The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK VI. (Book 6)

The Contents of the 6th. Book.

THE Sentiment of the Reformed in the Provinces upon the Edict. Artifices to gain them, at a Synod at Mompellier. The Number and Condition of the Churches. What it is that Forms a Church. Uniting of many Churches into one. Reasons why they are contented with the Edict obtain'd. Projects of Re-union. The Religion of Lesdiguiers. A Treatise of the Eucha∣rist. The Consequences of its Publication, Three Important Negotia∣tions with the Pope. 1. A Dissolution of the King's Marriage. 2. The Re-establishment of the Jesuits, their Confidence and their Credit; the Passion of the Monks against the King. The Persecution

in Piedmont, and in the Marquisate of Saluces, the Kings Reasons for favouring the Jesuits Opposition. Marriage of Madam, her Constancy, the Unkindness of the King unto her. The difficulties on the Popes side, and their Reasons. The King goes on without staying for a Dispensation. The Pope is Offended thereat, and persists in his Refusal, the Consequence of this Negotiation until the Death of the Princess. The Advantages the Reformed drew from her Perse∣verance. Difficulties upon the Examination of the Edict. An As∣sembly of the Clergy; their Propositions upon the Edict. The Disgust of some Prelates. The Moderation of the Nuncio. Contradictions of the Parliament. The Equity of the Duke of Mayenne. The Reso∣lution of the King. The withdrawing of the Reformed from the Court upon many Articles. Prejudices of the Clergy. The Chambre of the Edict at Rouën. The Mipartie Chambre in Guienne. The Ex∣amination of the Edict after which the Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Mouth of the Spaniards. The Answers of Cardinal de Joyeuse and Cardinal D'Ossat, agreeable to the Inclination of the Pope. An Edict for the Principality of Bearn, which is Received. Complaints of the Alterations made in the Edict. Article concerning Burials. Particular demands. Precedency pretend∣ed by the Catholick Officers, who compos'd the * 1.1 Chambres Miparties, over the Reformed. Ver∣bal demand upon Occasion of the Chappels in Gentle∣mens Houses. Answers to those Papers. Article concerning Church-Yards. Precedency preserv'd to the Ancient President. Martha Brosier counter∣feiting her self to be Possess'd. The Consequence of that Comedy both within and out of the Kingdom. The Kings Marriage dissolv'd. The Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne upon the Oath referr'd by one of the Reformed to a Catholick. La Trimouille made a Peer of France, the Pope grumbles, and d'Ossat appeases him. He takes little Notice of Roni's Advancement. Commissioners to put the E∣dict in Execution, and their Power. General Observations upon the Edict. Reproaches of the Catholicks cast upon the Reformed, An∣swer'd.

THE Edict being then at length Decreed in this manner, ne∣vertheless did not all of a sudden allay the general Mur∣murings:* 1.2 And when the News was carry'd into the Provinces, several people of Nice and Difficult Palates found that there were many things altogether omitted, others ill-explain'd, others inconvenient, and with which the Reformed had less Reason to be contented then the Catholics. The delay of the Verifi∣cation put 'em to a great deal of trouble, and the Reputation of the Duke of Beuillon, who had taken upon him to engage 'em to Patience in this particular was not sufficient to stop the Mouths of all the World. But the Court had then recourse to little Artifices to mollifie their minds by gentle means, and* 1.3 bring 'em to that submission which she desir'd. She had her Confidents in all places, who, according to the Genius of those people with whom they discours'd, knew how to vary their Arguments and their Remonstrances. Sometimes they put a Value upon the King's private Promises, who durst go no farther for fear of Offending the Catholics, and returning their Arms into the Hands of the Leaguers; but who had giv'n his Word to do so many things for the Reformed for the future; which was that which far exceeded all they had demanded, and which was contain'd most favourable in the Edict. Sometimes the Prince himself was represented as altogether of the Refor∣med Religion in his Heart, Weeping when he spoke of the Churches, and causing his usual Prayers to be said before him in private; and that, perhaps, was no Invention altogether. Moreover, he had every day in his Mouth all the passages of Scripture, which all the Reformed well knew how to apply to all the accidents of Life: And thô that all the outward Actions of his Devotion were Catholic, yet his private Meditations and Retirements had still sometimes a relish of the Reformed Religion. So that, both at Court and at Rome, they were still afraid, or made a shew of being in fear, that he was only turn'd Catholic for the sake of the Crown, but that he was still Re∣formed in his Will and Affection. There were a great Num∣ber of the Reformed who were heartily of this Opinion; and who pitied the constraint, wherein, as it seem'd to them,

the King was oblig'd to live. Nor was it a difficult thing to win over those who were of this Opinion, and to make 'em sit down contented with the present, in the midst of Extraordinary future Expectations: So much the rather because that almost all the Reformed were Anticipated with a full perswasion that their Religion would in a short time Triumph over the Tricks and Artifices of the Roman See.

On the other side, to frighten those that were timorous of themselves, they aggravated the Puissance and Prosperity of the King, who began to make himself formidable both at home and abroad, and who being in a condition to force Respect from For∣reigners was the more able to constrain Obedience from his own Subjects. In short, they who by their Intrigues had brought France within one Ace almost of her Ruin, saw with asto∣nishment, that the same Prince, whom they had so rudely hand∣led liv'd peaceable in his Dominions, in a Capacity to trouble those in his turn that had so long and so Maliciously turmoil'd him with incessant Vexations, and as it were of a sudden be∣come the Terrour of one part of Europe, and the Protector of the other. But the most conceal'd of all the Court Artifices was to give those some little Trouble who spake too loudly in the Provinces. They were sent for to Court, under various preten∣ces, either of hard Words which they had let fall, or of some bold Actions which they had over boldly committed, or of too violent Councels which they were accus'd of having given. But when they had 'em in their Clutches, instead of treating 'em with severity, which they had put 'em in some fear of at home, they lull'd 'em with a thousand Caresses; loaded 'em with prai∣ses and promises; and causing 'em to be managed by persons who understood what they were to say, sent 'em home somewhat Tam'd and Mollify'd, and ready to believe themselves and per∣swade others, that the best course they could take, was to com∣ply with the King's pleasure.

In the mean time the Reformed Assembled a National Synod* 1.4 at Mompelier; where their principal business was to draw up a State of the Churches. Every Province brought thither a List* 1.5 of such as were already Erected within their Jurisdictions; and it was found that they amounted altogether to seven hundred

and sixty. Upon which it behooves us to observe in the first place, that while it was uncertain what extent the King would allow to Liberty of Exercise, there were many places whose Franchises were confounded one with another, and which were intermixt with those whose Priviledges were more immediate and uncontroulable, to the End they might have the fewer dis∣putes with the Catholicks. But when the Edict had Regula∣ted the Foundations upon which the Right of continuing Free Exercise was to be established, they began to unpester those confus'd Rights, and to separate several Places into distinct Churches, which had been a long time uncertain what would become of their Pretensions. Thus the King having consented that such places where Free Exercise had been several times per∣formed during the year 1596. should be preserv'd for the future, those places, which had been under uncertainty till then, betook themselves to a New Form after that Concession; and Churches were Erected Correspondent to the Models in Government of those of which they had been long in Possession. But in regard the Edict was not concluded that Year, they made New de∣mands the year following, and obtain'd that the same Right of Free Exercise should be preserv'd where it had been several times perform'd in that New Year till the Month of August. A Term which the King limited for New Possessions, that they might not multiply every day. So that the Places which had acquir'd this New Right could not take upon 'em any Regula∣ted Form, till they knew what could be obtain'd of the King upon this New pretention. Moreover there were several places where Free Exercise ought to have been allowed according to preceding Edicts; but where it had been left off for several Rea∣sons; either the Opposition of the Catholics, or the Neighbour∣hood of the Troops of the League, or other Inconveniences which the Reformed there suffer'd. It was requisite therefore, in resuming the Possession of those Places, to set up such Churches as had a priviledge to Assemble there, and whom those Obstacles had dispersed. These were the different places where the Provincial Synods reported to the National, that they had set up Churches; and there were yet several others, the Settle∣ment of which was contested; nor could the Disputes be deter∣min'd

till after the Judgment of the Commissioners which the King sent into the Provinces to put the Edict in Execution.

This may serve for an Answer to the Brabbles and Wrang∣lings rais'd in these latter years, as to the Number of the Churches above 760. or as to what concern'd others which did not appear to have taken upon 'em the Form of Churches till after the Conclusion of the Edict. Nor was it for want of Right that those Churches had not been set up, but because their Right remaining undetermin'd, and in suspence till Au∣gust 1597. they were unwilling to draw together an Assembly of people, which they were not assur'd they were able to main∣tain there. For they were not look'd upon as Establish'd, till they had acquir'd a Right by the New Concession, or by the Commissioners who remov'd the Difficulties. In the second* 1.6 place, by what the Synod calls forming a Church, is not to be meant the settling an Exercise in a place where it never was be∣fore; or the receiving a Minister by Imposition of Hands, or appointing a Consistory, of which there is not the least shadow formerly. But it is the rendring that perpetual and customary, which was only provisional and by Intervals; the assigning a peculiar and standing Minister to the place, which before was only serv'd occasionally; the subjecting the Elders to a Regu∣lar Discipline; the separating the Families into Quarters, under the Jurisdiction of an Elder, who is to take care of that busi∣ness; the declaring to what Classis or Colloquy the Church be∣longs; and putting it into the Number, among the rest of the Province. Things formerly accustom'd to be regulated Viva voce, and to be put in practise without any other Law, than the Conformity of Custom receiv'd in the Churches of the same Sy∣nod; which is the Reason that the Acts of these Establishments are very rarely mention'd in Writing. In the third place it is to* 1.7 be observ'd, that under the Name of one Church, they com∣prehended two, three or more places where Free Exercise was allowed according to the Edict; but for their Reciprocal Conveni∣ency put themselves under the pastoral Charge of one Shepherd, who divided the Officiating his Duty among 'em according to the private agreement. These different Places which they call'd Quarters, or Annexes, were United, Separated, Clos'd, and di∣vided,

as the Synods pleas'd, who as they saw convenient, of several Churches made one; or of one, several; which might probably sometimes augment the Number of the Places of Ex∣ercise; thô there were nothing of Usurpation in the Excess of the usual or prefix'd Number. Nevertheless, these Truths which ought to be beyond all dispute, by reason they are so evidently demonstrable, have been look'd upon in our days, as Unjust and Chimerical pretensions.

But to return to the Synod, there were some Reflexions made* 1.8 among 'em, what should oblige the General Assembly to depart from the Pretentions of the Churches, to content themselves with the Edict as they had obtain'd it. They were offended, as it was but just, that the Members of the Assembly had been long at variance among themselves: But it was more easie to declaim against the Disease, then procure a Remedy: And when the Mischief is incurable, the discovery of the Cause adds lit∣tle to the Cure of the Distemper. There was also some Dis∣course in the Synod of Erecting of Schools and Colledges of Divinity in several Places; several Regulations also were under Debate, for the preservation of the Churches, and for bringing them under an exacter Discipline. Nor were they less employ'd about Projects for a Reunion with the Roman Church, with which the Kingdom was fill'd. For they had been very earnest for the publishing several Pieces of that Nature, which were pleasing enough to the Catholics, who were of Opinion, that an Accomodation could not choose but be always to their Ad∣vantage. But the Reformed were as much scandaliz'd at it, for the same Reason, and look'd upon all those Writings as Preva∣rications which betray'd the Cause of Truth, and only tended to disguise the Errors of the Roman Church, to render 'em less Odious. Foreign Protestants also were no less Offended at 'em than others, and made their Complaints to the Synod. Which Condemn'd some Books that went under that Character, and Order'd others to be Examin'd, that were no less suspected. But this was all to no purpose; and the Itch of Re-union lasted till the Revocation of the Act; at which time also the Projects for an Accommodation flew about every where.

There was likewise one particular Act that was discours'd of in that Assembly. The Province of Languedoc had Rais'd a Fund of 17760 Crowns, which was sent to Geneva, there to be put out to Use, and the Revenue to be employ'd for the Main∣tenance of Resolvers of Cases. Lesdiguieres, who minded no∣thing so much as to take of all sides, seiz'd upon this same Money, under pretence that it had been Rais'd contrary to Law, and without the Kings permission, and that it could not be sent out of the Kingdom; and that he might have some spe∣cious Right to detain it, he begg'd it of the King, Who in regard he came so easily by it, made no great difficulty to give it him, without ever troubling himself the to consider what Complaints the Reformed might make, leaving it to Lesdiguiers to defend himself against them, as well as he could. And in∣deed Commissioners were sent to him to recover the Money out of his Hands, who lay'd before him the Injustice of the Act, and put it hard upon his Conscience, as being of the Reformed Religion; but that was not his sensible Part; so that after ma∣ny years and several Importunities they had much ado to get him restore some part. By this it may be judg'd, that 'twas not his Conscience that retain'd him in the Profession of the Refor∣med* 1.9 Religion; and the next year he did many things which would have clear'd the Suspicion, but that he was asham'd to do 'em publickly. For the Jesuit Cotton, so Famous afterwards in France, being then at Grenoble, Lesdiguieres enter'd into a strict Alliance with him; but for fear of rendring himself suspe∣cted to the Ministers, he built a Back Gallery, by which the Father might be brought to his Apartment, without being per∣ceiv'd by any but those that were privy to the Secret: By which means the Jesuits and He were frequent in Conferences. Lesdi∣guieres's Daughter, of the same Religion as her Father, had the same kindnesses for the Jesuit, and went much farther then her Father. For she Abjur'd the Doctrine of the Reformed, while Cotton held her Hands in his, and afterwards privately gave her the Communion; and every year sent her a Priest for the same purpose, till time and her Father should permit her to declare her self. During this Interval, the Jesuit was not so tender Conscienc'd, but that he gave her leave to make outward Pro∣fession, and Repair to all the publick Exercises, of the Reformed

Religion; and perhaps it might be found that she Communica∣ted on both sides, if her Life were more narrowly Examin'd: Such is the Religion of the Jesuits. For according to their Maxims, Hypocrisie and Prophaness are no Obstacles but that people may be truly Pious and Devout at the same time. As to what remains, in this Synod it was, that the first distributi∣on was made of Mony granted in Lieu of Tithes; and there was a Division of a hundred and thirty thousand Livres among the Churches.

