The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nants. The Fifth Book. (Book 5)

The Contents of the Fifth Book.

A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed; blamed by some. The Importance of its Contents. It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints. Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the delays of his Council, and the general state of the Reformed. By what degrees the King had been drawn from them. The design of their Petition. General Complaints made by them against all the French: against each Order of the State, and the Clergy in particular. The Publick Exercise of the Reformed Re∣ligion obstructed, and Private Devotions hindred. Instances of great Violences. The Boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. The Exercise interrupted or forbidden in several places by divers Decrees: in the Army: at Rouen, the King being there. Com∣plaints on the account of the places: against the Catholick Gentle∣men; and against the Treaties with the League men. The sing∣ing

of Psalms hindred. Books seized and burnt. Religious Assem∣blies prohibited. Consolation of the Sick. Consciences forced in di∣vers actions. Christnings and other things concerning Children. The Prince of Conde. Keeping of Lent and Holidays. Schools. Colledges. Offices. The Poor ill used. Places where the Reformed dare not dwell. Remarkable Injustice done at Lyon. Trades. Vio∣lences. Wicked Acts. Seditious Words and Speeches. Passionate Judges and Parliaments. Great difficulties in re-establishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the Ill will of Parliaments. Burials made difficult; hindred; Tombs violated. A strong, free, and pithy Conclusion. Reflections upon this Book. New De∣lays and Difficulties upon particular Places. The Assembly break∣eth up. The state of the Garrisons. Appointing of Governours. An∣nual renewing of the state of the Garrisons; the number of the pla∣ces of safety. Private Interests. The Edict delay'd till the Month of April, when there are no more Leaguers. Jealousies of the As∣sembly. The King being armed, granteth the Edict. Conclusion made at Nants. Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article. 1st De∣mond, A new Edict: Reasons pro and con. 2d Demand, Free Ex∣ercise; its extent. New Concessions. The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion. A second place of Exercise in each Bailiwick▪ was no new thing. Difficulties about the Place: about the Proofs. Difficulties about the Tombs. 3d Demand, The Subsistence of the Ministers. A Sum of Money promised by the King. Schools. 4th De∣mand, The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions. 5th De∣mand, Ʋnsuspected Judges. Chambers Mipartie, or of the Edict. 6th Demand, To be admitted to all Offices: the extent of this Con∣cession. Illusion upon that Demand. 7th Demand, Securities. Rea∣sons for demanding them. The Election of Governours for the pla∣ces of security. How they were serviceable to the King. The paying of Garrisons. Private Gifts. Debates upon the Form of Concessions, which doth vary, according to the nature of the thing. The distin∣ction of Places. The form of Payment. The Conclusion.

AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the As∣sembly, it might be well said, that the Treatise ended with the

Month of August of the present Year, and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha, or Date, of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants. Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business, whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances. But before we come to the Con∣clusion of this Important Affair, it behoveth us, for the better clearing thereof, to take notice of a Book which came out this Year, after the taking of Amiens, under the Title of, Complaints* 1.1 of the Reformed Churches of France, about the Violences they suf∣fered in many places of the Kingdom, for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council. The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year, and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere; but it was publickly printed this Year, with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it, besides some alteration in the form. It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints, though they are indeed as a Manifesto, which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed, and makes an Apology for their inno∣cence. It is true, that amongst them there were some who dis¦approved* 1.2 the Impression of the Book: but we shall not wonder at it, if we consider, that they had their Politicians and Cour∣tiers, who were always of a contrary opinion, and whom the Court used as so many Tools, to divide the Minds, or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly. Besides, that part of the Reformed, who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris, being frighted at the sight of their small number, were apt enough to be dazled with fair Words and Promises, and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour, did always speak the Court language, either out of weakness or interest. We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad ef∣fects of that timorous Policy, even after the expedition of the Edict, and when it was about to be verified in Parliament. But the disowning of a small number, doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real, and all the Matters of Fact

mentioned therein, to have been the Subject of so many Peti∣tions presented to the King, and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands. The Piece is very Elo∣quent for those Times, it moves the Passions well, but especial∣ly Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there, that it is not easie to read the Work, without pitying those who com∣plain of so many Evils, and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them. There you may see above two hun∣dred particular Instances of Injustices, or Violences, committed against the Reformed, with all the Circumstances of Persons, Actions, and Time; which so exact particularizing of Matters of Fact, evidently sheweth, that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand, and feared not to be misrepresented, since they made so publick Complaints, and gave such Particulars thereof, as made the thing easie to be inquired into. Since therefore the* 1.3 Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book, were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with, it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict, nor tedious to the Readers, to give them a View of those Complaints, as short as things of that nature can bear it

First, The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they* 1.4 took to complain; which, in a Kingdom so free as France was, ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Sub∣jects and Frenchmen could not be taken away, who had been suf∣ferers so long, and who had been so serviceable to the State. They declar'd nevertheless, that they complained with regret, and were forced to discover the shame of their Country, by the fury of their Enemies, which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by. After∣wards* 1.5 they addressed their Discourse to the King, and the better to move him with pity, they most submissively shew'd, that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers, and there they made a re∣hearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle, against those two sorts of Enemies; and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct, to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head; adding, that these Truths, which were clear and known to all

the World, had put them in hopes, that, though they were asleep, the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left, would have thought, in their stead, of not suffering such a necessary and servicable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost. That yet, during these eight Years, they had seen no diminution in the Catholicks hatred, nor any abatement in their Miseries. That their Enemies had now, if not more Malice, at least more means to annoy them, because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King's Arms. That the Catholicks had even been emboldened against them, from their Loyal Affection and Patience, as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them, for fear of raising new Troubles in so dan∣gerous a Conjuncture. That the Truce, which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace, which ought to content them, (if, as 'twas said, they could be contented with any thing) was in∣finitely more prejudicial to them than the open War, during which they were aware of their known Foes▪ and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them. That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less, even upon account of Fears without ground; whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable, though spurred by real and present Evils, and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity, that it might bring the most patient People in the World to despair. That they were still striving with that despair, by their confi∣dence in the King's love, which having proved so favourable to those who made War against him, could not be severe and back¦ward towards them who had always been his most affectionate Servants; but that the Papists were hard at work to deprive them of this very Support, by endeavouring with Pretences of Con∣science to oblige the King to destroy them. That first, they had* 1.6 forced him to go to Mass, in order to draw him from them; whereupon he gave them his Royal Word, that he would ne∣ver consent to their ruin, but rather join with them again, than suffer any War against them. That even those who indu¦ced him to a change, and feared, that in such a case the Reform∣ed might highly resent it, and come to extream Resolutions, (which however they bless God▪ Almighty, that the event ••ad

made it appear, they were not capable of; and that they did not make use of Religion as a Pretence to disobey their King) that those very Men represented to the Reformed the great advantage which might accrue to them by that change, and that the King thereby might be in a greater capacity to make them feel the effects of his Affection, and might even go so far as to undertake a Thorough-reformation of the Church, as having nothing chan∣ged in him, but the outside; whereupon they represented with exaggeration how little likely it was, that the King, whose Con∣science was so enlightened and knew so well that Temporal Inter∣est ought not to be preferred before the Kingdom of God, would change his Sentiments on a sudden upon meer Reasons of State. That nevertheless the Papists had obliged him to believe the gros∣sest Errors of the Romish Religion, and to take a Solemn Oath at his Coronation, renewed since at his taking upon him the Or∣der of the Holy Ghost, that he would, to the utmost of his power, extirpate both the Heresie and the Hereticks, as they used to call their Persons and Doctrin, though the same Oath had been established not only against them, but himself too, when he was engaged with them in the same cause; from whence concluding, that their Enemies might also by the same Considerations engage* 1.7 him to their ruin, they beg leave to let the King know the Par∣ticulars of their Grievances, to the end that he may see thereby how ill they fare under his Reign, since his Counsellors do mis∣represent to him the Miseries of their present Condition; and that such as are free from Passion, may not take it ill, if they de∣mand so earnestly a general Liberty to serve God according to their Consciences; impartial Courts of Justice, to whom they may trust their Estates, their Lives, and their Honours; and sufficient Securities against those Violences wherewith both the present and past time threatneth them; and that all equitable People may use their best interest for the relief of those who are unwilling to survive the State, but only to be preserved with it, fearing God, and honouring the King.* 1.8

Next they came to particulars, and declared, that in general they complained of all Frenchmen; not but that there might be some who would do them justice, but they were so fearful and weak, that they suffer'd themselves to be drawn in by the rest;

and so might be well included with them in a lump. Then they hinted at all Orders and Degrees, complaining of the Nobility* 1.9 and Gentry, of the People, of the Magistrates, of the Council, but above all, of the Ecclesiastical Order, as that which influen∣ced them all, and inspired them with injustice and hatred to the Reformed. They handled that Order pretty roughly, with great Contempt and shrewd nipping Jests and Railleries. From thence they passed on to their Sufferings, and said, that for 50 Years together they had undergon all sorts of cruel Punishments; that they had been burnt, drowned, hanged, massacred one by one, massacred by whole shoals, banished out of the Kingdom by E∣dicts; that the Catholicks had, for those fifty Years, made a cruel War against them; to which they added, that the Exercise of their Religion was free in those places only where they had been strong eno' to keep it, but that they had lost it every where else.* 1.10 They named some places where the Reformed were fain to go ten or twelve Miles to hear a Sermon, and whole Provinces where they had not so much as one place of Exercise allow'd them, as Burgundy and Picardy; and others where they had very little liberty, as Provence, in which they had no preaching but at Merindol and Lormarin; and Britany, where it was allow'd them but at Vitre. They named other places, where, tho' the Reform∣ed were the strongest, yet they durst not exercise their Religion within the Walls, but were forced to go abroad for it and expose themselves to fall into the hands of the Enemies Garrisons; others, where even the French abused them at a strange rate, and lay in wait for them to throw Dirt and Stones at them; others, where Seditions had been stirred up against them, as at Tours on Easter∣day, where the Ring-leaders did insolently boast, that they had whetted their Weapons. Moreover, they related, that an emi∣nent Gentleman, Bordage by Name, being invited to stand Godfather to a Child of the Lord Mongomeri at Pontarson, the Parliament of Rennes had commanded the Militia of several Pa∣rishes to stop the Passes; and that having avoided that danger, he was in his return set upon by two or three thousand Men, who, notwithstanding the resistance of the Garrison of Pontarson, which guarded him, kill'd two of his Men; and had it not been for the Garrison of Vitre, that came to his help, he could never have

escaped. They related likewise, that at Saint Stephen of Furan, in the Province of Foret, (a Parish-Priest of which place did with impunity offer every day horrid Violences to the Reformed) thirteen hundred People fell upon one hundred of them, as they were coming from a place distant one day's journy from their Town, where they had celebrated the Lord's-Supper on Easter∣day; and then beat them, wounded them, maimed them, lea∣ving several for dead upon the spot; that the Night following, their Doors and Windows were broken, and on the next day the Catholick Mob gathered again together before their Houses, threatning them with worse. The like had happened at Ma∣nosque in Provence, where the Reformed coming home from re∣ceiving the Communion at Lormarin, were served after the same manner; and it is observable, that the seditious Rabble, to give a colour to their intended Violence, had themselves pull'd down a wooden Cross, and then accused the Reformed of do∣ing it.

They represented farther, that they were troubled even in their* 1.11 private Devotions at home, and for Instances thereof named places where Men had been clapt into Prison for praying to God with a loud Voice, as well as the Masters of the Houses where they prayed, for suffering the same. In other places all those that were present had been taken up and threatned to be drown∣ed, to force them to go to Mass. In some others, Praying was forbid them in their own Forms; and for christening Children in Country-houses, Warrants were delivered against the Mini∣sters; and all who had been present, were adjudged to pay cost, and besides, severely fined for it. Upon the like occasion they had in other places been in an imminent danger of being massacred by the Rabble; some places were remarked, in which they were forbid to assemble, on pain of Ten thousand Pounds fine; others wherein Houses were forcibly entred into, if five or six Reformed were but thought to be there; for instance, at Saint Stephen of Furant, the seditious Mob gathered together one day to the number of three hundred Men before a certain House, upon a meer suspicion of an Assembly, though the Magistrates, who view'd it, found no such thing. Other places were named in which the Priests and Friers did openly say in their Pulpits, That

'twas a shame to suffer the Reformed in their Towns; and this upon a groundless Accusation of having assembled in the Neighbour∣hood, as the Officers found it after a strict inquiry into the mat∣ter. It was observed besides, that when the Lady Catherine, the* 1.12 King's only Sister, came to Bourdeaux, the Parliament had sent Spies to watch those that went to hear Sermons in her House, and committed to Prison one of the most considerable amongst them. To all this it was added, that the free Exercise of their Religion being limited in some places to Publick Prayers only, which they were however very well satisfied with, yet at Mon∣tagnac, a place of that kind, they had not been permitted to cover a certain House purchased by them for that purpose; nay, that afterward the Lord High Constable and the Parliament of Thou∣louse had forbid them to pray there any longer. Then they rela∣ted those Violences committed at Marchenoir by the Duke of Ne∣mours's Troops, and those by the Soldiers of the Duke of Guise at Lormarin, where they turn'd the Temple into a Stable, and threw seven or eight Persons into the Water, and among them the School master, whom they took to be the Minister. Where∣upon they observed what we remarked elsewhere; that the lat∣ter had been powerfully and chiefly assisted by the Reformed against the League, when he took possession of his Government of Provence. They did not forget to represent, that the Garrison of Roche-chouart in Poictou had fired with two Cannons from the Castle upon fifteen hundred Reformed, assembled in the Town∣house for their usual religious Exercise; that in another place a Man on Horse back, breaking through the Crowd, fell upon him who prayed, and wounded him with the bu••t-end of a Car∣bine, after he had vainly endeavoured to fire and shoot him with it; that the occasion of this Assembly was to sign a Petition for re establishing the Exercise of their Religion, interrupted by the League; that the wounded party offering to proceed against the criminal by way of Justice, the Priests of the place where he sued him, had, by their private Authority, committed him to Prison, and got him carried by the Lieutenant of the Provost to the Goal of Puy in Vellay. That at Caen, on the twenty eighth of March of the instant Year, the Catholicks had burnt all that was found in the place of their Exercises, to all which they joined a lively

Picture of the Massacre of la Chataigneraye, with all the horrid circumstances that attended it; making here very pathetick Ex∣clamations, to renew the remembrance of all other Slaughters formerly made of the Reformed by the Papists: But above all they urged in as strong and powerful terms as they could, that all this happened under the Reign of a King, who was formerly the Protector of the Reformed; and they did not forget to make a comparison of their Patience with the Fury of the Catholicks, to whom they did not render like for like in those very places where they were the strongest.

