; That it was necessary to create Parliament there not as in a Conquer'd Country, to keep them within the Bounds of Obedience: but to honour it

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as a Country in which Henry the Great was Born; That there were many Examples in Antiquity of Honours done to places •…•…hat were remarkable by the Birth of great Princes; That it was necessary to preserve the old Laws and Customs of the Bearnois; and to dismember some Lands that were under the •…•…urisdiction of the other Parliaments, in order to afford a larger extent of Jurisdiction to that which should be Created in Bearn. They added to all this, great Elogies of Marquemont, Arch-Bishop of Lyons, who had seconded this Proposition in the last Estates. They represented that Re-union as very ad∣vantagious for the whole Kingdom of France, which would hereby be freed on that side of forcing Incursions; and for the Country of Bearn it self, who would become a sharer in the Glory and Happiness of the rest of the Kingdom. Finally 〈…〉〈…〉 order to render the Reform'd Odious, as if the Opposition •…•…d only proceed from them, and from a Spirit of Faction, •…•…e Author spoke of that Re-union, or Conjunction as of a •…•…hing which the Bearnois earnestly desir'd, and he begg'd it •…•…f the King in their Names in very pressing Terms.

Nevertheless the Bearnois in general were very distant from* 1.69 •…•…hat Thought; and the major part of the Catholicks concur∣red with the Reform'd in the Design to prevent that Impor∣tant Innovation. There were none but the Clergy seconded by the House of Grammont, which was at odds with La Force, •…•…nd some others either too Credulous, or prejudic'd by Bi∣gotry, or such as expected to raise their Fortunes by such an lteration, who further'd that Enterprize. No body was igno∣rant that the Clergy were the Authors of the aforesaid Disser∣tation; and none look'd upon them to be so well inclin'd to the Publick Good, as only to design the advantage of others. Moreover there was something very singular; in that the de∣sign of that Re-union had been Inspir'd by the Council of Spain, which endeavour'd it with all their might: Imagining perhaps that those People who are naturally hot and presump∣tuous would never suffer their contractual Laws to be Viola∣ted, without taking up Arms to maintain them: Or that the Reform'd Churches of France would never behold the ruine of hose of that Province without renewing the Civil Wars. It is

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most certain at least, that during the delays of that Affair, Spain did powerfully excite the Council of France. They furnish'd the Reasons and Proofs which were alledg'd against the pretensions of the Bearnois, and which were visibly taken out of the Titles of Convents, or Spanish Historians; out of the Registers of Barcelonna, the Archieves of the Metropoli∣tan Church of Tarracona, and other places. Several Libels which were dispers'd upon that Subject, which seem'd to be Printed at Avignon, were nevertheless brought from Spain. It was easily prov'd by the way by which they were brought; and even without that it was easie to judge at the first reading, that Spain had a hand in them. The Stile of the League was apparent in them, which in all their Writings mention'd the King of Spain. One of those Libels, after ha∣ving admonish'd the King not to suffer himself to be persua∣ded out of it, added these Words. What would the Prince of the Church say? What would the Catholick King say? What would the Emperor say? Which sufficiently shew'd that those Forreign Powers had a hand in it.

Persons of Judgment easily saw, that the Promises of pre∣serving* 1.70 the Rights and Privileges of that little state were no∣thing but an Illusion: Since the method they observ'd to effect the said Re-union violated their most Essential Rights; which consisted in not being members of another Body, but to be a Body a part, although in the Hands and under the Authority of the same Master. Besides, according to the Constitution of that Principality, no Law could be made there, nor revers'd unless by the Approbation of the Prince and the Estates: Whereas the Prince would make that Re-union, like an abso∣lute Master, contrary to the desire, and in spite of the oppo∣sition of the People: which was properly to trample upon the Law, which they call'd Fundamental and Contractual. As for the Reform'd they were very sensible that the Council would not stop there; That this first step was only a Tryal, to re∣duce the Reform'd Religion in Bearn, on the same Terms as it was in the rest of the Kingdom. The Policy of our Days would not allow such Countries as were not united to the

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Crown at the time of the Edict of Nantes, to injoy the Pri∣vileges of that Edict, because they could not be design'd to be •…•…mprehended in it at that time: But yet under Lewis XIII. it ould needs have it, that at whatever time the said Re-union •…•…as made, it was sufficient to introduce the Roman Religion •…•…ere according to the Edict, in the same Splendor in which 〈…〉〈…〉 was thereby Establish'd elsewhere. So that the Reform'd 〈…〉〈…〉 Bearn seeing Religion and Liberty were equally concern'd 〈…〉〈…〉 that Affair, omitted nothing to Ward a blow which would •…•…casion the ruine of both. Whereupon their Enemies up∣•…•…aided them as being guilty of a very shameful, or very Cri∣inal Inconstancy, in having formerly desir'd their Churches 〈…〉〈…〉 be United to those of France, in order to make but one •…•…dy in the National Synods, and in the General Assemblies; hereas they now express'd so much Repugnancy to become embers of the same Body Politick with the rest of the King∣••••m. But that Reproach did not move them, by reason that the •…•…id diversity of Sentiments had been produc'd by the •…•…versity of Conjunctures. They had desir'd to be United with •…•…ose Churches, in order the more to engage themselves in the ommunion of their Doctrine: And they oppos'd the Union 〈…〉〈…〉 their Country to the Crown, as a thing which would serve 〈…〉〈…〉 introduce the General Oppression of their Consciences and 〈…〉〈…〉 their Persons.

