A treatise of episcopacy confuting by Scripture, reason, and the churches testimony that sort of diocesan churches, prelacy and government, which casteth out the primitive church-species, episcopacy, ministry and discipline and confoundeth the Christian world by corruption, usurpation, schism and persecution : meditated in the year 1640, when the et cætera oath was imposed : written 1671 and cast by : published 1680 by the importunity of our superiours, who demand the reasons of our nonconformity / by Richard Baxter.

THE Second Part. (Book 2)

Having in the former Part laid down those Grounds on which the Applicatory Part is to be built, and sub∣verted the foundations of that Diocesane frame which we judge unlawful, I shall now proceed to give you the Application, in the particular Reasons of our judgment, from the Evils which we suppose this frame to be guilty of.

CHAP. I. The clearing of the state of the Question.

THE occasion of our dispute, or rather Apology, is known in England. 1. Every man that is ordained Deacon or Presbyter (or licensed a Schoolmaster) must subscribe to the Books of Ar∣ticles, Liturgy and Ordination, as Ex animo that there is nothing in them contrary to the Word of God. And by the late Act of Uni∣formity [that he doth assent and consent to all things conteined in, and prescribed by the said books as since altered (we think for the worse.)

2. In the year 1640 the Convocation formed, printed and imposed a new Oath in these words (after others) [Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Go∣vernment of this Church, by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans, Arch-Deacons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand.]

3. After this the Parliament in the Wars imposed a Vow and Covenant on the Ministers and People contrary to this called the Et caetrea Oath; which Vow contained a clause to endeavour the ex••••rpation of this Prelacy. In the Westminster Assembly before it passed, many Learned Divines declared that they would not take it as against Prelacy unexplained, lest it should seem to be a∣gainst all Episcopacy, which was not their judgment, they being for the primi∣tive Episcopacy. To satisfie these men (that else had protested against it, and the Assembly been divided, the Scots and some others being against all) the ad∣ditional Titles of Deans, Chapters, &c. were put in as a description of the peculiar English frame of Prelacy which they all agreed against. Since His Maje∣sty's Restoration, there are many Acts made against the belief of an obligation by this Vow. One is made for a change in Corporations, requiring a Decla∣ration by all in any place of Trust, [that there is no obligation on me or any other person from the said Oath, Vow or Covenant ] even absolutely no obligation at all without exception of the clauses that are for the Protestant Religion, for Repentance of our sins, against Popery, Heresie, Schism, Prophaneness, &c. The Act of Unifor∣mity imposeth it on all Ministers, &c. to declare or subscribe that there is no obligation from that Vow on me or any other person to endeavour at any time any alteration of Government in the Church.] The Vestry Act imposeth the like on all Vestry men; and so of others.

4. All Ministers swear to obey the Bishops in li••••tis & honestis, which is called the Oath of Canonical Obedience.

5. And last of all an Act past at Oxford by which we are to be banished five miles from all Cities and Corporations, and all places where we have preached, and imprisoned six months in the Common Jail, if we come nearer any of them, except on the Road, till we have taken an Oath [that we will not at any time endeavour an alteration of the Government of the Church,] (which plainly importeth as much objectively as the Et caetera Oath of 1640; Though not en∣deavouring be somewhat less than not consenting.) And so black a Character is put upon the Non-conformists, with a [some of them) in the beginning of the said Act, that all Reason, Religion and Humanity obligeth us for the sa∣tisfaction of our Rulers, for the vindication of our selves, and for the just in∣formation of posterity, plainly and truly to lay open our Case, even those rea∣sons for which we forbear that Conformity; and by so doing, incurr all this, besides the greater loss of our Ministerial Liberty, to labour for the saving of the peoples souls, and the edifying of the Church of God.

What is said in the beginning may sufficiently inform the Reader, 1. That it is not every man's Cause that is called a Non-conformist, no nor a Presbyte∣rian, or Independant that I here maintain. 2. That I am not writing a Justi∣fication of the Covenant, 1. As to the Act of Imposing. 2. Or of taking it. 3. Nor as to the obligation of it to any thing unlawful. Leaving such matters

as alien to my work, 3. And that I am not so rash as to assert that it obli∣geth any man, to endeavour (in his place and calling) any change of our Church Government, no not of a Lay-Chancellor's use of the Keys, whatever I think, Because it is made a matter of so grievous penalty by an Act. All that I have to do is, to enquire whether the Diocesane Prelacy as now stated, be so lawful that we may take all these Oaths and Subscriptions to it, and so necessary that the King and Parliament have no power to change it, or make an alteration if they please, and we endeavour it by obeying them if they should com∣mand us.

And I go upon such Principles as Doctor Burges, Master Gataker, and many others in the Assembly, that were ready to protest that they were not against the Primitive Episcopacy, no nor a moderate one that did not in all things reach it.

I will rather be guilty of Repetition than of leaving the rash or heedless un∣der a pretext for their mistake or calumny.

My own judgment is as followeth. 1. That every particular Church, (consist∣ing of as full a number as can associate for true personal Communion in Worship and holy living) should be guided by as many Pastors or Elders (of the same Of∣fice) as the number of souls, and the work requireth.

2. That it is lawful, (if not usually laudable and fit) if these Presbyters consent that one among them who is wiser and fitter than the rest, be stated∣ly their Guide, Director, or Moderator, in the matters of Doctrine, Wor∣ship and Discipline in that Church, for order and concord, and for the peoples sakes and their own: And especially that in Ordinations they do nothing without him.

3. That these particular Churches with their Bishop and Presbytery are In∣dependant, so far that no other Bishop or Church hath a Divine Right to Go∣vern them, saving what is anon to be said of General Pastors or Visiiters, and the power of each Minister in the Universal Church, as he is called.

4. That as to the Communion of several Churches among themselves, these particular Churches are not Independent, but must hold Concord and Correspondency by Letters, Messengers or Synods as there shall be cause.

5. That in these Synods it is lawful and orderly oftentimes to make some one the Moderator or Guide of their debates. And that either pro tempore, or quamdiu sit maxime idoneus, or durante vita, as true Prudence shall discern it to be most conducible to the end.

6. That where the Churches Good and the calling of the Infidel World re∣quireth it, there should be itinerant Ministers, like the old Evangelists, Silas, Apollo, Timothy, Titus, &c. to preach the Gospel, and gather Churches, and help their Pastors. And if such be not necessary in any place, yet the fixed Pastors should when there is cause be itinerant, and help to convert the Infidels and Hereticks, and do both the general and particular work.

7. That the judgment of Antiquity moving me much, but more the Argu∣ment from the necessity, [that the same form of Government be continued in

its ordinary parts, which Christ at first setled in the Apostles, and is not pro∣ved repealed] do move me to incline to think that the Apostles must have such Successors, as general Planters and Overseers of many Churches. And who should (before all particular Bishops) have a chief hand in the ordain∣ing of particular Bishops and Pastors, and removing them as the Churches good requireth (As the Seniors have in the Bohemian Waldenses Government.) And though I am yet in doubt my self, whether such general Ministers, or Arch-bishops be jure divino, of Christs institution, I do not deny it, or contend against it: And though I would not assert or swear to their right, I would o∣bey them.

8. That all this Church-power is to be exercised only by Gods word, mana∣ged by convincing Reason, Love and good Example, and that no Bishops or Arch-bishops have any power of Corporal Coaction; Nor should give Church Communion to any but Voluntary Consenters; nor should mix and corrupt the exercise of the Keys, with unseasonable interpositions of the Sword even in the Magistrates own hand.

9. But yet that the King and Magistrates are the Rulers by the Sword over all Pastors and their Flocks, to see that all men do their duties, and to regu∣late them by Laws about holy things, subserviently to the Kingdom and Laws of Christ, and in consistence with the preservation of the Office of the Ministry and real liberties of the Flocks.

10. And therefore, though we think Churchmen usually very unfit for any Magistratical Power, yet we shall obey as his Ministers any whomsoever the King shall commit any part of his power about Church matters to; and pro∣mise them due obedience as such.

And so you see what is not the Question now to be debated.

But the Question is [Whether the present Church Government in England (as di∣stinct from the Kings and Magistrates part) be so good or lawful, that we should swear or subscribe our approbation of it, our obedience to it, or that we will never (in our place and calling) endeavour an alteration of it (no though the King command us) and that every man in the three Kingdoms that vowed to endeavour such alteration, is so clearly and utterly disobliged, as that all strangers that never knew him may subscribe or declare that he is disobliged, or not obliged to it by that Vow.

CHAP. II. The first Argument against the English Diocesans; That their form (quantum in se) destroyeth the par∣ticular Church Form of God's Institution, and setteth up a Humane Form in its stead.

ARGUMENT I.

WE cannot subscribe or swear to that form of Church Government as good or lawful, which in its nature excludeth or destroyeth the ve∣ry specifical nature of the particular Churches which were instituted by the Holy Ghost, and setled in the primitive times, and is it self a humane from set up in their stead.

But such we take the present Diocesane form to be: Ergo,

The Major will be denied by very few that we have now to do with. And those few that will deny it, must do it on this supposition, 1. That the Holy Ghost did institute that particular Church Form which is destroyed but pro tempore. And Secondly, That he allowed men since to set up one or more of their own in its stead. But the disproof of this supposition will fall in more fitly, when I have shewed what Church Form was first setled.

The Minor I thus prove.

The Species of a particular Church which the Holy Ghost did institute, was [one Society of Christians united under one or more Bishops, for personal Communion in publick worship and holy living▪]

The Diocesane English frame is (destructive of or) inconsistent with this species of a particular Church.

Ergo, The Diocesane English frame is inconsistent with (or destructive of) the Species of the Holy Ghosts institution.

In the Major, 1. By [Bishops] I mean, Sacred Ministers authorized by Divine appointment, to be the stated Guides of the Church, by Doctrine, Worship and Discipline, under Christ the Teacher, Priest and Ruler of the Church. Whether he have a superior Arch-Bishop I determine not; Nor now whether he may ordain Pastors for other Churches.

What I mean by [Personal Communion] and whether it be consistent with divers Assemblies, I have fully shewed before. I mean, that the said Churches were no more numerous than our English Parishes, nor had more Assemblies; Or no more than could have the same personal Communion, and that there were never any Churches infimae••vel prime speciei, which consisted of many such stated Assemblies.

I shall therefore now prove, 1. That the Churches of the Holy Ghosts in∣stitution were no more numerous, or were such single Congregations. And that they had each such Bishops and Pastors will be proved partly herewith, and partly afterward.

2. And that such Churches do tota specie differ from the Diocesane Churches, and from our present Parish Churches as they define them, and are inconsi∣stent with them. And the first I shall prove, 1. From the Holy Scriptures. 2. From the Confessions of the Diocesanes. 3. From the testimony of Anti∣quity. All proving fully that the ancient Episcopal Churches were but such single Societies or Congregations as I have described, and such as our Diocesses of many hundred Churches are different from, and inconsistent with.

CHAP. III. That the primitive Episcopal Churches of the Holy Ghosts Institution, were but such Congregations as afore de∣scribed.

THese following particulars set together, I think will by the Impartial be taken for full proof.

1. In all the New Testament, where ever there were more stated societies than one, for publick worship as afore described, they are called [Churches] in the Plural Number, and never once [a Church] in the Singular Number; except when the Universal Church is mentioned which containeth them all. This is visible in Act. 9. 31. and 14. 41. and 16. 5. Rom. 16. 4, and 16. 1 Cor. 7. 17. and 11. 16. and 14. 33, 34. (unless that mean the several meetings of the same Assembly at several times) and 16. 1, 19. 2 Cor. 8. 1, 18, 19, 23, 24. and 11. 8, 28. Gal. 1. 22. 1 Thess. 2. 14. 2 Thess. 1. 4. Rev. 1. 4, 11, 20. and 2. 7, 11, 17, 29. and 3. 6, 13, 22, 23. and 22. 16.

If any say, how prove you that all these were but single Congregations, I answer, 1. It is granted me by all that these plural terms [Churches] included many single Congregations. 2. I shall prove anon that the most of the par∣ticular Churches named in Scripture were but such Congregations. 3. And no man can give me any proof that a Society consisting of divers such Congre∣gations is any where called [a Church] singularly: And therefore we are not to believe that the plural term meaneth many such singulars, as are no where singularly named.

2. Particular Churches are described so in Scripture as fully proveth my a∣foresaid limitation and description. As 1 Cor. 11. 16, 18, 20, 22. When ye

come together in the Church I hear that there be divisions among you. A Church consisted of such as came together.

When ye come together into one place, this is not to eat the Lords Supper. And it is the Assemblies that are called Churches, when he saith [We have no such cu∣stom, nor the Churches of God.]

So 1 Cor. 14. 4. He that prophesieth edifieth the Church] that is, the Assem∣bly that heareth him, and not many hundred such Assemblies that are out of hearing.

Vers. 5. Except he interpret that the Church may receive edifying.

Vers. 12. Seek that ye may excel to the edifying of the Church.

Object. May not the whole Church be edified per partes? Ans. Yes, but it must be per plures vel diversis vicibus. Not at once by the same man, if the far great∣est part of the Church be absent.

Obj. But is not the whole man edified (naturally or morally) by the edification of a part? Answ. Yes, if it be a noble part: Because the whole man being na∣turally One, by the unity of the soul or form, there is a natural Communion and Communication from part to part: But one Corporation in a Kingdom, may be edified or enriched without the wealth or edification of the rest. And this Text plainly speaketh of Immediate Edification of that Church that heareth, and this at once, and by one speaker.

So Vers. 19. In the Church I had rather speak one word with my understanding, that I may teach others. Here the Church is plainly taken for the Assembly.

Vers. 23. If therefore the whole Church be come together in one place, and speak with tongues,] what can be more expresly spoken to shew that it is not only a part of the Church, but the whole which cometh together into one place.

So Vers. 24. If there be no Interpreter let him keep silence in the Church.]

So Vers. 34. For God is not the Author of Confusion, but of Peace, as in all the Churches of the Saints.

So Vers. 14. Let your women keep silence in the Church, for it is a shame for wo∣men to speak in the Church.

So Act. 11. 26. A whole year they assembled themselves with the Church, and taught much people.

Act. 14. 27. When they were come, and had gathered the Church together, they rehearsed all that God had done by them.

Act. 15. 3. And they were brought on their way by the Church,] which must signifie such a number as might be called the Church, when part was but for the whole, at least.

Act. 2. 1. They were all with one accord in one place; which it's like was all the Church with the Apostles.

Vers. 44. 46. And all that believed were together, And they continuing daily with one accord in the Temple, &c.

Act. 4. 31, 32. And the place was shaken where they were assembled together. And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart, and of one soul.

Act. 5. 12. And they were all with one accord in Solomon's Porch, and of the rest durst no man joyn himself to them.

If any here say that so many thousands could not be of one Assembly, I have answered it before. 1. I have preached (as was supposed) to ten thousand at once. 2. Some of our Parishes that have but one Church, are thirty thou∣sand, some forty thousand, some fifty thousand. 3. There were strangers at Jerusalem from all parts. 4. The next Verse saith [There came also a multi∣tude out of the Cities round about unto Jerusalem.] 5. The multitude were not yet perfectly embodied, and were quickly scattered.

Col. 4. 16. When this Epistle is read among you, cause that it be read also in the Church of the Laodiceans, &c. It is not [to the Church] for then you might have said that so it may be if the Church consisted of many Assemblies: But it is [in the Church] which intimateth that the Church was but one Assembly. And so that of Colosse answerably.

All these Texts and others such plainly tell us whether a Church there was one Assembly or many hundred.

3. This is made yet much more evident, by the Scriptures description of a Bi∣shops work; even such as the Apostles then appointed over every Church. 1. They were to be the ordinary publick present teachers of all the Flock which they did oversee. 1 Thess. 5. 12, 13. Know them which labour among you and are over you in the Lord, and esteem them highly in love for their work sake. Those then that were over every Church, were present with the Church, and laboured among them (which they could not do in one of our Diocesses, sa∣ving as a man may be said to labour among a Kingdom, or the World, because they labour in it.)

Heb. 13. 8, 17, 24. Remember them which have the rule over you, which have spoken to you the word of God. Obey them that have the Rule over you, and sub∣mit your selves, for they watch for your souls as they that must give account. So that a Church was no bigger than the Bishops could speak the word of God to, and could watch for their souls. But I never saw the face of the Bishop of the Diocess where I live, and know but very few men in his Diocess that ever did see him.

2. And this care was to extend to the particular persons of the Flocks. Act. 20. 20, 28, 31. I taught you publickly, and from house to house. Take heed to your selves, and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops, to f••ed (or rule) the Church of God, &c. Remembor that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears.

1 Pet. 1. 2. 3. The Elders which are among you I exhort who am also an Elder, feed the Flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight thereof, not by con∣straint, &c. that is, saith Doctor Hammond [The Bishops of your several Churches I exhort, take care of your several Churches, and govern them, not as Secular Rulers by force, but as Pastors do their Sheep by calling and going before them, that so they may follow of their own accord.] See also Doctor Hammond's Annot. on Heb. 13. 7, 17. 1 Thess. 5. 12, 13. And saith Doctor Jeremy Taylor, of Repent. Praef. [I am sure we cannot give account of souls of which we have no notice.] (O ter∣rible word to the undertakers of so many hundred Churches, and so many thousand or ten thousand souls which they never knew!)

This made Ignatius (às after cited) say, that The Bishop must look after or take account of each person as much as Servants and Maids.

Object. But there may be more in a Parish than a Minister can know. Answ. If a Parish may be too large for a Bishops work, how little reason have they to make a Church, and take the Pastoral Care of many hundred Parishes? 2. We must judge by the ordinary common case. In a Parish a Minister may know every one, except it be some few strangers or retired persons, or except it be a Parish or Church of too great a swelling bigness: But in a Diocess of many hundred Churches, it is not one of a hundred that the Bishop will ever know. 3. I know by experience what may be done, whatever slothful persons say; I had a Parish of about three of four thousand souls; (A Market Town with twenty Villages) and except three or four Families that refused to come to me, (whom yet I knew by other means) I knew not only the persons but the mea∣sures of all or almost all their understandings, in the Town, and my assistants in the Villages knew the rest, by personal conference, each family coming to us by turns. 4. And where a Church is too large for one, there may be and must be assistant Ministers, and that may be done by many, which cannot be done by one alone.

Object. So may a Bishop and his Presbyters in a Diocess. Answ. In a Diocess of many Churches, the Presbyters only know the people, and do the Ministe∣rial Office for them, except in some one or few Churches where the Bishop dwells and sometimes preacheth: But in the same Church, all the Ministers preach to the same persons ordinarily, (per vices) and they all know them, and all watch over them, though they assist each other in particular offices for them. There is much difference between a School-master and his assistants in the same School, and one School-master only with several Ushers in many hun∣dred Schools. As there is between a Master, Mistriss, and Steward ruling the same Family, and one Master with Stewards ruling many hundred Families; (of which more anon.)

3. Another part of the Bishops work in those times was to Baptize: For it was part of the Apostles work, Matth. 28. 19, 20. And how great a work that was, to try the peoples due preparations, and to see that they did under∣standingly and seriously what they did, I desire no other proof than the great care taken in all the ancient Churches of this business, which brought up the Custom of baptizing but twice a year.

Object. The Apostles baptized three thousand at once. Answ. The Jews were supposed to be bred up in the knowledge of other parts of Religion, and wan∣ted only the knowledge of the true Messiah, and his Salvation, which might be taught them in a shorter time than the Gentiles could be taught the whole substance of Religion, that knew but little: Therefore as soon as the Jews were convinced of the true Messiah and the righteousness of Faith, and con∣sented to the Covenant, they might be baptized. 2. The extraordinary effu∣sions of the Spirit in that time, did make a shorter preparation sufficient. At least Baptizing must be an addition to the Bishops work.

4. As the Apostles laid hands on Believers to convey the Holy Ghost, so the Prelatists think that the Bishops then Confirmed Believers with Imposition of hands, saith Doctor Hammond on Heb. 13. a. To teach, exhort, confirm and im∣pose hands, all which were the Bishops office in that place.] And O what a work it is to know the persons of many hundred Parishes to be capable of Confirma∣tion, and so to confirm them (of which more afterward.)

5. I need not prove that the Bishops then were the Masters of the Assem∣blies, and called them, appointing time and place, as the Rulers of the Sy∣nagogues did: which sheweth that they were present with the Church As∣semblies.

6. The Bishops administred the Lords Supper (as all confess) and therefore must have some Pastoral notice of the fitness of all the Church to receive it: which intimateth sufficiently the extent of the Church.

7. They went before the Assemblies usually in performance of the publick worship: They prayed with them, and praised God: And Doctor Hammond thinks that in all this in Scripture times, they had not so much as a Presbyter to assist them.

8. They admonished the unruly and disorderly, and received Accusations, and openly reproved and excommunicated the Impenitent. And O, how great a work is it to deal with one Soul aright as must be done, before it cometh to Excommunication! Much more with all in a Parish. Much more in many hundred Parishes.

9. It is confessed that it was the Bishops work to absolve the penitent pub∣lickly. And then he must judge of their Repentance: and then he must try it: And for how many thousand can a Bishop do this, with the rest?

10. The Bishop did dismiss the Congregation with a Benediction (as is maintained by those that we dispute with) and therefore must be present in it.

11. They were to visit and pray with the sick, and all the sick to send for them to that end, Jam. 4. 14. If any be sick among you let him call for the Elders of the Church, and let them pray over him] saith Doctor Hammond [Because there is no evidence whereby these (inferior Presbyters) may appear to have been brought into the Church so early, And because the visiting of the sick is anciently mentioned as one branch of the office of Bishops; therefore it may very reasonably be resolved, that the Bishops of the Church, one in each particular Church, but many in the uni∣versal, are here meant.] Though I am far from believing him that the sick per∣son is bid to send but for one, when the term is plural, or that he must send for many out of other Churches, I will take his concession that this was the Bishops work.

12. Lastly, They were to take care of the poor, and of the Contributions and Church stock, saith Doctor Hammond on 1 Cor 12. 28. The supreme trust and charge was reserved to the Apostles and Bishops of the Church. So in the 41st. Canon of the Apostles, the Bishop must have the care of the moneys, so that by his power all ••e dispensed to the poor by the Presbyters and Deacons; and we command that ••e have in his power the Church Goods. So Justin Martyr, Apol. 2. That

which is gathered is doeposited by the Praefect or Bishop, and he helpeth or relieveth the Orphans and Widows, and becometh the Curator and Guardian of all absolutely that be in want. So Ignatius to Polycarp, After the Lord thou shalt be the Cura∣tor of the Widows. And Polycarp himself speaking of the Elders or Bishops, They visit and take care of all that are sick, not neglecting the Widows, the Orphans and the Poor.] So far Doctor Hammond.

So that by this time it is easie to see how great the ancient Churches were; yea, and how great they were to be continued; when all this is the Bishops Office and Work. We are willing that they have Diocesses as big as they can do this work in, even with a Consessus of assisting Presbyters. There is no one of all these twelve alone that a Bishop. can do for a Diocess of many score or hundred Churches. How much less all these set together? Nay, what one considerable Parish would not find a Bishop with divers assistants work enough in all these kinds, if it be faithfully done?

As for the doing of it per se aut per alium, I have so far confuted it before, as that I may be bold to tell them now, that they may also receive the reward in se aut in alio: And if he that will not work should not eat, quaere whether they should eat per alium.

I add, If all this as Doctor Hammond maintaineth was made by the Spirit in the Apostles the Bishops work, if they may make new Church-Officers to commit part of their work to, there may be twelve sorts of Officers made by them for these twelve parts of their work. And then we shall better under∣stand them.

Whatever is the work of a Bishop as a Presbyter, every Presbyter may and must do, according to his ability and opportunity: But whatever belongeth to a Bishop as a Bishop, cannot be done by another, either Lay-man or Presby∣ter. Therefore let us have but Bishops enough to do it, or else confess that it is no necessary work.

So great a trust as the Gospel and mens souls which Christ hath committed to Bishops, may not be cast upon others without his consent that did commit it to them. But they can shew no consent of Christ to make new Officers to do their work by. Timothy was to commit the same to others which he had re∣ceived, 2 Tim. 2. 2. The things thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also. And who knoweth not that if a Tutor commit his work statedly to another, he maketh that other a Tutor? And so if a Physician commit his work statedly to another, or a Pilot, or the Master of a Family, he maketh the other a Physician, a Pi∣lot, a Master? And so if a Bishop or Presbyter commit his work statedly to a∣nother, he maketh that other a Bishop or Presbyter. And then that Bishop or Presbyter so made is himself obliged as well as empowred, and the work that he doth is his own work, and not his that delivered him his Commission. So that this doing these twelve parts of a Bishops work per alium is a meer mocke∣ry, unless they speak unfitly, and mean the making of all those to be Bishops as they are, or else by perfidious usurpation casting their trust and work on others. For if they could prove that God himself had instituted the Species

of Sub-presbyters, it would be to do their own work, and not another mans.

My next proof of the limitation of Churches in Scripture times is, that Deacons and Bishops were distinct Officers appointed to the same Churches. The Church which the Deacon was related to, was the very same, and of the same extent, with the Church which the Bishop was related to; as is plain in all Texts where they are described; Act. 6. 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 7. &c. But it is most clear that no Deacon then had the charge of many hundred Churches, or more than one such as I have described: Therefore neither had the Bishop of that Church.

They that have now extended the Office of the Deacons further, and have alienated them from their first works, of attending at the Sacred Tables, and taking care of the Poor, cannot deny but that this was at least a great part of their work in the Scripture times and some Ages after (at least when Jerome ad Evagr. described the Offices of the Presbyters and Deacons.) And was any man then made a Deacon to a Diocess? or to many hundred Churches? or to more than one? Did he attend the Tables of many Churches each Lords day at the same time? If you say that there were many Deacons, and some were in one Church and some in another, it is true: that is, They were in several Assemblies, which were every one a true Church, and they were oft many in one Assembly: But there was no one that was related to Many stated Church Assemblies; nor to a Church of a lesser size or magnitude than the Bishop was.

5. And that there was no Church then without a Bishop (one or more) is evident from Act. 14. 23. They ordained them Elders in every Church; com∣pared with other Texts that call them Bishops: And Doctor Hammond shew∣eth that these Elders were Bishops. And indeed it was not a Church (in a proper political sense) that had no Bishops formally or eminently. No more than there can be a Kingdom without a King, a School without a School-ma∣ster, or a family without a Master.

Object. They are called Churches Act. 14. 23. before they had ordained Elders.

Answ. 1. It is not certain from the Text, for the name might be given from their state in fieri or which they were now entring into. 2. If it were so, it is certain that the appellation was equivocal, as it is usual to distinguish the Kingdom from the King, the School from the School-master, the Family from the Master, but not in the strict political sense of the words, for that compre∣hendeth both. 3. The truth is, they were true political Churches before. For they had temporary unfixed Bishops, even the Apostles and Evangelists, that converted them, and officiated among them. Otherwise they could have held no Sacred Assemblies for holy Communion and the Lords Supper, as hav∣ing none to administer it. The fixing of peculiar Bishops did not make them first Churches, but made them setled Churches in such an order as God would establish.

6. Lastly, The setling of Churches with Bishops in every City, Tit. 1. 5. doth shew of what magnitude the Churches were in the Scripture times. For, 1. It is known that small Towns in Judea were called Cities. 2. And that

Creete which was called Hecatompolis, as having an hundred Cities, must needs then have small ones, and near together. 3. And it is a confessed thing that the number of Converts was not then so great, as to make City Churches so numerous near as our Parishes are.

And if the consideration of all this together, will not convince any, that the Churches that had Bishops in Scripture times, consisted not of many stated As∣semblies as afore described, but of one only, and were not bigger than our Parishes, let such enjoy their error still.

CHAP. IV. The same proved by the Concession of the most Learned Defenders of Diocesane Prelacy.

THough the Scripture Evidence be most satisfactory in it self, yet in con∣troversie it much easeth the mind that doubteth, to find the Cause ful∣ly and expresly granted, by those that most learnedly defend those consequents which it overthrows: And if I do not bring plain Concessions here, I will not deprecate the Readers indignation.

1. Among all Christians, the Papists are the highest Prelatists; And among* 1.1 all Papists the Jesuits; and among all the Jesuits Petavius, who hath written against Salmasius, &c. on this Subject. Petavius, Dissert. Ecclesiast. de Episcop. dignit. & jurisd. p. 22. concludeth his first Chapter in which he had cited the chiefest of the Fathers; [Hactenus igitur ex antiquorum authoritate con∣ficitur primis temporibus, Presbyterorum & Episcoporum non tantum appellationes, sed etiam ordines, in easdem concurrisse personas, iidem ut essent utrique.] i. e. Hi∣therto it is proved by the Authority of the Ancients, that in the first times, not only the Names, but the Orders, of Presbyters and Bishops did concurr into the same per∣sons, so that both were the same men.] And if so, I shall shew the consequents anon.

And pag. 23. He thus beginneth his third Chapter, as opening the only ne∣cessary way to avoid the Scripture Arguments against Episcopacy, [Si quis amnia illa scripturae loca diligenter expendat, id necessario consequens ex illis esse statu∣et, eos ipsos, qui ibi Presbyteri vocantur, plus aliquid quam simplices fuisse presby∣teros, cujusmodi hodieque sunt: nec dubitabit, quin Episcopi fuerint iidem, non voca∣bulo tantum, sed re etiam & potestate.] i. e. [If any one will diligently weigh all those places of Scripture, he will conclude that this is the necessary consequent of them, that those that are there called Presbyters were somewhat more than simple Presbyters, and such as now they are: and he will not doubt but the same men were Bishops, not only in name, but in deed and in power.]

Pag. 24. [Existimo Presbyteros vel omnes, vel eorum plerosque sic ordinatos esse ut Episcopi pariter ac presbyteri gradum obtinerent.] I think that either all or most of the Presbyters were so ordained, as that they obtained both the degree of Bishop and of Presbyter.] Which he proceedeth to shew that he thinks was done that there might be a store of Bishops prepared for all Countries. Pag. 25. he thus far differs from Doctor Hammond, but not from the truth, as to hold, that [Plures in eadem Ecclesia velut Eph••sina Episcopi fuere.] [There were many Bi∣shops in one Church, as in that of Ephesus.] Which he taketh for a particular Church, and not a Province; and saith, that the simple manners of the Church would then bear this, till Ambition had depraved men, and Charity and Hu∣mility and the imitation of Christ waxed cold: then came that which Hierome speaketh of, that For a remedy of Schism one was chosen out of the company of Presbyters, and set above the rest.

So Pag. 26. In eadem capita passim ambo conferebantur. And p. 27. Hoc si ita est, quid aliud restat nisi ut penes eosdem (Nam plures una in Ecclesia fuisse tales, iisdem ex locis argumentum ducitur) tam nomen illud duplex, quam conveniens no∣mini potestas & authoritas utraque fuisse dicatur.] that is [If this be so, what else remaineth, but that both the double name, and the agreeable double power and au∣thority, be said to have been in the same persons (for that there were many of them in one Church, may be proved from the same places.)

And Pag. 95, 96, 97, 98, 99. he sheweth out of Justin Martyr, first, [That all things in the sacred Assemblies and Sacraments were done by the Bishop alone; and that he was the Curator and Moderator both of the Sacraments to be administred, and of teaching the people, and of the Churches money. The Bishop consecrated the Sacraments, and by the Deacons administred them to the people. He prayeth and preacheth. He had the care of the Church-moneys, and kept them with it; he reliev∣ed the Orphans, Widows, Sick, Prisoners, Travellers, &c. And from Tertullian, that the Christians received not the Sacrament from the hands of any but the Bishops. (Were there not then as many Bishops as Church-Assemblies?) And that they chiefly did baptize.

And p. 112. he citeth the Can. 7. &. 8. Concil. Gangrensis, which anathemati∣zeth those that without the Bishops consent durst give or receive the Church Obla∣tions, &c. And p. 141. out of Prosper de vita contempl. c. 20. that a Bishop must excel in knowledge, that he may instruct those that live under him. And p. 144, 145, 147. he citeth Can. 3. Concil. Arelat. 3. an. 813. [That every Bi∣shop in his own Parish do perfectly and studiously teach the Presbyters and all the people, and not neglect to instruct them.] And Concil. Turonens. 3. Can. 4. Let every Bishop diligently study by sacred preaching to inform the flock committed to him, what they must do, and what they must avoid. And Concil. Rhemens. 2. Can. 14. That Bishops preach the Word of God to all. And Concil. Cabilonens. 3. Can. 1. [That Bishops be diligent in reading, and search the mysteries of Gods Word, that they may shine by the brightness of Doctrine in the Church, and cease not to satiate the souls subject to them, by nutriment of Gods Words.] And p. 147. That in the formula by which the Kings of France committed Episcopacy to any, it is said, You shall study by daily Sermons to edifie, or polish, the people committed to you, ac∣cording to Canonical Institution.

And ibid. Can. 19. Concil. Constant. in Trullo, [The Church Presidents must every day, but especially the Lords day, teach all the Clergy and people, the things that belong to piety, gathering from the Scriptures the sentences and judgments of verity.]

And p. 149. he citeth Concil. Lateran. sub Innoc. 3. c. 10. allowing Bishops to take helpers in preaching when business or sickness hindred them. And p. 150, 152, 153. he mentioneth it as somewhat rare, that at Alexandria Pres∣byters preached, and at Antioch Chrysostom, and at Hippo Augustine, while Fla∣vianus and Valerius were Bishops.

I do not cite all this now as to prove the sense of Antiquity, but the sense of Petavius, who plainly intimateth that the Churches were no larger of a long time, than that a Bishop might preach to all the Clergy and People every Lords day; and that in Scripture times all or near all the Presbyters were Bi∣shops (which is it that we contend for;) and consequently you may judge what the Churches were.

And though it still look much farther than Scripture times, I will shew you what Petavius thought of the Magnitude of City-Churches, even near four hundred years after Christ, in Epiphanius's days, in his Animadvers. on Epi∣phan. ad Haer. 69. p. 276. [Singularem tunc temporis Alexandriae morem hunc fuisse, vel saltem paucis in Ecclesiis usurpatum, &c. i. e. That this was a singular custom of Alexandria, or at least used in few Churches, you may hence conjecture, because he so expresly mentioneth this custom as peculiar to the Alexandrian Church: to wit, that in the same City there should be many Titles, to each of which should be assign∣ed a proper Presbyter, who should there perform the Church Offices. But yet the same was formerly elsewhere instituted; that is, at Rome: where the Presbyters did every one rule his own people, being distributed by Titles (that is, setled Sub-As∣semblies.) To them the Bishops on the Lords days sent Leaven, or hallowed Bread in token of Communion.] See what a shift they were at first put to, lest the several Assemblies should seem several Churches. For it is not to be imagined that this was done to signifie that common Christian Communion which they had with all other Christian Churches, but that nearest Communion which belongeth to those that are embodied under one Pastor, or the same Pastor in Common, that is, one particular Church Even as if these divers Altars or Tables were at a distance in the same Church, and the Bishop would signifie the Union of the se∣veral Companies in the same Society, by sending some of the Bread which he had blessed to them all.

But Petavius proceedeth [Non dubito majoribus duntaxat in urbibus, &c. I doubt not but that it was in the Greater Cities only that there were more (than one) Titles within the bounds (or Liberties) when within the same Walls, they would not be contained and meet together; and so had Presbyters put on the several Churches. But in the smaller and less frequented Cities, there was one only Church, into which they all did come together. Of which sort were the Cities of Cyprus. And there∣fore Epiphanius noteth the custom of Alexandria, as a thing strange to his Country∣men and unusual. Hence was the original of Parishes; which word was transferred from the Country Churches to the City Churches. And adding the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with

their Bishops or Curators setled in Rome by Servius Tullius he saith, Quibus Christianorum in agris Paroeciae quam simillimae fuerunt; Nam & illic 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. To which the Parishes of the Christians in the Countries were most like: For there also were Bishops, or rather (Chorepiscopi) rural Bishops placed of old: which some Latine interpretations of the Canons call the Vicars of the Bishops, but others far more rightly than they, the Country, or Village (Bishops) (of which more after.)

So that you see in Petavius opinion, even when Epiphanius wrote, the ordi∣nary Cities of the World had but one Assembly in each City and Suburbs; And only some extraordinary Cities (of which only Alexandria could be named by Epiphanius, and Rome also by Petavius, and no more by any other Author) had divers setled Titles under their several Presbyters: And even those Titles in those two Cities were but Chappels, like our Parish Chappels, received conse∣crated Bread from the Bishops Church, lest they should think that they were a distinct body of themselves. Yea, and that the Villages that had Assemblies had their proper Bishops. And so I dismiss Petavius with thanks, for his free Concession.

2. My next Witness is Bishop Downame, the strongest that hath written a∣gainst* 1.2 Parish Bishops for Diocesanes; who, lib. 1. cap. 1. (before recited) saith, [Indeed at the very first Conversion of Cities, the whole number of the people converted, being somewhere not much greater than the number of Presbyters placed a∣mong them, were able to make but a small Congregation.] And cap. 6. pag. 104. [At the first, and namely the time of the Apostle Paul, the most of the Churches, so soon after their Conversion, did not each of them, exceed the proportion of a populous Congregation.] Though this reach not so low as Petavius Concession, it is as much as I need to the present business.

3. My third Witness shall be that learned moderate man, Mr. Joseph Mede,* 1.3 who in his discourse of Churches, pag. 48, 49, 50. saith, [Nay more than this, it should seem that in those first times before Diocesses were divided into those lesser and subordinate Churches which we now call Parishes, and Presbyters assigned to them, they had not only one Altar to a Church or Dominicum, but one Altar to a Church, tak∣ing Church for the Company or Corporation of the faithful united under one Bishop or Paster: and that was in the City or place where the Bishop had his See and Residence. Like as the Jews had but one Altar and Temple for the whole Nation, united under one High Priest. And yet, as the Jews had their Synagogues, so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one though their Altar were but one, there namely where the Bishop was. Die solis, saith Justin Martyr, omnium qui vel in oppidis vel ru••i de∣gunt in eundem locum Conventus fit. Namely as he there tells us to celebrate, and participate the holy Eucharist. Why was this? but because they had not many pla∣ces to celebrate it in. And unless this were so, whence came it else that a Schismati∣cal Bishop was said, Constituere or collocare aliud altare? And that a Bishop and an Altar are made correlatives? See St. Cyprian, Epist. 40, 72, 73. de unit. Eccles. &c. So that Mr. Mede granteth that every Church that had a Bishop, had no

more people than communicated at one Altar. To which purpose he goeth on further to Ignatius Testimony, of which anon.

4. Bishop Bilson's Testimony, Perp. Gov. cap. 13. pag. 256. See after∣ward.* 1.4

5. Grotius is large in his endeavours to prove, that not only every City had* 1.5 a Bishop, but also every stated Assembly, of which there were divers in one and the same City, and that the Government was not suited to the Temple way, but to the Synagogues; and as every Synagogue had its chief Ruler, of which there were many in a City, so had every Church in a City its Bishop; and that only the Church of Alexandria had the custom of having but one Bishop in the whole City. Thus he de Imper. Sum. Pot. p. 355, 356, 357. And in his Annot. in 1 Tim. 5. 17. [Sed notandum est una urbe, sicut plures Synagogas, ita & plures fuisse Ecclesias, id est conventus Christianorum: & cuique Ecclesiae fuisse su∣um praesidem, qui populum alloqueretur & Presbyteros ordinaret: Alexandriae tantum eum fuisse morem, ut unus esset in tota urbe praeses qui ad docendum Presbyteros Per urbem distribueret, docet nos Sozomenus, l. 1. c. 14. & Epiphanius, &c.]

Thus Grotius thought that of old every stated Assembly had a Bishop that had power of Ordination. I confess I interpret not Zozomen nor Epiphanius as Gro∣tius doth, nor believe I that he can bring us frequent proof of two Churches with Bishops in one City (much less many;) unless in Doctor Hammond's in∣stance before and after mentioned. But the rest I accept.

6. I may take it for a full Concession from Bishop Jeremy Tailor, which is* 1.6 before cited, though in few words; Praef. Treat. of Repent. [I am sure we can∣not give account of souls of which we have no notice.] And I am sure a full Pa∣rish is as many as a more able and diligent man than ever I was, can take such notice of as to do the Pastors Office to them.

7. But the last and greatest Champion for Diocesanes is Doctor Hammond: his* 1.7 Concessions are mentioned before; but now are purposely to be cited: But re∣member still that we are yet speaking but of the matter of Fact.

In his Annot. in Act. 11. 30. he saith, [Although this Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elders, have been also extended to a second Order in the Church, and now is only in use for them under the name of Presbyters, yet in the Scripture times it belonged principally, if not alone to Bishops, there being no evidence that any of the second or∣der were then instituted; though soon after before the writing of Ignatius Epistles there were such instituted in all Churches.

(Though so suddain a change be unlikely, I pass it by.) In his Dissert. p. 208, 209, 211. cap. 10. sect. 19, 20, 21. & 11. sect. 2. &c. he saith, [Prius non us∣quequaque verum esse quod pro concesso sumitur (in una civitate non fuisse plures E∣piscopos.) Quamvis enim in una Ecclesia aut coetu plures simul Episcopi nunquam fuerint, nihil tamen obstare, quin in eadem civitate duo aliquando disterminati coe∣tus fuerint, a duobus Apostolis ad fidem adducti, &c. as I have before more large∣ly cited him.

Yea, Dissert. Epist. Sect. 30, 31. he will have the question stated only of a Bishop [in singulari Ecclesia] & [in singulari coetu.] The controversie is not, Qui∣bus demum nominibus cogniti fuerint Ecclesiarum rectores; sed an ad unum in singu∣lari Ecclesia, an ad plures potestas ista devenerit? Nos ad unum singularem praefe∣ctum, quem ex famosiore Ecclesiae usu, Episcopum vulgo dicimus, potestatem istam in singulari coetu ex Christi & Apostolorum institutione, nunquam non pertinuisse affir∣mamus. So that it is a Bishop of one Assembly or Church which Doctor Ham∣mond will have the question stated about. 2. And such a Church or Assembly as great Cities a while had divers of, and so divers Bishops. 3. And this was after the Scripture times; for they had divers Bishops with a divers Clergy. 4. But that in Scripture times, the Order of Sub-Presbyters cannot be proved instituted. 5. And in his Annotations he expoundeth all the Texts of the New Testament of Bishops that mention Presbyters. 6. But in his Answer to the London Ministers, not daring yet to hold that they were of Humane and not of Divine Institution, he holds that they were instituted in the end of St. John's days after all the Scripture was written (which was about two or three years before his death) and so were of Divine Institution, though all the rest of the Apostles were dead.

Before I apply this I will subjoyn his words of more numerous Witnesses to our opinion with himself, for he saith.

8. Doctor Hammond of the rest, Vindication against London Minsters, pag.* 1.8 104. [And though I might truly say that for those more minute considerations or conjectures, wherein this Doctor differs from some others, he hath the suffrages of many of the learnedst men of this Church at this day, and as far as he knoweth of all that embrace the same Cause with him.]

I purposely pass by such Bishops as Cranmer, Jewel, &c. and such conform∣able Divines as Doctor Whitaker, Fulke, &c. as being not high enough to be valued by those that I have now to do with. As Jewel, Art. 4. p. 171. shew∣eth that every Church must have one Bishop and but one, and out of Cyprian that the Fraternitas universa was to chuse him; Et ••piscopus delegatur plebe prae∣sente—de universae fraternitatis suffragio, Episcopatus ei (Sabino) deferretur: And mentioneth the Rescript of Honorius the Emperor to Boniface, that [If two Bishops through division and contention happen to be chosen, we will that nei∣ther of them be allowed as Bishop; but that he only remain in the Apostolick Seat, whom out of the number of the Clergy, Godly discretion, and the consent of the whole Brotherhood, shall chuse by a new Election.] How big yet was the Church even then?

Now all this being asserted, 1. It is evident that they hold that in Scripture times, no Church consisted of more than one ordinary stated worshipping As∣sembly. 2. And that every such Assembly had a Bishop. For if there were no Presbyters, there could be no Assembly but where a Bishop was present: for the Lords days were then used for publick Worship; and the people could not do that without a Minister, for they had Communion in the Lords Supper

every Lords day: And therefore they must have a Bishop, or have no such Worship. And Doctor Hammond departeth from Petavius in holding that no Church had more Bishops than one: So that de facto he granteth all that I de∣sire, 1. That the Churches were but so many Assemblies having each a Bishop. 2. And that no Sub-Presbyters were instituted in Scripture times. And by what right the change was made we shall enquire anon.

CHAP. V. The same proved by the full Testimony of Antiquity.

THat the particular Churches, infimae speciei vel ordinis, (of which combined Associated Churches were constituted) were no larger than is before de∣scribed, and had but Unum Altare, I shall prove Historically from Antiquity.

I. And Order requireth that I begin with Clemens Romanus.

But let the Reader still remember that while I cite him and others oft cited heretofore by many, I do it not to the same end, as they who thence prove that Bishops and Presbyters were then the same; but to prove the Churches to be but such single Congregations as are fore-described, Ep. ad Cor. pag. 54, 55. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] i. e. Per regiones igitur & urbes verbum praedicantes, primitias eorum spiritu probantes, Episcopos & Diaconos eorum qui credituri erant constituerunt.] Here are these con∣current evidences to our purpose. 1. In that he speaketh only of Bishops and Deacons, and neither here nor elsewhere one syllable of any other Presbyters but Bishops, it is apparent that in those times there were no Subject-Presbyters distinct from Bishops in being: Nor could Doctor Hammond any other way answer Blondel here, but by confessing and maintaining this, and so expound∣ing Clemens as speaking of Bishops only before other Presbyters were in the Church. And if so, then there could be none but Churches of single Assem∣blies then, or such as one man could officiate in: because there was then no more to do it.

2. In that Cities and Countries are made the Seats of these Bishops: for though some would make them to be mentioned only as the places where the Apostles preached, the obvious plain sense of the words is connexive of preach∣ing and constituting Bishops: by preaching they made believers in Cities and Countries, and over those believers they placed Bishops and Deacons; which im∣plieth it to be in the same places. And whereas some would strain the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] to signifie Provinces, and not Country Villages, it must then, as distinct from Cities, have meant [many Cities] and so have stled Bishops and Arch-Bishops,

intimating Subject-Presbyters under them: But here is no such word or intimation: Yea, when the Countries are made first the Place of the Apostles preaching (as they confess) let any impartial man judge whether this be like to be the sense [They preached in Provinces, that is, in the Cities of Provinces, and in Cities.] And if there were Country Churches and Bishops se••ied by the Apostle's, its easie to see that each particular Church-Assembly had a Bishop, when even the City Churches themselves were no bigger than Petavius and o∣thers mention.

3. Ad hominem, Though I believe that the [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] eo∣rum qui credituri erant, be intended only to signifie the subsequence of believing to their preaching, yet waving that, to them that suppose it to intend the subse∣quence of believing to making Bishops, it must needs imply that the Churches then consisted but of few, and were yet to be filled up: But whether one Bishop to have many Churches is a question which must be otherwise and aliunde de∣cided.

4. The magnitude of the Churches is plainly intimated, when he saith p. 57. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Constitutos itaque ab illis vel deinceps ab aliis vi∣ris celebribus cum consensu universae Ecclesiae qui inculpate ovili Christi inservierunt, &c.] If the Bishops were chosen by the Consent of all the Church, it was no greater a Church than would and did meet to signifie their consent; and not such as our Diocesses now are.

5. Also the same is intimated by pag. 69. [If it be for me that Contention, Sedition and Schisms arise, I will depart, I will be gone whither you will, and will do what shall by the people be appointed; only let the Sheep-fold of Christ live in peace with the Presbyters appointed over it. By which words it is evident, that it was such a particular Ovile or Church, where the Will of the people might be decla∣red as a matter that bore much sway. But who can think that this is spoken of many Congregations, where the peoples Will could not easily be signi∣fied?

6. And it is farther manifest in that it was but for the sake of one or two that the Church of Corinth moved this sedition against the Presbyters (called also Bi∣shops,) pag. 62. Now how many Congregations that Church consisted of, where the interest of one or two was either so far concerned or so powerful, it is easie to conjecture; set all these together, and judge impartially.

I add (though out of season) that it was none of the Apostles meaning that those whom they made Bishops of such single Churches, without a subject Or∣der of Presbyters, should make such an Order of subject Presbyters, and make themselves the Bishops of a Diocesane Church without any Bishops under them. For pag. 57. he saith, [And our Apostles by our Lord Jesus Christ knew, that con∣tention would arise about the name of Episcopacy; and for this cause being endued with perfect fore-knowledge, they appointed them aforesaid, and left the Courses (or Orders) of After-Ministers and Offices described, that other approved men might suc∣ceed in the place of the deceased, and might execute their Offices.] So that it was the same places and the same Offices which those ordained by the Apostles had, in which others must succeed them, which therefore were described by the A∣postles, and not into others.

To confirm my Exposition of Clemens, note, that Grotius himself Epist. 182. ad Bignon. giveth this as a reason to prove this Epistle of Clemens to be genuine. Quod nusquam meminit exortis illius Episcoporum authoritatis, quae Ecclesiae consuc∣tudine post Marci mortem Alexandriae, atque eo exemplo alibi introduci coepit: sed plane, ut Paulus Apostolus ostendit, Ecclesias communi Presbyterorum, qui iidem omnes & Episcopi, consilio fuisse gubernatas.] that is, Because he no where maketh mention of that excelling authority of Bishops which began to be intrduoced at Alexandria by the custom of the Church, after the death of Mark, and in other places by that example: But he plainly sheweth, as the Apostle Paul doth, that the Churches were governed by the Common Council of Presbyters, who were also Bishops.]

Note also, as aforesaid, that Doctor Hammond in Dissert. granteth as to matter of fact, that Clemens speaketh but of the Bishops of single Congregati∣ons, whom he also calleth Presbyters, there being no other in the Church of Corinth.

II. My next Witness is Pius Bishop of Rome, in Epist. Justo Episcopo; in Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 3. pag. 15. mentioning only Bishops and Deacons: of which Doctor Hammond making the same Concession, still granteth that hitherto Bi∣shops had but single Churches. (Of this more anon.)

III. My next and greatest Witness is Ignatius, in whom (to my admiration) the Diocesanes so much confide, as that quasi pro aris & focis they contend for the authority of his Epistles. I am as loth to lose him as they are: therefore I will not meddle in Blondel's controversie (against whom they say Doctor Pier∣son is now writing.) In his Epistle to the Philadelphians he saith, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] [There is to every Church one Altar, and one Bishop, with the Presbytery and the Deacons my fellow servants.] I am not able to de∣vise apter words to express my sense in. He saith not this of some one Church, but of all; nor yet as of an accident proper to those times of the Churches mi∣nority; but as of the Notes of every Churches Individuation or Haecceity as they speak. The Unity of the Church is characterised by One Altar, and One Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons. If [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] were out, it would not alter the sense, being plainly implied. Bishop Downame's Exposi∣tion of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as if it signified Christ, is so forced and contrary to the evidence of the Text, that his own party quite forsake him in it, and he need∣eth no confutation. For who ever before dreamed that the Unity or Indivi∣duation of each particular Church, consisted in having one Christ, who is the common Head of all Churches? One Christ to every Church and one Bishop, would signifie that every Church must have one several Christ, as well as one several Bishop. Nor is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so used by the Ancients, ex∣cept when the Context sheweth that they speak by allusion of Christ. Master Mede's plain and certain Exposition and Collection I gave you before; the same with ours.

As for them that say that many Congregations might per vices come to one Altar to communicate, I answer, 1. Let them make Churches as big as can thus communicate and spare not; though there be necessary Chappels or Ora∣tories besides. 2. But remember that every Church used to worship God pub∣lickly and to communicate, at least every Lords day; and that there was but One Altar to each Church, and therefore but one Communicating Congre∣gation. Doctor Stillingfleet in his Schismatical Sermon is for my Exposition.

Object. It is meant of one Species of Altars, and not one Individual.

Answ. Then it is meant also of one Species of Bishops in each Church, and not of one Individual.

Object. The practice of the Churches after sheweth that they took it not for a sin, or Schism, to have several Altars in a Church.

Answ. I talk of nothing but matter of fact; it was the note of One Church when those Epistles were written: whether the Author was mistaken de jure, or whether after Ages grew wiser, or rather had fewer Bishops and more Al∣tars for the sake of Carnal Interest, I judge not.

The same Author Epist. ad Smyrn. saith [Ubi utique apparet Episcopus, ibi & multitudo sit: quemadmodum utique ubi est Christus Jesus, illic Catholica Eccle∣sia:] as Usher's Lat. Trans. or [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] omnis exercitus coele∣stis. And the Context sheweth that this multitudo or plebs is the Church which the Bishop overseeth. Therefore ubi Episcopus ibi Ecclesia fuit, and so every Church had a present Bishop.

So in Epist. ad Magnes. he bids them [All unitedly (or as one) run together to one Temple of God, as to one Altar, to one Jesus Christ.] So that every Church had one Temple and one Altar to which (as a note of their Union in Christ) the whole Church must unanimously come.

So in Epist. ad Trull. he saith [Et Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit; Presbyteri vero sunt consessus quidam, & conjunctus Apostolorum coetus; sine his Eccle∣sia Electa non est: Nulla sine his Sanctorum Congregatio; nulla Sanctorum Collectio. Et postea, Quid vero aliud Sacerdotium est (vel Presbyterium) quam sacer coetus, Conciliarii & assessores Episcopi? Quid Diaconi, &c.] So that it is hard more plainly to express a thing in words, than this Author expresseth, that not only de facto every stated worshipping communicating Congregation had their Bi∣shop, Presbyters and Deacons, but that de jure it ought to be so: And that there was no lawful Church Assembly for Worship, without the Bishop and his Presbyters ordinarily; and one Altar and one Bishop were the Notes of one Church.

