The history of the famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the persecutions that have been in France from its first publication to this present time : faithfully extracted from all the publick and private memoirs, that could possibly be procured / printed first in French, by the authority of the states of Holland and West-Friezland, and now translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes▪ BOOK III. (Book 3)

The CONTENTS of the Third Book.

Mistrusts produced by this Change. Boldness of the Leaguers. Re∣newing of the Ʋnion-Oath. Conspiracy of Barriere. Pretence of the Rebels, that the King's Conversion is not sincere: That he must have the Popes Blessing. Deputies from the Reformed on their March. The King's Precautions against their Reproaches. A Letter upon the King's Change▪ The Insults of the Catholicks. Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him, and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction. Project of an Edict. A Precauti∣on against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation. The Re∣formed not very well contented with the Project, neither accept nor refuse it. Assemblies permitted. Ʋnion renew'd with the King's Approbation. Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers. A Design

of a Re-union. The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome. The Fears that the King's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Re∣formed. A Truce prejudicial to the King. The Reducing Meaux and other Towns. Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed. The Coronation Oath. The power of the Jesuits. Injustices done to the Reformed. The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed. A Synod at Montaubon; Orders Prayers for the King's Prosperity, and for his returning to his Religion: Dis∣claims the Province of the Isle of France in several points. As∣sembly at St. Foy. Propositions and Regulations for the General Council; and for those of the Provinces. Secret Articles. Se∣dition of the Croquans. Deputies amused at Court. Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur. Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope. The King wounded by Chatel. Jesuits banished. Pyra∣mid. Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed. The Courts Thoughts upon the Ʋnion of the Reformed. The King's Thoughts upon this Subject. Causes for which it is resolv'd to declare the Reformed capable of Employs. The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands. Methods for to succeed in it. The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado. The Attorney General's ill-grounded Wrangling, and the reason of new Mistrusts. Assembly at Saumur; at first displeases the King, who at at last authorizes it: Reasons for the permitting it. Ne∣cessity of importuning the King. The Assembly demands a new Edict, and Securities. The King's desired Absolution: His Rea∣sons for yielding the first. Commissaries chosen for to treat about it▪ Du Perron and d' Ossat. The Popes high Pretensions. Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary. Testimony rendred to the present and past Services of the Reformed. Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing it self. Articles of Pe∣nitence: Complaints of the Reformed: The Excuses of the At∣torneys. Punishment of two Protestants at Rome. Secret Arti∣cles believed to be promised to the Pope.

THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Counte∣nance* 1.1 of Affairs. The Reformed Religion, which the Death of Henry III. had put upon the Throne, was on a suddain removed far from it; and the Heads of that Party be∣gan

to fear, That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion, he should by little and little be dispos'd to destroy them. Which was so much the more probable, that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change, he was likewise to consider them as Men, who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair, and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence. Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies; and perhaps according to the natu∣ral Inclination of Man, who never fails to hate those of whom ••e no more deserves to be belov'd, to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them. Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendred them too good Services, ••nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injur'd, as a perpetual upbraiding, of whom they think to rid themselves by ••estroying these troublesom Accusers: And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage, seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience, by continually upbraiding him with their Services, their Misery and his Change. They saw moreover, that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot, which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made, ••ut at their Cost. La Varenne, a Man of Fortune, who notwith∣••tanding had a share in the King's Confidence, because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks, took a Journey into Spain, ••nder certain Pretences, but in effect to propose a Peace, and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta; for to see that Prin∣cess in the King's Name; for to bring him her Picture, and to promise to send a Lord of Note, if the King of Spain would ••earken to it. It is not known whether the King's Intention ••as really so, or if he endeavour'd by the Overture of that Pro∣position to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League. But ••is Voyage alarm'd the Protestants both at home and abroad; ••o' England and the Ʋnited Provinces had been included in the ••roject of this Peace, because they feared lest at one time or ano∣••••er their Ruine to be the fruit of that Alliance. But in France ••••e Reformed changed not their Conduct. They were content to ••••rug their Shoulders through Astonishment, to exhale their Grief •• bitter Complaints, and to expect the Issue of their Deputation,

whose Members were on their way to wait on the King, who had given them fine Promises for their Comfort.

As to the Catholicks, those that follow'd the King's Party lost the Pretence of their Broils, when they could no more reproach him with his Religion. But his Affairs with the Leaguers fared in nothing the better for it. From the very beginning of the Con∣ference that was again taken up with them; they pretended to treat not as Subjects, but as Equals; and even as Superiours, that* 1.2 gave Laws unto the rest. They would not treat with the King, but with the Catholicks that were of his side: They disputed with them whatever can be disputed amongst those that are equal; Precedency, the Wind, the Fire, and the Right Hand; and would have the Houses to be drawn by Lot; and after all, they made still such Demands, as were impossible to be granted. A∣mongst other Propositions, they made that of granting to the Reformed an Edict of Toleration for a time. Thus they were forced to part, without coming to any Conclusion; the King re∣fusing to consent to such hard Conditions, and not very suitable to the Condition of his Affairs; and the Catholicks themselves that were of his Party being asham'd to desire it of him. Some days after the King's Abjuration, the League renewed the* 1.3 Union-Oath, to rouse the Spirits of those that this Action had shaken. A Copy of this new Oath, which the Cardinal of Plai∣sance had Signed, and which he was sending to Rome, fell into the King's Hands, who clearly saw that his Change had not freed him of his Troubles. Even Villeroy and Janin, who had most assured him that his Religion alone kept these Catholicks from rendring him Obedience, temporized as well as the rest. The reason of this was, that every one was resolved to sell his Reduction; and that private Interest was more valued than that of Religion, which they had given out to be their sole one. There were but very few Examples of an uninterested yielding; few Towns o•• Governors surrendred without bargaining; all the rest got them∣selves to be bought at the dearest rate they could. Therefore whilst the Reformed bewailed the change of their King, and groaned under the Oppression of their Enemies, the Catholicks sold him his own Goods, and obtained from him great Sums or great Places, as a Price at which they set their Obedience: And

whilst his ancient and most faithful Servants enjoy'd neither their Consciences nor their Lives in Safety, the Rebels, who had so of∣ten conspir'd against his Service, receiv'd all the Favours and Re∣wards. Notwithstanding all this, about a Month after he had embrac'd the Romish Religion, a Plot against his Life was disco∣ver'd. Peter Barriere, a Disciple to the Jesuits, had undertaken to* 1.4 kill him. He was apprehended and punish'd as his Crime deserv'd. The Pretence of these new Difficulties was, that his Conversion* 1.5 was not sincere, and that before he could be acknowledg'd a true Catholick, he must be reconcil'd to the Pope, and receive his Be∣nediction.

Mean while the Deputies from the Churches were on their* 1.6 way to Mantes. The King was not willing to see them, because ••e expected nothing but Reproaches from them. And Q. Eliza∣beth upbraided him more bitterly then he expected. They of Geneva wrote to him after the same manner; and he question'd not ••ut his own Subjects would talk to him in the same Language. Therefore he took all Precautions possible to secure himself* 1.7 against the free and bold Discourses that he expected from them. Whereupon he commanded du Plessis to let him know what the ••eformed did say of his Change, as if he had a mind to accustom himself to such Remonstrances. This du Plessis did in a pretty ••••ng Letter; but yet more sharp and smart, wherein heplainly set ••••rth their Thoughts upon all the Circumstances of this Affair. ••e told the King, that the Reformed had hopes that he would have ••••ken care for them, without putting them to Trouble about it; ••••t that instead of giving them an assured Settlement, he had not •••• much as taken the Rope from their Necks, seeing the Edicts of ••e League were still in force in several Parliaments: That not∣withstanding the Reformed did not desire, as the League, that the ••aw of the Realm should be alter'd for their Profit, or that of a ••••reign Prince; nor as the Royal Catholicks, that the King ac∣cording to their Pleasure should change his Religion; and much ••••s, that the Kingdom should be torn into pieces, to satisfie a ••all number of Men: That they desir'd Peace only for their consciences, and the Security of their Lives, every one according this Quality and Birth; which is a common Right, and not a ••••••vate Priviledge, they being resolv'd to obey their Prince with∣out

excepting against his Religion; That they complain'd that their Petitions, granted by so many Edicts of his Predecessors, and maintain'd by himself, could not be hearkned to under his Reign; which had they not expected, and had it not been for the Affection they bare him, they might justly and pro∣fitably have used the Methods they had been forc'd to make use of under the former Reigns: That after a long Patience, they saw him quit his Religion, without providing for them in any manner whatever: That the Vulgar thence concluded, that whether he had turn'd of his own free accord, or thro' necessity, there was no good to be expected from him any more: That the wiser sort were in hopes he would never have forgot the Favours God had showr'd down upon him, nor the Services of the Reformed; but that they feared at the same time, that he having forgot them in the midst of his Prosperities, and not having set them at liberty, when so many Victories gave him Authority to do it, would for the future want resolution to do them good; and that those who had been able to shake his Conscience▪ would likewise force him to make an ill use of his Power. To which they added the Examples of the past, and the present Discourses of several Catholicks: That they doubted of his Constancy of protecting them, having seen what he had done; more especially finding that there was a greater distance betwixt pure Re∣ligion and Idolatry, then betwixt Idolatry and Persecution; because a Man must meet with Difficulty to pass from Good to Evil, But •••• grow worse and worse is so easie, that it is scarce perceptible. •••• Plessis moreover observ'd, that the King had been impos'd upo•• their Insinuations to bring him to Mass; which having fully discover'd, he told him, that it was evident the Catholicks intend∣ed to carry him on further; that he would be oblig'd to send •••• Rome, where no Absolution would be obtain'd without Penance that Popes had sometimes enjoin'd that of making War against the Infidels; that after the same manner the Consecrated Sword would soon be sent him, to fight against the Hereticks, meaning the Reformed, the Loyalest of his French-men and the sincerest Sub∣jects; and that he should be brought thereto by little and little ••••∣der divers Pretences, to overcome his good Disposition. Then he shew'd the King the Progress of the Conference begun with the League, the Delays of those that had made him change, the ••••

conveniencies of the Truce; the cause of fearing, that as he was thereby treated as Head of a Party, he might be oblig'd by the Peace to become the Captain General against the Hu∣guenots; that the Peace without them could not be manag'd without Injustice, nor without giving them lawful Suspicions: Whereupon he represented what Extremities the Catholicks were delivered from under Henry III. by the Reformed; and how the ••atter had reason to suspect, that if a Peace was concluded with∣out them, all the Difficulties of it should be removed to make them smart; that the convocating the Deputies of the Churches was a Cheat, seeing that without waiting their coming they de∣••ated on their Condition, and that of their Posterity; and that ••hey made the King give such Promises, as one day would be us'd ••o make void all that he should grant them; that there were effects ••hat corroborated these Suspicions; that Protestant Sermons were ••••ready banish'd the Court and Armies; and consequently the Re∣••••rmed; seeing it was impossible for them to live at Court with∣••ut serving God, or to expose themselves in the Army without •…•…y hope of Comfort, and without assurance of Christian Burial; ••••at they were contriving to debar them from all places in the Ex∣••••equer, Courts of Justice, and City Magistracy, for which they had •…•…ver yet been importunate with him; that it was not just they ••ould injure their Posterity to that degree, as to leave them in ••••e Kingdom to be rank'd among Jews and Leapers, instead of ••hat was owing to their Services; that they could better endure to ••••e under the late King's Truce, that granted 'em the Exercise of ••••eir Religion at Court and in the Army, the Salary of their Mi∣••••sters out of the Exchequer, Places of Safety in every Bai∣••ick or Senescalship; and that besides had promised them a ••estitution of the Edicts before the year was ended. Finally 〈…〉〈…〉 added by way of Advice, That these Considerations had wea∣•…•…d the Patience of the King's Servants, who knew not what ••••swer to make; that now there was no time for Delays; that ••••••ir minds were tyr'd, yet heaving and tossing, and upon seeking ••••emedy from Despair; that to take off their desire for a Pro∣••••tor, it was requisite the King should free them from that ne∣••••••sity, by being himself the Person, by preventing 'em, and ta∣••••••g 'em into his Care; that he knew what would benefit or annoy •…•…; that he needed no more then only call to mind the Petitions

that he had presented for them to his Predecessors; that they had lost nothing of their Justice; and that they ought to have gain∣ed somewhat by the Increase of his Authority, seeing it was in his power if he pleas'd, to be the Judge and Advocate, the Obtain∣er and Donor all at once.