These being thus premised, they did complain afterwards,* 1.13 that they could not obtain the re establishment of the Exercise in those places wherein it had continued ever since the Edict of Ja∣nuary under Charles the Ninth, till the Edicts of the League were made; of the Catholick Governours refusing to obey the King's Orders on this Subject; of the Decrees of the Privy-Council and Parliaments, whereby it was taken away from such places where they found it established; in some whereof it was indeed main∣tained, because the execution of those Decrees was not thought easie and safe. They did not forget here to mention the Decree of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, by which the Exercise was forbid∣den in all the Lands of the Marchioness of Trans, on pain of Ten thousand Crowns fine; nor another Decree of the same Court, which tended to make it cease also at Bergerac, a Town through∣ly and intirely reformed, in forbidding the Inhabitants to assess themselves for the subsistence of their Ministers, though these Assessments had been allow'd them ever since the Conference at Fleix. Next, the Decrees of the Parliament of Aix, which we have taken notice of before, were brought in: Whereupon they did observe, that this Court had emitted two in one and the same Year, to forbid the Exercise in some places wherein it had been continued during two or three hundred Years; that this Prohi∣bition was made on pain of forfeiting both Body and Estate, and three Months after the solemn acknowledgment made by them, that the Reformed had saved their Necks, by calling Lesdiguieres, who delivered them from the fury of the League, as I have ob∣served in the foregoing Book.

Moreover, they complained, that though the Exercise of their Religion had been allowed in the Army during the Truce under* 1.14 the Reign of Henry the Third, yet that it had not been suffered ever since Henry the Fourth came to the Crown. That the La∣dy* 1.15 Catherine her self had been forced to go out of Rouen on a Communion-day, because the Legate would not permit her to receive it in that City, though she had always had that freedom allowed her at Paris in her own House; that few days after a Sedition had been stirr'd up against the Reformed in the very sight of the King, without any respect to his Royal Presence. That Argentan had been taken from the Baron of Courtemer, though't was one of the places of Balliwick promised by the Trea∣ty; that Beausse Ganville, a place held by the Reformed, had nevertheless been demolished. They also made Complaints of the reformation made in their Garrisons, which were weakened by diminishing the number of Men, and paying the rest but ill, insomuch that it amounted not in a whole Year to above three or four Months Pay; for which they had even very remote and incommodious Funds assigned them, as for instance, the Garri∣son of Royan had it upon the Treasuries of Quercy. They did* 1.16 also complain of several places taken from the Reformed, razed, or ordered to be so by Decrees of Parliament; of some others dismembred, nay, given to their Enemies. Thus Milhau, which belonged to the Lady Catherine, and which the Inhabitants had, by virtue of an express Commission, fortified at their own charge, had certainly been demolished, had not they had the Courage to oppose it. In the mean while the reconciled Leaguers were very exactly paid, though they received fifteen times as much Money from the King as the Reformed did, who made it appear in the Assembly of the principal Men of the Kingdom at Rouen, that for their Garrisons they had not Two hundred thousand Pounds from the King.

They complained besides of the Catholick Nobility and Gen∣try,* 1.17 who had caused the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to cease in such places of their Lordships, as they had found it esta∣blished in at the time of their reconciliation with the King. They upbraided them with that Writing subscribed by them at Mantes, after the King's turning Catholick, in order to assure the Re∣formed,

that they would never enter into any Treaty with the Leaguers, to their prejudice, or without calling them in for a share; which solemn Promise had been nevertheless broken in the Treaties made with eight and twenty Towns, and with eight Princes or Grandees, wherein the Reformed had been de∣prived of their Rights, and which were concluded without their knowledge; whereupon they observed with indignation, that during the War, a little paultry Town, call'd La ferte Milon, would not surrender, but upon condition, that the Reformed Religion should be excluded out of its Walls and Territories; they also exaggerated that famous Succour given so seasonably by the Reformed to Henry the Third at Tours, and accepted then by the Catholicks with so hearty thanks, and yet so soon for∣got.

From thence they came to complain of their being hindred* 1.18 in the most minute acts of their Devotions, naming divers pla∣ces where they had been sent to Prison on that account, and where even the Psalm-book had been burnt by the Hangman; whereof, amongst many others, they gave one remarkable in∣stance, which is this: It happened at Meaux, that a very honest Man was caned by the Major of the Garrison for singing Psalms; the King being then at Monceaux, about two Leagues off, the Deputies of the Assembly of Loudun, who were with his Maje∣sty, failed not to complain to him of that affront; but all the sa∣tisfaction they could get was only, that the King would speak to the Major about it. In other places their Bibles and other Books concerning Matters of Religion, were taken from them, and if they kept any by them, it was enough to make them liable to Imprisonments, Exiles and Fines. At Digue in Provence the Judges had impudence enough, to add to the punishment of being imprisoned, a Fine of a hundred Crowns for such as should assemble, in order to pray to God Almighty; and the Parlia∣ment of Rennes forbidding the Exercise of the Reformed Religion, joined to it an Order, that their Books should be diligently search∣ed into, forbidding the Reformed to print, sell, or keep, any about Matters of Religion.

Next came their just and charitable Complaints of being hin∣dred* 1.19 from comforting the Sick and the Criminals of their Party,

and even that they were forced to endure the presence and solli∣citations of the Friers; to which purpose they did relate, that at Saint Quintin a Man was banished the Town for comforting from the Street a person infected with the Plague shut up with∣in his House: Whereupon they did judiciously observe, that all such Articles, whereby some advantage was taken from the Re∣formed, were punctually executed; but that all which the Edicts had granted in their behalf, proved insignificant and useless for them for want of due execution.

They did afterwards hint at Matters of Conscience, complain∣ing* 1.20 that nothing came amiss to the Catholicks that might afford a pretence for oppressing them; that they were forced to hang up Cloths or Tapistries before their Houses on Corpus Christi day, and even to assist at the Procession, on pain of a Fine, which amounted sometimes to fifty Crowns; that they were often im∣prisoned upon their refusing to comply; that the Count de Grig∣nan himself taxed his Vassals twenty Crowns for each offence; that the Parliament of Paris inflicted a corporal punishment upon such as refused to bow to the Cross, and prostrate themselves before the Hoste; that in other places they were condemn'd to publick pennance for refusing to pay the same honour to the Sa∣crament when they met it in the Streets; that the Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant did yet do worse than so, for on such occasions he would run after those who fled before him, and beat them soundly, either with his Fists or even with the Cross-stick; that in divers Towns of France they were forced to contribute to the charges of holy Fraternities; of Divine Service done after the Catholick way; and of building and repairing Churches, and even to pay the Arrears of their Contributions for many Years past; that in some places the Papists would force them either to assist at the Masses sung before the Companies or Trades incor∣porated, or to leave the Town; that the Publick Notaries of Bourdeaux, having set up a new Fraternity, they would force the Reformed of that Profession to assist at the Masses of their Com∣pany, on pain of twenty Pence forfeit for each offence; that the Judges of Angers had constrained a reformed Fidler to play at the famous Procession which is made there with a very extraor∣dinary pomp on Corpus Christi day; that in several Courts of

Judicature the Judges and Advocates of their Party were forced to take their Oath after the manner and form of the Roman Church; that sometimes old People were dragged along the Streets to Mass; that at Saint Stephen of Furant the Parish Priest had almost starved an old Man to death to make him abjure, and at last forced him to pass an Act before a Publick Notary, where∣by he bound himself to be banished, if he should not live and die in the Romish Religion.

The same mad Priest, continued they, got himself accompa∣nied by the Judges to the Houses of the Reformed, where he christened Children in spite of their Parents; and one day, upon a false advice, that a Woman was brought to Bed, he forced his entry into the House, beat her Husband, searched every Corner, and finding no mark of what he looked for, he got the Woman out of the Bed, and forced her to shew him her Belly, that he might have occular demonstration that she was not delivered. They continued to give an account of several Matters of Fact of the like nature; As that in another place, a Father carrying his Child to be christened, the Servant-maid of an Inn had stoln him away whil'st the Man was leading his Horse to the Stable, and afterwards, she calling the Neighbours to her help, caused the Child to be christened in a Catholick Church. That at Bour∣deaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion, to keep the guardianship of her Children, and having a little while af∣ter reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church, the Attorney-General sued her at Law, and got her bound to remain a Catholick; that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans, when that Town was in the power of the League, and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place, the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father; that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers, until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun, to put them in the Catho∣lick Colledge of Angiers, contrary to the last Will of their de∣ceased Father, who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion; that the same Judges had appointed a Ca∣tholick Guardian over a Maid, who refused to go to Mass. Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of deal∣ing

with the Prince of Conde, whom the Reformed had surrendred to the King, even beyond the hopes of the Catholicks; they* 1.21 said, that this young Prince had bitterly wept, and strugled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli; that since being kept at Court, he was used to withdraw into his Clo∣set, there to sing Psalms, to Pray, and Catechise his Pages; but that at last they were taken away from him, notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it.

They complained afterwards, that to all these so great and so publick Grievances, the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy, but Reasons of State, as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences, or that the Reformed had not been part of the State, or that the State could not stand, but by their fall. Then returning again to the parti∣culars of the Injustice that were done them, they complained of their being forced to keep Lent; that at Rennes the Parliament* 1.22 caused the Houses to be searched, to see if their Orders in this point were obey'd; that the Bishop of Agde did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocess; that keeping of Ho∣lidays was also forced upon them; that even at Saumur, one of their Towns of security, a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days; that their School masters had been expelled out of several places, even without any form of Justice; that divers Parliaments had refu∣sed to verifie the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King, for the establishment of some Schools, even after reitera* 1.23 ted Orders from Court; but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble, who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King, for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar; that even so in several places they refused to admit in, or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth; which Article was concluded with these remarkable words: Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barba∣rity? so did Julian.

Next they complained of their Poors ill usage: That the Laws* 1.24 of Equity were so little regarded in this point, that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the publick Alms,

the Poor of their Religion had no share therein; that in many* 1.25 places the Reformed were deprived of their Birth-right, and not suffered to live there, though they promised to be quiet and make no publick Exercise of their Religion; that the Judges of Lyon had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs; and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction; upon occasion whereof they complained here, that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King him∣self, whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage; letting this gentle Reproach slip withal, that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown, and the Reformed banished from their Houses; but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed, he had not yet restored them to their Houses. Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage; he did not suffer the Catholicks to let out their Hou∣ses to the Reformed, and constrained them to turn out before the term, such as had already taken any; he hindred Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades. This mad Fellow of a Priest, had caned a Man, born in that place, but setled elsewhere, who was come to the Town upon some business; his pretext for abusing him, was, that he had forbid him to come thither, as if he had authority to ba∣nish whom he pleased: But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice, and that no body took his part, kill'd the Priest in a passion, and so rid the Country of this furious Beast. The King granted him his Pardon, but the Catholicks hindred it from being allow'd by the Judges.

They remonstrated besides, that the Reformed were excluded* 1.26 from Trades, and to colour their exclusion, the Companies made new By-laws, by vertue whereof none but Catholicks were to be admitted to them. That in several places Violences against* 1.27 the Reformed were countenanced by impunity; that a Man se∣venty five Years old having complained, that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours, was sent to a Goal, instead of having satisfaction; from whence afterwards be∣ing released, he was pursued anew, and pelted with Stones in the

very sight of the Judges, who did but laugh at it; that a Fra∣ternity of Penitents, called, The Beaten Brothers, walking bare∣foot, in order of Procession, their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets, which they did imme∣diately lay upon the Reformed, because the Glass was found be∣fore the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion; that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them, but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests.

Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying* 1.28 Injustice done them about Offices; That in several places they were kept from those of the Town-house, and that it was pub∣lickly said at Lyon, that none ought to be admitted to them, who either was now of the Reformed, or ever had been so, nay, not even any Son of one that had been so; that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac, according to the custom of that Province, meerly be∣cause the party elected was one of the Reformed; that even those who were appointed by the King could not be admitted, before taking an Oath that they would be Catholicks; being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant, ipso facto, if they should ever happen to break their Oath: In some places they were sent back, without so much as hearing their Complaints; in others they were turned out, even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places; or else they were forced to di∣spose of them in favour of the Catholicks. The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed, during three Years, the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac, where it had been setled before, and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand * 1.29 Council at the time of these Complaints. In several Provinces Gentle∣men were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs, on pain of forfeiting the same; nay, the Parliament of Paris, when yet sitting at Tours, inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League, that upon the presen∣tation of Letters Patents to the Court, an Inquiry into the Be∣haviour, Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered, and that they could not be admitted without giving a

sufficient Testimony of their being Catholicks, save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League, as I have re∣lated in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council, that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices, whatever E∣dicts, Orders from the Court, and Decrees of Parliaments, they might obtain; whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices, of Judges in Parliaments, and Presidial-Courts, of Sollicitors General, of Publick Notaries, of Attorneys, and Sergeants. The Parliament of Grenoble, though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed, was now still refusing to admit Vulson, who had obtained a Patent for a Judges place in the same Court, and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits. One of the Reformed having ob∣tained a Patent for the Place of one Colas, Vice Seneschal of Mon∣telimar, an obstinate Rebel, who would never be reconciled with the King, whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere, whereof he stiled himself Count; that Reformed, I say, could never get his Patent allow'd by the Parliament of Grenoble: but after he had, to facilitate the matter, treated with Colas for the Place, and bought it of him, then the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners, and kept him eighteen Months about it, being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints. The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholick Brethren, and had been admit∣ted even during the League; which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts, new Orders, and peremptory Decrees from the Council.