And Epist. ad Polycarp. [Saepe Congregationes fiant: ex nomine omnes quaere: servos & ancillas ne despicias (ut Trans. Lat. Ush.) i. e. Keep often Congregations: Enquire (or look after) all (or every one) by name: despise not the Servants and the Maids.] And how many Congregations at once that Church then had, or how great it was, when the Bishop himself was to look after every one by name, even the Men-servants and the Maids, I leave to their judgments who are wil∣ling to understand the truth.

Since the writing of this (about thirteen years) I have seen Isaac Vossius his Florentine Ignatius, Edit. 2. and also had some speech with Bishop Gunning, confidently denying that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is meant one material Altar or place of Communicating: I will therefore review the Texts of Ignatius accor∣ding to Isaac Vossius, and answer this Bishops confident assertion.

1. Epist. ad Smyrn. p. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Omnes E∣piscopum sequimini ut Jesus Christus Patrem; & Presbyterium ut Apostolos; Dia∣conos autem revereamini ut Dei mandatum. Nullus sine Episcopo aliquid operetur eo∣rum quae conveniunt in Ecclesiam: Illa firma Gratiarum actio (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) repute∣tur, quae sub ipso est, vel quam utique ipse concesserit: ubi utique apparet Episcopus, illic multitudo sit: quemadmodum utique ubi est Jesus Christus illic Catholica Eccle∣sia: Non licitum est sine Episcopo neque baptizare, neque agapen facere.

Here it is evident, 1. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Multitude,] is meant the as∣sembling multitude, and not distant people many miles off.

2. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apparet, is meant the personal visible appearing presence of the Bishop. And so that every Church-Assembly had a present Bishop or∣dinarily.

3. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is meant the Churches joyful laudatory Commu∣nion, of which the Lords Supper was a chief part. And so that the Eucharist was usually celebrated with and by the Bishop, and never but by his particular allowance to the Presbyters; not only a general allowance to do it commonly as Parish Priests do without him, but to do it in his Assembly either in case of his absence, or need, or as assisting him.

4. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is meant the matters and persons of the particular Assembly: And so that every such Assembly had a present Super∣visor or Bishop.

5. That by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is meant a local going whither he goeth, and an i∣mitation of him as present; and so that they had his visible presence.

6. That the prohibition of baptizing and holding their Love-feasting Meet∣ings without him, signified not only [without his general licence at a distance;] but as no Servants must do great matters in the house without the Master, so it implieth here his ordinary presence and particular approbation of the single persons fitness for Baptism, and his conduct of their Love-feasts, and his al∣lowance in case of necessary absence.

7. That the same Assemblies had a Bishop, Presbyters and Deacons. For the same multitude is to follow the same Bishop, Presbyters and Deacons: And how could one Parish follow all the Presbyters of all other Parish Churches of a Diocess whom they never knew? And it is certain that it was the same Church that the Presbytery and Deacons here mentioned had: But Deacons were appro∣priated only to single Churches, and the people of one Parish-Assembly, were not to follow or obey the Deacons of all other distant Parish Churches.

8. And after he saith, [Saluto Deo dignum Episcopum, & Deo decens Pres∣byterium, & conservos meos Diaconos & singillatim & communiter omnes.] Which plainly signifieth that it was the same City Church in Smyrna

that had a Bishop, Presbytery and Deacons: For the scattered Presbyters of many distant Parishes cannot be meant by the Presbytery which is supposed present with the Bishop and Deacons.

II. The next in the Florentine Copy is the Epistle to Polycarpe, where he saith to the Bishop,

[Let not the Widows be neglected: Next after the Lord, be thou the Curator of them: Let nothing be done without thy Sentence: and do thou nothing without God: and what thou dost let it be well stable: Let Congre∣gations be often made: seek all by name: despise not Servants and Maids: speak to my Sisters to love the Lord, and be subject in flesh and spirit to their Husbands, and to the men to love their Wives. And the Men that marry, and the Women that are married, must make their union with the sentence of the Bishop, &c.]

Here it is evident, 1. That it was a Church of which Widows were a part that is here meant: But Widows then were special parts of particular Parish-Churches, and not common to a Diocess of many such.

2. It was such a Church where the Bishop himself was to take care of all the Widows, and see that they were not neglected: And that could not be done to a Diocess of many score or hundred Parishes.

3. It was a Church where the Bishop as present could see to all that was done.

4. It was a Church that was oft to assemble or be congregate: which a Dio∣cess never doth: For it is frequent Congregations of the same persons that is here commanded or desired.

5. It was a Church so assembled that the Bishop could by name take an ac∣count who was absent by his own eye: Yea, even of the Servant-men and Maids.

6. And such as the Bishop could himself marry all that were married in it, or at least be their particular Counsellor therein: And exhort all Husbands and Wives to their duties.

7. He after saith,

[I am of one soul with them that are subject to the Bishop, Presbyters and Deacons.]

Signifying that these three were the present Officers of one and the same particular Church.

III. The next is the Epistle to the Ephesians; where, 1. Pag. 17. he willeth them to love their Bishop, and all of them to imitate him: which supposeth that they knew him (and so doth not one in an hundred in most of our Diocesses, nor ever see his face.)

2. Pag. 19. He tells them that

[They agree in the Sentence of the Bishop, and so doth the worthy Presbytery agree with him, as the strings of a Harp; and therefore in their consent and consounding love Jesus Christ is sung: and they are all made a Chore, that being consonant in consent, receiving in unity divine melody, they might with one voice sing by Jesus Christ to the Father that he may hear them, and know by whom they do good.]

Where it is most plainly signified that it was a Church which sung to God by Christ in one Chore, in unity of concent∣ing voice, under one Bishop and his Presbytery and Deacons present and con∣ducting them.

3. After pag. 20. he praiseth them for being [consonant in Unity with the Bishop,

For if any be not within the Altar, he is deprived of the ••read of God: For if the prayer of one or two have so great force, how much more that which is of the Bishop and all the Church? He therefore that cometh not to the same, is proud and condemneth himself. And by how much you see the Bishop silent, reverence him the more: for we must receive every one that the Lord of the house sendeth, as him that sent him: you must therefore look upon the Bishop manifest (or visibly present) as to the Lord. Onesimus praiseth your Divine Order.]

Here it is plain that it was a Church where many, yea all the Church joyned presentially in prayer with the Bishop, which a thousand Parishes (nor two) do not.

4. It was a Church where the Bishop was seen by all when he was silent; and so reverenced for his silent presence.

5. It was a Church, which they that wilfully absented themselves from were self-condemned: But a man can be but in one Parish at once.

6. It was a Church where they might all see 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Bi∣shop manifest, that is, Perspicuum, visible.

7. It was a Church where all that had the Sacred Bread were [within the Altar,] that is, the one Sacrarium, or place of communicating in the Eu∣charist.

8. And this was their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Order of their Assembly.

After pag. 25. he saith

[Hasten therefore to assemble frequently, for the Eu∣charist (or thanksgiving) of God, and for Glory: For when you oft meet for the same thing, the powers of Satan are destroyed, and his perdition loosed in the concord of your faith.]

9. Here it is plain that it was a Church that used to meet together for the Eucharist; manifesting therein the concord of the faith of all the Church.

And after pag. 29. he saith,

[Because they who according to Man, do all by name meet commonly in Grace in one faith, and in Jesus Christ, in your obeying the Bishop, and Presbytery, with an undivided mind, breaking one bread, &c.]

10. Here it is signified that the Bishop and Presbytery were all present as Guides in one Assembly, which was that Church which they supervised.

11. And that it was such a Church that brake one Bread, professing one faith, in presence, with undivided minds. So plainly doth this Epistle decide our controversie.

IV. The next Epistle is Ad Magnesios. In which he saith,

Canto Ecclesias in quibus Unionem oro Carnis & Spiritus. Union of Flesh signifieth local Com∣munion.

2. Pag. 31. he saith,

[I am dignified to see you by Dama your Bishop wor∣thy of God, and the worthy Presbyters Bassus and Apollonius, and my fellow Servant Sotion the Deacon, whom I enjoy because he is subject to the Bishop and Presbytery, &c.]

By which words it is plain that this Church which had a Bishop, Presbytery and Deacon, was a Parochial Church that had presential Communion with them, and not as our Diocesses.

3. Pag. 33. Having mentioned the Bishop he saith,

[Because in the afore∣said persons I behold all the multitude, in faith and love I warn you, study to do all in the concord of God, the Bishop presiding in the place of God, and the Presby∣ters in the stead of the Consession of the Apostles, and the Deacons, &c.

Which sheweth that it was a Church where Bishop, Presbyters and Deacons sate together in presence.

4. And after it's said,

[Let there be nothing among you which may divide (or separate) you; but be united to the Bishop and Presidents, &c.

Which sheweth the same present Presidency as aforesaid.

5. Pag. 33. He repeateth

[without the Bishop and Presbyters do nothing]

which no reason can interpret of any Presbyters but the present.

So 6. Pag. 34.

[Let nothing else seem reasonable proper to your selves; but one Prayer for the same thing, one deprecation, one understanding, one hope in love and undefiled joy.]

Which importeth their present Communion in Prayer and Profession.

7. He addeth,

[All of you run (or meet) together into one Temple of God, as to one Altar.]

This needeth only an impartial Reader, and it's plain.

8. And pag. 37.

[With your worthily honoured Bishop, and the worthily Complexe Spiritual Crown of your Presbytery, and the Deacons, &c.]

Where no Presbyters are mentioned but the Bishops Presbytery which sate about him in the Church, called the Complexe Corona.

9. He addeth ut unio sit carnalis & spiritualis, that is, of present bodies and of minds.

V. The next is the Epistle to the Philadelphians: where praising them for their union with their Bishop as the strings of a Harp, he saith,

[Study there∣fore to use one Eucharist (or Thanksgiving) that is, to joyn all together in the Eucharistical Communion:) For there is one Flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one Cup (that is, which is there Sacramentally represented and given) in∣to Union of his Blood, one Altar, and one Bishop, with the Presbytery and the Deacons my fellow Servants; that what you do, you may do according to God.]

Here one Church is notified in its Unity by these marks.

1. That they all joyn in one Assembly for the Eucharist. Which signifieth one Body and Blood of Christ. 2. And that there be one Altar for this Commu∣nion. 3. And one Bishop. 4. And one Presbytery with his Deacons with him.

But here Bishop Gunning saith, It is not meant of one material Altar.

Answ. 1. It must be noted that (as Master Mede and others have observed) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used in Church Writers for the Chancel, Sacrarium, or place where the Altar stood, as well as for the Altar it self: Into which place the Communicants only were admitted; to which form our Chancels are made.

2. And to be intra Altare is usually meant of being one admitted to that Eu∣charistical Communion. 3. And though as we give the Sacrament in private houses to the sick, and have Chappels for the weak and distant, so might some great Churches then, and yet have but one Chancel, Altar or place for the

Communion of the whole Church; 4. The express words, and the Context and sense fully shew that it is personal present Communion that is here spoken of, and therefore in one place. 5. The common use of the word in other Writers, sheweth it, (as being intra vel extra Altare, and setting up Altare con∣tra Altare, that is separated Assemblies for such Communion. (6. The most learned and famous Expositors so expound it; such as Master Mede before ci∣ted, and Arch-Bishop Usher and others. 7. The Contradictors can feign no other probable sense. For,

1. If by the Altar they say is meant [One Christ,] 2. or one Species of Al∣tars, these are before confuted, and are palpably false. He that is in another part of the World may come to an Altar of the same species, which is nothing to the unity of a particular Church here spoken of. 3. If they say, It is called one Altar because under one Bishop, this maketh not many to be one, no more than many Temples. And if tropically it were so meant, it would be but a vain repetition, One Bishop being mentioned besides. And it is an Altar which the Bishop with his Presbytery is supposed to be present at, which cannot be All in a Diocess called One. Partiality can give no other probable sense.

Object. 1. One Church it is known had many Altars.

Answ. Not then; no nor long after except at Rome and Alexandria: and then they were but as parts of Chappels, and not of Churches.

Object. 2. It is said also, There is one Body of Christ and one Cup, which can∣not be meant literally.

Answ. It is well called One agreeably to our present sence: For, 1. It is one and the same Bread, though not one piece, which is there present, conse∣crated and divided to them all; and one Cup or present quantity of Wine which is there distributed among them. 2. And it is One body and blood or sacrificed Christ, which is in every Church represented and offered by One Bi∣shop at one Altar. This doth but confirm our Exposition. But what can be so plain as to convince the prejudiced and unwilling?

2. Pag. 45. he willeth [``the Church to send a Deacon to Antioch as other neighbour Churches sent Bishops, and some Presbyters and Deacons.] And can any man think that a Diocess met to chuse a Deacon to go on a visit, or that it was a Diocesane Bishop that was sent by a Diocess, yea that all these neighbour Churches that sent them were so many Diocesses?

VI. The next is the Epistle ad Trallesios. Where he saith of the Bishop that came to him, [That he saw all the multitude in him;] that is, the Assembly. And as before he bids them, [Do nothing without the Bishop, and be subject to the Presbytery; and that as to the Counsel of God, and Conjunction of Apostles] ad∣ding, [For without these the Church is not called:.] what can be plainer to shew that it was a Church that had a present Bishop and Council of Presbyters conjunct, without whom the Church was not lawfully called together? So that eve∣ry Church had such.

2. And pag. 50. he saith again, [Not inflated, but being inseparable from God, Jesus Christ, and the Bishop and the Orders of the Apostles (that is, the Confess of

Presbyters) He that is within the Altar is clean; and he that is without the Altar is not clean; that is, he that doth any thing (in the Church) without the Bishop, Presbytery and Deacon, is not clean in Conscience: which plainly sheweth that e∣very Church-Assembly had a guiding Bishop, Presbytery and ministring Dea∣con.

3. Pag. 52. he saith, [I salute you from Smyrna with the Churches of God, which are present with me:] He had not then the presence of many Diocesses; nor were Bishops alone used then to be called Churches: Therefore they were Church-Assemblies which he visited, and were with him, and about him.

4. Again he repeateth, [Be subject to the Bishop and Presbytery, and love one another with an inseparable heart.] Which hath the sense aforesaid.

VII. In the Epistle to the Romans, the words of the Church presiding in lo∣cho chori Romanorum is much spoken of already by many.

The Epistles ascribed to him have much of the like kind; as Epist. ad Tar∣senses, pag. 80. Ad Antiochenos, pag. 86, 87, 88. The Epist. ad Heroum Diaconum calleth the Presbyters of Antioch Bishops who baptize, sacrifice and impose hands.

So Epist. ad Philippenses, pag. 112.

If after all this evidence from Ignatius any will wrangle, let him wrangle: what words can be plain enough for such? And what a blind or blinding pra∣ctice is it, which too many Writers for Prelacy have used? to pretend Igna∣tius to be for them, who is so much and plain against them? And to toss about the name of a Bishop and Presbytery, as if all that was said for a Parochial Bi∣shop and Presbytery (that is, in a Church associated for personal presential Com∣munion) were spoken for such a Diocesane Prelacy as putteth down and destroy∣eth all such Churches, Bishops and Presbyteries.

And what falshood is it to perswade the World that we are against Episcopa∣cy because we would have every Church to have a Bishop, and would not have all the Churches in England except Diocesane, to be unchurched and turned into Chappels or Oratories? When yet we refuse not to submit to more general Overseers of many Churches, to see that the Pastors do their duty, and coun∣sel and exhort them to it, whether appointed hereto by the Magistrate, or the consent and choice of many Churches.

IV. Justin Martyr's Testimony is trite, but most plain, and not to be eva∣ded. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Postea fratrum praeposito panis & poculum offer∣tur—Postquam praepositus gratias egit totusque populus fausta omnia acclamavit; qui inter nos Diaconi vocantur dant unicuique partem panis & calicis diluti, super quos facta est gratiarum actio, atque etiam deferre sinunt absentibus—Die solis urbano∣rum ac rusticanorum coetus fiunt, ubi Apostolorum prophetarumque literae quoad fieri potest praeleguntur: Cessant•• Lectore Praepositus verba facit adhortatoria—Posthaec consurgunt omnes & preces off••rimus: quibus finitis profertur panis, vinum & aqua: Tum praepofitus quantum potest preces offert, & gratiarum actiones: Plebs vero A∣men accin••t. Inde consecrata distribuuntur singulis, & absentibus mittuntur per Dia∣conos:

Ditiores si libeat pro sua quisque voluntate conferunt: Collecta deponuntur apud praepositum: Is subvenit pupillis, viduis, & propter morbum aliamve necessi∣tatem egentibus, vinctis quoque & peregrinis, & in summa curator fit omnium ino∣pum. Thus Justin Apolog. 2. Where he describeth the Church State and Worship which we desire, as plainly as we can speak our selves. Note here, 1. That whether the Country-men and Citizens had several Churches or met in one City Church, it sheweth that they were but single Congregations. For every Church had a present Bishop: (For Doctor Hammond maintaineth that by the Praepositus here is meant the Bishop, and so do others of them.) 2. This Bishop performed the Offices of the day, every Lord's day, praying, preach∣ing and administring the Lord's Supper, &c. 3. All the Alms of the Church was committed to the Bishop at present, (and therefore he had not many hun∣dred or any other Churches under him where Presbyters did all receive the Alms.) 4. He was the common Curator of all the Poor, Orphans, Sick, &c. which could not be for more than one of our Parishes: (And let the Bi∣shops take as big a Church as they will do all this for, and spare not.) 5. And the Deacons bringing the consecrated Bread and Wine to the absent in token of Communion with the same Church and Bishop, sheweth that there were not under him many other absent Congregations, that had no other Bishop of their own: Nor did the Deacon carry it to such Congregations through the Diocess. In a word, here is a full description of a Congregational Church and Bishop.

Saith Master Mede before cited, of these words, [As the Jews had their Sy∣nagogues, so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one; though their Altar were but one, there namely where the Bishop was. Die solis omnes, &c. (here he cites these words,) Namely as he there tells us, to celebrate and participate of the Holy Eucharist. Why was this? but because they had not many places to cele∣brate in.]

V. Tertullian is as plain and full: Apol. c. 39. Corpus sumus de conscientia reli∣gionis, & disciplinae unitate, & spei foedere: Coimus in Coetum, & Congregatio∣nem, ut ad Deum quasi manu facta precationibus ambiamus orantes—Cogimur ad divinarum literarum commemorationem.—Certe fidem sanctis vocibus pascimus: spem erigimus, fiduciam figimus, disciplinam praeceptorum nihilominus inculcationibus densamus. Ibidem etiam exhortationes, castigationes, & censura divina. Nam & judicatur magno cum pondere, ut apud certos de Dei conspectu; summumque futuri judicii praejudicium est, siquis ita deliquerit, ut a Communicatione orationis & Con∣ventus & omnis Sancti Commercii relegatur: Praesident probati quique Seniores, &c.

And de Corona Milit. cap. 3. Eucharistiae Sacramentum, & in tempore victus, & omnibus mandatum a domino, etiam antelucanis coetibus; nec de aliorum manu quam praesidentium sumimus.

And further, [Aquam adituri itidem, sed & aliquando prius in Ecclesia sub antistitis manu contestamur, nos renunciare Diabolo & pompae & angelis ejus.]

In all these words (and many more such in Tertullian) it is evident, 1. That then a Church was a Congregation met for holy Worship, and not many hun∣dred

Congregations making one Church primae ordinis. 2. That this Church had ordinarily a Bishop present (not present in one Congregation and many hundred without.) 3. That the Bishop baptized, and took the Confessions of the Baptized, and performed the ordinary Worship, and administred the Lords Supper. (Doctor Hammond himself maintaineth that it is the Bishop that Tertullian speaketh of.) 4. That Discipline was exercised in those Church As∣semblies, and therefore the Bishop was present.

5. They took the Sacrament from none but the Bishops hand (save that the Deacon distributed it as from him) which proveth that the Bishop was present, when ever the Sacrament was administred. 6. They had these Assemblies eve∣ry Lords day. All which set together plainly sheweth that then every Church had a present Bishop, (ordinarily) and was no more than one Congregation, met for such Communion as is described.

VI. And even in Cyprian's time the alteration was not great: Epist. 68.* 1.9 (Edit. Goulart.) p. 201. he saith, [Propter quod plebs obsequens praeceptis domini∣cis & Deum metuens, &c.] i. e.

[For which cause the people that are obedient to the Lords Commands and fear God, ought to separate themselves from a sinful Pre∣late (or Bishop) and not to be present, at the Sacrifices of a Sacrilegious Priest; seeing they have the greatest power either of chusing worthy Priests, or of re∣fusing the unworthy: which very thing we see coming down by Divine Au∣thority, that the Priest, the people being present, be chosen (or appointed) be∣fore the eyes of all, and by the publick judgment and testimony be approved worthy and fit.

And so going on to prove the Divine Right hereof he ad∣deth,

which was before done so diligently and cautelously, the people being all called together, lest any unworthy person should creep into the Ministry of the Altar, or the place of Priesthood. For that the Unworthy are some∣times ordained, not according to the Will of God, but according to the pre∣sumption of Man; and that these things are displeasing to God which come not of legitimate and just Ordination, God himself doth manifest by the Prophet Osee, saying, They made themselves a King, but not by me: And there∣fore it is diligently to be observed, and held of Divine Tradition and Apo∣stolical Observation, which with us also and almost all the Provinces is held, that for the right celebrating of Ordinations, all the next Bishops of the same Province do come together, to that people over whom the Bishop (or Prelate) is set, and that the Bishop be appointed them, (or assigned) the people being present who fullyest know the life of every one, and have throughly seen the act of every ones Conversation: which also we saw done with you in the Or∣dination of Sabinus our Colleague, that the Office of a Bishop was given (or delivered) him, and hands imposed on him, in the place of Basilides, by the suffrage of the whole Fraternity, and by the judgment of the Bishops that had met together and had sent you Letters concerning him.

And before Sect. 4. Deus instruit, &c.

God instructeth and sheweth that the Ordinations of Priests (that is, Bishops) ought not to be done but under the Conscience (that is, present sight and consent) of the assisting people, that the

Laity being present, either the crimes of the bad may be detected, or the me∣rits of the good predicated, and that Ordination be just and legitimate, which was examined by the suffrage and judgment of all.—

The Case is so plain in Cyprian that Pamelius himself is forced thus to confess [Non negamus veterem Electionis Episcoporum ritum, quo plebe praesente, immo & suffragiis plebis eligi solent. Nam in Africa illum observatum constat ex electione Eradii successoris D. Augustini de quo extat Epistola ejus 120. In Graecia aetate Chrysostomi ex lib. 3. de Sacerdot. In Hispaniis ex hoc Cypriani loco, & Isi∣dor. lib. de Officiis. In Galliis ex Epist. Celestini, p. 2. Romae, exiis quae su∣pra diximus Epist. ad Antoniam. Ubique etiam alibi ex Epist. Leonis 87. Et perdurasse eam consuetudinem ad Gregor. 1. usque ex ejus Epistolis; Immo ad tempora usqu•• Caroli & Ludovici Imperat. ex 1. lib. Capitulorum eorundem satis constat; Ve∣rum* 1.10 Plebi sola suffragia concessa, non electio quae per subscriptionem fieri solet.—Hoc enim potissimum tunc agebatur, ut invito plebi non daretur Episcopus.—

From hence now the quantity of their Churches may easily be gathered. 1. The people must be present. 2. And this must be All the people, the whole Laity of the Church. 3. They give their testimony of the life of the ordained. 4. They are supposed all to know his conversation. 5. This is the common custom of the Churches, in Africa and all other Countries.

Now I leave it to the consideration of sober minds how many Churches, or Congregations could do all this? Whether it was many hundred Churches that never saw the person, nor one another, that were to meet in one Church or place, to do all this? Or rather the Inhabitants of a Vicinity, using to as∣semble for Communion, when even our Greater Parishes now are more than can thus meet and do all this?

2. Note also that when Cyprian imposeth it on the same people that chuse their Bishop, also to separate from one that is wicked, and not communicate with him in the Sacrament, it is most evident to him that is willing to understand, that this Bishop was to be the Teacher of all the people of that Church, and was to administer the Sacrament to them in the Congregation, and they had ordinary communion with him: For how else should they be called on to se∣parate from him, in the Sacrifice (as it's called.) Doth he command a thou∣sand or a hundred distant Churches to separate from the Sacrifices of that Bi∣shop, who never had local Communion with him (unless perhaps once in their lives as with a stranger.) The Impartial can hardly read these words, and not understand them.

Two Objections are here made. 1. Obj. All the People is put for all present, which is a part.

Answ. By such interpretations let God or Man say what they will, it will signifie but what the Reader please. The Context and many concurrent ex∣pressions shew that (though business or sickness might hinder some Individuals) it was the main body of the Congregation which is called Plebs Universa, or else it will be nonsense.

2. Object. But if the same were the custom till the days of Charles and Lodo∣vick, then it could not be all the people, for then it's known that the Dioceses were larger: Therefore it must be but all that belonged to the Cathedral.

Answ. 1. Even till their days Christianity had not been received by the whole Cities or Parishes, in the greatest part of the Empire; but (according to the liberty then given when none were forced to be Christians) the Christi∣ans were but few in many great Countries. It was long ere they were the greater number of the Inhabitants in France and Flanders; longer in England; and longer in Germany, and Hungary, and Poland; and longer in Sweden and Denmark, &c. 2. That it was no Cathedral Society distinct from other Con∣gregations under the same Bishop in Cyprian's time, is most evident: There be∣ing no such distinction intimated, but contrarily all the Bishops Church or Flock is spoken to: And how should one part of the Church come to have a right to chuse and refuse the Bishop more than all the rest? And in all ordi∣nary Dioceses it was so long after: But it is true that at Rome, Alexandria and the greater Churches, where the custom was continued, and yet the multitude of the people was so great that they could not half meet in one place; those that were forwardest crowded together, and oft committed Riots and Mur∣ders (as at the Election of Damasus, and others,) till by this, the custom was changed to avoid such tumults; and those that would not be in the Crowd stayed at home: And the nearest Neighbours commonly were they that met.

Object. But do not we see that a whole County can meet to chuse Parliament Men?

Answ.1. No: It is only the Freeholders who are comparatively but a small part of the County. 2. It is in a Field, or Streets, and not in a Church. 3. It is commonly to judge of their Suffrages by comparing by the eye, the magni∣tude of the distinct Companies when they separate, or else by taking their Votes Man by Man in a long time, and not to do all in their hearing, and by their Counsel, as in this Case. 4. I have been at great Assemblies for such Electi∣ons of Parliament, in the Fields; and I never saw more together than have heard me preach in one Assembly, nor half so many as some London Parishes do contain: much less as a Diocess.

There is a great deal more in Cyprian to prove the thing in question, Epist. 3, 6, 10, 11, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33, 40. which would be tedious to the Reader should I recite it. A primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro & sine consensu plebis meae privata sententia gerere—Prohibeantur offerre, acturi apud nos, & apud confessores ipsos, & apud plebem universam causam suam.] Haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio, non tantum cum Collegis meis, sed & cum plebe ipsa universa.—Vix plebi persuadeo, immo extorqueo, ut tales pati∣antur admitti—Secundum vestra divina suffragia, Conjurati & scelerati de Eccle∣sia sponte se pellerent.—] By these and many such passages it is evident that e∣ven the famous Church of Carthage, under that famous Bishop was no greater than that all Church Affairs might be treated of in the hearing of all the Laity, and managed by their consent, and the Quality of each Presbyter and Commu∣nicant, and their faults fell under the Cognizance of the whole Church; not as Governors, but as interessed for their own welfare, as the words declare.

VII. And here I think I may seasonably cite the Constitutions called Apo∣stolical; which if not written by Clement, were certainly for the most part of them very ancient, as being before Athanasius who mentioneth them. And the Learned and Sober Albaspinaeus, Observ. Lib. 1. p. 38. saith, [De constituti∣onibus istis nemini dubium esse debet, quin probus iuxta & antiquus liber sit; certo∣que affirmare possum trecentis primis eo ecclesiam Graecam, tanquam rituali & Ponti∣ficali usam esse; Quique eas attente legerit, eadem de illis quae de canonibus judi∣cabit, additas, viz. decursu temporum primis novas, quemadmodum & novae leges & constitutiones in regimine Ecclesiae, novis occasionibus enatis, factae sunt.] that though they were not written by Clement or the Apostles, yet they were that Summa∣ry of Apostolical or Christian Discipline, which the Greek Churches much used for the first three hundred years; and that Additions were made by degrees. But I cite them for nothing but the History, wherein they are of great account to acquaint us with the state of the Church in those times.

Lib. 2. cap. 18. It is said, that [Omnium Episcopus curam habeat, & eorum qui non peccarunt, ut non peccent, & eorum qui in peccatis sunt, ut peccasse poeniteat: ait enim Dominus, Videte ne contemnatis unum ex pusillis istis. Item poenitentibus condonare oportet peccata.—Quocirca curam omnium suscipe tanquam rationem de pluribus redditurus: Ac sanos quidem conserva, lapsos vero mone, & qui in jeju∣nio premens, leva in remissione, & eum qui luxit recipe, cuncta Ecclesia pro eo depre∣cante, &c.] And much more works he adds: Whereby it appeareth that the Bishoprick was no greater than that he could take a personal care of every mem∣ber, over the meanest, sound and unsound: And that it was one Assembly where all did intercede for the restoring of the Penitent.

So cap. 20. opening the Bishop's duty to the Laity, he repeateth, Omnes monens, omnes increpans, &c. And ibid. Medice ergo Ecclesiae Domini adhibe me∣dicinam cuique aegrotantium convenientem: Omnibus modis cura, sana, factos sanos redde Ecclesiae; pasce gregem, non per vim, neque imperiose, cum ludibrio & despectu quasi dominatum teneas, sed tanquam bonus pastor in sinum ac complexum agnos congrega & oves gravidas hortare.

And it concerneth them to know well what they do, for cap. 2. Scitote quod qui eum, qui injuriam non fecit, ejicit, aut qui se convertit non recipit, fratrem suum occidit, & sanguinem ejus fudit, sicut Cain sanguinem fratris sui fudit; cujus sanguis, qui ad Deum clamat, requiretur.—Similiter eveniet ei qui ab Episcopo suo sine iusta causa fuerit excommunicatus: Qui tanquam pestiferum ejicit eum qui est ex∣tra culpam, is quidem saevior est interfectore.—Violentior est ipso homicida qui corpus perimit, is qui innocentem ex ecclesia ejicit.

Et cap. 25. Oportet ut qui in Ecclesia assidui sunt eos Ecclesia aelat (viz. Pontifi∣cem, Sacerdotes, Levitas.) where the Assembly is the Church which maintain∣eth the Bishop and Presbyters.

And cap. 26. It is the Bishop that to all the Church is, Minister Verbi, sci∣entiae custos, Mediator Dei & vestrum in iis quae ad eum colendum pertinent (that is, officiateth in Church Worship:) hic est magister pietatis ac religionis; hic est se∣cundum Deum pater vester, qui vos per aquam & Spiritum sanctum regeneravit, &c.

Episcopus igitur vobis praesideat, ut dignitate Dei cohonestatus, qua clerum sub pote∣state sua tenet, & toti populo praeest, Diaconus vero assistat huic, &c. So that a Bishops Church was no greater than that he could be the constant Teacher, Guide, Baptizer, &c. of them all.

And cap. 27. All the Oblations were to be brought to the Bishop himself, by themselves that offered, or by the Deacons. Immo primitias quoque & deci∣mas & quae sponte offeruntur; is enim probe novit afflictos & cuique tribuit, ut con∣gruit; ne quis eadem die aut eadem hebdom ide bis aut saepius accipiat, alius vero nihil penitus. So that the reason why all the Offerings, Tythes and Gifts in his whole Diocess were brought to the Bishop himself was, because he was well acquainted with all the Poor of his Diocess, and was every day to relieve them, and see that one did not receive twice the same day, or the same Week, and ano∣ther have none. How many hundred Churches think you had a Church then in the Belly of it? and how large was such a Diocess?

And cap. 28. In their Love-Feasts the Bishop was to have always his special part of the Feast, even sent him if he were absent. Sure if his Diocess had six hundred or a thousand Parishes and as many Feasts, and some of them as far off as I am from the Cathedral Church (about fourscore Miles) it will cost more the Carriage of the Bishop's Supper than it is worth, and it will be cold, and it is well if it stink not by the way. And the Presbyters that were all to have a double portion also of the Feast, are called tanquam Consiliarii Episcopi & Ecclesiae Corona, sunt enim Consilium & Senatus Ecclesiae. So that it was but one City Congregation yet that had Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons, &c.

And in cap. 30. and many Chapters there is mentioned often the Bishops doing all without any help save the Deacons, which would make one think that de facto Doctor Hammond was in the right, and that some of the Consti∣tutions were written when in most Churches there was no Presbyters with the Bishop but Deacons only.

Cap. 32. If the Deacon knew any to be poor, he must tell the Bishop, and do nothing without him. How large was this Diocess? cap. 34. This Bishop must be loved as a Father, feared as a King, honoured as a God, offering him our Fruits and the works of our hands for his Blessing; giving him as God's Priest our First-fruits, Tythes, First-fruits of Corn, Wine, Oyl, Apples, Wool, and all that God shall give us.] Was all this carried him from many hundred Parishes, many score Miles?

And cap. 36. The Bishop's Church was no farther off than that all the Mem∣bers were to come to it in the morning before they went to any work, and at Evening when they had done. How big was this Diocess?

Cap. 44. The Deacon is to be the Bishop's Eye, and Ear, and Mouth, and to help him, that he may not be overwhelmed with his work: If he had a thou∣sand subject Presbyters, one Deacon's help only would not have been named.

Cap. 56. The Bishop is to see that this Deacon speak Peace to every one that entreth into the Church to worship. Which implyeth that he was pre∣sent in the Church.

Cap. 57. The description of a Church Order is, that the Bishop's Seat be in

the midst, and that the Presbyters sit on each side of him, and so for the rest. And the Order of Officiating was, [that (the Deacons seeing all orderly keep their Seats) the Reader first read the old Scriptures, and the Deacon or Presbyters the Gospels; then that the Presbyters exhort the people, not all at once, but one by one, and last of all the Bishop, &c.] These were then the Churches; where every Altar had a Bishop.

So cap. 50. Cum doces Episcope, jube & mone populum frequent are quotidie Eccle∣siam mane & vespere, ut omnino abesse nolit, immo assidue conveniat, neque Ullus sub∣ducendo se Ecclesiam mutilam faciat, & a corpore Christi unum membrum decerpat: Neque enim de solis Sacerdotibus dictum est, sed potius quisque Laicus, &c. So that a Bishop's Diocess or Church was so great, as that no one Lay Member should be absent Morning or Evening.

Lib. 4. cap. The Bishop had the particular care of all the Pupils, Widows, Labourers, Weak, Naked, Sick, Virgins, &c. And cap. 5. He is to know well who they be that offer all the Oblations; and is to reject the Oblations of all the Wicked: For cap. 7. Let the Poor have never so much ••eed, it's bet∣ter perish by Famine, than receive anything from the Enemies of God, which may be contumelious to his Friends.]

Lib 8. cap. 4. The Ordering of a Bishop must be (de quo nulla est querela; & qui sit a cuncto populo ex optimis quibusque electus, quo nominato & placente popu∣lus in unum congregatus, una cum Presbyteris & Episcopis praesentibus, die Domi∣nico, consentiat. Qui vero inter reliquos princeps Episcopus, percontetur Episcopos & populum, an ipse sit quem praeesse petunt? &c. So that all the people of the Church came together to chuse and consent to the Bishop: no greater at that time was a Diocesane Church.

Cap. 12. His peractis dextram & laevam ejus ut discipuli Magistro assistant.—This is part of the Common Rubrick (of the best and eldest Liturgy that I know of recorded by Church History) for the celebrating the Sacrament. So that it supposeth a Bishop to be then present in all Churches that had an Altar and Sacrament. The rest of the Liturgy, lib. 8. supposeth still the same pre∣sence of the Bishop. Cap. 35. Congregabis Episcope Ecclesiam ad vesperam, &c. It would be too long to recite all the Bishops part in the ordinary Offices of the Assembly. It is hence plain that in those Ages (unless it were very few; per∣haps only Rome and Alexandria) no Bishops had more stated Assemblies or Churches that had Altars, or communicated, than one.

VIII. The Canons called the Apostles run just in the same strain with the Constitutions: And though by some of them it is apparent that (at least) all of them are not so old as many think, (As that which intimateth that Rulers set up Clergy-men, &c.) yet they were elder than our Compound Diocesane Churches. For Can. 5. It is said. [Omnium aliorum primitiae Episcopo & Pres∣byteris domum mittuntur; non super altare: Manifestum est autem quod Epis∣copus & Presbyteri inter Diaconos & reliquos Clericos eas dividunt.] By which and many such passages it is evident that there was then but one Altar and one Bishop with his Presbytery and Deacons in a Church, as in

Ignatius's time: and that they all lived on the same Altar, together with the rest of the Gifts of the Church, Vid. & Can. 58.

The Can. 32. saith, [Siquis Presbyter contemnens Episcopum suum, seorsim col∣legerit & altare aliud erexerit, nihil habens quo reprehendat Episcopum in causa pie∣tatis, aut justitiae, deponatur, quasi principatus amator existens.—Haec autem post unam & secundam & tertiam Episcopi obsecrationem fieri conveniat.] The same is in the Can. 5. Concil. Antioch. And to set up aliud Altare, & Altare contra Al∣tare is the Phrase used then by many Writers, and Councils, to signifie a di∣viding and separating from the Church, and setting up an Antichurch; All which sheweth that then a Bishops Church had but one Altar.

IX. Dionysius (whoever or whenever he wrote) doth so describe the Bishops work as sheweth that he had but one Church and Presbytery to assist him. Cap. 4. de Eccles. Hier. he tells us that [The Prefect did baptize those that were con∣verted,] and the Presbyters and Deacons did but assist him: And it is a very long manner of baptizing which he there describeth, and all the Church were called together to it, and joyned in it. And this was in times when the Infidels were to be brought in, and converted, and baptized at Age, where Examina∣tions, Professions and Circumstances made it so long a work, as this alone would have proved his Church to be no greater than aforesaid: much more with the rest of the work which he describeth.

X. But Councils give the surest testimonies to such matter of fact: Con∣cil. Agath. Can. 4. Siquis etiam extra Parochias, & ubi legitimus est ordinari∣usque conventus, Oratorium habere voluerit, reliquis festivitatibus ut ibi mis∣sam audiat, propter fatigationem familiae, justa ordinatione permittimus. Pas∣cha vero, Natali Domini, Epiphania, Ascensione Domini, Pentecoste, & natali Sancti Johannis Baptistae, & siqui maxime dies, in festivitatibus habentur, non nisi in civitatibus, aut Parochiis audiant. This being decreed so late, when Christians were increased in the Countries, alloweth them, to avoid weariness in travelling with their Families too far, to have Chappels or Oratories in the remote parts of the Country (but so that they come all to the City or Parish Church on all the greatest Festivals.) Which sheweth that then the Church was but one Assembly which all could joyn in to hear the word.

And that each of these City and Parish Churches had a Bishop of their own, is apparent in what followeth, [Can. 30. Benedictionem super plebem in Ecclesia fundere aut poenitentem in Ecclesia benedicere, Presbytero penitus non licebit; that is, [It shall not at all be lawful for a Presbyter to pronounce the Blessing on the people in the Church, or to bless a Penitent in the Church.] Now these being (or one at least) performed in every Church Assembly, when a Presbyter is forbidden to do them, it is implied that a Bishop was present to do it himself: and so that every communicating Assembly had a Bishop.

And it's said, Can. 31. Missas die Dominico secularibus totas audire speciali ordine praecipimus; ita ut ante benedictionem sacerdotis egredi populus non praesumat, quod si fecerit, ab Episcopo publice confundatur. So that there must be a daily pronun∣ciation

of the Blessing each Lords day, and that not by the Presbyters but the Bishop, who must rebuke them that go out before it; which sheweth that each Church had a Bishop.

And after, [Qui solemnitatum, id est Paschae & natalis domini vel Pentecostes festivitatibus, cum Episcopis interesse neglexerint, quum in civitatibus communionis vel benedictionis accipiendae causa positos se nosse debeant, triennio communione priventur Ecclesiae.] By which it appeareth that in a City there were no more Christi∣ans or Church-members, than could congregate with the Bishop on the Festi∣vals for Communion; when all the neglecters were to be deprived of the Com∣munion for three years.

XI. The Council at Eliberis Baetic. An. 305. had nineteen Bishops, twenty six Presbyters, and the Deacons, & omnis Plebs stood by: which intimateth that these twenty six Presbyters and the Deacons were the main body of the Clergy under the nineteen Bishops; which was not two Presbyters to a Bishop: why else should the Deacons and all the Laity be there, if not all the Presbyters? And supposing that Plebs omnis here signifie not strictly all the Laity, yet it inti∣mateth that the Churches were no greater than that so great a part of their Laity was there, as that Phrase might be well used of; which cannot be of our Compound Diocess.

XII. Concil. Gangrens. cap. 7. No one was to receive the Oblations of Fruits, and the First-fruits, due to the Church, out of the Church. And cap. 8. None was to receive them but the Bishop, or he whom the Bishop appointed. This sheweth the quantity of the Diocess, and that every Church had one Altar and one Bishop.

XIII. In a Roman Council sub Silvest. it's said, [Ab omni Ecclesia eliga∣tur consecrandus Episcopus, nullo de membris Ecclesiae intercedente, & omni Ecclesia conveniente: & nulli Episcopo liceat sine cuncta Ecclesia a novissimo gradu usque ad primum ordinare Neophytum Silvester Papa dixit, A nobis incipientes moderamine le∣nitatis judicare, commonemus ut nulli Episcopo liceat quemlibet gradum Clerici ordi∣nare aut consecrare, nisi cum omni adunata Ecclesia, si placet: & dixerunt Epis∣copi, placet. What can be more fully said, [Let the Bishop to be ordained be cho∣sen by all the Church, no one of the Members of the Church being wanting, and all the Church meeting together. Let it be lawful for no Bishop without the whole Church to ordain.—Not to ordain or consecrate any degree of Clergy-Man, but with the whole Church together in one. And how great then were the Churches, when even at Rome and all about it, The whole Church united, and every member could meet together at every Ordination and Consecration? I scarce know how a testimo∣ny can be plainer.

XIV. The Concil. Sardic. which first began to befriend the Grandeur of the Roman Bishop, was it that first forbad Bishops to be ordained in small Villages: yet note that even there it was not absolutely forbidden to all Villages; but

only to such Villages and small Cities where one Presbyter was enough: But they allowed a Bishop to the Cities. [Quae Episcopos habuerunt, & siqua tam populosa est Civitas vel Locus (mark Locus as distinct from Civitas) qui mereatur habere Episcopum.] So that if there were but people enough for more than one Presbyter, they allowed them a Bishop.

And Can. 14. It is decreed that, [As no Lay-man must be above three Weeks from Church, so no Bishop from his own Church at another place.] Whereas if a Bishop have many Churches, or many hundred, or a thousand, he could be but at one in a Year, or two, or three, or more, if he did nothing but travel from parish to Parish. Only in the next Canon, those that have Farms or Lands in the Country are dispensed with for three Weeks to be absent from their own Churches, so they go to another.

XV. In the Epistle of the 1. Concil. Nic. ad Eccles. Aegypt. (in Crab. pag. 262. T. 1.) Presbyters were to be made, [Solummodo sivideantur digni, & po∣pulus eos elegerit, condecernente simul & designante maxime Alexandriae Civitatis Episcopo.] Still the people that had the choice were no more than could meet to chuse.

And even in the Arabick Canons ascribed to this Council by some of late it's said, Can. 72. Sic Episcopi & Sacerdotes si Civitates suas & Altaria propter alia ma∣jora relinquerent, male facerent; which shews that each City even then had but one Altar or Meeting for Sacramental Communion: though when these were writ∣ten, there were other Churches in Villages that had Altars.

And in Pisan. Can. 57. Archi-presbyter in absentia Episcopi honoretur tanquam Episcopus, quia est loco ejus, & sit caput Sacerdotum qui sub potestate ejus sunt in Ec∣clesia. The Bishop then was but such a Head of Priests in the same Church, as an Arch-Presbyter might be in his absence.

And Cap. 9. The Vote of the whole Diocess without the Arch-bishop shall not serve to chuse a Bishop, though all gathered together.

XVI. The Concil. Vasense granted leave for Presbyters to preach and Dea∣cons to read Homilies in Country Parishes, which sheweth both that Bishops were the ordinary Preachers to their whole Flocks before, and that these Pa∣rishes were yet but new, and perhaps but Chappels that yet had not Altars and the Lord's Supper.

XVII. Binnius in Concil. Ephes. 1. To. 2. cap. 20. saith, [Dalmatius told the Emperor that there were six thousand Bishops under the Metropolitan sent to the Council that were against Nestorius;] And there was a great number on the o∣ther side with Johan. Antiochen. who cast out Cyril and Memnon. How great think you were these Bishops Dioceses?

XVIII. Concil. Carth. 3. cap. 39. & 40. (in Crab) some would have had many (twelve) Bishops at each Bishop's Ordination; but Aurelius desired it might be but three, because [Crebro & pene per diem Dominicum ordinationes habemus,] they

had Ordinations almost every Lord's day, and Tripoli had but five Bishops. How big were these Dioceses where the Bishops could meet almost every Lord's day for Ordinations; and five under Tripoly was an exceeding small number.

And cap. 40. If a Bishop were accused at his Ordination, the Cause was to be tried, In eadem plebe cui ordinandus est; And surely it was not to be in many hundred Congregations at once or per vices.

XIX. Concil. Antioch. (before this) Can. 5. (pag. 321. in Crab) Siquis Presbyter aut Diaconus Episcopum proprium contemnens, se ab Ecclesia segregaverit & seorsum colligens Altare constituit (vel in secunda edit. & privatim apud se collectis populis Altare erigere ausus fuerit, &c.) This sheweth, 1. That the Presbyters then joyned with the Bishop in the same Church. 2. And that then each Church had but one Altar, and to erect another Altar elsewhere, was to set up another Church.

Can. 8. Presbyteri qui sunt in agris Canonicas Epistolas dare non possunt—Chore∣piscopi autem—dare possunt—This sheweth that then the Country Villages had Chorepiscopos with Presbyters.

Can. 10 Qui in vicis vel possissionibus Chorepiscopi nominantur quamvis manus impositionem Episcoporum perceperint, & ut Episcopi consecrati sint, tamen Sanctae Sy∣nodo placuit, ut modum proprium recognoscant, ut gubernent sibi subjectas Ecclesi∣as earumque moderamine curaque contenti sint. This sheweth that then the Churches in Villages had their Bishops, though under the City Bishops.

Can. 16. A Bishop that put himself into a vacant Church without the consent of a perfect Council, where must be the Metropolitane, must be cast out, et∣si cunctus populus quem diripuit eum habere delegerit: which sheweth that the whole people were no more than could meet to chuse him.

Can. 17, 18, 21. imply the same; Episcopus ab alia Parochia non migret ad aliam, nec sponte sua insiliens, nec vi coactus a populo, nec ab Episcopis necessitate compulsus: Maneat autem in Ecclesia quam primitus adeo sortitus est. A Church and a Parish are here the same; and no greater than that the people could be the compellers, which implieth their concurrence, which could not be in a Diocess of many hundred Churches; but in one only.

Can. 23. The Goods of the Church are faithfully to be kept: which also are to be dispensed by the Judgment and Power of the Bishop, to whom is committed the people, and the souls that are congregated in the Church: and it's manifest what things be∣long to the Church, with the knowledge of the Presbyters and Deacons that are about him, who cannot but know what are the Church Goods, &c. Here 1. The Church contained only the souls that were congregated in it, and not many Congrega∣tions. 2. All the Church Goods were known to the Presbyters and Deacons, so that the Bishop did dispose of them while he lived, but could alienate none at his death: which sheweth that it was but one Church or Congregation, where the Bishop and Presbyters joyned in the Ministry.

Cap. 25. hath the same Evidence: The Bishop dispenseth all the Goods and Lands of the Church, to all that need, but must not appropriate them to his Kindred, &c. but use them by the consent of his Presbyters and Deacons.

XX. Concil. Carthag. 4. cap. 14. The Bishop's dwelling was to be near the Church. (But if he had many Churches, they would have told which.) Can. 17. The Bishop was to exercise the care of Government of Widows, Orphans, and Strangers by his Arch-Presbyter and Arch-Deacon (which sheweth that they had not many Churches; where each appropriate Presbyter and Deacons did it.)

Can. 22. The Peoples consent and testimony was necessary to every Clerk ordained: (which sheweth how large the Churches or People were.)

Can. 35. The Bishop is ordered to sit above the Presbyters in the Church, and in their Consess; but at home to know himself to be their Colleague: which sheweth that they were all belonging to one Church, and not to many far from each other.

XXI. Concil. Laodic. Presbyters must not go into the Church (or Sacrarium as the other Ed.) before the Bishop, nor sit in the Seats, but must go in with the Bishop, or sit in lower Seats (till he comes.) Which sheweth that they were all in one Church. And if there had been many Churches distant where there were no Bishops but Presbyters only, it's like that Case would have been ex∣cepted, as well as is the Case of the Bishop's [Sickness and Peregrination.] See Binnius three Versions, To. 1. pag. 292. and Crab's two Vol. 1. pag. 310.

Can. 28. Forbidding the Agapae, or Church Feasts to be made in the Church, implieth that other Houses could contain the Church Members. And Can. 58. Forbidding Oblationes fieri vel celebrari in domibus ab Episcopis vel Presbyteris, doth shew that till they built Chappels there was but one Congregation in a City, which was where the Bishop was.

XXII. Decretum Innocent. 1. P. Rom. (in Crab, Vol. 1. pag. 453.) Dicit, De consignandis infantibus manifestum est non ab alio, quam ab Episcopis fieri licere: Nam Presbyteri licet sint Sacerdotes, Pontificatus tamen apicem non habent, &c. And for how many one Bishop can do this with all his other work also, you may judge.

XXIII. (To look back,) Concil. Carthag. 2. Can 3. decreeth, [Chrismatis confectio, & puellarum consecratio a Presbyteris non fiant: Vel reconciliare quenquam in publica missa, Presbytero non licere.] (Crab. pag. 424.) But this being an or∣dinary publick work, this supposeth the Bishop still present in every Church to do it, and to have a Church no more numerous than he could do it for: whereas if Discipline were but moderately exercised according to the ancient Canons, there could not be fewer than many hundreds in a day for the Bishop either to excommunicate or absolve in this Diocess where I live, Leg. Albaspin. Not. pag. 268. And the fourth Can. fortifieth this by this exception, Si quis∣quam

in periculo fuerit constitutus & se reconciliari divinis altaribus petierit, si Epi∣scopus absens fuerit, debet utique Presbyter consulere Episcopum, & sic periclitantem cum praecepto reconciliare. Where note that reconciliari altaribus is the Phrase for being reconciled to the Churches: And that no Presbyter might do it but in case of the persons danger, the Bishops absence, and with the Bishops Com∣mand: Which still sheweth that the Bishop was usually present. And as Al∣baspineus noteth, a Presbyter might not do it for a dying Man, till he had con∣sulted the Bishop, and told him all the case, and had his Command: Which supposeth him near (for the man may be dead before our Ministers can ride to the Bishop and have his Commission) and supposeth the Church to be but small.

XXIV. To make short, and leave no place for doubting, I will joyn several Canons which decree that [No Man shall be a Clerk to two Churches, nor an Abbot to two Monasteries, nor a Bishop to two Cities or Churches.]

So Concil. Oecumen. Nic. 2. Can. 15. (in Bin. pag. 394.) Clericus ab hoc deinceps tempore, in duabus Ecclesiis non collocetur. Ab ipsa enim domini voce audi∣vimus, non posse quenquam duobus dominis servire.

And Concil. Chalcedon. Can. 10. juxta Dionys. Non licet Clericum conscribi in duabus simul Ecclesiis. And though then the Can. 17. sheweth that there were Singularum Ecclesiarum Rusticae Parochiae vel possessiones, yet these were but like our Chappels, and not called Churches, but only the Bishop's Church. And if the Secular Power made any place a City, it was thereupon to follow the Se∣cular Order. So of Abbots, Concil. Venet. Can. 8. (in Crab, pag. 948.) no one was to have two Monasteries; Vid. Concil. Agath. Can. 38.

And Photius & Balsamon Nomocan. Tit. 1. cap. 20. pag. 21. Ne in una Pro∣vincia duo Metropolitani, aut in una Civitate duo Episcopi, aut in duabus Civitati∣bus unus Clericus—Neque in duabus Civitatibus quis potest esse Episcopus.] Ex∣cepting only (even then) Episcopum Tomensem: Ille enim reliquarum Ecclesia∣rum Scythiae curam gerit, (Because the Christians were few, and from under the Roman Power.) [Et Leontopolis Isauriae sub Episcopo Isauropolis est] He addeth, [Porro 35 Const. tit. 3. l. 1. Cod. c. 3. &c. ait, [Eum qui quamcun∣que veterem aut recens conditam civitatem, proprii Episcopatus jure, aliove privilegio privat, tametsi Principis permissu id faciat, infamia notat, mulctatque bonis constitu∣tio; ac simul inceptum irritum facit.] So that no City new or old might be deprived of its Privilege of having a Bishop. Now seeing Corporations and Market Towns are in the old sense Cities, and seeing Parish Churches such as ours are true Churches (as Communities) how many Cities, and how many hundred Churches have many Bishops now? He addeth, Can. 15. ••onc. 7. and saith [Si non permittitur cuiquam in duabus Ecclesiis Clericum fieri, multo magis praesul duo Monasteria non moderabitur; Quemadmodum neque unum caput duo corpora. Therefore by parity of reason much less should one Church-man or Bishop be the head of many hundred or a thousand Bodies, without any subordinate Head or Bishop under him. Why may not an Abbot as well rule a thousand Mona∣steries, per alios non Abbates, as a Bishop a thousand Churches per alios non E∣piscop••s?