Therefore they answer'd the Dissertation I have already* 1.71 •…•…ention'd, applying themselves more to destroy the Conclu∣•…•…n, than to refute the Arguments one after another; which were compos'd of those kind of Probabilities, which become demonstrations in the Cause of the strongest; but yet which o not hinder People in point of Politicks to be ready to main∣•…•…in the contrary, when their interest requires it. This Pam∣phlet under the Name of a Gentleman of Navar, maintain'd hat the greatest Princes had ever been pleas'd to preserve the •…•…itles of their Ancient Possessions, as Monuments, of the Grandeur of their Predecessors; That some of them still re∣ain'd the Titles of Kings of Jerusalem, and Princes of Antioch; That Henry III. himself after having lost the Crown of Poland, ad kept the Title of it; That the Republick of Venice, tho'

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depriv'd of the Kingdom of Cyprus, would not suffer the Arms of that Soveraignty Carv'd upon a Column before the Church of St. Mark to be ras'd out; That those who were least fa∣vour'd by Fortune took as many Titles as they had Castle▪ That those who propos'd the Re-union of Navar, and of Bear to the Crown, seem'd on the contrary only to be desirous to extinguish the Title of King of Navar, as if it were inconsist∣ent with that of King of France; that though it were true that according to the General Acceptation of the World the greatest draws in the least, yet that it did not follow that the Glorious Name of France should Abolish that of Navar, and reduce the State of it into a Province by destroying th•••• Rights and Privileges; That it lessen'd the Authority of Kings to change their Kingdoms into Provinces; That the Tre•••••• Grown of the Popes, and the Thiara of the Kings of Per••••••, show'd sufficiently that it is an honour to wear several Crown▪ That the King of Spain did not confound his Kingdoms; That the Emperor though elevated above other Princes, was •••••• asham'd of the Titles of King of Bohemia and of Hungary; That it was true that the King of France bearing the Name of those two Crowns, preserv'd the Right of Lawful Sove∣raign over both; but that in case all the Laws of the Kingdom were violated; it signify'd nothing to retain the bare Title of it; That God having made the Fundamental Laws of Mo∣narchies, they cannot be Trampled upon without Sacrilege. That they were like the fix'd Star, which cannot change their Place unless when the Firmament turns.

These were partly the Reasons of those who were afraid,* 1.72 that the Court design'd to submit as it came to pass, those re∣mains of a free State, in which Oppression was still unknown to the Laws of a Kingdom in which the King's Authority be∣gan to grow excessive. But yet neither these nor the others could prevent the publishing of the Edict of Re-union, in the same Month in which those Writings appear'd. The E•…•… of Bearn oppos'd the said Edict, and nominated Deputies 〈…〉〈…〉 the Syndicks of the Country to draw their said Opposi∣tion in form. They positively maintain'd that Bearn was 〈…〉〈…〉 Lordship distict from all other Soveraignty; That

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the Bearnois being Govern'd by Laws and Customs had only E∣••••cted Soveraigns in order to maintain those Customs, without ••••lowing them the Power to Alter, Correct, or to reform them ithout the Estates of the Country, and by their Consent. hat this was their Contractual Fundamental Law, which the rince was oblig'd to swear to keep at his Inauguration; That ••••cording to that, the King could not alter it; That Henry ••••. himself had rejected the Proposition of it, being unwil∣••••ng to wrong a Country in which he was Born. Those Con∣••••derations made them hope that provided they could be heard 〈…〉〈…〉 the Council, they might obtain something favourable from •…•…▪ But instead of receiving any satisfaction from them, they ••••ve them fresh Causes of Complaint; and the Assembly of ••••e Clergy obtain'd a Decree of Restauration of the Church* 1.73 ••••nds, after having so long sollicited for it. Maniald, one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Deputies General, who staid at Paris while his Col∣••••ague went to Vitre to assist at the National Synod there, be∣••••g inform'd that the Council was preparing to give the said ecree, remonstrated on the 21st of June, that it was fit to ••••low Lescun time, according as it was promis'd to him, to ••••pair to the Court again to give in his Reasons, and to deli∣••••r those Papers into the King's Hands which were return'd to ••••m the preceeding Year. But the Clergy prevail'd notwith∣••••anding this just Remonstrance. Du Vair, who was made eeper of the Great Seal, and who did not think himself un∣orthy of a Cardinal's Cap, bely'd in this occasion, as in ••••veral others, the Reputation of Probity he had acquir'd, ••••fore his being rais'd to that Dignity: And in order that all ••••e Clergy might share the favour of one of the Members of ••••eir Body, he push'd on that Affair with all his Credit. So ••••at on the 23d of the said Month in the presence of La Force, ho us'd his utmost endeavours to hinder it, a Decree was ••••ven in the Council, by which the King order'd the said rocess to be brought before him: And two Days after it a efinite Decree was given to the satisfaction of the lergy.

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This Decree declar'd positively that the Deputies had been heard, and that the Council had seen the Writings and An∣swers; and ordain'd three things.* 1.74

First, The Restitution of Church Lands, and the Restau∣ration of the Catholick Religion, throughout the Principali∣ty of Bearn.

Secondly, The preservation of the Reform'd in all their Pri∣vileges; and the Reimplacement of the Sums that were ta∣ken from them by the said Decree of Restauration, upon the Ancient Demesne of Bearn; and in case that were not suffi∣cient, upon the Demesnes of the Adjacent Places; according to which it was said, that the Sums should be stated upon the Expence of the Houshold, as ordinary and local Charges, which were to be acquitted before all others, the Assignments •••• which should not be Converted to any other use. They •••••• bethought themselves of this Illusion of Reimplacement, •••• render the said Decree of Restauration more tollerable •••• such as only judge of things by appearances: And indeed the Churches and all particular Persons seem'd thereby to be In∣demnify'd.