All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious* 1.30 Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature, where, in full Court, they had been call'd Dogs, Turks, Hereticks, Heteroclites of the new O∣pinion, a People who deserved to be destroy'd with Fire and Sword, and expelled out of the Kingdom. Their being Here∣ticks, added they, had been allowed in several Courts, as a suffi∣cient

cause of exception; as if the Laws of the Emperours a∣gainst the Manichees, had been made against them. Seguier, one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais, a very considerable Gentle∣man amongst the Reformed, had said, that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts; that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholicks; and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman, to restore him to his Estate, the King's Council would oppose, and take it away from him, as from an unworthy Heretick. They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed; of Murders left un∣punished; of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process; of false Witnesses tolerated, though convicted. A famous High∣way-man, being thought to be of the Reformed Religion, was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive, and fined five hun∣dred Crowns, two hundred whereof accrued to the King, and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit: but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit, that he had been a Catho∣lick for two Years past, the Punishment was changed into be∣heading, and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits Colledge. The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lyon, such of the Reformed as went thither to de∣mand Justice against the Catholicks of Saint Stephen of Furant, were called Seditious Persons, who troubled the Judges with their Complaints.

They added, That the Writs obtained by the Reformed, for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another, were eluded, by denying them Letters of Pareatis, or, Hereof fail not; which they were forced to sue for, sometimes whole six Months together: but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse, for there they judged the cause definitively, and then granted Letters of Pareatis. Whereupon it was observed, that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will, than the King was by his good will able to redress. Whereupon they inlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts grant∣ed to the League, and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace: the former being allowed without alteration or reservation, and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity,

as Edicts, the Syllables, Letters, and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State, whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts, delays and tricks, or allow'd with so many limitations and exceptions, that they were made altogether useless. And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League, the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse, and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris. There they shew'd also how little sa∣tisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which, in their judgment, was not fit for the present time; for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in: which reflected on them a thousand ways; therefore they had not demanded, but constantly refused it. Whereupon they observed with what* 1.31 difficulty the Edict which re-established the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris: they did not forget the shiftings and tricks of the Attorney-General, and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it, insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices. They named here the Parlia∣ments which would not verifie it; but above all they observ'd the severity of that of Dijon, which likewise refused it, tho' the King, going through that City in his way to Lyon, had with his own Mouth commanded them to do so; insomuch that Menaces were necessary to bring them to a compliance: after which the Attorney General, following the example of that of Paris, would not suffer this word, requiring, but only those of, not opposing, to be inserted in the Decree of its verification; and the Court formally declared, that they did it only to obey the King's often reiterated Orders.

They also complained, that Decrees made even in 1585. and* 1.32 1586. were still every day executed, and the Reformed by ver∣tue thereof forced to restore to Clergy-men the Incomes of their Estates taken during the League; but that the Reformed were not allowed to take possession again of their own, on pretence that they had not paid the King's Taxes in 1512. And then was related a special Case of Florimond de Raimond, a Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, which runs thus: He had been made Prisoner during the War, and afterwards released upon ransom for which he compounded and paid down a thousand Livers; but

since he sued at Law those Reformed who had taken and ransom∣ed him, boasting every where, that he had already got from them four thousand Crowns. Farthermore they complained, that every day the Parliaments gave sentence according to the Edicts of the League, and that that of Rouen had accordingly de∣clared the Buryings and Preachings of the Reformed, to be Tres∣passes upon the Edicts; whereupon two Presidents, two Coun∣sellors, and the Attorney-General, being sent for to Court, they had the boldness to say, they had judged according to the Laws, because the Edicts which favoured the Reformed were revoked. They promised however to forbear executing the Decree, provi∣ded it should stand still upon Record; but whil'st they were at Court, their Brethren caused it to be proclaimed with the usual Ceremonies. Besides, divers Parliaments made void every day the Sentences given in those Courts of Justice which the King had suppressed, though he had confirmed them all by his Edict of Suppression.

After these long Complaints they came to the Article of the* 1.33 Burials, and by way of transition, it was observed, that the Re∣formed were ill used at their Births, in their Lives, in the Breed∣ing of their Children, and even in their Funerals. Therefore they complained, that in several Towns Burying places were de∣nied them; that in others they were fain to carry their Dead five Leagues off; that their Funeral-assemblies were fixed at cer∣tain Hours, and limited to a certain Number of Persons; that* 1.34 in some Places the Catholicks committed great Insolences on their Graves, and abused those who attended the dead Corps, though the Burials were made in the Night-time; nay, that in certain places they were fined for it, and forced to buy the security of their Marches by 20 or 30 Crowns; that there were some in which the dead Bodies were digged out of the Ground, either by the Command of the Bishop, or by some other Authority, and even those who had been buried in the Chappels of their Ance∣stors; that the same Barbarity was used on the Bodies of Wo∣men, which were left naked on the Ground, and exposed to wild Beasts, no enquiry being made into such a barbarous and inde∣cent Usage. That some persons who died with Marks of being of the Reformation, and on that account were not suffered to be

buried in Catholick Church-yards, their Relations were proceed∣ed against for laying them in the Burying-places of the Reformed. The Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant had a great share in that Article, wherein he was represented making false Con∣tracts, in order to exclude the Reformed out of a Burying-place purchased by them; breaking the Tombs open with a Hammer; ringing the Alarm-bell upon a Funeral-convoy garded by the Sol∣diers of the Garrison, and drawing together three or four thou∣sand Men, who dispersed the Convoy, and forced them to leave the Corps at the discretion of this profligate Priest; digging out of the Grave a dead Body, which he carried into another Man's ground, who digged it out again; and in fine, constraining the Wife of the deceased, even after she had obtained a Decree from the Judges to the contrary, to bury him without the Parish-ground. Even so Florimond de Raimond, being one day Chair∣man, (as ancientest Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux) or∣dained the exhumation of a Child, adding in his Decree, that the Bodies of all the Reformed, buried ten Years before in the Catholick Church-yards, should be also digged out of the ground. Whereupon many instances were given of dead Bodies which had been in an imminent danger of being devoured by Dogs; and it appeared by all the premises, that the Catholicks made no distinction either of Quality, Sex or Age, and treated with the same inhumanity, both Gentlemen and Commoners, Men, Wo∣men and Children, all alike.

All these Cruelties were exaggerated with much eagerness, and it was very ingeniously observed, that Burying-places were usually inclosed with Walls, to hinder Beasts from ravaging them; but that Men themselves were not ashamed to violate and dig up those Sacred Assyles of the dead. The whole ended with* 1.35 a very pathetick Discourse: They said, that all this was but a small part of those just Complaints that might have been made by the Reformed, whose Patience was much inlarged upon; who had no other aim, but the good of the State; and who, to be satisfied, demanded nothing, but to be secured from ruin and destruction. They shew'd, that the fall of the State was inse∣parable from that of the Reformed; and then very earnestly begg'd the Catholicks compassion. Addressing afterwards to

the King, they valued themselves for having neither Dominican Friers or Jesuits capable of attempting on his Life, nor Lea∣guers aiming at his Crown. He was told, that he knew the fi∣delity of the Reformed, and that they demanded an Edict, not af∣ter the manner of the Leaguers, who instead of humble Petitions for Peace, had never presented but the Point of their Swords; that in the space of four Years the Reformed had six several times renew'd their Petitions, at Mantes, at Saint Germain, at Lyon, at the Camp before la Fere, at Monceaux, and at Rouen. Now upon the Reasons of State they were still put off with, and upon their being told over and over, that it was not yet time to grant them an Edict, they cried out, Still, O good Lord! after five and thirty Years of cruel Persecutions, ten of banishment under the League, eight of this King's reign, and four of constant petitioning! Then they declared, that their being put off after the King had done with all the Leaguers, gave them a great jealousie, that new Proscriptions were intended to humour the Pope, who, they could not but know, was pushing on that design with all his might and strength. They stoutly maintained, that the Catho∣licks alone were not the State, but that the Reformed made a great part of it. In fine, they concluded with these words: We beg from your Majesty an Edict, whereby we may enjoy what is common to all your Subjects, that is, much less than what you have granted to your furious Enemies, your rebel Leaguers: An Edict which may not constrain you to dispose of your Dominions, but as you please, which may not force you to exhaust your Treasure, or to burthen your People with Taxes. It is neither Ambition nor Avarice moves us, but the Glory of God, the Liberty of our Consciences, the Tranquility of the State, the Security of our Lives and Fortunes; these are the heighth of our Desires, and the only aim of all our Petitions.

Altho' the reformed Courtiers in a manner disowned these Com∣plaints, as I observed before, yet it is certain, that they could not deny the truth of the several Facts contained therein, nor that there was a necessity to put a stop to so many Injustices and Violences; but they imbraced the Opinion of the Court, which was much offended at the Form of those Complaints, and would fain have had the Reformed to wait for another time to publish them; but upon the whole, the generality of the Reformed spoke

their Minds in that Book; and it cannot be doubted but it had been viewed by the ablest Men of the Party; nay, it may be ea∣sily perceived by the Style, that the greatest amongst them had notice of it, and even given to the Subject a great part of its Form. What most vexed the Court in the printing of it, was their being now and then upbraided in it with bitter Reproaches of past Services, which were so much the more insupportable, because they were just and well-grounded; that the warm Strain of this little Piece made them sensible they had to do with Men who took the thing to Heart, and whose Courage was not yet lost; and that in fine, such a long Series of Injustices, Outrages and Violences, made them ashamed of their so long delaying to satisfie those who deserved at their hands a more favourable usage, insomuch that the Court's dissatisfaction served only to make them resolve to handle this Affair more seriously and put an end to such an important Negotiation.

But before we proceed any farther, it behoves us to make (at* 1.36 least slightly) some Reflections upon this Abridgment of their Complaints. First, They make it appear, That this Business of the Reformed was no trifling Matter, and that their Fears and Jealousies were but too well grounded; which is the more ob∣servable, that in complaints of this nature, as every body knows, commonly no other Facts are related, but such as are most noto∣rious and important, and that a great deal more are buried in ob∣livion, either because the Complaints thereof have not been made by the Parties concerned, or that they appeared less clear, or of a less moment in their circumstances. Secondly, These Com∣plaints do well answer the Reproaches made to the Reformed, That they followed the King too close when he was in his great∣est Perplexities: But this must not be wondred at, since 'twas at that very time they were used worst, and that the Facts here mentioned, except perhaps thirty, were all recent, and had hap∣pened either in this or the foregoing Year, giving therefore just causes of Fears and Jealousies to the Reformed, who were from day to day by so much the greater sufferers, as the Peace and Re∣union of the Catholicks was more forwarded by the reduction of the Leaguers. In fine, Those Complaints may serve to shew the Injustice of those Tricks used to elude the Edict in these last

Years, since that the Edict having been granted upon Com∣plaints made by the Reformed of such-like Vexations, it was im∣possible to renew them, without acting directly against the inten∣tion of that irrevocable Law.

In the mean while the Year was spun out with tedious Delays,* 1.37 as I observed before, and though the Reformed had with a won∣derful patience overcome their grief occasioned by them, the minds on both sides were nevertheless grown sour and much exasperated; the King himself expressed sometimes his resent∣ment, nay, he would now and then let out some menacing words very pat to the purpose, and he had once written to his Commissioners, that it would grieve him to the very heart, to come to Extremities with the Reformed, whom he loved more than they loved themselves. This new Language the King had been taught of late, since the retaking of Amiens had a much worse effect than it was thought at Court; and the Reformed, who found it so different from that which was used with them, when the King stood in need of their assistance, and when he in∣vited them to shed the rest of their Blood at the Siege of that place; they drew, I say, very sad Consequences from that change, which seemed to them to imply as much as if they were told, that their Tranquility could never agree with the Prosperity of the State, since they were cajoled only when the King's Affairs were embroiled; but that when the same began to clear up, they were told, they must surrender at discretion; that when the suc∣cess of the King's Enterprises was dubious, fair Promises, Pray∣ers, tender and pathetick Intreaties, were used to them; but that when the Court was puffed up with some advantagious Suc∣cess, then their most just Petitions were answered with Shiftings and Menaces; from whence they concluded, that since new Cau∣ses of Mistrust were given them, they ought also to take new Precautions against the ill Designs of their Enemies. The Dukes of Bouillon and La Trimouille were the most exasperated of all, because they were sensible that the Court's Threatnings chiefly aimed at them, being looked upon there as the Authors of those Motions made in the Assembly, contrary to what the Catholicks called the Publick Good, and the King's Service; but what the Reformed called the Artifices of the Council, and the Oppression

of their Consciences. Therefore the Assembly was no less im∣portunate than before. They had sent new Deputies to Court with full Instructions, which were altered, as new Difficulties arose; besides, they seriously examined the Answers sent them by the King's Commissioners; and as they had sent some Gentle∣men to England and to the Ʋnited Provinces, in order to beg the Intercession of those faithful Allies of the Crown, they also ex∣presly charged their Deputies to wait upon the Protestant Em∣bassadors, now at the Court of France, and represent to them how necessary it was to satisfie the Reformed, that the King might be able to give the Spaniards, or the Duke of Mercoeur, some consi∣derable Blow, to make them sensible, that the Affairs of Reli∣gion, instead of being forwarded, were delay'd at Court, inso∣much that they knew not when the end of such a tedious Ne∣gotiation might be hoped for; and to engage them by the gene∣ral Interest of the Protestants to see it brought to a happy conclu∣sion.