Thus the Reformed were very diligent to make their Advan∣tage of the Edict, before it was fully brought to perfection, in regard it was not as yet verify'd. For it was agreed at the im∣portunity of the Legat, that they would stay till he was gone before they publish'd it. This delay put back the Business so far, that the Reformed were impatient; and thô the Marshal de Bouillon took upon him to make all whole again at the Assem∣bly of Chatelleraud; yet he could not be every where to give her Reasons to the mistrustful, nor could his Reputation stop the Mouths of all Men. In the mean time there happen'd one thing which made a great Noise, and which was attended with tedious and unlucky Consequences Du Plessis publish'd a Book in July, upon the Eucharist. The Pope was therein very course∣ly* 1.10 handled, as being call'd by the Name of Antichrist: And the Church of Rome had seen very few Books set forth by her Ad∣versaries, where there had been less kindness shew'd to her Er∣rors. Du Plessis had put his Name and all his Titles in the first Page, and among the rest, that of Counsellor of State. The Name of the Author, (who was the Man of his time that had the most Learning and Solidity, and wrote the best, thô his Style savour'd too much of the Latin Phrase) and the Dignity of the Subject, caus'd the Work to be soon perus'd by the Cu∣rious. The Noise of it reach'd Rome, and the Pope complain'd* 1.11 more especially, because of the Title of Counsellor of State which the Author had taken upon him; for that it seem'd as if the Affront had Issu'd from the Bosom of the Counsel it self, since it was given by one of the Members of it; and as if the King had had a share in giving the Injury, since it came from one of his intimate Confidents. The King himself was Offend∣ed

at it, fearing least the Pope, being exasperated by the Af∣front, should delay the Dissolution of his Marriage, which was then seriously in Agitation. For that Reason he testify'd his Resentment; and it was the beginning of Duplessis's Disgrace, which was attended with Consequences of greater Importance. One would have thought that this dissatisfaction of the King and the Pope, would have Authoriz'd whatever the Zeal of the Catholics should undertake against the Book or the Author. Nevertheless the Jesuits that were settled at Bourdeaux having a great desire to have the Book Condemn'd to the Fire, Dases the first President Oppos'd, and only bid 'em refute it, if they thought it convenient. Boulanger one of the King's Al∣moners, having made a critical Censure upon the Preface, and Accus'd the passages to be falsiy'd, the Arch bishop of Bourges took him up, and reply'd upon him very smartly. Nor did the Legat himself require any Vigorous proceedings against the Book; only desir'd six Copies to carry along with him at his departure out of France, and engag'd that Bellarmine should An∣swer him. But they bethought themselves of another way to Mortifie du Plessis, the Catholics finding it more easie to dis∣grace the Author, then destroy the Book. That which hap∣pen'd that year and the Lent following was this, that the Predicants let loose their Fury against the Book, and Reveng'd the Pope and the Roman Religion, with all manner of Calum∣nies and Invectives upon du Plessis. 'Twas thought also that the Gentleman durst not appear in publick without hazard of his Life during the first Violence of their Rage. He therefore kept his House for some days, till the Tempest was over: And in regard 'twas believ'd that the people were sufficiently Incens'd to have gone and Assaulted him in his own House; Madam of∣fer'd to receive him into hers for his better security.

It may be thought, That slight Moderation was Affected to shew, that the Liberty of the Reformed was great in pursuance of the Edict, since they had the Freedom to publish such Affronts against the Roman Religion, and yet that the Catholics should be permitted no other means of Revenging themselves than by the Ordinary way of Refutation; or else of mitigating the dis∣contents of those who did not find the Edict conformable to

their Hopes, and who were vex'd to see the Verification so long delay'd, and to prevent 'em from augmenting upon the severity which they might have us'd to the first Book of the Reformed Religion that appear'd after the Edict was Decreed. In a Word, there being no way wholly to quell the Bigots, they caus'd du Plessis's Book to be Condemn'd to the Fire by some Infe∣riour Court of Justice, and the Sentence was put in Execution. The Assembly still sitting at Chatelleraud was very much offend∣ed at it; and considering the thing was done at the very time that the first steps were made toward the Execution of the Edict, they judg'd it to be of too great Consequence to pass it by with∣out complaining. But thô they were fully determin'd to Testi∣fie their Resentment, they were willing first of all to write to du Plessis, as being the principal person concern'd, to know his Opinion what was to be done upon this Occasion. This shews that they did well to prevent the Soveraign Courts from ma∣king Decrees of the same Nature against this Work: For as the Affront would have been more Heinous, most certain it is, that the Reformed would have made a Louder Noise. But du Plessis, who did not think his Book dishonour'd by these Transports of his Adversaries, was not the person that troubled himself most about it. However, he declar'd by his Answer, that the thing seem'd to him to be of Great Importance, in regard that the Do∣ctrine of the Reformed being acquitted by the Edict from the Name of Heresie, the Books that taught the Reformed Doctrine were not to be Burnt, since only Heretical Books were to be Condemn'd to that Mark of Infamy: Therefore 'twas his Opi∣nion that they should Appeal from the Sentence to the Cham∣ber of the Edict, rather than to the Privy-Council, where the business would be assuredly Stifl'd. Nevertheless that it was a hard matter to apply a Remedy to a past Mischief, since they had Executed the Sentence, and what was already done amiss could not be amended. But this Book was attended with Con∣sequences much more Remarkable, which will not permit us to stop at these less weighty Observations.

During these Passages which I have hitherto related, there* 1.12 were three things in Negotiation between the Court of France, and that of Rome; and which were of Importance sufficient to

put the Reformed in Fear, that althô they had obtain'd an Edict, the King would not purchase the prosperous Conclusion of his Affairs at the Expence of his Favours toward them. The first Affair was the Dissolution of the King's Marriage which he ar∣dently desir'd: And for the obtaining of which, 'twas thought he would humble him to any manner of Complyance with the Pope. This Affair was of great Consequence to the State, as also to the Kingdom, in regard the Mischiefs of a dubious Suc∣cession might bring extremity of Consusion upon the Kingdom after the King's Death. The Reformed also were very urgent for it, not a little fearful that a great part of the New troubles which might Attend the King's Death would fall upon them∣selves. But the King's obstinate Fondness for his Miss, had a long time retarded that Negotiation. For the Pope was unwil∣ling to favour a Marriage so unsuitable; and Queen Margaret would by no means give place to a Woman that was so much beneath her; and whose Virtue, it was thought, had surren∣der'd it self to other Suits, besides that of the King. That Mistress being Dead after such a manner as might Raise a suspi∣cion, that Roni and some others well understood, that there was a kind of necessity she should dye; the King embroyl'd him∣self in New Intrigues, and made a promise of Marriage to the Daughter of the Marquiss d'Entragues, to obtain what he de∣sir'd of her. He had also been so weak as to shew this promise to Roni to ask his Advice about the Form; and Roni was so bold as to tear it before his Face. But the King, who was not Master of his passion, drew up another with such Clauses, that be thought himself discharg'd of it by the success of the first lying in of his new Mistress. Now in regard it was high time to look after this Affair in good earnest, the King bent all his thoughts upon it; and the Pope, who knew the Importance of the business, which could not be concluded without him; fail'd not to set it at the highest price he could put upon it: Not but that he had his Reasons too, to desire it should be brought to pass; whether it were that there was a proposal for the King to Marry an Italian Princess; or whither it were that he was a∣fraid, that if the Succession came to be contested, some one of the Competitors might augment the Forces of the Reformed to

support himself, and perhaps Embrace their Religion, to fasten 'em to his Interests. Whereas, if the Succession were ascertain'd, he was sure that the King's Successor would be a Catholic, and that his Right and Claim being founded upon a Marriage Au∣thoriz'd by the Maxims of the Court of Rome, he would main∣tain it with all his Power, and would rather strive to Lessen, than Exalt the Reformed in Strength and Power. But for all this the Pope was Resolv'd to sell his Favour to the King at a dear Rate, according to the Custom of the Court of Rome, which always strives to make others purchase those things of which she makes a benefit her self. So that the Reformed had all the Reason in the World to fear that they should be made to pay the Expences of this Affair.

The second Negotiation which might give 'em an Alarum,* 1.13 was the Establishment of the Jesuits, which was prosecuted with extraordinary sedulity. The Pope omitted no Opportu∣nity of talking of it to the Jesuits, and he thought he could not use better precautions against the Mistrusts which he had of the King's Religion, then to set the Jesuits over him, either as Spies or Adversaries. On their parts they were not Idle in* 1.14 France; where they had the boldness to settle themselves in some places depending upon the Parliament of Paris, maugre the Decree by which they were Banish'd; And this Act of theirs appear'd so insolent, that even at Rome it self it was Con∣demnd. But they had good Protectors in the Kingdom. For the Cardinal of Tournon stoutly supported 'em; and the Parlia∣ments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux upheld 'em within their Juris∣dictions; and they who had been of the League had always a great kindness for 'em. The Clergy also encourag'd 'em to Petition for their Restauration; and those Cunning Politicians well acquainted with the Air of the Court, would by no means loose the Opportunity. The King himself sided with 'em, be∣cause he was willing they should take his part: And for that well knowing 'em to be in a Capacity to undertake any Attempt against a Prince who had been their Enemy, he thought he should have no Reason to fear 'em, if he gave them occasions of Acknowledgment and Obligation. But all the Religious* 1.15 Orders mortally hated the King, even those that seem'd to have

renounced the World; and not only the Jacobins, who had fur∣nish'd the League with a Ruffian to take away the Life of Hen. III. but the Capuchins also and the Chartreaux conspir'd his Ruin. 'Twas too much at one time for him to Guard himself against the Jesuits, besides with whose Genius he was experimentally acquainted, and who never thought any thing sufficiently Sa∣cred to protect the person of an Enemy of what Quality soever from their most bloody Revenge. The pretence of these fre∣quent Conspiracies was, because the Bigots always suspected the sincerity of the King's Conversion, and for that the Spani∣ards carefully set afoot whatever they could devise to con∣firm the Suspicion. They laid to his Charge whatever hap∣pen'd in Europe, where they thought the Catholic Religion had not all the Advantages which they desir'd. Wherefore the Duke* 1.16 of Savoy having endeavour'd to Reduce his Subjects (the Vaudois) to the Roman Communion, and for that purpose having sent into their Country a Mission of Capuchins back'd with some thou∣sands of Soldiers, to accomplish by force what the Monks could not obtain by perswasions, the Spaniards fail'd not to make their Advantage of it to the prejudice of the King. They com∣par'd the King's Indulgence with the Dukes bloody Zeal, who observ'd no Medium between the Conversion and Extermination of Heretics. He had Exercis'd the same Rigor in the Marqui∣sate of Saluces, which no way belong'd to him, in regard he had* 1.17 Usurped it during the Civil Wars; and he had constrained all the Reformed Inhabitants to change their Religion, or quit their Country. And his design in doing fo, was to engage the Pope to maintain him in his Usurpation, which indeed was one of the Reasons that the Pope would never do the King Justice in that particular point; fearing least if the King were Master of the Marquisate, the Reformed would abide there under the shel∣ter of his Edicts. But to render the King's Religion more sus∣pected, the Spaniards accus'd him of having hinder'd the Success of that mixt Mission by private Successors, thô it were neither Honourable to the Religion it self, nor to the Prince that sent it. 'Tis true there were some miserable Wretches that chang'd their Religion, and that the Spaniards made the best they could of the ••o••quest. But d Ossat, thô a Cardinal, much abated the

Glory of those Conquests, when he found that the Souldiers had done more than the Capuchins. Nevertheless this made an Impression in the minds of the Zealots, and foster'd the preten∣ces for the Conspiracies of the Monks, who look'd upon the King but as a hollow Catholic. For which Reason, in regard the Je∣suits were the most formidable of all, he was willing to secure* 1.18 himself from their Attempts, by doing them some signal favour that might fasten 'em to his person and his service. Such are the Politics of Princes, to Caress those of whom they stand in awe, and to neglect, if not oppress those People whom they have no reason to fear. They partake of Fear with those that are afraid of 'em, and redeem themselves by Favours from the Molestations of those whom they mistrust. This sort of Policy was very rife under this Reign, at what time the Reformed com∣plain'd, that Favours and Rewards were far more Charily be∣stow'd on those that performed faithful Services, than on those who were become formidable to the Disposer.

This Potent Reason made the King incline to recal the Je∣suits; and this design gave great Alarums to the Reformed, who well knew what they had to hope for from that same always Per∣fidious, and always Mutinous Society; who if once they got to be settled in Paris, would wriggle themselves into the Court, and there put all things, according to their usual wont, into Confusion. The Parliament of Paris, who stood upon their Ho∣nour in this Affair, by reason of the redoubl'd Decrees which they had Issu'd forth against this pernicious Institution, oppos'd their Restauration with as much Vigor as the Reformed, who on the other side thwarted this Negotiation to the utmost of their Power: But it was chiefly the Authority of the Parliament that render'd this Negotiation so Tedious and Difficult. For Kings had then a great Respect for their Parliaments; and those Au∣gust Assemblies could distinguish between Subjection and Ser∣vitude; so that then they were not acquainted with slavish Ob∣sequiousness to the Sentiments of the Court.

The third Affair was the Marriage of Madame the Kings Si∣ster* 1.19 with the Duke of Ban, the Duke of Lorraines Son, which was consummated toward the beginning of the following Year. The Pope started several Scruples and Difficulties, not so much

out of a Design to hinder the Match, in regard the Marriage of that Princess with a Catholic was one of the secret Conditi∣ons of the King's Absolution, as to draw some profit out of it to himself, either in procuring by that means the Conversion of the Princess that was to be Marry'd, or to make the King pur∣chase his Consent by some New Complyance with the Court of Rome. But the Reformed had a perfect Reluctancy against it, which they made appear in the National Synod already men∣tion'd. The Question was there propos'd concerning this Match, to remove the Scruples of the Princess; but she found not her satisfaction there; only it was judg'd that such a Mar∣riage was not lawful. Nevertheless this was no Obstacle, but that it was concluded in the Month of August, after the Prin∣cess had undergone great Temptations. There had been several Conferences, at which she was present; Several Ministers and Catholic Doctors disputed the Point: And in one of these Con∣ferences it was, that du Moulin, whose Name was afterwards so* 1.20 Famous, began to approve with great Reputation. The Mi∣nisters had the better in all these Disputes, because the Princess stood firm, in so much that soon after a stop was put to these unprofitable Conferences. The Catholics, according to their Custom, imputed the breaking off these Conferences to the Mi∣nisters, and to Eclipse the Glory of the Princess's Constancy, they Attributed her perseverance to her Obstinacy. They gave it out, that she continu'd stedfast in her Religion, out of her Veneration for Queen Jane her Mother, who had bred her up, and had given her in charge, to persevere in the Reformed Faith. But thô they endeavour'd to make her Constancy to be Look'd upon as a Point of Honour, nevertheless it appear'd to be an Effect of her knowledge and surpassing Parts. She was great∣ly enlightned for a person of her Sex, and she had more Care and more Leisure to inform her self then the King her Brother. Which was the Reason, that she was more steady then He, and she understood how to Answer very pertinently in Reply to the Argument which was urg'd against her from the King's Exam∣ple, that the Salic Law had made between them two, the Partiti∣on of Constancy. But this perseverance brought her into some trouble. The King himself, either out of Reason of State, or

induc'd by other Motives, us'd her somewhat severely. Fain he would have oblig'd her to have put away her Domestick* 1.21 Servants, under pretence that she too much confided in 'em, and that they obstructed her Conversion. He threaten'd ne∣ver to do any thing for her Advancement, if she persever'd in her Obstinacy. But notwithstanding all this Rigour she was still unshak'n in her Constancy, and she had a greater regard to her Conscience and her Ministers, then to the Im∣portunities and Pleasure of the King her Brother.