Finally the Decree adjourn'd the Demand of the Clerg to be admitted into the Estates of the Country, to the retur of the Commissioner the King would send thither to put th said Decree in Execution. After which the King writ to those who had the management of the Ecclesiastical Affairs in Bearn to send some body at Court to be present at the making of •••••• said Reimplacement.

It was an Exquisite Subtilty of the Clergy, to order th••••* 1.75 Affair in the Nature of a Civil Process, as if it had only be•••• a Contsteation between private Persons: Whereas the thing in question was to revoke a Law, pass'd by the Authority •••• the Soveraign, with the Consent of the Estates, for the pu∣nishment of a Rebellious Clergy, who had betray'd their Law∣ful Princes, and caus'd their Subjects to take up Arms to d∣prive them of their Inheritance. But they were sensible that it would prove an easier Task to judge a Process, than to re∣voke a Law grounded upon such good Reasons. Nevertheless as Decrees are no Laws in France, they were oblig'd after∣wards

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to convert the said Decree into the form of an Edict, o the end that the Inrollment of it might be perform'd with ore Formality. In the mean while the Clergy being un∣willing to appear Ingrateful, caus'd the Bishop of Are to* 1.76 eturn the King Thanks on the 18th of July; whose Speech had ét more Violence in it than the Bishop of Macon's. Among he Complaints which follow'd those Thanks, there was one gainst the Book of the four Ministers, and against their De∣ication to the King. He call'd them Impudent, Ministers of rreligion and of Falshood, and he stil'd their Religion the Whore f Satan. He bragg'd that they had been forc'd to lay down he Cudgels in the Conferences of Mantes and of Fotaine∣••••ea. He▪ Elevated the Fidelity of the Clergy very high; nd in order to create Jealousies about the Reform'd, he ap∣••••y'd to them what the King of England, had sometimes said •••• the Independents of his Kingdom of Scotland. After this, •…•…hen the Assembly broke up they charg'd their Agents with a 〈…〉〈…〉 Cahier containing 46 Articles: And they acquitted them∣••••lves* 1.77 so well of what was recommended to them upon that ubject, that exeepting only one Article they obtain'd all ••••eir Demands, as I will observe elsewhere.

The News of this Decree being carry'd into Bearn, the E∣••••ates* 1.78 who were Assembled at Orthez resolv'd to undergo any ••••ing tather than to put it in Execution, being equally of∣••••nded at the thing, and at the manner of it. A Decree given ••••ntrary to the Promise made to Lescun, and without having eard half of what the Parties concern'd had to say▪ especi∣ly a Decree which in a Despotick manner abrogated Laws ••••at had been made with all the requir'd Solemnities, seem'd 〈…〉〈…〉 them unjust, not being sensible as yet, that Modern Policy ••••lls nothing Justice but the Will of the Strongest. They De∣uted Lescun to the King with humble Remonstrances, and to ••••treat him to allow that the Deputies his Majesty should de∣••••re them to send to him to be present at the making of the ••••eimplacement, might be chosen in an Assembly compos'd 〈…〉〈…〉 the three Estates of Bearn, and the Deputies of all the Churches of France. Lescun took Letters in his way from ochel, from whence the Assembly was already gone. He

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could not obtain an Audience at St. Germains before the 17th of September. La Force presented him; The Deputies Ge∣neral seconded him; and acquainted the King that all the Churches of the Kingdom would have writen to him as well as Rochel, if they could have met together again without of∣fending him.

Lescun made an Excellent Speech to the King, and second∣ed* 1.79 the Petition he presented to him from the Estates with pow∣erful Reasons; alledging that the Contractual Law had been duly observ'd for the space of above three hundred Years, and that there was no example of its having been Violated; or that ever the Customs receiv'd in Bearn, according to that Law had been alter'd, otherwise than by the Consent of the Estates. He desir'd an Answer to a Cahier of Grievances, and to divers Petitions he had presented; and begg'd a Pro∣cution might be made against the Authors of a Libel, Intiu•…•…* 1.80 Le Mine, which had been writen upon the Affairs of Bearn in a stile full of Venom and Violence. One may judge of it b what the Author said; that it was in the power of the Ca∣tholicks to destroy the Reform'd, and that the only thing which hinder'd them from doing it, was that they valu'd the Life of one Catholick more, than the Death of a hundred Huguen•…•…. In another which introduc'd two Peasants speaking about the Affairs of the Times, they made one of them say, That the Huguenots were Impudent to complain of St. Bartholom•…•… Day, and to call the Butchery of it, a Massacre; by reason that it was one of the most Equitable Acts of Justice that had ever been, or that ever could be done. Moreover Lescun deny'd whatever had been said of the State of Be•••• by the Bishop of Macon. He affirm'd that the Catholicks were* 1.81 so far from being Twenty five in Thirty there, that on the contrary the Reform'd were Ten to One, particularly among Persons of Consideration; and that they sustain'd almost all the Charges; That the Catholicks were so far from being ill serv'd in the Exercises and Rites of their Religion, that they had upwards of 300 Priests, besides Bishops, Canons, and Preachers; whereas the Reform'd had but 60 Ministers; That

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the Catholicks were also so far from being inconvenienc'd in their Worship, being forc'd to seek out places distant from their Habitation to perform the same, that most of them had ass said at home, or very near them; whereas the Reform'd n several Cantons went to Church at three eagues distance from their Houses; That the Catholicks had three parts •••• four of the Churches, and possess'd two thirds of the Ec∣clesiastical Revenues; That the number of those which were Enemies to their Churches daily increas'd, whereas of late he Places of Ministers which became vacant by Death, were uppress'd by the King's Authority.