The Points left still undecided were not so little important* 1.38 but that they well deserved this warm pursuit. The Council started new Difficulties about the Right of Exercise, in respect to certain private Places, wherein the Reformed intended to establish or keep it, which the Court would not grant. More∣over, They demanded, that their Assembly should continue at Vendome, until the Edict, which was granting, was verified in all Parliaments; which the King would grant only for that of Paris, requiring them, after the verifying of the Edict there, to break up and return to their respective Provinces. But this made them jealous that the Court aimed at dispersing the Assembly, after∣wards to elude with more freedom the execution of the Edict, when none were left to sue for verifying the same; because E∣dicts in France, having no force of Laws before that Solemnity, this might be still subject to a thousand Tricks and Exceptions in those Parliaments where the same had not been yet per∣formed.

The King was necessitated to give the Reformed some satisfa∣ction* 1.39 upon these Points, because he was resolved to put off the verification of the Edict till the Legat's departure, the time where∣of was still very uncertain, and that he was of opinion, that the

doing it in his presence might have been an Affront put upon him. Therefore it seems, that to gild over this new Delay, and make it acceptable to Men disheartned by so many others, and who justly feared, that this would prove prejudicial to their Interest, or at least put back the conclusion of their Affairs; it seems, I say, that the Court ought to have complied with their desire of continuing their Assembly. Such as had an interest in* 1.40 the keeping of the places of security, wondred at the King's pro∣posing to leave to the Council the setling the state of the Garri∣sons, and as they had not all of them the like credit at Court, such as had little or none at all, were afraid that this was an Ar∣tifice in order to deprive them of their Places. Besides, the King* 1.41 would name the Governors, before the Party named had taken the Certificate of the Provincial-Assembly, in whose Jurisdiction the Place was seated; because, if the Certificate should precede, it might then seem, that the Reformed should give the Govern∣ment, not the King, which would have been a breach made to the Royal Authority. But on the other hand, the Reformed would needs have the entire disposal of the choice, lest that if the Governments of their Places should become Court-Preferments, the Parties so preferred would be also Court-Creatures, and care but little to please the reformed Churches, as being able to main∣tain themselves without them. They had a great mind also at Court* 1.42 to change the state of the Garrisons every Year, but the Assem¦bly were afraid, that it might be a color for weakening and short∣ening the same; nay, for taking them away one after another: for they were well informed, that the King was against leaving so many Places in the hands of the Reformed, who before that time had never had above seven or eight granted them for securing the execution of the Edicts, whereas now they kept above two hun∣dred both great and small; and that he was also afraid, that the Catholicks might conceive a jealousie from the state of those Garrisons, because of the great number of Places that were to be set down therein: but the Assembly agreed on a publick state, in which such Places only might be named as both Parties should think sit, provided always there was a secret one for the security of the rest. Private Interests were none of the least occasions of* 1.43 new Difficulties: Those of Rochel could obtain none of their

Demands, no, not so much as a confirmation of their Charter;* 1.44 because the King, who had still a resentment of what had pas∣sed there, whil'st he was Protector of the Reformed, had a mind to make them sensible, that he had Power enough to punish them for it.

The discussion of all these Difficulties, which the Council would* 1.45 always be trifling about, even after they had been adjusted by the great Wisdom of the Commissioners, caused the final conclusion to be put off till the Month of April, insomuch that the Catho∣licks got the Point they had so much wished for, viz. That no Edict should be granted to the Reformed, before the Catholicks were all satisfied. The Treaty with the Duke of Mercoeur was concluded towards the end of March, and even the Peace with Spain, made before the Edict, for though it was concluded on the first of May, yet all the Articles thereof had been long before a∣greed upon.

The King had long before that time been advised to march to∣wards Britany with a Royal Army, in order to rescue that Pro∣vince out of the hands of the Duke of Mercoeur, who hitherto had been but weakly attacked, and had never treated in earnest, but when he saw himself e'en upon the point of being abandoned by the Spaniards, and that the King was coming upon him with great Forces; in effect, after he had trifled several Years with Sham-Treaties, at last the King marched that way, so soon as the approaching conclusion of the Peace with Spain set him at li∣berty to do it. His coming allarmed the Assembly at Chatelle∣raud,* 1.46 and they were in no small fear that the King would suddenly fall upon them, either to force them to accept his own Terms, or to disperse them, through fear of falling into his hands. At the same time the King's Commissioners pressed them to come to a conclusion, which conduct was variously interpreted by Men long since distracted by Allarms and Jealousies. The most di∣strustful, thought it a kind of violence offered to the Assembly, so eagerly to press the King's offers upon them, at a time when he was in a manner at their doors with a powerful Army. This Passage is to be well observed, as one of the most notable Circum∣stances of the time wherein the Edict was granted, and as a most proper Argument against the Calumny of the Catholick Wri∣ters,

who have represented it as a Grant extorted by force. But to make a right Judgment of the Case, we need but look upon the Troubles and Jealousies of the Assembly, on the approach of the Royal Army; and indeed they accepted the Edict when* 1.47 they were disarmed, and in a manner at the King's discretion, whereas the King granted it when he was armed, and had the Assembly within the reach of his Canon.

This long Affair was at last put to an end, to the great grief of some, and to the full satisfaction of others. Some Catholicks there were who grumbled at so many Concessions; on the other hand, some Reformed complained that they had obtained so little; but there wanted not some in each Party, who thought the ad∣vantage to be equal on both sides, and who being truly desirous of Peace, were apt to allow of any thing which might conduce to it. During the King's abode at Angers, almost all the Diffi∣culties had been adjusted there, tho' he had spoken so high, and uttered such Menaces, that thereby the Assembly was well nigh brought to despair: but this was but a shew to salve the ap∣pearances, of giving the Law like a King, and making the Edict less offensive to the Legate and the zealous Catholicks, by granting it with that affected sourness and severity. Indeed, the King was very desirous to come out of those Troubles, which plainly ap∣peared in the kind reception the Dukes of Bouillon and La Tri∣mouille met with when they waited upon his Majesty at Angers, where he welcomed them both with such signal demonstrations of Love, that thereby one might easily conclude, that his threat∣ning had been rather to maintain his Royal Dignity, than the* 1.48 effect of any real Anger. Therefore, after the Assembly's Me¦morials had been returned, together with the King's Answers to them, and the Articles and Forms of the Grants had been finally agreed upon, the whole was again carried to the King at Nants, where, having altered what he pleased, to shew that he granted it with a full Authority, and that nothing constrained him thereunto, it was at last signed, sealed up, and deposited into the hands of the Deputies of the Assembly, by whose order it was left in the custody of the Inhabitants of Rochel, who, till the time of their ruin, kept all the general Records of all the re∣formed Churches of France. Thus, from the place where the

Edict was proclaimed in the Month of April, it was called the Edict of Nants, by which it has been famous all over Eu∣rope.

Hitherto I have only related the Complaints, Pursuits, Alarms, and Impatiences of one Party, with the Artifices, Delays, Shift∣ings, and Difficulties of the other, to the end, that I might give a better insight into the nature of an Edict, which has been so long negotiated and debated with so much Maturity and Wis∣dom. But, to do it yet more clearly, I shall make an Abridg∣ment of such Matters as were the Pretexts of these Delays, and for so many Years took up the Time of the wisest Men in the Kingdom, wherein I shall only treat of what was either de∣manded or obtained by the Reformed, without taking notice of what was inserted in the Edict in behalf of the Roman Religion, because the Articles of that kind always passed before the others, and that in all this Negotiation the Catholicks would never sub∣mit the Concerns of their Religion to the Success of Disputes and Debates. None but the Pretensions of the Reformed met with Difficulties, because the Catholicks laboured hard to make them rest satisfied with less than they asked; tho', indeed, there was no need to take away anothers Right to satisfie them in their De∣mands. Therefore Difficulties arose, both upon the Substance and the Form of Things, and the Court had no less difficulty in agree∣ing upon the one, than on the other. The Demands of the Re∣formed* 1.49 came to six or seven general Articles, but each of them was subdivided into a great number of others, necessary either for the Explanation, or for the Security of some principal Matter; insomuch, that at first the Reformed having brought all their Pro∣posals to a limited Number of Articles, am••unting to Ninety six or Ninety seven, the Difficulties arising in the Series of the Ne∣gotiation, obliged them to add several new Articles to the for∣mer, either to remove or prevent Difficulties in the Conclusion or Execution of the Edict Therefore without desisting from the Substance of their Demands, save only in such things wherein they had approved the Alterations made by the Court, they often added to their Memorials, and changed the Forms and Style there∣of: So they gave two different Titles to their new Articles. Those which were set down last of all, and were not very numerous,

had the name of Additions, the others were called Explanations, because they were Articles upon which they desired the King to explain himself, that no ambiguity should remain in the matter, and to prevent all difficulties in the execution. Those Explana∣tions followed each Article, the Contents whereof they desi∣red to be explained; and often there were many added to one and the same Article, which went by the Names of First and Se∣cond.

Their first principal Demand was for a new Edict, because they* 1.50 could not rest satisfied with those formerly granted; whereupon they said, that in their opinions their Services deserved some∣thing better, and that after the King's turning Catholick they had a solemn Promise of another at Mantes, and a Year after at Saint Germain. The main ground of this pursuit was, that* 1.51 they could not endure to be treated under the Reign of Henry the Fourth, after the same manner as they had been under that of Henry the Third, and that they thought it very unjust for a Prince, whom they had so faithfully served from his Cradle, to grant them no more than what they had obtained from another, who had been their greatest persecutor; so that their Pretensions were not grounded (as the late promoters of the revocation of the Edict of Nants would fain have perswaded us) upon the pre∣judice they had received by the King's Treaties with the chief Leaguers, but upon the greatness of their Services, for which they demanded an Edict as a recompence due to them. As for the breaches made on the Edict of 1577. they were but little concern∣ed at them, for they plainly declared, they would not have it, thinking themselves rather prejudiced than favoured by it. Ne∣vertheless, this last Consideration seemed to be the only Motive of the King in this Affair, as being the most plausible that could be alledged to the Catholicks, either because it removed all pre∣texts of murmuring at new things granted, since thereby the King did but make amends to the Reformed for Injuries unjustly done them; or because, having received that damage contrary to a Promise in Writing, that no Treaty should be made with the Leaguers to their prejudice, the breach of such Promise could not be repaired, but by granting them a sufficient Com∣pensation for what Losses they had sustained by it. This fancy

of Compensation was the Sequel of the first Pretension of the Catholicks after Henry the Fourth's coming to the Crown. As they had extorted a Promise from this Prince, that he would maintain their Religion in the state he had found it, they looked upon all new Favours done to the Reformed, as so many Injuries to the Catholick Religion; from whence it was, that they stood so obstinately to their first resolution, never to make them any new Grant; or if any should be made, then they would have it go by the name of a Compensation for what damage they had received by the private Treaties with the Leaguers; nay, even after the Promise made to the Deputies at Mantes and at Saint Germain, the Catholicks, moved by the same reason, would fain have cheated the Reformed, by only granting them the restitution of the Edict of 1577. Upon which account also the Council delay'd sending the King's Commissioners to the As∣semblies of Saumur and Loudun, because a new Treaty begun upon new Demands, and which could not but end in new Con∣cessions, was, in their judgments, a new Grant: But this diffi∣culty was removed after the arrival of the King's Commissioners, for the word Compensation was again revived, and, after some debate, still remained, to satisfie the zealous Catholicks and the Court of Rome. But they had also a regard to the first Demand of the Reformed, who at last obtained many things over and above the promised Compensation, because the King was willing to gratifie them upon account of their inviolable Fidelity and great Services. In a word, he gave them a new Edict, which revo∣ked all others, and therefore could go no longer for a meer Com∣pensation of Trespasses upon them, since they were all abolished by the same, which, for the future, was to be the standing Law in their stead. This Observation will be of good use in the Se∣quel of this History, especially against the trifling Arguments brought in of late Years, to elude all the Concessions of the E∣dict of Nants; which trifling Arguments were grounded on this false Principle, that since the Edict granted only a meer Com∣pensation for Damages received by the Treaties with the Heads of the League, in which there were Restrictions prejudicial to the Edict of 1577; it was therefore likely enough, that such Damages being very inconsiderable, the intention of the Edict

of Nants, which made amends for them, was to grant but little to the Reformed; but their Principle being false, as is appa∣rent by the Premises, their Consequence must needs be very un∣just.