The Pope so vehemently oppos'd this Match, that 'twas* 1.22 believ'd they should never obtain the Dispensation from him, which the King and the Duke desir'd. Nay more, he wrote to the Duke of Lorraine and the Prince his Son in a very Magisterial and Passionate Stile, to divert 'em from the Al∣liance. But in regard those Oppositions of the Court of Rome never frighten any but such as are willing to be afraid of 'em, they were no Obstruction, but that the Affair was concluded at the beginning of the next year. The Popes Pre∣tences for this Refusal, were nearness of Blood between both* 1.23 Parties, and the Princess's Religion. He deem'd it prejudicial to his Dignity to send a Dispensation to a Person that did not demand it; who neither thought it necessary, nor in his Pow∣er to give it. But the same Reasons never stumbl'd the Suc∣cessors of this Pontiff in the two Cases of the Marriage of Charles, Prince of Wales, with the Infanta of Spain, and af∣terwards with Henrietta. The real Motives therefore of the Court of Rome are her Interests. When she finds her Advan∣tages in any thing, she never fails of good Reasons to sur∣mount the most plausible difficulties. Thus one and the same Interest caus'd one Pope to refuse the King's Sister a Dispen∣sation, because a Huguenot Princess in a Catholic Country, as Lorraine, did not agree with the See of Rome: And the same Interest caus'd his Successors to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Catholic Princess with the Presump∣tive Heir of the Crown of England, because it was for the Benefit of the Roman Religion, to have a Catholic Queen in a Kingdom altogether Reformed. Moreover, in regard the Princess who was already somewhat in years, had often slipt

the Opportunity of Wedlock, yet was unwilling to dye a Virgin, 'twas thought at Rome that she would rather change her Religion, then let this Proposal of Marriage Escape, af∣ter which she had but little hopes to meet with an Offer so fairly Advantagious. But the Court of France believing it would be more easie to make her Excuses to the Pope, when the thing was done, then to obtain his Consent for doing* 1.24 the thing, thought fit to proceed to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation. After which New Difficulties were started about giving the Nuptial Benediction. As for the Princess, she would not have scrupl'd to receive it from the hands of a Roman Prelate; but as she was Nice in Point of Decency, she would by no means hear of being Marry'd af∣ter that manner, after she had bin given to understand, that such a Condescention would look like a kind of going to seek a Husband, should she have that Deference for him, which he was unwilling to have for her: That it became not the Dig∣nity of so great a Princess, to shew her self more forward then the Prince desir'd; and that she was engag'd in Honour to be as stedfast in rejecting the Proposal of Marrying accord∣ing to the Mass, as he was firm in Refusing to be Marry'd by a Minister. And the Duke on the other side Protested that he would rather never Marry, then receive the Benediction from a Heretick. But the King Reconcil'd the difference by sending for both Parties into his Cabinet where he caus'd 'em to be affianc'd in his presence by the Arch-bishop of Rouen. Who thô he were neither Learned nor Devout, forgot not however to suffer himself to be entreated, before he would perform the Ceremony: And the want of a Dispensation stuck so close to his Heart, that if Roni had not found the way to droll him into a Compliance, all the Authority of the King would never have been able to have brought him to Reason.

This Expedient put an End to the Difficulties of the Mar∣riage: But the Pope was as inflexible after Consummation as be∣fore; and shew'd himself as obstinate in denying the Dispen∣sation, as the Princess had appear'd Resolute in refusing to de∣mand it. He also complain'd of the Kings Precipitancy, for

being so hasty in an Affair of such Importance. He fill'd the Dukes Conscience with Scruples and Terrors, so that the Prince liv'd a long time with the Duchess his Wife, as if they had never been Marry'd. Which was the reason that the Duchess was sollicited more then ever to change her Reli∣gion; and that not only Instructions, Promises, and Flatte∣ries were made use of to overcome her, but Artifices and Lies. There could be nothing more Impudent then that same Cozenage of Commelet the Jesuit, of which she her self gave du Plessis an Account, some Months after she was Marry'd. This Jesuit was so bold as to tell her, that du Plessis being accus'd for having inserted several false Quotations in his Book of the Eucharist, had promis'd to go to Mass, if they could but shew him one that was such as they said; that he had been convinc'd before the King; upon which the King load∣ing him with Reproaches, he went out of the way, no bo∣dy knowing what was become of him. Never was Lye told with more probable Circumstances, nevertheless there was not a Tittle in it but what was found to be meerly Forg'd. The Duchess knew it very well; and Commelet gain'd so lit∣tle upon her, that in a Letter which she wrote to du Plessis upon this Subject, she assur'd him, That her Converse with the Jesuit had but the more confirm'd her in her Religion. Seeing therefore they could do no good upon the Princess,* 1.25 the King was very Importunate at Rome to incline the Pope to Sentiments more Moderate. D'Ossat found out Presidents of a Dispensation granted, in the like case, to Persons of In∣feriour Quality. The Duke also went himself to Rome, un∣der pretence of the Jubilee, to desire Absolution, but the Pontiff would by no means yield to any thing. Neverthe∣less, 'twas believ'd that the Prince had obtain'd a private Absolution, in regard the Pope gave him leave to gain the Jubilee, and to visit the Churches where Indulgences were given out; and for that, upon his return Home, he liv'd with the Duchess after a more Conjugal manner then he had done before. But the Report being every where spread abroad that she was with Child, the Pope grew much more mild; foreseeing, that if he did not confirm the Marriage, the King would be

oblig'd to seek without him, for some other way to secure the Title of Legitimate to the Infant that should be Born. Nevertheless, this Attonement of the Popes Wrath signify'd little or nothing, for the Report of the Princess's being with Child prov'd altogether groundless, and the Princess dy'd at the very time that the Pope consented to the Marriage. I have related this Affair in a continu'd Series, to the end I might have no more occasion to return to it again, tho the business was spun out in a Negotiation of three or four Years.

The Reformed look'd upon the Perseverance of the Princess* 1.26 in their Religion to be a great Victory, in regard it secur'd 'em several Advantages which could not be refus'd to her Person, and which made greatly for the Honour of the whole Party: Their Ministers Preach'd at Court while she was there; and that was often done in the same place where Mass had been said but some hours before. When the Prin∣cess went, or return'd from France into Lorrain, or from Lorrain into France, her Minister who attended her always Lodg'd in the same Abbies where she lay, and in the same Episcopal Palaces upon the Roads, and there she likewise caus'd him to Preach. The Catholics receiv'd this Mortifica∣tion, and the Reformed this Satisfaction at least once a Year; for that she never fail'd every Year to Visit the King her Bro∣ther. She had also Sermons Preach'd in her own Apartiment in Lorrain; and it was a kind of Triumph for the Reformed to see their Religion introduc'd, by this means, into the same House from whence their most violent Persecutors were gone but just before. Du Moulin, who was known to the Princess by reason of the Conferences held upon her account, wherein he had often deliver'd himself, was highly in her favour. The Ministers of the Church of Paris were bound to Quarterly Attendance upon her; and generally it fell out so, that the time when she took her Journies happen'd to be in Du Mou∣lin's waiting; so that in a little time he acquir'd a great Reputation, which drew upon him the Hatred and Persecu∣tion of the Catholics.

But at Paris they were busie about an Affair of Impor∣tance quite different from those already related. The Catholics* 1.27 had taken all Advantages of the Delay of the Verification of the Edict. It was attack'd by all the Orders of the Kingdom, both before and after the Legate's departure. That Prelate however, not caring either to have any Re∣proach put upon him, or to have the Lye given him, ne∣ver desir'd that the greatest Oppositions should be made against it in his Presence; and there was a great deal of noise upon this occasion, after his departure. The Clergy, the Parliaments, the University, the Sorbonne, started all the Difficulties imaginable. The Sorbonne refus'd their Consent, till the Reformed took their degrees among 'em. The Uni∣versity was for shutting the Gates of the Colledges against 'em; nor would they admit 'em either to be Masters of Arts, or Professors, or to the Regency. The Faculty of Physic was most difficult to be overcome, as if it had been the Grand Concern of the Physicians to Quarrel with He∣resie; and they always continu'd their Aversion ever since that time.

But the Clergy made the most weighty Opposition: They Assembl'd at Paris in May; nor did they fail to send their Deputations and Remonstrances to the King according to their usual Custom. But their Deputies in all their Ha∣rangues were much less violent then their Predecessors had been; they talk'd no longer of Destruction and Extermina∣tion; Their Discourses breath'd nothing but Peace, the sweet∣ness of which Flatter'd all the World; and you should hard∣ly hear 'em so much as mention the word Heresie. All their Discourse ran solely upon the Disorders in Ecclesiastical Discipline, and upon the Alienations of the Spiritual Demes∣nes, the Augmentation of which the Clergy never fail'd to demand under the Name of Restitution. For which reason they were importunately urgent for the Release of Pensions assign'd to the Laity upon Benefices, and to the Payment of which the Incumbents were oblig'd, either by Writ of No∣mination, or by some Secret Reservation in the Grand Deeds. The Reformed had a share in these favours as well as others,

as also in the Trusts; and it was at them the Clergy aim'd under a pretence that seem'd plausible enough. It seem'd but Just to deprive the Heretics, who were Enemies of the Church of Rome, of all the Privileges of enjoying Revenues, to the prejudice of her Altars. But that which was most remarka∣ble in this Prosecution was this, that to the end they might procure a Discharge of Lay-Pensions, the Clergy were not asham'd to say, That the Ecclesiastics had little enough to live upon; tho it were notoriously known, that they possess'd the third part of the Revenues of the Kingdom, not comprehend∣ing what many enjoy'd moreover in other parts for other Reasons, as by Right of Inheritance or Purchase. The King consented to one part of the Favours which the Depu∣ties demanded, and for the remainder gave them good Words, tending to let them understand that they must have Patience; and which covertly contain'd certain Promises, with which the Reformed would have had no reason to be satisfy'd, had they not look'd upon 'em as Words of no con∣sequence, and by which the Court ne'r thought themselves oblig'd to any thing. These Words were so remarkable among others, that they have been repeated by several Histo∣rians: I will act in such a manner, said the King, by Gods Assistance, that the Church shall be in as good a Condition as it was a hundred years ago, as well for the Discharge of my Conscience as for your Satisfaction; but Paris was not built in a day Some understood it as if these Words were to be Interpreted, that in time he would destroy the pretended Heresie, which had put the Clergy to so much trouble for above Fourscore Years together; but the Reformed were per∣swaded that they were only words of course.

Nevertheless, this put the Clergy in hopes of making* 1.28 some Attempts, perhaps not altogether unsuccessful, to alter something in the Edict; for their Intention was not to ob∣struct the granting an Edict to the Reformed, in regard themselves had too much need of Peace to wish the break∣ing out of a New War; but their business was to reduce the Concessions to such a trivial Invalidity, that had they ob∣tain'd what they aim'd at, the Reformed would never have

accepted 'em. To that purpose their Agents demanded three things at the first dash; that is to say, That the Ministers should have no other Advantage on this side the Loire, but on∣ly to be free from the Molestation of Prosecutions; and that the Reformed, in that part of the Kingdom, should content themselves with having the Free Exercise of their Religion, in such places of which they had made themselves Masters by force of Arms: That is to say, That they should be shut out from all the New Possessions in those Provinces, and the Bailliage Towns: That the Exercise of the Roman Reli∣gion should be restor'd in those places where the Reformed were most prevalent, even in their strong Holds. Thirdly, That the Catholics should be discharg'd from paying to∣wards the Maintenance of the Ministers, in those places that were held by the Reformed. They vehemently Labour'd al∣so, that the Ecclesiastics, who had any differences with the Reformed, might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber, that was to be settl'd at Paris, as fearing to Plead against 'em upon equal Terms. They no less vigorously op∣pos'd the Liberty granted to the Reformed to hold Synods when they pleas'd, without obliging 'em to any Acknow∣ledgments of Dependency, and without hindring 'em to ad∣mit Foreigners, or to send Deputies out of the Kingdom to Assemblies of the same Nature; and Bertier, one of the Cler∣gies Agents, was very hot upon this Point. He maintain'd, in opposition to the Marshal de Bouillon, that such a Liberty, without restriction, gave 'em an opportunity to hold Intel∣ligence and Correspondencies abroad and at home, to make Leagues, and enter into Conspiracies, and to betake them∣selves to their Arms, when they pleas'd themselves, without any possibility of preventing 'em. He gave out, that Schom∣berg and de Thou, who had concluded the Edicts, were but a sort of Mungrel Catholics; meaning such as were not intoxi∣cated with his Bigotries. Of Jeannin he said, That he was no less moderately enclin'd then the other two; and treated 'em as persons to whom the Mass was as indifferent as Preaching. He was Spurr'd on to these Transports by* 1.29 some Prelates, among whom there were some so hot, that

they caus'd Prayers to be said in their Diocesses, to implore of God that the Edict might not pass. The Moderation of the Nuncio, who staid after the Legate was gone, more plain∣ly discover'd the Fury of this Irregular Zeal, for he desir'd* 1.30 no more but that care might be taken of the Interests of the Catholic Church, and that they would laboriously endeavour to reduce those whom he call'd Devoyez, or such as were stray'd from the right way; and upon these General Con∣ditions he put 'em in hopes, that the Pope would bear with all things else. Bertiers Warmth was severely rebuk'd by the King; however he would not desist for all that, and at last obtain'd Assurances that the Edict should be amended in seve∣ral things, according to his Demand.