These Cases were considerable enough to desere to be* 1.82 lear'd, before a Definitive Judgment were given in that Af∣fair: Since that if Lscun spoke the truth, nothing could be more ridiculous or false than the Complaints of the Clergy, or more Inhumane or Unjust than their Ambitious Prosecu∣tions. But Equity had already for some years been banish'd ••••om the Court. Justice and Sincerity were Bury'd with the ate King; and as little care was taken to raise them out of the Grave as to revenge his Murther. Principally in Affairs of Religion, the false Assertion of a Bishop though contrary to what was publickly known was believ'd to the prejudice of the Reform'd when they alledg'd Truths attested by Proofs above ll Exceptions. Therefore Lescun obtain'd nothing, but leave o treat of the Affairs of the Churches of Bearn joyntly ith those of the other Churches of the Kingdom, and by the same Deputies. The meaning of this was that by virtue of the Re-union, they were look'd upon as making but one ody with the others; That their particular Complaints were laid aside, and order'd to be Annex'd to the General Af∣fairs; and that whereas the Court only granted Illusory Words to the rest of the Churches upon their Remonstrances, hose of Bearn were to expect the same Treatment.

Accordingly, while the Estates of Bearn were preparing* 1.83 their Instructions, and that Lscun was ready to carry them to the Court, the King answer'd the * 1.84 Cahier left by the Clergy o their Agent; and without acquainting Lescun, or the De∣puties General in the least with it, the King granted them on

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the last of Agst, besides the restitution of all the Ecclesiasti∣cal Houses, and Church-yards on certain Conditions, the Presidentship in the Estates of the Country; The admission into the Common-Council and Soveraign Courts; The E∣emption from all Jurisdiction but the Popes; The Establish∣ment of Jesuits in Bearn, without restriction of Number, •••• of Functions, and without retrenching any thing of the Pri∣vileges of Scholarship from those who should study in their Houses. One Article only was excepted against. The Cler∣gy desir'd four Cities of Surety in Bearn. This could be of no use to them, in a Country where according to their own rela∣tion there were six Catholicks to one Reform'd. Moreover the said Proposition was most ridiculous in the mouth of those very Persons, who had imputed it as a great Crime to the Reform'd, to have taken such Precautions with their King. But 'tis the Nature of Mankind: We daily see Persons who Exempt themselves from Common Laws; and think those things Lawful in them, which they impute as Crimes to the rest of the World.

After this great Victory, the Bishops of Bearn went to* 1.85 Bourdeaux, and to Thoulouse to obtain the Verification of the* 1.86 Edict publish'd upon the aforesaid Restauration: After which the Bishop of O'eron came back to Court, and the Bishop of Lescar repai'd into Bearn, in order to press on both sides the Accomplishment of an Affair so far advanc'd. He had the Cunning to flatter La Force with the hopes of a Marshal•…•… Staff, and a Sum of Money to Indemnifie him; by which means the said Lord promis'd to obtain the Approbation of the Edicts of Re-union and Re-implacement in Bearn. But •••• soon perceiv'd that the Court Laugh'd at him. They thought they might dispence with his Credit, because they had a Par∣ty in Bearn which would get the upperhand, though never so weak, being seconded by the King's Authority. This Party consisted of the remainders of the Faction of Gramm••••t, which had been so famous for the Disputes between them and that of Beaumont their Rival, which had finally occasion'd the loss of the Upper Navar, which Ferdinand had Usurp'd. The Count of Grammont was a profess'd Enemy to L Fore,

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being Jealous of his Authority, and for other particular easons: Insomuch that his Relations and Friends being joyn'd o those which the Zeal of Religion, the Credit of the Bishops nd Confessors, the Pensions, or the hopes, the Levity, or the mprudence of the People could ingage in the same Interest, ere preparing a considerable Succour for the Court. Moreo∣ver Luins hated La Force; either because he had an Aversion or all those who had Merit and Capacity; or because La Force ad two Sons at Court, who began to get too great a share 〈…〉〈…〉 the King's Favour, to expect any from a Favourite full of Ambition and Jealousie. They were Aimet and Mompouillan, who had been bred with the King from their Infancy, and ad wherewithal to obtain a preference before all others of their Rank. Particularly Mompouillan advanc'd apace to∣wards the highest degree of Favour; and he seem'd only to want a little more Age, to have as great a share in the Govern∣ment, as he possess'd already in his Prince's favour. Luines ad imploy'd him to raise his own ortune upon the Ruine of he Marshal d'Ancre. The Clergy had us'd their utmost Endea∣vours at that time to obtain the aforesaid Decree of Restau∣ration; and Luines told Mompouillan, in order to animate im the more against that Odious Favourite, that he was the Man who seconded the Pretensions of the Prelates; and more∣over that he design'd to take the Government of Bearn from a Force, lest he should hinder by his Credit, the alterations they propos'd to make in that Principality. So that Mom∣pouillan, a young Man without Experience, thinking to pro∣mote the advantage of his Family, promoted Luines, speak∣ing continually of the said Marshal to the King, as of a Man that Usurp'd his Authority, and did abuse it to the prejudice of every body. By this means he ruin'd his Favour, to lay the foundation of anothers: And when Luines had destroy'd the Marshal d' Ancre, the only Recompence he bestow'd on Mompouillan, who had serv'd him so effectually in that Affair, was to involve his whole House in his Personal Disgrace. Nei∣ther was it likely that Lines would promote the Fortune of the Father, since he dreaded the Progress of that of the Chil∣dren; nor that a Man whose Favour was not yet setled,

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would suffer the Children of an Ingenious Man near the King; or that the Jesuits would permit that Prince to honour Here∣ticks with his Confidence and Affection.