More Testimonies of Councils added to the former Chap. 5.

UPon the Review, finding some considerable Evidences from Councils be∣fore omitted, some shall be here added.

1. The Roman Clergy called a Council at Rome, Bin. pag. 158. &c. saith, that in the Interregnum they had the charge of the Universal Church: and Cy∣prian wrote to them as the Governors of the Church of Rome, when they had been a year or two without a Bishop. And their Actions were not null.

2. A Carthage Council with Cyprian condemn even a dead man called Victor,* 1.11 because by his Will he left one Faustinus a Presbyter the Guardian of his Sons, and so called him off his Sacred Work to mind Secular things. Did this favour of Bishop's Secular Power, Magistracy or Domination?

3. How came the Carthage Councils to have so many hundreds in so nar∣row a room or space of Land, but that every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Corporation or big Town had a Bishop? Anno 308. at a Carthage Council the very Donatists had two hundred and seventy Bishops. And at Arles two hundred Bishops heard the Donatists Cause.

4. The Laodicean Council decreed, Can. 46. that the Baptized should learn the Creed, and on Friday repeat it to the Bishops or Presbyters:] which im∣plieth that a Bishop was present with every Church.

And Cap. 57. It is ordained that thenceforth [Bishops should not be ordained in small Villages and Hamlets, but Visiters should be appointed them: But such (Bishops) as had heretofore been there ordained should do nothing without the Consci∣ence of the City Bishop.] Which implieth, 1. That every big Town had a Bi∣shop. 2. And Villages before.

5. Epiphanius, Haer. 68. pag. 717. &c. saith, That Peter separated from Meletius in the same room, and as Meletius went to the Mines, he made new Bishops, and gathered new Churches; so that in several Cities there were two (Bi∣shops and Churches:) Which implieth that they were Congregations for Per∣sonal Communion.

6. The Nicene Council, cap. 8. alloweth Rural Bishops then in use, (whom Petavius proveth to have been true Bishops.)

7. Greg. Nazianz. pag. 528. &c. sheweth how Churches were enlarged and changed when the strife began between Mea & Tua, Antiqua & Nova, Nobilior & Ignobilior, Multitudine Opulentior aut Tenuior.

8. After Lucifer Calaritanus ordained Paulinus, Antioch had long two Bi∣shops, half being his Flock, and half cleaving to Meletius.

9. Nazianzen had in the great City of Constantinople but one of the small Churches. (the Arians having the greater) till Theodosius gave him the greater: And those Hearers he was Bishop over.

10. A Council at Capua ordered that both the Bishops Flocks in Antioch (under Evagrius and Flavian) should live together in Love and Peace.

11. Many Cities tolerated Novatian Bishops and Churches among them, and oft many other Dissenters. Which sheweth that but part of the City were one Church.

12. The Council at Carthage (called the last by Binius) decreed that [Re∣conciliation of Penitents (as well as Chrisme and consecrating Virgins) is to be done only by the Bishops, except in great necessity: (For how many Parishes can a Bi∣shop do all this and all the rest of his Office?) And when Christians were multi∣plied they that desired a Bishop where was none before, might have one. But else aliud Altare is again forbidden to be set up.

13. Another Carthage Council decreeth, Can. 15. That the Bishop have but vile or cheap Houshold-stuff and a poor Table and Diet, and seek Authority or Dig∣nity by his Faith and desert of Life. Can. 19. That he contend not for transitory things though provoked. Can. 23. That he hear no Cause but in the presence of his Presbyters: else it shall be void that is sentenced without them, unless confirmed by their presence. (Note, this being a constant work required a constant presence: and it is not a selected Chapter of Presbyters that is named: And must those of many hundred Parishes dwell in the City, or travel thither for daily Causes of Offenders? &c.) Can. 28, & 30. Bishops unjust Sentence void: and Judgment against the absent.

14. A Council at Agathum, Can. 3. saith, [If Bishops wrongfully excommu∣nicate one, any other Bishop shall receive him:] Which implieth that the wronged person lived within reach of a Neighbour Bishop's Parish: For it doth not bind him to remove his Dwelling: And leave to go daily twenty or forty Miles to Church is a small kindness.

And I have already cited, Can. 63. If any Citizens on the great Solemnities, Easter, the Lord's Nativity or Whitsuntide, shall neglect to meet where the Bishops are (seeing they are set in the Cities for Benediction and Communion) let them for three Years be deprived of the Communion of the Church.] So that even when Churches were enlarged, yet you see how great a part of them met in one place.

15. Divers Canons give the Bishop a third or fourth part of all the Church Profits; And if those Churches had been as big as our Dioceses, it would have been too much of all Conscience.

16. A Synod at Carpentoracte decreed, that the Bishop of the City shall not take all the Country Parish Maintenance to himself: Which implieth as the for∣mer, that his Country Parish was small.

17. A Council at Orleance, Anno 540. decree, Can. 3. about ordaining a Bishop, that [Qui praeponendus est omnibus, ab omnibus eligatur.] The Dioceses yet were not so large, but that All met to chuse.

18. So Concil. Byzazen. saith, it must be [By the Election of all.]

19. Another at Orleance, Anno 545. saith, [No Citizen must celebrate Easter out of the City, because they must keep the principal Festivities in the presence of the Bishop, where the holy Assembly must be kept. But if any have a necessity to go

abroad, let him ask leave of the Bishop.] Here is but one City Assembly, and Individuals must be known to the Bishop, and ask his leave to go abroad.

And Can. 5. saith, [A Bishop must be ordained in his own Church which he is to oversee.] Which implieth that he had but one Church and Country Chap∣pels.

20. Another Orleance Council hath the like, deposing all Bishops that come not in by common consent: And requiring them both in their Cities and Ter∣ritories to relieve the Poor from the Church-House.] Let us have such Dioceses as the Bishop can do this for, and we consent.

21. A Synod at Paris, Can. 8. says, [Let no Man be ordained a Bishop against the Will of the Citizens, nor any but whom the Election of the People and Clerks shall seek with plenary Will: None shall be put in by the Command of the Prince.] &c.

22. King Clodoveus called a Synod at Cabilone, which Can. 10. decreeth, [That all Ordination of Bishops be null that was otherwise made than by the Election of the Comprovincials, the Clerks, and the Citizens.]

23. The Const. Trul. Can. 38. sheweth how the unhappy changes were made, decreeing, [That whatever alteration the Imperial Power shall make on any City, the Ecclesiastical Order shall follow it.] And so if the King will make every Market Town a City, it shall have a Bishop: And if he will make but one or two cities in a Kingdom, there shall be but one or two Bishops: And if he will make one City Regent to others, that Bishop shall be so. Thus Rome, Constantinople, &c. came by their Superiority. But Hierome telleth us the con∣trary; that the Bishop of Tanais, or any small City (like our least Corporations) was of equal Church-Dignity with Rome (or the greatest.)

24. The same Council, Can. 78. repeateth that, [All the Illuminate (that is, Baptized) must learn the Creed, and every Friday say it to the Bishop and Pres∣byters.] I hope they did not go every Friday such a Journey as Lincoln, York, or Norwich Diocess, (no nor the least in England) would have put them to; nor that the Bishop heard as many thousands every Friday, as some of ours by that Canon should have heard.

25. Anno 693. at a Toletane Council, King Egica writeth a Sermon for them, and therein tells them, that [Every Parish that hath twelve Families must have their proper Governor (not a Curate that is no Governor.) But if it be less, it must be part of another's Charge.]

26. Anno 756. Pipin called a Council in France, whose Can. 1. is, that [Every City must have a Bishop.] And (as is beforesaid) every Corporate Town was a City.

27. In the Epitome of the old Canons sent by Pope Adrian to Carolus Mag∣nus, published by Canisius, the eighth Antioch Canon is, [Country Presbyters may not give Canonical Epistles, but the Chorepiscopi.] By which it appeareth that the Chorepiscopi were Bishops, as Petavius proveth (in Epiphan. Arrius.)

And Can. 14, 15. That [No Bishop be above three Weeks in another City, nor above two Weeks from his own Church.] Which intimateth that he had one single Church.

And Can. 19. That when a place wants a Bishop, he that held them must not proudly hold them to himself, and hinder them from one; else he must lose that which he hath.

28. The same Canons say (Can. 94.) If a Bishop, six Months after Admoni∣tion of other Bishops, neglect to make Catholicks of the people belonging to his Seat, any other shall obtain them that shall deliver them from their Heresie.] So that, 1. The Churches were not so big but that there might be divers in one Town. 2. And converting the People is a better Title, than Parish Bounds.

29. It is there also decreed, [That no Bishop ordain or judge in another's Pa∣rish: else it shall be void:] And they forbid [Foreign Judgments, because it is unmeet that he should be judged by Strangers, who ought to have Judges of the same Province chosen by himself.] But our Diocesanes are Strangers to almost all the People, and are not chosen by them. See the rest.

Also another is, that every Election of Bishops made by Magistrates be void: yea, all that use the Secular Magistrate to get a Church must be deposed, and separated, and all that joyn with him: Also if any exact Money; or for affe∣ction of his own, drive any from the Ministry, or segregate any of his Clergy, or shut the Temple.

30. A Council at Chalone under Carol. Magn. the Can. 15. condemneth Arch-Deacons that exercise Domination over Parish-Presbyters, and take Fees of them: as matter of Tyranny, and not of Order and Rectitude. And Can. 13. saith, [It is reported of some Brethren (Bishops) that they force them whom they are about to ordain to swear that they are worthy, and will not do contrary to the Ca∣nons, and will be obedient to the Bishop that ordaineth them, and to the Church in which they are ordained: Which Oath, because it is very dangerous we all agree shall be forbidden.] By which it appeareth that, 1. The Dioceses were not yet so large as to need such subordinate Governors as ours have: Nor 2. Were Oaths of Canonical Obedience to the Bishop and Church yet thought lawful, but forbidden as dangerous.

31. A Council at Aquisgrane, under Ludov. Pius, wrote an excellent Treatise gathered out of the Fathers, to teach Bishops the true nature of their Office, which hath much to my present use, but too long to be recited.

32. Upon Ebbos Flight that deposed Lud. Pius, the Arch-Bishoprick of Rhemes was void ten Years, and ruled by two Presbyters, Fulk and Hotho: who were not then uncapable of governing the Flock: but it is not like that they governed Neighbour Bishops.

33. Canisius tells us of a Concilium Regiaticinum, and Can. 6. is, [That the Arch-Presbyter examine every Master of a Family personally, and take account of their Families and Lives, and receive their Confessions: And Can. 7. That a Pres∣byter in the absence of the Bishop may reconcile a Penitent by his Command, &c.] Which shew that yet Dioceses were not at the largest.

34. A Council at Papia, Anno 855. order yet, [That the Clergy and People chuse the Bishops: and yet that the Laity on pretence of their electing power trample not on the Arch-Presbyter, and that Great Men's Chappels empty not Churches.

35. Yea, Pope Nicholas, Tit. 8. c. 1. decreeth that no Bishops be ordained but by the Election or Consent of the Clergy and People.] When they be∣came uncapable of the ancient Order, yet they kept up the words of the old Canons.

36. This is intimated in the old Canons repeated at a Roman Council, Anno 868. [That if Bishops excommunicate any wrongfully, or for light Causes, and not restore them, the Neighbour Bishops shall take such to their Communion till the next Synod:] Which was the Bishop of the next Parish or Corporation, and not one that dwelt in another County out of reach.

And Can. 72. Because the Bishops hindred by other business, cannot go to all the Sick, the Presbyters (or any Christians) may anoint them. How big was the Diocess when this Canon was first made? Who would give his business, rather than Distance, and Numbers, and Impossibility, as the reason why the Bishop of London, Lincoln, Norwich, &c. visit not all the Sick in their Dio∣ceses?

37. Anno 869, till 879. was held a Council called General at Constantinople. The Can. 8. is, [Whereas it is reported that not only the Heretical and Usurpers, but some Orthodox Patriarchs also, for their own security have made men subscribe, (that is, to be true to them) the Synod judgeth that it shall be so no more; save only, that Men when they are made Bishops be required as usual to declare the sound∣ness of their Faith: He that violateth this Sanction, let him be deprived of his Honour.]

But these later instances only shew the Relicts of Primitive Purity and Sim∣plicity, more evidently proved in the three first Centuries.

38. And he that will read the ancient Records of the Customs of Burying, will thence perceive the extent of Churches: Doctor Tillesly (after cited) af∣firmeth (pag. 179. against Selden) that The Right of Burial place did first belong to the Cathedral Churches:] And Parish Churches began so lately (as now un∣derstood, having no Bishops, and distinct from Cathedrals) that they could not be there buried, before they were built and in Being; which saith Selden, be∣gan in England seven hundred years after Christ; here one and there one, as a Patron erected it: Selden of Tythes, pag. 267. Yea, in seven hundred he findeth but one of Earl Puch in Beda; and in Anno 800. divers appropriate to Crowland; and so after. And it was the Character of a Parish Church to have Baptisterium & Sepulturam, (pag. 262.) So that before a Bishop's Church however called, had but one place that had Baptisterium & Sepulturam: Yea, long after that Parishes, had very few Members in most places, so long was it e'er the People were brought to Christianity: And they were then, as our Bi∣shops make them now, not proper Churches, but Chappels of Ease. Selden, (ibid. pag. 267.) tells you that Ralph Nevil Bishop of Chichester and Chancellor of England requested of the King that the Church of Saint Peter in Chichester might be pulled down, and laid to another Parish, because it was poor, having but two Parishioners. Sure it was never built for two Persons: But it's like many were Heathens: Or if not so then, in the Years 700 and 800 they were so, (Though Master Thomas Jones hath well proved that the Brittish

Churches were far extended before Gregory sent Austine, and that our Bishops and Religion are derived from them:) Even at Tours in France in the days of Saint Martin, notwithstanding all his Miracles, the Christians were not so ma∣ny as the Heathens, at least till one publick Miracle towards his later time convinced some.

CHAP. VI. The same further confirmed by the Ancients.

I. EUsebius Demonstrat. Evangel. pag. 138. saith, [When he considered the Power of Christ's Word, how it perswaded innumerable Congregati∣ons of Men, and by those Ignoble and Rustick Disciples of Jesus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 numerosissimae Ecclesiae were constituted, not in certain unknown and obscure places, but erected in the most famous Cities, (Rome, Alexandria and Antioch) through all Egypt and Lycia, through Europe and Asia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—in Villages and Countries or Regions and all sorts of Nations.] By this it appeareth that Villages had Churches then.

II. Though of later date, consider the History of Patrick's Plantation of Churches in Ireland: who is said himself in his own time to have three hundred sixty five Churches, and as many Bishops, and three thousand Presbyters; as Ninius reporteth. Not only Thorndike taketh notice of this, but a better Au∣thor, Usher de Eccles. Brit. Primord. pa. 950. And Selden in his Comment on Eutychius Origines Alex. pag. 86. from Antoninus and Vincentius, thus mention∣eth it, [Certe tantum in orbe terrarum tunc temporis Episcoporum segetem mirari forsan desinet, quisquis crediderit, quod de B. Patricio Hibernensi Antoninus & Vin∣centius tradunt; Eum scilicet solum Ecclesias fundasse 365. totidemque Episcopos ordinasse, praeter Presbyterorum 3000. Qua de re consulas plura apud praestantissi∣mum virum Jacobum Usserium, &c.] So that here was to every Church a Bishop and near ten Presbyters. (No Man will doubt but the Bishops them∣selves were taken out of the better sort of the Laity, and the Presbyters of the second sort; and all below many private Christians now among us.) And were there three hundred sixty five Cities think you in Ireland? Yea, or Corporations either? It's easie to conjecture what Churches these were.

III. All History, Fathers, and Councils consent, that every City was to have a Bishop and Presbytery to govern and teach the Christians of that City and the Country people near it; which is but a Parish or Presbyterian Church. For the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth in the old common use, any big Town, yea

little Towns that were distinct from Country Farms and scattering Villages: so that all our Corporations and Market Towns are Oppida and such Cities as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signified. Therefore even by this Rule we should have a Bishop to every such Town.

1. Crete was called Hecatompolis, as having an hundred Cities, as Homer saith it had. And what kind of Cities were those? Which were to have an hundred Churches and Bishops (in a small Island?)

2. Theocritus Idyl. 13. de laudibus Ptolem. vers. 82. saith, that he had under his Government thirty three thousand three hundred and thirty 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Cities: And if so, they must be as small as our Boroughs, if not some Villages: cer∣tainly he had not above twice the number of Cities eminently so called that Stephanus Byzantinus could find in the whole World, in his Book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

3. He that will peruse and compare the Texts in the New Testament that* 1.12 use the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (above sixscore times) and see Grotius on Luk. 7. 11. &c. shall soon see that the word is there used for such Towns as I am mentioning, if not less.

IV. Sozomen, lib. 5. cap. 3. tells us, that Majuma which was Navale Gazae, being as part of its Suburbs, or the adjoyning part but twenty Stadia distant, was, because it had many Christians, honoured by Constantine with the name of a City, and had a Bishop of their own. And Julian in malice took from them the honour of being a City, but they kept their Bishop for all that. It had the same Magistrate with Gaza, and the same Military Governors, and the same Republick; but was diversified only by their Church-State. For, saith he, each had their own Bishop, and their own Clergy, and the Altars belonging to each Bishoprick were distinct: And therefore afterward the Bishop of Gaza laboured to subject the Clergy of Majuma to himself, saying, that it was unmeet that one City should have two Bishops: But a Council called for that purpose, did confirm the Church-Right of Majuma.

V. Gregory Neocaesariensis called Thaumaturgus, was by force made Bishop of that City, where all the Christians were but seventeen at his Ordination: such was the Bishop's Church. And when he had preached and done Miracles there till his Persecution, there is no mention of any Presbyter he had with him; but of his Deacon Musonius that fled with him. (Though when he died he left but seventeen unconverted.)

And when he had converted some at Comana, a small Town near him,* 1.13 he did not set a Presbyter over it, and make it part of his own Diocess, but appointed Alexander (the Collier) to be their Bishop; and that over a Church who were no more than met and debated the Case of his Election and Rece∣ption. See Greg. Nyssen. in Orat. in Greg. Thaumat. & Basil de Spirit. Sancto, cap. 19. & Breviar. Roman. die 15 Novemb. & Menolog. Graec.

VI. Concil. Nic. Oecum. 1. Can. 13. decreeth that every one that before death desireth the Sacrament, was to have it from the Bishop: One Ed. in Crab saith, Generaliter omni cuilibet in exitu posito, & poscenti sibi Communionis gra∣tiam tribui, Episcopus probabiliter ex oblatione dare debebit. The other Ed. saith, [Et cura & probatio sit Episcopi.] We are content that the Diocess be as great as the Bishop will perform this for, to examine all such dying men, and give them the Sacrament, or send it them after his distinct Examination.

VII. Gregor. Nazianz. Epist. 22. pag. 786. To. 1. perswading the Church of Caesarea to chuse Basil for their Bishop, sendeth his Letters to the Presbyters, the Monks, the Magistrates, and the whole Laity.] And though I doubt not but by that time there were Country Congregations, by this the magnitude of the City Church may be gathered, where the whole Laity could be consulted, and could chuse.

And Basil made this Gregory his chief friend Bishop of Sasimis, a small poor dirty Town: And yet Gregory himself it seems had in some near Village a Cho∣repiscopus with Presbyters and Deacons; as in Glycerius his Case appeareth, E∣pist. Greg. 205. pag. 900, 901.

And Nazianzum where he plaid the Bishop under his Father (two Bishops at once, one in Title, the other in Practice without Title) was but a small Town.

VIII. Basil an Arch-Bishop was so much against enlarging Dioceses, and taking in many Churches to one Bishop, that he taketh the advantage of the difference between him and Anthymius to make many Bishops more in his Dio∣cess over small places: yea, it seemeth some places were so small as that they never before had any Pastors at all: as appeareth by Gregory Nazianzene, Epist. 28.

IX. Theodoret tells us, lib. 4. cap. 20. Hist. Eccles. that even in the great Alexandria the Presbyters and Deacons were all but nineteen when Lucius came to banish them to Heliopolis, a City of Phoenicia; which City had not one Christian in it. By which it appeareth, that even then under Christian Emperors, Christianity was not received by the multitude, when some Cities had not a Christian.

X. Theodor. ib. l. 4. c. 16. saith, that when Eulogius and Protogenes, the Presbyters of Edessa, were banished to Antionone in Thebais, they found the most of the people Heathens, and but few of the Church; yet had that little number a Bishop of their own.

XI. Id. l. 4. c. 20. In Peter Bishop of Alexandria's Epistle (wherein he sheweth such actions then done by the Soldiers in scorn of the Godly, pro∣claiming Turpitude not to be named under the name of scornful Preaching, as

have been done by others lately among us) it's said of Lucius, [Qui partes lupi nequitia & improbe factis agere impense studebat, quique Episcopatum, non con∣sensu Episcoporum O••thodoxorum in unum convenientium, non suffragiis vere Clerico∣rum, non postulatione Populi, ut sacri Ecclesiae Canones praescribunt.] So that great Patriarch himself was chosen Postulatione Populi, as shewing the custom of all the Churches; which beginning when the people were but one Congregation, continued as it could in some degree when they came like a Presbyterian Church (for even then it was no otherwise) to have many Congregations.

XII. Id. c▪ 22. saith that [Valens found the Orthodox even in the great Patriarchal City of Antioch, in possession but of one Church, which good Je∣vinian the Emperor had given them; of which he dispossessed them. And when they met afterwards to worship God at a Hill near the City, Valens sent to disturb them thence.] And Cap. 23. Flavianus and Diodorus Presbyters (Me∣letius the Bishop being banished) led them to a River side, where they congre∣gated, till they were thence also driven by the Emperor. And Flavianus when he could not preach, collected M••tter, Reasons and holy Sentences, (as Sermon-Notes) for others to preach (in the Gy••nas•••••• Bellicum) where they resolved to meet whatever came on it. Then Aphraates a Monk taught them, and when Valens told him that Monks must pray in private, and not preach in publick, Aphraates told the Emperor that he had set the House of God our Father on fire, and troubled the Church, and therefore he was called to its publick help (to shew how far they obeyed a silencing Emperor.) By all which it appear∣eth that even then the Orthodox Patriarchal Church of Antioch was but one Assembly which met in one only place at once.

XIII. Id. l. 4. c. 29. When Teren••ius the Emperor's victorious General, (being Orthodox) was bid by the Emperor to ask what he would of him as a Reward, he asked but One Church for the Orthodox, and was denied it, which intimateth their numbers.

XIV. Dolicha where Eusebius made Maris Bishop, was parvum Oppidum, a little Town (and infected with Arianism,) where an Arian Woman killed Eu∣sebius with a Tile when he went to ordain Maris Bishop. Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 4.

XV. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 5. c. 16. tells us that Apollonius saith of Alexan∣der a Montanist Bishop, that the Congregation whereof he was Pastor, because he was a Thief, would not admit him.] By which it appeareth that his Church was but one Congregation.

And l. 7. c. 29. The Synod of Antioch say of Dionysius Alexandr, that he wrote not to the person of Paulus Samosatenus; but to the whole Congregation (that is, his Church.) And they say [He licensed the Bishops and Ministers of the adjoyning Villages and Cities to preach to the People.] Which sheweth what Dioceses and Churches then were.

XVI. Socrates, l. 1. c. 8. tells us that Spiridion was at the same time a Bi∣shop and a Shepherd.] And whether his Parish was one Church or many hun∣dred you may easily judge, when so holy a Man could spare time all the Week to keep his sheep.

XVII. When Constans the Emperor affrighted Constantius to restore Athana∣sius, Constantius craved of Athanasius that the Arrians in Alexandria might have one Church to themselves: Athanasius told him, It was in his power to com∣mand and execute; but craved also a request of him, which was that in all Ci∣ties there might also be one Church granted for them that communicated not with the Arrians: But the Eastern Arrian Bishops hearing that, put off the de∣cision of both the Requests.] By which a willing person may conjecture at the quantity of the Episcopal Churches in those times.

XVIII. Even in Ambrose's days the great Church of Milan was no greater than could meet in one Temple to chuse a Bishop: And Ambrose was chosen by them. Socrat. l. 4. c. 25.

And Baronius, in Vita Ambrosii ex Paulino, saith, (pag. 9.) [Quod soli∣tus erat circa Baptizandos solus implere, quinque postea Episcopi tempore quo decessit vix implerent.] What then was all the rest of his work? and how many Churches could he thus oversee?

And the Arrians, for whom the Emperor made all that stir with Ambrose, were so few in Milan, that when the Emperor would have had one Church for them, and could not get it by fair means or force, Ambrose thus jesteth at the Empress and the Arrian Gothes; Quibus ut olim plaustrum sedes erat, it a nunc plaustrum Ecclesia est; Quocunque foemina illa processerit, secum suos omnes coetus vehit.] Her Coach is their Church; and which way soever she goeth, she car∣rieth all her Congregations with her.

Ambros. de Offic. To. 4. c. 1. sheweth that teaching his Church is the Bi∣shop's Office: And de initiandis, c. 2. p. 163. To. 4. he saith to the baptized person, [Vidisti illic (in Sacrario) Levitam, vidisti Sacerdotem, vidisti summum Sacerdotem] In which he intimateth that the Bishop (as the Chief Priest) was present in the Church with his Presbyters at Baptizings. Which sheweth that they had not a multitude of Churches without Bishops. And de Sacram. l. 1. c. 1. how the Bishop himself must touch with Oyl the Nostrils of all that were baptized, with other Ceremonies after mentioned, sheweth that he was usually present at every Baptism.

And de Sacram. l. 3. c. 1. he giveth the reason why he did wash the Feet of all that were baptized, and the Church of Rome did not, Vide ne forte propter multitudinem declinarit.] [Perhaps they decline it because of the multitude.] But all the Diocess of Milan (as a Bishoprick, not as an Arch-Bishoprick) had no such multitudes, but that besides all his other work, Ambrose could have time to wash the feet of every one that was baptized.

And cap. 3. Ecclesiae contuitu & consideratione te ipse commenda—The Church was present then. And to shew by his work what his Church was, he cele∣brated the Sacrament daily: Accipe quotidie quod quotidie tibi prosit: sic vive ut quotidie merearis accipere: Qui non meretur quotidie accipere, non meretur post an∣num accipere.

And how he discharged all this you may perceive, de Dignit. Sacerdot. cap. 3. Episcopus non aliud nisi Episcopalia opera designat, ut ex bono opere magis quam professione noscatur, plus meritis esse Episcopum quam quod nomine vocitetur. Quia sicut nihil esse diximus Episcopo excellentius, sic nihil est miserabilius si de sancta vi∣ta Episcopus periclitetur; si Sacerdos in crimine teneatur. (He thought not as too many now do, that the Name and Seat of Bishop or Priest can do more to hallow Persecutions, Worldliness and other Crimes, than the Crimes can do to unhallow the Bishop or Priest.)

And lib. 5. To. 4. pag. 180. having mentioned [The Husband of one Wife,] he addeth, [Si vero ad altiorem sensum conscendimus, inhibet, duas usurpare Ec∣clesias.] A Bishop must no more have two Churches than a Husband have two Wives. But some Bishops imitate Solomon's Lust rather than his Wisdom, and will have above a thousand Churches, as Wives or Concubines.

Adding, Qui stipendiis tantum contentus Ecclesiae suae, penitus non ambiat quae novit esse superflua. Covetousness hath enlarged Dioceses.

And cap. 5. Cum dominatur populis, & anima servit Daemoni. When he Lords it over the people, his own Soul is a Slave to the Devil.

And cap. 6. pag. 18. Nam quid aliud interpretatur Episcopus nisi superinspector? Maxime cum solio editiore in Ecclesia resideat ut ita cunctos respiciat, ut & cuncto∣rum oculi in ipsum respiciant.] So that it is from the oversight of one Congre∣gation where he sits among and above the Presbyters, that he is called a Bi∣shop, and not from Churches which he overseeth indeed, but seeth not, and might well be said to be an Overseer in our vulgar sense, as it signifies one that overlooketh or observeth not, were he, as many now.

And of so small a place as Forum Cornelii, instead of committing it to a sub∣ject Presbyter, he saith, (Epist. 63. p. 111. ad Constant. Arausicorum Episco∣pum) Commendo tibi fili Ecclesiam, quae est ad forum Cornelii, quo cam de pro∣ximo invisas frequentius, donec ei ordinetur Episcopus.

And pag. 117. Ad Eccles. Vercellens. post obitum Eusebii Epist. he writeth to them thus to chuse another, Quanto magis ubi plena est in nomine domini Congre∣gatio; ubi Universorum Postulatio congruit, dubitare vos nequaquam oportet, ibi do∣minum Jesum & voluntatis authorem, & petitionis arbitrum fore, & ordinationis praesulem, vel largitorem gratiae.] So that this famous Church was no greater than that all the people could meet and agree in the Choice or Postulation of a Bishop.

So To. 4. de Poenitent. l. 5. c. 15. Tota Ecclesia suscipit onus peccatoris cui com∣patiendum & fletu, & oratione & dolore est. By which it seems that all the Church (that is, so great a part as might be called all) was used to be present each meeting when Penitents lamented their sin.

And in To. 3. p. 183. in 1 Cor. 11. he saith, that the Angels before whom the Women in the Church must be veiled, are the Bishops as God's Vicars?] which intimateth that ordinarily every Church-Assembly was to have a Bishop present.

And ibid. Hoc notat qui sic in Ecclesiam conveniebant, ut munera sua offerentes advenientibus Presbyteris, quia adhuc rectores Ecclesiis non omnibus locis fuerant con∣stituti, &c. And p. 161. in Rom. 1. 2. Propterea Ecclesiae scribit, quia adhuc singulis Ecclesiis Rectores non erant instituti. By which you may conjecture what he thought of the magnitude of Churches then.

Tom. 3. p. 89. He so far acknowledgeth the People to have elected him, that he calleth them on that account his Parents, who in other respects were his Children, (in Luk. 18.) Vos mihi estis Parentes, qui Sacerdotium tulistis: Vos inquam Filii, vel Parentes: Filii singuli, Universi Parentes. (Like Hooker's Singulis Major, Universis Minor.) Where you see, that the whole Church (and not a thousandth part) did chuse him Bishop.

And To. 3. p. 180. in 1 Cor. 14. Verum est, quia in Ecclesia (that is in every Church) Unus est Episcopus (not in hundreds of Churches.) For he saith, ibid. in 1 Cor. 12. Et quia ab uno Deo Patre sunt omnia, singulos Episcopos singu∣lis Ecclesiis praeesse decrevit.] He decreed that there should be to every Church a several Bishop.

When I cite all this of the state of that famous Church of Milan; where the Emperor himself did oft reside, and which presumed to differ in Customs from Rome, I leave you to gather how it was before Christian Emperors, and in all the ordinary Churches.

XIX. Augustine was chosen by the people, and brought to the Bishop to be ordained. Vit. cap. 4. And cap. 5. Valerius the Bishop gave him power to preach before him contrary to the use of the African Churches, but according to the custom of the Eastern Churches.] Which sheweth that Augustine while Presbyter (and so other Presbyters ordinarily) was in the same Congregation with the Bishop, and not in another. And upon this other Churches took up the same custom.

And cap. 21. it's said, [In Ordinandis Sacerdotibus & Clericis Consensum ma∣jorem Christianorum, & consuetudinem Ecclesiae sequendam esse arbitrabatur:—And cap. 25. Cum ipso semper Clerici una etiam domo & mensa, sumptibusque communi∣bus alebantur, & vestiebantur. Yea, he ordered just how many Cups in a day his Clergy-men with him should drink; and if any sware an Oath he lost one of his Cups. (Through God's Mercy sober Godly Ministers now need no such Law.) By this it evidently appeareth that the Church which he and his Presbyters ruled, was not many hundred, but one▪ Congregation, or City-Church: There being no mention of any Country Presbyters that he had else∣where, as far as I remember.

And when Augustine was dying, the People with one consent, accepted of his choice of Eradius to be his Successor; Epist. 110. pag. 195. To recite all that is in Austin's Works intimating these Church-limits, would be tedious.

XX Epiphanius's Testimony I have before mentioned, as produced by Peta∣vius, that there were few Cities, if any besides Alexandria in those Countries that had more than one Congregation; and particularly none of his own. And Doctor Hammond trusteth to him and Irenaeus to prove that the Apostles setled single Bishops in single Congregations in many places without any Sub-Presbyters.

XXI. Socrates, l. 5. c. 21. saith, [The Church of Antioch in Syria is si∣tuate contrary to other Churches: for the Altar stands not to the East, but to the West.] Which Speech implieth that (besides Chappels if any) there was but one Church that was notable in Antioch; while he calleth it [The Church at Antioch,] without distinction from any other there.

XXII. Socrates, l. 7. c. 3. tells us a notable story of Theodosius Bishop of Synada, who went to Constantinople for Power to persecute Agapetus the Mace∣donian Bishop in that City. But while he was absent Agapetus turned Ortho∣dox, and his Church and the Orthodox Church joyned together, and made Agapetus Bishop, and excluded Theodosius: who made his Complaint of it to Atticus the Patriarch of Constantinople (a wise and peaceable Man) who desired Theodosius to live quietly in private, because it was for the Churches good.] (May such causes oft have such decisions, and Lordly troublesome Prelates such success.) By which story you may guess how many Congregations both Parties made in Synada.

XXIII. Socrates, l. 7. c. 26. tells us that Sisinnius was chosen Bishop of Constantinople by the Laity against the Clergy. And cap. 28. Sisinnius sent Pro∣clus to be Bishop of Cyzi••um; but the People chose Dalmatius and refused him.] And this custom of the People's Choice, must needs rise at first from hence, that the whole Church being but one Congregation was present: For what Right can any one Church in a Diocess have to chuse a Bishop for all the rest, any more than the many hundred that are far off, and uncapable to chuse?

XXIV. Sozomen's Testimony (even so late) is very observable; lib. 7. cap. 15. who mentioning the differences of the East and West about Easter, and in∣ferring that the Churches should not break Communion for such Customs, saith, [Frivolum enim & merito quidem judicarunt, consuetudinis gratia a se mu∣tuo segregari eos qui in praecipuis Religionis capitibus consentirent: Neque enim eas∣dem traditiones per omnia similes in omnibus Ecclesiis quamvis inter se consentientes, reperire posses.] And he instanceth in this, [Etenim per Scythiam cum sint Ci∣vitates multae, unum d••ntaxat hae omnes Episcopum habent (I told you the reason of this Rarity before) Apud alias vero nationes reperias ubi & Pagis Episcopi ordinan∣tur: Sicut apud Arabes & Cyprios ego comperi.] He speaketh of his own knowledge: No wonder then if Epiphanius be to be interpreted as Petavius doth, when in Cyprus not only the Cities had but one Church, but also the

Villages had Bishops. To these he addeth the Novatians and the Phrygian Montanists. And let none think their instances inconsiderable. For the Mon∣tanists were for high Prelacy, even for Patriarchs, as in Tertullian appeareth. And the Novatians were for Bishops, and had many very Godly Bishops, and were tolerated by the Emperors even in Constantinople, as good People and Or∣thodox in the Faith: And Novatus was martyred in Valerian's Persecution, as Socrates, l. 4. c. 23. saith.

XXV. Even Clemens Roman. or whoever he was that wrote in his name, Epist. 3. sheweth that Teaching the People is the Bishop's Office, and conclu∣deth (in Crab, p. 45.) Audire (Episcopum) attentius oportet & ab ipso suscipere doctrinam fidei; Monita autem vitae a Presbyteris inquire, a Diaconis vero ordinem Disciplinae: By which Partition of Offices it is evident, that the Bishop only and not the Presbyters then used to preach to the Church, and that the Pres∣byters (though ejusdem ordinis, and not Lay-Elders) used to instruct the People personally, and give them Monita vitae: and that they were all in one Church together, and not in several distant Churches.

XXVI. Paul himself telleth us that Cenchrea had a Church, and the Scri∣pture saith, They ordained Elders in every Church: And though Downame without any proof obtrude upon us, that it was under the Bishop of Corinth, and had a Presbyter of his to teach them; yet of what Authority soever (in other respects) the Constitutions called Clements or the Apostles be, they are of more than his in this; where lib. 7. cap. 46. in that old Liturgy, Lucius is said to be Bishop of Cenchrea, ordained by the Apostles.

XXVII. Gennadius de viris illustr. l. 1. c. 10. saith, that Asclepius was Vici non grandis Episcopus, Bishop of a Village not great.

XXVIII. Saith Cartwright, Four or five of the Towns which were Seats of the Bishops of the Concil. Carthag. which Cyprian mentioneth, are so inconside∣rable that they are not found in the Geographical Tables.

XXIX. And faith Altare Damascen. p. 294. Oppidum trium Tabernarum Velitris vicinum was a Bishop's Seat for all the nearness and smallness of the Towns: And Gregor. lib. 2. Epist. 35. laid the Relicts of the wasted Church to the Bishoprick of Veliterno.

Castrum Lumanum had a Bishop till Gregory joyned it to Benevatus Bishop of Micenas: (and so had many Castra ordinarily.)

Remigius did appoint a Bishop within his own Diocess when he found that the number of persons needed it: Viz. apud Laudunum clavatum Castrum suae Dioeceseos. Of Spiridion the Bishop of Trimithantis I spake before.

XXX. Theoph. Alexand. Epist. Pasch. 3. in Bibl. Pat. To. 3. concludeth thus, [Pro defunctis Episcopis in locis singulorum constituti. In urbe Nichio pro Theo∣pempto

Theodosius; In Terenuthide Aisinthius; In oppido Geras pro Eudae∣mone Pirozus; In Achaeis pro Apolline Musaeus; In Athrivide pro Isidoro A∣thanasius; In Cleopatride Offellus; In Oppido Lato, pro Timotheo Apelles. And the nearness and smallness of some of these sheweth the Dioceses small.

The same Theoph. Alex. saith, Epist. Canon. Can. 6. [De iis qui ordinandi sunt haec erit forma, ut quicquid est Sacerdotalis ordinis consentiat & eligat, & tunc Episcopus examinet, vel ei etiam assentiente Sacerdotali ordine in media Ecclesia ordinet praesente populo, & Episcopo alloquente, an etiam posset ei populus ferre testimonium: Ordinatio autem non fiat clanculum: Ecclesia enim pacem habente decet praesentibus sanctis ordinationes fieri in Ecclesia.] Undoubtedly, as Balsamon, noteth by [Saints] is meant fideles, the People. Here then you see that the Churches then were such where all the Clergy were present with the Bishop, who or∣dained Ministers to a single Church where all the people could be present to be consulted.

XXXI. In the Life of Fulgentius it is said, that Plebs ipsius loci ubi fuerat Monasterium constitutum differre suam prorsus Electionem, donec inveniret B. Ful∣gentium, cogitabat (where, the Bishops resolved to ordain, though the King for∣bad it them.) And though the King persecuted them for it, it is added, [Re∣pleta jam fuerat Provincia Bizacena novis Sacerdotibus, & pene vix paucarum ple∣bium Cathedrae remanserant destitutae.] And the Phrase [plebium Cathedrae] doth signifie a Bishop's Seat in one Congregation of People. One Plebs was one Congregation; and had its proper Cathedram.

XXXII. Sozomen (after Socrates) mentioning the diversity of Church Cu∣stoms (as aforesaid) l. 7. c. 19. saith, that at Alexandria the Arch-Deacon only readeth the Holy Scriptures, in other places only the Deacons, and in ma∣ny Churches only the Priests, and on solemn days the Bishops.] By which words it appeareth that then every Church was supposed to have a Bishop, Priests and Deacons present in their publick Worship. For the Bishop on his solemn days could not be reading in many Churches (much less many hun∣dred) at once.

XXXIII. Histor. Tripartit. l. 1. c. 19. (out of Sozomen, l. 1. c. 14. Edit. Lat. Basil. p. 1587.) telleth us, how Arius seeketh (as from the Bithynian Sy∣nod) to Paulinus of Tyre, Euseb. Caesar. & Patroph. Scythopol. ut una cum suis juberetur cum populo qui cum eo erat, solennia Sacramenta Ecclesiae celebrare,—Esse dicens consuetudinem in Alexandria (sicut etiam nunc) ut uno existente super omnes Episcopo, Presbyteri scorsim Ecclesias obtinerent, & populus in eis C••••••••ctas so∣lemniter celebraret.—] [Tunc illi una cum aliis Episcopis, &c.] By this (with what is said before out of Epiphanius) it is undeniable that this (gathering of Assemblies by the Presbyters in the same City, and administring the Sacrament to them besides the Church where the Bishop was) was taken to be Alexandria's singularity, even as low as Sozomen's time. And yet note that here is even at Alexandria no mention of many Churches in the Countries at a distance, much

less hundreds, thus gathered, but only of some few in that great City. And if even in a great City, and in Epiphan. and in Sozomen's days a Presbyter's Church was an Alexandrian Rarity, what need we more Historical Evidence of the Case of the Churches in those times?

XXXIV. Ferrandus Diaconus, in Epist. de 5. Quaest. saith to Fulgentius, [Sanctos Presbyteros, Diaconos, beatamque Congregationem (which was his Church) saluto.]

And that you may again see what Congregation or Church that was, In vita Fulgentii, cap. 17. pag. 8. it is said, that the Plebs sought and chose him (and that in despight of Foelix the ambitious Deacon, who sought the place, and sought the life of Fulgentius.) Populus super suam Cathedram eum collocavit: Celebrata sunt eodem die Divina solenniter Sacramenta, & de manibus Fulgentii Communi∣cans omnis populus laetus discessit.] And if in the noble City of Ruspe, so late as the days of Fulgentius, the Bishop's Church-members were no more than could chuse him, set him on his seat, and all communicate that day at his hands, it is easie by this to judge of most other Churches.

XXXV. Concil. Parisiens. 1. (in Caranz. pag. 244. Can. 5.) saith, [Nullus* 1.14 civibus invitis ordinetur Episcopus, nisi quem Populi & Clericorum Electio plenissima quaesierit voluntate; Non principis imperio, neque per quamlibet conditionem Metropo∣lis voluntate Episcoporum Comprovincialium ingeratur. Quod si per ordinationem Regiam honoris sui culmen pervadere aliquis nimia temeritate praesumpserit, a Compro∣vincialibus loci ipsius Episcopis recipi nullatenus mereatur, quem indebite assumptum agnoscunt. Siquis de Comprovincialibus recipere eum contra indicta praesumpserit, sit a fratribus omnibus segregatus, & ab ipsorum omnium Charitate remotus.] Here again you see how late all the Church was to chuse every Bishop; plenissima vo∣luntate; and consequently how great the Church was. And were this Canon obeyed, all the people must separate from all the Bishops of England, as here all are commanded to do from all those Bishops that do but receive one that is put in by the King, and not by the free choice of all the Clergy and People of his Church. Note that Crab (Vol. 2. pag. 144.) hath it, [contra Metropolis voluntatem:] But both that, and Caranza's Reading, who omitteth [contra] seem contrary to the scope; and it's most likely that it should be read [Metro∣polis voluntate, contra Episcoporum comprov.] scilicet voluntatem.

XXXVI. Leo 1. P. Rom. Epist. 89. pag. (mihi) 160. damning Saint Hil∣lary Magisterially, yet saith, [Expectarentur certe vota Civium, testimonia populo∣rum, quaereretur honoratorum arbitrium, Electio Clericorum, quae in Sacerdotum so∣lent ordinationibus, ab his qui norunt patrum regulas, custodiri, ut Apostolicae autho∣ritatis norma in omnibus servaretur, qua praecipitur ut Sacerdos Ecclesiae praefuturus, non solum attestatione fidelium, &c. Et postea, Teneatur subscriptio Clericorum, ho∣noratorum testimonium, ordinis consensus & Plebis: Qui praefuturus est omnibus, ab omnibus eligatur.] And how great must that Diocess be, where all the Laity must chuse and vote? &c. It's true that Epist. 87. c. 2. p. 158. he would

not have little Congregations to have a Bishop, to whom one Presbyter is enough; and no wonder at that time, that this great Bishop of Rome, (the first that notably contended for their undue Supremacy in the Empire) was of that mind; who also Epist. 88. saith of the Chorepiscopi, (Qui juxta Can. Neocaesar. sive secundum aliorum decreta patrum iidem sunt qui & Presbyteri.) The falsehood of which being too plain, Petavius in Epiphan. ad Haeres. 74. p. 278. judgeth that these words being in a Parenthesis are irreptitious.) And ibid. Epist. 88. he saith that by the Can. all these things following are forbidden the Chorepisc. and Presbyter, [Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, aut Virginum consecratio, sicut con∣stitutio Altaris, ac benedictio vel unctio: Siquidem nec erigere eis Altaria, nec Eccle∣sias vel Altaria consecrare licet, nec per impositiones manuum fidelibus baptizandis vel conversis ex haeresi Paracletum Spiritum Sanctum tradere, nec Chrisma conficere, nec Chrismate Baptizatorum frontes signare, nec publice quidem in Missa quemquam poenitentem reconciliare, nec form••tas cuilibet Epistolas mittere.] By which it ap∣peareth how big that Man's Diocess must be, who besides all his other work, must be present to sign every baptized person, and reconcile every Penitent in every Congregation. And it's worth the noting what kind of works they be that the Bishop's Office is maintained for.

XXXVII. From the great Church of Rome (at its first Tide time) let us look to the great Church of Constantinople; even in the days of a better Bishop, Chrysostom: Besides that they had long but one Temple, (of which anon) Chrysostom saith in 1 Thes. 5. 12. Orat. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. Et primum debet imperare & praeesse volentibus & lubentibus, qui ei gratiam habent quod imperet, (p. 1472. & p. 1473.) Sacerdos in hoc suum contulit negotium: Nulla est ei alia vita quam ut versetur in Ecclesia—Qui Christum diligit, cujusmodicunque sit Sa∣cerdos eum diliget, quod per eum sit veneranda assecutus Sacramenta; (And Doctor Hammond saith, this Text speaketh only of Bishops, 1 Thes. 5. 12.) Et ibid. [Pro te precatur, & dono quod per Baptismum datur tibi inservit, visitat, hortatur & monet, & media nocte si vocaveris venit.] And how many Parishes can a Bi∣shop thus serve? And how many score miles will they send and he go to visit the Sick at midnight?

And Chrysost. in 1 Cor. 14. p. 653. saith, Conveniebant olim, omnes psallebant communiter. Hoc nunc quoque facimus, (They had no separating Choristers) sed tunc in omnibus erat una anima & cor unum: Nunc autem nec una quidem ani∣ma illam concordiam videris & consensum; sed ubique magnum est Bellum. Pacem nunc quoque precatur pro omnibus, is qui praeest Ecclesiae, ut qui in domum ingreditur paternam, sed hujus pacis nomen quidem est frequens, res autem nusquam. Tunc etiam domus erant Ecclesiae (though called Conventicles:) Nunc autem Ecclesia est domus, vel potius quavis domo deterior. When Churches grew to be Dioceses they grew worse than when they were in houses: But he that here is said prae∣esse Ecclesiae is he also that pronounceth Peace to them.

XXXVIII. Gregory Nyssen. speaking of the gathering of true Churches by preaching, saith (in Ecclesiast. Hom. 1. p. (mihi) 93.) [He is the true Preacher,

who gathereth the dispersed into one Assembly, and bringeth those together into one Con∣gregation (or Convention) who by various Errors are variously seduced.

XXXIX. He that readeth impartially Beda's Ecclesiastical History shall find that in England between six and seven hundred years after Christ they were but single Churches that had Bishops: For indeed the famousest and holiest of them in the Kingdom of Northumberland, were but Scots Presbyters, and such as were sent by them without any Episcopal Ordination; (Aidan, Finan, &c.) And though they did Apostolically preach in many places to convert the Hea∣then Inhabitants, yet their Churches of Christians were small: yet presently the Roman Grandeur and Ceremoniousness here prevailed, and so by degrees did their Church-form. Yet saith Cambden, Brit. ed. Frank. p. 100. When the Bishops at Rome had assigned several particular Churches to several Presby∣ters, and had divided Parishes to them, Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about the Year 636. first begun to distribute England into Parishes, as is read in the Canterbury History.] But it's plain in Beda, if he did then begin it, he went but a little way with that division.

The same Cambden also tells us, that the Bishoprick of York devoured seven Bishopricks, and the Bishoprick of Lincoln more, &c. Some Seats were but removed, but many Bishopricks were dissolved and turned into one, which yet were erected when Christians were fewer, saith Isaackson Chronolog. There was one at Wilton, the See at Ramesbury, one at Crediton, one at St. Patrick's at Bodmin in Cornwall, and after at St. Germains, one at Selsey Island, one at Dunwich, one at Helmham, and after at Thetford, one at Sidnacester or Lindis, one at Osney, one at Hexham, &c. And at this day Landaff, St. Asaph's, Ban∣gor, St. David's are no Cities, where we have Bishops Seats, as notices of the old way.

XL. Isidorus Peleusiota, lib. 1. Epist. 149. to Bishop Tribonianus distinctly nam∣eth the Bishop's Charge, and the calamity, if he be bad, that will befall himself first, and then the whole Church: Himself for undertaking and not perform∣ing, and the whole Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Quod hujusmodi viro Sacerdotium indigne mandavit. The whole Church then was no bigger than to chuse the Bishop and be under his present inspection, as he intimateth.

And Epist. 315. to Bishop Leontius; [If thou tookest on thee the care of the Church, against thy Will, and art constrained by the Suffrages, and the Conten∣tions and Hands of the People, God will be thy helper.—But if by Money—&c.

Lib. 3. Ep. 216. p. 342. He reckoneth up such and so much work as ne∣cessary for a Bishop as no man living can do for above one ordinary Parish. And frequently he describeth the City and Congregation at Pelusium as the place where the wicked Bishop and his wicked Priests together destroyed the interest of true Religion.

XLI. I conclude this with the words of Eusebius with the Collection of Pa∣pirius Massonus, a Writer of the Popes Lives. [Fabianus ab iis electus est ad Episcopatum urbis: Ac forte evenit ut in locum ubi convenerant Columba, e sublimi volans capiti ejus insideret, Id pro foelici signo accipientes magno consensu & alacritate animorum ipsum elegerunt: Haec Eusebius, Hist. l. 6. Ex quo loco collegimus Ele∣ctionem Episcopi Romani, non ad paucos, sed ad omnes olim pertinuisse. Pap. Mas∣son. in vita Fabiani, fol. 18 col. 2.] And if all the whole People of the great Church of Rome, were then no more than could meet in one Room to chuse their Bishop, what were the rest of the Churches in the World? and how ma∣ny Congregations did they contain?

CHAP. VII. More Proofs of the aforesaid Limits of Churches.

THe thing that we are proving is that every Bishop should have but one Church (supposing him to be no Arch-Bishop) and that this Church should be such and so great only as that there may be personal Communion in publick Worship and holy Conversation between the Members: and not so great as that the Members have only a Heart-Communion, and by Delegates or Synods of Officers.

As to our Historical Evidence of the matter of fact, it runs thus: 1. That in the first state of the Churches, it cannot be proved that any one Church in all the World consisted of more stated Communicating Assemblies than one, or of more Christians than our Parishes. But though through Persecution they might be forced (as an Independant Church now may do) to meet by parcels in several Houses sometimes in a danger, yet their ordinary Meetings when they were free was all together in one place: And Unum Altare was the note of their Individuation, with Unus Episcopus, when Bishops grew in fashion in the eminent sense.

2. That the first that broke this Order and had divers Assemblies and Altars under one Bishop were Alexandria and Rome, and no other Church can be pro∣ved to have done so, for about three hundred Years after Christ or near; nor most Churches till four hundred, yea five hundred Years after.

3. That when they departed from this Church temperament, they proceed∣ed by these degrees. 1. They set up some Oratories, or Chappels (as are in our Parishes) which had only Prayers and Teachings without an Altar, Obla∣tions or Sacraments in the City, Suburbs or Country Villages near, the People coming for Sacramental Communion to the Bishop's Church. 2. Afterward

these Chappels were turned into Communicating Churches: But so as that at first the Bishop's Presbyters (who lived sometimes in the same House with him, and always near him in the same City, and were his Colleagues) did preach and officiate to them indifferently, that is, he whom the Bishop sent; and af∣ter that a particular Presbyter was assigned to teach a particular Congregation; yet so, as that more of the Bishop's Presbyters commonly had no such Con∣gregations, but the most of them still attended the Bishop in his Church, and sate with him on each hand in a high raised Seat, and whilst he did usually preach and administer the Sacrament, they did but attend him and do nothing, or but some by assisting Acts: as Lay-Elders do in the Presbyterian Churches; principally employed in personal oversight, and in joyning in Government with the Bishop. And those same Presbyters who had Congregations, joyned with the rest in their Weekly Work, and made up the Consessus or College of Presbyters. 3. And next that (and in some places at the same time) Com∣municating Congregations were gathered in the Country Villages, so far off the City, as that it was found meet to leave a Presbyter Resident among them; but under the Government of the City Bishop and Presbytery, of whom he was one when he came among them. And all this while the Churches were but like our greater Parishes which have divers Chappels, where there is liberty of Communicating. 4. After this when the Countries were more converted, there were more Country Parish-Congregations set up; till they attained the form of a Presbyterian Church, differing only in the Bishop; that is, a certain number of the Neighbour Country Parishes in one Consistory (but with a Bi∣shop) did govern all these Parishes as one Church; that is, It was many Wor∣shipping Churches (as sis, eight, or ten, or twelve,) joyning to make up one governed Church. But at the same time many Pastors and People being con∣vinced of the Church-form which they had before been under, and of their own necessity and privileges, did require the same Order among themselves as was in City Churches, and so had their proper Bishops, who were called Cho∣repiscopi, or Country Bishops. But these Country-Bishops living among the poorer and smaller number of Christians, had not so many Presbyters to attend them as the City-Bishops had: So that some Country Congregations had Bishops and some had none. And the Churches being chiefly governed by the Synods, who met for obliging Concord, to avoid Divisions, these Synods being made up of the City-Bishops at first, they there carried it by Vote to make all the Country-Bishops under them, and responsible to them: Which they the ra∣ther and the easilier consented to, because many obscure and unworthy Fellows did insinuate into the esteem of the Country-Christians, who had no Bishops near them to advise them better; and so became the Corrupters of Doctrine, and the Masters of Sects and Heresies.