The Catholicks seemed to fear, lest these different Motions* 1.8 should not make an Impression deep enough on their Minds; there∣fore they exasperated them by insulting Language. Some of them call'd the Reformed Sots and Blockheads, that knew not how to take hold of the occasion, and had suffer'd the time to slip that was fit for their purpose. This sort of Drollery was so much the more nipping, because that when they press'd the King to think on them, it was cast in their Teeth, that they had mistaken the time; and were threatned, that one day they might very well lose what they should obtain this way. And they have ever since been thus dealt with. All the Methods they have taken or pro∣pos'd for their Safety have been accounted punishable Rebellions; as also whatever they have done to keep their Enemies from de∣stroying them: And when they suffered without muttering one Word, all the ways that have been undertaken to oppress them, they were styled Stupids and Rusticks, that knew not how to defend themselves.

Du Plessis's Letter having prepar'd the King for such Discourses as the Deputies were like to assail him with, He desir'd again •••• see him at Chartres, to accustom himself to the Presence of the Re∣formed, as well as to their Remonstrances; perswading himself that if what he should say made any Impression on his Mind▪ •• would suffice to perswade the rest, who put an extraordinary Confidence in that Gentleman. He saw him therefore, and excus'd himself the best he could, striving to make him believe, that he Change was altogether feign'd and forc'd, so far as to detest those that had done the like in imitation of him; and protesting that he had Sacrificed himself for his People, and chiefly to procure with more ease the Peace of the Churches, which he then call'd as he did a long time after, our Churches, as if he had still he•• some Communion with them. These Reasons were the Satisfa∣ction that he gave the Reformed of his Court, to whom he Change seemed inexcusable; and would tell them, even befo••••

he had put it in execution, that he made himself an Anathema for his Brethren, whose rest he well saw could not otherwise be pro∣cur'd. Du Plessis seem'd not to be satisfied with these Excuses, nor to build upon the hopes the King gave him of reforming Re∣ligion: but the assurance which he gave him that his affection for the Reformed was not alter'd, might be a greater satisfaction to him.

In the mean time the Royal Catholicks having made themselves Masters of the King by his change, were nothing the juster to∣wards the Reformed; they omitted no occasion of rendering them suspected or odious, in which they spar'd not Calumny it∣self. It was for that purpose that a Rumour was spread amongst the People, that duPlessis had intended to murder all the Catholicks of Saumur on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, to revenge the Refor∣med that had been serv'd so twenty years before at Paris. He understood very well the malignity of this Artifice, which ten∣••ed to render all the Reformed suspected of a like design, in all ••he places where they were the strongest: because it was more ••han probable, that a Lord of that Wisdom and Authority would ••ot alone undertake the project of this Vengeance, which would ••e too small for to extend only on the Catholicks of Saumur: Therefore he was willing to refute that Calumny in due Form. He complain'd to the Parliament of it; information was ••ade against the Authors of this Report, which was easily ••inc'd to be false: but the party impeach'd was not punish'd as Du Plessis's expected. On the other hand, the Catholicks strove ••ith great vigour, to keep the Deputies of the Churches from ••••ming into the King's Presence: whether they fear'd that their* 1.9 ••••ght might shake him, he being as yet not well grounded; or ••at they strove to hinder the Favours he was prepar'd to grant ••••em, to make them forget his change. But the King being very ••ath to send back the Reformed Deputies without hearing them, the ••atholicks endeavour'd to keep him at least from seeing themall, and ••ould fain have admitted no more then six into his Presence: But Du Plessis got the King to resolve the contrary. However the Catho∣licks without losing courage, endeavour'd to weary the Deputies at ••antes, amusing the King near Fecamp, and other places of Normandy, •••• give them occasion to Believe that the King shund 'em, and was

not willing to come to the speech of 'em: and moreover they put him in some fear of the Pope, who would be offended if he gave so soon, and so publickly, any token of affection to the Reformed. But du Plessis still got the better of these Artifices; the King went to Mantes, saw all the Deputies, heard their Complaints and Reproaches, they wanting neither Strength nor Courage, made them fair Promises, heard President Feydeau that spoke for them, received the Memorial of their Demands, charged the Chancellor to examine it, and made them hope he would give them satisfa∣ction.

The Catholicks not being able to hinder him from seeing* 1.10 them, endeavour'd at least to hinder his satisfying them; and ad∣vised him to send them home with a promise to answer their Me∣morial in three Months. But the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis shewed so many inconveniencies in that advice, the suspicions so lawful, that the Deputy's return would give the Churches, with∣out carrying back any thing but words; so many sad Consequen∣ces of despair that such a conduct would cast the Reformed into, that the King took a contrary advice. And because they always al∣ledg'd the Pope, who had not as yet approv'd the King's absolution, and how the Edict that would be given the Reformed would hin∣der his approving it; they reply'd, that there was no heed to be given to the Pope, when their affairs were in agitation, because they knew but too well that he would never be pleased that any thing should be done in their favour. But to testifie that the King's Service was as dear to them before as after his change, and that they were not willing their Precipitation should bring him any prejudice, they did agree that the publishing of the Edict which would be granted them might be deferr'd, provided the Memorial was presently examined, and the Edict drawn up in or∣der to its Publication at a less ticklish Juncture. They therefore obtained that seven Catholick Commissaries should be named that what they should conclude might be the more authorized: and in this very number were some of the most rigid, to ta•••••• away all causes of murmuring if the business should be carried on without them. But these Commissaries knew not where to be∣gin; whether their design was to frustrate the persuits of the Reformed, and to put them off to a time that the King's Con∣version

should not be a new thing; or that out of their zeal for Religion they were not willing to grant any thing to those that they held for Hereticks. So that after several Conferences, wherein time was spent, the Marshal Duke de Bouillon, and du Plessis, were added to the Catholicks, who soon agreed with them upon several Articles.

The chief of them were, that the Edict of 1577 should be* 1.11 ••evived with the Interpretations given it in the Conference of Ne∣••ac and Fleix; that the Edicts extorted by the League to the pre∣••udice of the former should be repealed: That by reason of the changes caused by the disturbances of the League, and the da∣mages that the Reformed had suffered thereby, a new Regulation ••hould be made by way of amends for their Losses, conformably ••o which the Chancellor and Secretaries of State should govern themselves upon occasions, and give the necessary advices to the ••arliaments, in the Affairs that should be Transacted by them; That the Catholick Religion should be re-establish'd in all places ••••at the War had banished its Exercise from, which should be per∣••rmed without Fraud, and without Prejudice to the Reformed: ••hat the Reformed should exercise theirs in the Cities under the ••ing's Obedience, Because the War hindered them from assembling ••ith safety in the Country; which however the King should or∣••••r according to the places: That when the King's Sister was at ••ourt, the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be in ••••r House; and in her absence, only in the Families of Lords, ••••ongst whom were reckoned, namely, the Duke de Bouillon, a Trimouille, Rohan, du Plessis, yet with that reservation, that 〈…〉〈…〉 Psalms should be sung there: That it should also be in the Ar∣••y, whether the King was present or absent, in the Quarters the Captains of the Gendarms, and Camp-masters: That no Oath ••ade, or to be made, should be a prejudice to the Article ••reed to: That a Fund should be appointed for the Sa∣••y of their Pastors, according to the Rolls certified by the ••••ovinces, and that it should be charged upon the Provinces ••••der the name of Madame: That the Legacies and Gifts that ••••ght be bequeath'd to the Churches and Poor should be valid, •…•…d that the Reformed should be admitted to sue for the Payment ••••ereof after the ordinary ways: That the Children of the Re∣formed

should be brought up in the Religion of their Parents, tho' the Fathers and Mothers of them should not order the same in their last Will. They added verbally to all these Articles that were written down, that the Reformed might build and rent Col∣ledges for the instructing their Youth.

The Reformed Commissaries got an Article to be inserted* 1.12 against the Oaths, under pretence of which all the Promises that should be made might be evaded; because they knew very well that the King was to take the Oath of the Order of the Holy Ghost, and that at his Consecration he would be made to take another, whereby he should be obliged to extirpate the Hereticks. In like manner they obtain'd, that the Fund appointed for the maintaining their Pastors should be charg'd upon the State, under the name of Madame, by reason the Catholicks look'd on it as a very grievous thing, that the States of a most Christian King should be charged with the Maintenance of Heretical Ministers. But when these Articles were communicated to the Deputies of the Churches, they were not satisfied with them for two principal Reasons. The first was, That there was no care taken, that Justice should be administer'd to them as well as to Catho∣licks; whereas the Parliaments and other Judges did them great Injustices in Civil Matters, and great Cruelties in Criminal ones, as if the Protection of Laws and Common Right had not belong'd to them. Add to this, That the reviving the Edict of 1577. which seemed to provide for that, did not free them from their fear 〈…〉〈…〉 being deprived of its effect, by the same Frauds of which they had•• Tryal under the Reign of Henry III. The second was, that the Securities given them did not seem sufficient against the Animo∣sities of the Catholicks; os which they had a fresh example by the peevishness of the Commissaries that had treated with the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis. It had appeared by all their former Behaviour, but still more by their sharp and unjust Co••∣testations which they had upon each Article of the Memorial. So that the remembrance of past Cruelties and Treacheries, suf∣fered not the Reformed to rely on the goodness of Enemies▪ whose hatred nothing could asswage. Therefore they represented to the King the insufficiency of the Articles, granted them: but

all was in vain. The Council permitted not that any addition should be made to the things agreed on, and the King who had reason to manage the Catholicks more then ever, durst not incense 'em by giving the Reformed too much Satisfaction. The Deputies of the Churches were therefore forc'd to retire, as if it were to give those that sent 'em an account of their Negotiation: and they carri'd* 1.13 into their Provinces the Articles granted, without either accepting or refusing 'em, as if they were to consider 'em more at large with their Brethren.

'Tis true, the King gave them leave to call a Provincial Assem∣blies, there to make a Report of their Deputation; and to prepare them for a general Assembly, which they held at St. Foy the ensuing year. They also obtained leave to call a National Synod to regulate their Ecclesiastick affairs, which were in some confusion. But that which most favoured them was, that even before the King's face and with his Approbation, they renew'd at Mantes the Union of the Churches, to live and to dye in the maintainance and defence of their Confession of Faith, as they had already sworn at the Assemblies of Nimes, Millaud, Montauban, and Rochelle. But these for∣mer Oaths had been made under the authority of a Protector of their own Religion: That of Mantes was the first they made with the ••onsent of a King that had embrac'd a contrary Communion. Du Plessis put this Notion in their heads, and advis'd them to let the ••ing know it. They did so, and the King, whether in that he ••••llow'd his own Inclinations, which favour'd 'em in the main, 〈…〉〈…〉 that he judg'd it was not a time to disapprove it, not on∣•••• permitted them to renew their Union, but exhorted 'em 〈…〉〈…〉 it, as a thing necessary for their Preservation; and said nothing 〈…〉〈…〉 them that might make 'em think he believ'd their Oath was pre∣••••dicial to his Service. For this clause was always inserted in the Acts 〈…〉〈…〉 the Union, that it was made under the Kings Obedience, and without quitting the fidelity that was due to him. It would have ••een difficult, I grant, but on t'other hand, it would not have ••••en just to oppose such an Union, seeing that in effect to hinder ••••ople from uniting themselves for their own safety, when they ••••ve formidable Enemies to deal with, would be a direct De∣aration that they were resolv'd to destroy 'em; there∣••••re this Union of the Churches which has made so great a noise,

and which has serv'd Lewis XIII. for a pretence to ruine the Re∣formed, was in its beginning equally innocent and necessary: Since natural right of self-preservation grounded the necessity of it, and for that the Approdation and Exhortation of the King who authoriz'd 'em, was lawful and no way to be blam'd.

This hinder'd not, but that whilst the Deputies of the Refor∣med stay'd at Mantes▪ great endeavours were us'd by the force of In∣trigues* 1.14 to corrupt some of 'em, either to sow division amongst 'em, or to colour the King's Change by some new Prevarication of the Ministers. Matters had been prepar'd for it, by procuring the De∣putation of some Provinces for such Persons as were judg'd most plyable to the Promises of the Court. Rotan a famous Minister was suspected to help on these Artifices, whether he was really char∣med by the expectance of some Favours, or that he feign'd as if he hearken'd to 'em that so he might be made a Deputy; because that Commission then was of no small consequence to honour those it was given to. A Conference was therefore begun, to which du Perron was admitted, as assur'd of Victory, by the Collusion of his Adversary. The dispute ran upon the sufficiency of Scri∣pture, and upon the Interpretation of the 16 verse of the 3 Chapter of the 11 Epistle of Paul to Timothy. But Rotan not daring, either in Honour or Conscience, to be so base as he was reported to have promis'd, feign'd himself sick, which freed him from that trouble. Beraud a Minister of Montauban took his place, but the Conference was soon at an end, when they saw that there was nothing to be expected from the fraud agreed upon with Ro∣tan. The Clergy sound out the means to break it, without seeming to shun it; and the Ministers on their part offer'd to take it up when ever occasion should offer: But by reason these offers hin∣der'd not the Clergy to boast that they had made the Ministers give ground, Berand and Rotan got the National Synod held a•• Montauban the following year, to approve what they had done a•• the Conference. Beraud perswaded Rotan to lay all upon himself; and this approbation stifled mens suspicion, that the latter held any fraudulent Correspondence with the Adversaries: and to shew that they did not stand in fear of the Bishops, the Synod nam'd one and Twenty Persons of their Body, to whom they gave authority of ch••∣sing

Twelve of their own number to continue the Conference, whenever the Catholicks would re-assume it. Amongst these Electors were three Foreign Ministers; one from Geneva, one from England, and one from Holland.