The Parliament join'd with the Clergy in several Points.* 1.31 They could not resolve to consent to the setting up the Chamber which the King was about to Erect. They oppos'd with all their might, too much freedom of Assemblies, as being dero∣gatory to the Royal Authority, already too much enfeebled by Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction; that the Clergy had reason to complain, that greater Prerogatives were granted to the New Predicants then to them: However, that the Reformed were oblig'd to beg leave expressly to assemble together, and to admit Foreigners into their Assemblies; and that they had not forborn to employ farther and more extraordinary Precautions against the Prosecutions of the Clergy, by the Nomination to Benefices which the King had reserv'd to himself, and by Ap∣peals of Temporal Persons from the Ecclesiastical Judges, which they were suffer'd to put in, not in respect of the whole Cause, but for some small or By-Point thereof. The Parla∣ment also reviv'd the Question, among others, Whither the Reformed were capable of Offices and Employments; and several Writings were Publish'd on both sides upon this Sub∣ject. There was a Necessity of proceeding to repeated Jussi∣ons, or Commands, to bring the Parlament to Obedience; but in Opposition to all those Commands, the Parlament order'd Remonstrances. The Duke of Mayenne was also secretly sol∣licited* 1.32 to oppose the Verification of the Edict, as if they would have rather chosen to see the Civil Wars re-kindl'd, then con∣sent

that the Reformed should be in any Tolerable Condition. But that prudent Prince refus'd to meddle, and declar'd, That he would consent to the Edict; not that he was desirous of the Repose and Quiet of the Reformed, but as a necessary Ex∣pedient to prevent the breaking out of a New War; and they who had been the most Zealous for the League, follow'd the Example of this Prince. Jeannin, in the Council, was all for Lenity and Moderation; and the Counsellors of Parla∣ment, formerly Leaguers, were the most moderate upon the present occasion.

The Members of the General Assembly who staid at Chastel∣leraud, in Expectation of the Verification of the Edict, la∣bour'd on their part to prevent the Mischiefs which those Oppositions might produce, and sent Deputies after Depu∣ties to Court: but these Sedulities afforded no Remedy; there was no mollifying neither the Clergy nor the Parlament. The King was not a little perplex'd at these Obstructions, nor did he know how to get clear of these Difficulties with∣out giving somebody an occasion to complain; not but that he still stood firm, and sometimes express'd himself with more then ordinary vigour. But in regard he was desirous to bring things to pass with mildness, and, as I may so say, to reconcile both Parties by their own consent, he made use of all his Prudence, and all his Address, to bring 'em to Reason. He protested to the Clergy, That the Edict should turn to their Advantage, provided they would let it pass, and that they did not revive the Ancient Distrusts by star∣ting new Difficulties. He assur'd the Commissioners that brought him the Parlaments Remonstrances, That he did no∣thing but what the Pope Approv'd, as being done upon good Grounds; that the Legate had corresponded with him as to what concern'd Peace at home; and that he had never insisted upon the Discourses that were made him to render the Edict suspected. But sometimes he spoke in a louder tone, when the Parlament disgusted Things with an Air not agreeable to the Kings Honour, and when they were desi∣rous to make private Reservations, not to admit the Re∣formed to Offices of Bayliffs, Criminal Assessors, Kings

Proctors and Advocates, or the like, in Inferiour Courts of Justice, tho the Article which declar'd 'em Capable were verify'd without any Restriction, the King would never en∣dure such Dishonest foul Play. Upon this Subject of Re∣servations, by which they would have made the Edict a meer Mockery, it was, that the King utter'd these Noble Expressions, cited by so many Historians, so highly beco∣ming the Majesty of a Great Prince, and so worthy to be preserv'd to Posterity, to teach Soveraigns the Value which they ought to have for Truth of Word. I do not think, it fair, said he, to Intend one thing and Write another; and if there be any who have done it, I will never do the same: Deceit is Odious among all Men; more especially to Princes, whose Word ought always to be Ʋnalterable.

All this however did not conclude the Affair: for after* 1.33 the New Year was begun, the Edict was still Forty days in Debate before it was verify'd. But the Reformed in Paris,* 1.34 and at the Court, put the King out of his Trouble by their Easiness, for at last they suffer'd themselves to be vanquish'd, after they had a long time disputed their Ground; and tho they had very much abated of their General Pretensions, by accepting the Edict, such as it had been given at Nantes, they condescended to forgo several other Articles which were high∣ly contested in Opposition to their Demands. Marshal de Bou∣illon gave his Consent, and du Plessis himself enjoyn'd Beraud, one of the Deputies which the Assembly at Chastelleraud sent to the Court, to perswade an Accommodation upon the Diffi∣culties in Dispute, for which he propounded Expedients him∣self; so that at length they obtain'd that there should be no Limitation of the Liberties, in: reference to Free Exercise, nor of the Article concerning Offices and Employments. But upon the Demands of the University, the King agreed that the Reformed should have no Employment there, by which they should be Authoriz'd to broach New Opinions; only that they should be admitted into Regencies and Professor∣ships in all other Faculties but that of Theology. He refus'd the Clergy only the first of the three Articles which I have mention'd, and promis'd 'em satisfaction upon the other two.

He limited the Liberty of Synods, and leaving the Reformed Masters of the Time and Place, he obliged 'em only to Ad∣dress themselves to him for Leave to Assemble; and not to admit Strangers but upon the same Condition. But in Au∣gust following, he granted 'em a Brevet, which exempted 'em from the Observation of that Article, and which import∣ed in express Terms, that he gave 'em permission, notwithstan∣ding the said Article, as to the Assambling and holding the said Consistories, Colloquies and Synods, to use the same Forms and Priviledges which they had practis'd formerly, without restraining 'em to any stricter Obligation. And thus by particular Con∣cessions, he restor'd 'em what he had been as it were forc'd to take from 'em by Public Acts, to keep the Catholics Qui∣et. He alter'd the Form of the Chamber of the Edict, which was to sit at Paris; and instead of composing it of six Refor∣med Counsellors and ten Catholics, as it was decreed at Nantes, he fill'd it up with all Catholics, except one Reformed; and the other five that were to be of the same Religion, were to be distributed into the Courts of Enquests And to remove all fears from the Reformed, that they should not have Justice rightly done 'em, they themselves were permitted to choose the Catholic Judges that were to compose that Chamber. The Name al∣so of the Chamber of the Edict was confirm'd to it, to the end that the Name might put the Members of which it consisted in perpetual Remembrance, that they were the Guardians and Executors of the Edict, which was particularly to be a Law to 'em in the Administration of Justice. The thing was done according to the Decree, and the Commissioners which the King appointed, form'd the Chamber according to the List of moderate and peaceable Catholics, which the Reformed pre∣sented. Nevertheless the Reformed lost one Employment of substitute to the Proctor General of the Parlament of Paris, which had been promis'd 'em; but which was deem'd no longer useful to 'em, after the Alteration made in the Esta∣blishment of the Chamber.

The Clergy upon this Occasion gave one Mark of their* 1.35 Head-strong Obstinacy, even in things wherein they were little concern'd. They had demanded at the beginning, that

the Ecclesiasticks should be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber, and had obtain'd it; but when there was a Resolution taken to alter the Form of it, and not to admit above one Reformed, they would never Renounce the Exemption that had been granted 'em. Wherein they made it evidently appear, that they were afraid, when ever they happen'd to have any differences with the Reformed, that they should not have Judges at their Devotion. For all the diffe∣rence between their New Chamber and the Chambers of the Enquests consisted only in this, that into the one there were no Judges to be admitted, but such as were conspicuous for their Mildness and Moderation; whereas the same Choice was not observ'd in any of the other. The Reformed therefore having no more then one Voice, either in the one or the other, there was nothing could make the Clergy prefer one Cham∣ber before another, but that they were assur'd of finding more Favour before Bigotted and Violent Judges, then in a Court where only the most Moderate and Prudent Judges were admitted.

The same Course was taken at Rouen to Regulate Religion* 1.36 and Justice, after they had once agreed upon the Erecting a New Chamber there, according to the Model of that at Pa∣ris. The Place for the Exercise of Religion was appointed within three quarters of a League from the City; and the Judges were Elected according to the Roll presented by the Reformed to the Commissaries. In this Parlament were Cre∣ated three Employments of Counsellors, who were distribu∣ted into the Chambers, as at Paris. This manner of form∣ing the Chambers of the Edict lasted several years: And since the Establishment of General Deputies, they who were pre∣ferr' to that Employment, conferr'd every year, with the Chancellor, the first President, and the King's Learned Coun∣cil, for the Election of the most Moderate Catholic Judges. Which Custom while it was duly observ'd, the Chambers of the Edict Administer'd Justice very Regularly, and because their Jurisdiction was more Noble and more Profitable then that of other Chambers, all the Catholics▪ Affected to be moderate and equitable Judges, for fear of being Excluded from ser∣ving

in those Chambers. But the Affairs of the Reformed falling to decay under Lewis XIII. these Chambers were no longer form'd as they were wont, but Elections were carry'd by under hand Packing and Caballing, wherein the honestest Men had not always the best Success; and at length they were admitted without distinction, and without so much as the Ceremony of Choice: So that the Reformed met with no more Justice there then in other Places.

The Chamber call'd Mipartie, half one, half t'other, in* 1.37 Guien, was form'd after the Model of that at Castres. In the Year 1600 a Provincial Assembly was held at Sainte Foy, where Nine persons were Nominated to fill the Employments that were to be Created for the Reformed: and all that were preferr'd to those Offices were forc'd to Swear, that when they were willing to lay 'em down, the should resign 'em Gratis to those whom the Churches should appoint; and without exacting any Composition for their own profit. This was renew'd some years after, at a general Assembly held in the same place; but with permission to compound for the Ex∣pences the Person should be at to obtain his Patents, So that twas easie under that pretence to elude the Institution of the Assembly. But at length after the Establishment of the * 1.38 Pau∣lette, those Employments were put to Sale and became Here. ditary, like the rest. Moreover all that took upon 'em these Employments, were oblig'd to Swear to the Union of Mantes and to subscribe their Oath: And it was Ordain'd that the Oath should be taken by those who had the Nomination of Churches, in the Consistory of the particular Church of which they were Members.

Thus at length the Edict was verify'd with all these Alte∣rations,* 1.39 and several others of less Importance, which I shall sett down when I come to speak of the Complaints which the Reformed made. It was Register'd the 5th of February, a day which fell out to be the same which the Catholics call Ash vednesday. It pass'd also in the other Parlaments much about the same time. Nevertheless there were some places where it was not Register'd but under certain Restrictions, which all the King's Authority could not get off; nor was

there any Remedy for it during his Life. The particular Articles Address'd to the Parlament of Paris were veri∣fy'd in a short time after, but not in the other Parlaments. And this inequality was the Occasion afterwards of a great many Acts of Injustice, in regard advantage was taken of their not being receiv'd in certain Courts, as if that had been a Proof that they were not receiv'd any where else.

Hitherto the Affairs of the Edict had made no Noise at Rome. True it is, that the Pope had complain'd to Cardinal de Joyeuse, and the Duke of Luxemburg toward the end of the preceding year, that the King was about to Grant the He∣retics a New Edict; but it was but very coldly; for he only told the Cardinal that it would have been more to the King's Advantage, both at home and abroad, if he had proceeded in another manner. But this year he Renewed the same Complaint to the Cardinal upon the same occasion, before the News of the Verification of the Edict arriv'd at Rome: To which he added other Complaints that the King had proceed∣ed to the Mariage of Madame, without staying for his Dis∣pensation. It cannot be said, That it was his ignorance of what was contain'd in the Edict that caus'd the Pope to talk so Calmly, in regard that the Legate and the Nancio, not to speak of a hunder'd other Spies that he had at Court, had not fail'd exactly to inform him of it; which they might easily do because they had been very far concern'd in the Ne∣gotiation. But it was not yet seasonable to make a Noise, as I have observ'd in another place. 'Twas requisite to stay till the Business was brought to such a Head, that whatever Noise was made about it, it would signifie nothing. But then the Pope chang'd his Note, and it is not to be imagin'd what* 1.40 a Clutter he made about a thing which he had dissembl'd for three years together. True it is, that this Fire was soon quench'd, and that after the first time, he spoke no more of it, or at least he return'd to his first indifferency. The Rea∣son of all that heavy sputter which he made, was only be∣cause it behov'd him to stop the Mouths of the Spaniards, who stunn'd him with continual Reproaches, and to be Re∣veng'd for the Absolution he had given the King in despite

of all their Opposition, turn'd into Crimes all the Kings A∣ctions that were not to their liking. And in regard that all their principal Accusations mov'd upon the Hinges of His Religion, which their main Aim was to render suspected; they forgot not to cry out loudly against the Edict which had been verify'd, as a Testimony of his Inclination to favour the Reformed, even to the prejudice and maugre the Opposi∣tion of the Catholics. The Pope therefore, least he should be look'd upon as a Favourer of Heretics, could do no less then exclaim as they did, and Testifie his Resentment against a Thing which he will knew a long time before, could not be hinder'd. To this purpose, upon the 27 of March he sent for the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat, whom he had pro∣moted but some few days before, to come to him, and in his Discourse he omitted nothing that might give 'em to under∣stand how highly he was Offended.