By this time one part of the Country Churches had Bishops of their own, and the other had none, but only Presbyters under the City-Bishops and Pres∣bytery. But yet it was but few Neighbour-Parishes, like our Market-Towns and the Villages between them that were thus under the City-Bishop. For every such Town was then called a City in the larger sense as it signifieth

Oppidum, and most such Towns had City-privileges too, which was no more than to be Corporations, and not to have a Nominal Eminency, as now some small places have above greater (as Bath rather than Plimouth, Ipswich, Shrews∣bury, &c.)

Next to this, the Emperors being Christians, and desiring without force to draw all the People from Heathenism to Christianity, they thought it the best way to advance the Christians in worldly respects, which ever win on com∣mon minds. And so they endued the Churches and Bishops with such Ho∣nours and Powers heretofore described as were like to the Honour and Power of the Civil Governors in their kind. And the Bishops being thus lifted up, did first enlarge their own Dioceses as far as they could, and advance their Power; and the World came unchanged into the Church, both in Cities and Villages, (where the Christians were before so few, that many think the Hea∣thens were called Pagani in distinction from the Citizens, who were Chri∣stian.) And then the Bishops put down the Chorepiscopi, as presuming too much to imitate their Power: And next to that, lest every Corporation or Market-Town having a Bishop, their Dioceses should not be great enough, and ne vilesceret nomen Episcopi, lest a Bishop's Name should not be honoured enough, but become cheap by reason of the number, and of the smallness of his Church, they first ordered that no such small Cities or other places as had People enough for but one Presbyter, should have a Bishop; and afterward by degrees put down many smaller Bishops Churches, and joyned them to their own: And so proceeded, by the advantage of Civil Alterations on Cities Names and Privileges, to bring themselves to the state that they are in, wherein one Bi∣shop infimi ordinis (that is no Arch-Bishop) hath many hundred or above a thou∣sand Churches and multitudes of Cities, called now but Corporations, Bur∣roughs or Market-Towns.

I have repeated so much of the History, lest the Reader forget what it is that I am proving; and that he may note, that if I prove now that in later Ages they kept but the Vestigia, or Reliques of the former to prove how it was before their times, and if I prove but a Church of Presbyterian Magnitude to have so long continued, it sufficeth against that which we now call a Diocess: And that we do not play with Names, nor by a Diocesane Church, mean the same thing with a Parochial or Presbyterian; but we mean such as our Dioceses now are, where a Bishop alone with a Lay-Chan∣cellor's Court, or with some small help of an Arch-Deacon, Surrogate, or Dean and Chapter, without all the Parish-Ministers besides, doth rule a mul∣titude of distant Congregations, who have no proper Bishop under him. And now I proceed.

I. The Chorepiscopi which were at first placed in Country Churches where were many Christians, do shew what extent the Churches were then of: That these were really Bishops at first (whatever the aforesaid Parenthesis in Leo or Damasus say) most Writers for Episcopacy, Papists and Protestants do now grant; and therefore I may spare the labour of proving it: And whereas it is

said that they were but the Bishop's Deputies: I answer, even as Bishops are* 1.15 the Arch-Bishops Deputies; that is, they were under them, but were really Bishops themselves: For if a Bishop may depute one that is no Bishop to be his Deputy, either a Presbyter also may depute one that is no Presbyter to admi∣nister the Sacraments, or not. If yea, then Lay-men shall come in and all be levelled, (For a Deacon also may depute his Office.) If not, then either a Bi∣shop cannot do it, or else the Presbyter's Office is much holier than the Bi∣shop's.

And that these Chorepiscopi Country-Bishops were not such Rarities as to in∣validate my Proof, but very common, besides what is before said, is evident by the Subscriptions of many Councils, where great store of Chorepiscopi are found. And besides the names in our common Collections of the Councils, how it was in the Egyptian and Neighbour Churches at least (if not how it was at Nice) you may see in the Arabick Subscriptions published by Selden in his Comment on Eutych. Orig. Alex. pag. 93, 94, 95, &c. Num. 29, 31, 55, 64, 68, 119, 122, 128, 131, 179, 193, 215, 237, 241, 278. There are seventeen named. And the Canons made to curb and suppress them, shew that they were ordinary before; as, Concil. Laodic. Can. 57. But they should rather have increased them, that Bishops might have multiplied as Churches or Chri∣stians increased, which was decreed here in England in the cap. 9. of the Council at Hertford, per Theodor. Cantuar. referente Beda, lib. 4. Hist. Eccles. cap. 5.

II. The very name Ecclesia which was first used before Parochi•• or Dioecesis, and still continued to this day, doth shew what the form of a Church then was, especially if you withal consider, that the name was communicated to the Temples or sacred Meeting-Places, which are also ordinarily called Ecclesiae; which no Man doubteth was in a secondary sense, as derived from the People, who were the Ecclesia in the primary sense. And so even in our Tongue, the word Church is used for both to this day, as i•• is in many other Languages. Now it is certain that a part, especially a small part, (a hundredth or a thou∣sandth part) of the Church is not the Church (unless equivocally.) Why then should the Temple be so called from the Church, when no Church at all, but a Particle only of a Church doth meet there? (For that the word Church] in our Question is not taken for any Community or Company of Christians, but for a governed Society consisting of the governing and governed part, I have before shewed.) But, 1. A Church in its first and proper Notion being Coe∣tus Evecatus, An Assembly, or Convention or Congregation; (as distinguish∣ed from the Universal Church, which is so called because it is called out of the World to Christ the Head, and with him shall make one glorious Society,) how are those twenty or an hundred Miles off, any more a part of the Assem∣bly where I live, than those at the Antipodes may be? If you fly to one Go∣vernor, I answer; 1. So the Pope claimeth a Government at the Antipodes. 2. A Governor of many Assemblies may make them one Society, as to Go∣vernment, but not one Assembly.

2. And certainly when Temples were first named Churches, it was not be∣cause those met there that were no Churches, but only Members of Churches: Nor is this Parish Church called a Church because some meet here that belong to the Church at Boston, Lincoln or Grantham; But to this day we cannot dis∣use our selves from saying, the Church of Barnet, the Church of St. Albans, of Hat••ield, &c. yea, in the same City, we denominate the several Temples still several Churches.

Hesychius explaineth Ecclesia, by no other words than these three, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which all signifie the Meetings of the People, and not Men that never see each other, only because one Man ruleth them.

Mr. Mede in his Exercitat. of Temples proveth largely that the places of Meeting are ordinarily by the Ancients called Churches, even in several Cen∣turies. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 1. saith, in every City they built spacious and ample Churches. And Theophil. Antiochen. Autol. saith, [Sic Deus dedit mundo, qui peccatorum tempestatibus & naufragiis jactatur, Synagogas, quas Ecclesias sanctas nominamus, in quibus veritatis doctrina fervet, ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi, quotquot salvari, Deique judicium & iram evitare volunt.]

So Tertullian, de Idololat. cap. 7. pag. 171. Tota die ad hanc partem zelus fidei ingenuum Christianum ab Idolis in Ecclesiam venire, de adversaria Officina in domum Dei venire, &c. The very Name there of a Church, and the naming of a single Temple thence doth signifie our supposition.

III. To this I may add the Name and * 1.16 Primitive Sense of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For it signifieth a Vicinity, and Parochus Vicinus, a Cohabitant or Neighbour, as well as inquilinus, and is used in all the ancient Church-Writers as noting both a Sojourner (as Christians are in the World) and a Neighbour, so constantly in this later sense, not excluding the former. Else Men of several parts of the World might have been said to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because inquilini, had it not also and specially signified Vicinity. To avoid tediousness of Citations, I refer the unsatisfied Reader but to Gers. Bucer against Downam, and the Basil Lexicon of Henr. Pet. in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And though the custom of calling a Church by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 continued when the Church was altered in magnitude to a large Diocess, yet that is so far from proving that this was the first and old signification, as that the word rather plainly leadeth us up to the thing and sense which first it signified. And therefore to this day, Etymology teacheth us more wit than in English to call a Diocess a Parish, but only a Vicinity of Christians: And when the a Vicinity is the English of the Word, why should Strangers that we shall never see or have to do with, any more than those in the uttermost part of the Land, be called our Parishioners or Neigh∣bours?

IV. Another clear Evidence of the truth in question is the Paucity of Churches (or consecrated Meeting-Places) for many hundred Years after Christ: both before they were called Temples and after. Not that occasional Meeting-places were few (Houses, Fields, &c.) but appropriated consecrated

places called Churches, where there were Altars, or ordinary Church-Commu∣nion in the Lord's Supper. (Or rather it is doubtful whether the name of Al∣tars with the form were introduced till two hundred Years after Christ, which maketh some the more question the Antiquity of Ignatius and Clem. Const. and Can. Apost.) I yield to Baronius (ad An. 57.) that the Christians had Churches, that is, places consecrated for Church-Assemblies, under those peaceable Em∣perors that went before Dioclesian: For Eusebius (besides others) expresly tel∣leth us so: Spaciosas & amplas construxerunt Ecclesias: But I desire the Reader to mark his words. Lib. 8. cap. 1.

[A man might then have seen the Bi∣shops of all Churches in great reverence and favour among all sorts of Men, and with all Magistrates: Who can worthily describe those innumerable heaps and flocking multitudes through all Cities and famous Assemblies frequenting the places dedicated to Prayer? Because of which Circumstances, they not contented with the old and ancient Buildings, which could not receive them, have through all Cities builded them from the Foundation wide and ample Churches.]

Here note, 1. That here is no mention of any more Churches than one in each City: Cities and Assemblies are numbered together. 2. That these Buildings are called Churches. 3. That these Churches were built greater than the old ones anew from the Foundation, because the old ones were too narrow to contain the People: But not superadded to the old ones. 4. That the Bishops are called The Bishops of all Churches in relation to the same kind of Churches as are here described. So that then a Bishop's Church met in one enlarged place.

Yet all these were no Temples; but such as the silenced Ministers have of late built in some parts of London; for the Christians were in continual dan∣ger of the demolishing of them: which fell out in Dioclesian's time. But till this Calm which Eusebius here describeth, for about two hundred and fifty Years after Christ, the Christians oft met in Vaults and secret places, where they might be hid, and not in open Churches, unless now and then in a Calm between.

Platina in vit. Xisti, tells us, that even at Rome it self about the Year 120. there were few found that durst profess the Name of Christ. And see what he saith, In Vita Clement. 1. & Anaclet. & Mantuan. lib. 1. fastor. de Clem. A∣nacl. Evarist. Alex. Xist. Calist. Urban. &c. In whose times, Killing, Banish∣ing and Persecuting caused Scatterings, hidings, and as Pliny tells us many A∣postasies. See what Gers. Bucer saith, pag. 221, 222, 223. of all the Ages now in question about this matter: As Tertullian saith, Apol. c. 3. adeo in ho∣minibus innocuis, nomen innocuum erat odio: Did the Rabble but see or hear the Christians, they were raged against them, and cried to the Judges, Tollite impios.

Saith Polydor. Virgil. de invent. rer. l. 5. c. 6. Romae non reperio quod sciam aliud antiquius templum aedificatum aut dicatum, vel ad usum Sacrorum fuisse con∣versum, quam Thermas Novati in vico patricio, quas Pius Pontifex Praxidis eximiae sanctitatis foeminae rogatu, divae Pudentianae ejus Sorori consecravit; qui fuit annus cir∣citer 150. But the name Templum here is not used by Polydore as by the An∣cients,

for a large and comely Fabrick. For, saith Tertullian, after that, Apol. c. 37. Christians leave Temples to the Heathens. And saith Pope Nicholas, in Epist de depositione Zachariae & Rodoaldi Episc. (recited in his Life by Papir. Massonus, Fol. 132. Col. 2.) [Deinde propter frigidiorem locum in Ecclesia Salva∣toris, quae ab Authore vocatur Constantiniana, & quae prima in toto terrarum orbe constructa est.] You see that by this Pope's own Testimony, there was no Church in the whole World built before this one at Rome by Constantine. The meaning is, no large sumptuous place called a Temple, but only commodious meaner Rooms or Buildings.

And the same Pap. Masson. in Vita Bonifacii, fol. 55. noteth that Hierom even in his time (so late) Basilicas Christianorum tres tantum commemorasse.

When upon the great increase of Christians, but one odd Idol Temple even in Alexandria, was begged of the Emperor for the Christians, Ruffin. lib. 2. cap. 22. and divers others tell us what tumult and stir it caused. And when Euseb. de Vita Constant. lib. 3. c. 49, 50. tells us of his building of Churches except Constantinople, it is but one in a City, even the great Cities, Nicomedia in Bythinia, and Antioch. And Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 12. saith that even in Con∣stantinople (which he made so great and beautiful that it was no whit inferior to Rome, and by a Law engraven on a Pillar, commanded that it be called Second Rome,) he built from the Foundation (but) two Churches, Pacis & Apostolorum.

I could find in my heart, were it not tedious, here to translate all Isidor. Pelus••ota's Epist. 246. lib. 2. in which he openeth the difference between Tem∣plum and Ecclesia, and inveigheth against that Bishop as no Bishop, who cried up the Temple as the Church, while he persecuted and vexed the Godly who are the Church indeed; and against them that are for sumptuous Temples and unholy scandalous Churches; and tells us he had rather have been in the times when Temples were less adorned, and the Churches more adorned with Heavenly Graces, than in those unhappy times when Temples were too much adorned, and Churches naked and empty of Spiritual Graces.

So that when there was but one Temple in a City, (except two or three) and when that was called the Church, because it contained the Church, it's evi∣dent what the Churches then were.

V. The ancient Agapae shew how great the Churches then were, when as all the Church did feast together: and these continued in Tertullian's time, in some places at least: And several Church-Canons mention them after that. And Chrysost. saith (Homil. de Oportet haeres. esse p. (mihi) 20, 21. that in the Primitive times, there was a custom that after Sermon and Sacrament, they all feasted together in the Church, which he highly praiseth. (But it was not many hundred Churches that feasted in one Room.) And after he saith, [The Church is like Noah's Ark, but Men come in Wolves, and go out Lambs, &c.] shewing that by the Church he meant the Assembly. And after, [All have the same Honour, and the same Access, till all have communicated and partaked of the same Spiritual Meat. The Priests standing expect them all, even the

poorest Man of all.] (By this he sheweth what Church he meant, and how* 1.17 great the Church was.) Et Serm. 21. pag. 313. Redundat injuria in locum il∣lum; Ecclesiam enim totam contemnis: Propterea enim Ecclesia dicitur, quia commu∣niter omnes accipit. This doth not only shew what Church he meaneth, but fully confirmeth what I said before: that [The whole Church was in that place: and that the place is therefore called the Church, because it commonly receiveth all.] But note that this was not preach'd at Constantinople, but yet at the great Patri∣archal Church of Antioch.

And I may add as to the former Evidences, To. 5. Serm. 52. pag. 705. when he had shewed that in the Church there must be no division, he expoundeth it by [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] [Qui seipsum ab hoc con∣ventu sejunxerit.] So that the Assembly was the Church, and not a thousandth part of the Church only.

See more of the Churches feasting together in Baronius ad an. 57. pag. (ed. Plant.) 543. to spare me more labour about this.

VI. Another Evidence of the Limits of the ancient Churches is (that which I oft mentioned in the particular Testimonies) that every where all the People either chose, or expresly consented to their Bishops, and they were ordained over them in their sight. And this no more could do than could meet in one place; and one part of a Church hath no more right to it than all the rest. The Con∣sequence is evident: And for them that say, that it was only the Parishioners of the Cathedral Church that voted; I answer, Now Cathedrals have no Pa∣rishes, and heretofore the Cathedral Parish was the whole Church. The Testi∣monies fully prove that it was All the Church or People that were the Bishop's Flock: And for some hundreds of Years there were no Parishes in his Diocess but one, and therefore no such distinction. Pamelius's heap of Testimonies, and many more, for the matter of fact I have already cited: And however some talk now to justifie the contrary course of our times, it is so clear and full in Antiquity that the People chose their Bishops, at first principally, and after secondarily after the Clergy, having a Negative Voice with them, and their Consent and Testimony ever necessary, even for eight hundred Years at least, that it would be a needless thing to cite any more Testimonies of it to any ver∣sed in the Ancients. Papists and Protestants are agreed de facto that so it was. See Cyprian, lib. 4. Epist. 2. of Cornelius; lib. 1. Epist. 2. of Sabinus; and lib. 1. Epist. 4. Euseb. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 29. tells us that Fabian by the People was chosen to succeed Anterus. And Cyprian saith it was Traditione Apostolica, vid. & Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 14. & lib. 2. cap. 6. & lib. 7. cap. 35. & Sozomen. lib. 6. cap. 24. & lib. 8. cap. 2. of Chrysostom; & lib. 6. cap. 13. vid. & Au∣gustin. Epist. 110. & Theodoret, Hist. lib. 1. cap. 9. in Epist. Concil. Nicaeni ad Alexandr. The Bloodshed at the Choice of Damasus was one of the first occasions of laying by that custom at Rome. And yet though they met not so tumultuously, they must consent. Leo's Testimony I gave you before with ma∣ny more. Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 9. of Nectarius sheweth that Bishops were then chosen, Plebe praesente & universa fraternitate, as Cyprian speaketh of Sabinus.

So the Concil. Parisien. even an. 559. But for more plentiful proof of this see M. A. Spalatens. de Rep. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 22. n. 10. & lib 6. cap. 7. & lib. 3. cap. 3▪ n. 12. &c. & Blondel de Jure plebis, more copiously, and de Epis. & Presbyt. & Bilson perpet. Govern. cap. 15. & lib. of Christian Subjection oft.

And it is to be noted that when the People's Confusion had made them seem uncapable any longer to chuse: 1. This was long of the Prelates themselves, who by that time had so far enlarged their Churches, that the People were nei∣ther capable of doing their ancient Work and Duty, nor yet of being ruled by the Clergy aright. 2. And when the People were restrained from the Choice by Meetings and Vote, the Magistrates in their stead did undertake the Power. 3. And when it fell out of the People's hands into Great Mens, the Proud and Covetous who could best seek and make Friends did get the Bishopricks, where∣upon the Churches were presently changed, corrupted and undone. 4. And the sense of this moved the few good Bishops that were left to make Canons against this Power and Choice of Princes and great Men, decreeing that all Bi∣shops obtruded by them on the Churches should be as none, but be avoided, and all avoided that did not avoid them. And the Roman and Patriarchal party cunningly joyned with these honest Reformers to get the Choice out of the Magistrate's hands that they might get it into their own; and so Christ's Church was abused among ambitious Usurpers. The Decrees against Magistrates Choice of Bishops you may see, Can. Apost. 31. & De∣cret. 17. q. 7. c. siquis Episc. Sept. Synod. c. 3. Decret. 16. q. 7. Oct. Synod. c. 12. & Act. 1. &c. 22. Decret. 16. q. 7. Nicol. 1. Epist. 10. & Epist. 64. with more which you may find cited by Spalatens. lib. 6. cap. 7. pag. 675, 676, 677.

And it is to be noted that (though still the Clergy had a Negative or first Choice, yet) when they procured Charles the Great (who was to rise by the Papal help) to resign and renounce the Magistrates Election, he restored the Church to its Ancient Liberties, as far as enlarged Dioceses and ambitious Clergy-men would permit it. His words are these, [Sacrorum Canonum non ignari ut in Dei nomine Sancta Ecclesia suo liberius potiretur honore, assensum ordini Ec∣clesiastico praebuimus, ut scilicet Episcopi per Electionem CLERI & POPULI se∣cundum statuta Canonum de PROPRIA DIOECESI, remota personarum & mu∣nerum acceptione, ob vitae meritum & sapientiae donum, eligantur, ut exemplo & ver∣bis sibi subjectis usquequaque prodesse valeant.] Vid. Baron. To. 11. n. 26. Decret. Dist. 63. c Sacrorum. Where note that, 1. he includeth the People of the whole Diocess. 2. And doth this as according to the sacred Canons. So that for Men to dream that only the Parishioners of a Cathedral Church (which had no proper Parish) or the Citizens only, were to chuse, is to feign that which is contrary to notorious Evidence of Law and Fact, as well as of the reason of the thing. For where all are the Bishops Flock, and chuse as his Flock, there all the Flock must chuse, and a parcel can claim no privilege above all the rest.

VII. The next Evidence is this: In the first Age, it is very fairly proved by Doctor Hammond, that there were by the Apostles more Bishops and Churches than one in many Cities themselves: And if one City had more than one Church and Bishop, then much more many distant places, in Towns and Countries. That one City had more than one he sheweth by the distinction of Jews and Gentiles Churches: As Peter was appointed chiefly for the Jews, and Paul chiefly for the Gentiles, so he sheweth it very probable, that at Rome, Antioch, and other places they had several Churches. And thus he reconcileth the great differences about Linus, Clemens and Cletus or Anacletus. And espe∣cially on this reason, that they had not the same Language. And indeed when in great Cities there are Christians of divers Languages, it is necessary that they be of divers Congregations, unless you will have them Hear, as the Papists will have them Pray, they know not what. And though some might say, that though they be of divers Assemblies, yet they might have onely One Bishop to Rule them: I answer, 1. Dr. Hammond is more ingenuous, and acknow∣ledges that the diversities of congregations and languages inferred a diversity of Churches and Bishops with their distinct Clergy. 2. And all Antiquity made Preaching or Teaching his flock as essential to the Bishops office as Go∣verning them (of which next:) But he could not teach several Churches whose language he understood not.

VIII. Antiquity made the three parts of the Bishops office Teaching, Worship∣ping, and Governing, to be of the same extent as to the subject society under him. It was one and the same Church which he was ordinarily to Teach, to guide in worship (prayers, praise, sacrament) and to Rule by discipline (supposing still that we speak of a meer Bishop and not an Archbishop) I should weary the Reader to cite numerous testimonies for so notorious a thing. But it is known that the said Bishop neither is nor can be the Ordinary Teacher, and Guide in worship to a Diocese of a multitude of Churches, but to one or few at most. And he that peruseth ancient writers, shall find that the Bishop was not only to be a ra••e or extraordinary Teacher of his whole flock, but the Ordinary one: not only to send others, but to do it himself; till the enlarge∣ment of Dioceses changed the custome.

IX. Another evidence is this: In the first two Centuries, Deacons and Bishops were ever officers in the same Church: But Deacons were never then officers in more Churches (or stated assemblies that had Sacramental Com∣munion) than one: therefore Bishops were not officers in more. No proof can be given of any Deacons that had the care (in their places) of many Churches, Parishes, or Societies of Christians. And when Dioceses were enlarged, it is notable that the Presbyter that was the oculus Episcopi in the Diocese is called the Archdeacon: Because originally he was but indeed a Dea∣con, the chief Deacon who was with the Bishop in one and the same Church▪ It being then inauditum for a Deacon to belong to many.

X. Another evidence is, The Great number of Bishops who out of a narrow space of ground, did usually assemble in the ancient Synods. I told you before out of Crab of Sylvesters number at Rome. Binius also hath the like words [Sylvester collegit in gremio sedis suae 284 Episcopos] and that 139 of them were ex urbe Roma vel non longe ab illa. A hundred thirty nine Bishops in Rome and not far from it, had not such Dioceses as now.

Cyprian saith, lib. 1. Ep. 3. that Privatus was condemned in Synodo Lambe∣sitana by 90 Bishops which was before Christianity was countenanced by Em∣perours, and were under persecution, yea, long before Cyprian wrote that Epistle.

For the examining of every ordinary cause of an accused Presbyter, sex Episcopi ex vicinis locis, six Bishops from the neighbour places, (not from 40 or fourscore miles distance) were to hear and determine, and three Bishops for the cause of every Deacon, Concil. Afric. Can. 20. so that no doubt but their Bishops were as near as our Market Towns at least, even when so few of the people were Christians as that all that space afforded but one great Con∣gregation.

The sixth provincial Council at Carthage had 217 Bishops (whereas the General Council at Trent had long but 40.)

A Council of Donatists (Hereticks not so numerous sure as the Catholicks) at Carthage, mentioned by Augustine, Epist. 68. (about an. 308) had 270 Bishops. And when there were so great a number of Heretick Bishops, how many were there of the Catholicks and Donatists and all other sects set toge∣ther? This one heresie had enow to become persecutours of the Catholicks, (beating them with clubs, putting out the peoples eyes by casting vineger mixt with lime into them, dragging them in the dirt) And yet they were the smaller number, and complained of persecution; and some Circumcellions killed themselves to make the Catholicks odious as persecutors (Occisos aufe∣runt luci, vivis auferunt lucem—Quod nobis faciunt sibi non imputant: & quod sibi faciunt nobis imputantinquiunt, Clerici Hippon. ib. ad Januarium.) Certainly here were Churches no bigger then, than our smaller Parishes.

And Augustine cont. Gaudentium saith, there were innumerable Bishops in Africa that were Orthodox. (And it was but a corner of Africa that were Christians, and in the Roman Empire here meant.)

Victor Uticensis in persecut. Vandal. sheweth that in that part of Africa 660 Bishops fled; besides the great number murdered, imprisoned, and many to∣lerated. The like may be said of Patricks Irish Bishops before mentioned, and many others, who plainly were Parochial Bishops.

XI. Another evidence is, The way of Strangers communicating then by way of Communicatory Letters, or Certificates from the Church whence they came, which were to be shewed to the Bishop of the Church where they desired to communicate: But was it many hundred Churches that they must thus satisfie? or must they travail to the Bishop with their Certifi∣cate, before they must communicate in any one Church within 20. 30. 40.

or 50. miles of him? Doubtless an impartial Reader will think, that it was but a Bishop of the same City-Church which he desired Communion with, to whom the Certificate was to be shewn. See what Albaspinaeus saith of these Letters, ex Concil. Laodic. c. 41. Concil. Antioch. c. 1. Concil. Agath. can. 52. Concil. Eliber. c. 58. in his observat. p. 254, 255.

XII. Another evidence is the ancient phrase describing a Schism by Altare aliud erigere, to set up another Altar, or to set up Altar against Altar. And to separate from that Altar was to separate from that Church: which implyeth, that there was but one Altar in a Church; and multiplying Altars was multi∣plying Churches.

XIII. Another evidence was the late division of Parishes: The idle story of* 1.18 Evaristus dividing Parishes at Rome, Gers. Bucer hath fully confuted. It is most certain that except at Alexandria and Rome, it was long before they were divided. Sir Rog. Twisden Histor. Vindicat. c. 3. p. 9, 10. saith that it was under Theodore A. B. C. that Parochial Churches began (mark Began) to be erected here in England, and the Bishop of Rome greatly reverenced in this nation &c. out of a MS. in Trinity Hall Cambridge. And it was 668 as Beda tells us before Theodore was Ordained Bishop. The evidence in history of the Lateness of Parish divisions is past doubt.

And whereas the usual answer is, that there may be Dioceses without Pa∣rishes; I answer, It is not the Name [Diocese] that is the thing in question, but the Church-state. While there was but one Altar, there was but one place of ordinary Church Communion in the Lords Supper. And when there were more places with Altars erected, they could not be, nor were long with∣out their proper affixed Presbyters (as Arius his Case sheweth and as is con∣fessed) And when that was done, they were Parishes in out sense: And till that was done, some one Presbyter was sent from the Bishop as he pleased; and then all the Parishes in the Diocese must needs be under one Presbytery as well as one Bishop. There were no setled Congregations for ordinary Church Communion, besides the Bishops Church-meeting, till Parishes were divided, if not by space of ground, yet by the distinction of Temples and People, which is the thing intended. There could be no such thing as a Diocesane Church in the sense that we oppose it in, that is, One Church with a Bishop infimi ordinis (having none under him) made up of a multitude of Communicating Churches with their Subpresbyters, yea such as are no part of the Bishops Con∣sessus or Presbytery for the Government of that Church.]

XIV. The next evidence is, the ancient custom of All his Presbyters sitting in one seat with the Bishop in a semi-circle in loco eminentiore on each hand of him and the Deacons standing under or below them: which is so ordained by Councils (as Carth. 4. Can. 35. &c.) And the thing is commonly reported in the anci∣ents. And this being put usually as of his Presbyters in common, who were his assistants and colleagues, and with whom he Governed the Churches,

without mentioning any excepted Presbyters belonging to distant Parishes, It is apparent that the Bishop then had ordinarily but one assembly. The same I may say of the many Canons, that shew what the Presbyters are to do in the Church, which imply his presence: But I have mentioned many of them before.

XV. Another evidence is, the custom of the Presbyters dwelling in the same house with the Bishop (single) as in a Colledge; which not only in Hippo, but in very many other places was then used: and they dwelt near the Church, where that was not used (As when they had wives, or the Bishop had his Episcopam as the Concil. Turon. 2. calleth her, and alloweth it.)

Tolet himself, de Sacerdotio lib. 5. cap. 4. n. 15. pag. 722. confesseth this saying, [In Ecclesia Primitiva usque ad tempora Augustini & Hieron. Episcopum & Clerum solitos vivere in communi: unde bona quae vel ex decimis, vel ex fidelium devotione offerebantur, erant indivisa, & subdebantur distributioni Episcopi, quae partim ipsi, partim Clero, partim fabricae, partim pauperibus obveniebant. Postea vero quando quisque per se vixit, talia bona divisa sunt in quatuor partes, prima Episcopo servata, secunda Clero, tertia fabricae, quarta pauperibus.] And sure that Church then was no bigger than that Colledge did officiateto.

XVI. And that which these words of Tolet recite, is the next evidence, viz. The way of maintenance in those times. 1. They lived on Oblations mostly: And these oblations are ever mentioned as offered but upon One Altar.* 1.19 2. These Oblations were all brought to the Bishops hands, and distributed by him or his appointment. 3. The First-fruits, and Tythe that came next were also in his hands. 4. And so were all the Gifts, and all the Praedia or Church glebe. 5. All these are mentioned as given to One Church only, and not many. 6. The distribution was as aforesaid, some fourfold, some∣time three-fold; of which Spalatensis reciteth the decrees so fully, that I will not tire the reader with reciting them. 7. And it was the Fabrica of One Church only that the Bishop was to give the fourth part to maintain (And were many hundred fabricks more forgotten?) 8. And it was a present Clergie, and not men setled along way off, that he was to make distribution to. 9. And when he was to have the first fourth part himself, who can think that this is meant that men must carry the fourth part of the Hay, and Corn, and Wood, and Pigs, &c. from all the Parishes through such Dioceses as ours, and the fourth part of all the Glebe rents; This would make the Bishoprick indeed seem to worldly minded men to be worth the venturing of their souls for; And they must have so many score or hundred barns full, as might tempt them to say, S••ul take thine ease, eat drink▪ and be merry, &c. But the evidence speak∣eth plainly.

XVII. Another evidence is this: That when first new Communicating As∣semblies were erected even in the same Cities with the Bishops, the sa••d Bishops did devise this new trick of their own heads, to send to that Assembly some Bread

hallowed by themselves; And this was first to comfort (as they said) the Presbyters and new Congregation, lest they should think themselves cut off from their Bishops Church and Communion. 2. To hold their interest in the people by this handle of their own making. Of these Eulogiae the Can. Concil. Laodic. 14. speaks, as Petavius and others think: Petav. in Epiphan. ad haeres. 69. pag. 276. saith, [Romae, ubi per titulos distributi presbyteri suos quique populos regebant: Ad eos Episcopi Dominicis diebus fermentum sive benedictum panem in Communionis symbolum mittere consueverant.] And the passage which he citeth out of Innocent ad Decentium cap. 5. is very full, [De fermento vero quod die Dominico per Titulos mittimus, superflue nos consulere voluisti: cum omnes Ecclesiae nostrae intra civitatem sint constitutae: Quarum Presbyteri quia die isto propter plebem sibi commissam nobiscum convenire non possunt, ideo fermentum a nobis confectum per acolythos accipiunt, ut se a nostra communione, maxima illa die non judicent separa∣tos.] That Melchiades ordained this, Damasus his pontifical book saith; which was about An. 313. But Baronius ad An. 313. largely openeth all the business, and sheweth that this fermentum was hallowed levened bread, which was not the Eucharist, but a devised sacrament (as Innocent calleth it) of Union and Communion: confirming this which I have said: And ex Can. 14. Concil. Laod. &c. he sheweth that it was used also in the East: And to this notable passage of Innocent [Omnes ecclesiae nostrae infra civitatem suntconstitutae] all the Popes Churches were within the city, he saith, (p. 97.) [Detitulis tantum intelligit, ad quos fermentum mitti soleret, non quidem quod non essent in sub∣urbiis aliae complures ecclesiae atque sanctorum memoriae, sed nulla prorsus Titularis, in quam populus colligi consueverit. Cujus rei causa ait se non mittere fermentum ad Presbyteros per diversa coemeteria constitutos, quod illi plebem sibi subditam quam colligerent, non haberent.]

Here you see, 1. That there were more Temples than Congregations, or Parishes, being erected as Monuments in honour of the Martyrs. 2. That there were no Congregations or Parishes, but within the City. 3. That this device of holy bread came upon the division of Parishes; and therefore as one was new then, so the other could not be old.

XVIII. Another evidence is the state of Cathedral Churches, which as ma∣ny* 1.20 Episcopal Antiquaries say, were first the sole Churches of the Bishops Charge or Diocese; and that Parish Churches were since built one after ano∣ther, as Chappels be in Parishes, by those that could not come so far: And that the present Government of the Cathedral by the Dean and Chapters, under the Bishop, is the evident relict of the old Episcopal Government, and truly telleth us what it was: To pass by many others, I will now recite but the words of Holingshead our Historian, a Clergy-man, Chron. Vol. 1. p. 135. Col. 1.

[Those Churches are called Cathedral, because the Bishops dwell

near them. At first there was but ONE CHURCH in every JURIS∣DICTION, whereinto no man entered to pray, but with some oblation towards the maintenance of the Pastor—And for this occasion they were built very huge and great: for otherwise they were not capable of such mul∣titudes as came daily to them, to hear the word and receive the sacraments: But as the number of Christians increased, so first Monasteries, then finally Parish Churches were builded, in every jurisdiction▪ from which I take our Deanry Churches to have their original, now called Mother Churches, and their Incumbents Archpriests; And the rest being added since the Conquest, either by the Lords of every Town, or zealous men loth to travail far, and willing to have some ease, building them near hand unto these Dean∣ry Churches, all the Clergie in old time of the same Deanry were appoin∣ted to repair at sundry seasons, there to receive wholsome ordinances, and to consult of the necessary affairs of the whole jurisdiction, if necessity so required: And some image thereof is yet to be seen in the North parts. But as the number of Churches increased, so the repair of the faithful to the Ca∣thedral, did diminish, whereby they are now become, especially in their nether parts, rather Markets and shops for merchandize, than solemn places of prayer, whereunto they were first erected.]

I need to say no more of this.

XIX. The next evidence is, That when Churches first became Diocesane (in the sense opposed) they were fitted to the form of the Civil Govern∣ment; And Dioceses and Metropolitanes, and Patriarchs, came in at the same door: The very name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was long unknown in a sacred sense, and was after borrowed from the Civil divisions, when the Church was formed according to them. And as Altare Damasc. p. 290. saith, Vox 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ut refertur ad Episcopum, ignota fuit Eusebio & superioribus seculis: And the word Parish was also before used in our narrower sense, for a vicinity of Christians. And as Grynaeus saith in Euseb. p. 1. not. 3. Euseb. promiscue usurpat haec duo vo∣cabula 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And that a Diocesane as such (thus formed to the Romane Civil form) and a Metropolitane and Patriarch, yea, and the Pope as the Prime Patriarch in the Empire, are all of Humane institution, and all of the same original and right, there are few Protestants that do deny. 1. The reason of the thing plainly shew∣eth it. 2. Their beginning at once sheweth it. 3. And that they were never any of them setled out of the Roman Empire, where that form obtained, except that they setled here and there one on the verge of the Empire to have some care of the neighbour countreys, till after that the Roman name and power in∣vited small countreys adjoyning to them to imitation. And Bishop Bilson of Chr. Subject. often tells us that Metropolitans and Patriarchs are of Humane in∣stitution.

Godwin a Bishop, in the Lives of the English Bishops, de Convers. Brit. c. 3. p. 30. saith, Quis tam imperitus est ut non intelligat, post mortem Tiberii fluxisse multos annos, ne dicam seculum unum aut alterum priusquam Cardinalis, Patriarchae,

aut Metropolitani nomen in Christianorum ecclesiis auditum est] He might have added,* 1.21 aut Diocesani, for they were built by the same hand on the same foundation. I do not mean that an Apostolical General Ministry was so new, but a Dio∣cesane of many Churches, as Episcopus infimi gradus. Multitudes of Papists and Protestants attest the novelties of these foresaid ranks. Two testimonies of the Papists are so notable, as that I will not pass them by.

Cardinal Cusanus (that Learned Prelate, and proud enough) li. de Con∣cord. l. 2. c. 13. saith, [Omnes gradus Majoritatis & Minoritatis in ecclesia ju∣ris positivi esse.] And therefore concluded that the Papacy is removeable from Rome.

Nay the very Canon Law it self, saith, Decret. Par. 1. dis. 22. c. 1. c. omnes, [Omnes sive Patriarchii cujuslibet apices, sive Metropole••n primatus, aut Episcopa∣tuum Cathedras, vel ecclesiarum cujuscunque ordinis dignitates, instituit Romana ecclesia.] what need we more witness? It is from P. Nicolaus his decretal. And though a man might suspect that he meant only of the personal Institution of the particular Patriarchs, Metropolitans, &c. yet the context sheweth the contrary, and that it is the species, office or place that he speaketh of; Because the opposite assertion is, that the Roman Churches dignity was founded by God him∣self: And the next Cap. 2. is that, not the Apostles, but the Lord himself gave the Roman Church its primacy.

XX. The next evidence is, That we rarely read of any Bishops preaching in any Church but One, unless he was driven out of it by persecution, or un∣less it were in another Bishops Church. If I should except only the great Patriarchal Churches out of all the world, and that only as late as 400 or 500 years after Christ, when Emperours had helpt to increase the Churches, no impartial man would take that for any debilitation of my proof. And yet I shall not easily yield to that exception. In Antioch and Jerusalem I think it will hardly be affirmed, that the Bishop used to preach to any Congregation but One: In Great Constantinople (equalled to Rome) when find you Chry∣sostome any where but in one Church, except when violence hindred him, and then the same Congregation followed him? Indeed the Novatians had a Church there, and perhaps there was some bye Congregation or two of Christians, who all communicated in the Bishops Church, and therefore were but as Chap∣pels. But go into all the rest of the world, and the case will be plainer, (ex∣cept Rome and Alexandria.) Even Basil an Archbishop is not found a Teacher ordinarily any where but to his Church at Caesarca; nor Gregory but at Nazian∣zum (when he went from Constantinople and from Sasimis;) and so of the rest, no not Ambrose in the great city of Milan: And let it move none that Milan and some other Cities had more Temples than one, for as Baronius before cited tells us, there were then many Temples built as Monuments in honour of the Martyrs, that were not Tituli, nor had any Parish or Congregation belonging to them. When find you Augustine teaching in any Church but one (in Hippo) as part of his charge? Of Epiphanius I need not speak, seeing it is confest that in Cyprus no City had two Churches in his days, and that it was

their custome to place Bishops in villages, (as Socrates, Sozomen, and Nicepho∣rus agree.) So that the matter of fact is certain: except four or five Churches (if so many) in all the world 400 years after Christ, and except but two or three hundred years after Christ, you will find no Bishop in any Church but one, as part of his own Charge.

But the consequence inferred hence will be denied, because the other Pa∣rishes might be taught by Subpresbyters without him. Answ. But I would ask, 1. Whether all the rest of the Parishes were not the Bishops Charge? yea part of his Church, yea equally with the other part? As to what Onuphrius and others say of the stations, and the Bishops going from Church to Church, 1. It was scarce any where but in Rome: 2. It was of later times: 3. It was only in the City: 4. It was commonly the same auditors that followed him to several Churches.

And it's true that other Bishops went to the memorials of the Martyrs oft, and had as monuments more Churches than assemblies. And it's true that of later times, certain Canons bind the Bishops to visit all their Parishes: And the eldest oblige him to visit all the people: which sheweth that yet his Docese was not great.

If he be the Bishop of the Church, and the office of a Bishop be to guide the Church, in Worship, and by Discipline, then he is bound to do this to all the Church: indeed if you make but a meer Presbyter of him, then as many may divide the work between them, so each might know his proper part, (as things stood when Parishes or Chappels were divided) But if a Bishop, as such, be the uniting head as the King of a Kingdom, he must be equally related to the whole.

But if it were not equally, who can believe that there was so great a difference in the parts of the same Church, as that one parcel of them only should have right to their Bishops presence, teaching, worshipping, and personal guidance, and ten, twenty, an hundred, a thousand other parcels have no right at all? What! a Bishop of a whole Church, not at all obliged to Teach, or Guide in personal worshipping, any part of that Church but one? Some great change was made in Churches before men could arrive at such a conceit? Even now among us, a Bishop taketh himself (by the constraining Law of man, which is his Rule) to visit his Diocese once in three years: (I do not mean one Church of fourty or an hundred in his Diocese, much less to preach himself usually in those few Towns he comes to; but to call his Curate Priests to∣gether, and to set one of them to preach his Visitation Sermon.) But where find you this done by three Bishops in the world for 300 years after Christ, unless that Archbishops visited the Bishops Churches under them? Now they say there have been Bishops in England who have once in three years confirmed some children abroad throughout their Diocese (I do not mean one of two hundred) but where find you that then the Bishop went out of his City to do this?

2. My next question therefore is, Whether the Bishops of those times were not at least as conscionable and careful and laborious in their offices, as any now

are, if not much more? What! not a Gregory, a Basil, a Chrysostome, an Au∣gustine, a Fulgentius, a Hillary, &c. What! not they that preached almost daily? They that write so strictly of the labours of the Ministery? They that lived so austerely, and favoured not the flesh; that speak so tenderly of the worth of souls? And would all these, think you, undertake to be Bishops of a whole Church, and yet so leave the whole work upon others, as never to come among them and teach them, and examine them, nor give them the Sacra∣ment in all the Parishes of the Diocese save one? This is not credible.

If you say that in Alexandria it was certainly so, that distinct congregations were committed to the Presbyters, I answer, 1. Yet so as that they might any part of them (as living in the same city) come and hear the Bishop when they would: 2. They might communicate with him per vices if they would: 3. They were all bound to do so at the great festivals of the year: 4. They were all personally governed by the discipline of the Bishop and Presbyters conjunct in Council: But of this next.

XXI. Another evidence is that the whole Plebs or people of the Bishops charge (till Churches were setled under Presbyters far off in the countreys) were bound by the Canons to come to the Cathedral Church, and communi∣cate with the Bishop at Easter, Whitsuntide, and some other such festivals, even after they were distinguished into several Auditories and Communicating Assemblies under Presbyters; which I have before proved from the particular Canons: which certainly proveth that the Dioceses were no more than could assemble in one place.

XXII. Another evidence is that Presbyters did but rarely preach in the two or three first ages (except in Alexandria, or in some few Churches which had got some extraordinary men; Chrysostome's preaching at Antioch, Augustin's at Hippo, while they were but Presbyters, are noted as unusual things. And it is said of Augustine (as forecited) that it being not usual in other Churches, for the Presbyters to preach in the Bishops presence, the example of that Church (by the humility of the honest Bishop who preferred his abler Presbyter before himself) did lead many other Churches into the same practice. Spalatensis* 1.22 and many others have given large proofs, that the Bishops and not the Presby∣ters were the ordinary preachers in their Church. * Filesacus saith, De Episcop. authorit. cap. 15. Sect. 1. pag. 344. [Episcopos consuevisse ex ambone verba facere, refert Concil. Lateran. sub Martino, & Concil. Trull. c. 33. Permissum deinde Pres∣byteris, quanquam non passim, nec in quibuslibet ecclesiis: Diaconis olim id conces∣sum,

sed raro—& p. 351. ait, [Balsamon juris Graeco-Romani li. 2. cap. 9. in Alexii Comneni Bullis; Populum docere solis est datum Episcopis: & magnae eccl••siae Doctores Patriarchae jure docent.] These were like our Canons as he shews at large; and this was in later ages when a Bishop might teach per alium.—And p. 351, 352. Concil. Trull. c. 64. docet ex Greg. Nazianz. solis Episcopis conve∣nire concionari & sanctas scripturas interpretari; Presbyteris vero non nisi Episcopo∣rum concessione. Of the Bishops teaching see the numerous citations in File∣sacus cap. 1.

And if any be stumbled at the name Presbyteri Parochiani usual in the Coun∣cils and Fathers, as if they were Countrey Presbyters, who preached then in other Churches? I have before cited a Canon which gave leave to Presbyters to preach in the countrey villages, intimating it was rare heretofore. 2. Filesa∣cus saith, ibid. p. 562, 563. [Sed ut quod res est libere eloquar, & illo aevo & an∣teriore, cum Parochiae vox vulgo etiam pro Dioecesi usurpatur (that is for all the Bishops Charge) credo Presbyteros Parochianos dictos fuisse, non aliter ac siquis Dioecesanos pronunciaret, hoc est, In hac Parochia seu Dioecesi ordinatos & titulatos.]

But surely whilst Presbyters rarely preached, there were either Churches that had no preaching (which cannot be proved) or else few Assemblies that had not Bishops.

Obj. But then you make Lay Elders of the Presbyters.

Ans. They were the abler sort of Christians ordained to the same Ministerial or Sacerdotal Office as all true Ministers are: But few of them being Learned men, and able to make long Sermons, were imployed only as the Bishops assistants, as elders are among the Presbyterians: who if they would but ordain those Elders, and let them have power over the word and Sacraments, though only to exercise it under the Bishops or chief Pastors guidance, when there was cause, they would come nearest to the ancient use.

XXIII. And it seemeth to me an evidence that the Churches then were (usually) but as narrow as I assert, that the Presbyters were to abide with the Bishop, and attend him in his City Church. For if you suppose them able to Teach or guide a flock themselves, (as some were such, as Augustine, Macarius, Ephrem Syrus, Tertullian, &c.) it is scarce credible to me that the Bishop would suffer such worthy persons to sit among his Auditors, when there were many countrey congregations that needed their help. For that the Church was so supplied with Preachers as that besides all these Presbyters in the Bishops Church, there were enow for all the rest of the countrey Parishes as now, is contrary to all the intimations of Church-History. And therefore when we read of so many Presbyters with the Bishop, before we read of many or scarce any elsewhere, surely there were no people that needed them.

XXIV. And yet (though great Cities had many with the Bishop) I may add that the * 1.23 paucity of Presbyters under the generality of Bishops, sheweth that their Dioceses then were but like Parish Churches with their Chappels: Or else Aurelius and the other Bishops in the Carthage Council needed not have

been in doubt whether those Bishops that had but one or two Presbyters, should have one taken from them to make a Bishop of, which was yet affirmatively decreed, because there may be more found fit to make Presbyters of, where it's hard to find any fit to be Bishops.

I will speak it in the words of the learned Bishop Bilsons Perpet. Govern. c. 13. p. 256.

[In greater Churches they had great numbers of Presbyters: In smaller they had often two, somewhere one, and sometimes none. And yet for all this defect of Presbyters, the Bishops then did not refrain to im∣pose hands without them. The number of Presbyters in many places were two in a Church, as Ambrose writeth on 1 Tim. 3. sometimes but one. In the third Council Carthag. when it was agreed that the Primate of that City might take the Presbyters of every Diocese and Ordain them Bishops for such places as desired them, though the Bishop under whom the Presbyter before lived were unwilling to spare him, Posthumianus a Bishop demanded, [what if a Bishop have but one only Presbyter, must that one be taken from him?] Aurelius the Bishop of Carthage answered, One Bishop may Ordain many Presbyters, but a Presbyter fit for a Bishoprick is not easily found: where∣fore if a man have but one only Presbyter, and fit for the room of a Bishop, he ought to yield that one to be Ordained. Posthumianus replied, Then if ano∣ther Bishop have a number of Clerks, that others store should relieve him. Aurelius answered, Surely as you helped another Church, so he that hath many Clerks * 1.24 shall be driven to spare you one of them, to be ordained by you]

A Diocese such as is intimated here, we do not strive against.

XXIV. Another evidence is that when ever we read of persecution turning the Christians out of their Churches, you ever find them gathered into one Con∣gregation, when they could have leisure and place to meet in, and usually a Bishop with them; unless he were banished, imprisoned, or martyred, and then some Presbyter supplied the place: or unless they were scattered into many little parcels. And you find no talk of the persecution of multitudes of Countrey Presbyters afar off, but of the Bishop with his City Presbyters and Church. To which add that it was One Church still, which rejected, obtru∣ded Bishops, and refused to obey the Emperour who imposed them. All this is manifest in Gregory Neocaesar. his flight with Musonius, and the state of his Church: In the Case of Basil; and of Lucius the obtruded Bishop at Alexan∣dria, and in the Case of Antioch before described, and of Rome it self. It's tedious to cite numerous testimonies in a well known case. If Alexandria was in such a case, or near it, I hope you will doubt of no other Churches. And that with this you may see what Conventicles the Christians kept when the Emperours forbad them, and how resolutely the Bishops preached when the Emperours silenced them, I will recite the words of Baronius himself, and in him of Dionysius Alexandr. apud Euseb. lib. 7. c. 10. &c. 17. and Cyprian ep. 5. &c. in Baron. ad an. 57. p. 542. that those who cry out against Preaching and Con∣venticles, when they are but strong enough to drive others out of the Temples, may better understand themselves.

[Siquando, &c. If at any time so vehement a persecution did arise, that the Christians by the Emperours edicts, were utterly excluded from the Churches and assemblies, notwithstanding, little regarding such things, they forbore not to come together in One, in holy assemblies, whithersoever there was op∣portunity. This Dionys. Alexand. Bishop witnesseth writing to Germanus when he mentioneth the Edicts of Valerian forbidding the Assemblies. [But we by Gods assistance, have not abstained from our accustomed Assemblies celebrated among our selves. Yea, I my self did drive on certain brethren to keep the assemblies diligently, as if I had converst among them.] And he writeth the same also to Hierax when he was banished [When we were per∣secuted by all and put to death we celebrated the Feast with joyful minds; and any place appointed us for several sorts of sufferings, (as the woods, the desert solitudes, the tossed ships, the common Innes, the horrid prison) did seem fit to us in which we might keep our solemn Assemblies with the great∣est joy.] That they held their Assemblies and offered sacrifice usually (when it was permitted them) in the prisons, Cyprian witnesseth: But the Acts of the holy Martyrs do fullier signifie it; especially those most faithful ones called Pro-Consular, which were taken by the publick Notaries. Certainly the Gravel-pits afforded them advantage for the celebrating of their publick As∣semblies, in the time of persecution, especially at Rome, where in the dig∣ged gravel there remain many subterraneous ample recesses: Though when the persecution was vehement, they were thence also excluded; as the letters P. Cornelii ad Lupic. Episc. Vien. testifie, saying, [Christians may not missas agere, keep their meetings for Church worship publickly, no not in the vaults, (or pits) So much of the Churches and publick assemblies of the Christians &c.

saith Baronius.

Which Polyd. Virgil secondeth c. 6. yea the Bishops durst scarce be seen in the streets so hot were the persecutions, as Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 31. Therefore, as I before noted, they had yet no capacious Temples, as Illyricus well gathereth, Catalog. Testi. verit. p. 112. But they began to have days of peace and liberty under Alexand. Severus, Gordian. Philip, Galienus, Flavius, Claudius, Aureli∣anus, Probus, and then they did enlarge their too small rooms, to that descri∣bed by Euseb. lib. 8. c. 1.

XXVI. Another evidence is, that Monasteries were built before Chappels and Countrey Parish Churches, and far more numerous, so that we frequent∣ly read of Monasteries under a Bishop with their Abbot, or Presbyter, when we read little or nothing of Parish Churches in the Countries under him. And if these had been as common, why are they not as much mentioned in the ancient records of the Church? The Egyptian Monks, and those in Judaea, and those in Britain, in Beda, and the life of Hierome, Fulgentius, and abun∣dance such witness this.

XXVII. Another evidence is the Canons, that none but a Bishop must pub∣lickly* 1.25 reconcile a penitent, nor pronounce the blessing in the Church, &c. Of which before in particular Canons.