The departure of the Deputies put an end to these dange∣rous Intreigues; but the Reformed soon after were set upon by new Artifices: And secret Orders were sent into the Provinces, to hinder their Ministers from using in their Sermons too hard Expressions against the King's Change, and they were forbid to call it a Revolt. Thus whilst on the one hand the Suffrages of some Preachers of the League were bought off with ready Mo∣ney, to engage 'em to speak advantagiously of the King's Con∣version in their Pulpits, the same means was mostly us'd to stop the Ministers Mouths, and to make 'em speak modestly concerning the same thing. Hereby it was expected that the Reformed People coming to hear this Action of their Prince spoken of with so much Moderation, might be the more easily inclin'd to imitate Him. Moreover there arose a World of Reconcilers of Religion, who* 1.15 looking upon the Accomodations as very proper to flatter the King's Conscience, by these unworthy means aspir'd to Rewards ••nd Salaries. These Reconciliations wrought upon some Mini∣sters; but that which was most surprizing, was, that a whole Province was taken with these illusory Projects, and had the Boldness to charge their Deputies to carry a Proposal of the ••ame to the Synod of Montauban. These Artifices corrupted ma∣••y People, and occasion'd much trouble to several wise and ••onest Men, that were for preserving the advantages of Religi∣••n and the Rights of Conscience, without disturbing the Peace of ••he Churches.

On the other hand, the King's Negotiations with the Pope gave new Alarms to the Reformed, who fear'd lest they should pay ••he Expences of the Reconciliation betwixt these two Potentates. The Duke of Nevers being sent to Rome, seem'd fit for the spee∣••y concluding of this business, because that as a zealous Catholick, ••nd originally an Italian, he would be acceptable to the Pope; ••nd as affectionate to the King, he would mind his Interest. In ••ffect he was very intent upon the matter, and ply'd the Pope in a ••ost submissive and earnest manner: But he got nothing by his

Importunity. The Pope believ'd the League to be still strong enough to hold out a long time against the King's Power; and according to the Maxims of Rome, he continu'd inflexible, as long as he thought things could not be done without him. The Duke of Nevers has* 1.16 thought fit in his Memoirs to make a particular Observation of the little knowledge that Court has of the Gospel; where never∣theless, the Name of Religion serves for a Cloak for all things. He relates, that as he was one day remonstrating to the Cardinal of Toledo, how just it was that the Pope should kindly accept the Offers of the King that courted him, seeing his Duty oblig'd him, like the good Shepherd that seeks for the stray'd Sheep, to have courted himself that Prince, were he still stray'd from his Flock; This Cardinal, one of the most learned and famous of the Col∣ledge, answer'd him, That it did not stand with the Dignity of Je∣sus Christ to run after the stray'd. And continuing the same Dis∣course, he nam'd the Apostle St. Andrew in a thing that the Evan∣gelist St. John attributes to St. Philip; wherein the Duke, who knew more then he, made no Scruple to shew him his Er∣ror.

These Rigours of the Pope, and the bad Success of the Em∣bassie of the Duke of Nevers, who was not a little griev'd to see that they did but laugh at the Miseries of France in Rome, and in whose Presence this same Cardinal had presum'd to say, smiling at the Description he made of 'em, That he did not know how to help 'em; All this, I say, made some of the Reformed take heart, in hopes to see a Schism that might happen to their Advantage. But those who understood better the Roman Policy judg'd other∣wise, and believ'd, that all these Scruples were rais'd only for to enhance the price of the King's Reconciliation, and to draw more advantageous Conditions from him; amongst which they highly fear'd, least destroying the Hereticks, as one of the chiefest, should be inserted. It is true, the King had charg'd the Duke of Nevers to let the Pope know, if he were capable of hearkning to Reason, that considering the present posture of Affairs, he ought not be oblig'd either to destroy the Reformed, nor to promise the compassing of it one day, because they were strong enough to stand in their own Defence, and had well fortify'd Holds to retire to. In consideration of which he besought the Pope not to take it

ill, that some other more moderate Course might be taken for the good of the Catholick Religion, without mentioning the Destructi∣on of the Reformed. Pisani, who had made a Voyage to Italy be∣fore the Duke, had also been charg'd with the like Instructions. But the Reformed were not ignorant of the Artifices of the Court of Rome, that takes her Measures afar off to bring about her De∣signs, whereof she never loses sight. The Pope also explain'd himself clearly enough upon this Subject; and tho' he had resolv'd to give no positive Answer to the Duke of Nevers, when he ask'd him, what he would have the King do in order to obtain his Absolution; ••et told him, to be rid of his Importunities, that the King should do the contrary of all that he had done till that time. The Re∣formed understood well the meaning of those Words. They were not obscure to those that knew with what earnestness the Court of Rome had, and still did endeavour throughout all Europe, to destroy the Protestants: They saw well, that the Popes mean∣ing was, that the King who to that time had been the Protector of the Reformed, must for the future persecute and destroy 'em. They were moreover well informed, that divers Advices were* 1.17 given the King to divert him from favouring them; and that it was ever-more represented to him, that that was the only ••••ans to bring back all the Catholicks into his Service, and bind ••he Pope to his Interests.

Mean while the Truce which the King had made with the Heads of the League immediately after his Conversion, under pretence* 1.18 ••f re-uniting their Minds, and to wean them from the War, en∣••ed with the Year. It was at first made for Three Months, and ••••en was continued. The Reformed of the Council oppos'd it ••ith all their might, and endeavour'd to make the King sensi∣••••e, that this Truce would prove the Ruine of his Affairs; be∣••••use it would delay the good Intentions of those that were in∣•…•…inable to return to their Obedience, and give the Heads of the •…•…eague time to re-encourage their Party that began to shake, and •••• Opportunity of treating more advantagiously with the Spani∣••••ds. But this Advice was rejected by them who foresaw that •…•…e design of a Peace would throw the Reformed into despair, who ••••und more safety for themselves in the Continuation of the War. Yet •…•…me convinc'd the World that their Counsel was both wholsom and

unbyassed. The particular Heads of the League stuck close one to an∣other whilst the Truce lasted, hoping that All together should obtain better Conditions then separate and divided; and the Heads made a bad use of it to draw more Succours from the Spaniards, who were desirous to continue the Troubles in the Kingdom. The King there∣fore publish'd a Declaration, setting forth his Reasons for disconti∣nuing a Truce so hurtful to his Interests. But the face of things chang'd as soon as ever the Truce was expir'd, and most of the Cities treated. Meaux was the first that submitted, following the Ex∣ample* 1.19 of Vitri the Governor. She drew great advantages from her submitting, and the Edict that was given her serv'd for a Model to the rest under the same Circumstances.

All these Surrendrings gave new Jealousies to the Reformed,* 1.20 against whose Liberties there were always some Clauses inserted in the Treaties of the Governors and Cities. The very Ar∣ticles that were agreed upon at Mantes were almost all violated by these new Edicts; and the Reformed after all these Infringe∣ments, found themselves in as bad a posture as at the beginning. All the Towns did not shew an equal Aversion for them; but they all agreed, that no other Religion then the Catholick should be exercis'd within their Walls Meaux was content to exclude out of her Cities and Suburbs the Exercise of the Reformed Religion. Others banish'd it their * 1.21 Banlieve. Several reduc'd it to the Limits of the Edict of 1577. fearing least the Service of the Reformed should get 'em a more extended Liberty Several desir'd that the Exercise of the Reformed might be remov•• from the Jurisdiction of their Bailiwick. Some added pain of Death to those that should break the Conditions. Paris remov'd the Liber∣ty desir'd by the Reformed Ten Leagues round. Villars banish'd it Roan, and all the Towns and Places that he caus'd to submit to the King's Obedience; and added, That there should be nei∣ther Judge nor Officer that was not a Catholick employ'd there∣in, and did not live according to the Constitutions of the Romish Church. But to temperate this rigorous Clause, it was subjoin∣ed, that this should only last till the King had otherwise order'd it Poitieres, besides the removal of the Exercise of the Reformed from the Town and Suburbs, and from all the places that the Edict of 1577. did not permit, demanded that the Catholick

Religion might be restor'd in divers places of Poitou. Agen limi∣ted her Bonlieve to half a league round, where the Reformed Religion should not be exercis'd. Amiens prohibited it in the City and whole Bailywick, without having respect to the Edict of 1577. Beauvois obtain'd that it should be no nearer then three Leagues about, nor in any places of the Bailywick, but where it had been in the late King's time. S. Malo treated after the same manner. The Towns and Lords that return'd latest to their duty, follow'd the example of the rest, and got what they cou'd from the King against the Reformed Religion.

Some of the Edicts were publish'd before the Reformed had formed the Assembly they were permitted to hold at St. Foy; ••o that they had time to see what they were to expect from the Reconciliation of their old Enemies with the King, and to be ••onfirm'd in their fears of seeing the Kingdom pacifi'd at their ••ost. They saw even some of those Cities, which having held ••or the King, revive their zeal after the example of the Towns of ••he League; and pretended that their fidelity shou'd not deprive 'em ••f the Advantages granted to Rebels; whence they drew this ••onsequence, that they ought not to be forc'd to suffer the exer∣••ise of the Reformed Religion, seeing such were free'd from it as ••ad for a long time stood out against the King. But their allarums ••ill encreas'd by the Ceremony of the King's Coronation, which ••as celebrated at Chartres, because Rheims was as yet in the ••ands of the League. The Clergy that never forgot their ••••terest in Ceremonies of this kind, which they have introduc'd ••••ther thro' Ambition then Necessity, inserted a Clause in the Oath that was then taken by the King, whereby he was bound 〈…〉〈…〉 express words, to root out Heresie. He is made to swear, ••fter some other things that concern Justice and publick Tranqui∣ty, I shall to the utmost of my power sincerely endeavour to drive ••••om my Jurisdiction and Lands of my Subjection all Hereticks de∣••ar'd* 1.22 by the Church▪ The Reformed knew well what share they had 〈…〉〈…〉 this Article of the Oath, they to whom what Catholicks call the Church, had so often declar'd their meaning; they against whom the ••opes had rais'd such cruel Persecutions; and they to whom the ••rench, and even those of the King's Party gave every day the odi∣••us name of Hereticks. But part of the Suspicion which this

Clause might give, was remov'd by granting the Reformed a Brief, wherein the King assur'd 'em that he did not mean Them in that Oath: And they had in fome measure provided a Remedy against this fear, by one of the Articles that were agree'd on at Mantes.

Another cause of jealousie was the Favour into which the Jesuits* 1.23 had crept a little after the King had chang'd his Religion, and chiefly after the Reduction of Paris. The Cardinal de Bourbon had un∣dertaken to establish 'em, in spight of the oppositions of the University. The Duke of Nevers upheld 'em with his whole Credit; and many Lords openly protected them. Part of the Par∣liament was for 'em; the King himself, who was brought to a∣ny thing in hopes to soften the Pope, favour'd 'em. Their cause was pleaded pro and con; the Rights of the University were maintain'd with utmost vehemency. Arnauld ther Advocate, enlarg'd much upon the Inclination, altogether Spanish, of that So∣ciety, whose Founder had made a vow of mortal hatred against France; and shew'd how formidable their power was. They had encreas'd in fifty years to the number of ten Thousand men; they had already two Hunder'd twenty eight Houses; two Millions of Gold Revenue; great Lordships; Cardinals in their order: all which cleerly shew'd that they ow'd this propagation to their un∣quiet, covetous, and ambitious Disposition. But it appear'd at that very time that they had a great credit in France, seeing their Cause was pleaded privately to avoid Scandal. That is to say, these Refin'd Po∣liticians by means of their Friends, prevented their being told their own in a publick Audience: Whence the wise might perceive, that it was not safe to offend 'em. The Reformed beheld the Settlement of the Jesuits as an ill omen for them, because they were their sworn Enemies; born on purpose to oppose the Re∣formation; and the ordinary Instruments of all their Persecuti∣ons. Moreover the Society was altogether Spanishly affected; and consequently engag'd to persecute the Reformed, whose ru∣ine Spain sought with all the strength of her Policy. But this* 1.24 terror did not go far; the matter was not decided; and e're the year was ended, there fell out things that found the Jesuits other In∣trigues to disintangle.