La Force by endeavouring to keep measures between the* 1.87 Court and Bearn, as if he had had a prospect thereby to rea∣der himself the more necessary on both sides, by forming dif∣ficulties which he should have the honour to remove, crea•••••• Jealousies on both sides: And finding that he was play'd upon by the Court, he was oblig'd to protect Bearn a little more than he had done, in order to preserve some Credit and some Recourse. But the Marshal de Bouillon only had the Art •••• gain by those Intrigues; and to behave himself with so much prudence, or good Fortune; that he was equally courted o both sides; That he was at once the Author of the Leagues that were form'd by his Advice, and the Mediator who dis∣solv'd them by his Intermission; ever in Credit with the Princes and Lords, over whom his Genius had an Ascendent; and ever caress'd at Court, because they could never dissipate the Confederacies he had form'd without him. Neverthees La Force finding at last that neither his Merit, nor his Servi∣ces could procure him the Recompences that were due to him, and which had been promis'd him while Henry IV. was alive, took the contrary Party like a Wise Courtier: And being sen∣sible that the best and most effectual way to obtain what o•••• desires from the Court, is often to make ones self to be fear'd, he rais'd so many Obstacles against his Enemies, that they were forc'd in order to retrieve him, to grant him, what they had refus'd in order to keep him.

This Affair occasion'd several Assemblies to be made in Bear* 1.88 several Oppositions, and several Decrees by the Soveraig Council: And the Court omitted no means to succeed in the said undertaking. They were sensible that according to the Rigour of Right the Enterprize was unjust: But the Clergy being little sensible to Reasons of that Nature, and allowing a large Extent to the old Maxim which permits to Violate Right in order to Reign, think that they may trample upon it to promote their Interest. Moreover the King was Imbark'd in that Affair: And according to the new Policy, they were of

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oinion that a Prince being once ingag'd can never retract. he injustice of a design is no longer a reason to break it, when •…•…ce it is form'd; by reason that Injustice ceases as soon as Su∣••••eam Power is engag'd. A Soveraign makes and destroys ••••ght by a Word. Whatever is just, or unjust before he has ••••onounc'd, alters its Nature as soon as he says, I will have it •…•…

During these Contestations, as several Libels were pub∣••••••h'd* 1.89 against the Reform'd and against the Bearnois, these al∣•••• set forth Volumes of Manifesto's and Apologies. There ••••pear'd a Writing of that Nature Printed in London, Intitu∣••••d, A Discourse of the Seisure of Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn, •…•…c. The Author treated the thing at large, and began by ••••e occasion of that Seisure. He related the Conspiracy of ••••e Catholicks of the Country against Queen Jane and the rinces her Children, which I have mention'd elsewhere; heir Retreat to Rochel during the revolt of their Subjects; he Reduction of the Country to their Allegiance by Mongom∣••••ry; The Seisure of the Estates in order to punish the Ec∣••••esiasticks; The Reform'd establish'd by the Queen's Autho∣••••ty, and by the approbation of the Estates; The Assignment f the Ecclesiastical Estates for the maintenance of the Mini∣••••ers, the Poor, Scholars, Colleges, and the Rectors, or Su∣eriors of the same: Of the Garrison of Navarreins; of the ing's Lieutenant; of the Council and the Soveraign Court; f the Captains of some Castles; of the Counsellors and Au∣•…•…itors of the Chamber of Accounts, and of other principal nd necessary Officers: The Institution of an Ecclesiastical ••••nae, compos'd of two Councellors, two Auditors, two Gentlemen, two Ministers, two Qualify'd Persons from the Third Estate, an Ecclesiastical Attorney, and a Treasurer Ge∣neral to have the direction of the said Assignments; The Oath taken by the late King in 1581. to preserve the Old Laws and Customs, and all the Advantages and Grants to which his Pre∣decessors, or himself had consented; the Suppression of the Ecclesiastical Senate some years before by Miossans, who ne∣vertheless made no alteration as to the Designation of the said R•…•…es; The Protestations of the Estates against the said

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Enterprise; The reiteration of their Opposition; The Con∣firmation of all the Regulations made by Queen Jane by the Edict of 1599. which restor'd the Roman Religion in Bearn; and that which Lewis XIII. had made in 1610, 1611, 161, 1615. of all the Edicts of the late King and his own. After which the Author made Reflexions upon the manner in which the said Restitution had been made: And he observ'd very justly upon the Edict of Reimplacement, that it could not be of more force than those which had been revok'd; That the Pope and the Clergy would never be at rest, until those new Re∣gulations were violated, as well as others that were more Au∣thentick; which were treated at Rome as liable to Destitution the Princes concern'd in them as Favourers and Promoters of Heresie; That the Demesnes of Bearn were unalienable, and that the Successor was oblig'd to redeem the Ingagements made by his Predecessor; That a perpetual Engagement of the Revenue is an effective alienation of the Estate; That the remainder of the Assignments were given out of the Country to their Privileges, and in Suspicious Places, among the Enemies of the Reform'd Religion. 'He added Remarks upon the Nature, Original, and necessity of Tythes; and e concluded that the Reform'd could not lawfully be oblig'd to pay theirs to Catholicks. Finally he said that the King lear∣ing the Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn in the same Condition in which Queen Jane had put them, might have made the Reimplacement of the Sum to which the Revenue in dispute amounted, upon his Demesnes in favour of the Clergy. This Expedient would have look'd more reasonable undoubtedly▪ And the Clergy would have been better able to improve the said Reimplacement, by their Credit in the Council, than the Reform'd, to whom all things were contrary.