XXVIII. Another evidence is that Presbyters or Bishops were not to remove from the Places they were Ordained in: But those places of old were single Churches; (usually in Cities with the suburbs that could come to the same Church, as Dr. Field saith.) Concil. Arelat. 1. cited by Spelman, pag. 40.* 1.26 (because we had 3 Brittish Bishops there) [In quibuscunque locis ordinati fue∣rint Ministri, in ipsis locis perseverent] And ipse locus was not a circuit of 40 or 50 or 100 miles long, but the Bishops Parish or Vicinity. Of the Bishops not re∣moving (without a Synod) many Councils speak.

XXIX. Another evidence is that the Canons which take down the Chorepi∣scopi and turn them to periodeutae Visitors, or Itinerants, and which forbid the* 1.27 making of Bishops in small Cities, or villages, 1. Were of late date, 2. And were in aspiring times, and had a reason answerable, ne vilescat nomen Episco∣pi; 3. And therefore intimate that it was otherwise before (as I have before shewed.)

XXX. A Separatist or Schismatick was then known by his withdrawing from his proper Church; and so was an Apostate or deserter: And he that stayed away certain days was to be excommunicate; And they that fall into sins and never present themselves to the Church, to shew their penitence, even when they fall sick and desire Communion, shall not have it till they shew fruits worthy of repentance, faith Concil. Arelat. 1. Can. 22. But 1. in our way, when the Church that I am of is an hundred miles long and hath above a thou∣sand Parishes, who can tell when a man is at the Church, and when he is not, unless you make half a years work to examine the matter in a thousand Assem∣blies? 2. And a man may wander, and never be in the same Assembly once in three years, and yet be still in his own Church because the Docese is the Church: 3. Unless the Bishops presence as well as remote relation be necessary; And then no man cometh to Church, but he that cometh where the Bishop is, for ubi Episcopus ibi Ecclesia: And the Parish Church is with them no Church, unless equivocally as a Community. For as Learned Dr. Field saith, (and they must all say) [None are to be ordained, but to serve in some Church: and none have Churches but Bishops; all other being but assistants to them in their Churches.] Lib. 5. c. 27. p. 139. Therefore they call the Parish Priests the Bishops Cu∣rates; and Dr. Field maketh the Bishops Church or Diocese and a particular Church all one. If then one Parish priest of a thousand be an Arrian, An∣tinomian, Socinian, Papist, Seeker, &c. he that separateth not from that one Priest and Parish meeting, separateth not from his Bishops Church, nor any particular Church: For his Church is a countrey, which while he is in, he is no Separatist, if he joyn with any part of it.

XXXI. But my greatest evidence which I trust to above all the rest is, The greatness of the Bishops work, which no mortal man can truly and faithfully discharge and do for a Diocese in the opposed sence, nor for more than one of our greater Parishes. I have recited some of the particulars before, and I shall again have occasion to do it more at large: I now only name these parts.

1. To be the ordinary Baptizer, or still present with all that are Baptized, (to anoint their nostrils, &c. as aforesaid.) 2. To be the Confirmer of all the baptized in all the Diocese. 3. To be the ordinary preacher to his flock, and to expound the Scriptures to them. 4. To be the only publick reconciler or absolver of all penitents. 5. To be the publick Priest, to be the Guide of the people in publick worship, and to administer the Lords Supper. 6. To take particular account and care of all the peoples souls, and admonish, teach, and exhort them as there is special need. 7. To be the Excommunicator of the impenitent (or ever one and the chief.) 8. To Ordain all Ministers and Subministers. 9. To oversee and rule the Clergy. 10. To receive all Oblations, Tithes, Gifts, and Glebes, and be the distributer of them. 11. To visit the sick in all his flock. 12. To take a particular care of all the poor, the sick, the stran∣gers, the imprisoned, &c. as their Curator. 13. To keep almost daily, but constantly weekly Assemblies for all the publick offices. 14. To keep Synods among his Colleagues, Bishops, and Presbyters. 15. To try and hear Causes with the Bishops, and Synods, and with his Presbyters at home, about all scandals, &c. that come before him, (of which one Town may find him work enough, the convincing and gentle reproof and exhortation will take up so much time.) 16. The looking after and convincing or confuting Hereticks. 17. The reconci∣ling disagreeing neighbours. 18. The confecting of oyl and holy bread, &c. to furnish all his Presbyters with. 19. The Benediction of Marriages, and So∣lemnizing of Funerals; with a multitude of other Ceremonies. 20. And be∣sides all this, the right government of his own house (And if he had Chil∣dren, the education of them) 21. The oversight of all the Schools and edu∣cating young men for the Ministery (there being then no Universities to do it.) (That the Schools were under his care, you may see proved in Filesacus) 22. The Consecrating of devoted Virgins (to say nothing of Altars and other utensils) 23. The oversight of the Monasteries. 24. The writing of Cano∣nical Epistles (as they called them) to Great men, to other Churches, &c. 25. The granting of Communicatory Letters. I have named all that come suddenly to my memory, but it's like not all. And how many Parishes, how many hundred thousand souls can one man do all this for, think you?

I will not tire you with citing out of Isidore, Gregory, Ambrose, Chrysost. &c. the strict Charges terribly laid on Bishops, but only now recite the Preachers words whose Oration Eusebius giveth us, at the dedication of a new Church, Histor. Eccl. l. 10. c. 4. It is Paulinus Bishop of Tyre. In which he tells them that it is the work of Bishops [Intimae animarum vestrarum theoriae videre & introspicere, ubi experientia & temporis prolixitate unumquemque vestrum exacte in∣quisivit, studioque & cura cunctos vos honestate & doctrina quae secundum pietatem

est, instruit.] It was then thought a Bishops duty to be intimately acquainted with the minds of his flock, and exactly enquire after every one of them, even menservants and maidservants by name, saith Ignatius, as cited before.

All this was then the Bishops work: Almost all this (except the Ceremo∣nies) Dr. Hammond proveth industriously belonged to the Bishop. Let him faithfully do it all, and let his Diocese then be as big as he please.

I might have added Concil. Arelat. 1. c. 16. that people are to be absolved in the same place where they were Excommunicated, which intimateth it must be only in the Bishops Church. And in Synod. Hybernic. Patricii (in Spelman p. 52.) All that was more than necessary to a poor man that had a Collecti∣on was to be laid on the Bishops Altar,] which implyeth that each Church had one Bishop and one Altar. And c. 21. [& non in Ecclesiam ut ibi ex∣aminetur causa] And c. 25, 26, 27. no Clergy-man but the Bishop to dispose* 1.28 of Church offerings; & Clericus Episcopi in Plebe novus ingressor, baptizare & offerre non licet, &c. with much more which intimateth what Churches were of old.

But so much shall suffice for proof of the Minor of the first Argument, that our Diocesane Form, 1. taketh down the Church Form of Gods Institu∣tion, and the primitive Churches possession: 2. And setteth up a humane form in its stead, yea one only Church instead of a thousand or many hundred.

And therefore I add

CHAP. VIII. That the Diocesans cause the errour of the Separatists, who avoid our Churches as false in their Constitution; and would utterly disable us to confute them.

WHen the Brownists say that our Churches are no true Churches, they do not mean that they are not Societies of mens devising; but that they are not Societies of Gods Instituting. And this they prove upon the prin∣ciples of the Diocesans thus: If your Churches be of Gods Institution (de spe∣cie) it is either the Parish Churches, or the Diocesane Churches that are so: But neither the Parish-Churches, nor the Diocesane: Ergo.

1. That the Parish Churches are not such, they prove because by the Dio∣cesans own confession, they are no Churches at all, except equivocally so called: It is one of their own principles, (and we grant it) that Episcopus & Plebs Constitute a Church, as a King and Subjects constitute a Kingdom, and as a

Schoolmaster and Scholars make a School: and as a Master and houshold make a Family. And that ubi est Episcopus (as Cyprian saith) ibi est Ecclesia; which is nothing but Plebs pastori adunata. And that a people without a Bishop (truly so called) are but a Church equivocally, as Scholars without a Master are a School, or as a company of Christians in a ship or house accidentally met, and praying together are a Church, &c. And as Dr. Field before cited, saith, None but a Bishop hath a Church: all others are but his assistants, or as commonly called his Curates. Therefore when a Prelatist pleadeth that our Parish Churches are true Churches (either of Gods or mans institution) they do forsake the principles of their party (as now maintained) or they contradict themselves, or they play with equivocations and ambiguities.

II. And that a Diocesane Church, which is one composed of the carcases of multitude of mortified Churches, is not jure divino, having said so much to prove my self, I will not stay to tell you how easily the Separatists may prove it. So that for my part as much as I have written and done against them, I profess I am not able to confute them on the Diocesane grounds, but would be one of them if I had no better.

Quest. How then must they be confuted?

Ans. Thus or not at all by me. A Presbyters office is not to be judged of by the Bishops will or description, but by God's the institutor. As if the King describe the Lord Mayors office in his Charter; If the Recorder or whoever giveth him his oath, and installeth him, shall misdescribe the office, and limit it, and say falsly you have no power to do this or that; This will not at all diminish his power, as long as it is the Charter that they profess to go by. He shall have the power which the King giveth, and not which the investing Mi∣nister describeth. If a Parson presented to a Benefice, shall be told by the Bishop at his institution, the Tithes or Glebe are but half yours, this shall not diminish his Title to the whole. So when God hath described the Ministers office, it shall be what God saith it is, and not what the Ordainer saith it is. And God maketh the Pastors of each particular body of fixed Communicants, united as aforesaid, to be really a Bishop (or at least the chief of these Pastors, or the sole Pastor:) And therefore the Church to be truly and univocally a Church of Divine institution: Though it were never so much granted that Archbishops were over them, as the Apostles were overthose Acts 14. 23.

And then when the Parish Churches are once proved true Churches, whether the Diocesane be so or not, is nothing to our controversie with the Separatists. But for my part I cannot confute the lawfulness of a Diocese as consisting of many particular Churches with their Bishops, as I can a Diocese which hath put them all down.

CHAP. IX. The second Argument: from the Deposition of the primi∣tive species of Bishops, and the erecting of a humane inconsistent species in their stead: A specifick diffe∣rence proved.

ARGUMENT II.

A Humane inconsistent species of Bishops erected instead of the Divinely∣instituted species thereby deposed, is unlawful. But such is the Diocesan species now opposed—Ergo.

I have hitherto charged it with the changing of the Church Form: Now of the form or species of Bishops. And here I need not add much to the former, because they are coincident, and in proving the one I have already proved the other.

A Bishop of one Church united for Individuals Communion, and a Bishop of one Church united only for Communion in specie actionum, are not the same. But because I hear many say that Magis & Minus non variant speciem, And that a Greater and a Lesser Diocese make neither the Church, nor Bishop to be of a different species, I am here to prove the contrary.

And first let it be remembred in what predicament the things in question are, a Church and a Bishop: That is, They are relations. Then let it be remem∣bred what goeth to the essence and definition of a Relation, that is, The Re∣late, the Correlate, the Subject, the Fundamentum (or as some speak the Ratio fundandi also) and the Terminus. Now where these are not the same, or any of these, then the Relation is not the same: because where an essential ingredient is wanting, the essence is wanting.

Again it must be remembred that many Natural Relations are so founded in an act past, that the Relation resulteth from it without depending on any thing future. As God is Creator quia jam creavit, Pater est qui genuit. But there are other Relations which are founded in meer Undertaking, Mandate au∣thority, and obligation to future actions: As he is a Tutor, a Schoolmaster, a Judge, a Chancellor, a Pilot, a Bishop, a Husband, &c. who by mandate and undertaking is authorized and obliged to such and such works, implyed in the names. And in these cases, there is nothing more specifieth the offices than the work of the office, which is, its nearest End. And these nearest ends are ever essential to such Relations; whether you will call them the T••rmini or End, or by what other name, we contend not.

And therefore Aquinas and all, 1. 2. q. 18. art. 2. and others commonly agree, that the Object and the End do specifie humane acts.

But remote ends may be the same in Acts, (and so in Offices) of the same species; It proving but a Generical agreement (which yet may be in specie sub∣alterna.) All humane Acts should have the same ultimate end, that is, The pleasing of God in the resplendency of his Glory, and the felicity of man. Yet this maketh them not all of the same infimae speciei. All Government intendeth the common good; and yet there are different species of Government. All Church Government is for the good of the Church, and for the killing of sin, and the promoting of faith and holiness: And yet there are different species of Church Governours.

But besides the Object and End, (which all agree to) there are by Schoolmen and Casuists, said to be circumstances, which may also specifie Moral acts. The* 1.29 seven named by Cicero in Rhetor. are, Quis, Quid, Ubi, Quibus auxiliis, Cur, Quomodo, Quando: And Aquinas and others tell us that these circumstances communicate special Goodness or evil to actions. Vid. P. Soto in relect. 5. in fine de bonit. & mal. act. Greg. de Valent. tom. 2. qu. 13. puncto 4. Jos. Angles in Florib. 2. sent. d. 37. q. 3. a. 5. p. 2.

Greg Sayrus in Clav. Regia Lib. 2. Cap. 3. pag. 54. giveth us these two notes to know when circumstances specifie actions.

1. Quando Circumstantia novam conformitatem, aut deformitatem actui tribuit; ita ut peculiariter conveniat vel repugnet rectae rationi, novam speciem constituit: Rat. Quia in hoc casu circumstantia transit in rationem objecti—2. Quotiescun∣que circumstantia non respicit specialem ordinem rationis in bono vel malo nisi praesup∣posita alia circumstantia a qua actus moralis habet speciem boni vel mali quam solam intra eandem speciem auget, vel diminuit, reddendo actum illum meliorem aut pejo∣rem, toties circumstantia illa aggravans vel diminuens, non autem speciem mutans, cen∣senda est: ut quantitas v. g. magna vel parva in furto.

Note also that though Relatio in forma relationis, non recipit magis & minus; e. g. Titius non est magis Pater quam Sempronius; Yet quoad subjectum, & aliquando quoad fundamentum & correlatum, it may recipere magis & minus, so that magis vel minus shall change the species. This is in such cases, wherein the alteration of Quantity altereth the Capacity of the subject quoad finem essentialem. For as in Physicks, besides the Matter, the Dispositio materiae (which Aristotle calls Pri∣vation) is necessary ad formam recipiendam (which is comonly called A third Principle; but I would call it, the Conditio necessaria of the Material Principle;) so in Relations there must be the Dispositio necessaria subjecti, or else there can no relation result. E. g. to the being of a house, some quantity is necessary to the End, that is, habitation; And therefore it is no house, except equivocally which is no bigger than an egg-shell: So to the being of a Ship, of a Church, &c. that which is no bigger than a nutshel is no Ship or Church, though you call it so or Consecrate it, &c. And on the other side, It is not a spoon, a dish, a ladle, a pen, which is as big as a Church, a Ship, a House. Yea a Ship and a Boat do differ in specie, though both have the same End, (safe passage over the waters by portage) by the circumstantial differences of the End and Subject.

So also in Societies; the whole world, or a Kingdom is too big to be a Fa∣mily: And a Family is too little to be a Kingdom. Pagus, Vicus, Civitas, Reg∣num differ principally in their Ends, and next in their Quantity of the subject matter, because every quantity is not capable of the same Essential End.

These things being premised, for the use of such ignorant Lads only as know them not, who may possibly study the controversie, I proceed to my proofs.

I. And I will begin (though it be weakest in it self) with an Argument ad hominem; For with the men that I now deal with, I shall take that to be the most effectual argument, which is fetcht from their interest, and fitted to their wills. I remember that once when an Army was resolved for Liberty of Con∣science, for all that professed the fundamentals of faith in God by Jesus Christ, and the Parliament appointed some of us to draw up a Catalogue of funda∣mentals, (which I thought was best done by giving them the Sacramental Co∣venant, the Creed, Lords Prayer, and Decalogue) a good man, (with o∣thers of his mind) would needs have many more fundamentals, than I was for, and among others, (That to allow our selves or others in known sin, is incon∣sistent with salvation (or is damnable) I told him that I would not dispute against it, but undertake to make him cast it by without dispute: And when they would not believe me, but went on, I did all that I promised presently with telling them, You know that the Parliament take Independency to be a sin; and they will say, If we allow or tolerate them, they here pronounce the sen∣tence of damnation on us under their own hands] Dictum factum; we had no more of that fundamental.

I have greater confidence of prevailing with Diocesans by such an argument: In taking the Covenant, in the Westminster Assembly, it would not pass till the parenthesis describing the English species of Prelacy was inserted; because many declared that they were not against all Episcopacy, but only the present English species. Accordingly those that took the Covenant in that sense, take not themselves bound to endeavour the extirpation of all Episcopacy but only of that species: And they that would have conformed on the terms of the Kings Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs, went on this supposition that the species of Prelacy was altered by it. Now I put these questions to the Diocesans. Quest. 1. If a Usurper by power should take down all the Diocesans (and their lands, Lordships, and Courts) and turn them into Parish Bishops, and say, I alter not the species but the degree, would they believe him? Quest. 2. If one that thinketh himself obliged by the Vow or Covenant against this species only, should think that he answereth his obligation, if he procure no other alteration than is made in the Kings forenamed Declaration, would they tell him, You alter not the species unless you totally extirpate Episcopacy: (supposing that he had power to do it.) Quest. 3. Seeing most that we speak with who con∣form, and who take or plead for the Oxford Oath [Never to endeavour any al∣teration of Church Government] do tell us that the meaning is only that we will not endeavour to alter the present species, which is Episcopacy, and not the ap∣purtenances, as Chancellors, &c. I ask, If it should please the King to take

down all Diocesanes, and to set up only a Bishop in every Parish or Independent Church, & say, I change not the species; or if I believed that this were a Change of the English species of Church Government I would not do it: what answer would they give to this? Quest. 4. If a Conformist or one that hath taken that Oath, shall say, I did subscribe and swear only not to endeavour an alteration of the species, but not of the degree: Therefore I will do all that I can to take down Diocesans, and to set up Congregational or Parochial Bishops in their stead, will you tell this man that indeed by so doing he endeavoureth not to change the species? Quest. 5. Seeing many of the greatest opposers of Pre∣lacy, do consent to a Congregational or Parochial Bishop, will you grant that these are not at all your adversaries as to the species of Church Government, but only as to the degree or extent of Dioceses? These cases are practical: There∣fore take heed how you resolve them, left you do that which you are unwilling of. Quest. 6. And I may ask, Why is it that many deny that it was a Parlia∣ment of Episcopal men, that raised the Army against the King, only because in the Proposition sent to Nottingham they would have had Episcopacy reduced to what is there intimated, and would have had their power shortned? Come, come, deny not the plain truth, If magis & minus non variant speciem, Parli∣ament men, yea, and the Learnedest part of that Synod who took down Bishops, were Episcopal men, yea, Prelatists as you are, for they were but for a Gradual alteration at the beginning of their war, till they were carried fur∣ther by necessity and interest. Quest. 7. And I ask you also, why, and with what front do you call us all Presbyterians, who offered Bishop Ushers Model to the King and you in 1660. as the terms of Concord? Is it against your Consciences meerly to make us odious with you know whom? what can it be better, if you grant that we are not only for Episcopacy in genere, but even for the same species with your selves? Yea, those that are against Bishop Ushers Model, and are only for Congregational or Parish Bishops, are it seemeth even for your species: And are they not then Episcopal as well as you? So much ad hominem; now ad rem.

II. Where the specifying Ends differ, there the Species of Relations differ. But in the Churches and the Bishops in question the specifying Ends differ: Ergo &c.

I will first manifest the truth of the Minor (for the Major is unquestionable) of Churches, and next of Bishops.

1. The ends of a particular Church as described by us are these: 1. Com∣munion sensible and external; 2. And that local or presential; 3. And that personal by all the body of the Church; 4. And that in the same Individual acts of Gods publick worship. 5. In watching over, or helping each other towards Heaven, by provoking each other to love and to good works, and if a brother offend to tell him of his fault; to comfort each other, and to live to∣gether in holiness, love and peace. 6. To be related to the same Pastors, as those that are their Ordinary Teachers, Governours and Guides in publick worship, as labouring amongst them and being ensamples to the flock. 7. To hold a distant Communion with the neighbour associated concordant Churches,

and particularly with those nearest them of the first order of Composition; of which association this particular Church is a part, for Communion of Churches as they are themselves a Society for Communion of Individual Christians in a single Church.

2. Now the ends of our Diocesane Churches are not one of all these. For 1. Their Communion is internal in Faith and Love; such as we have with the Abassines. 2. It is distant only, and not presential at all: For as Diocesane we never see each other it's like in our whole lives. 3. It is not personal (as ex∣ternal and sensible) but only by the intervention of Delegates, Messengers, Of∣ficers or Synods of such. 4. It is only in eadem specie of publick worship and sacred actions that we have Communion, but not in the same Individual acti∣ons of worship: And so we may have Communion with the Antipodes, while we believe the same Scriptures and Creed, and use the same Sacraments, &c. in specie. 5. We have no converse with one another at all as Diocesane: (though as Parochial we may)▪ we never meet together, pray together, hear together, exhort or watch over or help each other: If a Brother trespass we tell him not of his fault, &c. for we never know one of five hundred in the Diocese, no more than men of another Countrey. 6. We hear not the same Teachers; we have not the same Guides to resolve our doubts, and to instruct us as we need; We have not the same Priests to joyn with in Gods publick worship: But he that Teacheth and officiateth in one Church, hath no power in another: Only we have the same Bishop to call (not the people before him to teach and warn and comfort them, but) the Parson and Churchwardens; or ra∣ther the same Lay-Chancellor and his Court, and the same Canons (for silen∣cing our Ministers, Excommunicating many conscionable Nonconformists, &c.) which not only all the Diocese hath, but all the Land. Not one of many hun∣dreds of the Diocese ever seeth the Bishop in all his life. 7. A Diocese is it self a compound of particular Churches associated (Though mortified quantum in Diocesanis;) And therefore cannot be a constitutive part of such a first order of Association, as a particular Church may be or is. These are the diffe∣rences in the Ends.

Now lay all these together, and try, whether the differences in so many parts of the Ends of the Society, make not a Specifick difference in Societies. Whe∣ther [a company of Christians associated with the same present Pastors, for pre∣sential personal Communion in Gods publick worship, Sacraments, Teaching, and Guidance, and for mutual assistance in holy converse and living, &c. and cohabiting in a vicinity capable of this converse and Communion] be a So∣ciety of the same species with [A company of Congregations associated (or rather never associated) to hold a distant Communion in the same species of Be∣lief, Prayer, Sacraments, &c. under several appropriate Pastors, not living (ut Parochiani▪) in any such vicinity as may render them capable of any of the fore∣said present assistances or Communion: (unless in travail men accidentally come together as, we may do with men of other lands.)] It is notorious that these Essentiating Ends of the two sorts of Societies are distinct; and therefore the Societies are essentially distinct.

Even as a City, Burrough, or Corporation, are part of a Kingdom, and are specifically distinct societies from the Kingdom. (For the Parts may have a proper subordinate specification, which all set together may constitute one more comprehensive species: As a Clock, and the several wheels and parts of that Clock may differ in specie, though not as coordinate species) A Kingdom may possibly be no bigger than a City: But yet the form of a Kingdom and of a City do differ in the Ends of the Societies. So a Family in specie differeth from a City, which is compact of many Families: so a Troop differeth in specie from a Regiment, and a Regiment from an Army, a Colledge from an University, a bed-chamber which is part of an house from an house, though yet it's possible that a house may be but one room, and an University but one Colledge, and an Army but one Regiment, &c.

Now let us enquire whether de jure divino there ought to be such a Society as I have described, associating for personal present Communion and assistance as aforesaid. And this I have fully proved before Chap. 3. Acts 14. 23. They ordained them Elders in every Church. 1 Thes. 5. 12, 13. Know them that la∣bour among and are over you in the Lord, and highly esteem them in love for their works sake: and be at peace among your selves. Heb. 13. 7. 17. Remember them which have the rule over you, who have spoken to you the word of God. Act. 20. 28. Take heed to your selves and to all the flock, &c. v. 31. I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears. 20. publickly and house by house. 1 Pet. 5. 1, 2, 3. The Elders that are among you, &c. feed the flock (not a particle of the flock) Mat. 18. 15. If thy brother trespass against thee, tell him his fault between thee and him; If he hear thee not, take two—If he hear not them, tell the Church—If with Sel∣den, de Synedr. and the Erastians by the Church were meant the Sanhedrim, it would tend to the confirmation of what we plead for; considering how thin both Council (and Synagogues) were, and in how small places. But against that sence, see Galaspies Aarons Rod, &c.

Heb. 10. 22. &c. Forsake not the assembling of your selves together, But exhort one another—1 Cor. 11. When ye come together in the Church, 1 Cor. 14, &c. See the Text as forecited Chap. 3.

It is then manifest that Churches associated for such present Communion of Christians, is of Gods appointment, which Thorndike in a set Treatise proveth to be the ground of Discipline.

2. Next I will shew that the Bishops of such a particular Church and of a compound Diocese are offices specifically different (a finibus.)

1. The Bishop of a particular Church is related to another Correlate, speci∣fically distinct from the said Diocesane: Therefore his office is specifically distinct. The Antecedent is before proved, and the Consequence no sober man will question.

2. And their works are specifically distinct.

1. The work of the one is, 1. To be the ordinary publick Teacher of the Church; 2. To Congregate the Church; 3. To be their Guide in present worship; 4. To give them the Lords Supper; 5. To watch over and guide them personally in their conversation; and so of the rest forenamed.

2. The work of the other is, 1. To send Curates to be the ordinary Teach∣er, and Guides, and Priests to the people; even to each Parish one. 2. To have a Lay Chancellors Court to trouble them in a secular mode, and to judge men to excommunication and absolution. 3. To visit some Towns in his Diocese▪ and there to call together the Clergy and Churchwardens, once in three years, (or a year if he please.) 4. To have an Archdeacon to keep some kind of Courts under him in certain places, by himself or his official. 5. To grant Licences to Marry: 6. And to preach: 7. And to eat flesh in Lent. 8. To suspend or silence Preachers. 9. To lay his hands on Children or others, for the Cere∣mony of Confirmation; perhaps on the thousandth or five hundredth part of his Diocese, (though dejure he should do it to every one) 10. To preach as oft as he please in his Cathedral, or where he will.

But as for the aforesaid work of a Bishop of a particular Church, he is not to do it, nor any one part of it, that I know of. For whereas the true office of such a Bishop is (as Dr. Hammond in his Annotat. well describeth it) by a Mi∣nisterial participation to subserve Christ to his whole flock in the threefold work of a teacher, a Priest, and a Ruler, he doth no one part of all. 1. Instead of Teaching his flock, he (if he be one of the extraordinary best) doth only pub∣lickly preach once or twice a week to the thousandth or five hundredth or hun∣dredth part of his flock: (But so do very few of them, but some it may be once in a month or a year) And as to the personal care of their Souls, he hath not one Parish that he taketh the care of, to teach them personally. 2. He seldom doth officiate in publick Prayer, Praise, and Sacrament to any part of his flock: And when he doth, it is but to a particle of the foresaid proportion: But when others do it, he saith, He doth it by them. 3. He doth not at all govern his flock with that which is the true Pastoral Government; which is in person among them to guide them, and resolve their doubts, and admit those to Com∣munion that are fit, and refuse the unfit; To admonish all the scandalous and unruly, as personally known to him, to watch over them and confirm the weak, and refel seducers when they come among them. But instead of this, he never seeth them, (as to the main body of his flock) nor knoweth them, but sum∣moneth their Teachers and Church-wardens, (and such as others that dwell among them, or his Apparitors will accuse to him) to come before his Lay-Chancellours Court, as aforesaid, and in his Vi••itation to meet him: so that here is none of the same work no nor Government it self, but another kind of Government.

And here note, 1. That the foresaid three parts of the office (Teaching, Worshipping, and Ruling) are all Essential to the office; so that if he wanted but any One of them, he were not an Officer of the same species with those that have them all, much more if he have but One, yea, not One of all.

2. That the flock or Church is not to be denominated from a small or incon∣siderable part of it, but from the main Body. Therefore he that is the Teacher but of one Congregation of a thousand, or many hundreds, or scores, is not to be therefore called, the Teacher of that Church or Flock, which consisteth of

so many Congregations: And so also for Worship and personal conduct, He is not a Priest to that flock, &c. Much less when he undertaketh not one Parish.

Obj. So you may say of one of the old City Churches, such as Alexandria where the Bishop preached but to one Congregation; or of our Parishes that have Chappels, where the Curate teacheth in the Chappels; or wherever there are many Presbyters to a Congregation: All do not preach, at least to all the people.

Ans. 1. I doubt not but Alexandria and all such places, should have had many Churches and Bishops, as the Christians grew too many to be in and under one.

2. But yet when they had several Churches and Presbyters, the people were not at all tyed to their own Parishes, but might come to hear and joyn with the Bishop as oft as they pleased: which though they could not do all at once, they might do by turns, some one day and some another: And so they did. So that still they had personal Communion with him, though not every day. 3. And they lived in Vicinity, where they were capable of Converse, and personal notice, and private help from one another. 4. And the Presbyters all joyned in personal oversight or Government of the whole flock, and were each one capable of personal admonition and exhortation to any member. 5. And those that attended the Bishop and did not frequently officiate in the chief acti∣ons, yet were present with the Church, and assisted him in officiating, and were ready to do the rest when ever he appointed them or there was need: so that though quoad exercitium they did not the chief parts of the work every day, or usually, yet, 1. it was all the three parts of the Pastoral office which they did, and undertook to do, in season: 2. And that to the same Church in person by themselves. So that though Churches that swell to a disordered bulk, are not in that perfect order as more capable Societies may be; yet whilest their Communion is personal, present, as aforesaid, the Church species is not altered as in our Dioceses it is.

III. A divers fundamentum vel ratio fundandi, proveth a diversity of Relations: But a true Parish Bishop and our Diocesanes have fundamenta that are in specie divers; And so have a particular Church and a Diocesane Church: Ergo, a Parish Church and Bishop, and a Diocesane Church and Bishop are specie divers.

The Major is undeniable. The Minor I prove by shewing the diversity.

1. The Fundamentum of the Relation of a Particular Church, is either 1. Of the Relation of the Church to God: 2. Or their relation as fellow members one to another: 3. Or of their joynt relation to their Pastors or Bishops: 4. Or of their Bishops or Pastors relation to them. For certainly a Church is not only compounded of various Materials, but its form is a compounded of these Four Relations set together, and every one is Essential to it (And he that cannot distinguish cannot understand.) Now everyone of all these compound∣ing Relations, is founded in a mutual consent.

1. The Relation of the Members, Pastors, and the whole Church to God is founded in Gods consent and theirs: Gods is signified 1. By his Scrip∣ture Institution and Command: 2. By his qualifying and disposing the per∣sons: 3. By his providential giving them opportunity: 4. And ad ordinem

where it can be had, by the Ordainers (as to the Pastors relation) who are Gods ministers to invest them in the office, 5. And by his moving the hearts of the People to consent (which belongeth to the giving of opportunity.)

The Relation of all these to God, is secondarily founded in their own con∣sent (that it may be a Contract:) The Pastors express theirs, in their Ordi∣nation in general, and in their Induction or fixing in that particular Church, to the Ordainers, and to the people. The members express their consent, either plainly in a Contract, or impliedly by actual convention and submission, and performing of their duties.

2. The Relation of the members to each other, is founded in their said Explicite or Implicite consent among themselves, joyned to their foresaid con∣sent to God.

3. The Relation of the Members to their Pastors, is founded Remotely in the said signification of Gods will, by his Word and Providence, and by the Or∣dainers, (for they are but Ministers, and operate but by signifying Gods will.) And nextly, by the mutual consent of the People and the Pastors.

4. The Relation of the Pastors to the flock is accordingly founded, 1. Re∣motely in the said signification of Gods will by his Word, Gifts, Disposition, Opportunity, and by the Ministery of the Ordainers: 2. And nextly by the con∣sent of Pastors and People. Thus is a particular Church-relation founded, and all these parts are necessary thereunto.

But as for our Diocesane Churches, which have no particular Churches un∣der them, nor Bishops, but only Congregations with several Curates, being not politically and properly Churches, (For I meddle not with such A. Bishops Dio∣ceses as consist of many true Churches with their proper Bishops▪) let us see from what foundation they result.

1. As to their Relation to God, he never expressed his Consent, nor owneth them (that ever I could hear proved) And therefore the Fundamental Con∣tract is wanting. Those that go Dr. Stillingfleet's and Bishop Reynold's way, and say, No Form of Government is of Gods appointment, do grant that the Diocesane form is not: But that the Congregational form is, I have fully pro∣ved. Therefore they have not the same Foundation.

2. And as to the Relation of the Members of a Diocese to one another, there is no mutual consent truly nor seemingly signified by them: what ever some few may do, who are not the Diocese, it is certain that the Diocese as such do neither Explicitely nor Impliedly by word or deed express any such Church consent, but rather the clean contrary. For 1. Their Dwelling in the Diocese is no more a profession of consent, than the Christians dwelling in Constantinople sheweth them to be Mahometans: For their Ancestors there lived, and they have no other dwelling.

2. Their choosing a Parliament who consent is no proof of their consent. 1. Because it is not past a sixth or tenth or twentieth part of the Members that choose Parliament men. 2. Because they never intend to choose them for any such use as to be the choosers of their Religion, or Church, and to dispose of their Souls: But only to regulate Church matters according to Gods word, which

when they go against, they go beyond, and against the peoples consent. As in choosing Parliament men, we do not trust them to choose husbands and wives and Masters and servants for all the people: Nor can we commit that trust (for the choice of our Religion or Church) to others statedly, which Gods Word and Nature have bound us to use our selves. Or if such mischoose for us, they disoblige us from accepting their choice. I am sure the Papists think not that they choose Parliament men to choose a Church for them: Nor would the Prelatists think so, if the Parliament should prove Presbyterian, Independent, Anabaptists, or Papists.

3. The Diocese doth not signifie Consent to a Church relation, by the Church∣wardens or accused persons coming to the Chancellors or Bishops Courts. For 1. It is but a small number comparatively that do so. 2. They are compelled, and are well known to come full sorely against their wills: They are undone if they refuse: And submission and patience, are not sub∣jection nor consent. 3. They most commonly profess to come to these Courts in obedience to the King, and as they are empowered by him, and strengthened by his sword: And not at all as Church-Pastors empowered by Christ: For who taketh the Chancellor to be such?

4. The appearance of the Clergy at the Bishops Visitation, and their Conformity, is no proof of the peoples consent. For the Ministers are distinct persons, and have a distinct interest, and are no way empowered to signifie the peoples consent.

5. Yea, they shew their dissent, 1. By being so backward to be made Church-wardens: 2. So backward to take their Oaths: 3. So backward to present: 4. So backward to appear at their Courts. 5. Doing it on a civil account as obeying the Kings Officers. 6. So few of them ever coming to a Bishop to be instructed, resolved, yea or for the ceremony of Confirma∣tion.

So that the people can never be proved to consent to a Diocesane Church State.

And if they had, that is not the same as a consent to a Congregational or Parish Church State.

3. The same I need not say over again as to the Diocesane Bishop, Chan∣cellor and Archdeacon: They consent to the Parish Ministers where they are tolerable, by word or daily attendance in Gods worship: But I know England so well as that I know that as they never choose their Bishops, or Chancellors, (but the King chooseth them, and a Dean and a few Prebends pro forma con∣sent) so they are never called to express their consent, nor do any considera∣ble part of the Diocese usually consent indeed; some never mind such matters: others say, the King may put in whom he will; it is no act of theirs: others had rather have a good one than a bad one, but had rather yet have none at all, especially of late since so many hundred Ministers are silenced. And some would have Bishops to silence the Ministers, and some are for them on a better ac∣count. But it's no considerable part of the Diocese that signifieth Consent. And as for the formal demand to the standers by at the Consecration, whether

any of them have any thing against the Bishop, it's a ceremony fitter for a stage, than to come here into an Argument.

4. And as for the Bishops and Chancellors relation to the People, when it wants the word of God, and his consent, and the peoples consent, and hath but the Kings collation, the Deans and Chapters formal consent, and the Pre∣lates and Conformist Ministers consent, I may well conclude that here is not the same Fundamentum as is of the Parochial and Pastors Church relation.

IV. And where there is not the same Relate and Correlate, there is not the same Relation. But a Parochial Church and Pastor, and a Diocesane Church and Pastor, are not the same Relate and Correlate. Ergo.

If they be, let them become Parochial Bishops and be still the same. But what I have said of the difference of Ends and Foundations proveth this; a Com∣bination of Christians into one Church primi ordinis for personal Communion, is not the same with a Combination of Congregations for Communion mental or by delegates only. And so of the Bishops of these several Churches.

V. If a Congregational Church or Pastor be of the same species with our Di∣ocesane Churches and Prelates, then a Church that extendeth through all the Kingdom, yea to many Kingdoms, yea to the East and West Indies or Anti∣podes may be of the same species also (and so its Pastor.) And so the Pope and his Church may be of the same, (as to the magnitude) But the consequent is false: Ergo, so is the antecedent.

The consequence in the Major is evident, because there is eadem ratio; For their reason of denominating a Church One is because it hath One Bishop; and by their Principles there may be one Bishop to a Province, to a Kingdom, to an Empire, to the World.

When all the subordinate Bishopricks were taken down to make up this Diocesane Church of Lincoln which I live in, the Church was One, which be∣fore was many. And if all the Bishops were taken down except the two Archbishops, the two remaining Churches I confess would be of the same spe∣cies with a Diocese. Yea, if there were but One Church and Bishop in the Land. And why might not all Europe on these terms make one particular Church? If you say, Because they are not under one King, I answer, 1. That's no reason: A King is a Civil extrinsick Accidental head of a Church as a Church; and not a Constitutive Head: But a Bishop is an Intrinsecal, Eccle∣siastical Constitutive head, without whom it is no Church (unless equivo∣cally.) 2. Ten Kings may agree to give way to One Bishop in all their King∣doms (as they have done to the Papcy.) 3. The Roman Empire was bigger than Europe: Why then might not that have been one only Church of the same Species with a Diocese?

If they say that it is because one man is not capable of doing the work of a Bishop for so many Countreys. I Answer, Per se, he cannot do it for the hun∣dredth part of a Diocese: Per alios he may do it for all Europe: It is but ap∣pointing some who shall appoint others, who shall appoint others, (and so to

the end of the chapter) to do it. There is but one Abuna in Abassia to Ordain, (though numerous Bishops, who have not the Generative faculty; which Epi∣phanius makes to be the difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter, that the one begets Fathers and the other but Sons: Their Countrey was converted by an Eunuch.) It would be a notable dispute whether all the rest be true Bishops or not (I think Yea; the Prelatists must think Nay.) And yet Brierwood saith that Abassia (after all its great diminutions) is as big as Italy, France, Spain, and Germany. And doth not the Pope govern per alios yet far more, and pretend to govern the whole Christian World? while he sendeth one to Goa, another to Mexico, (and Oviedo to Abassia, would they but have received him.)

Obj. But he hath other Bishops under him, therefore he is not ejusdem spe∣ciei as a Diocese. Answ. But the Abuna hath no Ordainers under him. And the Bishop hath Chancellors, Deans, Arch-deacons, Surrogates, Officials, and sometimes in the days of old had Suffragans too, under him. (Quest. Was a Diocese then, One Church, or two?) And what if a Patriarch or Pope put down all Bishops under him, and exercise his power only by other sorts of officers? (They that can demise, grant, let, what parts they please of their own office, may devise enow.)

And seeing it would not alter the species, what if it should please the King and Parliament to put down all the Bishops of England save One? I hope the Bishops would not take that to be against the Canon of 1640. nor against the Oxford Oath [of never endeavouring to Consent or Alter the Church Covernment] (if it could have been past to be taken by the Parliament) Because the species is not altered: And they tell us Nonconformists to draw us to Swear, that they mean but the species. I make no doubt but at the rates of our present Ordinations, One Bishop or Abuna with Chaplains enow, may Ordain Priests enow, (and too many of all conscience) for all the Kings Do∣minions; and may silence preachers enow, and may set up Chancellors, Sur∣rogates, and Arch-deacons enow to do the present work. And it's pity that the land should be troubled with so many when one would serve. I confess I would either have more or fewer had I my wish.

And as for my Minor proposition, let him that thinketh it wanteth proof, when he hath considered what is beforesaid, and how personal present Commu∣nion in all Gods Church-worship, differeth from the Communion of associated Congregations by messengers, &c. think so still, if he be able so egregiously to err.

But I must not so leave our Prelatists. I know that it is the common trick of Sophisters, when they cannot make good an ill cause, to carry it into the dark, or start a new controversie, and then they are safe. A Papist will wheel about into the wilderness or thickets of Church history, and ask you what names you can give of your Religion in all Ages, that one proposition of your Syllogism may contain much of a Horse load or a Cart load of Books, and then I trow he hath done his work, if women be the judges. And others use to carry the question a rebus ad verba: And so it is in the case in hand. But it is not the name of a SPECIES that shall serve your turn. We know how hard

it is in Physicks, to determine what it is that specifieth; and much more in Mo∣rals, Politicks and other Relatives. But Let the Logical notion of a species lie at your mercy: It shall suffice us, that you may not make so great a change of the Church-orders and Government of Gods institution, as to turn a thou∣sand or hundred Churches into one; and to deprive all Parishes or Churches Consociate for presential Communion, of the priviledge of having a Bishop of their own to Teach, Worship, and Govern them presentially and per se. As if all the Arch-bishops in the Ronan Empire had put down all the Bishops, and called themselves the Bishops of the Churches. Of which more anon.

CHAP. X. Whether any form of Church Government be instituted by God as necessary? or all left to humane prudence?

Obj. BUt Doctor Stillingfleet hath invincibly proved that God hath made no one form of Church Government necessary, but left the choice to humane prudence.

Answ. I. If so, Why should we all swear to this one form, that we will never endeavour to alter it? or (as the & caetera Oath) never consent to the alteration of it, when we know not but the King may alter it, or command us to endeavour it? Must there be such swearing to the perpetuating an alterable unnecessary thing?

II. The word [Form] signifieth either the essentials of Church policy, or the Integrals, or accidents which Christ himself hath setled: Or else it signifieth only some mutable accidents or modes, which God hath left to humane pru∣dence. Of the first we deny mans power to change them. Of the later we grant it.* 1.30

1. It is undeniably of Divine institution that there be ordinary publick As∣semblies for Gods solemn worship, and the peoples edification. 2. And that Ministers of that office which Christ hath instituted, be the officiating Guides in these Assemblies. 3. And that Cohabiting Christians be the ordinary stated bodies of these assemblies, and not live loosely to go every day as they please from Church to Church, but ordinarily when they can, be setled members of some one Church (To which cohabitation or vicinity, is one dispositio materiae) 4. And that each of these Churches have their proper fixed Pastors, and should not take up with unfixed various passing Ministers, unless in cases of necessary

unsetledness. 5. And that these setled Pastors should live among the People,* 1.31 and watch over them personally, and know them, and be known of them in doctrine and ensample, as to the main body of the flock. 6. That these Re∣lations and Communion be by mutual consent of the Pastors and the body of the flock. 7. That these mutual Relations of Gods appointment and their own consent do constitute them a spiritual society of Divine institution. 8. That this Communion must be (as our Creed calleth it) a Communion of Saints: that is, of men professing Christianity and Holiness, and seeming such: And must extend to a free Communication to each other, for the supply of corporal necessities; And to a mutual assistance of each other in holy living. 9 That therefore there must be some to discern and judge whether the persons that would enter this Society and Communion, be Professed seeming Christians and Saints or not? And whether they revolt by Heresie or wicked lives from their profession? And whether they be impenitent in these revoltings? And therefore having opportunity by presence or nearness to know them and the witnesses, must judge of the credibility or reports or accusations? And must admonish the offenders, and seek by all possible conviction and exhortation, with patience to draw them to Repentance: And if no perswasion will prevail, to refuse to admit them to the Communion of the Church, and to deliver them the Sacrament of Communion, and to tell them openly of their sin and danger, and pronounce them lyable to Gods wrath till they do repent, and to charge the Church to avoid Communion with them. 10. It is the particular Pastors of those Churches, to whose office all this belongeth. 11. If that Church have more Pastors than one, they must do all this work in concord, and not divide nor thwart each other. So that as many Physicians undertake one Patient, as each one singly of the same office, and yet must do all by agreement, unless some one see that the rest would kill the patient; so it is in this case. 12. All these particular Churches must in their vicinities and capacities▪ live in Concord, and hold such a correspondency, and Communion of Churches for mutual strength and edification, as tendeth to the common good of all: The means of which are Messengers, Letters, and Synods as there is occasion. All these twelve particulars I doubt not but so judicious and worthy a man as Dr. Stillingfleet will easily concede. And indeed the summe of them is granted in his book. And then whether you will call this a Form of Government or not, how little care I for the meer name? 13. I may add this much more, that All these Congregations are under the extrinsick Government of the Ma∣gistrate, as Physicians are: And he only can rule them by the sword and force.

But then we will agree with Dr. Stillingfleet or any man, that God hath left all these things following without a particular determination to be determined according to his General Laws. 1. Whether this Parochial or Congregational Church shall always meet in one and the same place; or in case of persecution or want of room, or by reason of the Age, Weakness, and distance of some Members, may have several houses or Chappels of ease, where some parcels may sometimes meet, who yet (at least per vices) may have personal present

Communion with the rest. 2. Whether a Church shall be great or small, that is, of what number it shall consist, supposing that it be not so great or so small as to be inconsistent with the end. 3. How many Pastors each Church shall have. 4. Whether among many One shall be a Chief, and upon supposition of his pre∣eminence in Parts, Grace, Age, and Experience, shall voluntarily be so far submit∣ted to by the rest, as may give him a Negative voice. 5. Whether such offi∣cers of many Churches, shall consociate so as to joyn in Classes or Synods stated for number, time and place. And whether their meetings shall be constant, or occasional pro re nata. 6. Whether One in these meetings shall be a stated Mo∣derator, or only pro tempore, and shall have a Negative voice or not, in the circumstantials of their Synodical work. 7. Whether certain Agreements called Canons, shall be made voluntarily to bind up the several Members of the Synods to one and the same way in undetermined circumstances of their call∣ings; or as an agreement and secondary obligation to their certain duties. 8. Whether these Associations or Synods shall by their Delegates constitute other provincial or larger associations for the same Ends: Who those Delegates shall be. Whether one in those larger Synods also shall have such a Negative as aforesaid. All these and such like we grant to be undetermined: And if they will call only such Humane modes and circumstances by the name of Forms of Government, we quarrel not de nomine, but de re do grant that such kind of Forms or Formalities are not particularly determined of in Gods word.

9. And besides all these, whether successors of the Apostles in the ordinary part of their work, as A. Bishops or General Ministers having the care of many inferiour Bishops and Churches, be not Lawful, yea, of Divine right, or whe∣ther they be unlawful is a question which all Nonconformists are not agreed on among themselves, so great is the difficulty of it. But for my own part, being unsatisfied in it, I never presumed to meddle in any Ordinations, lest it should belong to Apostolical A. Bishops only; and I resolved to submit herein to the order of the Church wherever I should live.

III. But if you hold that Dr. Stillingfleet, Bishop Reynolds, and all those Conformists who say that no Church Form is jure divino necessario, do extend this (as expresly they do) to the Diocesane Form, Let it be observed, 1. That we plead for no more than we have proved, (and they will confess I think) to be jure divino. 2. And that we plead against swearing and subscribing to no∣thing but what they themselves say is not of Gods institution. 3. That the proper Prelatists affirm it to be of Divine Institution, or else they will renounce it. 4. That the preface of the book of Ordination to which we must subscribe or declare Assent and Consent, doth make this Episcopacy to be a distinct Or∣der from Presbyters, as a thing certain by Gods word. This therefore I won∣der how they can subscribe to, who say no Form is jure divino: I am sure they perswade us not to subscribe it, while they disprove it.

And I would have leave to debate the Case of the Church of England a little with these Humanists, and to ask them, If no Church Form be of Gods ma∣king, 1. Why may not the King and Parliament put it down as aforesaid?

2. But specially who made the Form of the Church of England which we must swear to—If another Church, then that other was not of the same Form; otherwise that Form was made before, which is a contradiction. If it was of another Form, I ask, what it was? and who made the Form of that other Church which made this Church Form? and so to the Original? If Bishops or Synods made it, still they were parts of a Church, or of no Church. If of no Church, what Bishops were those, and by what power did they make new Church Forms that were of none themselves? If an Emperor or King first made them, either he was himself a member of a Church, or of no Church. If of a Church, what form had that Church? And why should not that first form stand? And who made that form? and so ad originem. If he was of no Church, how came he by power to make Church forms, that was of none himself? Nemo dat quod non habet. It's no honour to Prelacy to be so made. And were they Christians or no Christians that made the Diocesane Form? If Christians, were they orderly Christians, or rebellious? If orderly, how happened it that they were of no Church themselves, when the Apostles setled so much of Church Form and Order, as I have before named? If rebellious, they were a dis∣honourable original of Diocesanes.

And if the Church Form be not of Divine institution, then the Church it self is not. For forma dat nomen & esse. And so the cause is given up to the Brownists by these Learned moderate men, so far as that there is no Church in England of Divine institution. Were it not that when in general they have said that no Church Form of Government is so Divine, they again so far unsay it, as to confess the Parith Churches or Congregations with their Pastors to be of Divine institution and of continued necessity.

All that is to be said by and for them is this, That the Apostles were the makers of the English or Diocesane Form, but not of that only, but of the Presbyterian (and Independent) also; and so made no one necessary but left all indifferent: Or that they made one of these Forms as mutable, allowing men to change it.

Answ. But 1. I have proved what they made; Let them prove that they made any other, of a different sort, not subordinate or supraordinate, if they can. 2. And let them prove the mutability of that which they made, and their power to change it, which they assert. Till one of these is proved, we are or should be in possession of that which was certainly first made.

I am bold to conclude this argument with the speech of a bold but a wise and holy man, Joh. Chrysostome de Sacerdotio lib. 3. pag. (mihi) 48. cap. 15. [And when some (Bishops) have obtained that prefecture of a Province not belong∣ing to them, and others of one FAR GREATER THAN THEIR OWN proper STRENGTH CAN BEAR, THEY CERTAINLY BRING TO PASS, THAT THE CHURCH OF GOD SEEMETH NOTHING TO DIFFER FROM AN EURIPUS (or a confused tur∣bulent changeling thing)——& pag. 49. AND DO NOT THESE THINGS DESERVE GODS THUNDERBOLT A THOUSAND TIMES? ARE THEY NOT WORTHY TO BE PUNISHED WITH

THE FIRE OF HELL? NOT THAT hell WHICH THE HOLY SCRIPTURES THREATEN TO US; BUT EVEN OF ONE THAT IS FAR MORE GRIEVOUS.] Forgive the words, my Lords; They are not mine but Chrysostome's: or if you will not forgive the citing of them, I will bear it as he did the like. Only I will abate you in my prognosti∣cation, or sentence, that far sorer hell fire than the Scripture threameth, sup∣posing this will be sharp enough, even for the most dispersing, silencing per∣secuting Prelate; and imputing those words to honest Chrysostome's vehement Oratory. And I'le tell you what went next before these words, [And they do not only take in the unworthy (into the Priesthood) but they cast out the worthy: For as if they had agreed both ways to spoil the Church of God, and the first cause were not enough to kindle the wrath of God, they add the second, or worse, to the former. For I judge it equally pestilent to drive out the Profitable, and to take in the unprofitable: which certainly they do, that the flock of Christ may from no part either find consolation, or be able to take breath] O what would this man have said had he lived now in England!

CHAP. XI. Argument 3. From the destruction of the order of Pres∣byters of Divine Institution, and the Invention of a new order of Sub-half-Presbyters in their stead.

ARGUMENT III.

THe office of Presbyters instituted by the Holy Ghost containeth an Obligation and Authority to Guide by Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline the flocks committed to their care: But the office of a Diocesane, being one only Bishop over many score or hundred Congregations, is destructive of that office of Presbyters, which containeth an obligation and authority to Guide by Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline, (or the exercise of the Church keys) the flocks committed to their care. Therefore the office of such a Diocesane is destructive of the office of Presbyters instituted by the Holy Ghost.

The Major is thus proved by the Enumeration of the Acts which contain the general office, and by the proof of the General power extending to those Acts: viz.

1. They that had the Authority and Obligation to exercise the Church keys in the Scripture sence, had the authority and obligation to Guide their flocks by Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline. But the Presbyters of the Holy Ghosts institution had the authority and obligation to exercise the Church keys, in the Scripture sence: Ergo they had authority and obligation to Guide their flocks by Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline.

2. Again: The office which contained an Authority and Obligation to Teach, Exhort, Rebuke, publickly and privately, to judge of persons baptizable and to baptize them, to Pray, Praise God, and administer the Lords Supper to the Church, and to judge of them that are to receive it, to watch over them privately, and publickly to Excommunicate the obstinately impenitent, and absolve the penitent, doth contain authority and obligation to Guide that flock by Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline. But such is the Office of Presbyters as instituted by the Holy Ghost.—Ergo—&c.

Here note 1. That I am not now medling with the Questions, Whether such Presbyters hold this power in subordination to any superiour Bishops; nor whether there lie any appeal from them to a higher power in the Church? 2. Nor am I now questioning, Whether in Scripture sence Bishops and Pres∣byters are all one in Name or thing.

3. But that which I maintain is, 1. That there is no proof in Scripture that God ever instituted any order of Presbyters which had not the foremen∣tioned power of the keys. 2. And that God did institute such an Order of Presbyters as had that power, de nomine & de re. And 3. That the Diocesane Office destroyeth such, and setteth up others in their stead. What God in∣stituted I will prove 1. Out of the Scripture records, 2. Out of the History of the Church which long retained them, in some degree.