The Reformed were still deny'd any places of trust; and there* 1.25 were Catholicks so unjust upon that matter, that they chose rather to see the King lose a place, then to suffer a Reformed to have the Government of it. D' O. publickly said, that it were better Catelet, a Frontire place of Picardy, shou'd be taken by the Spa∣niards, then that a Protestant should have the keeping of it, because it wou••d be easier to retake it from the King of Spain, then to drive a Reformed Captain out of it; But what made the Reformed more sensible of the injury of this denial was, that whilst they were depriv'd of lesser Offices, the chiefest places of the State were given to the Leaguers, that demanded them for returning to their Obedience: As if Rebellion had given more right to the highest Dignities, then long Service, and tryed Loyalty to the lesser ones. Nay at Tours itself wou'd they make Recorders and Notaries take an Oath, of living and dying in the Catholick Religion; which if it were not done, the place was declar'd vacant and free for the purchase of another. This so unequal a distributi∣on of Recompenses mortally offended the Protestants, who not without a just Resentment, found that the Parliament made no Scruple to Register the Patents for Admiral or Marshal of France, granted to the Heads of the Rebels; yet would not admit an Usher or a Procter of the Reformed Religion, without obliging him to swear that he wou'd live a good Catholick. Nor was this all; the Governments and Places were taken from the Reformed, and at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies. Divers pretences were con∣triv'd, either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held, or to perswade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while. Valognes in Normandy was taken from 'em, under a pre∣tence that it signifi'd nothing to keep it, because two or three useless Forts about it were ras'd. Mention was made of demo∣lishing all the places that kept Poitiers block'd up, as soon as that great Town wou'd be reduc'd. The Baron of Courtomer also was de∣priv'd of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place: and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given. The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasion'd by such Acts of Injustice, pay'd the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man, at whose return, after a shameful wasting of his Wealth;

his Father kill'd the fatted Calf, for Joy of his Repentance.* 1.26 But they answer'd, that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful, and to whom his Father said, Son, all that I have is thine. That if they were resolv'd to spend the revenue of the Family, in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him, it was but just at least to make him a sharer, to whom it was said, Son, thou hast always been with me: That certain∣ly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrific'd for the return of the other; nor to be despoil'd of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampl'd under Foot the Authority of his Fa∣ther.

Besides these general affairs, there happen'd others particular in many places, which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate. The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order, commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses, Images, Banners, and Shrines, when they shou'd meet 'em in the streets. This seem'd to be of consequence, because it was done as 'twere in the very Presence of the King, who seem'd to Au∣thorize, seeing he did not hinder it. An order of the Judges of Lyons drove from the City and its Jurisdiction, upon pain of Death, all those that shou'd not profess the Catholick Religion. The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Pu∣nishment, the selling, reading, or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion. That of Bourdeaux had made an Act, that authoriz'd the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed, which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Church-yards of the Catholicks. The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the pay∣ment of Ministers, were of no effect. The Courts that were promis'd for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc, were not set up, though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse, against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury. At Orleance the Officers already receiv'd were deposed. The Parlia∣ment of Roan caus'd the Proctors and Advocates to make a pub∣lick Abjuration, before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar: And even at Tours, the Parliament before it's return to Paris, had caus'd a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Ab∣juration,

afore his Pattents could be register'd; which appear'd so* 1.27 much the more strange, that Saumur was a Town of Safety.

Among the Reformed Lords, there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party. Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine, where he was very powerful. His man∣ners were irregular, and his Life not very edifying. He was covetous, ambitious and debauch'd; and he had join'd himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession, rather because their Re∣ligion had been the raising of his Fortune, then out of any real Piety. There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daugh∣ter with la Trimouille, or the Marshal de Bouillon, which would have very much advanc'd the Affairs of the Reformed. But the Court prevented those Alliances; and a little after that, Lesdi∣guieres marry'd her to Crequi, a zealous Catholick. Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion. He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side; so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances, and those but very superficial too. There were also Governours both of the Provinces, and of strong Towns, whose Character was much the same; who though in the main they were perswaded that their Religion was right, nevertheless were so strongly engag'd with the Court, that 'twas not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren. But there were several others who laid things more to heart, and who us'd all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises, and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons, and the Exercise of their Religion. The Mareschal de Bouillon was one of these, and in greatest Authority: A Person of great Merit and great Ambition. He had the Reputation of a good Head-peice in the Council, and of a great Captain in the Field, in Credit with Foreign Princes, and capable to be the Head of a Party. His Estate was conside∣rable, and he had Places of Strength in his Hands. More especi∣ally Sedan, which, as he said, belong'd to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife, who dy'd but a little before without Children, and was a Place of great Consequence, as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom. La Trimouille was next to him: Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each

other, but that they aim'd both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance, in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice, to whom the Ʋnited Provinces had granted part of that Power, which William his Fa∣ther had exercis'd until his Death. La Trimouille was Young, Brave, Resolute, Daring, Courteous, Generous, Powerful in Poictou, and drew a great Train of Nobility after him. The Court accus'd him of being a Lover of Quarrels, and of being Head-strong. But others gave him a better Character; That he was one who would listen to Reason, understood it, and was ca∣pable of good Counsel; and look'd upon him as a Person endu'd with great Qualities, happy natural Parts; and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect He∣roe. The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde, his Nephew, Presumptive Heir of the Crown, because the King had no Legiti∣mate Issue, and was by no means to be reconcil'd to Queen Marga∣ret de Valois his Wife, somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart, and made him look'd upon with more Respect by the Reformed, who despair'd not one day to see him their Masters Governour. But on the other side it render'd him suspected and odious to the Court, where his Genius was dreaded. Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli, where the Prince of Conde was brought up, were much disgusted; of which I shall tell the reason in another place. And his vivacious and couragious manner of supporting the Here∣ticks afterwards, render'd him still more suspected. The King hated him, because he thought himself despis'd by him, tho' he had done him great Services: And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Aire of a Threat, it was always taken in ill part, because they thought him capable of do∣ing more then threaten.

These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another, and laid before each other the King's Easiness, the Tricks and Ar∣tifices of Rome, the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers, who sufficiently shewed by the Articles of their Treaties, their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion. There were also a great number of Lords, Governours of Places, Captains and Per∣sons in Authority, who lay under the same Terrors; among whom there were some, who having seen the times wherein Massacre

and Treachery were so rise, made no question but there was a de∣sign to destroy the Reformation, as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity. The Catholicks did those who were thus Character'd the Honour to call 'em Brouillons, Troublesom, Restless Disturbers of the Publick Peace. As if People, with whom they had so often broke their Words, were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienc'd, and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions. Du Plessis, who made a Conscience of Religion, was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it; and a great part of the Affairs, that tended that way, were manag'd by his Counsels. But in regard he was a Person of known Probity, the King still put a Confi∣dence in him, and follow'd his Advice in many things, because his Enemies themselves acknowledg'd 'em to be both prudent and sincere, tho' they were often utter'd with great Boldness and Liberty. He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies; who appeas'd those who were over-hot and furious; who put a stop to those that ran too fast, and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches, yet never fail'd in his Obedience. There was no body that la∣bour'd so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience, during Negotiations for Four years together, at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials, through the Severity, Delays and Artifices of the Court, before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions.

These various Inclinations appear'd in all the National Assem∣blies, both Temporal and Ecclesiastical, which were held for naming of Deputies, and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy. There were some of those particular Assemblies, wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the King∣dom; or whether there should be a Form of Government erect∣ed, to stand upon their own Legs without Protection. But the whole was referr'd to the General Assembly to be there consult∣ed. Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bouillon, who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector, or some other Prince of his House, and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom, setting aside the Princes

of the Blood, whose Interests were such, that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by 'em. He was in hopes by this means, that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands; that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousie under a Superiour, then if he enjoy'd it in his own Name. But the Reformed, more especially they who were call'd Consistorials, were weary of Personal Protection; and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caus'd 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny.

There could be no National Synods assembl'd since the Year* 1.28 1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban, a City far remote from the Court, and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause, made amends for that long Interval of lost Time, and handl'd Affairs of great Im∣portance. The first of all their Cares was to order Publick Pray∣ers* 1.29 for the King's Prosperity; to the end it might appear, that his changing his Religion had not disingag'd 'em either from obeying or serving him. And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange, who refus'd to pray for the King, tho' he were a Catholick, and Crown'd with the usual Ceremonies. This Diametrical Opposition of Du∣ty in the one, and Contumaciousness in the other, plainly made it apparent, on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found. And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were, when they heard those, whose Religion the Prince had relinquish'd, pray to God, according to the usual Custom, for the Success of his Arms; while they whose Doctrine he had embrac'd, refus'd to name him in their Supplications to Heaven. But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Pro∣sperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion, the same Assembly order'd that* 1.30 Prayers should be said at the same time, that God would vouch∣safe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted; that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God; and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person, to make him some Remonstrances.

After this, the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs,* 1.31 the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France. The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province, and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em, the Refor∣med in those Quarters had been oblig'd to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importu∣nately su'd for. This Proceeding was disown'd by the Synod, as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Mantes, where they had obtain'd a Promise of a new Regulation, which should enlarge that Edict; and the Society gave in charge, that their Com∣plaints should be carry'd to the General Assembly at St. Foy, which was conven'd the Month following. The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict, were, because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds, that they could no longer be assur'd of having any Advantage by it; that something was •…•…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League. That the Reformed, since that time, having perform'd many faithful and important Services, it was but just, that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Priviledges, they should grant •…•…em new ones in recompence for their loss of Blood, and Hardship ••ndergone. That, in short, that Edict was granted at a time, when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood, who was their Guarantee for the Observation of it: ••ut now that Prince having quitted their Party, the face of Af∣fairs was so chang'd. that they had no Assurance of Security in •…•…n Edict, without Warranty; and therefore they wanted another ••uarant, or that their Lives and their Consciences might be pro∣vided for by some other way more solid.

The same Province had also fallen into another Snare of the ••ourt. They had giv'n 'em a tast of a Project of Accommoda∣tion with the Catholicks, under pretence of uniting with 'em in defence of the Liberty of the Gallican Church, against the En∣terprises of the Popes. These Deputies came to the Synod with •…•…junctions to make the Proposal; and withal to add another for •…•…e naming of competent Judges on both sides, to whom both ••arties should refer themselves for the Decision of Controversies. ••nd because the Court was affraid of these frequent Assemblies, •…•…ey so order'd it, that the same Deputies desir'd that Synods

might be but rarely held, and only upon important Occasions. The Mischief proceeded from hence, that they who carry'd the sway within that Province, were every day with the Courtiers, who lost no opportunity of laying before 'em the King's Power, who gather'd strength every day more then other; and therefore if they were over nice to day, they might be forc'd to repent to morrow. They gave 'em farther to understand, that when the season ceas'd to favour 'em, it wou'd be in vain for 'em to wish back those opportunities of securing themselves which they lost; and that in regard they were not so numerously strong in the Pro∣vinces about Paris, they would be the first opprest, as being the most easily destroy'd. The Promises and Favours, of which the Court were prodigal, to those that turn'd their weak side to the Enemy, afforded also more Strength and Weight to the same Illusions. But the Synod, which sat in a place of security, was not so weak as to relish those Proposals, which were therefore ut∣terly rejected. Nevertheless, this was the Ground and Begin∣ning of a strange variety of Opinions and Prospects, the effects of which have continu'd ever since. The Southern Provinces of the Kingdom, either as being the remotest from the Court, and consequently less dazl'd with the marks of Grandure; or else as being the strongest both for Number and Quality of the Refor∣med, or for the Number and Strength of the Places which they possess'd, were generally inclin'd to more vigorous and resolute Opinions; whereas the Provinces adjoyning to Paris have fol∣low'd the Example of that Metropolis, whose Counsels have al∣ways recommended Submission and Patience. Posterity will judge better then we, whether the aptness of the one to learn were an effect of Prudence or Weakness; or whither the vigour of the other proceeded, as the Persecutors give out, from a Spirit of Rebellion, or a constancy no less laudable then just.