He prevented before hand what they might have urg'd upon him, that he had Opportunity to make known his Sen∣ments of that Affair, before the Business was Decreed: And he told 'em moreover, that he had thought that the Edict had been only promoted to Content the Huguenots in shew; and that the King would have been pleas'd at the Opposition of the Clergy and the Parliament; but that the Event had discover'd to him the contrary. That the Edict, the most Cursed that ever was set a foot, permitted Liberty of Con∣science to every one, which in his Opinion was the worst thing in the World: Freedom of Exercise every where: Admit∣tance of Heretics into Parlament Employments, and to all other Honours and Dignities, to Ruin the Catholic Religion, and Advance Heresie. That the King had made this Edict during the full enjoyment of Peace both at home and abroad; so that he could not plead, that he was forc'd to it. Upon which he compar'd his Conduct with that of other Kings, who had never Granted such Edicts, but when there were Armies in the Field to constrain 'em; yet because they had been always Catholics, they were exempted from any suspici∣on of Leaning toward the Heretics. That the King had shew'd great Zeal, and been very vehement for the passing

of the Edict: That he had us'd Compulsion to the Clergy and Parlament who oppos'd it; that he had declar'd his In∣dignation against the Arch-Bishop of Tours, who had Order'd Prayers to be said in his Diocess, that God would turn the King's Heart, that so the Edict might not pass. That the King Acted much more remissly in Favour of the Catholics, and had shew'd that he stood more in awe of others, and that he had a greater Value for 'em. That he exerted his Autho∣rity when he spoke to the Parlament to pass the Edict, but never spoke a Word to oblige 'em to publish the Council of Trent. After that he came to smart Language, and Taxt the King with breach of Word and Oaths, which he had Sworn to obtain the Absolution which he gave him. He threaten'd to second his Words with Deeds, if Occasion requir'd, and declar'd that he took the Edict which was made in Defiance of him, for an Affront, no less injurious, then if he had giv'n him a Slash o're the Face. But at length, for fear the Cardi∣nals should not apprehend the Reason why he ranted so loud, he cleverly gave 'em a hint where his Interest was touch'd, by telling 'em it had done himself an Injury, and unhing'd all his Contrivances in those Affairs which he had with the Spaniards, about their Usurpations upon the Jurisdiction of the Holy See both in Naples and Milan: And that when he sent to complain of those Sacrilegious Attempts, they laid it in his Dish, that he quarrell'd with them for Trifles; but suffer'd Edicts, that tended to the Ruin of the Catholick Religi∣on to come forth, without saying a word: And therefore it it was, that he was oblig'd to Testifie his Resentment. Af∣ter that, he concluded his Discourse more calmly then he be∣gan it, telling the two Cardinals that he was unwilling to do any thing without first acquainting them with it, and that he desir'd their Advice. They who never so little understand the Court of Rome, well know the meaning of all this; that the fluster bluster of these Complaints was only to stop the Spaniards Mouths, when they Tax'd the Pope with the kind Correspondence between Him and the King, and that all the Transport of this Discourse was rather an Effect of Prudence then Choler.

But because it was no less necessary that it should appear that the French had laid these Complaints seriously to Heart, and that it was to the purpose that it should believ'd the Pope had made these Complaints in good Earnest; the Cardinals wrote to the King after such a manner as might be serviceable to this End; and wherein they spoke of the Popes Disgusts in such Terms, as might satisfie the Spaniards. Nevertheless they gave him an Account of the Reasons they had given the Pope, to appease him. And they were so well grounded, and so de∣cisive, that there was no other likelihood, but that the Pope who was a shrewd Man, was apprehensive of their Solidity. But this was written with so much Circumspection, that if the Spaniards had grumbl'd against the Popes Conduct, there would have needed no more then to have Read that Letter to 'em, to have made his Apology. And thus, at the same time, the same Reasons justify'd both the Pope and the King; since the one could not with Justice carry his Complaints too far, and the other had done no more then what the public Welfare oblig'd him to do. The Cardinals therefore* 1.41 in their Answers to the King, told him, that they began their Replies to the Pope, by assuring him, that they labour'd un∣der the same Sorrows as himself: That they had presuppos'd, that such Edicts being evil in themselves, the King had never Granted the Edict in Dispute, but with a great deal of Relu∣ctancy, as being too much concern'd to extinguish that Fa∣ction, which they look'd upon as too prejudicial to his Autho∣rity to fomenr it: That afterwards they laid before him, that the Edict was no New thing, but only a renewing of that in the year 1577. the most easie to be tolerated of of all those that had been Granted for seven and thirty years together in Favour of the Reformed: That the Trea∣ties made with the Cheiftaines and Cities of the League had made several Breaches in that Edict: And that they of the contrary Religion being ready to take Arms and Recommence the War, there was a necessity of renewing the Edict, and supplying it with some new Articles instead of those, of which they had been despoyl'd by those Agreements: That the Pope believ'd there were some things in the Edict that

were not there; as for Example, among the Rest, permissi∣on to Preach all over the Kingdom, which never was, never had been, nor never would be, in regard that all the prece∣ding Edicts forbid it, and for that the particular Treaty of the City of Paris was contrary to it: That what was con∣tain'd in the Edict was look'd upon by the Pope to be grea∣ter, and of greater Consequence, then really it was: As for Example, the declaring the Heretics capable of Honours and Dignities; which was also in the former Edicts, and yet the Heretics were never advanc'd to the highest Employments in the Kingdom; in regard it was one thing to be declar'd capa∣ble of a Dignity, another thing to be in possession; Employ∣ments never being conferr'd in France but according to the King's Pleasure. From thence they past to explain the mean∣ing of the Chamher of the Edict, and the Miparties, and to shew the little prejudice which the Counsellors of the Refor∣med Religion could do the Catholic, because their Number was so inconsiderable. They added that Peace was more necessa∣ry, and would be more Beneficial to the Clergy then to any other Orders in the Kingdom; that the Catholic Religion al∣so would gain great Advantages by it: That it would be ad∣mitted into all the Cities where the Reformed were most pow∣erful, and from whence it had been a long time exterminated: That the Ecclesiastics would be Restor'd to the enjoyment of their Estates: That the King also by means of this Edict, having heal'd up the Jealousies of the Reformed, would deprive the Lords of that Party of ability to sustain their Faction, which only serv'd for maintenance of Heresie, which loosing once the main support of it, would be more easily destroy'd by the Care which the King would take in conferring of Bishop∣pricks, and his painful endeavours to convert the principal Lords: That he was not to impute the Edict to the King's Inten∣tion, of which the Pontiss had Reason to be well assur'd, but to necessity and the Conjuncture of Time; which they support∣ed by Examples of other Princes, who had done the same in Cases of the like Nature. And because they knew it would find a Gracious acceptance at Rome, they Represented the King as one who was perswaded, that his Authority would

never be well secur'd, so long as that Faction continu'd in the Kingdom; from whence they concluded that he would bring it down as low as he could: But that was a Task that requir'd time, and was to be done by fetching a compass, and wind∣ing about, for that was the expression they us'd, like a Pilot who fails not to reach the Port he aims at, thô he cannot always steer directly forward. After this, to shew that the Edict was not made in a time of settl'd Peace, they look'd backward as far as the surprize of Amiens, and made it out, that it was then, that the King was constrain'd to grant the Edict, to hinder the Reformed from taking Arms: That althô they had not as then betak'n themselves to Force, yet he lay under a sufficient Restraint, in regard he might be justly afraid they would not forbear what they were usually wont to do, when they suspected a Revocation of the Treaties made with 'em; and for that he knew that a War would be no less pernicious to the Catholics then to others, as it had been found by expe∣rience: The Huguenots being both Resolute and Politic; be∣ing Masters of so many strong Holds; able to Command Fo∣reign Aid, and sure to be assisted by Numerous Additions of Catholic Male-contents, Loose-Livers, and such as sought an Asylum for their Crimes, who would be the first to Pillage the Priests, Churches and Monasteries: That the Oppositions of the Clergy, and the delays of the Parlaments were accu∣stom'd Artifices, to shew that the Clergy did not consent to War; and that the Parlament were no less unwilling to hear∣ken to that boystrous Remedy; thô both the one and the o∣ther knew it would come to that, at length: That the King had neither constrain'd nor threaten'd 'em, but quite the con∣trary had graciously receciv'd the Clergy's Petition, and the Remonstrances of the Parlament, and in pursuance of both, had limited and qualify'd many Things; and therefore that they had branded with falsehood a Writing that had appear'd at Rome, under the Title of The King's Answer to his Parla∣ment. Afterwards, they Discours'd of the difference between the Edict of Nantes, and the Council of Trent, which they pretend∣ed to be such, that there was no Comparison between the one and the other; upon which they made an Explanation at large.

The Rest contain'd only Justifications of the Pope against those who undertook to blame his Conduct. To which they added, by way of giving him that Council which he had demanded of 'em, that it no way behov'd him to show his Resentment against the King, nor to threaten him in the least.

The Pope, who was not so much offended as he would* 1.42 needs seem to be, as may be easily gather'd from the Obser∣vations I have made, was half appeas'd by these Answers; so that his Resentment made only a Noise at Rome, where Poli∣cy requir'd that he should give some Marks of his Displeasure, to see Heresie protected in France, from Persecution and the Inquisitors. Only he Resum'd his Discourse from time to time concerning the Council, of which he was greatly desirous that the King would have made Publication, in despite of the Parlament, as he had done of the Edict. Cardinal Aldo∣brandini, whom the two others went to visit, after they had left the Pope, was much better satisfy'd; only he again pro∣pos'd the Publication of the Council, as the greatest Conso∣lation which the Pope could Receive: To which he added the Re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in Bearn. d'Os∣sat wrote himself to Villeroy, some days after, that all the Popes Wrath would be appeas'd, if there were but once a Publication of the ••ouncil; and that it would satisfie all the Catholics in the Court of Rome, who were unseasonably Scandaliz'd at the Edict. Which shews, that they would have bin content that the King should have Granted grea∣ter Favours to the Heretics, would he also have allow'd the Pope some considerable Advantage by way of Compensation. Moreover the Cardinals complain'd, that the King had never sent 'em any Order what to say at Rome concerning the Edict; so that they were forc'd to return such Answers to the Pope, as came into their Thoughts. By which 'tis easie to be seen, that the King's Intentions and Reasons for granting the Edict, were not to be lookt for in their Replies, in regard the King had never imparted 'em to their Knowledge, but that they had fram'd Answers of their own Heads, such as would be grateful to the Court of Rome, and serve the Pope for an ex∣cuse to wipe off the Reproaches of the Spaniards. The same

Affair is often variously represented by the Ministers of Prin∣ces, and Attributed to divers Motives, on purpose to render it agreeable to the Relish and Interests of the several Courts to which they are to give an Accompt of it. So that neither the Discourses of the said Ministers, nor many times their Instructions are any great Helps to discover the Intentions of their Masters. The King, who did not find things so well pre∣par'd within his Kingdom for the Publication of the Coun∣cil, was nevertheless willing to gratifie the Pope upon the Second Article of Consolation which Cardinal Aldobrandini had propos'd. Therefore, while he lay at Fontain Bleau, he Granted an Edict for Bearn, no less favourable to the Catho∣lics* 1.43 of Bearn, then the Edict of Nantes to all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom. He Re-establish'd two Bishops, one at Lescar and the other at Oleron; and promis'd the one a Pension of 3000, to the other a Pension of 1800 Livers; for the payment of which he undertook himself. He set up the Mass again in Twelve places, and in all places under Laic Pa∣tronage, the Patron being a Catholic. He admitted the Catho∣lics to Offices and Employments like the Rest, provided they should not exceed the Number of the Reformed. He also by the same Edict confirm'd all the Ecclesiastical Regulations that had bin made either by himself or his Predecessors, from which he declar'd he would never derogate by his Edict; and gave it, as to that of Nantes, the Title of perpetual and Irre∣vocable.

The States of the Country had Refus'd to Obey an Edict,* 1.44 which Henry, when he was only King of Navarr, had grant∣ed at Paris, after the Massacre in 1572. asserting that their Prince was not free, and that the Edict had been extorted from him under the Terror of Death. But this they never oppos'd; nor did they murmur at all because it was put in execution without their Consent; thó the Attempt were di∣rectly contrary to their Priviledges. But two things oblig'd 'em to be satisfy'd with this Change. The one was, that the Catholics who demanded the Free and publick Exercise of their Religion, promis'd what as time made appear they had no Intention to stand to, that they would make no more

New Demands, if the free Exercise of their Religion might be allow'd 'em. The other was, because the Churches were afraid of a greater Mischief then that which they suffer'd; in re∣gard that nothing was taken from 'em to be bestow'd upon others, and that they left 'em their Regulations and their Pri∣viledges. So that they took a small Mischief for a Favour, because they were afraid of a greater; and for that knowing how earnest the Pope was for the Re-establishment of his Au∣thority in that Province, they thought themselves rid of it at a cheap Rate, by the moderate Course which the King had taken to content all the World.

But in all other parts of the Kingdom the Reformed were not so well satisfy'd; and the Assembly which sate still, thô not in a full Body at Chatelleraud, expecting the Verification of the Edict, had labour'd with great earnestness to hinder the Alterations which the Court was resolv'd to make in that which was Sign'd at Nantes. So that it requir'd a great deal of pains to perswade 'em to receive it with a General and Unanimous Consent. It happen'd therefore, that the As∣sembly drew up Ample Memoirs of those Alterations, which they form'd into Complaints, and sent to the King, demand∣ing Justice. They Mark'd out the Alterations which had* 1.45 been made in a dozen of Articles, where they had blotted out, added and alter'd several words, as also whole Clauses, and Periods. There were some of those Alterations which seem'd too slight to be taken Notice of. Nevertheless the sequel made it ap∣pear, that they were of greater Importance then they seem'd to be; in regard they were made use of in our Time, for a Pretence of several considerable Acts of Injustice. The first thing therefore that they excepted against, was an Equivocal Word in the last Line of the Third Article of the Edict, where the Word Houses of the Ecclesiastics, wherein the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was forbid'd, might be adjudg'd to comprehend their Feifs and Signiories in the Prohibition. They also complain'd that the words, by them Establish'd, were ad∣ded in the Ninth Article, as being Words which might give an occasion of Dispute upon the Explanation of the Right and Freedom of Exercise which had been Granted 'em. They

could not Relish the two Clauses made use of in the Eleventh Article, which excepted out of Places, where the second Place of the Bailliage might be allow'd, Cities Episcopal or Archi∣episcopal and Ecclesiastical Signiories. They Complain'd, that the Clause forbidding the rebaptizing Infants that might have been Baptiz'd by the Ministers, was raz'd out of the Eigh∣teenth Article. They were not pleas'd with the manner of forbidding people to work, tho their Shops were shut, set down in the Twentieth Article, and permitting Informations against Transgressors of the Inhibition. They demanded that the Words which imported Prohibitions to insert in Grants of Offices the Clause of Catholic Apostolic Religion, which had been taken out of the 27 Article, might be put in again. They pretended, that the Promise to create a Substitute to the Proctor General in the Parlement of Paris, ought not to have been par'd off from the the 37 Arti∣cle. They lookt upon as derogatory from the Jurisdiction of the Chambers of the Edict, that part of the 34 Article which forbid'd the bringing Causes thither in Reference to Suits that concern'd Benefices, and which debarr'd 'em of taking Cogni∣zance of Criminal Processes, where Ecclesiastics were Defen∣dants. They Complain'd that the Chambers were not settl'd within Six Months, as was Ordain'd by the 43 Article. The Words which were added to the 35 Article concerning Par∣ticulars to oblige the Reformed not to assemble their Sy∣nods without the King' leave, were left out, which might be of il Consequence; either by Reason of the Charges of obtaining the King's permission; or because of the danger that would ac∣crew for want of the due exerci••e of Church Discipline, if the King refus'd his Licence. Lastly, 'twas said, that by the Alteration made in the 45 Article, the Reformed were depriv'd of all that was formerly favourably allow'd 'em, in reference to the Enterrment of their Dead. Now to understand the Rea∣son why they complain'd of this Article, 'tis requisite to know, that at first it was couch'd in these Terms. In case His Ma∣jesties Officers provide no commodious Places for those of the said Religion, in the time prefix'd by the Edict, after Request made, and that there should be any delay or remissness in that

Respect; it shall be lawful for those of the said Religion to bury their Dead in the Church-yards belonging to the Catholics, in Cities and Towns where they are in possession to do it, till due pro∣vision be made. The Clergy could not brook this Article; and therefore caus'd it to be Reform'd in such a manner, that there was not one Word left of what it contain'd before: And whereas it had been drawn up in Terms that had a Re∣ference to the Future, and which put the Catholics to an ab∣solute Necessity, either to afford the Reformed convenient Bu∣rying Places, or permit 'em to enterr their Dead in the Ancient Church-yards; instead of that, I say, they drew up the E∣dict in Terms that only regarded the time past. These New Terms imported, That for the Enterrment of those of the said Religion that had been formerly Buried in Catholic Church-yards, in any Place or City whatever, 'tis not His Majesties meaning that there shall be any Inquisition, Innovation or Prosecution, and his Majesties Officers shall be enjoyn'd to stop their Hands, This debarr'd the Reformed from having any Priviledge for the Future to Bury in the same Places, nor did it compel the Ca∣tholics to allow 'em any other. For which Reason, ever since they began to Treat about the Affair of Burying according to this Reformed Act, they always met with Vexations and Cavils about that matter, which were never terminated but by the Revocation of the Edict.