The second Demand had respect to the Freedom of Exercise, and* 1.52 was of a very large extent, since it contained the Grounds of the Right of that Exercise which was to be established, or continued; the Bounds of that Priviledge, according to the Times, Persons, and Places; and generally all the Circumstances of the Exercise, together with the exemption from certain things belonging to the Catholick Worship which their Consciences could not com∣ply with. The Assembly had at first demanded an indistinct Li∣berty of Exercise in all the Kingdom; but they soon desisted from that Point: either because in several great Towns there was not one single Protestant, and therefore the grant of Exercise had been there to no purpose; or because at Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and o∣ther most important Cities, they would have rather begun the War again, than suffered the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to be established within their Walls: or because it had been grant∣ed to other Towns, that no such Exercise should ever be intro∣duced amongst them. Therefore the Reformed were forced to restrain that Demand to a general freedom of dwelling where ever they pleased, and to a free Exercise in certain places only, since it could not be obtained every where: but they stood fast to their resolution of getting it with a larger extent than before. This was at last granted them in two Articles: By the first whereof their Exercise was permitted in all places where they had established it ever since the Edicts of the League, till the Truce was made between the two Kings, and after the Truce, so long as the War continued with the rest of the Leaguers: and after some Debates, all those Places were comprised under the general Clause of Places where the Exercise had been made du∣ring the Years 1596. and 1597. The Catholicks have of late en∣deavoured to confound the Rights of these two Years when they have sought for trifling Arguments to elude the plainest Con∣cessions of the Edict; and they have pretended, that the Proofs of the Right acquired by the Possession, during these two Years, might shew, that the Exercise had been continued during both:

which, however, was not the design of the Edict, as it appears in that during the Year 1597. the continuation of the Exercise had been granted in all places, wherein they had it setled in 1596. but that the Edict not being concluded this Year, new Exercises were set up during the following Year, which the Reformed re∣quired to be confirmed with the rest; so that such Exercises as had not been established before the Year 1597. needed no older proofs; this Year having certainly been added to the Year be∣fore, as a favour, and upon the sollicitation of the Reformed: Now it could have been no favour, if thereby they had been obliged to prove the continuation of the possession in 1596. by that in 1597. since this would have been to lay upon them a new obli∣gation of proving by these new Titles a Right which they had sufficiently acquired by the possession of 1596. But as in 1596. the actual exercising in several places was a sufficient ground for a right for the future, though the Reformed had it not before; so in 1597. the like actual Exercise, often reiterated, gave them the like right in time to come, though they had it not before. And indeed, as the Negotiation of the Edict was not yet finished in August 1597. the Catholicks, who were afraid, that during the new Delays of the Treaty, new Churches might be set up, and the confirmation thereof demanded, as well as of those establish∣ed since the Year 1596. they caused all the Dates of those Esta∣blishments to be fixed upon the Month of August of this Year 1598. Insomuch that, to be within the Dates of the Edict, it was not needful to prove the Exercise for these two Years, but it sufficed to prove it in either of them. The other Article granted, that in each Bailiwick, or Seneschalcy, where, by the Edict of 1577. the Reformed had already a publick Place for their religious Exercise, either in a Burrough, or in the Suburbs of a Town, another should be given them, besides the first; so that the Exercise of the reformed Religion was grounded upon four different Titles. The first was, That of the Places of Bailiwick, and of Possession, granted by the Edict of 1577. The second was, That of the new Possession acquired during the two Years which had preceded the conclusion of the Edict of Nants. The third was, That of the new Place of Bailiwick, granted by the same Edict. And the fourth was, The Personal Right of the

Lords, grounded upon the nature of their Fiefs or Jurisdictions. In all this the Catholicks secured the advantage of their Religion,* 1.53 and would never suffer that of the Reformed to stand upon even ground with it, by granting them a liberty equal to their own: so that the Roman Religion was exercised every where, as pre∣vailing; but the Reformed was limited to certain Places, and re∣strained by certain Conditions, as tolerated. For the rest, The Grant of a second Place in each Bailiwick was not really a new thing; for it was grounded upon the Truce agreed upon between Henry the Third, and Henry the Fourth, then only King of Na¦varre; whereby Henry the Third not only re-established the E∣dict of 1577. and therefore gave again to the Reformed the first Place of Bailiwck, which had been given them by the same, and added thereto, besides a free Passage granted to the King of Navarre over the River Loire, a Place in each Bailiwick for the sick and wounded of his Armies. This Article of the Truce was very ill executed, either because of the sudden Death of King Henry the Third, or because there was no occasion for it in some Places where the Reformed had no Troops. Three Places only were given them by vertue of that Article of the aforesaid Truce; insomuch, that when Henry the Fourth granted them a second Place of Bailiwick, he did only perform what had been promised them, giving, nevertheless, a larger extent to that fa∣vour, than it had before; since he permitted then the free Exer∣cise in those Places to all sorts of People, whereas the Truce had granted it only for the sick and wounded, and made perpetual what his Predecessor had granted only with a Proviso. But there was little appearance, that this Prince, after having received so great and important Services from the Reformed, would make their Condition worse by the Peace which he promised them, than it had been by the Truce; and it is easie to guess, that he would never have taken away from them, by an Edict of Gra∣titude, what had been granted them by a necessary Treaty.

Great Debates were also made on the Nature of the Places* 1.54 where the Exercise was granted; whether within the Walls of Towns, or in the Suburbs; whether in Burroughs, or Villages. There were some upon the manner of declaring the Places where the new Possession gave the Right of Exercise, because the surest

appeared the less advantagious; for it was proposed to get all those Places numbred one by one in the Edict, or to comprehend them all under some general Character. There was, it seems, a great deal more security in the first, but the second gave a lar∣ger Extent to the Privilege, because they hoped, that in the Exe∣cution of this Article, means might be found to facilitate the keeping of the Exercise in some Places, where, perhaps, it might be contested, if their Number was sent to the Council There was, at least, a sufficient Ground to fear it, for the King had commanded his Commissioners, before they came to a Conclu∣sion upon this Point, to send him the aforesaid Number, that he might see if there was any ambiguity concerning them: There∣fore the Reformed stood to the general Clause; but because the Catholicks would not permit them to settle themselves in so many Places, they also troubled them about the Proofs they* 1.55 were obliged to give in, either to prove that the Exercise had been, or ought to have been made in such or such Places, ac∣cording to the Edict of 1577 or to shew that it had been actu∣all performed where the new Edict allow'd it: The Protestants pretended, That Praying publickly, together with Singing of Psalms, Marrying or Christning, ought to go for sufficient Proofs; but the Catholicks, who foresaw, and feared the consequence of such Proofs, if once allow'd, could never be brought to an Agreement upon this Point; and the King's refusing then to ad∣mit of those Acts alone (and distinct one from another) as a sufficient Ground for the Right of an Exercise, has since afford∣ed to our late Interpreters of the Edict of Nants a very specious Pretence, to maintain that the same Acts were not sufficient Proofs for the Right of the Exercises in some Places, in which they, nevertheless, found it continued for seventy or eighty Years together: But it is a Case which needs a Distinction, for Prayer once made, without any other Acts of Religion, and Marrying or Christning occasionally, might not indeed be solid Proofs of the Right of an Exercise; but the same joyned toge∣ther, continued and performed with all the ordinary Circumstan∣ces of publick Worship, ought in these latter Times to be taken for Authentick Proofs of an Exercise so long since established.

All Points having a reference to that Demand, as the Liberty of Visiting and Comforting the Sick, even in the Hospitals; of* 1.56 assisting the Prisoners, of exhorting the Criminals, and follow∣ing them to the Place of Execution it self: The Exemption from several things, at which the Consciences of the Reformed were offended, as being parts or Circumstances of the Catholick Wor∣ship, and several other Articles of the same nature, met with proportionable Difficulties before they could be agreed upon; but that concerning Burials occasioned the warmest Debates of all the rest. The Catholicks having, through a blind Zeal, con∣trived Canons, which under colour of Piety, destroy all Sense of Humanity, in forbidding all such as the Councils or Popes have declared Hereticks, to be buried in Holy Ground, as they call it, their Clergy could not endure the Reformed should enjoy this general Right of Mankind in common Church Yards, nor even the Gentlemen of that Religion in the Chappels of their own Houses, or in the Churches wherein they had a Right of Patro∣nage. On the contrary, the Reformed, though no longer infa∣tuated with the ridiculous Conceit, That one Spot of Ground is holier than another, earnestly demanded that the same Church-Yard should serve for both Parties; either because the Nobility and Gentry were desirous to preserve the Rights of their Fiefs, o•• that the Reformed, in general could not brook that Distincti∣on in Burials, by which they thought themselves injuriously re∣flected upon: For, Hereticks being excluded out of common Church-Yards, by the Canons, the Burying of the Reformed in other Places, was a plain Declaration of their being Hereticks, and, besides, it exposed them, by such a publick Blur, to the Hatred of the Catholicks, a People always zealous, even to Fury and Madness, against any thing that appear'd to them in the Shape of Heresy. Indeed, there was little Appearance that the Reformed could ever enjoy a quiet Life or a happy Society with them, who were taught to hate their Countrymen in their very Graves, and to deny them the Honour of a Common Burial; and who could not see without Scorn, nor frequent without Horror those Men, whose dead Bodies, in their Opinion, would prophane and fully the Places where they lay buried. This im∣portant Article was explained by the Edict, or executed by the

Commissioners after such a manner as proved in our Days the fatal Spring of innumerable Vexations and Injustices.

The third Demand was concerning the Subsistence of the Mi∣nisters,* 1.57 and the Maintenance of the Schools. The Reformed were willing to be freed from paying Tenths to the Clergy, to whom they ow'd nothing, since they did not own them as their Pastors; and they thought it unjust, that being at the Charge of maintaining their own Ministers, they should also contribute to the Subsistence of the Priests of a contrary Religion. They de∣manded, That at least their Ministers should be pay'd out of the publick Mony, according to an Article of the Treaty of Truce with Henry III. They also desired Schools for the Instruction of their Children, with a publick Allowance for the Masters; and moreover, that the Reformed should be indifferently admitted to places of Doctors, of Professors and Teachers in all the Univer∣sities and Faculties; to the end that their Children might freely take their Degrees in the most flourishing Colleges. In this Pretension of publick Salaries, they thought not so much of saving their Mony, as they aimed at the most important point of being owned Members of the State, equal to the Catholicks, and capable, as well as they, of all sorts of honourable and pro∣fitable Employments: But the Catholicks stoutly opposed all this, for fear the Reformed should be equal with them; therefore they could not relish the maintaining of Ministers and Teachers, out of the King's Treasury, because then it might seem, that the Reformed Religion was owned as the Religion of the State, which eminent Character they would by all means secure to the Catho∣licks. Besides, they imagined, that by settling publick Funds towards the Subsistence of Men, who laboured Day and Night for the propagation of the Reformed Doctrine, they should so firmly establish it, that afterwards it could hardly be shaken; whereas it might soon fall, if the Salaries of the Ministers were left to the Charity and Zeal of their own People. But these Difficulties were in a great Measure remov'd by their Demand of being freed from paying Tenths against their Consciences, to a sort of Men, whom they looked upon as false Pastors, and the Ministers of Antichrist. The Clergy could not abide to hear of losing such a real and considerable part of their Revenues; and,

besides, were afraid of the bad Consequences it might have; such a fair Privilege being like to draw in a great number of Catholicks to the reformed Religion; for it was well known that the Reformed taught, That the Tenths were not due to the Mi∣nisters of the Gospel, by Divine Right, and that therefore a great Advantage would accrue to any one, who keeping the Tiths to himself, might come off for a small Contribution to∣wards the Minister's Salary. As there wanted not able Ministers, in the Assembly, so they did not fail to secure and promote their Interest, insomuch that this Affair was debated with great Heats: But at last it was put to an end, or rather eluded by the King's Promise, to pay the Reformed a yearly Sum of Mony, to be em∣ploy'd,* 1.58 as they should think fit, without giving an account thereof: But still they trifled about the Quantity of the Sum, in respect to the Number of the Ministers, for whom it was de∣signed, about the Assignations of the Mony, about the Security of the Payment: And after all this, the Measures they took were so uncertain, that, a little while after the Conclusion, the Reformed complained of their being but ill paid, and that they enjoyed not the effect of this Promise much longer than twenty Years. Moreover, as the promised Sum was not sufficient to maintain such a great Number of Pastors, it was in a manner made up by two Articles; by the first whereof the Reformed were permitted to accept Gifts and Legacies for the Subsistence of Ministers, Scholars and the Poor: And by the other they were allow'd on certain Conditions, to raise Mony upon their People. But this was set down in the secret Articles, being too advantagious to appear in the Body of the Edict.

The Article of the Schools was left in a greater ambiguity* 1.59 than the former. The Reformed, who were still prepossess'd with an Opinion, That their Religion should be triumphant, as soon as Men could embrace its Doctrin, without being debarred from their temporal Advantages, thought, in good earnest, that in a short time the Universities should be filled with Reformed Professors and Teachers, if they could but get them declared capable of holding those Places; which Fancy was not a little confirm'd by the general Reputation the Reformed had gotten in the World, of being Men of greater and more polite Learning

than the Catholicks; from whence they concluded, That all the Pulpits would be soon filled with Persons of eminent Doctrin, out of their Churches. To the same end it was, that they importunately demanded, That their Children should be admit∣ted to publick Schools, and to all the Priviledges and Immuni∣ties of Scholarship, even as well as the Catholicks themselves; and that they should not be excluded or molested upon the ac∣count of Religion. These two Demands were granted them, but upon Conditions so ill explained, that a little after the verify∣ing of the Edict, some Difficulties were raised upon the first, which brought the Concession to a small matter, and, by degrees, to nothing at all. As for the second, it was so far from being advantagious to them, that it proved one of the principal Springs of those great Vexations they have groan'd under, during sixty Years and above, because it served for a colour to deny them the Liberty of teaching any thing in their small Schools, except Reading and Arithmetick; and they were told, that they had a Right by the Edict to send their Children to the publick Colleges, where they should not be molested in their Consciences. When Experience had made them fully sensible of the Cheat, they en∣deavour'd, under the reign of Lewis XIII. to remedy it, by ere∣cting Schools in the principal Churches of each Province: But the same Pretence, of their being allowed by the Edict to send their Children to the publick Colleges, gave the Catholicks occasion to hinder several of those Establishments, to ruine the rest, and even to force the Ministers and Consistories to suffer the Children of the Reformed to be sent to suspicious Schools, as we shall have occasion to relate hereafter.