In the mean time the Deputies of the Political Assembly met at St. Foy, to the number of thirty: nor had the Reformed taken out Letters of Permission for the forming of that Assembly. But the King who fear'd the Consequence, and was not willing to use 'em to so much liberty, which was prejudicial to his Authority, nor desirous to vex 'em by an unseasonable Severity, sent 'em

a Brevet which authoriz'd their meeting. Every one brought the Grievances of his Province, and Memoirs conformable to the Hopes or Fears that prevail'd among 'em. There was one too a∣mong the rest, who propos'd the settling a Pension upon one of the Secretaries of State, to make him their Friend at Court: As also to provide another Pension for the King's Mistress, who seem∣ed to have some kind of Inclination and Kindness for the Refor∣med. To this he added, that 'twas requisite there shou'd be a certain number of Deputies maintain'd at Paris, who might con∣sult with the Ministers of the Place, and the Lords that were then at Court; and some Officers of the King's Houshold, if any bu∣siness fell out that requir'd a more then ordinary Consultation. That Expedient no way displeas'd the Catholicks, because it would have broke the Union of the Reformed, and lay'd 'em at the Discretion of their Enemies, who would not have had a∣bove three or four Persons to manage, easily frighten'd or as ea∣sie to be corrupted by ordinary Artifices. Others brought ample Instructions, to take it into their Consideration, of what impor∣tance it was, not to lose the benefit of an Assembly, for which they had so happily obtain'd a full permission from the King. Long Discourses were made about what might create Distrusts for the future: and Opinions were added concerning what was proper to prevent evil Intentions. Upon occasion of which, they were earnestly advis'd to insist upon the security which they were to demand, for the performance of things that might be pro∣mis'd 'em.

The Assembly took all these things into consideration, as far as it was thought needful for the disposing of the Minds of Men to take good Resolutions: but the principal Affair was to lay a solid Foundation of Union. 'Twas thought the King could no ••onger retain the Title of Protector of the Churches, since he had quitted their Religion, and that it was a perfect Contradicti∣on to take upon him the Protection of the Reformed Religion, while he profess'd another, which oblig'd him in reason of Con∣science to destroy what he pretended to defend. Neither would the Catholicks endure that the King should think it an Honour to him to wear that Title, and would be scandaliz'd that a Catho∣lick King should take upon him to be the Protector of Heresie. It

behov'd 'em therefore to unite under other Auspices: However they did not think it proper to commit themselves again to the Discretion of a new Protector, but rather chose to take such mea∣sures, that their Religion might stand supported by its own Weight, and upon its own Leggs. They therefore created a* 1.32 General Council, which was to have all the Authority in the Affairs of Religion, and by their Order all the Provinces were to be govern'd. To this purpose there was a Regulation drawn up, comprehended in Eight and Twenty Articles, which Ordain'd how the Assemblies of this Council should be form'd for the fu∣ture. And this Platform was observ'd in all the Assemblies af∣terwards with little or no Alteration, only that the number of Provinces and Deputies was augmented. Under the Direction of this Council General it was, that the Affairs of the Reformed be∣gan to re-settle, and that it appear'd to their Enemies, that it would be no easie thing to ruine 'em. Then 'twas that they be∣gan to use the Word We, whereas while they were under the Go∣vernment of Protectors, the Common Cause was frequently the Pretence to shadow the Interests of the Head of the Party, whose Name alone, and Authority only appear'd in all Treaties and Edicts. And it was by the Instances and Importunities of this Council that they obtain'd the Edict of Nantes: And in regard that after they had set up this new Order among themselves, they were forc'd to make use of all their Dexterity, Vigour and Pa∣tience, before they could procure any firm Peace to themselves; it may be rationally conjectur'd that they had never obtain'd it, had they taken any other Course. This Regulation reduc'd the Number of the Provinces to Ten, every one of which was to send a Deputy to the Assembly. It was decreed that there should be a Distinction of States among the Deputies, according to the Model of the States General of the Kingdom; since they were desirous that the Deputies should be chosen, some out of the Body of the Nobility, some out of the Body of the Ministers, and some out of the Third Estate. But the Ministers were not allow'd the same number as the other two Estates; whether it were for fear, that if they had as equal a Voice as the other two, they would get all the Power into their own Hands; or whether it were, that they thought that the Deputies from the Nobility,

or from the Third Estate, being in a Capacity to be also Elders of some Church, tho' they were not Deputies under that Title, the Consistorials would be always strong enough in the Assem∣blies. So that in the number of chosen Deputies, there were to be Four Gentlemen, Four of the Third Estate, and but only Two Ministers. The Provinces were to send Persons of these distinct Qualities, every one according as they were in degree; and for the better regulating of what Estate the Deputy of every Province should be for the first Assembly that should be held, they had recourse to Lots. 'Twas also agreed that the Deputies should be chang'd every Year: So that every Six Months the Five Seniors quitted the Service, and gave way to Five others. It was likewise agreed, that Dukes, Lieutenant Generals, or other qualify'd Persons, should have Voices in the Assemblies, tho' they were no Depu∣ties, provided they were such as might be confided in.

By the same Regulation Provincial Councils were erected, com∣posed* 1.33 of Five or Seven Persons of the Three Estates, and of which one Minister at least was to be a Member, and one Governour of a Town in a Province. These Councils were to answer the General Assembly, and to have the same Authority in their se∣veral Jurisdictions, as the Council General had over the whole Kingdom; and particularly to collect, digest, communicate Opi∣nions and Memoirs; maintain Concord among the Grand ones, and appease their Quarrels; make the Distributions of Money that was to be rais'd for the Common Cause; to have a watchful Eye upon the Garrisons, and to take care of the Fortifications and Stores of the Strong Towns: And there was also a Regulation of the Time that every Deputy was to continue in Service; of the manner of electing Presidents and Secretaries in all Assemblies General and Particular; and of the Signing of Acts and Dispatches. All the Deputies were oblig'd to take an Oath, and all the Refor∣med to have a venerable Respect for the Persons thus employ'd; and they resolv'd before the end of September, that there should be a Council of this Nature set up in every Province. Measures were also taken there for preserving the Places of Strength, whether the Court went about to take 'em away from the Reformed Go∣vernours, or whether the Governours happen'd to die when the Lord Lieutenant chanc'd to be a Catholick. It was order'd, that none

should be receiv'd into those Towns but Soldiers, whose Religion was attested by sufficient Testimonies; and to provide for their Maintenance according to the Model of the last Settlement, in case that any thing were retrench'd from the Strength of the Garrisons. Others advis'd the stopping of the Money call'd the Deniers du Tablier, and the Money arising from the Impositions and Tax for the Gensdarmes, to the value of the Sum sufficient for the payment of the Garrisons, if they could not be paid otherwise; and if there happen'd any Prosecutions upon these Proceedings, the Churches were to join together to save harm∣less those that should be put to Trouble upon that account. They likewise settl'd a Fund of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns for General Affairs, of which every Province to the South of the Loire was to pay Five Thousand, and the rest Two Thousand Five Hundred. This Sum was to be rais'd partly upon the Gar∣risons, detaining one of Fifteen Pay's; partly upon the Benefices possess'd by the Nobility, of the Revenues of which they were to take the Sixth or Seventh Penny; partly by voluntary Con∣tributions, to which the Ministers were to exhort the richer sort. This Sum was different from those that were set aside for the payment of the Deputies that were to attend the Councils; and the way to raise those Sums was left to the particular Provinces. Some Regulations were made as to those that were willing to ad∣vance any Money, or to bestow any thing of Free Gift. The particular Councils were permitted to look after the laying out of that same Sum of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns, reserving to the Assembly General to take Cognizance of the Expence, and to dis∣pose of the Interest as they should see most beneficial for the good of the Churches. There was also Order taken about the manner of communicating Intelligence, which was to be imparted to every particular Flock: Particular Councils were oblig'd to be assisting to each other for their mutual Defence; and they referr'd back to the first Assembly, which was order'd to sit at Saumur, certain Affairs which that at St. Foy had not determin'd; par∣ticularly concerning the Maintenance of Pastors, Scholars and Colledges.

To these were added eight other Private Articles, the first of which imported the Administration of Justice; in order to which, they demanded Chambers half one, half t' other, Catholicks and Reformed in all the Parliaments but that of Grenoble, where the Reformed, who did what they pleas'd under Les Diguieres, were well enough contented with their Condition. And if they could not obtain those Chambers, they took a Resolution to appeal from all Parliaments, Presidial Courts, and all other Royal Judges, in Affairs of which they have the Power to determine without Ap∣peal. And that they would set forth the Causes of Appeal from all those Courts. The Second was, That they would apply them∣selves to the Mediation of the Queen of England and the States of the Ʋnited Provinces, because they found the Affairs of the Churches in a deplorable Condition. The Third, That the Grandees should be written to, and exhorted to Piety and Union. The Fourth gave Liberty for that one time, to double the number of Deputies that every Province was to send to the next Assembly, by reason of the Importance of the Affairs which were there to be handl'd. The fifth order'd, That the Exercise of the Reformed Religion should be forborn in such places where it had been in∣troduc'd by Surprize, provided it might be done without Tumult or Sedition, and that Mass should be re-establish'd in such places where it had been us'd before the War: Which was done to be∣reave the Catholicks of that Pretence which they took for not observing the Edicts, because the Reformed broke 'em themselves, in not permitting the Mass to be said in certain places of which they had made themselves the Masters. The sixth put off, till the return of the Deputies that were to be sent to Court, the positive Determination, whether they would admit the Catholicks to Offices and Employments in the Cities kept by the Reformed. That is to say, they were willing that the Catholicks should un∣derstand, that they should have the same as they brought, and that if they would not share Employments with the Reformed, they would exclude the Catholicks in those places where they were superiour in Strength. The Seventh disown'd all that one Province might have done to the Prejudice, and without consulting the rest; which was done to prevent Proceedings like those in the Island of France, of which we have already spoken. The

Eighth approv'd the Union of several Contiguous Provinces in one Provincial Council.

While this Assembly was sitting. Perigord and some of the* 1.34 Neighbouring Provinces were over-run with certain Troops of those Seditious People, commonly called Croakers. Their pre∣tence was to deliver the Country from the Exactions and Vio∣lence of the Court; tho' themselves committed the greatest Ha∣vock and Spoil, and did the Peasants the most mischief. These Mutineers were above Forty Thousand Men in Arms, of which above a Third part were of the Reformed Religion. One of the Artifices therefore which they made use of to disperse this Mul∣titude, was to infuse it into the Catholicks, that they were not to join themselves with Hereticks; more especially not to share with them the Honour of labouring the Reformation of the Kingdom. Which was the reason that the Catholicks, upon a Signal given, withdrew, and retir'd apart by themselves; so that the Reformed found themselves of a suddain ready to be assail'd by them that had been their Comrades but a little before. But in regard they were better Arm'd, and better Soldiers then the Catholicks, it only put 'em into a little Fear. Now during the greatest Heat of these Commotions, the Reformed, who had a share in the Sedi∣tion, sent certain Deputies to St. Foy, to know whether they could be any ways serviceable to 'em at that same juncture of time. But the Assembly would not so much as listen to 'em; only they advis'd 'em under-hand to make their Peace, and to get good Assurances from the Court never to be prosecuted for their Sedition.

This Assembly having order'd that the next should be at Sau∣mur,* 1.35 where the Deputies were to meet the First of December, sent their Deputies to the Court, which was then at St. Germans, where they were amus'd by many Delays before any real Satis∣faction was given 'em. The main thing which they insisted up∣on, was, the Verification of the Edict, as had been agreed upon at Mantes, and the new Regulation which had been promis'd 'em, to render their Condition a little better then it had been, under the Benefit of the Edicts. The King shews a great desire to con∣tent 'em, and every day renew'd to 'em the Promise which he had made. Nevertheless nothing went forward; however to

pay the Reformed with some Reason for the Delays which had almost quite tir'd 'em out of their Patience, the Obstructions of the Verification were all thrown upon the Tricks and Contrivances of the Factious. But notwithstanding this Excuse, the Reformed were exasperated, and were apt to believe that the principal oc∣casion of the Delay proceeded from the Court. And this Suspi∣cion was confirm'd by the Offers that were made to the Duke of Mercoeur on the King's behalf, to treat with him in favour of the Catholick Religion for the Towns he held in Britaigne, and other places; all which tended to exclude, for the King's sake, the Exercise of the Reformed Religion out of a great part of Bri∣taigne, and several places in the neighbouring Provinces. But* 1.36 the Duke, who thought himself strong enough to preserve Bri∣taigne, insisted upon higher Demands; and he pretended that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was forbid in Normandy, in Maine, in Anjou, Touraine and Poitou, because there were some Castles in those Provinces that held out for him; but which in the main were rather Nests of Robbers then real Fortresses of War. The Reformed were therefore afraid, that whatever he demanded would be granted him; because they had seen by pre∣ceding Treaties that nothing was refus'd the Heads of the League, to the end they might reclaim 'em to Obedience.