CHAP. XII. That God instituted such Presbyters as had the foresaid power of the Keys, in Doctrine, Worship, and Disci∣pline; and no other, proved by the Sacred Scriptures.

THat God instituted such Presbyters and no other, I shall prove by the enumeration and perusal of all the Texts of Scripture which mention them, (viz. as instituted in the New Testament, and now in force.)

Act. 14. 23. When they had Ordained them Elders in every Church—Compa∣red with Tit. 1. 5. That thou shouldest Ordain Elders in every City, as I had ap∣pointed thee—7. For a Bishop must be blameless as the steward of God. And his power is described v. 11, 13. Ch. 2. 1, 7, 15. and 3. 10. intimate it. Com∣pare this with 1 Tim. 3. 1, 2, 5, 6.

1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour, espe∣cially they who labour in the Word and Doctrine: compared with 1 Cor. 9. 14. Gal. 6. 6. which shew that preaching the Gospel was their work, as well as Ruling the Churches under them, as 1 Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11, 12. Rom. 12. 7, 8. intimate

Acts 20. 17, 28. He sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of the Church—Take heed to your selves and to all the flocks over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, (or Bishops) to feed (or rule) the Church of God which he hath pur∣chased with his own bloud. v. 31. Therefore watch &c. v. 35. So labouring, ye ought to support the weak.

Acts 11. 30. They sent it to the Elders by the hands of Barnabas and Soul. Acts 15. 2. 6. 22, 23. To the Apostles and Elders—And the Apostles and El∣ders came together to consider——Then pleased it the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church——The Apostles, Elders, and Brethren send greeting—See v. 25, 28.

Acts. 6. 4. The decrees which were ordained of the Apostles and Elders which were at Jerusalem.

Acts 2••. 18. The day following Paul went in with us unto James, and all the Elders were present—

1 ••im. 4. 14. Neglect not the gift which is in thee, which was given thee by pro∣phecy, with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery—

1 Pet. 5. 1. The Elders which are among you ••exhort, who also am an Elder;—Feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight (or Episcopacy) thereof, not by constraint but willingly—Neither as being Lords over Gods heritage, but being ensamples to the flock. And when the chief Shepherd shall appear—

2 Joh. 1. The Elder to the Elect Lady—

Whether those Texts, 1 Tim. 5. 1. Rebuke not an Elder. v. 19. Receive not an accusation against an Elder] speak of an Elder by Office or by Age, is uncer∣tain; if it be by Office, the other Texts describe them.

Jam. 5. 14. Is any man sick? Let him call for the Elders of the Church. All these Texts shew that every Church had Elders by the institution of the Holy Ghost: That they were the Teachers, Worshippers, Rulers, and were among the people, present with their flock, personally doing their Offices, &c. And the Scripture mentioneth no other that I can find.

And of this I have Dr. Hammonds full confession, Annotat. in Act. 11. & dissert. before cited: with all those whom he mentioneth of his party and mind. And as for them of the contrary opinion, they tell us that in Scripture times the Names Presbyter & Bishop were common: And that the word [Bishops] some∣times signified all the Presbyters (the Bishops as Presbyters and the Subpresby∣ters) as in Phil. 1. 1, 2. And that the word [Presbyters] sometimes signifieth the Bishops only, and sometime both conjunctly: But they are none of them able to give us any one instance with proof, of a Text which speaketh of Sub∣ject Presbyters? (I mean subject in Order or degree to Bishops of the single Churches, and not subject to the Apostles and General officers.) And while we prove that God appointed such entire Presbyters as are here described, and they cannot prove against (Dr. Hammond or us) that any one text speaketh of a lower order or rank, I think we need no other Scripture evidence.

CHAP. XIII. The same confirmed by the Ancients.

AS for Humane testimony, the heap is so great brought in by Dav. Blondel, that I have the less mind to say any more of it; But shall only (besides all that is said before on the by) recite a few of those testimones which most convinced my own understanding in the reading of them in the Authors them∣selves, leaving others to take what they see best out of Blondels store.

I. I know that somewhat may be said against what I shall first cite, but I think not of sufficient force. I begin with it, though not first in time, because first in Authority. The 1. Concil. Nicaen. in their Epistle to the Church of Alexand. and all the Churches of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, thus decree concerning those that were Ordained by Meletius, (as Socrat. lib. 1. c. 6. translated by Grynaeus) Hi autem qui Dei gratia & vestris precibus adjuti ad nul∣lum

schisma deflexisse comperti sunt, sed intra Catholicae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae fines ab erroris labe vacuos se continuerint, authoritatem habeant tum Ministros ordinandi, tum eos qui clero digni fuerint nominandi, tum denique omnia ex lege & instituto Ecclesiastico libere exequendi] Now ordaining Ministers and nominating men for the Clergy, are acts which, if any, shew Presbyters to be Rulers in the Church.

Obj. 1. Perhaps it is Bishops ordained by Meletius that are here spoken of: or Bishops with the Presbyters respectively.

Answ. There is no more in the Text but this, [They decreed further touching such as were entred into holy Orders by his laying on of hands, that they, after con∣firmation with more mystical laying on of hands should be admitted into the fellowship of the Church, with this condition that they should enjoy their dignity and degree of Ministry, yet that they be inferiour to all the Pastors throughout every province and Church—Moreover that they have no authority to elect the Ministers approved by their censures, no not so much as to nominate them which are to execute the Ecclesiastical functions, nor to intermeddle with any thing touching them that are within Alexan∣ders jurisdiction, without the consent of the Bishop of the Catholick Church.] And then they add as afore, that those that fell not into Schism (as they did)* 1.32 shall have authority to Consecrate Ministers, and nominate such as shall be thought worthy of the Clergy. Now that it is Presbyters and not Bishops that are here spoken of appeareth 1. In that it is without any note of eminency said to be [such as were entred into Holy Orders.] 2. In that it is such as so entred by the Laying on of Meletius's hands: Wherereas a Bishop must be ordained by the hands of three Bishops. And the Schism of one of the three, would not have frustrated the Ordination, if the other two stood firm in the Catholick Union. 3. Because it is the priviledge of Presbyters that is denyed them: Though they be not degraded, they are to be below all other Pastors in every Church: which cannot be, that they shall be Bishops below all Presbyters. 4. Because the consent of the Bishop of the Catholick Church (where they shall come) is necessary to their officiating. But if it could have been proved that Bishops had been here included, yet while Presbyters also are included, it will not invalidate the testimony. But indeed here is no such proof. I confess that Nicephorus (a less credible Author) seemeth to apply it to Bishops Ordained by Meletius: But no such thing can be gathered out of So∣zomen, either Tripart. lib. 1. c. 18. where he describeth Meletius and his party, or Tripart lib. 2. c. 12. where he reciteth the same Epistle that Socrates doth. But I would pretend to no more certainty than is evident.

II. Pius Episcop. Roman. in Biblioth. Pat. Tom. 3. p. 15. Epist. Justo Episcopo inquit, [Presbyteri & Diaconi non ut Majorem, sed ut Ministrum Christi te obser∣vent—salutat te senatus pa••per Christi apud Romam constitutus: saluta omne Collegium fratrum qui tecum sunt in Domino—And epist. prima eidem Justo, he reckoneth Timotby and Mark with the Presbyters educated by the Apostles. Now if they were of the Senate, the Colledge, and the same name Presbyters as Bishops had, we have no reason to think that they had not the power of the keys.

III. Tertullian de poenit. to cast himself down at the feet of the Presbyters; which implyeth that they had the power of the keys for Absolution: And those whom he calleth [Seniores] Apolog. managed the Discipline, and that not in a Chancellors Court, but in the same Congregations where and when they Assembled for publick worship. If any will say that Bishops are here included, I will not deny it; But if they will say that when he nameth the Seniors and Presbyters without distinction, that he excludeth all save the Bishop alone, I shall not believe that Tertullian speaketh so un-intelligibly. Unless they will follow Dr. Hammond and believe (as I do not) that there was yet but One Presbyter, who was the Bishop in a Church, or in most Churches: which de facto would be for us.

IV. The Testimonies of Clem. Roman. Ignat. Justin Martyr, may be gathered out of the words forecited. Hierom's Testimony in this case is so plain and full, and trite in every writing (Epist ad Evagr. & passim, making them the Apostles Successors, and the same with the Bishops, except only in ordination) that I will not trouble you with reciting it.

V. Cyprian neither would nor could govern his Church without the con∣currence* 1.33 of the Presbyters: (before cited) De Gaia desiderastis ut de Philume∣no & Fortunato hypodiaconis & Favorino acolutho, rescribam: cui rei non potui me solum judicem dare; cum multi adhuc de Clero absentes sint; nec locum suum vel sero repetendum putaverint, & haec singulorum tractanda sit & limanda plenius ratio; non tantum cum collegis meis, sed & cum plebe ipsa universa. Epist. 36. (edit. Goulart.) He sheweth that it is the Clergies duty, to take care of the widows, the sick, the poor, the strangers: (he the Bishop was then absent.) So also Ep. 37. And Epist. 10. he reprehendeth the Presbyters for reconciling and absolving the Lapsed overhastily and with neglect and contempt of the Bishop; but not as if the work were not their office work to do: Nay he giveth us this full plain testimony, that even in this publick Absolution in foro exteriore, the true custom of the Church was for the Bishop and his Presbyters together to impose hands on the penitent and so absolve them, receive them, and give them the Sacrament. Pag. 30. saith he, Nam cum in minoribus peccatis* 1.34 agant peccatores poenitentiam justo tempore, & secundum disciplinae ordinem, ad ex∣omologesin veniant, & per impositionem manus Episcopi & Cleri jus Communionis accipiant; Nunc crudo tempore, persecutione adhuc perseverante, nondum restituta Ecclesiae ipsius pace, ad Communicationem admittuntur, & offertur nomen eorum, & nondum poenitentia acta, nondum exomologesi facta, nondum manu e. s ab Episcopo & Clero imposita, Eucharistia illis datur.]

Epist. 5. p. 15. He writeth to the Clergy in his absence to do the work of Discipline, even their own part and his, and (as no man doubteth but they did the whole work in the publick assembly when he was absent so long time, so (that you may see what kind of Chappel meetings they had) it being the custome for encouragement of sufferers, to go to the Confessors

and visit them and there celebrate the Sacrament,) he perswadeth them that the people may not go crowding by great companies at once, lest it stir up envy, and they be denied entrance (it's like they were in Prison) and lose all while they are insatiable to get more: But that one Presbyter and one Deacon go one day, and another another day by turns, because the Change of persons, and vicissitude of meeters would break the envy: and all should be done in meekness and humility.

But the words I insist on are, [Peto vos pro fide & religione vestra, fungami∣ni illic & Vestris partibus & meis, ut nihil vel ad disciplinam vel ad diligentiam desit.] And if the whole work of Discipline be such as is partly their own part, and partly what they may do in the Bishops absence in his stead, it is within the power of their function: For a Lay-man or a Deacon cannot do all the Presbyters work in his absence.

And Epist. 6. p. 17. Having exhorted the sufferers or confessors not to grow proud by it, and lamented that some after sufferings grew insolent and were a shame to the Church, he addeth (Nec a Diaconis aut Presbyteris regi posse,] Shewing that even the Government of the Confessors belonged to them both in their places: And of himself he saith to his Presbyters, Solus rescribere nihil potui, quando a primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro, & sive Consensu Plebis meae, privata sententia gerere—sed cum venero—in Commune tractabimus—As to them that say, This was only Cyprians arbitrary condescension, I answer, 1. He saith Non potui, And 2. he else∣where speaketh of it as due, 3. It agreeth with the Canons and customes of those times: 4. Cyprian pleadeth so much for the Bishops prerogative, that we have little reason to think him both so submissive and imprudent, as to bring up ill customes, and teach the Ministers and people to expect that as their part which belonged not to them, and so to corrupt the Church.

And in the Ep. 11. p. 32. again he saith [Ante exomologesin gravissimi & extremi delicti factam, ante manum ab Episcopo & Clero in poenitentem impositam, offerre lapsis pacem & Eucharistiam dare, id est sanctum Domini corpus profanare audeant—

The same he hath again Ep. 12. p. 37. (with an examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis (that is, the people, to shew how great the Church was.)

Afterward Ep. 14. he directeth the Presbyters to absolve those by Impositi∣on of hands themselves without him that are infirm and in danger, but that the rest must be publickly reconciled in the Church praesente & stantium plebe. To recite all of this nature in Cyprian, would be too long.

VI. I will add next a General Testimony viz. the constant custome of all Churches, even Rome it self, where the Presbyters have Governed without a Bishop in the intervals, when after one Bishops death another was not chosen. As before the choice of Fabian's successor you may see by the Epistles of the Roman Clergy to Cyprian. Marcion was expelled by the Roman Presbytes

sede vacante, Epiphan. Haeres. 42. And if they had the power over one another, more over the flock.

And I need bring no particular proofs of this: For when Bishops have been* 1.35 banished, imprisoned, dead, and the seat vacant a year, yea, divers years to∣gether (as it hath been at Rome) was the Church no Church all that time? Had it no Government? Was there no power of the Keys? Was the Church laid common to all? This instance is so full as nothing can be said against it, but that it was in Case of Necessity. But that only proveth that it is the Presbyters office work, though out of a case of necessity they must do it with the Bishop, and not without him. But a Lay-man may not do a Presbyters proper work on such a pretence. However the Church by this practice hath declared it's judgment in the case.

VII. Concil. Carthag. 4. Can. 23. is [Ut Episcopus nullius causam audiat absque praesentia Clericorum suorum; Alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi, nisi Cle∣ricorum praesentia confirmetur. If it be said that here is no mention of their Con∣sent, but of their Presence only, I answer, It is a presence necessary to the Con∣firmation of the Bishops sentence: and the presence of Dissenters would rather infirm the sentence (more than their absence) than confirm it. And the con∣junct Canons shew that it is Consent that is meant. For,

Can. 32. it's said [Irrita erit donatio Episcoporum, vel venditio, vel commuta∣tio rei Ecclesiasticae, absque conniventia & subscriptione Clericorum: where such a Connivence is meant as is joyned with subscription. And if subscription of the Presbyters was necessary in these cases, no less than Consent is meant in the other.

Which is yet more apparent by those following Canons, which forbid the Bishop to Ordain without his Clergy, or to accuse any of them but by proof in a Synod, or to suffer a Presbyter to stand while he sitteth. And the Ca∣nons that place the Bishop in consessu Presbyterorum, and set him in the midst of them in the same seat in the Church, and call him their Colleague: The Canons which make the Presbyters Governours of the Rural Churches, and make the Deacons servants to them, of which the number is too great to be now recited—

Even here Can. 22. it's said [Episcopus sine Concilio Clerioorum suorum Cleri∣cos* 1.36 non ordinet: Ita ut Civium assensum & conniventiam & testimonium quaerat.] And if not sine concilio * then not contra consilium. And if the consent of the Laity be necessary, sure the Clergies is so too.

Can. 29. Episcopus si Clerico vel Laico crimen imposuerit, deducatur ad proba∣tionem in Synodum. Can. 30. Caveant Judices Ecclesiae ne absente eo cujus causa ventilatur sententiam proferant; quia irrita erit, imo & causam in Synodo profacto dabunt. And if a Bishop must not so much as accuse but in a Synod on proof, much lefs might he be judge alone.

Can. 33. appointeth that Bishops or Presbyters shall be invited to preach, and consecrate the Oblation, when they come into strange Churches] So for there was no difference.

Can. 34. Ut Episcopus in quolibet loco sedens, stare Presbyterum non patiatur.

35. Ut Episcopus in Ecclesia & in consessu Presbyterorum sublimior sedeat. Intra domum vero Collegam Presbyterorum se esse cognoscat.

Can. 36. Presbyteri qui per Dioeceses Ecclesias regunt, &c.

Can 37. Diaconus ita se Presbyteri, ut Episcopi ministrum esse cognoscat. vid. & Can. 38, 39, 40.

Yea even in Ordination it is said, Can. 2. Presbyterquum Ordinatur, Episcopo eum benedicente, & manum super ejus tenente, etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi, super Caput illius teneant. Et Can. 3. Diaconus quum ordinatur solus Episcopus, qui eum benedicit, manus super caput illius ponat: quia non ad Sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur] So that Priesthood was to be conferred by the hands of Priests, and the Bishop's alone was not enough; But Deacons might be Ordained by a Bishop without Presbyters.]

What need I tire the Reader with other Councils testimonies? when this, though called Provincial having 214 Bishops, and among them Aurelius, Augustine, &c. is no less valuable than any General Council in the volumes of the Councils.

VIII. In the Arabick Canons of the Concil. Nic. 1. (which I cite not for their justification, but as testifying the matter of fact in the times of which they were written whensoever it was) it's said, Can. 47. After one Bishop is forbid to absolve him that another hath Excommunicated [Eadem Lex erit de Sacerdote, id est, Ut nullus Sacerdos solvat aut liget quem alius Sacerdos solverit aut ligaverit, quamdiu ille qui solvit aut ligavit vixerit: Post mortem vero successor ejus solvet quem mortuus ligavit: sed debet Episcopus praeesse huic negotio—Neque convenit ut Episcopus aut Archiepiscopus solvat aut liget eum, qui digne a Sacerdote solutus aut ligatus fuit, quamdiu ille qui solvit aut ligavit vixerit.] Here you see the Priest may bind and loose, and that in foro Ecclesiastico: yea so fast that no Bishop or Archbishop may loose or bind contrarily during his life. Then Pres∣byters had the Keys.

And Can 57. (according to other Canons cited before) they say, [The Arch-Presbyter in the Bishops absence shall be honoured as the Bishop, because he is in his place; and let him be the Head of the Priests, who are under his power in the Church, with all that the Archdeacon is over.] And if one Presbyter may Rule the rest as a Bishop, the Government of the flock is not above their Order or place. If it be said that he doth it as the Bishops Deputy, it is an∣swered oft enough before. Spiritual Power (or Pastoral) is deputable to none but such as are of the same Order: which is not properly a deputation.

IX. Presbyters had power to Baptize and to celebrate the Lords Supper, Therefore they had power to judge who were Baptizable, and who were ca∣pable of the Lords Supper: For 1. Else they would not do it as Christs Mi∣nisters, but as the executioners of anothers judgment. And if so, they may give both Sacraments to Turks and Infidels if they be bid. And then indeed the Priest is not the Baptizer or Consecrater Morally, but the Bishop doth

it by the Priest: All which are false. And a Presbyter may preach and Baptize in any Infidel Kingdom, where no Bishop hath any Diocese, and this as an ordinary case (in Turky, Tartary, China, Japan, &c.) And what Bishop shall there tell him whom to Baptize where there is no Bishop? And the power of Baptizing is the first and greatest Key of the Church, even the Key of ad∣mission.

And they that do among us deny a Presbyter the power of judging whom to Baptize and give the Lords Supper to, do not give it to the Bishop (who knoweth not of the persons) But the Directive part they commit to a Convo∣cation of Bishops and Presbyters; and the Judicial partly to the Priest, and partly to a Lay-Chancellor.

X. Epiphanius Haeres. 75. saith, [The Apostles did not set all in full order at once: And at first there was need of Presbyters and Deacons; by whom both Ecclesiastical affairs may be administred: Therefore where no man was found worthy of Episcopacy, in that place no Bishop was set] By which it appeareth that he thought that for some time some Churches were Governed without Bishops: And if so, it there belonged to the Presbyters office to govern.

Whereto we may add the opinion of many Episcopal men, who think that during the Apostles times, they were the only Bishops in most Churches them∣selves. And if so, Then in their long and frequent absence the Presbyters must be the governours.

XI. That many Councils have had Presbyters, yea many of them is past doubt: Look but in the Councils subscriptions and you will see it. A Synod of some Bishops and more Presbyters and Deacons gathered at Rome, decreed the Excommunication of Novatianus and his adherents, Euseb. lib. 6. c. 43.

Noetus was convented, judged, expelled by the Session of Presbyters, Epi∣phan. Haeres. 47. c. 1.

See a great number of instances of Councils held by Bishops with their Pres∣byters in Blondel, de Episc. sect. 3. p. 202. Yea one was held at Rome praesiden∣tibus cum Joanne 12 Presbyteris, An. 964. vid. Blond. p. 203, 206, 207.

Yea they had places and votes in General Councils: Not only ut aliorum procuratores, as Victor and Vincentius in Nic. 1. but as the Pastors of their Churches, and in their proper right. I need not urge Selden's Arabick Cata∣logue in Eutych. Alex. where there were two persons for divers particular places: or Zonaras who saith, There were Priests, Deacons and Monks; nor Athanasius a Deacon's presence: Evenof late the Council of Basil is a sufficient proof.

XII. The foresaid Canons of Carthage which are so full, are inserted into the body of the Canon Law, and in the Canons of Egbert Archbishop of York, as Bishop Usher and others have observed.

XXIII. Hierom's [Communi Presbyterorum Concilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur,] seconded by Chrysostome and other Fathers, is a trite, but evident testimony.

XIV. That Presbyters had the Power of Excommunications see fully proved by Calderwood, Altar. Damasc. p. 273.

XV. Basil's, Anaphora Bibl. Pat. Tom. 6. p. 22. maketh every Church to have Archpresbyters, Presbyters, and Deacons, making the Bishop to be but the Archpresbyter.

CHAP. XIV. The Confessions of the greatest and Learnedest Prelatists.

1. THe Church of England doth publickly notifie her judgment, that Church Government, Discipline, and the power of the Keys is not a thing aliene from or above the Order of the Presbyters, but belongeth to their office. 1. In that they allow Presbyters to be members of Convocations (and that as chosen by the Presbyters.) And whereas it is said, that the Lower house of Convocation are but Advisers to the Upper, I answer, All together have but an advising power to the King and Parliament; But in that sort of power, the lower house hath its part, as experience sheweth.

2. There are many exempt Jurisdictions in England, (as the Kings Chap∣pel, The Deanry of Windsor, and Wolverhampton, Bridgenorth, (where six Pa∣rishes are governed by a Court held by a Presbyter) and many more, which shew that it is consistent with the Presbyters office.

3. The Archdeacons who are no Bishops exercise some Government; And so do their Officials under them. The Objection from Deputation is an∣swered.

4. The Surrogates of the Bishops, whether Vicar General, Principal Offi∣cial, or Commissaries, are allowed a certain part of government.

5. They that give Lay-Chancellors the power of Judicial Excommunication and Absolution, cannot think a Presbyter uncapable of it.

6. A Presbyter proforma oft passeth the sentence of Excommunication and Absolution in the Chancellors Court when he hath judged it.

7. A Presbyter in the Church must publish that Excommunication and Ab∣solution.

8. By allowing Presbyters to baptize, and to deliver the Lords Supper, and

to keep some back for that time, and to admit them again if they openly pro∣fess to repent and amend their naughty lives, and to absolve the sick, they intimate that the Power of the Keys belongeth to them, though they contradict them∣selves otherwise by denying it them.

9. And in Ordination the Presbyter is required to exercise discipline: And the words of Act. 20. 28. were formerly used to them [Take heed to your selves and to all the flock, over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers (or Bishops) to feed (or Rule) the Church of God: Whence Bishop Usher gather∣eth that the Churches sence was that the Presbyters had a joynt power with the Bishop in Church Government. And though lately Anno 1662. this be altered, and those words left out, yet it is not any such new change that can dis∣prove this to have been the meaning of them that made the book of Ordination, and that used it.

II. Archbishop Cranmer with the rest of the Commissioners appointed by King Edward the Sixth for the Reformation of Ecclesiastical Laws, decreed the administring Discipline in every Parish by the Minister and certain Elders; Labouring and intending by all means to bring in the ancient discipline. Vid. Reform. Leg. Eccles. tit. de Divinis Officiis cap. 10. And our Liturgy wisheth this Godly Discipline restored, and substituteth the Curses till it can be done. And the same Cranmer was the first of 46 who in the time of King Henry the Eighth affirmed (in a book called The Bishops Book, to be seen in Fox's Martyrology,) that the difference of Bishops was a device of the ancient Fathers, and not mentioned in Scripture. And of the opinion of Cranmer with others in this point, his own papers published by Dr. Stillingfleet Irenic. p. 390, 391, &c. are so full a proof, that no more is needful.

III. Dr. Richard Cosins in his Tables sheweth how Church Discipline is partly exercised by Presbyters, and by the Kings Commission may be much more. And it is not aliene to their office.

IV. Hooker Eccles. Pol. lib. 5. pleadeth against the Divine settlement of one form of Government: And lib. 7. Sect. 7. p. 17, 18. he sheweth at large that the Bishops with their Presbyters as a Consess governed the Churches: And that in this respect, [It is most certain truth, that the Churches Cathedral and the Bishops of them are as glasses wherein the face and very countenance of Apo∣stolical antiquity remaineth yet to be seen, notwithstanding the alterations which tract of time and course of the world hath brought. And much he hath else∣where, which granteth that the Presbyters are Church governours, though not in equality with the Bishops.

V. Dr. Field, lib. 5. c. 27. shewing how the Apostles first limiting and fixing of Pastors to particular Churches, was a giving them Jurisdiction, saith, [this assigning to men having the power of order, the persons to whom they were to minister holy things, and of whom they were to take the care, and the subjecting

of such persons to them, gave them the power of Jurisdiction which they had not before.]

And [As another of my Rank cannot have that Jurisdiction within my Church as I have, but if he will have any thing to do there, he must be inferiour in degree to me; so we read in the Revelation, of the Angel of the Church of Ephesus, &c.] So that with him a Bishop is but one of the Presbyters, of the same Rank, having the first charge of the Church, (as every Incumbent in respect to his Curates) and so above his Curates in Degree.]

And [As the Presbyters may do nothing without the Bishop, so he may do no∣thing in matters of greatest moment without their presence and advice. Conc. Carthag. 4. c. 23.—It is therefore most false that Bellarmine saith, that Presbyters have no power of Jurisdiction—For it is most clear and evident, that in all Provincial Synods Presbyters did sit, give voices, and subscribe as well as Bishops:—And the Bishops that were present (in General Councils) bring∣ing the resolution and consent of the provincial Synods of those Churches from whence they came, in which Synods Presbyters had their voices, they had a kind of consent to the decrees of General Councils also: and nothing was passed in them with∣out their concurrence.

And Chap. 49. [The Papists think that this is the peculiar right of Bishops:* 1.37 But they are clearly refuted by the universal practice of the whole Church, from the beginning: For in all Provincial and National Synods, Presbyters did ever give voice and subscribe in the very same sort that Bishops did; whether they were assembled to make Canons of Discipline, to hear Causes, or to define doubtful points of doctrine: And that they did not anciently sit and give decisive voices in General Councils, the reason was, not because they have no interest in such deliberations and resolutions, but because seeing all cannot meet in Councils that have interest in such business, ••but some must be deputed for and authorized by the rest, it was thought fit that the Bishops—] So here are Bishops authorized by Presbyters as their Deputies in the greatest affairs in General Councils.

He proceedeth to prove this by instances, Concil. Later. sub Innoc. 3. &c.

VI. Even Archbishop Whitgift maintaineth (as Doctor Stillingfleet hath collected, Iren. pag. 394.) that [No kind of Government is expressed in the word, or can necessarily be concluded thence:—No form of Church Government is by the Scriptures commanded to the Church of God (or prescribed.)] And Doctor Stillingfleet there citeth * 1.38 many testimonies, to prove this the judgment of the Church of England: And if so, it must be only men and not God, who make any difference between a Presbyter and a Bishop in the point of Ju∣risdiction.

VII. Bishop Bilson Perpet. Govern. p. 16. c. 391. saith, [The Synod of Antioch which deposed Paulus Samosat. as Eusebius sheweth lib. 7. c. 38. & in Concil Eliber. about the time of the first Nicene Council sate Bishops and Presby∣ters, even 36. In the second Concil. Arelat. About the same time subscribed twelve Presbyters besides Deacons. So in Concil. Rom. sub Hilario & Gregor.

where 34 Presbyters subscribed after 22 Bishops. And in the first sub Symmach. where after 72 Bishops subscribed 67 Presbyters: So in the third, fifth, and sixth, under the same Symmachus, Felix had a council of 43 Bishops and 74 Presbyters. The Concil. Antisiod. c 7. saith, Let all the Presbyters being called come to the Synod in the City. * 1.39]

Concil. Tolet. 4. c. 3. saith, Let the Bishops assembled go to the Church together and sit according to the time of their Ordination: After all the Bishops are entred and set, let the Presbyters be called, and the Bishops sitting in a compass let the Presbyters sit behind them, and the Deacons stand before them. Even in the General Council at Lateran sub Innoc. 3. were 482 Bishops, and 800 Abbots and Priors conventual, saith Platina.] Thus Bilson and more.

VIII. To the same purpose writeth the Greatest Defender of Prelacy Bishop Downam, Def. lib. 1. c. 2. sect. 11. pag. 43, 44. and the places before cited out of him, professing that the Bishop hath but a chief and not sole jurisdiction.

IX. Bishop Ushers judgment is fully opened in his Model which we offered to the King and Bishops in vain, and which he owned to me with his own mouth.

X. Because the citing of mens words is tedious, I add, that All those whom I cited Christ. Concord. p. 57, &c. to shew that they judge the Presbyters Ordination may be lawful, and valid, do much more thereby infer that they are not void of a Governing power over their own flocks. viz. 1. Dr. Field lib. 3. c. 32. 2. Bishop Downam Def. lib. 3. c. 4. p. 108. 3. Bishop Jewel Def. of Apol. Part 2. p. 131. 4. Saravia De divers. Min. Grad. cap. p. 10, 11. 5. Bishop Alley Poor mans Libr. Prelect. 3. & 6. p. 95, 96. 6. Bishop Pil∣kington. 7. Bishop Bridges. 8. Bishop Bilson, Of Subject. p. 540, 541, 542, 233, 234, &c. 9. Alex. Nowel. 10. Grotius de imper. 11. Mr. Chisenhall. 12. Lord Digby (then a Protestant.) 13. Bishop Davenant Determ. Q. 42. p. 191, 192. 14. Bishop Prideaux, cont. de Disciplin. Eccles. p. 249. 15. Bishop Andrews. 16. Chillingworth. To which I add 17. Bishop Bramhall in his Answer to Mileterius's Epistle to the King. 18. Dr. Steward's Answer to Fountains Letter. 19. Dr. Fern. 20. Mason at large. 21. Bishop Morton Apolog.

XI. Spalatensis is large to prove the power of the Keys to belong in common to Presbyters as such. I cited the words before, Lib. 5. c. 9. n. 2. &c. 2. n. 48, &c.

XII. Even Gropperus the Papist pleadeth in the Council of Trent for the re∣storing of Synods of Presbyters instead of Officials, (the thing so much detested in England, as that all we undergo must rather be endured) yet saith Groppe∣rus▪ [Restore the Synodals which are not subject to so great corruption, removing

those Officers by whom the world is so much scandalized, because it is not possible that Germany should endure them.] The Spaniards and Dutch men willingly heard this, but not the rest. Hist. p. 334. lib. 4.

XIII. The opinion of Paulus himself, the author of that History, is so fully and excellently laid down, of the Original of the Bishops grandeur, and of the manner of introducing the Ecclesiastical Courts by the occasion of Pacifi∣cations, Arbitrations, and Constantines Edict, as that I intreat the Reader to turn to and peruse p. 330, 331, 332, 333.

XIV. Filesacus (a Learned Papist) copiously proveth from Councils that Presbyters were called the Rectors of the Churches, pag. 560. And more than so, that they were called Hierarchici and Prelates, and had place in Councils, especially Provincial, p. 576, 577, 578. Pag. 574. he citeth Concil. Aquisgr. saying, Presbyteri qui praesunt Ecclesiis, de omnibus hominibus qui ad eorum Ec∣clesiam pertinent, per omnia curam gerant. Pag. 576. he proveth they were cal∣led Prelates abundantly. Pag. 577. Episcoporum instar suam habebant plebem regendam.

XV. Mr. H. Thorndike is so large in defending the Presbyters Governing power, and that as grounded on the power of Congregating, in his Form of Primit. Gov. and Right of Church, &c. that it would be tedious to recite his words. Pag. 98. he saith, [The power of the Keys belongeth to the Presbyters and is convertible with the power of celebrating the Eucharist, and that's the Reason why it belongeth to them (Nothing could be spoken plainer to our use.)

And p. 128. The power of the Keys, that is, The whole power of the Church, whereof that power is the root and source, is common to Bishops and Presbyters.]

And Right of Ch. p. 126, 129, 130, 131. he saith much more to confirm this by testimonies and instances of antiquity.

XVI. The great Jo. Gerson is cited to your hand by the same Filesacus as shewing that Curates were Hierarchical, Quia eadem opera Hierarchica eis incum∣bunt quae & Episcopis: And more out of Gerson, de Concil. Evangel. & de stat. Ecclesiastic. tit. de statu Curatorum consid. 1. & 4, &c.

XVII. I will end all in the fullest testimony for these times, His Majesties Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs, before the passing of which it was examined by his Majesty and the Lord Chancellor, before Dukes, Lords, Bishops, Doctors of their party, and many of us also that are now silenced, and after all two great Bishops with Bishop Reynolds and Mr. Calamy appointed by the King to joyn with two Lords to see that it were worded according to the Kings expressed sense. And it saith p. 11, &c. [Because the Dioceses, especially some of them are thought to be of too large extent, we will appoint such a number of Suffragan Bishops in every Diocese as shall be sufficient for the due performance of their work * 1.40. 3. No Bishop shall Ordain or exercise any part of jurisdiction which

appertaineth to the censures of the Church without the advice and assistance of the Presbyters: And no Chancellors, Commissaries or Officials as such, shall exercise any act of Spiritual Jurisdiction, in these cases, viz. Excommunication, Absolution, &c.—[As to Excommunication our will and pleasure is, that no Chancellor, Commissary, or Official Decree any Sentence of Excommunication or Absolution—Nor shall the Archdeacon exercise any Jurisdiction without the advice and assistance of six Ministers of his Archdeaconry, whereof three to be nominated by the Bishop, and three by the election of the major part of the Presbyters within the Archdeaconry. 4. To the end the Dean and Chapters may the better be fitted to afford counsel and assistance to the Bishops both in Ordination and other offices mentioned before, &c.—Moreover an equal number to those of the Chapter of the most learned, pious, and discreet Presbyters of the same Diocese annually chosen by the major Vote of all the Presbyters of that Diocese present at the Election, shall be always advising and assisting together with those of the Chapter in all Ordinations and every part of Jurisdiction which appertains to the censure of the Church, and at all other solemn and important actions in the exercise of the Ecclesiastical Ju∣risdiction wherein any of the Ministery are concerned.—And our Will is that the great work of Ordination be constantly and solemnly performed by the Bishop and his aforesaid Presbytery—5. We will take care that confirmation be rightly and solemnly performed by the information and with the consent of the Minister of the place: Who shall admit none to the Lords Supper till they have made a credible profession of their faith, and promised obedience, &c.—Besides the Suffragans and their Presbytery, every Rural Dean—together with three or four Mini∣sters of that Deanry chosen by the major part of all the Ministers within the same, shall meet once in every month, to receive such complaints as shall be presented to them by the Ministers and Church-wardens of the respective parishes, and also to compose all such differences between party and party, as shall be referred to them by way of Arbitration, and to convince offenders, and reform all such things as they find amiss, by their Pastoral Reproofs and Admonitions, if they may be so reformed. And such matters as they cannot by this Pastoral and perswasive way compose and reform, are by them to be prepared for and presented to the Bishop; At which meeting any other Ministers of the Deanry may if they please be present and assist. Moreover the Rural Dean and his Assistants are in their respective di∣visions to see that the children and younger sort be carefully instructed by the respective Ministers, &c.] See the rest.

This was the judgment of his Majesty, &c. 1660. And on these terms we were ready to have Conformed and United with the Prelatists so far as to go in the peaceable performance of our Offices. But that very Parlia∣ment who gave his Majesty thanks for this his Declaration, did lay it by, so that it was never done, but other Laws established which we feel.

Obj. You do but obtrude on us your own opinions: For when you had drawn up most of those words, his Majesty was fain to seem for the present to grant them you, for the quieting of you.

Answ. 1. If we did offer such things, let the world judge what we sought by them. 2. There is most of that about Rural Deanries put in (I suppose by the Bishops consent who were to word it) after it went from us, and after the King had done with it, on October 22. 1660. 3. Whoever motioned or de∣sired it, by this it appeareth that his Majesty and those that counselled him, did not then think the work of Jurisdiction, Excommunication, Absoluti∣on, no nor Ordination, to be aliene to or above the office of the Presbyter. And if that be no part of his Pastoral work, they would not have appointed it him.

Yet finally let the Reader note, that though my proofs have reached as high as the power of Canon-making, Jurisdiction, Court-excommunications and Ordination; Yet it is no more than the power of Pastoral Guidance of our particular Parish Churches, and not to be forced to administer all holy things (Sacraments, Absolutions, &c.) contrary to our consciences, at other mens will who know not our people, and not to those that we know to be utterly Igno∣rant, Infidels, Scandalous, and Impenitent, that I am here pleading for.

I conclude therefore boldly after all this proof, that the Presbyters office which was instituted by God, and used by the ancient Churches, contained an ob∣ligation and Authority not only to Teach and Worship, but also the rest of the Power of the Keys, to Rule the Churches committed to their care, (not by the sword or force, but) by a pastoral perswasive power, judging who is to be taken in and put out, and what persons are fit objects for the respective exercises of their, own Ministerial acts: (which was the thing I was engaged to make good.)

CHAP. XV. Whether this Government belonging to the office of Pres∣byters, be in foro Ecclesiae & exteriore, or only in foro Conscientiae & interiore.

THe last shift that some Prelatists have, is to distinguish between the forum internum Conscientiae, poenitentiale, and the forum externum Ecclesiasticum, and to tell us that indeed Presbyters have the Power of the Keys in private or in the first sense, but not in Publick or in the second.

Answ. 1. Note that the question is not whether they have the sole power, or the chief power, or with what limitations it is fit for them to exercise it, nor what appeals there should be from them; But whether the power of the Keys be part of their office.

2. That the question is not of the power of Governing the Church by the sword, which belongeth to the King, and is Extrinsick to the Pastoral office, and to the being of the Church (As protecting the Church, punishing Church∣offenders corporally, &c.) For this is proper to the Magistrate, and belong∣eth neither to Bishops nor Presbyters as such. We claim no part with the Prelates in any such secular Government as their Courts use, except when they come to Excommunication and Absolution: At least no coercive power at all.

3. All the question is of the power of the Keys of Admission, Conduct and Exclusion; of judging who shall have Sacraments, and Church-Communion with our assemblies? that is, Who shall be pronounced fit or unfit for it, by our selves?

And that this belongeth to Presbyters in foro publico Ecclesiae, I prove,

1. Because they are Publick officers, or Pastors over that Church, and there∣fore their power of the Keys is a publick Church power, else they had none of the Keys as Pastors of that Church at all: For the Keys are to Let in and put out; They are the Church Keys: and he that hath power only to speak secretly to a single person, doth not thereby take in to the Church or put any out, nor Guide them publickly. A man that is a Minister (at least) may convince, satisfie, comfort any mans conscience in secret, of what Church so∣ever he be, even as he is a member of the Universal Church. But he that is a publick Officer and Governour of the Church may publickly Govern the Church. But a Presbyter is a publick officer and Governour: Ergo.

2. The rest of his office may be publickly performed, Coram Ecclesia, and not in secret only: He may Preach to the Church, Pray with the Church, Praise God with them, Give them the Sacrament: Therefore by parity of Rea∣son he may publickly exercise discipline, unless any by-accident pro tempore forbid it.

3. Else he must be made a meer Instrument of another and not a rational free Agent and Minister of Christ: Yea perhaps more like to an Asse who may carry Bread and Wine to the Church, or like a Parrot that may say what he is bid, than a man who hath a discerning judgment what he is to do. I must pub∣lickly baptize, and publickly preach and pray, and publickly give the Lords Body and Bloud: And if I must be no Judge my self to whom I must do this, then, 1. Either I may and must do it to any one (without offending God) to whom the Bishop bids me do it: And if so, I may Excommunicate the faithful and curse Gods children, and absolve the most notoriously wicked, if the Bishop bid me. And how come they to have more power than King Balak had over Balaam? or than a Christian Emperour had over Chrysostom? He that saith to the wicked, Thou art righteous, Nations shall curse him, peo∣ple shall abhor him, Prov. 24. 24. Wo to them that call evil good and good evil! But what if the Bishop bid them? If I may not preach lies or heresies if the Bishop bid me, then I may not lyingly curse the faithful nor bless the wicked if he bid me. If I may not forbear preaching the Gospel meerly for the will of man, when God calleth me to it, much less may I speak slanders, yea

and lie in the name of God, when men bid me. The French Priest did wiselier than so, that being bid from the Pope to Curse and Excommunicate the Empe∣rour, said, I know not who it is that is in the right, and who is in the wrong, but I do Excommunicate him that is in the wrong whoever he be.

2. Or else, it will follow that I am bound to sin and damn my soul there∣by, whenever the Bishop will command me: which is a contradiction.

3. Or else it will follow that I am a beast, that am not to judge or know what I do, and therefore my acts are neither sin nor duty.

4. If he have not the Keys to use publickly in foro Ecclesiae he hath no power of Excommunication and Restitution at all: For to Excommuni∣cater is publickly to notifie to the Church, that this person is none of them, nor to be communicated with, and to charge them to avoid his company.

5. The Bishops themselves put the Presbyters to proclaim or read the Ex∣communication: and if this be any Ministerial or Pastoral act, certainly it is in foro Ecclesiae.

6. Most of the Acts before named as their concessions, as to be in the Convo∣cation, &c. are acts in foro publico.

7. The full proofs before brought from Antiquity, of Presbyters sitting in Councils, Judging, Excommunicating, &c. are of publick, not private exer∣cise of the Keys.

8. They are the same Keys or Office power which Christ hath committed to the Pastors, even the Guidance of his Church, to feed his lambs: And ubi Lex non distinguit non est distinguendum. Where doth Christ or Scripture say, You shall use the Keys of Church-power privately, but not in the Church, or pub∣lickly?

9. All this striving against Power in the Ministers of Christ, is but striving against their duty, work, and the ends and benefits of it: He that hath no Power for publick discipline, hath no obligation to use it; and so he is to neglect it: And this is it that the Devil would have, to keep a thousand or many hundred Pastors in a Diocese from doing the publick work of Discipline: And as if he could confine Preaching to Diocesans only (And I verily believe they are better of the two at Preaching, than at Discipline) he knoweth that it is but few souls of many thousands that would be taught: Even so when he can confine Church discipline to the Diocesanes, he knoweth how little of it will be done. And who will use his wit, learning and zeal, to plead his cause, and his parts and office thus to serve his designs and gratifie him, who considereth what it is to be a Bishop, a Christian, or a man?

CHAP. XVI. That the English Diocesane Government doth change this office of a Presbyter of Gods institution into another (quantum in se) of humane invention.

I Come now to prove the Minor proposition of my Argument; That the Diocesane Government deposeth the Office of Presbyters which God hath instituted (as much as in them lieth) By which limitation I mean, that if we would judge of the Power and Obligation of Presbyters, as the Prelatical constitution de facto doth describe it, and not as God describeth it contrarily, we must take it for another thing.

For the proof of this it must 1. be considered what is Essential to the office, and 2. How somewhat Essential is taken from them.

I. And 1. we grant (as before) that no Action whatsoever, as per∣formed at the present, or for some excepted season, is Essential to the Pastoral office: A man ceaseth not to be a Preacher or Pastor, as soon as the Sermon is done and he is out of the Church. When a man is asleep or in a journey, he endeth not his office: Nor yet when he is interrupted by business, sickness, or persecution. Yea, if he were so sick, as to be sure never to exercise his office more, he keepeth the Title with respect to what he hath already done.

2. Yet Exercise as Intended and as the Relative end or Terminus of the Ob∣ligation and Authority, is Essential to the Office: For when it is a Relation which we question, and that consisteth in Obligation and Authority, there is no doubt but it is ad aliquid, and is specified by the Action or Exercise to which men are Obliged and Authorized. (As a Judge, a Souldier, a Physician, are) And it being a Calling which we speak of, and that durante vita & capacitate, it must be such Action as is intended to be Ordinary, and Constant. He that Consenteth not to do the work of a Minister, and that for more than a trial or a present occasion, and is not Obliged and Authorized to that work, at least statedly as his intended ordinary course of life, is no Minister of Christ: which Paul well expresseth by that phrase Rom. 1. 1. Separated to the Gospel of God.

3. As God in creating man made him in his own Image, so did Christ in making Church Pastors: Therefore he saith, As my Father sent me, so send I you: And he that receiveth you receiveth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth

me, and—him that sent me, Luke 10. 16. And they are Embassadours to be∣seech men in his name and stead to be reconciled to God, 2 Cor. 5. 19, 20. And Christ himself is called the Angel of the Covenant, and the Apostle and high Priest of our Profession, and the Great Prophet, and the Bishop of our Souls, and the good Shepherd, and the great Shepherd or Pastor of the flock, and the Minister of the Circumcision: And he was a Preacher of the same word of life as we are: And he administred the same Sacrament of Communion as we do.

Now as the Office of Christ had these three Essential parts, viz. to be the Teacher, the High Priest, and the Ruler of the Church; so hath (not only the Apostles, but) every true Pastor in his place (as is proved) this threefold subserviency to Christ. 1. They will confess themselves, that He is no true Pastor who hath not Authority and Obligation (which set together are called a Commission) to be a Teacher of the Church. For though some men may be so weak as that they can Teach but by Reading, Catechizing, Conference, or very short defective immethodical Sermons: And though where a Church hath Many, the Ablest may be the usual publick Preachers, and the rest be but his assistants: Yet I never found any proof of Elders that were not Teachers by office as well as Rulers, and had not Commission to Teach the flock ac∣cording to their abilities, and might not Preach as the need of the Church required it, however the weaker may give place to the abler in the exercise of his office. Because his office is an Obligation and Authority to exercise his Gifts as they are, for the Churches greatest edification.

2. And it will be confessed that he is no Minister or Pastor who is not Com∣missioned by Christ to be the Churches Guide in publick Worship, in Prayer, praise, and Sacrament of Communion: However where there are many, all cannot officiate at once.

3. Therefore all the doubt remaineth whether the power of the Keys for Church Covernment, such as belongeth to Pastors, be not as Essential as the rest; I say the Commission, the Authority, and the Obligation, (though violence may much hinder the exercise) And this I have proved before and must not stay to repeat it. Only 1. God doth not distinguish, when he giveth them the Keys and office. Therefore we must not distinguish. 2. The very sig∣nification of the words [Keys, Pastor, Presbyter, Overseer, Steward, &c.] do not only import this Guiding, Ruling power, but notably signifie it, as most think more notably than the Worshipping part of their office. 3. Dr. Hammond and all of his mind confess that in Scripture these words are applyed to no one person or office, that had not the Governing as well as the Teaching and Worshipping power. 4. The truth is, the Teaching, and Ru∣ling, and Worshipping power, are inseparably twisted together. Ruling is done (not by the sword here, but) in a Teaching way by the Word: As a Physician may 1. read a Lecture of health to his Patients, 2. and give every one particular directions for his own cure; and this last is called Go∣verning them: So when the same Pastor who Teacheth all generally by Sermons, doth make his applications to mens persons and cases particularly,

it is Governing the Church: as when a man is impenitent, he doth Ex∣communicate him only by teaching him and the Church, that such persons as are so impenitent are under the wrath of God, and uncapable of Church Communion, and therefore requiring the Church as from Christ, to avoid that person, and declaring him to be under the wrath of God till he repent, and requiring him to forbear Communion with the Church. And so in other acts of Government. And as in Worshipping, the Pastor delivereth the Sa∣crament of Communion, so it must belong to him to Give it or Deny it. 5. And indeed the ancient Churches had usually more Pastors than Assem∣blies, by which means every Presbyter could not daily preach and officiate. But yet they were so constant Assistants in the Government, as hath occasioned so many to think that it was mere Ruling Elders who joyned with the Bishops in those times. And Paul himself saying 1 Tim. 5. 17. The Elders that rule well are worthy of double honour, especially they that labour in the word and doctrine, doth plainly imply that there were fewer who were thus La∣bourers in the word and doctrine than that Ruled well. For indeed the follow∣ing practices of the Churches expoundeth this Text, when the Churches ha∣ving few Learned or able Speakers, he that could speak or preach best, did preach ordinarily, and was made Chief or Bishop, and the rest helped him in Government, and other offices, and taught the people more privately, and preached seldomer when the Bishop bid them and there was need: (Being yet of the same office.)

Obj. Why then may they not now be forbidden publick Government in foro Ec∣clesiae exteriore?

Answ. 1. Our question is not chiefly what part of the exercise of their pro∣per office may be restrained on just occasion; But what it is which truly belongeth to their office. 2. It is one thing to forbid it them pro tempore; and another statedly (for this changeth the Office.) 3. It is one thing to forbid a man Preaching, Praying, or Exercise of Discipline in a Church where there are many, and all cannot speak at once, and his restraint is for the better doing of the work, and the avoiding of confusion: And another thing to forbid a single Pastor of a Parish Church, with all his Curates, to do it, when there is no other there, nor near the place, that knoweth the people, to do it; but it must be undone. 4. And indeed the case of Discipline in this differeth from Preaching and officiating in Worship: Two men cannot do the later at once in the same Congregation, without confusion and hin∣derance of Edification: But ten men or twenty may consult and consent to the acts of Discipline. So that by Reason, Scripture, and Antiquity it is clear, that if any one part were more essential to the Presbyters office than the rest, it would be the Authority and Obligation to Rule the flock by the word of God, and exercise the Church Keys of Discipline.

II. Now that this power is here taken from them (notwithstanding all the forecited Concessions or Confessions that it is due to them) I prove.

I. I might premise, that Ubi non est idem fundamentum, non est eadem re∣latio: At, &c. There is not the same foundation, therefore not the same Rela∣tion. For 1. Here is not the same Election, no nor Consent. I opened this before. Though all Antiquity gave the Church the Election of her own Pastors, yet we make not that necessary to the being of the office, or relation to them: So there be but Consent. But we take Consent of the Church to be necessary to any mans Pastoral Relation to that Church (though not to the Ministery in general as unfixed.) For seeing it is not possible to Exercise the office without the peoples Consent, it cannot be assumed as over them without their Consent: Because that which cannot be Exercised should not be under∣taken to be exercised. But with us, commonly, the Patron chooseth, and the Bishop approveth, instituteth, and giveth him induction, and so he is fully setled in title and possession in their way, without any of the peoples knowledge or consent.

Obj. You choose Parliament men who make these laws, and your Ancestours consen∣ted to Patrons power: Therefore you consent.

Answ. This seemeth a jest, but that the business and execution make it a serious matter to us. 1. It cannot be proved that all the Churches or people gave the Patrons that power. 2. We never intended to consent that Par∣liaments should do what they list, and dispose of our Souls, or of that which is necessary to the saving of our Souls. 3. Else you may as well say that we consent to be Baptized and to receive the Sacraments, because the Parliament whom we chose consenteth to it: And so we may baptize Infidels because their great grandfathers consented that all their po∣sterity should be Christians: And you need no discipline to keep men from the Sacrament, if Noah consented that all his posterity should fear God and serve him and so be saved. Many men are jested out of their saith and sal∣vation, but none are thus jested into it. Sin is a mockery, but so is not piety. 4. Our forefathers had no power to represent us by such consenting. If they could oblige us to Duty by their Authority, they cannot be our substi∣tutes for the performance of duty, any more than for the possession of the reward. 5. What God himself hath laid upon the Person or existent Church, they cannot commit to another if they would themselves, because the obli∣gation was personal, and they have not Gods consent for the transmutation. We cannot serve God by proxy, nor be happy by proxy.

Obj. But how unfit are the common people to choose their Pastors: They are igno∣rant, and partial, and tumultuous. Do the children beget their own father, or the sheep choose their own shepherd?

Answ. 1. No: but wives choose their own husbands, and Patients choose their own Physicians, and Clients their own Advocates, and servants their own masters, &c. Similitudes run not on four feet. If all the Church of Christ besides the Prelates and their Curates, be as brutish as sheep and as silly as infants (in comparison of them) then they have talkt reason in their similitude. Else—2. Is it not notorious in England that no Congre∣gations

have had more Learned and holy Pastors, than where the People have had their choice? I desire London but to consider it (nay they know it by great experience) what men hath Aldermanbury had, Mr. Calamy, Dr. Stough∣ton, Dr. Taylor, and so before? What men hath Blackfryers had, Mr. Gibbons, Dr. Gouge, and many formerly? So also Antholins, Lincolns-Inn, Greys-Inn, the Temple, &c. But the truth is, that is an excellent person to us, who is an odious or contemptible person to the high Prelatists. If he will preach as Heylin writeth, and make the people believe that Presbyterians are Rebels, and Disciplinarians are seditious brainsick fellows, and strict living is hypo∣crisie, and praying without book and much preaching is Fanaticism, and that none are worthy to preach the Gospel who will not swear to be true to this Prelatical interest: that drunkenness in a Conformable man is a tolerable in∣firmity, and their ignorantest nonsence is fitter to save souls or Edifie the Church, than the labours of a Learned Holy Nonconformist; that Calvin was a Rogue, and Cartwright, Amesius and all such as they, discontented factious Schismaticks, unworthy to preach or to be endured; This is a son of the Church, and an excellent person with the men in question. But it is the man that Learnedly and Judiciously openeth the word of life, that closely and skilfully and seriously applyeth it, that is an example of Holiness, Sobriety, Love, Meekness, Humility, and Patience to the flock, who spareth no labour or cost or suffering for the saving of mens souls, who is for the wisdom which is first pure and then peaceable, &c. This is the Pastor that is excellent in our eyes. And of such I have oft wondred that the common people should usually choose far better than the Prelates do. But the truth is, Wisdom and Goodness have their witnesses even in the consciences of natural men, which Faction, Pride, and Fleshly interest doth bribe or silence, and cannot endure.