The Assembly also drew up a Paper of Particular Com∣plaints, which they would not intermix with the General.* 1.46 The first had Reference to an Affair which the Parlament of Tholouse had Transacted in the Chamber de Castres. The Pre∣sident de Paule had been sent thither by the Parlament, to∣gether with the Catholic Counsellers that were to compose the Chamber. This President tho the younger of the two, would* 1.47 needs take place of Canaye the Reformed President; Which having been disputed with him at Castres, he return'd to Tho∣louse, and there got a Decree pass'd in his Favour, all the Chambers being Assembl'd. The Reformed, not willing to submit to it, complain'd to the King of the matter of Fact as a Breach of Common Right, which adjudges the Precedency, among persons of equal Dignity, to the first Preferr'd. Be∣sides

that this Attempt was contrary to the 36 Article of the Generals of the Edict, and to the 48 of the particulars; of which, the one Ordain'd, that the Presidents and Counsellors of the Chambers should be accounted Members of the Parla∣ment where they were settl'd; and the other, that the most Ancient President should have the Precedence. The Parla∣ment, on the other side, pretended, that the Presidents Elect∣ed out of their Body were to have the Precedence, tho, Juni∣or over those of the Chamber, tho their Seniors: And this pretension was become a leading Card for the Degree of Coun∣sellors, who had the same Reasons and the same Interests as the Presidents. They alleag'd therefore, that the Chamber not being incorporated into the Parlament, their Officers were to give place in all things to the Members of Parlament; more especially because Tholouse is one of the most Ancient Parlaments in the Kingdom. That the President of the Cham∣ber of the Dauphinate, where the Precedency belong'd to the Eldest, made nothing for the Chamber of Castres, because That of the Dauphinate was incorporated, and for that the Officers belonging to it, were reputed Members of the Parlament of Grenoble, where they had Seats and Suffrages in all Affairs that were handl'd in the Assembl'd Chambers. They added, Cavilling upon the Order of Words, that in the Erection of the Chamber of Castres, the King always Nam'd the Catholic President the first, and the Reformed the second; as if it had been his Pleasure to distinguish the two Employments by their Degree; and to declare thereby, that the Office of first Presi∣dent was to be held by a Catholic. Opon this Occasion they magnify'd the Pre-eminency and Dignity of the Catholic Re∣ligion; and forgot not to alleadge that in regard the Reformed President did not wear the Morter Cap, which a President in Parlament wore, as a Badge of his Dignity, that very diffe∣rence decided the Question, and set the Catholic a Degree a∣bove the Reformed, which oblig'd him to give place and pre∣cedency to the other. The same Remonstrance demanded, that the Hostilities committed before 1985. should be com∣prehended in the Amuesty Granted to the Province of Langue∣doc. The third Article concern'd the Inconveniencies which

the Reformed suffer'd for want of Burying Places for their Dead, by Reason they were deny'd convenient places for that purpose. The fourth had Reference to a particular matter of Fact that was done in the City of Pamiers which was almost all Reformed, and which the Parlament of Tholouse would en∣force to pay a Legacy left to the Jesuits, thô the Consuls were priviledg'd in the Chamber half Catholic, half Reformed. The Deputies who presented these Complaints were enjoynd to demand by Word of Mouth, that the Catholics should* 1.48 forbear the Exercise of their Religion in Churches and Chap∣pels within Gentlemens Houses: Which was of great Impor∣tance, because there were few Gentlemens Houses without a Chappel. Which constrain'd the Reformed Gentlemen to keep their Houses open, whither they would or no, for the Catho∣lics to come and say Mass in 'em.

These Papers were answer'd toward the end of August, but* 1.49 the manner of answering 'em was very particular, and Me∣rits to be consider'd, because it may be useful for the under∣standing of the Edict; and to shew what were the Kings In∣tentions touching the Execution of it. There were some of the Articles that concern'd the Alterations made in the Edict, upon which the King would not Grant any thing at all, nor would make any New Alteration. Such was the Article a∣bout Unbaptizing of Children, the Prohibition of which the King lookt upon as insignificant; the Repeating of Baptism being disapprov'd by the Clergy it self, and there being very few Examples of Priests that ever practiz'd it. Of the same Number was that, touching the Observation of Festivals; that of the Chamber settl'd in the Parlament of Paris; That of Creating an Office of substitute to the Proctor General; and lastly, That concerning Burials. All these Articles remain'd in the same Form to which they had reduc'd 'em, on purpose to faci∣litate their passing in Parlament. 'Tis true that by a Tacit Permis∣sion the Article about Burying recover'd the Force and Efficacy which it had before. The Commissioners put it in Execution as it had been Decreed at Nantes, as I have said in another Place; and in the Printed Copies this Article was couch'd in the first Form, according as it was Granted. And it was a∣bove

twenty years before the least alteration was made in it; be∣sides that there was so much Justice in a Regulation that left the Catholics Masters of their Churck-yards, provided they would allow of others, that no body grumbl'd at the Ordinances of the Commissioners conformable to those allotments. But in the next Government the Scene was quite chang'd. They would needs perswade the Reformed, that they had falsify'd the Article, and that during so long a Series of years they had deluded the King, the Council, the Commissioners, the Clergy, and the whole Kingdom, causing that to pass for an Article of the Edict, which was no more then a false and unjust Pretension. The Reader may judge whither such a Delusion were possible. The truth is, that because they would not draw upon themselves the Complaints of the Cler∣gy, they let the Article go in the Clergies Terms, but en∣joyn'd their Commissioners to Execute it according to the first Regulation. Otherwise, I leave it to any Mans Judg∣ment, whither it be Crebible, that in three or four different De∣putations, the Catholic Commissioners should have conspir'd for Twenty years together, all over the Kingdom, with the Refor∣med, to Cheat the World, and Violate their Instructions. But there were others wherein the Reformed obtain'd their desires as that for the Explanation of the Equivocal Term of Hou∣ses Ecclesiastical, which was order'd to their Advantage; the signification of the Terms being reduc'd to Buildings design'd for Persons, or Service Ecclesiastical. Also upon the delay of Establishing the Edict, they obtain'd a New Order to set∣tle 'em in three Months, upon pain of Interdicting the Par∣laments that refus'd to do it. Upon other Articles they were referr'd to the Chancellor, to know the Kings Inten∣tions; as upon the inconveniences they were afraid of, if they should be oblig'd to Request the Kings Permission for holding their Colloquies and Synods; or else they were remitted to the Instructions of the Commissioners, to which the Reformed had likewise agreed, and according to which the Edict was to be Executed. Such was the Article where∣in they complain'd of an Addition of the Equivocal Words, By them Establish'd, in the 9th Article of the Edict. From

whence, it appear'd that they were to seek for the Mean∣ing of this Term, in the Manner of the Commissioners or Judges ordering the Confirmation of Right or Priviledge grounded upon this Article; whereas in our days, they would needs derive the Interpretation from the Discipline it∣self of the Reformed; as if it could not be said, that an Exercise had been Establish'd by them, if they had fail'd to observe the least Formalities therein. Lastly in others, be∣sides the General Instruction, which was written on the side of the Article Answer'd, there was a secret Reservation, ac∣cording to which they were to Govern themselves in the Exe∣cution of the Thing; and those Reservations were always to the Advantage of the Reformed. So that altho the King left the two Clauses complain'd of in the 11th Article, be∣cause said he, in his Answer, That the second Place of Bail∣liage was a favour, which he might have Limited with all the Restrictions which he thought proper to add; Neverthe∣less there was this Reservation, That if it prov'd more diffi∣cult to Establish the second Place of the Bailliage, either be∣cause of the Exception of Ecclesiastical Demeans, or for want of some convenient place in the Kings Demesnes, it should be settl'd upon the ••eife of some Catholic Lord. Al∣so upon the Exception of Ecclesiastical Causes, which the Chambers are forbid to take Cognizance of, tho the King preserv'd this Priviledge to the Clergy, yet there was this Reservation, That the Leading-men of the Parlament should be treated with, to send back Causes of that Nature to the Chamber of Edict, since there would be but one Re∣formed Counsellor in that Chamber. But the Clergy would never surrender this Point, for fear it should be taken for too express a Mark of their Consent to the Edict, should they own the Jurisdiction of a Chamber that bare the Name of it. As to the Change that was made in the 27th Article, from whence they had taken away the Prohibition to in∣sert the Clause of the Religion Catholic and Apostolic in Grants of Offices, 'twas answer'd that the Prohibition was made in the Chancery; and so that they would make that Prohibition pass for Insignificant, because it had been put in

Execution. But that Alteration was one of the most Impor∣tant, and Lewis XIII. took his Advantage of it, to debar the Reformed from all Offices and Employments. The truth is, that the King supposing always in his Grants and Patents the Religion and Good Manners of the Person who enjoys any Place of Trust, had slid in, after the Word Religi∣on, the Words Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman, to exclude from all Employment all those that made Profession of any other Doctrine. But now that the Edict declar'd as well Re∣formed, as Catholics, indifferently capable of Employments, it was but just to take away that Mark of Distinction, and to require only Testimonials of the Religion of the Person to be preferr'd, without expressing what Religion, since it was indifferent what Religion the Person admitted Profess'd, whi∣ther the one or the other. This was very useful to the Re∣formed for the time it was observ'd; but Lewis XIII. thought it the better way to mark the difference of Religions, to the end that the Name of Pretended Reformed being inserted in the Grants, might be a signal to give notice to the Jurisdiction where the Parties were to be Presented, to start Scruples up∣on the Admission of those that were the Bearers of 'em.

The particular Remonstrance was answer'd much after the same manner. The King ordain'd, upon the point of Prece∣dence,* 1.50 that the Articles of the Edict should be observ'd; and there was a private promise that the President de Paule should be commanded to return to Castres, and obey the Regulati∣ons. Thus the Reformed gain'd their point; but for the Ho∣nour of the Parlament of Tholouse, the Matter was privately adjudg'd. The Amnesty of Hostilities committed before 1585, was granted to the Province of Lang uedoc, and pro∣mis'd to all the rest that stood in need of it; as also to parti∣cular persons who might be put to trouble under that pretence. The Affair of Church-yards and Burying-places was referr'd* 1.51 to the Commissioners; but there was this Reservation, that the Commissioners should order Places for Burying the Dead to be allow'd Gratis; or otherwise, that they shou'd order the Corporations to purchase 'em, without putting the Reformed to any Charges of Contribution. As to the Process of the

Jesuits against the City of Pamiers, it vvas order'd, That the Decrees of Council made in favour of the City should be put in execution, not withstanding any Decrees of the Parla∣ment of Tholouse to the contrary. As to what concern'd the Churches and Chappels in Reformed Gentlemens Houses, as it was only propos'd by Word of Mouth, so it was determin'd after the same manner. The King gave leave that particu∣lar persons, who were concern'd therein, shou'd appeal to him, and he would treat with the Clergy, in order to per∣swade 'em to remove into other places, and to rebuild at the Charges of the Reformed, in places left to the Bishops choice, Chappels and Churches endow'd, wherein the Catholic Service should be continu'd for the future. But as for places not endow'd, and where the Service was only perform'd at the pleasure of the Proprietor, that the Clergy should agree to leave 'em at the Discretion of those to whom they be∣long'd. This seem'd to be nothing but Justice then, but the Law being alter'd in these later years, the Clergy is become Master of all the places of this Nature, without any other pretence then that of the Name of Chappel, which those pla∣ces bore, or some Figure of a Cross, or some other Footsteps of the Roman Worship still remaining.