On the other side, the Decay of the League began to be per∣ceiv'd at Rome; and in regard the rigorous Demeanour of the Pope had somewhat shogg'd the King, and the Catholicks of his Party, who had French Hearts; they began likewise in France to neglect the Affairs of Rome. They discour'd afresh in France of drawing up a Pragmatick for the conferring of Benefices, and of creating a Patriarch, to preside over all the Clergy. These Dis∣courses caus'd great Disturbances at Rome, and the King's Prospe∣rity made the Pope believe, that that great Prince might one day make a shift without him. This was the reason that he began in* 1.37 his turn, to make the first forward steps himself, and that he gave ground by degrees in the business of the Absolution. But he forbore not at first to make such strange Proposals, that meer Disdain re∣fus'd to hearken to 'em. Those the Spaniards had suggested to him, to prevent his Reconciliation with the King; And the Pope, who was a great Politician, tho' he well knew they were such as

would never be granted him, was nevertheless resolv'd to make 'em, that they might not presume to propose him Offers too far distant from his great Pretensions. But this very hotly alarum'd the Reformed, who were afraid that these high Demands had no other then this only aim to obtain their Destruction of the King, and that all of a suddain the Pope would condescend to all the rest, provided they would but content him in that particular Point. For this reason they took all the Delays of the Parliaments for the Presages of their Ruine; because the Edicts not having the force of a Law in the Kingdom, till they are enregister'd and qualify'd to the liking of the Sovereign Courts, all those that had been hi∣therto granted had prov'd useless for their Security; since the Parliaments had either absolutely rejected 'em, or verify'd 'em with odious Limitations. For which reason they look'd upon themselves as living still under the benefit only of a simple Truce, liable to broken every day, whenever the King should have a desire to gratifie the Court of Rome. The very Word Truce made 'em tremble; because Truces were never made between Fellow-Citizens and Friends, but between People that live in declar'd Hostility, of which a Truce does but suspend the Effects; whence it follow'd, that the Reformed were still look'd upon as Enemies by the Catholicks; far from being treated as Members of one and the same Kingdom, and Legitimate Children of the same Fa∣mily.

In this Conjuncture of Affairs the King was wounded in the* 1.38 Mouth by John Chastel, a Disciple of the Jesuits; and the Refor∣med had that slight Consolation in the midst of their Afflictions and Fears, to see that Society condemn'd to Banishment by the most August Senate of France. A Pyramid was also order'd to be set up in that part of the House where the Parricide was hatch'd; upon one of the Faces of which was engrav'd the Decree that banish'd the Jesuits out of the Kingdom, and contain'd the Rea∣sons for inflicting that Punishment upon 'em. But the Parlia∣ments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux would not follow the Example of that of Paris; so that the Society kept their footing, till they were again restor'd, in the Provinces under their Jurisdiction. In the mean while this audacious Attempt made a great Noise at Rome, where d' Ossat highly aggravated the consequence of such

an Enterprize, at a time when they were treating so seriously about a Reconciliation between the Pope and the King. But that which this Accident produc'd of most remarkable, was this, That it drew from the Lips of that Agent for France, altho' a zealous Catholick, and bred up in the Maxims of the Court of Rome, an Authentick Testimony, how highly the Reformed abo∣minate all Crimes of this nature, and of the profound Respect which they bear to the Persons of their Sovereigns. This Prelat giving an account of the Fact to the Pope's Cardinal Nephew, and aggravating the Horror of it, contriv'd and encourag'd by them that call'd themselves the Support of the Catholick Re∣ligion, told him in express Terms, That if ever any body had a* 1.39 seeming just occasion to make use of such Assassinates, the Hereticks had most cause to purchase 'em, and set 'em at work against the King, who has quitted and abandon'd 'em, and of whom they had rea∣son to be afraid; nevertheless they never attempted any such thing, either against Him, nor any of the five Kings his Predecessors, what∣ever Slaughters and Massacres their Majesties had made of the Hu∣guenots.

This Misfortune did the Reformed no unkindness; for it put the King in remembrance that he had never ran the like Risco while he was in their Hands. Whence it came to pass, that he sometimes declar'd to his Confidents, that as to what concern'd the Safety of his Person, he had a far greater Assurance in them, then in the Catholicks. On the other side, the Result of the Consultations of the Assembly at St. Foy, gave the Council no small occasion to make particular Reflections; who beheld with Astonishment that numerous Body, without a Chieftain, to re∣unite the various Members of it; to close and confederate together in their own Defence, and take such proper courses to become for∣midable to their Enemies. Therefore they would have had it look'd upon as a form'd Rebellion, and an insolent sort of pro∣ceeding, what was done by the Reformed at that time in order to* 1.40 their Preservation. They call'd the Union a Design to set up a State with separate Interests, and a distinct Government: And because this was spread abroad at that time by passionate and vi∣olent Persons, all the Historians that have since put Pen to Paper have not fail'd to exclaim against that way of proceeding, and to

black'n it with furious Declamations; as if it were a Crime to be careful of Self-preservation, when People have Enemies to deal with void of Equity, Faith, Humanity, such as the Catholicks had more then once appear'd in reference to the Reformed. The King had no reason to be offended at these Precautions, since they were made use of neither against his Person, nor against his Authority; but against a sort of Zealots, who might abuse his Power to oppress the most faithful part of his Subjects; and a∣gainst the Court of Rome, with whose cruel Intentions, and bloody Maxims all Europe was too well acquainted.

Nevertheless the King forbore not to disturb these Assemblies,* 1.41 and to look upon 'em at least as du Plessis had sometimes repre∣sented 'em; that is to say, such as might degenerate, and give occasion to Factious Spirits to raise Commotions and Tumults not easily to be appeas'd. Which was the reason that sometimes he complain'd of their being conven'd, and sometimes he gave ex∣press Orders for their Dissolution. But then the King follow'd rather what his Councils peal'd in his Ears, then his own Inclina∣tions; for as soon as others laid before him how dangerous it was to reduce the Reformed to the Provocations of Despair, by de∣priving 'em the Comfort of those Assemblies, he revok'd his former Orders by others, more expresly forbidding their being dissolv'd. In a word, it was more advantageous for the King to permit that Union of his Subjects, which oblig'd 'em to request his Leave for the time and place of their Assembling, then to reduce 'em to throw themselves under a Foreign Protection, by refusing 'em the means of securing both their Religion and, their Lives under the Good Will and Authority of their Lawful Prince. It was also better to see them united among themselves by that form of Correspondency, then under a Protector, whose Courage might be elevated by his Power, by Foreign Adherences and Do∣mestick Discontents, and give him fair Opportunities and Advan∣tages to enlarge his Reputation.

But for the present 'twas thought, that the most assured means* 1.42 to disperse those Assemblies, or prevent the Mischief they might do, was to afford the Reformed some occasion of Content, to the end the first Assembly that was call'd together might have no more to do then to accept the King's Concessions, and to return

him Thanks. For this Reason the Verification of the Edicts which had been formerly granted, was press'd for at a more then usual Rate, and the Confirmation of 'em by a new Edict, as had been agreed with their Deputies at Mantes. The greatest Diffi∣culty consisted in their declaring the Reformed capable of all man∣ner of Employments; and this was that which the zealous Ca¦tholicks were extreamly unwilling to do, who could not by any means brook the Violation of their Canons, by which the Here∣ticks are excluded from all sorts of Offices and Preferments. This Difficulty could not be remov'd by Four Years Sollicitations, nor by the express Orders of the King; nor by a new Delcaration given at St. Germans in November of the year preceding. The* 1.43 Council consented to it, as also to several other Provisional Regulations, because they were then bethinking themselves of getting the Prince of Conde out of the Hands of the Reformed, either because the King was desirous to have him bred up in the Catholick Religion, to prevent the Pretences of a Civil War, which might be taken one day from his being Educated in the Reformed; or because the Count of Soissons, a turbulent ambiti∣ous Prince, and who look'd upon himself as Presumptive Heir to the Crown, by reason of his Nephews Religion, and for other Reasons, was very uneasie to him; or else because he had a mind to lessen his Pretensions to the Crown, by opposing against him a Prince much nearer to the Crown then himself: Or lastly, Because he would deprive the Reformed of a Chieftain, who might one day head 'em, and demand new Favours in their behalf.

The King told the Reformed, on purpose to make 'em willing* 1.44 to surrender the Prince up into his Hands, that his frequent In∣firmities caus'd him to bethink himself of Death, and oblig'd him at the same time to desire that he might have his Heir always by him, to secure him the Succession, and put him in a condition to preserve themselves by ways more gentle then a War. But this Hook would not take with the Reformed, who thought it much more conducing to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom, that the King should dissolve his Marriage with Margaret de Valois, and be∣think himself of another Wife, then to have a Prince near his Person, whose nearest Relations thought they had Reason sufficient to dis∣pute with him their Right to the Crown. The King thus repuls'd on

this side, resolves to assail 'em on the other, and seeks to en∣gage 'em to put the Prince into his Hands, by granting 'em Ad∣mission into Offices of Trust; an Honour which indeed would have been dear enough sold to 'em, since it must cost 'em a Prince who might be one day the Restorer and Pillar of their Hopes. And this Consideration was made use of to perswade the Parlia∣ment to the Verification of that Article; but this Reason pre∣sently wrought another Effect then was expected: For there were some zealous Catholicks who found it so weighty, that they would have made it one of the Conditions of the Verification of the Edict, to the end the Reformed might not refuse to surrender the Prince, without the Forfeiture of all the Favours that had been granted 'em. And this seem'd so much the more reasonable, because it was thought impossible that ever the Reformed would let go such a Pledge out of their Hands: And there were ma∣ny Catholicks that wish'd they would have obstinately refus'd it, that they might have had a specious Pretence to declare War against 'em. But the King had other Thoughts. He was not willing to destroy the Reformed, of whom he stood so much the more in need, that he might not be altogether at the mercy of the Catholicks, who treated him a little too imperiously. There∣fore he strove to get the Prince out of their Hands by gentle means, rather then by force of Arms, or by the Authority of a Publick Law; knowing well, that they would have taken that Law for an Affront, because it would have made 'em look'd upon as Persons suspected, such as were to be compell'd to their Obedience.

'Twas therefore put to the Question in Parliament, whether* 1.45 the Edict should be verify'd purely and simply, or no; and the thing was debated with great Heat; more particularly the 19th Article of the Edict of 1577. which declar'd the Reformed ca∣pable of Offices and Dignities, was the Subject of the Contest; nor did it pass without a vast deal of Trouble. Nevertheless there were several who argu'd for the Verification of this Article as the rest, without Restriction or Qualification. And they insisted ve∣ry fervently upon the Services which the Reformed had done the King and the Realm; and they exclaim'd against their Refusal to treat 'em according to their Merit as a high piece of Injustice and

Ingratitude. They likewise maintain'd, That since they were equal to the Catholicks in Affection and Fidelity, they should be dealt with alike in the destribution of Honours and Rewards. Others to these Reasons oppos'd the fear of injuring the King, be∣ing a new Convert, and still at variance with the Pope; and of hard∣ning the rest of the League in their Rebellion, if such an impor∣tant Favour were granted to the Reformed against the Provisions of the Canon-Law; and that so suddainly too, after the Return of the King to the Catholick Religion. But those oppositions sig∣nify'd little, in regard the pure and simple Verification was car∣ry'd by the Plurality of Voices. Servin, one of the Advocates General, strongly upheld this Opinion; and in regard he was an Enemy of the Jesuits, he was just enough to the Reformed. Se∣guier, his Associate, was of a quite contrary Judgment; but Guele the Proctor General bethought himself of a Cavil, which had like to have engag'd all the Kingdom in new Combustions; for he put the Reformed in mind, that new Traps were laying to ensnare* 1.46 their Sincerity, under Pretence of unheard-of Affectation. He would not suffer the accustom'd Terms to be inserted in the De∣cree of Enrolment; Heard, and this the Proctor-General requi∣ring; tho' his Father, who had serv'd in the Place before him, when the Edict of 1577. was enroll'd under Henry III. never made any such Scruple. Neither would he have had the Words put in, Consenting to this, as upon other occasions where the King's Council will not move; but only, Heard the Proctor-General, 'Twas a very fair Scape, that such an Innovation, put in practice* 1.47 at a time when the King was full of Jealousies and Suspicions, had not produc'd pernicious Effects, and call'd to memory the un∣fortunate Cruelties and Treacheries of the past Reigns. Chiefly, when they reflected upon the manner of proceeding in the Ve∣rification of the Edicts that were granted the Leaguers, which was done without Prolongations or Delays, and the Edicts una∣nimously past, and sent to be enroll'd pure and without any Al∣terations, 'twas impossible but that they must look upon as strange and uncouth, so much spinning out of time, so many Oppositions, so many Artifices which were made use of to elude the Edicts that were granted to the Reformed.