3. But what's all this to us? We plead not now for the necessity of the peoples Elections, but only for their consent: If the Patrons as now, or the Clergy as formerly be the Nominators, or Electors, yet should the peoples con∣sent be acknowledged necessary in the second place.

4. For who is fitter to choose, or refuse, or consent at least, than he whose everlasting interest lieth at the stake? It is their own soul that must be saved or damned? And in good sadness do these Diocesans love the souls of all the people better than they love their own? Do you make them believe this, by not seeing one of a thousand or many hundred of your flock once in all the time of your lives? Doth the silencing of so many Ministers shew it? Christ will have all men at age in Covenanting, Baptism, and the Lords Supper, to be Chusers or Refusers for themselves, because (as Clem. Alexandr. Strom. 1. saith,) they have free will, and it is themselves that must have the gain or loss, that must be in heaven or hell for ever. What if a Prelate, a Parliament, a Patron, or a forefather, chuse Masspriests or Hereticks for us, must we accept the choice? Is this our bewaring of false prophets, and of the leaven of the Pharisees, and our trying all things, and letting no man deceive us, &c.

5. But how unfit is this objection for a Prelates mouth or pen? Are

you the Church Governours? Is all this contention that you may have the Keys alone, without the parish Ministers? And is this the fruit of all your Government, that the common Church members are so mad, so bad, so un∣tractable, that they are not fit to be free Consenters to them that are to Teach and Guide them to salvation? Who then is this Church Ruine and Abomina∣tion long of but your selves, who have and only will have the Keys? Have you not fine Churches and members, that are not fit to choose no nor con∣sent to their own Guides? Why do you not take care that the Churches by discipline may be better constituted? As none should be Pastors who are not fit for the duty of Pastors, so none should be members who are not fit for the duty of members. It's excellent Government inded to keep such in the Church as are unfit to be there, and then fetch an argument from their unfitness for their neglect of their duty, and your depriving them of their power? As if you should choose none but ideots (or most such) to be Jury men, and then argue thence, that they are unfit for so great a trust, and so the people must lose their liberties.

6. There are among the ignoranter sort of the people, usually divers sober and good men, and the rest use much to hearken to them.

Obj. But what if the people will not consent to any but a Heretick or intolerable person?

Answ. 1. The former answers serve to this: You do fairly to keep such people in the Church? But as the Foreigner wondered in Henry the Eighth's days, to see at once some hanged for being Papists, and some burnt for be∣ing Protestants, and cried out Dii boni quomodo gentes hic vivunt! So it is such another case to see at once the same Prelates forcing the unwilling into the Church and to the Sacrament, as if this would or could save them (if their Church be salvation) in despight of them, even on pain of undoing, and perpetual imprisonment; And yet Excommunicating and casting out those that are willing to stay in; As if Consent were a mark of an aliene and a re∣probate, and unwillingness the mark of worthiness.

2. Such as you here describe are not fit to be members of a Church. If they will not Consent to Church priviledges and duties, they should be with∣out the doors. And you may force them to hear Teaching whether they are willing or not; But you cannot make them Godly nor bring them to heaven, nor give them right to Church Communion and Sacraments whether they will or not. So much of Election and Consent.

2. Moreover the Ordination differeth from that of Gods institution. For Presbyters are now Ordained commonly neither by Archbishops, Bishops or Presbyters of Christs institution (in their way.)

1. The Bishops themselves profess that they Ordain not as Presbyters. For they say such have no power of Ordination. 2. They are not Bishops of Christs institution as is before proved; but of another species, which half themselves confess to be but humane. 3. They are not Archbishops, because they have no Bishops under them. And so having not their power of Ordina∣tion as Officers of Gods making, they have no power from him to Ordain.

Obj. By these two last differences you seem to give up the Cause to the Separatists.

Answ. The Prelatists do so; but so do not we: 1. Because whether the Prelates will or not, the people ex post facto do Consent to every worthy Pastor. 2. Because we judge of Parish Ministers as God describeth them, and therefore as true Bishops: and consequently take the Prelates for a kind of Archbishops whatever they call themselves. 3. And there is no honest Minister but hath the Consent of some neighbour Ministers and of the People: And though im∣position of hands be a laudable Ceremony, yet it is not that, but mutual Consent of themselves and the Pastors and People in which their external call consisteth, as is before said.

II. The different Correlates and Termini make different Relations. The Churches which the ancient Presbyters were related to, were true entire Churches, (however their work might be parcelled among the members.) But according to the Prelates platform, each Presbyter hath his charge over no Church of Christ at all, but only over a hundredth, six hundredth or thou∣sandth part of a Church, having no more to do with all the rest than if they were of another Diocese.

III. But I come to the point intended: That they take from the Presbyter his essential Obligation and Authority appeareth,

1. In general, they commonly affirm, that the Governing power belong∣eth not to them; and that they are but the Bishops Curates: By which they mean not only that the Bishops rule them: but they say that the Bishop doth Teach all his Diocese per alios, even by these his Curates. And accor∣dingly they have lately blotted out of their Litany [Bishops, Pastors, and Mi∣nisters of the Church] and have substituted [Bishops, Priests, and Deacons] lest the Priests should be supposed Pastors. But they altered not the Collect for all Bishops and Curates. And they have put out of the Office for Ordi∣nation of Priests, Act. 20. 28. Now what a Presbyter doth in the person of the Bishop and as his instrument, that he doth not in the distinct person of a Presbyter: He that payeth money or delivereth possession in his Masters name, doth it not in his own. So that if really they mean as they say, that quoad personam legalem quamvis non naturalem, it be the Bishop that doth Teach and Officiate per alios, then no Presbyter is indeed endued with any power of Teaching, Officiating, or Ruling in the person of a Presbyter, but only to be the Servant and Instrument of the Diocesane.

2. No Presbyter hath power to judge whom he shall Baptize, or whom to refuse; but is to Baptize all without any exception that have Godfathers and Godmothers, who will but say the words in the book. The Canon 78. is [No Minister shall refuse or delay to Christen any Child according to the book of Com∣mon prayer, that is brought to the Church to him upon Sundays or Holidays to be Christened—Else suspended three months from his Ministry. (Yea, that is it that pays for all.) So Can. 79. he is bound to do in houses in case of danger.

Yet Can. 29. No Parent shall be urged to be PRESENT nor be admitted to answer as Godfather for his own child. Now the Liturgy requireth not any Godfather to Adopt the Child, and take it for his own: Nor doth it allow us to refuse the Children of Turks, Jews, or Heathens; And if these God∣fathers be known Atheists, Turks, Jews or Heathens, or the filthiest Adul∣terers or wicked persons, if they did ever in their lives receive the Sacrament, and will say as the Book bids them, the Priest cannot refuse the Child. But if the godliest Parent can get none to be such Godfathers or Godmothers, his Child must not be Baptized. I told the Bishops my self that I had a notorious Infidel boasted that he would bring his Child to be baptized, and say the words of the book, and see who durst refuse it; And I was answered that if the Child had Godfathers, there was no scruple but I should Baptize him: But, when I ask, what if these Infidels (professedly such) be the Godfa∣thers, and say before-hand [I will say those words and refuse me if you dare] they have nothing to say, that common reason should regard. Now he that is but sent to Baptize those (even all whomsoever) that others bid him baptize, and hath no more discerning or judging power of the persons ca∣pacity, than a Lay-man hath, is in this no Presbyter, but a Prelates messenger or servant.

3. They have no power to instruct, admonish, or reprove in secret or pub∣lick or in their own houses, any one Ignorant Heretical Infidel, Atheistical or scandalous wicked man, that will but refuse to speak with them or to hear them. And yet he must give this person the Sacrament, at least till he prove that by him which his refusal to speak to him maketh impossible to be pub∣lickly proved. If I have great reason by some private occasional speech or report to believe, that many of the Parish know no more of Christ than Pagans do; or that they among their own companions (who will not accuse them) profess Atheism, Infidelity, or Heresie; or if after scandalous fames I would admonish them to repent; If they refuse to speak with me, or suffer me not to come and speak to them, I have no remedy; but must still continue them in the Communion of the Church.

Obj. You would not have such men forced your self.

Answ. But I would not be forced then my self, to give him the Sacrament of Communion as his Pastor, who refuseth to speak with me or to hear me as his Pastor; but would have power to refuse that Pastoral administration to him that refuseth the rest.

4. They have no power to judge of the fitness of any one for the Sacra∣ment of the Lords Supper, in point of knowledge, faith, or Covenanting with God, nor whether he understand what the Sacrament is, any more than an In∣fidel or ideot; so be it the Bishop do but confirm him (in his childhood) or he will say that he is ready to be confirmed. Indeed all are required to send their children to be Catechised; But 1. few Ministers use it: 2. few persons in a parish come. 3. If they refuse, we cannot prevent their further communi∣cating. 4. It is but to say over the words of that Catechism which they are

called to; which experience tells us children will do like Parrots, without understanding what they say: And we must not ask them any other questi∣ons.

It is true also that they who are confirmed by the Bishop should bring a Certificate from the Minister that they can say the Creed, Lords prayer, Com∣mandments, &c. But they may choose, and not one of many doth it. I went my self at thirteen years of age or fourteen, to the worthy Bishop Morton with the rest of the School-boyes without any Certificate, and without any exami∣nation he hastily said as he passed on three or four lines of a prayer over us, when I knew not what he said: And after this, no Minister can refuse any one at age the Sacrament. The Rubrick saith, They should openly own their Baptism, &c. But few do it, and none can be refused for not doing it. And so the transition from the number of Infant members into the number of the adult, is made without the Ministers Consent (Though the Kings Declaration once yielded to the contrary) And Communicants croud upon him in utter ig∣norance, because they were Baptized in Infancy: Nay few in a Parish (not one of many hundred of my acquaintance) is ever confirmed by the Bishop at all, so much as ceremoniously, or regard it.

5. They have no power to choose what Chapter they will read to the Church in publick (though a word before the Homilies lib. 2. seemed once to allow it them) But every day in the year even week-days and Holidays they are tyed up to the Chapters imposed on them, though Bell and the Dragon, Judith, Susanna, Tobit, and other Apocryphal writings be appointed for Lessons, even about 106 Chapters of the Apocrypha in two months: And though any scandal or other occasion in his Church would direct him, to choose some other subject for the peoples good.

6. He hath no power to choose what words to use in his publick prayers to God: no not to use any that are not written for him to read out of the book. And though custom hath so used Ministers to pray without book in the pulpit, yet this is but connived at because it cannot easily be remedied: One of them wrote a book against it, as answering that part of our Savoy Reply 1660: Dr. Heylin hath largely laboured to prove that it is contrary to the Canon, which indeed doth seem express against it: And that's not all; However their Consciences digest it, all the Conformists in England do subscribe as ex animo a covenant or promise [that they will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer and administration of the Sacraments, and no other.] Canon. 36. Mark, No other: And the Bishops that endure this are forced to say, that these Pulpit prayers are not the Churches prayers but our own: But yet they are [Publick prayers] and therefore I doubt a breach of the Canon-Co∣venant.

7. A Presbyter as such hath no power to preach the Gospel. The words of his Ordination do but give him power to preach when he shall be lawfully called: yea his Presentation, Institution, Induction and possession of a Pasto∣ral Charge, do not all make up this Lawful call, nor may he preach one

Sermon after all this, till he have a particular Licensing Instrument from the Bishop. So that he preacheth not meerly as a Presbyter nor as a possessed In∣cumbent, but as Licensed by the Bishop.

8. When he visiteth the sick, he hath no Power left him to judge, Whether* 1.41 the person be penitent and fit to be Absolved or not? But if the wickedest liver will but say or swear that he repenteth of Swearing, of Adultery, of Per∣jury, though such expressions or circumstances be such as plainly tell a present Minister, that he hath nothing like to a serious repentance, yet must this Mi∣nister be forced even in Absolute words to Absolve him from all his sins: When a Popish Confessor would require more. I do not in all this lay the fault that this Minister hath not power to keep away any of these persons, from Baptism, Confirmation, the Lords Table, Absolution, &c. but only that he hath no Power to forbear his own action and application, and leave them to others that are satisfied to do it: Nor not so much as to delay till he give a reason of his doubt to his Lord Bishop.

9. When he buryeth the dead, he hath no power to judge so far as to the performing or restraining of his own act, whether the deceased person must needs be declared and pronounced blessed. Three sorts of per∣sons he must deny Christian burial to. 1. Those that die unbaptized, (though they be the Children of the holiest Parents) 2. Those that kill themselves (though they be the faithfullest persons of godly and blameless lives, who do it in melancholy, deliration, a phrenzy, feaver, or distraction.) 3. All that are Excommunicate, (though by a Lay Chancellor,) for not paying their fees, or though it be because they durst not take the Sacrament from the hands of an ignorant, ungodly, drunken Priest, to whose ministery neither they nor other of the Parish did ever consent; or that it be the Learnedest Godly Divine that is excommunicate for dissenting from the Prelatists.

But all others without any exception that are brought to Church, they must bury with a publick Declaration that they are saints, viz. [That God in mercy hath taken to himself the soul of this our dear brother] (And without Holiness no man shall see God.) (So great difference in Holiness there is between the Holy Church of Rome and ours, that they Canonize one Saint in an age by the Pope, and we as many as are buryed by the Priest.) Though it was the most notorious Thief or Murderer, or the most notorious Atheist, or Infidel, or Heretick, who either writeth, or preacheth or disputeth that there is no God or no life to come, or useth in his ordinary talk to mock at Christ as a deceiver, and to scorn the Scriptures as nonsence and contradiction, or though it be a Jew who professeth enmity to Christ? Much more if it be a common blasphemer, perjured person, adulterer, drunkard, a scorner at a godly life, &c. who never professed repentance, but despised the Minister and his counsel to the last breath, yet if he be brought to the Church for buryal, the Priest must pronounce him saved in the aforesaid words, so be it he be not Excommunicate (of which sort of late there are too great numbers risen up, in so much that the sober Prelatists themselves cry out of the growth and peril

of Atheism, Infidelity, and most horrid filthiness, and profaneness.) The words of the Canon are (Can 68.) [No Minister shall refuse or delay to bury any corps that is brought to the Church or Churchyard (convenient warning being given thereof before) in such manner and form as is prescribed in the book of Common Prayer. And if he shall refuse—except the party deceased were denounced Excom∣municated Excommunicatione majori for some grievous and notorious crime, (and no man able to testifie of his repentance) he shall be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocese from his Ministry by the space of three months] But the New Ru∣brick in the Liturgy saith, [The office ensuing is not to be used for any that die unbaptized, or Excommunicate, or have laid violent hands on themselves.] The Office saith, [Forasmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God of his great mercy to take unto himself the Soul of our dear brother here departed, &c.] And [We give thee hearty thanks that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of the mi∣series of this sinful world.]

And yet as self-contradicters and condemners, if any man do but say of one that hath been openly against the Prelates or Conformity, that he was a godly honest man, (much more one that was against the King, and espe∣cially a downright Traitor who so lived and died impenitently) they take it for a heinous crime, (as in the latter case they well may do) And yet (ex∣cept those whose quarters they set up upon the gates, or deny Christian bu∣rial to by the Magistrate,) the poor Priest must pronounce them all at the Grave to be the Bishops dear brethren and saved as aforesaid.

10. They have no Power to give the Sacrament of Communion with Christ and his Church, to any the most Learned holy Christian, who dare not receive the Sacrament kneeling, (for fear of bread-worship in appea∣rance, &c.) which (though I think is unwarrantably scrupled, yet) hath so much of Universality and Antiquity as maketh it ill beseeming those same men who cry up the Church Councils, Customes, and Antiquity, to cast out of Com∣munion those that conform to all these, for so doing. For who knoweth not by Can. 20. of Concil. Nic. 1. and the consent of Antiquity, that they took it for a custome? and tradition and Canon of the Universal Church, that none should at all adore God kneeling on any Lords day in the year, nor on any week-day between Easter and Whitsunday.

11. They have no power to forbear denying the Sacrament of Communi∣on to any how faithful and holy soever, who is against the Diocesanes Con∣firmation, and is unwilling that those whom he taketh to be no true Bishops should use that which he taketh (as used by them) to be no true Ordinance of God, but a taking of his name in vain; or if on any other account he be unwilling of it: For the new Rubrick is, [There shall none be admitted to the holy Communion, until such time as he be Confirmed, or be ready and desirous to be Confirmed.] So that it is not actual confirmation which they think ne∣cessary. But [a Desire of Confirmation] by the imposition of the Diocesanes hands, is made a thing necessary to Christian Church Communion.

12. As it is before said that he hath no power to judge who shall be Con∣firmed,

and admitted into the Rank of Communicating members, so he hath no power at all effectually to keep away the grossest offenders, or to forbear his own actual putting the Sacrament into their hands. For though the Canon seem to favour his power, and the Rubrick say some∣what the same way, yet it is to be noted, 1. That whereas the Rubrick alloweth him to advertise the scandalous not to come to the Sacrament, yet it is only the contentious that have injured others and are not reconciled, whom he is plainly enabled to refuse. 2. Among those that he may advertise not to come, the grosly ignorant (who know not what Christ or the Sacra∣ment is) the Atheist, Infidel and Heretick are not numbred at all; but [an open and notorious evil liver, or that hath done wrong to his neighbours] 3. And if he be never so wicked, yet unless also [The Congregation be thereby offended] the Curate cannot hinder him, or so much as advertise him not to come. And so if only a few Godly persons be offended, they are not the Congregation; or if the Minor part be offended, they are not the Congre∣gation: And how shall the Minister know whether the Major part be of∣fended: For he hath no power to ask them, much less to put it to the Vote: And the Major part will never come to him nor be accusers? And if the Major part (which is no wonder) be themselves so Ignorant, Heretical, or ungodly as not to be offended, but rather to take the Sinners part, then the Curate must give them all the Sacrament, and hath no remedy. 4. And he that must not live in Taverns, Alehouses, Play-houses, or other places of wickedness (specially if he live as Chrysostome did, who never did so much as eat with any one in his own house) may have most of his Com∣municants to be abominable and flagitious, before it will be Notorious to him: for (as is said) He hath no power to call any to witness any thing, that are unwilling. And few will be willing to enrage their neigh∣bours, when they foreknow that it will do more hurt than good. 5. And if he do refuse any one, he is bound to become an Informer, and to give an account of the same to the Ordinary within fouteen days at the farthest.] Whenas, 1. Perhaps he may dwell many score miles off; 2. And have his studies and all other business on his hands: 3. And must then bring his proofs, when he is not enabled to examine any witness nor take proof of that which to all others is notorious. 4. It is a great doubt whether the Sinner have not his remedy at Law against him to his undoing, if he lay not by all his other business to prosecute the proof to the utmost. And if he do lay by the rest of his work that while, the Bishop may undoe him or suspend him. 5. By this means he shall more exasperate the Sinners (by prosecuting them to such a Court as the Prelates) and harden them against all profiting by his Ministry, than if by his Pastoral office he had himself first lovingly convinced them, and suspended them only till they repent. 6. When he hath all done, if the sinner pay his fees and say, He repenteth, the Chan∣cellor is to Absolve him: And so the Curate doth only to his own vexation and the Sinners hurt, deny him the Sacrament but once. And if the wrath

or scorns of the Sinner shew that he was far from true Repentance, the Curate cannot deny him the Sacrament the next day, nor ever after, till he not only again commit the same sin (Adultery, Perjury, Drunkenness, &c.) but till it be again notorious, and he will be again at the same trouble in the prosecution. 7. And there are few great Parishes in England where there are no Swearers, Drunkards, Railers, Fighters, Fornicators, Adulterers, and such like enow, to hold a Curate work through the whole year to prose∣cute them, though he lay by almost all his other work: so that by this way, if he keep such from the Sacrament, he must keep all away by ceasing his Ministerial work. 8. The Curate cannot refuse him till he hath called and advertised him; whereas the person may refuse to come to him, at least by pretending business and other excuses. All these things make this which seemeth his most considerable power, to be in effect but next to none.

13. The Curate hath no power when any person is obstinate and impeni∣tent in the most notorious scandal or heresie, or endeavoureth to pervert others, to admonish him before all, that others may beware, nor to call him openly to Repentance.

14. Nor hath he any power to judge who shall be Excommunicated as impenitent, be the crime never so heinous or notorious: no not so much as to concur in this power with any Bishop, Chancellor or Presbyters; any more than any Lay-man hath. He can but Accuse them, and so may an Apparitor or Church-warden: or Read the Bishops or Chancellors Ex∣communication, as he doth the Kings Proclamations, or as the Clerk doth other writings.

15. He hath no power to absolve publickly any person Excommunicated, no more than a Lay man; but as aforesaid to read the Absolution.

16. He hath no power to forbear his own act of Reading an Excommu∣nication against the faithfullest and most religious persons in his Parish, whom it shall please the Bishop or Chancellor to Excommunicate, (that is, usually, a Nonconformist, or a Churchwarden who dare not swear to their large books of Articles, to persecute the Nonconformists, &c. or one that appeareth not at their Courts, or a poor man that doth not pay their fees, &c.) The poor Cu∣rate must read the Curse against them.

17. He hath no power himself to forbear the open Reading of an Absolu∣tion of the most impenitent wicked man, whom it shall please the Chancellor to absolve. And how easily that is procured for any man, that is but Rich and Conformable, is well known.

18. The Curate hath no power so much as to Baptize the holiest belie∣ver or the Child of such, as do but fear lest it be a Sin to use the Transient Image of the Cross, as a humane symbol of Christianity, and an engaging dedicating sign, that he [will not be ashamed to profess the faith of Christ crucified, and manfully to fight under his banner against the Devil, the world and the flesh, and to continue Christs faithful servant and souldier to his lifes end.] If the person to be baptized were a Turk, or

a Jew, who both hate Idolatry, and should be so scandalized at this Tran∣sient Image and humane Symbol, as that they would rather never be Chri∣stians or be Baptized, than receive it; yet must the poor Priest let them go without Christianity, rather than Baptize them without this Image of a Cross, unless he will be suspended from preaching Christs Gospel to the ignorant that they may be saved. But if he will bear that, he may do what he will; that so poor souls may be the losers.

19. If the commonest whore or wicked woman come to be Churched, as they call it, after child-bearing, the Priest must use all the Office of thanks∣giving, without first expecting her repentance, as if she were the chastest person: And must give her the Sacrament.

20. To conclude, no Priest as such (till Licensed) hath power [to take upon them to expound in his own Cure, or elsewhere (and therefore not to his family, or any one of his ignorant neighbours) any Scripture, or matter, or Doctrine; But shall only study to Read plainly and aptly, without glossing or adding the Homilies, &c.] Are these Authorized Priests, that may not so much as tell a Child the meaning of his Catechism, or any Article of the Faith? No though an ignorant person ask him? The Priests lips should preserve knowledge, and the Law should be enquired of at his mouth, for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts. But an English Priest may not expound any Matter, Scripture, or Doctrine but barely Read, till the Bishop License him.

Obj. If they be not able, it will do more harm than good.

Answ. Will the righteous God be always mocked? and suffer men to make merchandice of Souls, and to vilifie them and set them at cheaper rates than they would do a goose, a pig, or a dog? Is this a fit answer for those that are their Ordainers? under whose examination and hands all men enter into the Ministery? Will they say that they can get no bet∣ter? What, not when they have made so many Canonical Engines to keep out better? What, not when such as Cartwright, Hildersham, Amesius, Parker, Dod, Ball, &c. are cast out as unworthy? When so many hundred were silenced in Queen Elizabeth and King James's days; and Eighteen Hundred of us now? When the Bishops have got so many Laws to hin∣der us from Preaching in publick and private, and to banish us five miles from all Cities, Corporations, and places where we have preached? When none but their sworn Curates, Subscribers, Declarers, &c. may preach, yet can they get no better? Will they keep up a Ministry whom they will themselves so ignominiously stigmatize, as to tell the world, that none of them all, as Presbyters, may be endured to expound any Scripture, Doctrine, or Matter, but barely to Read? Yea as if they would disswade them from all Learning of Humanity or Divinity as needless or hurtful things, they say [he shall only study to Read plainly and aptly.] So that he that studieth for any more than to Read, doth break the Canons of the Prelatical Church.

Also a Priest as such hath no power to judge what Garments he shall wear, nor of what colour at home or abroad.

He hath no power to judge in what house he may instruct or pray with any of his flock: nor when so much as with his Church in publick, or with any sick or afflicted neighbour in private, to Fast and Pray: But they are all straitly forbidden to preach or administer the Sacra∣ments, (except to the sick) in private houses: To preach or officiate in any room save a Consecrated Chappel, even in a Noblemans house; To keep publick or private fasts; To give the Sacrament to any that are not of their own Parish, at least if they go from their own Priest, because he never studied more than to Read: They have not power to admit any other, how Learned and Holy soever, to preach in their Churches, as Presbyters, without Licence. All these shew their Priestly power.

Obj. But a Surrogate may Excommunicate.

Answ. 1. That is but ludicrous pro forma. 2. Or else it is but their self-condemnations while they allow one Presbyter of a thousand, to do that which all the rest are forbidden. The same I say of Arch-deacons, and pe∣culiar Ordinaries.

Object. They make Canons in Convocations, and choose Convocation Priests.

Answ. 1. It is but two Priests of many hundred that are in a Convocati∣on: And what's that to all the rest. 2. Choosing is not a Governing act. Where the people choose Kings and Parliament men, it proveth not that they have any Government themselves. The Laity ever formerly chose their Bishops, and yet were no Bishops nor Church Rulers. 3. It is in the Bishops power to frustrate their choice. For when they have cho∣sen four, he may put by two of them. In this great Convocation which hath new moulded our Liturgy, which hath formed the Engines that have done what is done, the great and famous City of London had not one chosen Clerk in the Convocation. (No wonder then if they Con∣form not, as not being bound by their own Consent) For when they chose Mr. Calamy and my self, the Bishop refused us both (which I am so far from mentioning in discontent, that I take it to have been a greater Mercy than I can well express) 4. I take not Canon-making to be any considerable part of the Pastoral Office. If two of many hundred, have power to please the Plural Number of Prelates, Deans, and other Digni∣taries (whom they cannot over-vote) by serving them against the Church and their Brethren, doth that prove that Presbyters as such have the Govern∣ing power of their flocks?

I am not striving for a power of Ruling one another, much less of Ex∣communicating Kings and Magistrates, nor a power of making Laws, or

Ruling Neighbour Churches: But only a power of Guiding their own flocks, and judging of their own actions. Yea, and that not as Ungoverned or without Appeals: But as Ruled by Magistrates, consociated for Con∣cord with other Pastors, and Ruling Volunteers. And if Archbishops also Rule them by Gods Laws, we shall submit.

CHAP. XVII. That the great change of Government hitherto descri∣bed (the making of new species of Churches, a new Episcopacy, and a new sort of half-sub-presbyters, with the Deposition of the old,) was sinfully done, and not according to the intent of the Apostles.

THere are two pretences (and no more that I know of) made to justifie all this foredescribed change. The first is by Dr. Hammond when he was hard put to it at last, in answer to the London Ministers, which is, That Subpresbyters were Ordained in Saint John's time, and therefore by him. The second is ordinary, that though de facto the Apostles setled but single Pastors (without Sub-presbyters at least) over single Churches or Assemblies, yet this was not done with an Obligatory purpose, for the so fixing of it; But only de facto, pro tempore, as a State of immaturity, with a purpose and intent, that it should grow up to the change of this at maturity.

I. To the first Pretence I answer. 1. What probability is there that one Apostle when all the rest were dead should make so great a change in their Church Orders? Either it was part of the Apostolical Commission and work to settle Church Offices and orders for Government, or not. (as to the species, if Christ had not before done it; or to settle it by revealing what Christ did command them; either from Christ's mouth, or the Spirits in∣spiration, to ••••tle the Catholick Church, as Moses did the Jewish.) If it were none of their Commissioned Office work, then it was none of John's: And then it is done so as may be yet undone. But if it were John's work it was Theirs; And if theirs, why did they not perform it? Even while they

had that promise, Matth. 15. 20, 21. Where two or three are gathered toge∣ther in my Name, &c. And, If two of you agree of a thing, &c. If you say that there was no need till they were all dead, I answer, It is a Fiction. The greatest numerous Church at Jerusalem, had more need of more than One to officiate among them, (and so had Ephesus, Antioch, Coritnb, &c.) than most Churches else had in St. John's days. And were all the Apostles so negli∣gent and forgetful?

2. What proof is there that St. John did make this change? It is either by Scripture that it is proved, or by History. 1. Not by Scripture: For 1. No Scripture mentioneth S. John's doing it. 2. Dr. Hammond and his followers confess that it was not done (as can be proved) in Scripture times. And Chronologers suppose that there was but a year or two, between his death, and the end of Scripture times, that is, the writing of his Apocalypse. And is it probable that he began so great a Change the last year of his life?

2. And History maketh no mention of it at all. (For I am ashamed to answer their nonconcluding reason, from St. John's bringing a young pro∣digal to a Presbyter to be educated, or his Ordaining Presbyters, when it is no more than is said of the other Apostles.) Let them give us, if they can, any Satisfactory proof, that S. John alone, a year or two ere he died, made this new species of Presbyters and Churches, that we may believe it to be of God. But blind presumptions we dare not trust.

3. None of the Ancient Churches, Councils or Doctors (that ever I could find) did ever hold that Subpresbyters were instituted by St. John alone, and these changes made by him: How then shall we think that men of yesterday can tell us without them, and better than they, and contrary to them, the histo∣ry of those times?

4. By as good a course as this, what humane corruption may not be de∣fended, and Scripture supposed insufficient to notifie Gods Church-institutions to us? When there is nothing said in Scripture for them, the Papists or others may say that S. John made this or that Change when all the rest were dead: But why must we believe them?

5. And the Church hath rejected this plea already long ago. When Pa∣pias pleaded that he had the Millenary Doctrine from St. John himself, and when the Eastern Churches pretended his Authority for their time of Easters observation; here was incomparably a fairer shew of St. John's Authority than is produced by Dr. H. in the present case: And yet both were over-ruled by the Consent of the Churches.

II. And that it cannot be proved to be the Apostles intentions that their establishment herein should be but temporary, and left to the will of man to change, I have largely proved in my Disput. 1. of Church Government long ago. I now only say,

1. That which the Apostles did in execution of a Commission of Christ, for which he promised and gave them his infallible Spirit, was the work of Christ himself and the Spirit, and not to be changed but by an Authority equal to that which did it. But such was the setling of the species of Churches and Elders. Ergo—&c. The Commission is before recited from Scripture, and so is the promise and gift of the Spirit to perform it.

2. Where there is full proof of a Divine Institution by the Apostles, and no proof of a purpose that men should afterward change it, or that this in∣stitution should be but for a time, and then cease; there that Institution is to be supposed to stand in force, and the repeal, cessation, or allowed muta∣tion to befeigned. But there is full proof of a Divine institution by the Apo∣stles that Preesbyters with the power of Government were placed over single Churches (and no other saith Dr. H.) And there is no proof brought us at all, of either Repeal, Cessation, or Allowance for mutation—Ergo &c.—They confess de facto all that we desire, viz. 1. That there was then none but single Churches or Congregations under one Bishop. 2. That there were no Subpresbyters. Let them now prove the Allowance of a Change.

3. That supposition is not to be granted which leaveth nothing sure in the Christian Churches and Religion: But such is the supposition of a change of the Apostles Orders in these points. Ergo.

If the after times may change these Orders, who can prove that they may not change all things else of supernatural institution? As the Lords day, Baptism, the Lords Supper, the Bible, the Ministry yet remaining, &c. And if so, nothing is sure,

Object. Christ himself instituted these, and therefore they may not be chan∣ged.

Answ. 1. It was not Christ himself that wrote the Scripture, but his ser∣vants by his Spirit. 2. Christ himself did that mediately which his Apostles did by his Mandate and Spirit. Matth. 28. 20. The Spirit was given them to bring all things to their remembrance which he had spoken to them. And to cause them to Teach the Churches all things which Christ had commanded them. And as Christ made the Sin against the Holy Ghost to be greater than that which was but directly against his humanity, and as he promised his Disciples that by that Spirit they should do greater works than his, so that which his Spirit in them did establish, was of no less authority, than if Christ had per∣sonally established it.

4. By this rule the Prelates themselves may be yet taken down by as good authority as the Apostles other settlement was changed: For if it was done by Humane Authority, there is yet as great Humane power to make that further change: Wherever they place it, in Kings, Bishops, or Councils, they may yet put down Bishops, by as good authority as they put down what the Apostles set up; and may set up more new orders still, by as good autho∣rity

as they set up these half-presbyters: And so the Church shall change as the Moon.

5. That which is accounted a reproach to all Governours is not without proof to be imputed to God, and his inspired Apostles. But to make oft and sudden changes of Government, is accounted a reproach to all Governours: Ergo—

For it is supposed that they wanted either foresight and wisdom to know what was to be done, or Power to maintain it. To make Laws and se•• up Churches, Officers, and Orders, this year, and to take them down, and set up new ones a few years after, seemeth levity and mutability in man: And there∣fore must not without cause and proof be ascribed to God. And the rather because that Moses Laws had stood so long, and the taking down of them was a scandal very hardly born: And if the Apostles that did it, should set up by the Spirit others in their stead, to continue but till they died, this would be more strange and increase the offence.

6. There was no sufficient change of the Reason of the thing, Therefore there was no sufficient reason to change the thing it self (if Prelates had had Authority to do it.) If you say, That in Scripture times there were not worthy men enow, to make Subpresbyters and Bishops both of: I answer, It is notoriously false, by what Scripture speaketh, 1. Of the large pourings out of the Spirit in those times: 2. Of the many Prophets, Teachers, In∣terpreters, and other inspired speakers which were then in one Congregati∣on, Act. 13. 1, 2. And 1 Cor. 14. Insomuch that at Corinth Paul was put to limit them in the number of speakers, and the exercise of their gifts. 2. And it's known by history and the great paucity of Writers in the next age, that when those miraculous gifts abated, there was a greater paucity of fit Teachers, proportionably to the number of Churches, than before. 3. And who can prove that if there had been more men, the Apostles would have made a new Order of Presbyters, and not only more of the same Order?

2. Obj. But the Churches grew greater after than before?

Answ. 1. Where was there three Churches in the whole world for 300 years so numerous as the Church at Jerusalem is said to have been in Scri∣pture? 2. If the Churches were more numerous, why might they not have been distributed into more particular Churches? 3. Or how prove you that Presbyters should not rather have been increased in the number of the same Order, than a new Order invented? 4. This contradicts the for∣mer objection: For if that Churches were so small and few before, it's like there might have been the more gifted persons spared to have made two Orders in a Church. 5. And what if in Constantine's days the Churches grew yet greater, than they did in the second, or third age compared to the Apo∣stles? will it follow that still more new Orders may be devised, as Subpriests were?

7. There are worser reasons of the change too visible: And therefore it is not to be imputed to a secret unproved mental intention of the Apostles. In Christs own time, even the Apostles themselves strove, who should be the greatest. False Apostles afterward troubled Paul by striving for a superiority of reputation. Diotrephes loved to have the preeminence. Sect-masters rose up in the Apostles days: Acts 20. 30. Of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them. Some caused Divisions and Offences contrary to the Doctrine which they had learned, Rom. 16. 17. In Clem. Rom. time the Church of Corinth was con∣tending about Episcopacy and superiority, even Lay-men aspiring to the chair. Peter seemeth to foresee what Pastors would do, when he forewarn∣eth them not to Lord it over Gods heritage, 1 Pet. 5. 1, 2, 3. Victor quickly practised the contrary when he Excommunicated the Asian Bishops. See Grotius his complaint of the early and ancient pride, contention, and tyranny of the Bishops, De Imper. sum. Pot. p. 360, 361. Novatian with No∣vatus quickly shewed this spirit (if they be not wronged) at Rome and Carthage; and so did Felicissimus and his partners against Cyprian. What stirrs were there for many ages between the Cecilians and the Donatists? What horrid work was there at the Concil. Ephes. 1. And Concil Chalcedon. & Concil. Eph. 2. between the contending Bishops on each side? The reading of the Acts would make a Christians face to blush. What strife between An∣thymius and Basil for a larger Diocese? What work against Nazianzen to cast him out of Constantinople? What sad exclamations maketh he against Synods, and against these Names and Titles of preeminence and higher seats, wishing the Church had never known them? And yet he was angry with his friend Basil for placing him in so small a Bishoprick as Sosunis. What abundance of Epistles doth Isidore Pelusiota write to Eusebius the Bishop and Sosimus and the other wicked Priests, detecting and reproving their malignity, drunkenness, and horrid wickedness? And how sharply doth he lament that a faithful Ministry is degenerate into carnal formal Tyranny, and that the Bishops adorned the Temples under the name of the Church, while they maligned and persecuted the Godly who are the Church indeed? How la∣mentable a description doth Sulpit. Severus give of the whole Synods of Bishops that followed Ithacius and Idacius? And in particular of Ithacius himself, as a fellow that made no conscience of what he said: And what did Martin think of them who avoided all their Communions to the death, and would never come to any of their Synods? Especially because by stirring up the Magistrate against the Priscillianists, they had taught the vulgar fury to abuse and reproach any man that did but read, and pray, and fast, and live strictly, as if he were to be suspected of Priscillianism (which Hooker himself complaineth of, Pref.) And Ambrose also did avoid them. What bloody work did Cyril and his party make at Alexandria? What a man was Theophilus after him? What work made he against Chrysostom? What a Character doth Socrates give of him? What insolence and furious zeal did Epiphanius shew in the same

cause, in thrusting himself into the Church of Chrysostom to stir up his hearers to forsake him? Hierom had a finger in the same cause: His quarrels with Johan Hierosol. with Ruffinus, his abusive bitterness against Vigilantius, &c. are well known. The multitudes of Canons for preserving the grandeur of Pa∣triarchs, and Metropolitanes, and Prelates, on one side, and for keeping small Cities without Bishops, ne vilescat nomen Episcopi, and for restraining Pride, self-exaltation, enlargement of Diocese, encroachment on each other, on the other side, do all shew the diseases that needed such a Cure, or that had such a vent. In a word the Bishops never ceased contending, partly for their se∣veral opinions and errours; and partly for preeminence and rule, till they had brought it to that pass as we see it at this day, between Rome and Constanti∣nople, and the most of the Christian world. From all which it is most appa∣rent that Pride and Contention were cured but in part in the Pastors of the Churches: And that the remaining part was so strong and operative, as ma∣keth it too credible that there were ill causes enow for enlarging of Dioceses and getting many Churches into one mans power, and setting up a new Order of half-subpresbyters; And that the event of such a change is no proof that it was the Intent of the Apostles, that this change should be made when they were dead; no more than you can prove that all this turbulent pride and strife was intended by them.

If any say, that it is not probable that so soon after the Apostles all the Churches would conspire in such an error: I answer, If all these things before mentioned were not done, or if matter of known fact may be denied as improbable, then that objection hath some sence. To which I add,

8. I have proved that this change was not made at once, but by slow degrees: No nor made so soon as is pretended, nor so universally, but in long time, except at Alexandria and Rome; It was long before the Churches knew it.

9. And I think none will deny but other things were taken up as the Tradi∣tions of the Apostles, and all the Churches customes, which yet are now re∣jected as no such thing. To say no more of Easter and the Millennium, there were five ceremonies which were accounted the Churches universal customes, and traditions, and none was to omit, viz. not kneeling in adoration on the Lords days, Adoring towards the East, the White Garment, the Milk and Honey and the Chrism to the Baptized: But were these such? Socrates, So∣zomen, and Nicephorus tell us great Reasons to believe that (whatever some say) the time of Easter, the Fast of Lent, and many other observances, and among others the largeness or smallness of Dioceses, were no Laws of God or the Apostles, but usages voluntarily and diversly taken up, in several places, in which no Christians should condemn each other, but allow a liberty of dis∣sent and difference, without breach of Charity or peace.

10. Moreover it is a clear proof that the Apostles intended no such change, in that they left no Rule, Instructions or Directions for it, nor for the calling of the new sort of Presbyters, nor for their performance of their places. They

left full directions for the Ordination and Regulation of Bishops, called Pesbyters, and for Deacons, not leaving out so much as Deaconesses; And would they have wholly omitted all instructions for the new order of Presbyters, and Prelates, &c. if they had intended them?

11. To put all out of controversie, God hath told us that his setled orders are for continuance. Eph. 4. 11, 12, 13. Such Offices as Christ hath given to the Church, are for the perfecting of the Saints, for the work of the Ministry, for the edifying of the Body of Christ, till we all come to the unity of the Faith, and the knowledge of the Son of God, to a perfect man, &c. If God do give some to lay the foundation, and some to build thereon, yet he leaveth not men to make new Officers besides all these, to do his appointed work. Timothy had charge to propagate the same Doctrine, and the same Church orders, even to the coming of Christ, 1 Tim. 6. 13, 14. 2 Tim. 2. 2. and 1 Tim. 3. Tit. 1. 5. Heb. 10. 23, 24, 25. But of this I desire the Reader to see full proofs in my 2. sheet for the Ministry.

12. Lastly, the holy Scripture is a perfect standing Rule for all things neces∣sary to Salvation, and Divine Faith and duty, and to Church worship and Com∣munion. If not, what is? And where shall we find it? And what stop shall we make of our additions, if there be no Law or Rule to govern the universal Church? And who are they that have power to Rule the Church universal? See my Key for Catholicks, against the claim of Pope and General Councils. But if it be, then the adding and altering is presumption, except in circumstantials which God hath left to mans determination: And then why must we swear never to alter unnecessary circumstances, were they such?

CHAP. XVIII. The fourth Argument, From the Impossibility of their performance of the Episcopal Office, in a Diocesane Church; And the certain exclusion and destruction of true particular Church Government, while one man only will undertake a work too great for many hun∣dreds.

ALI that I have said hitherto is far short of this one Argument, from the notorious unquestionable mischiefs which the opposed frame of Prelacy doth infer; not probably, but certainly; not only where Bishops are bad, but with the best; not in some Churches, but in all.

ARGUMENT IV.

That Form of Prelacy is not lawful and to be sworn to, which maketh the Episco∣pal Office impossible to be performed, and certainly destroyeth and nullifieth true par∣ticular Church Government wherever it obtaineth. But such is the opposed frame.

None will deny the Major but the Erastians, who think that the Magistrate only is the Church Governour (which as to forcing Government is true) And they that so think, must needs be against Bishops otherwise than as they are Preachers or Magistrates. Therefore I may let them pass.

The Minor I am to prove by parts.

It must be remembred, that I have shewed how great the Dioceses are, and that no work proper to the Office of a Bishop can be done by a Lay-man, or any but a Bishop. And have prevented the pretence of doing it per alios. And now I must shew more fully than in the former breviate, what the work of a Bishop is; And then you shall see whether it be not impossible. And lest you think I precisely feign more work than God hath put upon them, I will take it out of Scripture and Dr. Hammonds Annotations.

I. The Teaching of the Flock. II. The Priestly worshipping of God with them. III. The Government of them by Discipline, are the three parts of the Bishops Office, as hath been proved.

I. The Teaching of the Flock is, 1. Publick Teaching them in their Sacred Assemblies, by expounding and applying the word of God. 1 Pet. 5. 2, 3. Feed the flock of God which is among you, taking the oversight thereof, &c. saith Dr. Hammond, [The Bishops of your several Churches, I exhort—take care of your several Churches and govern them, &c.]

Heb. 13. Remember them which have the rule over you, who have spoken to you the word of God. Dr. H. [Set before your eyes the Bishops and Governours that have been in your Church and preached the Gospel to you—] Acts 20. 7. Upon the first day of the week when the Disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached to them—] Matth. 24. 45, 46. Who then is a faithful and wise ser∣vant whom his Lord hath made ruler over his houshold to give them meat in due season.]

1 Thes. 5. 12. We beseech you brethren to know them that labour among you and are over you in the Lord and admonish you, and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake.] D. H. [Pay (your Bishops) as great a respect as is possi∣ble for the pains they have taken among you.]

1 Tim. 5. 17. The Elders that rule well are worthy of double honour, especially they that labour in the word and doctrine.] D. H. [Let the Bishops that have discharged that function well, receive for their Reward twice as much as others have, especially those that preach the Gospel to whom it was news, and also continue to instruct congregations of Christians in setled Churches.] 1 Tim. 3. 2. A Bishop must be—apt to teach.] D. H. [One that is able and ready to communicate to others the knowledge that himself hath.]

2 Tim. 4. 1, 2. I charge thee before God and the Lord Jesus Christ who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing, and his kingdom, preach the word, be instant in season, out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine.] See Dr. H. Annot.

And can one Bishop be the publick Teacher of a thousand, a hundred, or many Churches: Can he feed them, and give them their meat in due season? where one of a thousand never heard his voice nor saw his face? Is the flock with them or among them? Can you say to his Diocese, I beseech you know the Bishop that laboureth among you and admonisheth you, and esteem him highly in love for his works sake? Will they not say you mock them, and that they cannot know him whom they never saw; nor love him for his work and admonition among them, that never was among them, that never workt with them, that never admonisht them; but only that one of many hundred saw him, and heard a Visitation Sermon in one City or market Town once in three years, or a year at most. Must many hundred Congregations that never heard him, give him double honour that preacheth sometime to one Congregation a hundred or twenty miles from them, and this as their Instructing Elder? Judge of the possibility of this.

2. The Bishops are also bound to private helps, instruction, counsel, and to watch over all the flock, and every particular member of them; as a Father

must look to every Child, and a shepherd to every sheep, and a Physician to every Patient.

Acts 20. 20, 28, 31. I taught you publickly and from house to house—Take heed therefore to your selves and to all the flock over which the holy Ghost hath made you Overseers, to feed the Church of God, which he hath purchased with his own bloud—Therefore watch, and remember that by the space of three years, I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears] D. H. [Instructing both in the Synagogues, and in private Schools, and in your several houses whither I also came—Wherefore ye that are Bishops or Governours of the several Churches,—look to your selves and the Churches committed to your trust, to rule and order all the faithful Christians under you.]

Col. 1. 28. Whom we preach, warning every man, and teaching every man in all wisdom, that we may present every man perfect in Christ Jesus.] Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves, for they watch for your souls as those that must give account.] D. H. [Obey those that are set to Rule over your several Churches, the Bishops, whose whole care is spent among you, as being to give an account of your proficiency in the Gospel.]

I before cited Ignatius telling the Bishop that he must enquire after every one by name, even servants and maids. And Dr. Jer. Taylor who saith, No man can be accountable for them that he knoweth not (or cannot know.)

Now is it possible for a Bishop to do this: To instruct, oversee, counsel, one of many hundreds of the flock? who know him no more than one in ano∣ther kingdom? Is this pastoral teaching of particular Souls, to have an Appa∣ritor call one of a thousand when he Conformeth not, or offendeth, to a Chan∣cellors Court; How little know they what the work of a Pastor is that think so?

3. Bishops must teach the flock by their own visible example; By holy speaking and holy living before their flocks. Heb. 13. 7. [Remember them which have the rule over you, who have spoken to you the word of God, whose faith follow, considering the end of their conversations.] D. H. [Set before your eyes the Bishops—observe their manner of living.] If it were the Pope at Rome, we might cast a conjecture by the report of that great liar fame, Because it is a place that we hear often from in the Curranto's and Gazets: But no Ga∣••et telleth us of the life of our Bishop. And how shall those observe their manner of living, who know not whether they be alive or dead, till a Minister is to be silenced, or a new Bishop doth succeed the old? You may as well bid us ob∣serve how they live in the West-Indies.

1 Pet. 1. 5. 3. Neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage (or having dominion over your charges) but being ensamples to the Flock.] D. H. [Walking Chri∣stianly and exemplarily before them.] What! before them that never saw or heard them? Before men of another Countrey, that may swear and not repent with Peter, We know not the man? What! be examples to them that are out of the notice of their words and lives? But if really you think that fame is sufficient, 1. It must be of persons and things not too far off. 2. It must be

in a Golden age or another world, where good men are not hated and calum∣niated, and where bad men if Great are not extolled, and where false reports be not easily believed and reported; where a vile person is contemned, and those that fear the Lord are honoured; Where the faithfullest Pastors are not the object of Great mens jealousie, of bad mens malice, of dissenters and con∣tentious mens backbitings and reproch, and are not made the drunkards song, nor the scorn and off-scouring of all things, and where he that reproveth or departeth from evil, doth not make himself a prey; or at least where malig∣nity, worldliness, and lying are not the predominant humours of the Age. When you have secured us of a true fame, we will make the example of a stranger of another land or Diocese, (as soon as one of this Diocese as strange to us) the exemplar of our lives.

4. Another part of the Bishops work is to preach to those without that are uncalled, as he hath opportunity: To labour in the word and Doctrine, 1 Tim. 5. 17. saith Dr. H. To preach the Gospel to whom it was news: which made Dr. Downam and other Prelatists say That the City and Territories are their Diocese even when few of them are converted, that they may first convert them and then govern them; and Dr. H. to Note out of Clem. Rom. that they are made Bishops over the Infidels that should after believe. And doubtless they must do their best to call the unbelieving and impenitent to Christ.

And how much of this will a Bishop have time to do, that hath the work of a Diocese of Christians on his hands?

5. It is the work of a Bishop to Baptize, or at least to judge of those that are to be Baptized, Matth. 28. 19. Go and disciple me all nations baptizing them. And Dr. H. thinketh that no Presbyter, but Bishops baptized in Scripture time, be∣cause there were then no other existent. And it is too evident in Antiquity (by what I before cited) that no child or aged person was usually baptized without a Bishop (when Bishops came up,) at least they used to anoint their no∣strils, &c. with holy oyl. And doubtless they that Baptized or admitted to baptism, did examine them of their faith, and resolutions, before they took them into the Covenant and Vow of God. And how many hundreds in a year can the Bishop do this for, besides all his other work?

6. It is by the English Canons and Rubrick the Bishops duty to confirm all that were baptized: many think it is meant in Heb. 6. 1, 2. Our Bishops take it for a proper part of their work. And they that must confirm them according to our Liturgy, must know their understanding, and receive their profession of their faith, and standing to their Baptismal Covenant, which requireth some time and labour with each one, for him that will not make a mockery of it. Look into the Bills of London, which tell you how many are born every week; and thence conjecture how many hundreds in a year the Bishop hath in that Diocese to Confirm, and consequently in other Dioceses proportionably? Or if that will not inform you, try over England where you come, how many are (though but cursorily as a hasty ceremony) confirmedat all? Whether it be one of many hundreds? And set this to the rest of the Bishops work.

7. It is the Bishops work to defend the truth against gainsayers, to confute

and stop the mouths of Hereticks and contradicters, and confirm the troubled and wavering minded in the faith: not by fire and sword, nor by a quick prohibition of others to preach; but by sober conferences, and weight of evi∣dence, and by Epistles as Paul did, when they are not at hand, yea even to other Churches: and as one that is gentle to all men, apt to teach, patient, in meekness instructing them that oppose themselves, if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth, 2 Tim. 2. 24, 25. And shall the Bishop do this for many hundred Churches? While he is defending the poor flock against Papists, Quakers, Arrians, Socinians, Infidels (alas how numerous are the deceivers!) at Newark, or Gainsborough, or Boston, what shall they all do between that and Barnet, or the remotest part of Buckinghamshire?

II. The second part of the Bishops office is to be the peoples Priestly guides in Gods worship: principally in the publick Assemblies, and oft in private, viz.

1. To confess the peoples sins and their own: To be their own and the Churches mouth in prayer, thanksgiving and the praises of the Lord. And in how many hundred Congregations at once will they do this?

2. To consecrate and distribute the Sacrament of Communion; and conse∣quently to discern who are fit for it. And in how many Churches at once will he do this?

3. To bless the Congregation at the end of every meeting. All these I have before proved that the ancient Bishops did; and Dr. Hammond saith, No other in Scripture times; And what Ubiquitary shall do this.

4. And in private it is the Bishop that must visit the sick, that must be sent for by them all, and must pray with them. As Dr. H. at large proveth, Annot. in Jam. 5. I have told you before how well and for how many he is able to do this, in one of our Dioceses. If that serve not turn, I pray you if you are foreigners, ask English men what number it is of sick men in a Diocese that are visited and prayed with by the Bishop? Compare them with the Bills of Mor∣tality in London, and judge proportionably of the rest, whether he visit one of many thousands of such as die, to say nothing of all the sick that do recover.

5. And it is the Bishops work to receive all the offerings, first-fruits, tythes, and other maintenance of the Church, as the Canons before cited say. And see Dr. H. on Act. 2. c. and Act. 4. 33, 34, 35, &c.

6. It was the Bishops work to take care of all the Poor, Orphans, Widows, Strangers, as the Canons cited shew; And Dr. H. on 1 Cor. 12. 28. c. saith [The supreme trust a••d charge was reserved to the Apostles and Bishops of the Church.] So in Can. 41. Apost. A Bishop must have the care of the moneys, so that by his power all be dispensed to the poor, &c. where he citeth Just. Mart. and Polycarp. for a particular care. I have before told you that if the poor of every parish be not relieved till the Bishop take notice of them, few of the poor in England would be any more for Bishops, than for famine, nakedness, and death.