The fourth Demand concern'd the securing of Estates, and of* 1.60 Civil and Natural Properties; by virtue whereof Children, or the next of kin, inherit their deceased Parents or Relations Estates; and the Members of the same Commonwealth are made capable of receiving Benefits, Gifts and Legacies; of Buying and Selling; of Contracting, Acting and Disposing of what belongs to them, according to Law. The Nobility and Gentry had, besides the general concern, a special Interest therein, in respect of their Fiefs, Lordships, Patronages and Honours. Now the Canons depriv'd the Hereticks of these Rights, and afforded so many

ways of bereaving them of all the Advantages of civil Society, that though they had not formally condemned them to Death, yet they sufficiently brought them to the Necessity of Dying, by taking away from them all Succours and Reliefs necessary for the maintenance of Human Life. Therefore the Catholicks ob∣served those cruel Laws with much Severity, and formal or equi∣valent disinheritings (by which they partly or wholely excluded their reformed Relations out of their Succession) were always ad∣vis'd by the Directors of their Consciences, or authoris'd by the Judges: So that it was high time to put a Stop to such a great Dis∣order, and because a Healing Article had already been inserted, upon this Matter, in the former Edicts, they needed only to get the old Orders renew'd; which was done, with Exceptions, in respect to some particular Cases, some whereof were explain'd in the secret Articles, and others left undecided, for Reasons of State.

The fifth Demand was for obtaining an equal number of* 1.61 Judges of both Religions, in all Parliaments, and was grounded upon the ill-will of these Courts, who daily did notorious pieces of Injustice to the Reformed, and started a World of Difficulties and Scruples in the verifying of the Edicts granted for their Se∣curity: Which they had made out with so many Instances in the Book of their Complaints, that the Court was not able to deny it; and thought it very insignificant to allow them only some Protestant Judges in each Court, since it was certain, that where-ever the Number of Catholicks were greater, the Reform∣ed should be infallibly cast: But the Parliaments had such an Interest to prevent the multiplying of Offices in their Bodies, and the dismembring of their Jurisdictions, that this Affair met* 1.62 with many Difficulties and Obstacles. The King, nevertheless, granted one miparted Chamber in the Parliaments of Thoulouse, Bordeaux and Grenoble, where all the Causes of the Reformed should respectively be brought. There was already one at Ca∣stres, and some reformed Judges had been establish'd in the Par∣liament of Grenoble, and it seem'd that the Reformed of Dauphine, where Lesdiguieres had a full Power, had nothing common in several Affairs with those of the same Religion in the other Pro∣vince; three Judges were then added to the former, to make up

a miparted Chamber, which at the very Time of its Creation was incorporated with the Parliament, insomuch that its Mem∣bers were call'd in, when ever any thing was to be debated in a full House; Moreover, the King promised to erect a Chamber at Paris, consisting of ten Catholick Judges and six reformed, and those Protestants who lived within the respective Jurisdicti∣ons of the Parliaments of Rouen, Rennes and Dijon, had their choice, either to bring their Causes before that of their own Province, or before any of the Chambers granted in the nearest of them. The King's Promise, made to the Reformed, in respect of the Parliament of Paris, was not executed; but, it seems, he made them amends for it, by creating some new Offices of Judges in that of Normandy, and a Chamber of the Edict, up∣on the Model of that which was establish'd at Paris. They had not the same Favour in the Parliament of Britany; either because the Judges of that Court, which were some of the most furious against the Reformed, would not consent to it, for that it was not judged necessary in that Province, where the Number of Pro∣testants was very inconsiderable; or, in fine, that all the Members of that Parliament were so partial and passionate, that a suffici∣ent number of equitable Men could not be found among them, to make it up. Nothing was changed in what had been agreed upon concerning the Parliament of Dijon. That of Rouen being a great Enemy to the Reformed, they had therefore obtained the Choice I spoke of just now: But this bringing up of Causes from one Court to another, had brought to the Parliament of Paris all the Causes of Normandy, where the Reformed were very numerous, and the Catholicks themselves stuck not sometimes to beg their Intervention in their own Causes, when they were jealous of their Judges; insomuch that this Parliament losing much by that means, chose rather to agree to the creation of a Chamber, like that of Paris, than to see almost all the Law. Suits of its Jurisdiction brought to another. The Reformed found also some Advantage therein, because they were no longer ob∣liged to travel out of their Province, and so far from their Friends; because also the Customs of Paris and Normandy were very dif∣ferent, and that the Charges and Delays were more troublesome at Paris than at Rouen. Besides, they were Gainers in that Bar∣gain,

by the three Offices of Judges created by the King in their behalf: But, for all this, that Parliament was not reconcil'd to the Reformation, and, as it was the most corrupted and venal Court in all France, so there was none where the Reformed were expos'd to greater Vexations and Injustice. However this Esta∣blishment was made but 15 or 16 Months after the Edict: Be∣cause it was long doubted whether the Clause concerning Offices, inserted in the Edict granted to the Marquess of Villars, permit∣ted the Protestants to be sharers therein: But, upon the whole matter, it was concluded, That the King had not by this Clause deprived himself of his Right, and the Interest of the Parliament oblig'd him to declare that it was but provisional.

The sixth Demand was, For a free Admittance to all Offices* 1.63 of State, War, Justice, Policy, Treasury, and to all Commissi∣ons, Employments, Professions, Arts and Trades, without Dan∣ger of being excluded upon the account of Religion. It was di∣rectly against the Canon-Law, which debars from all these Rights such as are not obedient to the Roman Church, and who are for that Reason call'd Hereticks; and it had been the Original of all the Oppositions made to the Reformed, during so many Years to∣gether; but it was of such great Consequence to them, that they would never desist from that Article; because, besides the Honour and Credit of Offices, which they would not have their Fami∣lies to be depriv'd of, they saw well, that if that honourable Door was shut to the Protestants, such as had more Ambition than Piety, would soon bid adieu to their naked and barren Reli∣gion, and thereby bring the Reformation to a declining State. The greatest Opposition came from the Parliaments, who refused to admit them to the Places of the Law: But at last they ob∣tain'd their Desire, and the King declared them capable of hold∣ing all sorts of Offices; whereby they thought they had gain'd a considerable Point, because that Honour being refused to Here∣ticks by the Canons, their being admitted to them was a Dis∣charge* 1.64 from that odious and hateful Name. This Pretension extended much farther than the former, by which they only de∣sired a certain Number of impartial Judges; but the latter aim'd at no less than to be made capable of diverse Offices which were supream in Cities and Towns, of Shrievalties, Mayoralties, Con∣sulats,

* 1.65 Tabellionages; of Places of Attorney, of Recorder, of Bailiff; of Places in the Marshalsea, Admiralty, in the Table of Marble; of those of the Chamber of Accounts, of the Court of Aids, of the Courts of Elections; of those of Judge or Judge-Assistant in the inferior Jurisdictions, of Judge in chief in the Court leets of the Lords. They were also admitted by the same to the Places of Master of Requests, two whereof had been pro∣mised them gratis; and to those of Secretary to the King, which are none of the least importance, in respect of their Priviledges. They were already possess'd of some Governments and military Dignities, and several among them were even Counsellors of State. The same Article had also a very great extent in the Profession of Mechanick or Liberal Arts, and, in a Word, tend∣ed to a levelling of the Catholicks with the Reformed, by mak∣ing the latter Civil Members of the State as well as they, and equal Sharers in the Distribution of Favours and Rewards. Yet in this important Matter the Reformed were highly Mistaken,* 1.66 when they contented themselves with a wide and general Decla∣ration of their capableness of Offices, without solidly enga∣ging the King that they should be really conferr'd upon them. In effect, to appease the Pope, who made as if he had been of∣fended at it, they represented to him, That there was a vast difference between declaring one capable of a Place and bestow∣ing it upon him; which perfidious Maxim the Event has shewn to be too true, since the Reformed have been so far from being admitted to high Places, or preferr'd to the greatest Dignities, according to their Merits, that they have been shifted with, even about the meanest Places, and the most inconsiderable Trades of the Kingdom. There were some among them, who foreseeing that some Time or other this general Declaration would be minister∣preted, mov'd in the Assembly for fixing, in each kind of Em∣ployments, a certain number of Places, that should be conferr'd upon the Reformed; and du Plessis, as I have said elswhere, trea∣ting, some Years before, with Villeroy, had obtain'd the fourth part of all Places, and was even in hopes to obtain a third. But, besides, that such a general Declaration had something more plausible and flattering than the limitation of a certain Number of Places, because thereby the Reformed were more fully equall'd

to the Catholicks, it was more suitable to their different Circum∣stances in the Provinces of the Kingdom; for in some their Number was so great, that if they had been reduced to a fourth or a third part of the Offices, they had been very unjustly dealt with, and the Court had been under a necessity of calling Ca∣tholicks from the other Provinces, to bestow the remainder upon them. But in others they were so much inferior in number to the Catholicks, that there had not been enough among them to fill the third or the fourth part of the Places. Moreover, a spe∣cial Regulation had been necessary almost for every Balliwick; insomuch that a general Clause was in a manner unavoidable. Add to this, That the Provinces where the Reformed were the strongest and most numerous, they did so little question their being able to engross all the Offices to themselves, for want of qualified Catholicks, that it was no difficult Matter, for the Court to satisfie them with that indefinite Declaration: And, in∣deed it was very advantagious, had it been observ'd bona fide; but as the same had been formerly eluded by Henry III's Artifices, so his Example has been follow'd since for above 40 Years, and this equitable Rule of Equality has been turn'd into a Sham by the Treachery of his Successors. True it is, that at the Time of the Edict the Reformed gain'd by it no small Credit, since the best part of all inferior Offices fell immediately upon them, and even the Catholick Lords were so well perswaded that they had a better Stock either of Ability or Honesty than others, that they stuck not to prefer them, before the Catholicks, to such Places as were in their Gift; moreover, Offices being venal in France, the Reformed bought them dearer than others; and, with the Help of that strong Machine, overcame all sorts of Oppositi∣ons, which happen'd especially for Places of a new creation, when he that bids most is sure to be the Buyer: But this happy State of the Reformed lasted only till after the taking of Rochel.

The seventh Demand was concerning the Securities, the prin∣cipal* 1.67 whereof was, in their Judgment, the keeping of those Pla∣ces which they had now in their Hands, and were numerous and strong enough to resist their Enemies in case of an Attack: But 'twas this very thing made the Difficulty; for the Court was very unwilling to leave so many Fortresses in the Hands of brave and bold Men, amongst whom there was a great number of war∣like

and couragious Nobility, who had been permitted to unite together for their mutual Defence; but the Reformed were in∣flexible upon this Point, and would, by no means, hear of parting with what they had; for, first, the Experience of past Times made them afraid that the Edict might be us'd as a Pre∣tence to disarm them, and that the Catholicks might break their Oath as soon as their Places of Refuge should be taken from them. Besides, they could not but know, that, according to the Policy suggested by the Court of Rome to all Princes who submit to the Pope, they keep Faith with none but such as they fear; and that therefore it might be kept to the Reformed no longer than the Danger of breaking it should last. 'Tis a Maxim no less gene∣ral than true, Since Conscience and Honesty have not been a suffi∣cient Warrant for the Security of Treaties, that such as are con∣cerned in the Observation of them, must make themselves formidable to such as would break the same, and make them sensible that they could not do it with impunity: Therefore it was necessary for the Reformed to keep still some strong Garrisons, to stifle in the Ca∣tholicks Hearts the Desire of attempting their Ruin, by shewing them the frightful Prospect of an equal Danger on both sides; moreover, all the rest of the Kingdom was in Arms: All such as during the War had commanded, either under the King, or under the League, had some Place or other at their Devotion; and as there was no great likelihood of so soon disarming so many Men, who acted like petty Princes in their Government, so the Reformed had good reason to fear, that if they should lay down their Arms alone, they might soon be at the Discretion of their irreconcilable Persecutors. This same Article comprehended also many private Interests besides the general, because there was neither Lord nor Captain which had not some Place in the Guard, and no one was so disinterested to give up his own, to preserve that of his Companion. There was also as engaging an Interest which concern'd the common Cause, diverse Places had Catholick Governours that were not bigotted enough to their Religion to neglect their own Fortune, tho' it were advanc'd to the Prejudice of the Popish Cause; nor yet so well affected to the Reformed to embrace their Party without an evident Advantage. They plainly saw, that when a Peace should be establish'd in the King∣dom, their Places would become unuseful, their Garrisons broke,

and their Profits cease; but concluded, that if the Reformed ob∣tain'd* 1.68 the keeping of their Places, they needed only to change their Religion to preserve their own, as being the same Reason whereby others should possess them. The Memoirs of those Times give an account, That there were Men of this Character, who had promised to profess the Reformed Religion, but declar'd they would first see the State settl'd. 'Twas to favour these Con∣versions, which might increase and Strengthen their Party, as made them demand, That if any Governour of any Place em∣braced the Reformed Religion, his Place should be continued to him without any Innovation: And Examples may be seen in the Reign of Lewis XIII. of the Protection that the Reformed gave to those under such Circumstances: But the Council, desi∣rous to hinder the multiplication of the Places of the Reformed, limited the Time in which they were to be at the disposal of the Reformed, to the end that they might be able to reckon up their strong Places.

This Article was very difficult to be resolv'd, because there were Disputes about the Number and Quality of these Places, the Strength of the Garrisons, the Nomination and Oath of the Governours, upon the Changing, in case of Death, about the placing of under Officers, the time of the Guard, and many other things which respected the Circumstances of this Affair. The Reformed chiefly declar'd, They desir'd that those Places that belonged to them might not exclude them from other Govern∣ments, whereto they might be chose, according to their Merits. The Council employed all their Art to evade these Pretensions of the Reformed, and, above all, to bring the Nomination of the Governours under the King's Power, to the end that such as were admitted might be greater Friends to the Court than to the con∣trary Party.