The more moderate Catholicks themselves blam'd this unrea∣sonable Severity: Whether it were, that the Example of the Parliament of Paris render'd all the other Parliaments difficult; some refusing to verifie the Edict at all, others not without several vexatious Limitations; or whether it were, because the Reformed were just ready to hold an Assembly at Saumur, where it was to meet according to the Decree of that of St. Foy. No body que∣stion'd but that the Proctor-General's Behaviour would furnish that Assembly with occasion of loud Complaints; and perhaps put 'em upon taking such Courses, as would be a great Obstructi∣on to Peace, so necessary for the Re-establishment of the King∣dom. This Assembly at Saumur had put the King to a great deal of Trouble, from the very moment he heard it first discours'd of And the only reason why the Verification of the Edict was so earnestly press'd for, was either to anticipate it, or that they might have a fair Pretence to hinder the sitting of it, or to dissolve it. It was to have met upon the first of December of the preceding year, but there was not a full appearance till about three Months after. There were some Provinces, the Deputies of which were stay'd for a long time, either because they expected the effect of the King's Promises for the enrolment of the Edicts; or else, because the Intreagues of the Court had stopt 'em, either out of Fear, or delay'd with Hopes. But at length they met at Saumur, where they stay'd a long time without doing any thing, in regard the King refus'd to authorize their meeting. He also at the same time complain'd of it to du Plessis, as of an Enterprize that woun∣ded his Authority, and shew'd that the Reformed were jealous of him. But du Plessis return'd him such good Reasons, that he was satisfy'd, and gave leave to the Assembly by his Letters Patterns* 1.48 to sit.

These Reasons amounted chiefly to no more then two. The first* 1.49 was, That in the midst of so many occasions of Fear and Di∣strust that were justly given the Reformed, the refusing 'em leave to be careful of their Security would reduce 'em to Despair; and that in such a posture of Discomposure, at what time the wisest Men never listen to Reason nor Duty, they might look out for Remedies more vexatious then that of Assemblies: For that the remembrance of what was past would not suffer 'em to be satisfy'd

with the present, and loudly alarum'd 'em with Fears of the fu∣ture. The other concern'd the Interest of the King himself, to whom Du Plessis declar'd. That in regard he was upon a Recon∣ciliation with the Pope, it became him to wish for Sollicitations on the behalf of the Reformed, to the end he might have where∣withal to reply to the Pope, should he complain that too much was granted to those that were held for Hereticks. The King's* 1.50 Answer would then be always ready, That he was in a manner forc'd by the Importunity of their Assemblies, and to prevent a greater Mischief. Whereas if he did any thing in their Favour, without being urg'd to it, he would have nothing to say should the Pope be offended. Du Plessis also made use of the same Rea∣son to support the Reformed, who were either much dishearten'd, or quite weary'd out of their Patience. He told 'em that the King, who in effect renew'd his Promises every day, was very affectionately enclin'd towards 'em, but that his present Condition would not permit him to do 'em any kindness but what he was forc'd to, either in respect to the Pope, with whom he was a∣bout to be reconcil'd; or to the Remainders of the League, whom he was very unwilling to supply with new Pretences to mur∣mur; or to the Catholicks of his Party, for whom he could not choose but have a great Complacency: And thus he should have wherewithal to satisfie all Parties, if the Reformed by their re∣peated Importunities did but impose upon him a kind of Necessity to grant Them something too. These Reasons seem'd to restore a calmer Temper to those whose Patience the Delays and unjust Proceedings of the Parliament had almost quite worn out; and to take in good part the insipid and cold Answers which many times the King gave their Deputies. They also reviv'd the Cou∣rage of those that were dejected by tedious and troublesome Pro∣tractions and puttings off from time to time, believing they should obtain their Desires at length by Perseverance and Impor∣tunity.

Now in regard these Reasons mollify'd the King, from whom the Catholics more then once enforc'd the Revocation of Orders which he had giv'n against those Assemblies, 'tis easie to judge▪ that in a Word, he took delight to be importun'd▪ and that he look'd up∣on it as a useful expedient to procure him the Liberty to put his

good Intentions in execution. In short, he always gave the Re∣formed good Words; and when their Deputies were with him in private, he gave 'em better: And there would have been no reason to complain of his Promises, had it not been that after he had so often repeated the same things, there was no Fruit of 'em afterward to be seen.

The Assembly of Saumur then, began the 24th of February, and the Report made by the Deputies of St. Foy having given 'em an account of the ill Intentions of the principal Heads of the Coun∣cil and Parliament, Resolutions were taken more solid and vigo∣rous then could have been expected from People that seem'd to be depriv'd of all Relief and Succour. They made new Proposals and new Demands. They would no longer stand to the old Edicts, which had been cancel'd or evaded so many times; and which were publickly derided, by reason of the Cavils of the Proctor-General. They were no longer contented with de∣manding new Favours, by way of Compensation for the Retrenchments made in the Edict of 1577. to facilitate the reducing the Leaguers to Obedience. They could not brook, that the King should grant such ample Rewards to Rebels on purpose to reduce 'em to their Duty; and that Subjects always faithful, always devoted to his Person and his Fortune, should stand in need of covering with the Name of compensa∣tion, the just Recompences which they might boldly challenge In a word, they began to alter the strain of their Language, and to desire a new Edict, more to the advantage and security of the Reformed, then the Edicts that were become contemptible by the allow'd Licence to violate 'em. They alledg'd, that the King had promis'd another Edict to the Deputies that were at Mantes, and that it was a meer piece of Covin to desire after that, that they should content themselves with the Edict of 1577. which the King had fruitlesly confirm'd by two others. Therefore they* 1.51 demanded another Edict in recompence of so many Services, of so much Patience, and of so much Blood which they had spilt. They debated a long time among themselves what Articles to in∣sist upon for the framing of the new Edict; and at length they agreed upon certain Demands, which may be reduc'd to Six or Seven Heads. 1. That a New Edict should be granted 'em with∣out

amusing 'em with Promises to restore another, which no way satisfy'd 'em. 2. That they shoud be allow'd an entire and uni∣versal Liberty for the publick Exercise of their Religion over all the Kingdom. 3. That Publick Salaries should be secur'd to the Ministers, either by leaving 'em the Tenths which they refus'd any longer to pay the Ecclesiasticks; or by assigning 'em Funds, that should not be otherwise emyloy'd; and they demanded the same thing for the Maintenance of Schools and Scholars. 4. That the Reformed should be secur'd the Possession of their Estates, as well those which they already enjoy'd, as those which fell to 'em by Inheritance, Deed of Gift, Last Will and Testament, or by any other Lawful Right. 5. That an equal number of Reformed Judges to that of the Catholicks should be admitted in all Jurisdi∣ctions. 5. That they should be admitted indifferently into all manner of Offices and Employments like the Catholicks. 7. That for their Security, the Cities which they had in their Hands should be left in their Possession; and that the Garrisons should be paid ••ut of the King's Money.

While they were preparing their Complaints, and drawing up their Papers to send to the King, the business of his Reconciliation with the Pope was eagerly press'd forward by the Court of Rome; ••nd the Pontiff grew impatient of the Delays which retarded the ••ending a Commissioner to treat with him about it. However, in ••ruth, as yet, the Pope did not seem to recede in the least from his first Pretensions; but it was easily perceiv'd that he would make an Abatement in proper time, because he had vouchsas'd in ••••ving and general Terms, to promise whatever lay in his power, ••rovided it were not contrary to the Interest and Honour of the ••oly See. The King on the other side kept himself to the same ••eneral Expressions, and would consent to nothing that misbe∣••••me himself, or the Dignity of the Crown. There were two sorts •• People in the Council, whose Opinion it was, That the Pope should ••e left alone to make the first steps himself; as being perswa∣••ed, that a little perseverance would reduce him to grant a bare ••••d simple Ratification of the Absolution, as the King receiv'd it •• St. Denis's. The one were the Reformed, who could not en∣••ure that the King's Honour should be prostituted to the Intriegues •• the Court of Rome. The other, were the Catholicks not bi∣gotted,

who lov'd the King and the Kingdom, and who not que∣stioning but the Pope's Aim was to make the King purchase his Favour by some ignominious Condescension, were desirous the King should avoid that Snare, by letting the Pope alone till he sought after him. But the high-flown Catholicks carry'd it, be∣cause* 1.52 the King was willing to rid himself of Trouble, and for that he thought his Repose depended upon his Reconciliation with the Pope. He was weary of the toilsom Life wherein he had spent his most youthful Years. He saw that the Succession would be* 1.53 in a very uncertain Condition after his Death: He had a desire to dissolve his Marriage with Margaret of Valois, by whom he had no Children; and he thought to marry the Fair Gabriela d'Estrees, with whom he was enamour'd even to Enchantment; either of which two things he thought it impossible to bring to pass with∣out the Pope's Assistance: And he knew it to be the last excuse of the obstinate Leaguers, that he was not acknowledg'd by the Pope. The Duke of Mayenne had sworn never to pay him Alle∣giance till he was reconcil'd to his Holiness: He was in hopes that such a Reconciliation would secure his Life, put an end to the frequent Conspiracies against him, under Pretence that the Sin∣cerity of his Conversion was dubious; would reduce the Monks to their Duty, several of which refus'd to name him in their Prayers: And lastly, he was desirous to be at leisure to settle the Peace of the Kingdom, in order to the execution of some great Designs which he had projected abroad.

But tho' his own Will over-rul'd him not to follow the whol∣som Advice of the Reformed and the more politick sort of Catho∣licks, yet at first they had the Credit to name one Man of the Council, and another of the Parliament, to be join'd with one Ecclesiastick, to go to Rome and negotiate this Affair. This De∣putation had been of great Importance for the Service of the King, and the Pope must have been contented with it, had they had Resolution enough in France to have stuck to this Advice. Ne∣ver would any Person of Note, bred up in great Affairs, have consented to any thing beneath the Dignity of a King; and he had been well seconded by a Person chosen out of the Body of a Parliament, whose Maxims are always opposite to those of Rome, when the Honour of the Kingdom lies at stake. But the Pope

knew well enough how to ward off this Blow; so that the whole* 1.54 Commission was referr'd to two Ecclesiasticks. By which means the Pope at the bottom was Master of the whole Affair, in re∣gard he was the Sovereign of both Commissioners that were to treat with him. One of the two the most notorious Knave of his time; and neither of 'em very likely to render themselves worthy of a Cardinal's Cap by an over-zealous Fidelity to their Prince. Never∣theless D'Ossat, who was the honester of the two, seem'd to be not a little vex'd, that there was more granted to the Pope than he had advis'd; but du Perron his Associate, had the most Authority. He it was that brought the Instructions from France: For as for D'Ossat, he was only joyn'd with him, as one that better under∣stood the Slights and Politicks of Rome, and might be a necessary Guide to the other in a Court to which he was a Stranger altoge∣ther. This was the King's Misfortune, that of those two Proctors that were to represent his Person in this Affair, he to whom the Secret was entrusted, and who was chief in Authority, was not the honestest Man. Nevertheless it was not du Perron who had all the Thanks and Reward of this Affair. D'Ossat behav'd him∣self so prudently, that the Profit redounded to himself, and the Pope bestow'd a Cardinals Hat upon him some years after. 'Tis true, this Dignity seem'd to have been conferr'd upon him upon the King's Recommendation. But the Pope had given the King formerly to understand, that he would bestow it freely and wil∣lingly upon D'Ossat, if it were but requested for him. However,* 1.55 to get what he could from the King, the Pope at first made all the Demands which the Spaniards suggested to him; nevertheless well ••ssur'd, that they would never be allow'd him. In the first place therefore he would have had 'em to promise him, that all the E∣dicts which had been granted to the Reformed should be revok'd; That they should be excluded from all Offices and Employments; That they should be all destroy'd as soon as the Peace was con∣cluded with the Leaguers and Spain; That the Catholicks should not be constrain'd to observe the Edicts; That the Jesuits should ••e restor'd; That all the Estates which Queen Jane had taken from the Ecclesiasticks in Bearn should be restor'd to 'em again, with several other things, to which the King's Honour and Pru∣dence would not permit him to oblige himself. Chiefly, they

would have had him declar'd his Crown and Kingdom forfeited if ever He relaps'd into Heresie. But the King made his Pro∣ctors Instructions quite contrary to these Demands. He explain'd his meaning with a great deal of Elocution and Clearness, and gave 'em their Lesson very precisely and accurately. There was* 1.56 expresly set down what the King would grant upon the Demands, which it was known the Pope would make; and it was directly enjoyn'd, that they should not consent to any thing that might be injurious to the Royal Majesty, nor pass beyond the Limits which the King had set 'em. But that which was chiefly recommended to 'em, was, not to consent to any Rehabilitation, as if the King stood in need of obtaining the Popes Consent to be a Lawful King, or capable of the Functions of Royalty: And the King prescrib'd 'em most exactly how far he gave 'em leave to exert their Complacency upon so nice and delicate a Subject. 'Twas his pleasure also that they should be very careful of his Ho∣nour and his Dignity; and that they should obstinately maintain the Validity of his Absolution which he had receiv'd in France. Moreover, there was one express Article in behalf of the Refor∣med, the Terms of which are so remarkable, that I cannot but in∣cert the chiefest part of it in this place. After they had alledg'd the Reasons for advising the King to revive the Act of 1577. which was the meanest of those which had been granted the Reformed, and laid down the Mischiefs which the Revocation of it obtain'd by the League, had occasion'd in the Kingdom; together with such as might happen, had they secur'd the Reformed from the Edicts of Proscription which the League had publish'd against 'em, the Instruction adds, That they of the said Religion being ve∣ry* 1.57 numerous and potent in the Kingdom, as they are, greatly serve and strengthen his said Majesty to defend his Dominions against the Enemies of it, as formerly they have done; so that his said Majesty should be accus'd of Imprudence and Ingratitude, if after so many Ser∣vices as they have done him, and which he may have need of fart•••••• from 'em, he should fall pell mell upon 'em, and constrain 'em to take Arms against his Person, as they have always done against those who have gone about to force their Consciences. But his Majesty hopes •••• give a better account of 'em by his mildness, and the example of his Life, then by ways of Rigour.