But the real truth is, that the said Indemnification was on∣ly* 1.90 a blind to deceive the Bearnois, and to induce them to beat the rest with patience: Therefore the Clergy who did not think it safe, were not so ill advis'd as to content themselves with it. The Court which had granted that Reimplacement upon the Remonstrances of Du Plessis Comptroller General of Navar; and at the Intreaty of the Duke of Rohan to per∣suade

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the World that they proceeded in that matter, upon ••••e hearing of the Parties, and an ample knowledge of the ••••use, would have wanted no pretence to make it void at* 1.91 ••••easure. A reply was made to the said Writing of the Bear∣••••is in the Name of the Catholicks: But the Author of the ••••eply did not meddle with the Conspiracy of the Catholicks 〈…〉〈…〉 Bearn against their Soveraign. Being favour'd by this si∣••••ce he represented the War made against those Rebels by ••••ongommery, by the Authority of the Queen and of her Chil∣••••en, as a Chain of several Massacres: He said that the Seisure 〈…〉〈…〉 the Estates belonging to the Clergy, had only been made ••••ovisionally; but he did not add that two years after it the ••••een had actually Converted it into an adjudg'd Fact, insti∣••••ting perpetual Administrators of the said Seizures, which ere to be imploy'd by them to other uses. He pretended that ••••e Estates that had made the said Alteration, could not be ••••ked upon as lawful, since the Ecclesiasticks had been ex∣••••ded, which were to compose part of them: As if there ••••d been no Lawful Estates in the World before there was a ••••ergy; or that a whole Country concurring with their So∣••••raign, had not naturally a Right to alter some Circumstan∣••••s in the form of the usual Government. He added that ••••ose new Laws could not pass for Fundamental ones, by rea∣••••n that such Laws must take their Births with the States: A axim which the Clergy had adopted in the last Estates Ge∣••••ral, to oppose the Article which the Third Estate pretended ••••e for the surety of Kings: But a very false Maxim, since is most certain that intire Estates compos'd of a Head and embers, may give the force of Fundamental Laws to all ••••ch as they agree upon, and that are necessary to secure the ••••ranquility and Prosperity of the Publick: Otherwise no∣••••ing would be more unfortunate than Humane Society, if ••••e first Laws under which they were form'd being either ren∣••••r'd of no force by Artifice, or violated by force, it were ei∣••••er impossible or unlawful to re-establish them upon new ••••undations. He affirm'd with the same boldness, that Prin∣••••s never Swear to observe the Laws of their Predecessors; hich is prov'd to be false, by all sorts of Testimonies, by

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all the Lights of Reason, by all that can be call'd Right and Justice, and by all those things which make the certainty of Humane Affairs. In the next place he declar'd, that the la•…•… King design'd to do what his Son had done: And that the only reason that had hinder'd him from so doing, was that he d•…•… not: A falsity often advanc'd by the Clergy, since that Prin∣ces being no longer in a condition to give them the Lie; and which has been extended by the Missionaries, and by tho•…•… that have drawn the Plan of the Persecution of our Days, e∣ven to his own Edicts, though he was really so Jealous of the•…•… that he would never have attempted the least thing against them. His known Integrity, his great Designs, his rei•…•…∣ted Protestations, and his constant practice during the space•…•… Twelve Years, are sufficient Testimonies of his Disposition towards the Religious Observation of such useful Laws.

Nevertheless in order to prove that the said Prince had de∣sign'd* 1.92 to alter the State of Bearn, the Author recited all the Grants he had made to divers Bishops in those Parts, to the•…•… Chapters, to the Curates, Abbots and Priors, and to all the Ecclesiasticks: From which the Reform'd would have h•…•… more reason to conclude, that the Clergy is never satisfy'd▪ than the Clergy to conjecture that the late King would have been capable to break his Word. He repeated the Instance made by the Clergy during the Estates General in 1615. a•…•… in their Assembly in 1617. and because an Illusive Aud•…•… had been given to the two Diserote Father and Son, Ministers•…•… Bearn, before that Affair was judg'd, he maintain'd that th•…•… had been admitted to make a full defence. He Laugh'd at the Precription of Fifty Years which the Bearnois pleaded; and op∣pos'd that of the Clergy to it, which he ridiculously made amount to 1500 years: As if the Possession of the Clergy ha•…•… preceded not only the Temporal Greatness of the Bishops, b•…•… even the first Preaching of the Gospel at the foot of the P∣renean Hills. The rest of the said Writing was abusive. He spoke of the Reimplacement as if it had been the effect of a pure Favour, which render'd the opposition of the Reform' very unjust. He talk'd of the Tithes as of a thing which ha∣ving belong'd to the Ecclesiasticks before the Seisure, ought

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to be restor'd by the Edict which rever'd it; and he main∣•…•…in'd moreover that the Estates of the Church were unalien∣able, as Estates of which God was the Proprietor: A Mona∣•…•…ical Maxim, which making God Possessor of Lands and Re∣•…•…nues, and Titles of Vanity, shamefully debases to a Tere∣•…•…ial and Temporal Nature, a Reign altogether Spiritual and Heavenly, which Jesus Christ exerts over his Church. He endeavour'd to Insinuate to the King, that the Reform'd de∣•…•…ing to be freed from paying of Tithes to the Ecclesiasticks, •…•…esign'd to keep for their Ministers both the Tithes and the •…•…ms that were granted to them in lieu thereof. He conclu∣ded by a Maxim very proper to remove the force of the most •…•…lemn Edicts, viz. That they only serv'd to preserve an anci∣•…•…nt Right in favour of those for whom they were made; but •…•…at they did not create a new Right. According to which •…•…otion it was easie to revoke whatever pass'd for a new concession, or that was derogatory to the Ancient Right, in •…•…he Edicts which had given a Peace to the Kingdom.