But to prevail with the Reformed to consent to this Proposition, it was requisite to oblige those that should be chosen by the King to take an Attestation from the Provincial Assembly, to the end that the Assembly might object against them, if they were su∣spicious Persons. The King likewise promised the Reformed to take their Advice when any Government should be vacant, that he might not chuse such Persons into those Places as would be

disagreeable to them. In which Proceeding there was some∣thing very different from what happened on other occasions, where the People have any part in the disposing of Offices. Ge∣nerally the Subjects nominate to the King such as they think fit, and he accepts or refuses them: But here the King names and the Subjects have a Liberty to refuse; wherefore the King sends back all those whom he chuses for the Attestation of the Assem∣bly, obliged the Assembly, in case they refuse them their Testi∣mony, to give their Reasons to the Council; to the end that by this necessity of giving an account of their Refusal, the Respect due to the Royal Nomination may be observed, and that the King might always appear Master and Arbitrator in the Affair. And upon the whole, the Reformed obtained a great part of what they desired, and had it not been for the Divisions among them∣selves, they might have gain'd much more: It was very happy for them that there was not in every Province a Governour, as indifferent to Religion, and as powerful as Lesdiguieres was in Dauphine. They would have disunited them, in treating with each separately, as they did with him who would never have his Garri∣sons comprehended with the rest, under the same Conditions He made Religion a pretext to keep his Places, but he would have no dependance on the Assembly, liking better to be sole Master in his own Province. The Court would have gained by it if every Governour had been able to have done the same, because by that means they would have ruined the Authority of General Coun∣cils: But none of them besides Lesdigueres being in a condition of maintaining himself, all were obliged to unite for their mutual Security.

But to return, these strong Places being held by the Reformed,* 1.69 was not so contrary to the Interests and Intentions of the King, as some would make us believe, and as he himself was even sometimes obliged to pretend. This Prince was not yet free from the perplexity wherein the uncertainty of the Succession, the Authority of the Nobility, and the Power of his own Offi∣cers had put him. The Seeds of those Conspiracies which had been raised against him and against the State, were rather hidden than quite stifled: And there was too much reason to fear that so many Men being corrupted by the Practices and Gold of the Spa∣niards,

might form such a Party as would give him a great deal of Trouble to destroy; upon which he often complained, That there was none about him that prudence would permit him to confide in. On the other side, when he thought of the Affection that the Reformed had so seasonably shew'd towards him for so many Years together, he was satisfied there was amongst them such as were proved Friends, and from whom, in the greatest extremity he might promise himself all Assistance. It is true, at that time they were dissatisfied with his indifference towards them, and his delaying their Affairs, but he was certain he should always find them ready to lay down the last drop of their Blood for his Service, as soon as ever he should give them any Testi∣mony of his former Confidence and Trust in them: And there∣fore he thought it a very important business to preserve them, and spoke to his Confidents of the Peace he had granted them, as a thing he had the most ardently wish'd for, and which might be very serviceable to him in his greatest Undertakings. He lookt upon the Reformed as his Party, and their strong Places as his own: He knew very well, that whatsoever Intrigues the Spa∣niards might carry on with the turbulent Spirits of the Court, yet that part of the State which was held by the Reformed could not be taken from him, and they might be serviceable even in keeping others in their Duty Indeed there were some persons in this Party that were suspected by him, and that he would have been very glad to have had at his discretion, that he might have been able to have unhinged those Cabals whereof he thought these Persons the Ring-leaders: But he had seen by the Negoti∣ation of the Edict that this pretended Faction was not always the strongest, and that those that were the most difficultly pleased, had, nevertheless, sometimes yielded upon the Necessity of his Affairs: And, upon the whole matter, he was not ignorant that he had the infallible means of re uniting them to himself, when∣ever he would; and that he might depend as much upon them as on▪the rest of the Reformed, as soon as by the state of Affairs his Interest would permit him to rejoyn himself to their Party: He had only a Desire of having a Power of naming the Governours of their Towns, to the end that he might place such in them who were as much engag'd to his Fortune as to their Religion▪

and who by consequence should depend more upon him than on the Councils or political Assemblies: But to procure their Con∣sent to this Article, he must find out an Expedient, which might in some sort content them, because they were afraid that by this means their Places might fall into the Hands of some treacherous Persons. This same Reflection may be seen in the Reasons why the King suffer'd so many Places to be held by the Reformed, in the Memoirs of those Times, and in the Writings of those who have endeavour'd to justify the War that Lewis XIII made against the Reformed, under the pretext of regaining the Places of Security. This is one of their Reasons, That since the King had not consented to leave them wholely to them, but only under their Names to keep these Places for himself, against the secret Fa∣ctions which might trouble the State; it was therefore no longer just to suffer them in their Possession after these Factions were extinct. We have already seen how dissatisfied the Marquess d'O was, because the King had put as many Places as he could into the Hands of the Reformed; and that, for this Reason, he had rather see a Place taken by a Spaniard than kept by an Huguenot.

But there was, besides, a great difficulty about paying those* 1.70 Sums that were necessary for the maintaining of the Garrisons, Fortifications and the Walls of their Towns: There was nothing the Council was more difficult to part with than Money, and the Catholicks were much offended to see so great Sums paid by the King to the Hereticks, to maintain such Fortresses as rendred them very formidable; nevertheless it could not be refused to Men who could say, That the like had been done for the Leaguers, the greatest part whereof had Pensions, or their Garrisons paid them out of the King's Coffers: The Contestation therefore was reduced to the means how to save the King's Money, and the Re∣formed were contented with so little, that it can hardly be believ'd that all their Garrisons could be paid with so inconsiderable a Sum: And, in effect, there were some of the Leaguers to whom they had given or promised more Money than they had granted to the Reformed for the maintenance of their Towns for many Years together. When all was thus settled, a new Dispute began upon the manner whereby they should assure the Reformed of the Payment of the promised Sums: They should have been very

glad if they might have been permitted to have stopp'd the King's Taxes at the respective Treasuries, rather than to accept of such Assignments as they fear'd would be both inconvenient and uncer∣tain: But they judged it not handsome to let the King know they so much distrusted his Word, and therefore they were forc'd to be con∣tented with the Promise he gave them of convenient and certain Assignments. There were some private persons also, who having* 1.71 neither Commands in these Places or in the Souldiery, made par∣ticular Requests, some of Arrearages of Pensions, others of some Gift to establish their Affairs; and, so others again, for some Gratification for their past Services, which had not yet been ac∣knowledged: And thus they were all made under different Pre∣tensions; but the whole of their Demands amounted to so small a matter, that altogether it would scarcely equal the least Recom∣pence that the Leaguers had obtained.

When all things were agreed on, there still remain'd a general* 1.72 difficulty, concerning the manner wherein those Concessions should be publish'd; an Edict appeared the most Authentick Security to the Reformed, but there were so many Obstacles, so many Fears of offending the Catholicks, and of giving any Pretence to the Disaffected of beginning new Disturbances, and such Hopes given to the Churches of mending their Conditions with the Times; That, in fine, they agreed upon several Forms, under which diverse Concessions should be granted, as had been done* 1.73 on other occasions. First, Therefore they gave an Edict, which contain'd to the number of 92 general Articles, by which the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was authorized in many Pla∣ces, under such and such Conditions. The Reformed were ad∣mitted to all States and Offices; the administration of Justice was regulated by the setting up of Chambers Miparties; and many other things were commanded, conformably to what had been practised in the Edicts of the same nature; a Pardon for whatsoe∣ver might be laid to the Charge of the Reformed, was expressed at full length; all manner of Edicts, Letters or Articles of the pre∣ceeding Times, that were contrary to this New Edict, were ex∣presly abrogated by it: And for the Security of this, the King commanded all his Officers to take an Oath to observe it with Care and Fidelity; and taking all the Inhabitants of the Towns

and other Places into his Protection, he put them under the care of each other, to prevent Seditions and Violences.

To the Edict were added secret or particular Heads, to the number of 56, among which there was many of great impor∣tance, which well deserv'd to have been inserted into the Body of the Edict; but they contented themselves with placing them in this Appendix, because it was addressed to the Parliaments as the same Edict, and many of them verified it. Such were the Articles which exempted the Reformed in respect of many things that belong'd to the Worship of the Catholicks, the Privileges of the Ministers, the exercise of the Discipline of the Reformed, with the holding of their Consistories, their Colloquies and Synods, the Education of Children, the Liberty of Marriages in such de∣grees wherein the Catholicks are obliged to procure Dispensations, the observations of Fasting and Holidays, the nullity of extorted Abjurations, and many others the like; they forgot not the Con∣firmation of the Articles granted to the Heads of the League, who had submitted to the Government. The Shiftings made use of in our Time, upon many of these Articles, sufficiently shew how needful it was that general Articles should be granted there∣on: But what seems most singular in this Affair, is, that there were in these secret Articles some Passages which formally regard∣ed only what was past, or else the Time of the Edict it self, that nevertheless were executed from the time it was published until its Revocation, of calling them into Question, such were the Articles which concerned Marriage in such a degree of Affi∣nity as the Catholicks were not permitted without a Dispensation. This, in a manner, made some amends for certain Articles of the Edict that had never been put in execution, which permitted the Reformed freely to live in all places of the Kingdom. There were all a-long many Towns wherein the Reformed could never appear with safety, so far were they from living without Disturbance in them. But a particular Remark may be here made upon Liberty of Conscience; The Edict had aimed expresly to establish it, and yet there was no formal Article in it which gave it to all the French, but it was so plainly presupposed by the Edict, and by that Spirit of Liberty which they always so highly pretended to, even to the fancying that France was the only Kingdom in the

World where Freedom had the least interruption, that all the King's Subjects were suffered to enjoy it for fourscore Years, with∣out any Person's ever being disturbed about it: And indeed they durst not violate it, until they had in many respects ruin'd the Edict in its most important Concessions.

The rest of the things that could not be comprehended in the Edict, nor in the particular Articles, were Promises by private Patents, where with the Reformed were not easily satisfied, because these sorts of Letters are not like a Law, but only continue at the King's Pleasure, who revokes them when he has a Mind to it: But as these Grants were the nicest, and such as the Catholicks were the least pleased with, so they were under a necessity of depending upon the King's good Will, and allowing such Ex∣cuses as were taken from the State of his Affairs, which would not permit him to do any more. There were Three Patents of this nature: The first, which was dated the third of April, granted a Sum of Forty five thousand Crowns for the Pay∣ment of the Ministers; it was assigned upon several provincial Exchequers, for the Conveniency of its Distribution, payable quarterly in ready Mony, with Precautions that were very fa∣vourable for the Payment, and a Dispensation given to the re∣ceiver, appointed either by the King or the Reformed, by which he was freed from giving an Account in any Court. As the Court durst not declare openly that this Sum was designed to maintain the Ministers, lest the Catholicks should murmur to see part of the King's Revenue employed in the Preservation of Heresy, so they were obliged to put in some Clause which might secure it from giving them any Scandal. Duplessis having insert∣ed an Article on this Subject, among those which had been agreed upon at Mants, after the King's turning Papist had ob∣tained that the promised Sum should be paid under the Name of the Lady Catherine, because she might receive greater Grati∣fications from the King her Brother, without its being su∣spected by any one: But she could not live always, and there∣fore some pretext must be thought on which might serve them at all times: So that it was declared in the Patent that this Sum was given to the Reformed, to be employed in their secret concerns, which his Majesty would have neither specified nor declared.

The Second Patent concern'd the Places of Security: But it contain'd also many other Passages, which explained several things that the Edict seem'd to leave undetermined. It was dated the thirtieth of April at Nants; and the King declares there, in the manner of a Preface, the Motives that induced him to grant them the keeping of these Fortresses: viz. That the Reformed thought it necessary, for the Liberty of their Consci∣ences, and Security of their Persons and Estates; and that his Majesty was assured of their Fidelity, and of their sincere Affe∣ction to his Service. To which he added in general Terms many other important Considerations for the Advantage and Peace of the State. After which there followed Twenty four Articles, the first of which permitted them for eight Years, under the Authority of his Majesty, to keep all those Fortresses, Towns and Castles which they had held until the End of August 1598. wherein Garrisons were to be maintained according to the Settle∣ment made in the Council for it; the eight Years were to be reckoned from the Time the Edict was published in all the Parlia∣ments. The second promised, That nothing should be innovated in any of the Reformed Towns, where there was no Garrison. The third excepted some Places which they should not keep under the Title of Security; and that even for the Time to come, if the King should place any Governour of the Reformed Religion there∣in, they should draw no Consequence from it. These Towns were Vendome, Pontorson, Aubenas and its Citadel. He com∣manded also that Chavigni, which belonged to the Bishop of Poictiers, should be restored to him, and the Fortifications there∣of rased; but by one of the secret Articles of the Edict the Ex∣ercise of their Religion was formally permitted continuing there. The fourth gave them the sum of One hundred and four∣score thousand Crowns for the maintaining of their Towns and Payment of their Garrisons. The fifth excepted the Places in Dauphiny, of which a particular State was promised to be set up by it self: Lesdiguiers liking better to defend them on his own account, than for the common Cause, and the Court, favoured this Division, to weaken a Party, the uniting of whose Members would render it redoubtable. The sixth promised good Assign∣ments, and that the Money thereof should not be diverted to other

uses. The seventh promised, That the Reformed should be cal∣led, when the state of the Places should be settled, to take their Advice, and hear their Remonstrances, and afterwards to do every thing as much to their Liking as possible. The same Pro∣mise was made to Lesdiguiers for Dauphiny. The eighth per∣mitted, That in case any Change should happen in their Places, either by the King's Pleasure, or through the Desire of the Re∣formed themselves, they should act there in the same manner as when the former State was settled; that is, that the Reformed were to be called in order, to give their Advice and Remonstran∣ces. The ninth assured them, That if by Death any of these Governments became vacant, during the eight Years, none but the Reformed should be admitted, who likewise must be obliged to take an Attestation of the Assembly which belonged to that Province the Place was situated in: And added, That if the Assembly should refuse their Attestation, then the Cause should be heard before the King. The tenth provided, That after the eight Years were passed, although the King was quitted of his Promise, he should nevertheless continue those in their Govern∣ments that were then in possession, in such Places as he thought good still to keep a Garrison. The eleventh declared, That the keeping of these Places should not exclude the Reformed from other Governments, whereto they might be received, indiffe∣rently with others, according to their Merits: But that such Pla∣ces as were given them upon this account should not, neverthe∣less, be reckoned among their Places of Security. The twelfth permitted the keeping of Magazines, Ammunition, Powder, Cannons, &c. to those to whom the Reformed had given them, and to take a Commission from the Master of the Ordnance and from the Commissary General of Provisions, which should be deli∣vered them gratis, under certain Conditions. The thirteenth, provided for the Payment of these Commissioners out of the Hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns, and not to charge the King's Exchequer with it. The fourteenth declared, That the King had caused the Temple of Mets to be removed, and grant∣ed Letters Patents to the Inhabitants thereof, which permitted them to dispose of the Materials; and promised them to give them another Place within the Walls to perform their Exercise