There is nothing more Authentick, nor more express then this Testimony giv'n, upon an occasion so publick and so important, of the past and present Services of the Reformed. If there be any Equity among Men, there needs no more to demonstrate, that the Liberty of their Conscience, and the Security of their Per∣sons, their Estates and their Honour, besides that they are Depen∣dencies upon Natural Right, which oblige the Prince to assure his Subjects those priviledg'd Advantages, were granted 'em as the just Reward of their long and faithful Services. So that in depriving 'em in our days, both of the one and the other of these Immuni∣ties, their Enemies have not only violated the most lawful Duty of Sovereigns, who ought to look upon themselves as Conservators of the Liberty and Welfare of their Subjects; but they have blacken'd the Great Henry with the Reproach of Ingratitude, which he adjudg∣ed unworthy of himself; by depriving an Obedient and Peace∣able Offspring of what had been so lawfully, yet dearly purchas'd for 'em, under the Reign of this Prince, by the Services of their Fathers.

But what-ever Caution was taken to preserve the King's Ho∣nour,* 1.58 his Proctors forbore not to comply with whatever the Pope demanded; and their Excuse was, that they could not possi∣bly do otherwise, and that they were fain to accept of some Con∣ditions, to avoid others that would be more irksom. They would also needs perswade the King that they had done him great Ser∣vice in this, that the Article of Rehabilitation had been chopt and chang'd with so much dexterity, that it might well be maintain'd, that there was not a Word said of it in the Bull of Absolution; ne∣vertheless, if there were any Persons who thought it necessary, it might be affirm'd on the other side, that there was enough to the purpose contain'd in it. So that all the Fidelity of these Proctors, in an Affair of so great Consequence, and where the main Concern in Agitation was the establishing the Dependance or Independance of the Crown, was reduc'd to unfold this weighty Question, by equivocal Terms, from whence equal advantage might be drawn, as well for the one as for the other. This was by no means well relish'd by the honest French-men; but those Slaps with a Wand which they receiv'd upon their Shoulders in the King's Name, as his Proctors, in the Presence of the Cardinals, during the Cere∣mony

of the Absolution, were far less approv'd. The Spaniards made it the Subject of their Sport and Merriment; the French Politicians murmur'd at it; the Reformed storm'd at it; and threw it in the Catholicks Dish, as a high Affront put upon Roy∣al Majesty, that the first King in Christendom should be expos'd to be swaddl'd upon the Shoulders of his Proctor. The Court also was asham'd of such a pitiful Condescension; and du Perron had much ado to ward off the bloody Reproaches that were cast upon him for this Prevarication, at his Return. But he had such a Wit, that he could do what he pleas'd with it; and he had such a graceful slight of expressing himself, such a knack of making Black White, and White Black, that no body had either the Will or the Confidence to contradict what he said. For which Reason it is reported, that the Pope was heard to say at Rome, that he besought of God never to infuse other then vertuous Thoughts into his Mind; for that if corrupt and vicious Meditations got footing there, he had a Wit was able to defend 'em. D'Ossat excus'd this Indignity, by saying that the Raps were so slight, that they would not have hurt a Fly. As if the Affront had consisted rather in the Violence of the Blow then the Ignominy of the Ceremony. Some Historians have deem'd this Circumstance so very disgraceful, the they durst not recite it faithfully in their History; as if the Af∣front were the less real, when it is minc'd and neatly daub'd over.

These Proctors had consented to Sixteen Articles, which the* 1.59 Pope impos'd upon the King by way of Penance: And there were some of these, in reference to which the King could have wish'd, they would have let him have done as Time should have given him an opportunity. But the Proctors had been as faithful in this, as in all the rest; for they suffer'd the Pope to impose upon the King a Necessity of Obedience after a very coercive manner. Such were the Third, Fourth, and Sixth Article, whereby he was en∣joyn'd to re-establish the Mass in Bearn, and to restore the Bishops in that Principality to be maintain'd at his own Charges, till they should be settl'd in their Estates; to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed within a year, that he might be bred up in the Catholick Religion; and to publish the Council of Trent, and cause it to be observ'd in every thing that might not disturb the Publick Repose. The Tenth was couch'd in most Artificial

Terms, and oblig'd the King in all things to give continual Marks of his Respect and Favour to the Catholicks before all the rest of his Subjects, and to testifie his eager desires to unite his whole Kingdom in one and the same Religion.

The Reformed complain'd of these Articles which were granted* 1.60 directly to their Prejudice: But the Proctors endeavour'd to ex∣cuse one part, by saying, that certain Expressions were added in favour of the Edicts, and that they were forc'd to be contented, because it would have been impossible for 'em to have obtain'd clearer or more precise Expressions to explain their meaning. So that all the Security of the Protestants, in respect of these Arti∣cles, depended upon certain equivocal Words, the Explanation or Interpretation of which was reserv'd to those who had concluded the Treaty. Thus it was, that they gave an Account of that same Clause of the Sixth Article, touching the Publication of the Coun∣cil, which had been ill receiv'd by the Reformed; because they could not look upon the Publication of a Council call'd on pur∣pose to condemn 'em, otherwise then as a fore-runner of their Ruine. The Proctors upon this alledg'd, that they could not ex∣plain that Article more at large: But that the Pope knew and very well understood, that the Clause, not to disturb the publick Repose, was added in favour of the Edict of Bearn, and that he neither could nor would explain it better, for fear he should be thought to approve it. In like manner in reference to other Ar∣ticles, that seem'd to press the King too furiously to certain things more difficult in France then Rome imagin'd, they affirm'd that the Pope had no design to force the King to Impossibilities, but that he would always be contented with what lay in his Power. Thus they oblig'd the King to whatever the Pope should please, and left it to the Popes good Humour to excuse the King, tho' it were impossible for him to perform the Penances which he had enjoin'd him.

In the mean time we may judge by the Cruelties that were committed at Rome upon those that were call'd Hereticks, that they were not in the least become more equitable or more moderate toward any other People of the same Character. A Fleming was burnt alive in the Field of Flora; and an English∣man, who had thrown the Host to the Ground, and had us'd the

Sacrament like an Idol, was punish'd at the same rate, after they had cut out his Tongue, and dismember'd him of one of his hands. And for fear his Punishment should be too gentle, they sing'd him continually by the way with burning Torches, from the Prison of the Inquisition to the place of Execution. The Reformed might gather from thence what they were to expect, if the Sin∣cerity of the Edicts that were granted 'em, depended upon the In∣spirations that came from Rome. But they had other Reasons to be afraid of every thing. For they had Intelligence also from Rome, that there were other Secret Conditions upon which the King was absolv'd, which were spread about there; whether it were an Artifice of the Spaniards to sow new Seeds of Distrust in the Minds of the Reformed; or whether the Pope had demanded 'em, and that the Proctors had verbally promis'd certain things, which they thought not convenient to put down in Writing. 'Twas* 1.61 reported at least, that the King was ty'd by those Conditions to exclude the Reformed from all Offices and Employments, what∣ever Promises he had made to admit 'em to Preferment, to mar∣ry the Princess his Sister to a Catholick Prince, and to make War upon the Hereticks of his Kingdom till they were utterly extir∣pated. And the Marriage of the Princess with the Duke of Lor∣rain, which happen'd some years after, confirm'd the Suspicions of all the rest; so much the rather, because she would have been courted by Princes of her own Religion, if the King would have listen'd to it. Certain it is, that the Reformed were convinc'd that these Articles were real; and that du Plessis also wrote to the King, that his manner of Proceeding was imputed to his Com∣pliance with the Popes Demands; and that it was believ'd, of all that was propos'd against 'em, there was none but the Article that concern'd their Destruction, that he ever refus'd to hearken to.

The End of the Third Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1593. Mistrusts proceeded from this change.
• * 1.2

  Boldness of the Lea∣guers.
• * 1.3

  A renewing of the Oath of Union.
• * 1.4

  Barriere's Conspiracy.
• * 1.5

  The Rebels Pretence.
• * 1.6

  The Depu∣ties of the Reformed on their march.
• * 1.7

  The King's Precautions against their re∣proaches.
• * 1.8

  Insults of the Catho∣licks.
• * 1.9

  Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing him.
• * 1.10

  Project of an Edict.
• * 1.11

  And to hin∣der him from satis∣fying them.
• * 1.12

  Precautions against the Oaths of the Order of the H. Ghost, and the Co∣ronation.
• * 1.13

  The Refor∣med dissa∣tisfied of the Project, nei∣ther accept nor refuse them. Assemblies permisted, Union re∣new'd with the King'▪ approbation▪
• * 1.14

  Artifies to corrupt the Ministers.
• * 1.15

  A design of re-uniting.
• * 1.16

  The Duke of Nevers ob∣tains no∣thing at Rome.
• * 1.17

  The fears that the King and Popes recon∣ciliation gave the Reformed▪
• * 1.18

  Truce to the King's pre∣judice.
• * 1.19

  Reduction of Meaux and other Towns.
• * 1.20

  Clauses in the Treaties that preju∣dice the Re∣formed.
• * 1.21

  The Cir∣cuit of a League from any Town, being within the Precinct or Jurisdiction of it.
• * 1.22

  Oath of the Consecrati∣on.
• * 1.23

  The Jesuits Answer.
• * 1.24

  Injustices done to the Reformed.
• * 1.25

  1594.
• * 1.26

  1593.
• * 1.27

  1594.
• * 1.28

  Synod at Montau∣ban.
• * 1.29

  Orders and Prayers for the King's Prosperity.
• * 1.30

  And to bring him back to the Reformed Religion.
• * 1.31

  Disowns the Province of the Island of France in several particulars.
• * 1.32

  Proposals and Regu∣lations for the General Council.
• * 1.33

  Provincial Councils.
• * 1.34

  Sedition of the Croak∣ers.
• * 1.35

  Deputies a∣mus'd at Court.
• * 1.36

  Pretensions of the D. of Mercoeur.
• * 1.37

  Overtures of Reconci∣liation with the Pope.
• * 1.38

  1595.
• * 1.39

  Testimony which d' Os∣sat gave the Reformed.
• * 1.40

  Sentiment•• of the Court touching the Union of the Refor∣med.
• * 1.41

  Sentiments of the King upon the As∣semblies.
• * 1.42

  Causes why they would not declare the Refor∣med capa∣ble of Offi∣ces.
• * 1.43

  The Prince of Conde taken out of their hands
• * 1.44

  Ways to bring it to pass.
• * 1.45

  The Article about Offi∣ces passes with some trouble.
• * 1.46

  The Proctor-General's Cavil ill taken.
• * 1.47

  Cause of new Di∣strusts.
• * 1.48

  He at last permits it.
• * 1.49

  Reasons for his so doing▪
• * 1.50

  Necessity of importu∣ning the King.
• * 1.51

  The Assem∣bly demands a new Edict and Securi∣ties.
• * 1.52

  Absolution desir'd by the King.
• * 1.53

  His reasons for yielding first.
• * 1.54

  Commissio∣ners elected to treat, D'Ossat and Perron.
• * 1.55

  High Pre∣tensions of the Pope.
• * 1.56

  The Proctors Instructions quite con∣trary.
• * 1.57

  A Testimony given of the p••st and present Ser∣vices of the Reformed.
• * 1.58

  Provocati∣ons of the Proctors in the terms and matter.
• * 1.59

  Articles of Penitence.
• * 1.60

  Complaints of the Re∣formed, Ex∣cuses of the Proctors.
• * 1.61

  Secret Arti∣cles thought to be pro∣mis'd to the Pope.