But while the Assembly, that kept firm at Chast••lleraud, were busily employ'd in drawing up Papers and getting Answers, the Zealous Catholics were preparing new Devices to disturb their Repose; and not finding the Wiser sort dispos'd to make new Broils, they resolv'd to stir up the Mobile, by means most proper to put 'em in a Ferment. Martha Brossiere, the Daughter of a* 1.52 person of mean Extraction, Born at Romorantin, having a good Wit, but a very Infirm and Diseas'd Body, and joining Hypocrisie to her Infirmities, would needs set up for one pos∣sess'd by the Devil. Her Father, being Advis'd by some Bi∣gots, or Flatter'd by the Hopes of Profit, by reason of the Concourse of people to such Sights, and the Alms which they pour forth upon people under such Circumstances, carry'd her up and down from Province to Province, under pretence of getting Relief and Cure for her. But the Bishop of Or∣leance's Chancellor soon perceiv'd it to be a Cheat, and the

Bishop of Angers convinc'd himself of the Fallacy by a very pleasant Experiment. For 'tis Reported, That while he feign'd to put his Episcopal Crosier in her Hand, which ought always to be very well replenish'd with Relicks, he dexterously slipp'd into it the Key of his Chest, where Obloquie tax'd him to keep lockt up such things as never frighten the Devil; but the Daughter deceiv'd by the Coldness of the Key, fell a Cruci∣fying and Tormenting her self with the same extravagant Postures and Contortions of her Body as should have been the effects of the real Relicks, according to the Opinion of the Catholics: Which causing the Prelate to smile, as it did all the people who were present, he refus'd to have any more to do with her. But in regard this was not sufficient to disa∣buse the people, the pretended Female Demoniac was to be carry'd to Paris, where by Men of Prudence the thing was lookt upon to be a meer Trifle, and it was adjudg'd to be an Artifice that only tended to the reviving of New Troubles. Now the Distemper'd Patient in her Raving Fits talk'd of no∣thing but the Reformed and the Edict, and of the Toleration of Countenanc'd Heresie; threatning withal, the Wrath of Heav'n against them that were the Authors of it. 'Twas ea∣sily* 1.53 understood by that, that this Comedy was the Contri∣vance of some Cabal; nor did they deal by this pretended Demoniac as one that stood in need of Ecclesiastical Reme∣dies, but as one that was seiz'd with a Distemper of which others endeavour'd to make an ill use. Nevertheless the Par∣ty that favour'd the Imposture, either out of Malice or Suspi∣cion was so great, that they durst not take those due Courses with the Counterfeit as she deserv'd. The Capuchins, whose Credit is grounded upon an Affectation of outward Mortifica∣tion, and who for the most part are Ignorant and Zealous to the lowest and meanest degree of silly Bigotry, were the first that made themselves Masters of this Unfortunate Wretch, and spent a World of Exorcisms upon her, as if she had been really possess'd. The Bishop of Paris stood upon his Guard, unwilling to hazard the High Opinion which People had of his Judgment and his Religion, by taking her part too soon; and therefore caus'd her to be visited and observ'd by several

Physicians. Among these, there was one whose Name was ••uret, famous in the Faculty, who alone by himself main∣tain'd that she was possess'd; and his single Suffrage prevail'd so far, tho contradicted by three Opinions directly contrary, which would hardly allow her to be troubl'd with so much as the slighter Distempers of the Spleen and Hypochondryac Melancholly; as also by a fourth, who would neither give his Opinion Pro nor Con, till he had had a Trial of three Months; This single Suffrage, I say, prevail'd so far, that it encourag'd, and in some measure Authoriz'd the Exorcists to send for other Physicians, who, to the Eternal Ignominy of their Profession, Voted all of 'em, that the Hypocrisie and Vapours of the Pa∣tient were the effects of a Supernatural Distemper. Upon this, there was a necessity, that to silence the noise which this Business made, the Parlament should interpose their Authori∣ty, and appoint other Physicians to examine the matter. Those Physicians agreed unanimously, that there was nothing of Supernatural in the Maids Distemper; thereupon the Par∣lament, who had a long time ago banish'd from their Consi∣derations the frivolous Stories of Witchcrafts, and Diabolical Possessions, put her in Prison, to the end they might be the better enabl'd to distinguish, whither it were a Distemper or an Imposture. A little after they discharg'd her, and return'd her to her Father, commanding him to keep her at home, and to have such a strict hand over her, that she should not wan∣der from Province to Province as she had done before.

But it was not so easie to impose silence upon the Predicants, who loudly declaim'd against those who sti••l'd that Voice which they call'd Miraculous, and which they would have to be an Oracle very proper to convince the Heretics. Time did more then all the Authority and Remonstrances of the most Sage and Prudent, and by degrees asswag'd this Tem∣pest; but it had like to have broken out again in a more dangerous manner. An Abbot of St. Martin, whose Name was Roche Foucaut, Brother of the Bishop of Clermont, and of the Family of Randan, which had been strictly devoted to the League, and which had put the King to a great deal of trou∣ble in the Province where it had an Interest, got this Maid

into his Custody, and undertook to make something of her Impostures; but the Cheat was so known, and so cry'd down in France, that the Abbot was constrain'd to seek for Credu∣lous Supporters out of the Kingdom. He thought that he should find Protectors anow at Rome, but he was deceiv'd; for D'Ossat being advertis'd of the Business, forestall'd the Pope, and the Pope was not so much offended at the Publication of the Edict, as to make use of this Ridiculous pretence to up∣hold his Exclamations. The poor Abbot therefore found him∣self abandon'd by all the World; Nay the very Jesuits, un∣willing to offend the King, with whom there was some dis∣course of a Reconciliation, would not so much as meddle with this Intreague, tho since their Re-establishment it had been seen, that for several Years together they had always had some Demoniac or other at their Devotion, to Rave accord∣ing to their Instructions for the support of their Interests. At length the Maid was shut up in a certain Nunnery, and her Patron was constrain'd to have more Wit, because that all the Measures of his Project were quite broken.

In the mean time all Endeavours were us'd in earnest to* 1.54 Dissolve the Kings Marriage with Queen Margaret, that he might be free to Marry another; and the Kings Mistress being Dead, as I have already said, the Queen shew'd her self to be less scrupulous then she had been any time before. 'Twas re∣quisite that she should prefer a Petition her self, that she might be Degraded; and she agreed to every thing that the King desir'd. The greatest difficulty was to find pretences sufficiently plausible for the Dissolution of this Marriage; Nine were produc'd, which were thought prevalent enough to do the Turn; but which, to speak sincerely, were at the bottom of so little Validity, that had it been the case of a private Person, they would not have been so much as listen'd to. D'Ossat also frequently wrote, that there was but one that could be thought to strike home, and that at Rome they would make but little reckoning of all the rest. That which he thought would be of greatest weight, was a pretended Violence which Queen Margaret alledg'd had been offer'd to her, for which proofs were produc'd more proper to excite

Laughter then procure Belief. Nevertheless the Witnesses were carefully Instructed, and some had their Depositions rea∣dy drawn to their hands. The Pope was willing to pre∣possess himself, and tho he were to be a Judge of the Affair, he could not forbear, in some measure, to come in himself for a Witness of the Constraint of which the Queen com∣plain'd, by repeating the Words that were spoken by Charles IX. to Cardinal Aldobrandini, whose Domestic Servant he was. So that in shewing he had particular Reasons for giving Credit to the proofs of the Violence which that Princess had sustain'd, he prepar'd Mens Minds to lay aside all Doubts, that he would make it a point of Conscience to ordain the Disso∣lution of the Marriage. For at the bottom, if the proofs that appear'd were not solid, he had Reasons which he reserv'd in his Breast, which render'd the Divore Lawful even in the Judgment of the Reformed; and it behov'd him to be satis∣fy'd with what he could find, for fear that if better Reasons were alledg'd, it might chance to cost the Queen her Life. Every one had his particular prospect in this Affair, besides Reasons of State and Conscience. The Reformed were in hopes of being firmly settled under an Heir bred up by a King who was belov'd by 'em, and who was beholding to 'em; and the Pope saw well the Advantage that would redound to Him, that there would be a King in France one day, that could never question the Authority of the Holy See, without putting in doubt at the same time his Right to the Crown.

I might here pass over in silence a particular Affair that* 1.55 happen'd this Year in the Parlament of Bretagne, did I not think it useful to shew how the Parlament▪ were enclin'd at that time toward the Reformed. The Chamber that was to be Erected at Paris was not yet ready; for which reason they could not make use of the Priviledge of removing Causes where the Suit was proper, out of the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Bretagne. Now a Reformed pleading there against a Ca∣tholic, in a Cause about something that depended upon Ho∣nesty and Sincerity, declar'd that he would be concluded by the Catholic's Oath, provided he would take it upon the Sa∣crament, which was the most Sacred Thing in his Religion.

But the Catholic being willing to avoid the Oath, or else to take it only according to the usual Forms, the Parlament ad∣judg'd the proposal of the Reformed not admittable, because he had not the same Veneration for the Sacrament as the Ca∣tholic. Casuists, much more equitable then the Judges of that Parlament, might have blam'd the Reformed perhaps, because he requir'd his Adversary to Swear by that which he did not believe was the Object of Worship; but would have dispenc'd with the Catholics taking it, because the Oath taken under a certain Name Dishonours not the Object there Nam'd, but on the contrary, has a great Veneration paid it by him that Swears. At least the Primi∣tive Churches were much of this Opinion; they would have condemn'd a Christian, who should have requir'd a Pagan to Swear by the Name of one of his Deities; but they would have pronounc'd those Judges Unjust that should have dis∣penc'd with a Pagan for taking such an Oath, under pretence that the Christian abominated Idols. For in truth, the Reli∣gion of an Oath is grounded upon this, That he who takes the Oath is always presum'd to Swear by those things which he esteems most Amiable and most Sacred. The Catholics who now Trade among those whom they call Infidels or He∣retics, would think it strange that those people should not be permitted to Swear by what they believe most Venerable, under pretence that the Catholics have not the same Venera∣tion for the same Things.

Toward the latter end of this Year, the King in favour of* 1.56 La Trimouille, added the Dignity of Peer to that of Duke, which he had already, and he took his Oath at the beginning of December; which favour proceeded not so much from the Kings Affection, as from the Fear and Awe that he stood in of the Duke's Wit and Courage. The Court was full of Male∣contents, but the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille were not the least formidable, either by the Puissant Alliances of their Families, or their Reputation among the Reformed; therefore to prevent their joining with others, they endeavour'd to gratifie 'em with some particular Favours. And the Peerage, which had not as yet been conferr'd upon all sorts of people, was esteem'd an Honour that might satisfie the most Ambi∣tious.

However the Duke was not rais'd to that Dignity, without murmuring at it. But Marshal de Bouillon already enjoy'd the same Honour, and by consequence it was no No∣velty, since there was already a President for it; neverthe∣less,* 1.57 the Spaniards made a great noise about it, at Rome, and the Pope complain'd of it. They had put it into the Popes Head, that together with the Dignity of Peerage, he was to enjoy the Office of High Admiral, the Authority of which, as he thought, extended to Command in all the Sea Towns. But d'Ossat appeas'd him, by making it out to him, that the Edict being Granted, the Granting some Honours to those that were declar'd Capable could not be avoided; more especially, when they were persons of that Merit and Quality as the Duke; that the Title was an Honour without profit, and which Invested the Duke neither with any more Power, not any more Revenue then he had before, but which engag'd him to greater Expences, without affording him wherewithal to defray 'em; that neither Offices nor Governments were annex'd to it; that in bestowing such sort of Favours the King had always a regard to the Good of the Catholic Religion, and by kindnesses of that Nature sought to gain the principal Heads of the Heretics to his Party. The Pope relish'd these Reasons, and so the Noise spread no farther. They were yet more tractable at Rome, in reference to the Business of Lesdi∣guieres and Roni, whose Religion they well knew, would ne∣ver transport 'em so far as to displease the Pope. There ap∣pear'd* 1.58 some discontent that Roni had obtain'd the Superinten∣dency of the Finances, which the King had conferr'd upon him about the time that the Edict was concluded. But in all pro∣bability, this discontent was rais'd by a Cabal of the Council, of which Villeroi was the Chief, who not being able to waste the Kings Treasure, by reason of Roni's severe Manage∣ment, would fain have had that Employment in the hands of a Courtier more remiss; for which reason, d'Ossat, a Crea∣ture of Villeroi's, engag'd himself too far in this Intreague for his Profit, for that having written those things to the King, which tended indirectly to the taking away the Finances from Roni, the Cunning Treasurer made him suffer for it, by re∣ducing

him almost to Beggery, for want of his Pensions duly paid. Nor was this any obstruction, but that within a little time after, Roni, without quitting the Administration of the Finances, was made Master of the Ordnance, Duke and Peer, Governour of the Bastile and a Province, no body opposing this great Preferment of a Heretic. 'Tis very true, that when he wrote to the Pope, he gave him the Title of His Ho∣liness, as a Catholic would have done.

The Obstructions of the Edict had lasted almost till the be∣ginning* 1.59 of this Year, tho they had begun to put it in Exe∣cution in several places, and that the King had appointed two Commissioners in every Province, to act in such a manner as to content both Parties. One of these two was a Catho∣lic, the other a Reformed; but the Catholic was Elected also with the Approbation of the Reformed, because they were their fears of being depriv'd by the Cavils of a Bigotted Com∣missary, of what was Granted 'em by the most Solemn Edict that ever was Granted by a Prince, in favour of his Subjects that were to be heal'd. Now, tho their Power were equal, nevertheless, to the end the Catholics might have the Advan∣tage in every thing, the Catholic Commissioner had the Up∣per hand almost every where, and bore the greatest Sway. They were Impower'd to receive all manner of Petitions and Complaints, touching the Execution of the Edict, and to de∣cide all Differences that might arise upon that occasion. Their Orders were as good as a Law, especially in things that were not Contested, and where both Parties Consented; nor is there any President, that I know of any Appeal to the King, upon any Decree of that Nature; but when any Dispute arose, they were to give an Account of their Sentence to the King; and their Decree was only made with a Proviso, till the King had pronounc'd his Judgment. And indeed, to speak properly, their Commission was no more then the Act it self explain'd, and limited by particular Articles, and the King by Word of Mo••th reduc'd their Instructions to two Heads; The one was to Re-establish the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had been disturb'd; and the other was to settle Peace over all the Kingdom by a due Observation of the Edict.

Thus hitherto I have given an Account of the Negotiations and Treaties that preceded the Edict of Nantes, and which prepar'd the Matter, and form'd the Articles; And I have set down the principal Obstructions that so long hinder'd either the Conclusion, or the Verification of it. Henceforward I am to speak of the Observation of it, or of the Breaches and Viola∣tions of it, till our very days. But in regard that this is in some measure a New Subject, my Opinion is, that I can no where better insert then here, some General Considerations upon this Edict, to shew the Force and Nature of it, that so the Reader, coming to see the Recital of Matters of Fact, up∣on which I intend to build my Reflections, and not being ob∣lig'd to go far to seek for the Heads from whence I shall de∣rive my Consequences, may the more easily apprehend and observe the Truth of 'em. To which purpose I shall speak of three Things. First, I shall give a brief Account of the Re∣proaches,* 1.60 at that time, cast upon the Reformed by the Catho∣lics, and afterwards so many times reviv'd. Secondly, I shall set down in few Words the Replies of the Reformed in their own Defence. Lastly, I shall make more ample Reflections upon the Justice, Benefit, and Importance of the Edict; from thence to conclude, that of it self, and in its own Na∣ture, it was Irrevocable, tho it had never been so stil'd; and withal, I shall Reply to some Objections, which were the first occasion of all the Clergies Enterprises to destroy it. I shall handle this Matter by the way of Historical Remarks, leaving the Lawyers to explain 'em by Observations agreea∣ble to their Principles.