in; for which Reason this was not necessary to be inserted in the Edict. The fifteenth assured the Reformed: Lords that might happen ••o reside at Court, that they should not be questi∣on'd for what they did in their Houses with their Families only, and their Gates shut, without they sung Psalms with a loud Voice, or gave any reason to suppose there was a Publick Exer∣cise. The sixteenth had a relation to the fourteenth of the Edict, permitting them to continue the exercise in such Places where it was publickly allowed, if the Court (who made it cease by its Residence) continued above three Days there. The seventeenth relating to the same, declared, That because of the present state of his Majesty's Affairs, Matters concerning Religion should remain in the same condition they were in Bresse, Barcelona, and the Country on that side the Hills, but that when they should be reduced to Obedience, they should be treated like the rest of the King's Subjects, notwithstanding what was mentioned thereof in the Edict. The eighteenth granted Provisions gratis to those that should be put into the place of Presidents, Counsellors, and Depu∣ties of Attorney and Solicitor General, to serve the first Time in the Chambers Miparties. The nineteenth promised gratis the Pla∣ces of Judges to those Substitutes, in the Parliaments of Thou∣louse and Bourdeaux, if it happened that Chambers were incor∣porated with them. The twentieth declared Francis Pithou substitute to the Procurer General in the Parliament of Paris, and after him assured the Charge to some of the Reformed. The one and twentieth promised the Reformed two Places of Masters of Requests, when they should be void by death, at the rate of its Value; and in the mean while two such Places should quar∣terly be given them, who should report their Affairs.

The two and twentieth permitted the Deputies of the Assem∣bly of Chattilleraud, to leave ten of their Members at Saumur, until the Edict was confirmed in the Parliament of Paris, altho by the Edict they were commanded to depart: This was to re∣duce the Assembly to the Number which was set up by that of S. Foy; the twenty third took from these ten Deputies the Power of making any new Demands, and forbad them meddling with any thing, except the soliciting for the Confirmation of the Edict, and sending Commissioners into the Provinces to see it executed.

The twenty fourth was the most important of all; the King, in that, gave his Word and Faith for the Security of the Execu∣tion of the whole, declaring that all that was contained in the Patent should be of the same Force as if it had been comprized by an Edict, confirmed in the Court of Parliament; Being, he said, those of the said Religion, to comply with what was for his Interest, were contented not to press him, as the state of his Affairs was, to put this Grant in a more authentick Form, trusting in the Word and Goodness of the King, that they should entirely enjoy it: Upon which account he had commanded all necessary Expedition to be made. Thus, as the private Articles were a kind of In∣struction for the Executors of the Edict, wherein the King ex∣plained many things, that the general Articles had left obscure and undecided; so we may say also, That this Parent served for a kind of a Salvo to certain Articles of the Edict that the Times would not permit to be put in more favourable Terms, although the Intention of the King was not contrary to it: And above all, he justified the Reformed from the Reproach of having made any Advantage of the Conjuncture of Affairs, in forcing him to grant them what they pleased, since he declared, That they were contented with the King's Word upon so many important things: because the state of his Affairs would not permit him to give better Assurances.

The third Patent contained a distribution of three and twenty thousand Crowns, to several private Persons, to some for one time, to others for two Years, to some for four, and to others again for eight Years: To some by way of Gratification, and to others as Arrears for past Services. The Historian D'Aubigne, one of those that they esteemed at Court too zealous for their Religion, who thought himself ill-requited for his Services, by this means extorted a moderate Sum for the Arrears of a Pension that had been some time detained from him. Thus all the perso∣nal Favours that the King granted to the Reformed, amounted to a very small matter; by which it appeared, that private Interest was not the Motive, as they declared in all their Requests. All the Sums amounted not to Two hundred and fifty thousand Crowns: And even at the end of eight Years the whole was reduced to less than a fifth part, which they gave to the Reformed,

in compensation for the Tenths, that they were obliged to pay to the Clergy their Persecutors.

It seems not improper here to speak a Word or two of the Pla∣ces that the Reformed had in their Keeping, to the end that we may see what condition they were in, as to the Strength of their Party, at the time the Edict was made. There were two sorts of Towns comprehended under the Name of Towns of Security, one of which had neither Governour nor Garrison, but defended it self: Such were Rochel, Montaubon, Nismes, and some others. They had Priviledges so great, that they were almost free; and Rochel, above the rest had had such Treaties with the Kings of France as had made them very near independent, tho' indeed all was done there in the King's Name, yet each Place had its Magistrates which had the sole Administration of the Govern∣ment. These Towns were the firmest to the Common Cause, because they had two Priviledges to defend, their Religion and their Liberty. This kind of Independence must not be imputed to the Doctrine of the Reformed, since there were Catholick Towns which had as much Liberty: But the Court made Reli∣gion a pretext to destroy them first, and by the means of their Ruin sound a way to oppress the rest, who have all now sub∣mitted to the Yoke.

There were other Places who had both Garrisons and Govern∣ours, some of which belonged to particular Lords, who disposed of Matters therein, as they pleased: The rest were governed by great Men, that had made themselves Masters of them during the War; or else by such as the King, whilst he was their Pro∣tector, had placed therein, to defend them. Some of these were properly Places of Security, others were call'd Towns or Pla∣ces of Marriage, because they had no Garrison of their own, but were comprised under the Name of more important neigh∣bouring Places; and that their Garrison was a Detachment from those of the principal Place whereon they depended: Many of these Places of Marriage were only simple Castles belonging to Protestant Gentlemen, some of which had not above six or seven Men in a Garrison; but they afterwards disputed them with the Reformed, and pretended that these Places of Marriage were not comprehended in the number of those that the King permitted them to keep.

The Payment of the Soldiers (without speaking of Dauphine, which had its Affairs separate, and contained eleven Places) con∣sisted* 1.74 of two States, the one of which was publick and the other private, because they found it necessary to conceal part of their Strength and the good Will of the King, for fear of offending the Catholicks. The least Sum was employed upon the Publick State, and the rest was set down in the other, which was called the little State. In respect to the first they followed the accustomed Order for the Payment of the Gar∣risons, furnishing of Rolls of Acquittances, &c. and they were paid by the extraordinary Treasurer of War; but the other was paid with less, upon simple Orders obtained from the respe∣ctive provincial Exchequers.

Thus ended the long Civil War, whereof Religion was made* 1.75 the Pretence. The Reformed began to take Breath, and the Minds of the People to be a little settled again. La Trimouille by his inflexibility incurr'd the Hatred of the King, but gained the Esteem and Confidence of his own Party: The Court endea∣voured all ways possible to draw him from the common Cause, but nothing could work upon him; to that end the President de Thou offered him incredible Advantages; but he answered very generously, Whatsoever they could do for him would avail no∣thing, whilst the Requests of the Reformed were unanswered; but if they would grant them the Security of their Consciences and Lives, they might hang him up at the Gate of the Assem∣bly, and that no Disturbance would come upon it. They also endeavoured to stir him up with Emulation and Jealousy, when the Duke de Bouillon came to the Assembly, where La Trimouille being youngest, gave him the first Place that he had held for two Years together: But he was not concerned for this Point of Ho∣nour, which would have shaken a Soul less Noble than his. He gave way without any regret, and maintained himself unto the end with an equal Courage. There were many other great Men which seconded him; the Minister Chamier was one of the most undaunted; and, because of that, he became as odious to the Court, as he was considerable to the Churches. There are some Authors among the Reformed who affirm, That the King's

Avarice was the Reason why the Division was less in the Assem∣bly than it might have been, if the King had been willing to buy its Members at as dear a rate as he had bought the Leaguers. But that many continued firm to the Common Cause, because there was no Advantage in abandoning it. Indeed Aubigny, one of these Authors, might speak by Experience, he was not rich, and he was very willing to make his Fortune; but they did not love him at Court, because he was too free and satyrical in his Discourses, and disturbed them with the Reproaches of his Ser∣vices. Tho' it was not really so much from the King's Avarice as his Wisdom and good Intentions for the Preservation of the Reformed, he chose rather to grant Favours to them in general, whom he had some reason to love, than to raise the Fortune of some private Persons, which he thought he might have cause to complain of.

The End of the Fifth Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A Book setting forth the Grievan∣ces of the Reformed.
• * 1.2

  Elamed by some.
• * 1.3

  The Im∣portance of its Con∣tents.
• * 1.4

  It begin∣neth with excusing the free∣dom of those Com∣plaints.
• * 1.5

  Maketh Remon∣strances to the King about the Delays of his Coun∣cil, and the general State of the Re∣formed.
• * 1.6

  By what degrees the King had been drawn from them.
• * 1.7

  The De∣sign of their Pe∣tion.
• * 1.8

  General Com∣plaints made by them a∣gainst all •• French.
• * 1.9

  Against all the Orders of the State. Against the Clergy in particu∣lar.
• * 1.10

  The pub∣lick Exer∣cise of the reformed Religion obstruct∣ed, and pri∣vate De∣votions hindred;
• * 1.11

  And in their pri∣vate Devo∣tions. Instances of great Violences.
• * 1.12

  The bold∣ness of the Parlia∣ment of Bourdeaux.
• * 1.13

  The Exer∣cise inter∣rupted or forbid in several places by divers De∣crees.
• * 1.14

  In the Army.
• * 1.15

  At Rouen, the King being there.
• * 1.16

  Com∣plaints upon the account of the places.
• * 1.17

  Against the Catho∣lick Gen∣tlemen. Against the Trea∣ties with the League.
• * 1.18

  Singing of Psalms hindred. Books sei∣zed and burnt.
• * 1.19

  Comfort∣ing of the sick.
• * 1.20

  Conscien∣ces forced.
• * 1.21

  The Prince of Conde.
• * 1.22

  The keep∣ing of Lent and Holidays.
• * 1.23

  Colledges.
• * 1.24

  The Poor ill used.
• * 1.25

  Places where the Reformed dare not dwell. A remark∣able Inju∣stice done at Lyon.
• * 1.26

  Trades.
• * 1.27

  Violences.
• * 1.28

  Injustice done to the Re∣formed a∣bout Offi∣ces.
• * 1.29

  The Council of State is not meant here, but a Court of Judicature in Paris, where some Special Matters are debated.
• * 1.30

  Seditious Words and Speeches. Passion of Judges and Parlia∣ments.
• * 1.31

  Difficul∣ties in re∣establish∣ing the E∣dict of 1577.
• * 1.32

  Special In∣stances of the ill will of the Parlia∣ments.
• * 1.33

  Burials made dif∣ficult:
• * 1.34

  Hindred.
• * 1.35

  A strong, free and moving Conclu∣sion.
• * 1.36

  Reflecti∣ons on that Book.
• * 1.37

  New De∣lays.
• * 1.38

  And Diffi∣culties up∣on parti∣cular Pla∣ces.
• * 1.39

  The break∣ing up of the Assem∣bly.
• * 1.40

  The state of the▪ Garrisons.
• * 1.41

  The na∣ming of Gover∣nors.
• * 1.42

  The An∣nual re∣newing of the state of the Gar∣risons.
• * 1.43

  Private Interests.
• * 1.44

  1598.
• * 1.45

  The Edict delay'd till the Month of August, when there were no more Lea∣guers.
• * 1.46

  The As∣sembly al∣larmed.
• * 1.47

  The King grants the Edict, be∣ing armed. Different Opinions about the Edict.
• * 1.48

  The Con∣clusion at Nants.
• * 1.49

  The Par∣ticulars of the Diffi∣culties on each Ar∣ticle.
• * 1.50

  They first demand a new Edict.
• * 1.51

  Reasons pro and con.
• * 1.52

  The se∣cond De∣mand, a free Exer∣cise, and its extent.
• * 1.53

  The ad∣vantage secured to the pre∣vailing Religion. A second place in each Bailiwick was no new thing.
• * 1.54

  Difficul∣ties about the Places of Exer∣cise.
• * 1.55

  Upon the Proofs.
• * 1.56

  Difficul∣ties about the Buri∣als.
• * 1.57

  The Third Demand, the Subsi∣stence of the Mini∣sters.
• * 1.58

  A Sum of Mony pro∣mised by the King.
• * 1.59

  The Schools.
• * 1.60

  The 4th. Demand, the posses∣sion of Estates, and Rights of Successi∣on.
• * 1.61

  The fifth demand, impartial Judges.
• * 1.62

  Chambers Miparties, or of the Edict.
• * 1.63

  The sixth Demand, to be ad∣mitted to Offices.
• * 1.64

  The ex∣tent of this Concession
• * 1.65

  The Offi∣ces where∣in Nota∣ries Pub∣lic, allow'd by Autho∣rity, in∣gross and register private Contracts
• * 1.66

  The Sham of this Concessi∣on.
• * 1.67

  The 7th Demand, Securities.
• * 1.68

  1598.
• * 1.69

  How they were use∣ful to the King. ••
• * 1.70

  The pay∣ment of the Garri∣sons.
• * 1.71

  Gifts to private Persons.
• * 1.72

  Contesta∣tions▪ touching the Form of the Con∣cessions,
• * 1.73

  which is diverse, ac∣cording to the nature of the thing.
• * 1.74

  The man∣ner of Payment.
• * 1.75

  The Con∣clusion.