But the Reform'd of Bearn were not the only People against whom Injustices were committed. The Court was not more •…•…quitable towards those of other Provinces. The Commissi∣oners that were sent to redress some Contraventions, made •…•…one but Illusive Ordinances: And whereas in the foregoing •…•…eign all Difficulties were for the most part decided favoura∣bly for the Reform'd, they began under this to give nothing ut advices of a removal to the Council, of sharing or divid∣ing Judgments in which the Artifice of the Catholick Com∣missioner render'd the clearest Rights doubtful, which even those of his own Religion were asham'd of. So that the Re∣form'd finding that the Commissioners did them no good in the places where they had been sent, did no longer desire the Court to send any elsewhere, lest they should do more harm than good. Renard who was sent into Bearn, was at the same •…•…ime Commissary in Guyenne with Lusignan: But when they •…•…ress'd him to perform his Commission, at least in such places •…•…s should happen in his way, he refus'd it; and the reason he lledg'd for his refusal was, that he would first see the effect of his Journey into Bearn; as if he had had a mind to insi∣nuate,

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that in case the Reform'd of that Principality did not content him, he would make the others answer for it. And indeed he had receiv'd orders from the Court to behave him∣self so, to keep the Reform'd of the Adjacent Provinces in su∣spence; to the end that the hopes of being gratify'd by the Commissioners, and the fear of losing the benefit of their Commission, should hinder them from ingaging too far in the Affairs of Bearn, which they were unwilling they should meddle with. The Parliament of Paris refus'd to receive the two Places of Counsellors which have been so often men∣tion'd; of which the one was that of a Catholick who had imbrac'd the Reform'd Religion, and the other was to serve 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Indemnifie them for the loss of that of Berger who had made himself a Catholick. They had obtain'd from the King upon that Subject an Edict, Mandates, and Verbal Orders, which appear'd very express: Nevertheless the Parliament did not yield; and the Court of Aids was not less severe upon the Subject of the Exemption of the Ministers. But under 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very absolute Government, which exacted from all the Or∣ders of the Kingdom base Submissions towards the Favourite, this Disobedience persuaded the most suspicious that there was a Guile, and that the Court was willing the Parliament should disobey.

So many Enterprises were made upon the Places of Surety▪* 1.93 that it was hardly credible that it should be attempted with∣out secret Orders. Some were made upon Tartas, upon the Mount of Marsan, upon the Mass of Verdun. Though Fon∣trailles had promis'd to turn Catholick whenever they pleas'd he still continu'd in Leitoure, and feign'd that he was still of the Reform'd Religion. They judg'd by the little regard 〈◊〉〈◊〉 express'd to the weak Orders he receiv'd from the Court, th•…•… his deceit was not ill receiv'd there. Desportes who was a Capital Enemy to the Reform'd, maintain'd himself in a For∣tify'd Castle, of which the Reform'd had order'd the Demo•…•…∣tion by a Decree of the Council: It is true that for fear he should obey, they had given another which remov'd the Af∣fair before the Commissioners, and still left Desportes in Pos∣session; which occasion'd great Troubles in the Cevenes and

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the Gevaudan. Antraguers, against whom they made divers complaints, kept his Governments in spight of them.

The free exercise of the Reform'd Religion was hinder'd in* 1.94 •…•…ivers places; particularly at Ruffec in Saintonge, where it •…•…ight to have been allowed according to all Rules. The Mar∣•…•…ioness de Ruffec alledg'd for her reason that it was done with∣out her Consent: As if that Consent had been necessary for •…•…ose Places in which there was an evident Possession, in the •…•…rms of the Edicts. The Duke de Vendome having taken Pos∣session of the Castle of the City of his Name, by an Agree∣ment he had made with the Governor, did not fail to demo∣•…•…sh the Temple the Reform'd had built at the foot of the said •…•…lace. He caus'd that Violence to be committed by his own •…•…ivery Men, without keeping the least measures of Honesty, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Formalities of Justice. The Church of the said Place made complaints to him about it, which were the better ground∣•…•… by reason that he had promis'd to leave all things in the •…•…me Condition he had found them. He seem'd to be inclin'd to make some reparation for that Enterprize; though he re∣•…•…ly did not design it. He declar'd that he could not suffer in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 place, which he pretended to make part of his Basse-court, the free exercise of a Religion contrary to his: Besides he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mind to take the advantage of the Reform'd of Vendome, who having been in possession of that Place from the very time of Queen Jane, thought that no body would dispute a Right ac∣quir'd by so long a Prescription: For which reason they had forgot to take other Sureties from the late King besides the dict. They were oblig'd to apply themselves to the King, in order to obtain the restauration of their Temple. Com∣missioners were sent on purpose to examine that Affair upon the very spot; but they could not determine it without great difficulties. The Catholicks were often ready to proceed to the utmost Violences; and the Reform'd were not much wi∣•…•…er. Finally the business was made up, these being oblig'd to relinquish part of their Right to secure the rest; the Exercise of their Religion was remov'd out of the City, near one of the Gates, by a solemn Ordinance; and the King was at the Charge of building the Temple, and of the price of the