From the time then that the Edict was set forth, there were several Discourses and Writings concerning it, to and fro. The Reformed were assail'd with many Reproaches, and they set forth several Apologies in defence of themselves. The Zealous Catholics, who were mad to see a Party, which they Mortally hated, Establish'd in such a manner that they could not be stirr'd, reveng'd themselves by Invectives; and the Reformed, secur'd by the Edict, sought no further then to Ward off their Calumnies with Words. But the main Reason which induc'd the Catholics to frame these several

Accusations, was, Because the Edict seem'd to perpetuate, to their lasting shame, the remembrance of the League, contriv'd among 'em to Exclude their Lawful Prince from the Throne, under the pretence of Religion. 'Tis true, the Edict forbid the Reviving the Memory of Things past, but we know that these sort of Prohibitions can never hinder Posterity from co∣ming to the Knowledge of such things as others would fain obliterate by such precautions; Amnesties do but keep up the Remembrance of those Crimes which they pardon. In a word the Measures that are taken to stifle those events of which the Memory is odious, may put a stop to the Inquiries and Pur∣suits that may be made after 'em, without such Inhibitions, by Prosecutions and Indictments at Law. But such proceedings are so far from razing such Events out of the Memory of Men, that they Engrave more deeply in their Minds such an In∣scription as will never permit their being Bury'd in Oblivion. The Edict therefore, by forbidding to revive things past, ceas'd not however to be a kind of Monument to preserve 'em always in their Thoughts. It appear'd by the Edict that there had been Hostilities, Mortal hatred of each other, Op∣pressions and Ravages; and altho the Reformed should have forborn to upbraid the Catholics with 'em, who had been the Authors of the greatest part of those Mischiefs, and the occa∣sion of the rest by their Cruelties and Violations of so many Treaties, it seem'd that the Edict alone cast a Reproach upon 'em so much the more uneasie to be endur'd, because it is per∣petual; 'tis a Voice that always repeats as loud the Inhuma∣nities, the Massakers, and the Treasons of Time past, as that of the Law which prohibits their Contrivance.

The Catholics then, who began to blush at things past, and* 1.61 knew well they could never be Interpreted to their Advan∣tage, endeavour'd to pick out something that was equally lia∣ble to Reproach in the Conduct of the Reformed; to the end that by way of Compensation, both the one and the other might appear equally Guilty or Innocent. To which purpose, they were about to turn the Edict to the Dishonour of the Reformed, and to raise up against 'em a perpetual Character of Criminal Behaviour. They sought for pretences that

might be serviceable to 'em, in the Time and Manner of ob∣taining so favourable an Edict. They forgot not that the Re∣formed had taken the opportunity of the Siege of Amiens to put a value upon themselves, and to draw from the King more Advantagious Conditions, through the Necessity of his Af∣fairs. They lookt upon it as if the Reformed has lost all the Honour of their former Services, by their coldness and in∣differency at that time, and that that same kind of Desertion was as Criminal as all the Attempts of the League; but it may be seen, that the Reformed very well defended themselves from that Accusation, as I have made appear in its due place. They were upbraided also with this, That it was a piece of Felony to transact with their King concerning Peace; That what they obtain'd by force of Arms was an Eternal Monu∣ment of their Rebellion, how advantagious soever it other∣wise appear'd; That a King could not make Peace with his Subjects, but it must appear that he had made War against him; Nor Pardon 'em, but that it must be evident they were Criminals. That the Reformed at first Assembl'd without Arms, and strove with Emulation to pray to God for those whom they call'd Persecutors; so far were they from repelling Vio∣lence by Violence; but that at length, they had taken Arms to render themselves Formidable. That after the first War they were contented to take the Royal Word for a Pledge and Se∣curity of the Peace; but that afterwards they would have strong Towns, Garisons, Chambers half one, half t'other, and a hundred other Securities. From whence they branch'd out another Calumny, that their Religion was degenerated in∣to Faction; that their aim was to set up another State in a State, and that they aspir'd to get themselves loose of the Ge∣neral Laws, by the help of particular Concessions.

The most part of these Objections were no more then a Re∣viving of those that had appear'd in the Reign of Charles the Ninth, and which had since that time been solidly refuted. But there had happen'd, after that, so many Novelties, that had augmented the Rights of the Reformed, and given new Demonstrations of the Justice of their Complaints, that 'twas easie to judge, the Catholics did not revive those Idle Calum∣nies,

but only because they knew not where to find any other fit for their turn.

The Reformed confess'd a great part of what their Ene∣mies* 1.62 laid to their Charge, not without some Aggravations of their own; but either they made it out that there was no Harm in what they had done, because they had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Nature it self; or if they had done amiss, that the Guilt lay not at their Door, but that the real Authors were to be blam'd. That when there is a Necessity of endangering the Life of an Enemy, the Reproach ought not to fall upon him that stands upon his Defence, but it is to be charg'd upon the Violence of the Aggressor; That the insisting upon Cau∣tions and Securities was not to be imputed to those that demand 'em, but to those whose breach of Faith re∣duc'd the others to require 'em. That Negotiations of Peace between Subjects and their Kings might be Stil'd Felonious Acts, had the Kings been always the Fathers of their Subjects, and the Just Gonservators of the Rights and Priviledges, which by Nature, or by Birth, belong'd to 'em; for that being presuppos'd, there can be no pretence for the taking up of Arms. But in regard that Self-defence was the only occasion of the War on their side, when the Princes had lent out their Names and their Authority to Pa∣tronize the Cruelties, Treacheries, and Perjuries of Persecu∣tors; when they had given 'em the Command of Armies to Ex∣tirpate the pretended Heretics; when they were the declar'd Heads of that Destroying Party; when they had Sworn the Ruin of their own Subjects without Pity or Compassion; when they had engag'd to Sacrifice the Blood and Lives of those Unfortunate Wretches to the Interests of Foreign Power, which had no other reason to bear an Antipathy to the pretended Herctics, but because they detested the Tyran∣ny it asp r'd to; and went about to free the Neck of their Kings from the Yoke which it strove to impose upon their Necks; when they had Sworn never to keep their Oaths with their Subjects, unless they were forc'd to it; nor to ob∣serve

any Treaties of Peace, but when they could no longer make War upon 'em with Advantage; that then they might Lawfully betake themselves to their Arms, and by consequence were not bound to lay 'em down, till after a Treaty of Peace concluded, by which the Partys oppress'd might find themselves sufficiently secur'd. That the Re∣formed had never sought Relief by Force of Arms, while they were under the Protection of any Form of Justice, by leaving 'em the means to be answerable for their Faith, and to unfold their Doctrine against the Accusations of their Adversaries: That they had patiently suffer'd all the Mischievous Injuries that had been done 'em, for Thirty Years together, by Bloody Edicts, that stirr'd up all sorts of persons against 'em, and depriv'd 'em of all manner of shel∣ter and Sanctuary; that they had with the same Constancy endur'd their being hal'd from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction, when their Enemies were both Parties and their Judges; that is to say, The Ecclesiastics, whose hatred they had only Merited, by revealing the Corruption of their Do∣ctrine, their Discipline and their Manners; and when they had also Erected New Tribunals to their Ruin, and had de∣liver'd 'em over to the Inquisition. That they were still Masters of their Patience, when the Clergy put Thousands to Death, by Decrees drawn up in form indeed, tho both Cruel and Unjust; when there were no less then Eight Thousand Sentences of Death Recorded in the Public Re∣gisters, not to speak of Imprisonments, Confiscations, Ba∣nishments, and several other Vexations and Oppressions which they were forc'd to undergo. That they never took Arms, till after the first Edict for Liberty of Consci∣ence had been Violated by the Court in several Branches, and after several Manners; but that they had laid 'em down agen, both upon that, and sundry other Occasions, upon the first Offers of Peace. In reference to which, they forgot not the Maxim of Kathern de Medicis, who never made it a Matter of Conscience to break her Word with 'em, because if she did not find her Perfidiousness stood

her in any stead, she had always a sure way to Disarm 'em, by giving 'em, to use her own Expression, Their Belly full of Preaching.

They made it out that the first Edict was Granted be∣fore the War began; and that it was obtain'd by Peti∣tions and Conferences only; that the Enterprize of Am∣boise was only a Politic Affair, wherein Religion had ne∣ver been concern'd, but because the Heads of both Parties profess'd a different Religion; That the Treacheries, the Cruelties, and more especially the Horrid Massacre of 1572, had made it evident that the Royal Word was made a May-game, and a Snare, to surprize the Innocence and Credulity of the Reformed; that after they had caus'd 'em, by Fraud and fair Promises, to lose the opportunity of obtaining an Advantagious Peace, while the King and the Catholics themselves stood in need of their Assistance, they had amus'd 'em by a Thousand delays, provok'd 'em by a Thousand contempts, and a Thousand injurious flouts, for having so little Prudence and Policy; of which however the Catholics had all the reason in the World to Repent, when at the Siege of Amiens they saw how Ne∣cessary the Union of the Reformed, with the rest of the Kingdom, was for the preservation of it. After this, to load the Reformed with Accusations, because they would not Surrender themselves, without bargaining for their Security, to the Discretion of their Old Enemies, was to imitate the Justice of Highway-••en, that should go about to bring their Actions against Travellers, because they re∣fus'd to confide in their Words; or else, because they rather chose to make 'em run the half of the Danger, by putting themselves upon the Defensive part, then to suffer their Throats to be Cut without Resistance. That as for the pretence of a State in a State, it was a meer Chimera; that the strong Holds which were left in their Hands belong'd to the King as well as the rest in the Kingdom; Possess'd by him; Paid with his Money; Kept in his Name; and that the Trust of 'em was not Perpe∣tual,

since they were to be no longer in their hands, then till the Catholics should be at leisure to Accustom them∣selves to live at Peace and Unity with 'em; and there∣fore, if they desir'd they should be Surrender'd, without any Trouble, at the end of the Term prefix'd, that the Catholics had no more to do, but to observe more faith∣fully the New Edict then they had done all the rest.

The End of the Sixth Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Chambre Mipartie is a Court of Justice, Erected in divers good Towns of France, in favour of, and for the righting them of the Religion, one half of the Judges being of the Reformed, the other Papists.
• * 1.2

  〈…〉〈…〉 Edict▪
• * 1.3

  Artifices to gain 'em.
• * 1.4

  A Synod at Mompe∣lier.
• * 1.5

  The number of the State of the Chur∣ches.
• * 1.6

  Forming a Church what it is.
• * 1.7

  Several Churches United in∣to one.
• * 1.8

  Causes of contenting themselves with the Edict as it was ob∣tain'd.
• * 1.9

  Lesdigui∣eres's Reli∣gion.
• * 1.10

  Treatise of the Eutha∣rist.
• * 1.11

  Consequen∣ces of the publishing of it.
• * 1.12

  Three Im∣portant Ne∣gotiations with the Pope.
• * 1.13

  The Esta∣blishment of the Jesuits.
• * 1.14

  Their bold∣ness and Credit.
• * 1.15

  The Monks all hate the King.
• * 1.16

  Persecution in Pied∣mont.
• * 1.17

  The Mar∣quisat of Saluces.
• * 1.18

  Reasons why the King fa∣vour'd the Jesuits.
• * 1.19

  3d. M•…•…∣age of Ma∣dame.
• * 1.20

  Her Con∣stancy.
• * 1.21

  The King's Severities toward her.
• * 1.22

  Scruples Rais'd by the Pope.
• * 1.23

  His Rea∣sons.
• * 1.24

  The King proceeds to the Marri∣age with∣out staying for the Dis∣pensation.
• * 1.25

  The issue of the Negoti∣ation till the Death of the Prin∣cess.
• * 1.26

  The Ad∣vantages which the Reformed got by her Perseve∣rance.
• * 1.27

  Difficulties about the Verification of the Edict.
• * 1.28

  Their Pro∣posals upon the Edict.
• * 1.29

  The Trans∣ports of some Pre∣lates.
• * 1.30

  The Nun∣cio's Mode∣ration.
• * 1.31

  The Opposi∣tion of the Parlia∣ment.
• * 1.32

  The Justice of the D. of Mayenne.
• * 1.33

  1599.
• * 1.34

  The Re∣formed for∣bear insist∣ing upon se∣veral Ar∣ticles.
• * 1.35

  Obstinacy of •••••• Cler∣gy.
• * 1.36

  Chambers of the Edict at Rouen.
• * 1.37

  Chamber Mipartie ••n Guien.
• * 1.38

  A kind of a New∣years Gift given for the conti∣ance in an Office.
• * 1.39

  Verificati∣on of the Edict.
• * 1.40

  The Pope makes great Com∣plaints to stop the Spaniards Mouths.
• * 1.41

  Answers of the Cardi∣nals de Joyeuse, and d'Os∣sat.
• * 1.42

  Accommo∣dated to the Popes liking.
• * 1.43

  Edict for the Princi∣pality of Bearn.
• * 1.44

  Which is receiv'd.
• * 1.45

  ••rmplaints of the Al∣terations made in the Edict.
• * 1.46

  Particular Complaints
• * 1.47

  Precedency pretended by the Ca∣tholic Offi∣cers that compos'd the Cham∣bres Mi∣parties, ever the Reformed.
• * 1.48

  Verbal de∣mands con∣cerning Chappels in Gentlemens Houses.
• * 1.49

  The Papers answer'd.
• * 1.50

  Precedency preserv'd to the most •• Ancient President.
• * 1.51

  Article of Church∣yards.
• * 1.52

  Mary Brossiere ••eigns her self possess'd by the De∣vil.
• * 1.53

  The Sequel of this Co∣medy with∣in and without the King∣dom.
• * 1.54

  Dissolution of the Kings Mar∣riage.
• * 1.55

  A Decree of the Parla∣ment of Bretagne, touching the Oath referr'd by a Reform∣ed to a Ca∣tholic.
• * 1.56

  Trimou∣ille made a Peer of France
• * 1.57

  1600.
• * 1.58

  Roni's Ad∣vancement not much wondred at.
• * 1.59

  Commissio∣ners for the Execution of the Edict and their Power.
• * 1.60

  General Ob∣servations upon the Edict.
• * 1.61

  Reproache•• of the Ca∣tholics thrown up∣on the Re∣formed.
• * 1.62

  Answers.