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Ground on which it was built. Nevertheless this show'd the Reform'd that the Court had no mind to favour them, since that in doing them Justice, even in the most reasonable things, they still abated something of their Right. The Parliament of Bourdeaux refus'd to remove Criminal Causes in which the Reform'd were concern'd to the Chamber of Nerac: And in* 1.95 order to have a pretence to retain them, they had the bold∣ness to say, that all the Crimes the Reform'd were accus'd of, were so many Crimes of Treason, by reason that they were of a Religion contrary to the State. They were prosecuted in divers places for Crimes abolish'd by the Edicts; and particu∣larly by that of Blois. The Jesuits increas'd in credit▪ more* 1.96 and more; and had not only obtain'd a Decree on the 15th of February, which allow'd them to keep an open College at Pa∣ris for all sorts of Sciences, without regard to the Decrees to the contrary made by the Parliament, nor to the oppositions of the University: But also caus'd a Decree of the Accademi'so•…•… Theology and Arts, to be revers'd, which declar'd that they would admit none to the Degrees or Privileges of Schollar∣ship, but such as had study'd in their Colleges, or in those of the Accademies that were in Confederacy with them. They endeavour'd also to slip into the * 1.97 Places of Surety. Regord being sent to Leitoure by the Bishop, in the quality of a Preacher, The King took it ill that the Consuls had given him a Summons to depart from thence, alledging the quality of the place. He wrote to the Inhabitants to order them to suffer the Jesuit to remain and to Preach there; telling them that he hop'd that he would keep within the bounds of the Edicts. A thousand Disputes were made about the Burial of the Reform'd. The Countess de Roussi being Buried in the Quire near the Altar of the Parochial Church, the Attorney Gene∣ral took the thing in hand for the Curate; and declaring that the Church was Polluted by the Burial, obtain'd a Decree of* 1.98 the Parliament at Paris, which ordain'd an Information to be made against the said Contravention, and that the Church should be reconcil'd, if it had not been done already▪ Which implies the removal of the Corps by which the said Church had been profan'd.

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All these Complaints, and many more being inserted in a long * 1.99 Cahier, a Council was held on purpose at the Chan∣cellors on the ninth of July, in which 33 of these well ex∣press'd Articles were examin'd: But instead of any effectual satisfaction, they only obtain'd removals to the Chambers, and ineffectual Letters to the Governors and Judges of the said places. The Cahiers presented at the beginning of the Year had been answer'd in the same manner; and were not dispatch'd until the 21th of February. The Answers, tho' favourable in appearance, were only Evasions, to free the Council of the Importunities of the Deputies General. It is easie to judge of it by that which was written on the side of the 13th Article, in which the Reform'd complain'd that the Ecclesiasticks of Languedoc su'd them for the Demolishing of Churches and Convents during the Troubles; and Indicted them before the Parliament of Thoulouse, where the said Causes were retain'd, without any regard to the Removals desir'd by the Reform'd. This was one of the Crimes that are always abolish'd by the Edicts of Peace; and which are look'd upon as unavoidable Consequences of War, the Ne∣cessities of which neither respect Palaces or Churches, when they are places the Enemies may improve to their advantage. The King's Answer was, that he would not suffer any prosecu∣tion to be made upon the account of the Materials of the said Demolishments imploy'd to other uses during the Troubles; and he revers'd▪ all Decrees to the contrary. This seem'd to be to the purpose; nevertheless it did not put a stop to the Prosecutions; and they were oblig'd to renew their Com∣plaints. The truth is, that the form of the late King's An∣swers was partly the same: But there was this essential diffe∣rence between his and his Sons, that the Fathers only serv'd, as it were, for Memoirs of the Commands he was to send in∣to the Provinces to the Governors, and other Officers of Ju∣stice: Insomuch that the Answer had the force of a Law, by an express order to put it in execution; which he never fail'd of sending to such places where it was necessary: But the Son's Answers were only words, to free the Court of Impor∣tunities & Sollicitations: And whereas as soon as the Deputi's

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were out of sight, they forgot their Promises, the Reform'd receiv'd no benefit by it in the Provinces, where they Laugh'd at their answer'd Cahiers.

The same Fate attended the other means, which had serv'd* 1.100 under the late Reign, to put them out of Trouble. A Re∣moval or Appeal before the Commissioners was become a Jest, by reason that the Reform'd Commissioner was ever at the De∣votion of the Court; and that the Catholicks having no fa∣vourable Instructions, suffer'd themselves easily to be prevail'd upon by the Clergy and by the Jesuits, which Persons of that Character have ever endeavour'd to oblige. A Confirmation of some Articles of the Edict violated by the Catholicks was but a Song; by reason that the Answer which granted it, not being seconded, could not obtain more respect than an Edict, so solemn as that of Nantes; or a better observation of the Settlements, which an Edict of that Consequence could not secure against the Injustice of a false Zeal. A Declaration of what the King would, or would not have, being weaken'd by the little earnestness that was express'd to put it in Execu∣tion, met with no Obedience. Perhaps I may inlarge more upon this Subject in another place: But this is sufficient in this place to shew the Effect of the Remonstrances and Peti∣tions the Reform'd were daily oblig'd to present; viz. to ob∣tain Illusive Remedies for real Evils; and to see the Clergy authoris'd to raise greater Persecutions against them, by the little redress they met with from the King's Authority, to op∣pose the first Attempts.

The End of the Fifth Book.

Notes

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