III. But the principal thing which I reckon impossible, and is, and must be destroyed by Diocesanes, is the Government of all the particular Churches, (or Parishes) in the Dio••••se.

Where note, 1. That I speak not of the Magistrates Government, 2. No•• of that General Inspection by which an Archbishop or General Pastor overseeth the inferiour Bishops with their flocks, as a general Officer doth the Regiments and Troops in his Army, which have Colonels and Captains of their own. But I speak of the particular Church Government of the Bishops of single Churches, like that of Captains over their own troops, or rather Schoolmasters in their several Schools.

And I the rather mention this because Bishops making it more proper to them∣selves, than Teaching or Worship, must hold, (were they consistent with them∣selves) that they can less delegate it to others.

The exercise of the Keys are 1. For entrance by Baptism. 2. By confirmati∣on (rightly understood, as in a peculiar Treatise I have opened it) 3. By Re∣proof, Consolation, Excommunication, and Absolution of particular per∣sons, which I am now to speak of.

Where distinctly note I. What the work is Materially, II. In what man∣ner it must be done, III. On how great a number of persons.

I. 1. To receive accusations and informations of all the great and perilous heresies, crimes, and scandals in the Diocese.

2. To judge of the credibility of the witnesses (hardly done by a stranger) and of the validity of their proofs. For Councils themselves have petitioned the Emperours, that ungodly persons might not be witnesses, who make so small a matter of other sins, as that they may be supposed to make but little of false witnessing. Else an Atheist or Infidel or man of no conscience (as he ne∣ver need to miss of Church preferment, for want of conforming to mens wills, so) he may be master of the ••ame, liberty, and lives of all honest men, at his pleasure, and govern them that govern Church and State. Therefore Bishops themselves must difference between witnesses: And to say, I know an honest man that knoweth an honest man that saith they are honest men, is a poor sa∣tisfaction in comparison of personal knowledge. Much less to trust the whole trial to another.

3. He must hear the accused person speak for himself. For there is no judg∣ing till both are heard.

4. He must rebuke false accusers, and justifie the innocent, and vindicate their good name.

5. He must by convincing arguments and melting affections, labour to bring the sinner to Repentance.

6. He must desire the Church to be witnesses of his faithful admonitions, and to avoid the like crimes and impenitence themselves, and to pray God to give Repentance to the offender.

7. He must publickly declare the impenitent excommunicate, and bind him over to answer it at the bar of God, and set Gods terrors before his Conscience.

8. He must try and judge of the Truth of the Repentance of those that say they do repent (where all the ancient rigorous Penances came in.) And not trust every incredible saying, I Repent.

9. He must receive those publickly into the Church that truly repent, or credibly profess to do so; and must comfort him with the declaration of the pardon of his sin.

10. He must perswade the Church to receive him into their affections and Christian Communion, and to esteem and use him as a Brother again.

II. And as to the Manner, all this must be done, 1. with great Prudence and discretion; else the Church may soon be set on fire, (as by a confession of a Deacons adulteries at Constantinople, &c.) 2. It must be done with deliberation and throughest acquaintance and information of the truth: else rash and hasty judgments, and believing knaves will disgrace the Bishop, and injure the just, and gratifie the wicked, & breed uncurable breaches between so unjust a Bishop and the flock. 3. It must be done with the greatest seriousness, reverence, and gravity; As knowing that the honour of God and Religion and the Church lieth on it, and the comfort or recovery of the souls of men, and the preservation of the rest.

It is not a Chancellors check, nor saying, do you repent, and will you pay your fees, that dispatcheth such a work as this. It requireth much skill, and time and pa∣tience. Poor sinners must not be taken in a passion; nor is it imperious frowns that melt men into true Repentance: The opening of the nature of the sin, and the aggravation, not reproachfully but convincingly; the awakening of a secure hardened sinner, with the terrors of the Lord; the drawing him home by the opening of the motives of Love and mercy; do all require greater skill, and holi∣ness, and love to Souls, than most Bishops have that ever I was acquainted with; much more than a Lay Chancellor hath, who is the man that doth the work, that never pretended to be a Divine.

I must profess for my own part, that when I did this with others for one Pa∣rish, it called for more skill, and holy affections, and consequently more convinced me of my weakness, by far, than publick preaching to the people. The heart of an honest judge will be turned within him, before he pass the sentence of death on an offender. And before we pass the sentence of Excommunication, our bowels must yearn over poor souls, and all means be tried to recover them.

And here it is not the clearest witness of the crime that will serve turn: For men are not to be excommunicated for any ordinary crime, unless it have impenitency and obstinacy added to it. And therefore the work of the Bishop is (not like a secular Court to judge only of the fact and fault, but) to judge of mens repentance or Impenitence. And that is a thing that cannot be done by a few Lordly awful words.

You will say, Because of all this we judge that ordinary Priests are not to be trust∣ed with so great a work, but a few wise and Reverend Prelates.

Ans. 1. I never yet knew the best Bishop that was to be compared for ability in this work to many a Parish Minister that I have known: Nor did I ever know One Bishop tolerably fit for it, who had not for a considerable time been a labo∣rious Parish Minister. Those that come from the Universities to be Noblemens and Bishops Chaplains, and so get the Tythes of two or three rich Benefices, and then are made Prebends, Deans, and Masters of Colledges; and then he made Bishops, may read, and talk of all this work; but know no more

what it is indeed than I know how to build an house.

2. An experienced Minister that liveth upon the place and knoweth all the persons and witnesses, hath incomparable advantage above a strange Prelate.

3. One that is their familiar and ordinary Teacher, whom they neither con∣temn, nor fear with a carnal awe, for fear of punishment, may discern whether Repentance be credibly serious; which he that aweth them by greatness and terror shall never know: For almost all the veriest beasts will there profess Re∣pentance, though they come home with redoubled malice against the persons that would have reformed them: Only a man that believeth he is in the right will incur the Bishops wrath for not confessing that he is in the wrong.

4. But yet our Caution is far greater than the Bishops; For because this re∣quireth so much skill and faithfulness, we would have no one Man trusted with it (except in a case of necessity, when a Church can have no more) For in the multitude of Counsellers is safety: We would have every Church have a Con∣sessus of Presbyters (and if one be a Bishop we contend not against it) And we would have it done in the presence of the Seniors of the flock, who know the persons; that so if one should want skill or trustiness, he might be helpt by others, or hindred from doing wrong. And if all this will not do, we would have the next Synod of neighbour Pastors to have a final audience of the case.

And now let any thing except utterly blinding Pride and Partiality be judge; WHETHER A CONSESSVS OF MINISTERS IN THE PRESENCE OF THE SENIORS OF THE FLOCK, WHO ALL KNOW THE PERSONS, be not liker to JUDGE RIGHTLY IN ONE PARISH, where also a neigh∣bour Synod may review the case, than ONE STRANGE PRELATE or CHANCELLOR FOR A DIOCESE OF MANY CHURCHES, WHERE HE KNOWETH NOT THE PERSONS:

Especially when this Chancellor and all the Proctors and Officers of the Courts do live (in wealth) upon the Trade, and therefore must manage it as a trade: When in the way that we desire, no Presbyter, nor Synod, should have one farthing for all his pains, but his comfort in obeying God, and end ca∣vouring the Churches good and mens salvation.

Alas Lord, How long shall Christs enemies be the Pastors of his flocks? and the seed of the serpent be the great instruments that must break the serpents head, and the lovers of sin be they that must be the suppressers of it, and those employed to teach men knowledge, who themselves will not know, and to preach up holiness who cannot endure it? To willing minds these things are plain.

Church Discipline hath its effect on the Consciences of men, and these things take as they come with spiritual life, light and love. We see in our Preaching, how much all work is lost, which is done proudly, unskilfully and marred in the manner. And true Pastoral discipline must work just as Preaching must do, it being but a more particular application of the same word, to persons and carses. Athanasius Patriarcha Constantinop▪ in his fifth Epistle for the residence of Bishops (Bibl. Patr. T. 3. p. 159.) saith of constant preaching [Haec nocte dieque debent sin∣guli Pastores gregibus suis inculcare, quae tam necessaria sunt, quam est respirare ani∣manti: Necessarium inquam omnia judicia & testimonia Dei denunciare; ita ut ab

hoc est prosperitas & opulentia, And in his three last Epistles he counselleth the Emperor to force those Bishops to Preaching and Vigilancy, that will not do it without force.

And indeed, unjust Excommunications most hurt the Excommunicators. Read Nicon's Epistle ad Euch▪ de injusta Excommunicatione, proving that an un∣just Excommunication bindeth not another, but falleth on the Excommuni∣cators head.

But the sad truth is, that it's usual with the Prelates to confess the vanity of their own Spiritual power, and to call it a leaden sword, which would but be despised, if it were not backt with the Magistrates sword, which is the very thing they trust to.

But of this anon.

III. And lastly, let it be considered objectively what work it is that every Bishop hath to do: and then you shall see whether it be possible.

1. As to the number of Sins in specie. 2. As to the number of Sinners.

1. Such sins as are in other Countries, and as are condemned in Scripture are among us also. 1. As to Intellectual evils, we have ignorant persons who neither know what Christ or Christianity is, or what a Sacrament is, or what are the Essentials of Faith. We have Atheists that think there is no God, or say so at least; we have more Infidels, that deride Christ and Christianity: we have impious persons who make a mock of Godliness: we have Quakers and Familists, and Seekers, who either deny the Scripture to be Gods word, or true, or say Scripture, Church and Ministry are lost, or turn Scripture into an Allegory, or that prefer the light within every man, Heathens and all, as suf∣ficient without it; and Enthusiasts and true Fanaticks who trust to inward Re∣velations and impulses instead of Gods word. We have Papists, we have Anti∣nomians, Libertines, and more Sects which the Bishops themselves can name you, and overcharge.

2. And for more voluntary sins, we have almost all the breaches of all the commandments: We have open enemies of preaching, praying, sacraments, fa∣mily duties, catechizing, the Lords days holy observation: Common scorners of those that fear to sin, and diligently seek God. We have (if the Bishops could know them) malignant persecutors, that would force Gods servants to most odi∣ous sins, that hinder Christs Ministers from doing the work to which they are devoted, and from preaching to sinners the Gospel of Christ, and calling them to Repent and live. We have idolaters, false worshippers, blasphemers, perjured persons, common prophane swearers, and cursers, and liars; and we have chil∣dren despisers and dishonourers of their parents, and servants of their masters; and subjects of Princes and Rulers, (and whether of Bishops and Pastors, let the Bishops judge:) Profane families; husband and wife living in open enmity or wrath: we have murderers, fighters, railers, such as maliciously seek the ruine of others, great and small oppressors, thieves, defrauders, adulterers and fornica∣tors, filthy speakers, gluttons, drunkards, such as waste their lives in gaming, plays, and idleness, false-witnesses, Simoniacal, bribe-takers, subverters of justice,

to say nothing of the notorious effects of gross uncharitableness, covetousness, and pride. These and more than these are here.

2. And for the number of sinners; 1. Conjecture by the number of per∣sons: 2. And then by the commonness of the sins.

1. I have before oft told you that some Dioceses have many hundred Parishes, some above a thousand; and in the lesser sort of these Parishes, commonly there are in some 50, in most 100 or 200 families; and in the greater and Market Towns, there are in some of the lesser about 1000 souls, in the middle sort about 2000 or 3000 or 4000; and in the bigger about 5000 or 6000, and some few 10000: And in the greatest Parishes of all in London, some 20000, some 40000, some 50000, and it is said in some many thousands more.

2. And for the sins, 1. The Bishops themselves say, that Atheism, Infidelity, and derision of Scripture and Religion aboundeth among such as I will not name: 2. They say themselves that Rebels, and Quakers, and Seekers, and Enthusiasts, &c. are so many as that they know not what to do with them. 3. They say themselves that Papists so increase, as that they give out their hopes to swallow up all. 4. One sort which they call Schismaticks, as being against their interest, they really exercise their power against: and find that this one sort are more than they know what to do with. 5. The number that malignantly labour to make all seriousness and diligence in seeking God, to become a scorned hated thing, and make it to seem meer self-conceitedness and hypocrisie, and to keep people from obeying God, is so great, as we cannot reckon them. 6. The number of the grosly ignorant is lamentably great. 7. Common swearers and cursers are usually met with in our ordinary converse. 8. How common drunkenness is, let lamenting Parents, grieved wives, and beggered families tell you. 9. Whe∣ther fornication and adultery (rarely heard of till of late, comparatively) be now grown common, if not in fashion, I leave the Prelates themselves to judge. 10. To pass by all the rest, Whether serious credible Repentance (though not expressed by the ancient severe penances) be now a common thing, for these or many other sins, I am content that any English man be judge, that ever laboured to bring men to Repentance, and knoweth what Repentance is.

And now by this conjecture 1. How many thousands (I say not the Bishop who puts it off, but) the Lay-chancellor hath to stand at his bar at once, if discipline were tolerably exercised. 2. How many years, the accusers and offen∣ders were like to wait before a cause could be heard. 3. Or how spiritually, powerfully, meltingly this Lay-man (that never preached) is like to draw all these thousands to Repentance. 4. What the Sinner and the Church shall do till the year come that they can be heard. 5. Whether it be possible for any such thing as true Pastoral conviction, exhortation, discipline, to be ever exercised on them at all, whilest that new sins, even heinous ones are still committed; and the Bishop or Chancellor or Surrogate, that had a thousand, or ten thou∣sand sinners at once to speak to, when he could deal but with six or seven in a day (if he did nothing else,) shall before he can examine their cases have thou∣sands more (of their and others) to examine.

So that nothing of this nature can be more notorious, than that our controversie

with the Bishops is but such as these: Whether the Lord Mayor alone shall not only oversee all the Families in the City, but be the Only Gover∣nour of them, so that Husbands, Parents, and Masters, shall only teach and ex∣hort their families, but the Lord Mayor alone shall rule them, as to their daily works, their speeches and their lives.

Or whether the City and the whole Diocese shall have but one Schoolmaster, who shall be the sole governour of all the Schools in all those hundred parishes, 20, or 40, or 100 miles distant, and the Schools shall have under him only Curate Ushers, who shall only teach the boyes as far as they are willing to learn, and for all their untractableness, disobedience, absence, and faults, shall present their names to a Chancellors Court, set up by the sole ruling Schoolmaster.

Or whether all the Colledges in the University shall have no Governour but the Vicechancellor, and the rest be but Tutors to the Voluntiers.

Or whether all the Patients in a Diocese shall have but one Physician, to go∣vern the Patient by prescripts, and under him only Apothecaries to carry about his medicines and directions? Indeed if it were the Physicians work to play the Soldier, and cut all their throats, it might be done in a short time. But healing requireth more ado. And if it were the Bishops or Chancellors work to do no more, than to read an accusation, and say, Do you Repent, and (as some do, because they must be thrice admonished,) to say at once, I admonish you, I admo∣nish you, I admonish you, I excommunicate you; or to do as the Pope doth, Inter∣dict whole Kingdoms at once, (as Herod killed all the children in hope that he should meet with Christ among them,) then a few hands might do the work. But whether it be possible to exercise the discipline of Christ, in their Dioce∣san way on one of a thousand, let the impartial judge: As also whether that Church be fitlier said to be governed or ungoverned where one of a thousand is governed indeed, whenas it is the body of the people, and not one of a thousand, that is called the Church.

CHAP. XIX. The same Impossibilty proved by Experience.

THey say Experience is the teacher of fools: But O how well were it for the Churches of Christ, if their Reverend Bishops (who think themselves only meet to govern them) had but learnt by it, these 1300 years, at least. The Experience which I offer you is,

1. That of the ancient Churches: what work the enlargement of their Diocesses, and growing great by the greatness of their charge made quickly by the destruction of true discipline, abundance of forecited te∣stimonies shew. To which what sad complaints might I add out of So∣crates Chrysostome. Isidore Pelusiata and many others: which made Gregory Na∣zianz. Orat. 1. Say so much of the difficulty of a Bishops work, and to de∣pose himself when contentious men were ready to depose him, and to wish so earnestly that there had never been greatness and Priority and difference of Seats as Upper and Lower among the Pastors of the Churches being tired with their contentions pride and envy, even of▪ the Orthodox them∣selves: who instead of doing the work, contended for power and pre∣eminence.

I cited some of Chrysostomes sayings before, de sacerdot. l 3 c. 16. 17. where he sheweth the greatness of a Bishops work, and p. 57. So p. 58. Nisi quo∣tidie Episcopus omnium domos circumierit, in hac parte vel eas superans, quibus nullum aliud studium est quam in foro versandi deambulandique, hinc omnino of∣fensiones infinitae emergent: Neque enim ij soli qui aegrotant, sed & qui sani sunt, invisi se volunt: Id quod non religionis ac pietatis, sed honoris dignitatisque potius nomine plurimi sibi vendicant. Ac si quem forte contigerit ex ditioribus potentioribusque Christianis, ecclesiae usu lucroque communi ita urgenti, ab E∣piscope frequentius invisi, hic protinus Episcopus palpatoris atque adulatoris no∣tam sibi inurit. Chrysostome speaketh like a man that knew by experi∣ence what a Pastors work is: And if our Bishops must go to every house, how many years pilgrimage would it be to go but once through all their Dioceses?

Bernard, saith Epist. 82. Cum praesideant urbibus valde populosis, & coetus, ut itadicam, patrias, propriae Diocaeses ambitu circumcludant, occasione inventâ •••• quacunque veteri privilegio, satagunt ut vicinas sibi subdant civitates, quatenus duae quibus vix due Praesules sufficiebant, sub uno redigantur antistite. And the doleful lapse of discipline hereupon all History witnesseth.

Which made Erasmus say, Eccles. lib. 1. Quantum negoti•• credimus esse, cum praeter vicos & pa••os▪ viginti frequentes & amplae civitates (such as our big Market Towns) uni parent antistiti—Et multorum praesulum ditio tam late pa∣tet, ut siquam maxime forent expediti omnibus mundanis negotiis▪ non possent tamen

in omnibus oppidis Concionari; quum bodie una civitas quamplures requirit Eccle∣siastes: How much less will one perform all the rest of the Bishops work?

Saith Musculus Loc. Commun. de Minist. p. mihi 438. [Quare viderint E∣piscopi, &c. [Let Bishops look to it, who when they cannot (or do not) rightly Minister to one Church, extend their power, not to some few Churches, but to whole Provinces. Let them read Chrysostome on Tit 1. Per civitates, in every City, &c. These things made Luther say advers. falsò nominatum ordinem E∣piscop. To. 2. p. 310. Perinde habet, &c. It is with these wicked ungodly Bi∣shops all one as if the Devil himself, should mitred and ringed sit in the chair and himself rule the people.

And Bishop Hooker in 8 precep. saith, Et certe si jam vigeret antiquus ille er∣gae populum amor, If they had the ancient Love to the people, they would them∣selves confess that there is more work in one City, than the best men can easily do. They know well enough that the Primitive Church had no such Bishops till the time of Silvester the first. (I cite this ex Altar. Damascen having not the Book at hand.

Filesacus tells us, ex Concil. Triburiensi c. 26. Relata est coram sancta Synodo quaeremonia plebium, eo quod sint quidam Episcopi nolentes ad predicandum, vel ad confirmandum suas per annum paraecias circuire, de Orig. Paraec. p. 537. What would they have done if they had been in our times.

See Isidore Pelus. Ep. 246. l. 2. p 236. teaching Bishop Eusebius▪ (and Theo∣dosius) what a Church is, who had so far lost the true Episcopacy, as to take walls for men, and to abuse and scorn the true Church or godly people while the Walls were adorned, as if Christ had come from Heaven more for [Walls than Souls] &c. of which before.

In a word, nothing is more evident than that true Discipline was shut out at the times and in the degrees as Diocesses were enlarged; and that in A••rick and other places where the Churches or Diocesses were more small and numerous, discipline was best preserved.

II. The second sort of experience is, that of almost all the Reformed Churches, who have found the Pastoral work and Discipline particularly to be so great, as that less than all the Parish Ministers concurring could not perform it. 1. Those Churches which with Calvin set up Presbytery, ex∣clude no Pastor from the Governing part; but took in Elders of the people to help them, because experience had told them that all the Ministers were too few: what then would one Bishop and Chancellour or Vicar have been able to do?

2. The Lutherans who set up superintendants, commonly so set them over the Pastors as not to take away the true Pastoral power of governing their particular flocks, as finding by experience, that the old way of Pre∣lacy would not do it: And usually they join Magistrates with them, as they also in the Palatinate did. And it is such an oderate supriority which is exercised in Hungary, Transilvania, and in Poland till the Papists rooted them out thence.

3. The Helvetian Divines exercise a certain measure of power in keep∣ing the unfit from the Sacrament; but not what they judge to be the

Churches duty, because the Magistrate never would consent: That the Pa∣stors are for it, as needful to the right ordering of the Churches you may see in Polani: Syntag. at large, and in most of their Divines of Basil, Bern, Zurich, &c. I will now only cite the honest hearty words of Mus∣culus above 100 years ago, because he was a man most clear and candid, and that did mancipate his judgment neither to Luther, Calvin, nor any party as such; but took liberty to differ from them all (as in the points of Re∣demption, perseverance, &c.) At Bern in his Loci Commun. ed. 1567. p. 421: He proveth Bishops, and Presbyters and Doctors, and Pastors to be all one. And p. 422. that in the Apostolick Primitive Church they governed the Church in common, being subject to no head or president. But after the Apostles daies as Hierome saith to avoid schism, but as he thinketh more out of a desire of Majority; one got the name and presidency of a Bishop: But, saith he [whether this counsel did profit the Church or not, by which such Bishops were introduced, as Hierome saith by custome rather than by truth, of divine disposition, to be above the Presbyters, it hath been better manifest∣ed to after ages, than when this custome was first brought in: which we must thank for all the insolency, wealth and tyranny, of the Principal and Equestral Bishops, yea for the corruption of all the Churches, which if Hierome had seen, un∣doubtedly he would have known that it was the devise, not of the Spirit of God, to take away schisms as was pretended, but of Satan himself to lay waste and destroy the ancient Ministers for feeding the Lords flock: whereby it might come to pass that the Church might have not true Pastors, Doctors, Presbyters and Bi∣shops but under the masks of those names, idle-bellies, and magnisick Princes, who will not only not themselves feed the people of God with sound Apostolick Doctrine, but also take care by most wicked violence, that it be done by no one else. By this devise of Satan it is brought to pass, that instead of Bishops, the Churches have potent Lords and Princes, for the most chosen out of the order of Nobles and great men, who being upheld by their own and their kindreds power, may domineer over the flock of God as they list.

And p. 423. The office appointed to the Bishops that came after the Apo∣stles times was to preach to the people, to adminster the sacred things, to pre∣scribe repentance, to take the care of the clergy and the people both in City and Country, to ordain, to visit, to take care that the goods of the Church be rightly kept and dispensed, and to take the patronage of Church-matters with Princes. And if the Bishops had but staid here, it had been better with the Church: Or if the Prelates and Pastors of our times would return to these Canonical Rules, there might be hope that the Eccleasiastical State and order might possibly be reform∣ed; and the controversies of these times might be ended by the word of God—Hence it is plain that the office of true Presbyters and Bishops in the Church of Christ is, to feed the Lords flock with sound Doctrine, and to be truly Pastors and Teachers. But now the false Bishops pretend a Pastoral Cure, when going to the Assembly-Offices they are, as they take it, Episcopally cloathed. They put on a white stole, longer than ordinary; with a girdle (not such as John Bap∣tist wore, &c.,—The maskd Pastor thus dressed doth not feed the flock of God,

but performeth the Church service in such a gesture, Ceremony and dralect, that all the matters of the Church may be nothing else than certaine vaine and pompous shewes—so that if one of the Apostles were there, he would never so much as dreame that this were the Episcopal feeding of the Lords flock.

Thus the Bishop doing once or twice a year doth Suffciently performe his Office, what e∣ver he do the rest of the time. The ordination of Ministers and other things accounted Ecclesiastical, he committeth partly to his suffiragane, and partly to his Vicar, or Chancellor. The office of Teaching he committeth to some Doctor or Monk, so sworne, as that he shall not dare to speake a word (or hisse) be∣sides what is prescribed him in the formes of Lawes.

Thus far I confess he speakes of the Popish Bishops: But who would believe he meant not ours that had seen them? And how little do they differ? Well you shall next hear him speak of Protestant Bishops.

Pag. 425

[Let us now come to other Ministers, Pastors and Bishops, di∣vers from these, who do nothing in the Church of Christ but Preach and teach: They have certaine daies of the weeke on which they Preach: And that is well: They Preach only out of the holy Scriptures: And that well too. But this is not well, that very many of them speak formally and coldly, and not from* 1.42 the heart; so that what Seneca somewhere saith, agreeth to them; Animum non faciunt, quia animum non habent. They make not men hearty (or serious) because they are not so themselves: And that of the Roman Orator, thou wouldst never talk thus, if thou speakest from the heart: Nor do they accommodate the word of God to the Hearers, by pertinent and profitable di∣stribution, but they think they have well performed their office, if they have any how spoken out the hour. In the mean time, they observe not the peoples mindes and lives, much lesse do they reforme them: Nor do they take care how the people grow in the knowledge of God, the faith of Christ and in true Godliness: They apply not themselves to the study of the Scriptures, nor per∣swade the people to read them in their houses; they neither take care of the poor and strangers nor visit the sick, as little caring how and with what faith they de∣part: And thus they discharge their Ministry neither faithfully, prudently nor profitably. It is indeed of great moment that they bring not strange Doct∣rine into the Church; but teach the Scripture Do••••rine; and that they use not superstitious rites, but are not content with simple administration of the Sacra∣ments, according to the custome of the Primitive Church. But in this they are to be blamed, that they do things right and profitable, not from the hearts, but sleightly, as on the by, and what is accordingly to be else done by a faith∣ful Minister they wholly neglect. While they thus Minister, they do not indeed bring Errour and superstitions into the Churches, as in the foregoing ages was done. But in the mean time, inclining to the other extreme, they take the course which by degrees will bring the people into that indifferency in Religions which is the most pestilent, and to drink in Epicurism the waster and extniguisher of all religion. Wherefore I beseech them in the Lord, that they fully performe and discharge their Ministry, and not thus by the halves]

Thus far he des∣cribeth our ordinary better sort of the Clergie, but not our Bishops.

And Pa. 431.

[They that labour more to keep up the authority of Bishops, than to save the people, when they cannot convince the Ministers, called by the Magistrate, of error, do raise a question about their calling, (being themselves neither lawfully chosen nor called) saying, what Suffragane ordained you minister? what Bishop cal∣led you to the office? As the Priests by Christ. They questioned not his work, which they could find no fault with, but his power—so these, where they cannot by Gods word defend their own errours and abuses, nor disprove our true doctrine, they fly to the Episcopal power and authority, as if they did pas∣sess any such umblamable and lawful power, when they neither discharge the of∣fice, nor have the power of true Bishops; wherefore let no true sincere Minister of Christ, regard the barking of these men, but as content with the testimony of his Conscience, and his calling to teach by the Lawful Magistrate, go on in the Lords work with alacrity of spirit.]

Here he addeth the manner of their calling at Bern, by the election of the Pastors and confirmation of the Magistrates, and reception of the people, that you may know what he meaneth by the Magistrates Call.

And p. 436. having told us, that Christianity falleth where the election and Pastoral care of the Ministry falleth, he addeth.

[But now they that endea∣vour to put out the light of truth, boast much of the power of Bishops, Arch-Bishops, Metropolitanes, Patriarcks, and the Roman Pope; where if you urge them to it, they are not able to prove by any truth of divine institution, that so much as this first ministerial power (of Ministring in the Church) is in those Bishops, Arch-bishops, Metropolitanes, Patriarcks or Pope, that is, in these Church Lords (Satrapes). Let them prove that these are true Ministers of Christ. I strive not about Episcopacy (simply) in it self, whether it be to be numbred with Christs true Ministers: But the controversie is whether such Bishops as our age too patiently tolerateth are to be numbred with Christs true Ministers; It is great∣ly to be feared, lest in the day of judgment they will hear that dreadful word from God, Depart from me ye workers of iniquity, I know you not.]

I have added more of Musculus then directly concerneth the point now in hand, because I would take him all together. And because the Helveti∣ans are not accounted Presbyterians. I add Bullinger, Decad. 5. Serm. 3. p. (mihi) 377. 378. and Serm. 4. p. 383. Where he sheweth that Diocesan Bishops have not the sole power of ordination, that Presbyters and Bi∣shops were the same and had the same work, and the horrid abuses, that came into the Church by the degenerating of Episcopacy: And Decad. 5. Serm, 10. p. 491.

that in latter Ages, Prelates and Bishops, snatching by ty∣ranny that power of excommunication, to themselves which before was used by the Pastors in Synods in common, and sacrilegiously using it against the first insti∣tution, had tarned a wholesome medicine into deadly poyson, and made it aba∣minable to good and bad.

But I may not recite all.

Wagundus was no Presbyterian, being superintendent of Magdeburgh first, and after of Wismaria, and after of Jene, and after Bishop Pomeranien∣sis; nor yet Math. Iudex. yet go they the same way as may be seen, Sy∣tagm,

p. 1049. de excom. p. 1114. de Eccles. p. 1135. de Minist. Should I cite all that is said by those that never were called Presbyterians, about the degeneration of Episcopacy, the largeness of their charge, the ruine of discipline by their tyranny, ambition and grasping wealth, and titles, when they neither will nor can perform the work, I mean by Luther, Melancton Illyricus, Chytraeus, Tzegedine, Bucer, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Gryneus, Aretius, Gualther, Pet. Martyr, Paraeus, Chenmitius, Pelargus, &c. I should but over∣weary the Readers patience. I only add that if the Churches of France, Belgia, Geneva and the rest of the Presbyterians, and the Churches of Tran∣silvania, Hungary, and formerly, Poland (that were Orthodox) and Bobe∣mia, Brandenburgh, Saxony, the Palatinate, &c. that set up another sort of Episcopacy, had found, that the old or English species would have done the Ministerial works it is not credible that they would all have re∣jected it.

III. The third part of that experience which I alledge is the Bishops own.

1. This is signified by their confessions before named,

Ar. Bishop Ushers reasons for the ancient use of Episcopacy with their Presbyters who shall be acknowledged true Church Governours over their flocks, is fetcht from the need of so many to the work. And Mr. Stanley Gower late of Dorchester was wont to profess (being long intimate with him) that he professed to him that he took a Bishop to be but primus Pres∣byterorum, of the same order, and every Presbyter a Governour of the flock: And when he asked him, why then he would be a Primate as he was, he told him that he took it not for any part of his office as instituted by Christ but for a Collateral Dignity which the King was pleased to bestow on him, for the more advantageous discharge of his Spiritual Office.

What Bishop Jewels opinion was to the like purpose is plain enough in his works.

Bishop Reignolds (that now is) professed to me his opinion to be the same, when he took the Bishoprick, and when he saw Dr. Stillingfliets book, that no form of Church Government is prescribed in Scripture, professed that it was always his opinion; And joyned with us in our proposals for Bishop Ushers Model.

Dr Stillingfleet in his Irenicon hath said so much against the Jus Divinum of our Prelacy as can never be answered.

I have talked with many of the Bishops and Episcopal Conformists my self of these matters, and I do not remember that ever I spake to one ac∣counted a Learned man, that did not confess when driven to it, that the Greatness of the Diocesses, and the Chancellors Government by the Church Keyes, were causes of so great a lapse of discipline, as is to be groaned under: And can shew us no probability, it possibility of restoring it, while it so stands. And yet they would have us subscribe and swear never to endeavour any alteration of the Church Government: not excepting in our place

and calling, by petition, or otherwise, no though the King commanded us.

Bishop Hall in his Mod. Offer doth confess the faultiness, and desires refor∣mation: and in his excellent Peace-maker, would take up even with a pre∣sidencie durante vita, as sufficient to reconcile us.

Dr. Hammond himself oft complaineth of the lapse of discipline, and the clergies and peoples vices thereupon.

The Liturgy wisheth the godly Discipline restored, but doth it not, as if in our case it could not be done.

Abundance of their Writers lament the scandals of clergy and people which have abounded, of which I shall say somewhat more anon.

2. And this is yet plainlier confessed by the Actual omission of discipline: We need not to dispute whether that can or be ever like to be done, by our Prelacy, which is no where done, and never was done, no not by any one man of them, not excepting the very best; so that if they had not come neer the Erastian opinion in their hearts, and thought this use of the Keyes to consist but in bare Teaching, or the rest to be of no great need, it had not been possible that they should have quieted their Consciences. Or at least, if they did not do it, by saying, I cannot help it; It is not long of me: As Bishop Goodman layeth it on the King in the case of Chancel∣lours, and most lay it on the Church-Wardens and Ministers for present∣ing no more: But all must confess that little is done besides the troubling of Nonconformists. It is not one of a thousand in a Diocesse, I am con∣fident, that ever is brought under the excercise of Church discipline that ought to be; Nor one of many thousand that should be so according to the ancient Canons of the Churches. If I should give no other instance, than the ordinarie neglect of all Gods publick worship (Preaching, Pray∣er and Sacraments) in publick, Churches or any other Religious Assem∣blies, I do not think but ten thousand persons in this Diocesse, and twenty thousand, if not fourty, in London Diocesse are guilty, that were never questioned by the Church.

I may therefore argue thus: That which never was done by any one Bishop in England, being the confessed work of their office is naturally or Morally Impossible to be done (or if it have a possibility it is as bad as none, when it never was once reduced into act) But the true exercise of Church discipline on all or the hundredth or many hundredth per∣son that it is due to; was never done by one Bishop in England, that can by any credible History be proved (since the deformation or reformation) Ergo.

The strength of the Major is plain. 1. From the Bishops own mouths who use to praise themselves as the Wisest, Learn dst and best of the Clergie, and therefore fitter to be trusted with the Government of the Church than all or any of the Presbyters (though but under then) And they would take it heynously if we question their wisdom conscience or honesty, and if they are all or most so good, sure it is long of the

state and constitution of their places, and not long of their persons, that their very proper work is made but a shaddow and a dream.

2. But though this be but ad homines, yet really we have had very worthy and excellent persons to be Bishops; what a man was Jewell? Arch-bishop Grindal had Godliness enough and resolution too to make him odi••s, and favoured Lectures and Preaching, &c. Enough to bring him down, if Cambden, Godwin or Fuller, are to be believed: but ne∣ver could do this work of discipline, upon one of hundreds or thousands under him. We had an excellent Arch-Bishop-Abbot afterwards, good enough to be reproached by Heylin, and to suffer what I need not men∣tion, but never able to do this work. What Learned, Judicious wor∣thy men, were his Brother Robert Abbot and after him Davenant, Bishops of Salisbury? And how good a man was peaceable Bishop Hall, so Usher in Ireland, Moron and many more? But no such thing was done by any of them? what should I say now of Bishop Reignolds, and Bishop Wilkins, Men Learned and extraordinary honest in these times: But let any man enquire whether any such thing as the discipline in question is exercised on the thousandth Criminal in their Diocese? Indeed we have heard in Bishop Reignolds Diocese of a great number censured for Nonconformity: And it is his praise that it was not his doing; but his Chancellours (though heretofore Judge Advocate in Fairefaxes or Cromwells Army.) And to say now that it is long of Church-Wardens, Chancellours, &c. Is but to say that the Church is corrupted, the Episco∣pal discipline almost quite cast out, and all the remedy is to say, It is long of somebody: Like the Physician whose Praise was, that his patients dyed according to the rules of art; or the nurse whose praise was, that though most of the Children perished, it was long of themselves or some∣body else.

IV. But the fullest experience, which so far satisfieth me that all the books in the world cannot change me in this, is my own, and the rest of my Brethren in the Ministry. I have lived now (through Gods won∣derful mercy) threescore years wanting lesse than four * 1.43 In all this time, whilst the Bishops ruled, I never heard one man or woman cal∣led openly to repentance for any sin; nor one ever publikely confess or lament any sin? Nor one that was excommunicate in any Coun∣try where I came, except the Nonconformists: Nor did I hear of any but one man to my remembrance, who did formal penance for Fornication, I doubt not but there have been more: But the num∣ber may be conjectu••ed by this. I lived under a great number of drun∣ken and ignorant Curates that never preached, and Schoolmasters, my self, and many more were round about us, that were never troubled with discipline, or cast out. I never lived where drunkards and swearers were not common; but never one of them underwent the Churches discipline: But those that met to fast and pray, and went to hear a Sermon two miles off, when they had none at home. But yet this is the last of my conviction.

When I undertook a Pastoral charge my self; I kept with me two Mi∣nisters to assist me (at one Parish Church and a small Chappel): I had three Godly Justices of Peace in the Parish, who to countenance our disci∣pline kept their monthly meeting at the same time and place. I had four an∣cient Godly men that performed the office of Deacons: I had above twen∣ty of the Seniors of the Laity, who without pretence of any office, met with us to be witnesses that we did the Church and sinners no wrong▪ and to awe the offenders by their presence: These met once a month together, we had almost all the worthy Ministers of the Country agreeing and associ∣ated to do the like in their several Parishes as far as they were able; that unity might the more convince offenders: We had in the same Town the next day after our monthly Town-meeting, an Assembly of a doz∣en or twenty such Ministers, to edifie each other, and that those might be tryed by them and before them, whether we could perswade them to re∣pentance, who could not be prevailed with by ourselves: And, which was our ease incomparably beyond all this, the times nor our judgment allowing us to use discipline upon none but such as consented to our office and relation to them, we told them that we had all agreed only to exer∣cise so much of discipline as Episcopal, Presbyterians and Independants had no controversie about (some of the Episcopal joyning with us) and that we would exercise it in all our flocks, but we could be Pastors to none against their wills; whereupon of about 3000 persons, 1800 or more of which were at age to be Communicants, all refused to do any more than hear me preach, (for fear of discipline) except about 600 or a few more. These 500 were the most understanding Religious part of the Parish, all the grosly ignorant, and the Common swearers, and all the Drunkards and scandalous persons were among the refusers, except about five or six young men that had got such a Love to tipling that they could not leave it. These hid their sin a while: But could not long: Yet the trouble and work that these five or six men made us, sometimes by Drunkenness, sometimes by fighting, sometimes by slandering their Neighbours, or such like was more than it is easy for an unexperienced per∣son to believe. So hard was it to bring them to a Confession of their sins or to ask those Forgiveness whom they grosly wronged, that when we en∣deavoured with all our skill to convince them, and used both gentle ex∣hortation, and also opened to them the terrors of the Lord, when we prayed before them that God would give them repentance, when their own Parents and relations joyned with us, all would not make them con∣fess their sin, but we were forced to cast them out of our Communion (for the most part of them). And among all the rest there were some that sometimes would need admonitions, and reconciliations with one another, which found us some work. But if we had but been troubled with all the other (1000 or 1200 as was supposed) of the Parish, and so with all the Swearers, railers, Common Drunkards, some Infidels, &c. What work should we have had? So much as I dare confidently say that (with∣out

being half so strict and troublesome as the Ancient Canons were) all we could not possibly have done more in the work of discipline, than Govern that one Parish. Nor could we have done so much, but with such omissions as nothing but disability would have quieted our Consci∣ences under.

And that you may know that I give you not my single experience, the rest of the honest Ministers of the County. 1. Sometimes durst not associ∣ate with us, because the scandalous persons of their Parishes were so many and so masterly and fierce, as that they were not able (they thought) to exercise any discipline among them. 2. Some that did joyn with us were fain to do as the Independants, and gather out some of the best to be their flock as to Communion in the Sacrament, and let the rest live quietly as bare hearers, because the offenders were so many that they durst not ex∣ercise discipline on them. 3. Some did even give the Sacrament to all promiscuously how scandalous soever, to avoid the difficulties of exercis∣ing discipline. 4. And all over the land they were faine to take the same course with these sorts aforesaid, yea and more, too many quite forbear the Sacrament, because they could not keep away the scandalous. 5. And too many took up the way of Separation, and gathered Churches out of these Churches, according to their several opinions, because the Parishes were so bad, that they thought them uncapable of discipline. Though yet the truth is. 1. Many such made them worse than they were. 2. And took the course that was easiest to them, by avoiding the most difficult part of their work; 3. And they were led to it by over valuing Expressive parts in some of the people, and unvaluing the good desires of some that wanted such Expressions.

And if we that found discipline too hard a work for us to exercise in our several Parishes, should have dreamed that one of us, was sufficient to have exercised it on a thousand or many hundred such Parishes (by our selves and Chancellors) O what Monsters of ignorance, should we have been.

CHAP. XX. Objections against Parish Discipline answered.

Obj. 1. YOu make this discipline seem more needful than it is. A Church may be a true Church without it. The Helvetians use very little of it at all.

Ans. 1. The Helvetian Divines write for it, though with lenity and they are for denying the Sacrament to the Impenitently wicked, which is not nothing; and they are for Pastoral admonition of the persons that are scandalous. And the rest the Magistrates hinder them from, and

partly undertake themselves. And verily I take it to be much more in∣ingenuous to let the Magistrate do what he can, and to pretend to no more discipline, than to talk for it, and never use it.

2. A Man may be a true man though he have the Palsie, Dropsie, Gout or Stone, or be dismembred. And are these therefore indifferent things?

3. Whether discipline be needful judge after these Reasons. 1. Other∣wise Bishops are not needful to exercise it, nor any other Pastors, but bare Preachers. Why should Lordships▪ wealth and honours, be allowed Bi∣shops for that which is not needful? 2. If it be needful to be exercised on Ministers, why not on the People also? And if not on Ministers, why have there so great numbers been silenced, suspended, and troubled? Sure somebody thinketh, that our silencing is needful. 3. If it be not need∣ful, why did the universal Church use it, and that so strictly from the be∣ginning? And why do they that say this, pretend a reverence to the Anci∣ent Churches, to the Councils, the Canons, and the Bishops of those times, who went ten times further in their Severities than we do. 4. It is need∣ful by Precept and Divine Canon as may be seen, Lev. 19. 17. Matth. 18. 15, 16, 17, 18. 1 Cor. 5. Tit. 1. 13. and 2. 15. and 3. 10. 1 Tim. 3. 5. 15. and 5. 19, 20, 21 22, 24. 2 Tim. 3. 5. and 4. 2. 2 Thes. 3▪ 6, 14. 5. It is needful to the honour of God, our Creator, Redeemer, and Sanctifier, that he may be declared Holy in the Holyness of his Church, and not by our allowed wickedness be represented as an unholy friend to sin. 6. It is needful to the Churches honour, that it be not as a very stie and sink of wickedness as the Infidel World. 7. It is needful to the Churches beauty, safety, and felicity, that God may delight in it, and not forsake it, as he hath done most of the East, nor make them miserable by his judg∣ments. 8. It is needful to the Honour of Holiness it self, which will be vilified if we difference not the precious from the vile. 9. It is needful to the Conviction and Conversion of Mahometans, and other Infidels and Heathens, who now are kept in their Infidelity, by seeing that Christians as are bad or worse than themselves; and would be more drawn to Christ, if the holy Lives of Christians, and holy State of Churches did invite them. 10. It is needful to the comfortable Communion of Saints, as it is professed by us in our Creed. 11. It is needful to prevent the infection of the Church, and the increase of sin; seeing a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump, and he that toucheth pitch will be defiled by it. 12. It is needful to encourage and strengthen the Faithful, when they see by this praejudicium futuri judicii, as Tertullian calleth it, the difference that God himself will make▪. 13. It is an Essential part of the Pastoral Office to have the Power of Discipline: And what is the Power for but the Work? yea Power and Obligation are essential to his Office. 14. It is needful to the Holy Administration of Sacraments, and other parts of Divine Worship, that Holy things be not given to Dogs. 15. It is needful to convince the ordinary careless sinners among us, that seeing a difference put between

the good and bad, they may not think that preaching is but idle talk and falshood, and that they are as safe as others. 16. It is needful to keep the better people from offending God by their familiarity and communion with the notoriously wicked. 17. It is needful to break the Serpents head, that in Christs Church the Devils works may be renounced and cast out, and sin be publickly made a shame, as the Devil out of the Church endea∣voureth to do by Truth and Holiness. 18. It is needful to the ease and peace of Magistrates, that they may not he overwhelmed with the cares, troubles, dangers, that come by multitudes of Wicked Men; but the Pastors la∣bours with the voluntary may prevent much of the Magistrates trouble with the involuntary. 19. It is needful to the safety of Commonwealths and Kingdomes, that they be not poysoned by wickedness, and so expos∣ed to the judgment of God. 20. And lastly, it is needful to the scan∣dalous Sinners themselves, that they may not be suffered to die and pe∣rish in their sin, but have all possible means used to bring them to repen∣tance, that they may be saved. Consider whether all these Reasons prove not Discipline to be needful.

Object. II. But till Constantines time there was no Christian Magistrate, which made it then needful: But since the case is not the same.

Answ. 1. Down then with Bishops now, if their work be needless. But why then were they set so much higher, and had so much more power since the dayes of Constantine then before? 2. Are you wiser than all the Councils (Nice, Ephes. Chalced. Constance, &c.) which have ever since made Canons for Discipline? 3. Again, try whether none of the fore∣going reasons, be still in force. 4. Read Galaspies Aarons Rod, which fully proveth the continued need of discipline.

Object. III. But discipline is not to be use•• on all that deserve it, but only one now and then, one to be a terror to the rest: You are for too much strictness, rigidness and severity.

Ans. 1. I am not for half the rigidness and severity of the Ancient Bishops and Churches, who made the penitents waite at the Church doors, and cast down themselves with cryes and tears to beg absolution and re∣admission, and in many cases to waite thus many years together, and in some, till their death bed. I am for accepting the first credible pro∣fession of Repentance: I am for gentle exhorting them and praying for them long before we cast them out. I am not for troubling any for small faults: Nor for bringing any mans secret sins to light, or making them more publick than he maketh them himself; I am not for imposing such penances as the Papists do. And is a strictness short of theirs into∣lerable to you, that pretend to be more holy than they? Yea more, I am not for the use of discipline at all, where it is notorious to true reason that its like to do more harme than good. And is all this too much strict∣ness? But I am not for keeping it out, and then making such pretences, nor for causing the inconveniences, and then pleading them against the duty.

2. The Scripture and Canons do not bid you reprove or suspend or re∣ject one blasphemer, or drunkard of many; but all that are such: And do you say that God and Councils dissembled, and bid us do that which they would not have us do?

3. To censure one of a hundred or a thousand, yea, or twenty offen∣ders, will be no terror or warning to the rest; who will look to scape that which falleth on so few.

4. When one of so many only is censured, the Church will be still un∣der most of the forementioned danger and defilement; and this much will not reach the End.

5. Partiality is an odious Character of injustice, and should not be found in civil judges; much less in the Churches of Christ. And it will but harden and enrage those persons whom you deal with, when you enable them to say, you censure me, and let many others alone, in the same sin. Is this your Church justice, or rather malice to me?

Obj. IV. You confess your self that it is so hard to use discipline in one Pa∣rish, that most Ministers did neglect it when the Bishops were out: And why blame you the Bishops then for neglecting it?

Ans. 1. We were to deal with the Parishes in that defiled and unruly state as the Bishops left them: And all great works must have time to be done in. And at last the reformation prospered apace, till they pull'd it down. 2. We were to make use of such Ministers as the Bishops left us, and of young men who were newly come from the Universities. And men cannot get wisdom interest, experience and resolution in a day. 3. The remaining respects which the people had to the Prelates and their way was a hinderance to us that desired, to meddle herein with none but con∣senters. 4. A great number of Sectaries, raised by the distastes of the Prelates wayes, did also hinder us. 5. Yet it was than possible and feasible to Ministers that were wise and willing to do so much as might very much attain the ends of discipline, though not so much as they desired. 6. But is this an Objection fit for the Prelatists to make? or doth it not encrease their condemnation? what would you say to a Physician, a Pilot, a School∣master, that should say, It is not an hundred Physicians, that can do what should be done for all the Patients in this City; nor an hundred Pilots that can well govern all the Navy; nor an hundred School masters that can well Govern all the Schools in the Diocess: Therefore I will get them all turned out and▪ I will be the only Phy∣sician (with my Apothecaries) the only Pilot (with my S••am••n) the only Schoolmaster (with my Monitors and Ushers) my self; for the work can be but left undone? Such rule the Churches must have while God for our sins will suffer it.

The doing it per alios is oft enough answered before.

Obj. V. Many Parish Ministers are young and raw and unfit to govern. Ans. 1. They are unfit who make this Objection, who bring and keep such in, and cast so many hundred out that are better (however ignorant ma∣lice slander them) 2. This also may be said against their preaching, much

more: For, 3. They may Rule with others, when they cannot preach by others. 4. There may be appeals to the next Synod (or Prelate if you will have it so).

Obj. VI. You would have a Priest to be a Pope in his Parish. Ans. I can call this Objection no better than gross Impudency: For, 1. Its a Contradicti∣on: A Pope is a Head of the Universal Church: And so it is saying, that we make every Minister a Head of the Universal Church to his Parish. 2. We desire more Presbyters than One in a Church. 3. We desire Appeals to the next Synod: and is that to be a Pope? 4. Is not one Minister as able to Rule a Parish, without the help of assistants and Synods, as one Prelate to Rule many hundred Parishes, who likely is a worse man than the Minister? Impudent pride will perhaps say no.

CHAP. XXI. The Magistrates Sword is neither the strength of Church discipline, nor will serve instead of it, nor should be too much used to se∣cond and enforce it.

THese three assertions I will prove distinctly. 1. The Magistrates Sword is not the chief strength of true Church discipline.

I add this, because this is the Prelatists last Objection, that its true that the Keys are but brutum fulmen and a leaden sword without the Magi∣strates: For almost all men will dispise it: Who will come to our Courts if they may choose? Who will regard our Excommunications? Do not the peo∣ple now despise them? what then would they do if they had their wills? when we have excommunicated the Schismaticks, They will Excommunicate us a∣gain.

The greatest Prelatists who write to me and speak with me, use these very words themselves. To which I answer.

1. If we prove that Christ hath instituted discipline, and that for such noble ends as aforementioned, it is little less than blasphemy thus to re∣proach it: As if Christ had no more Power, Wisdome or Goodness, than to ordain so vain and unprofitable a means, to such high and necessary ends.

2. The objection doth but express a carnal mind, which regardeth on∣ly carnal things, and thinketh as basely of all others, as if nothing moved them but the interest of the flesh; And as if Gods favour or displeasure, and the authority of his word and Ministers were of no force or regard e∣ven with the Church of Christ.

3. The objection inviteth Kings to put down all Bishops, except

Preachers and Magistrates; For why should they put the people to so great charge and trouble, especially when they love the Prelates so little as to keep them up to wield a Leaden Sword, and to brandish a brutum fulmen, and to make a noise to no more purpose; yea to rob the Magistrate of the honour of his proper work, and to make the de∣luded people believe that those things are done by a brutum fulmen which really are done by the Civil power.

4. This objection bitterly reproacheth all the ancient Churches and Bishops, and all General and provincical Councils, and all the Cannons and ancient discipline of the Churches; As if they had troubled the world to no pupose and all their discipline had been vain.

5. The objection is notoriously confuted, in that the Discipline was more powerful and had better effect, before Constantius time than af∣terwards, and was much more strictly exercised against sin. And that which so long did more without the Sword, than afterward by it, doth not receive its efficacy from the Sword.

6. A naturarei there is as much of Divine Authority, as much of the power of his Precepts Prohibitions, Promises, and threatnings, as much of Heavenly inducement, as much of the terrors of Hell, as much of in∣ternal goodness of holyness, and evil of sins, as much of Soul interest in what the Minister propoundeth for mens conviction, as there is, when it is backt with the Magistrates Sword. And if all these have no force, Christianity must be a dream, and able to do no good in the world; which better beseemeth Julian, Celsu•• or Porphyry, Symmachus, or Eunapius, to say, than a Bishop.

7. By this objection the Prelatists openly confess that their Churches consist of men so carnal as are not moved by Divine authority with∣out the Sword: And consequently what Pastors they have been to the Churches, and how they have governed them; and what they allow us to expect from their discipline for the time to come.

8. By this Objection they condemn themselves and justifie the Nonconformists: For why should we Swear that we will never endea∣vour any alteration of so brutish an Office, as if the King and Par∣liament could not take down such an useless thing? And why should so many hundred Ministers be forbidden to Preach Christ, for not assenting, consenting and Swearing to such a vaine and brutish power?

9. By this they give up their cause to the Presbyterians, and Inde∣pendents; Confessing that their discipline is uneffectual; when as we that plead for another frame, desire not the Magistrates Sword to in∣terpose, and desire to use discipline on none but Volunteers. And ei∣ther the discipline which we desire hath some efficacy, or none. If none, what need they fear it, or hinder it, or silence so many hundred Mi∣nisters, and write and strive, and all to keep men from using such a brutum fulmen which can do no harme. But if they confess that our discipline

hath efficacy, and theirs hath none, what do they but directly call us to seek the alteration which we are required to abjure?

10. Lastly by this objection they shew themselves too ignorant of the nature of Church, and discipline, and Sacrament and Ministery: Or else they would better know how far Volunteers are proper objects of Church discipline, and have the right to the privileges and Communion of the Church.

II. The Magistrates Sword will not serve instead of Church disci∣pline.

1. Else Christ would not have instituted another office for it.

2. Else it might serve also instead of Ministry, Preaching and Sa∣craments.

3. The nature of it tendeth not directly to convince men of Errours to lead them into truth, to move them by heavenly motions, and to bring them to true repentance and godlyness. But this will be fuller proved under the next; and is confessed by all save the Erastians.

III. The Magistrates Sword should not be used too forwardly or too much to second or enforce Church discipline; much less to be its life and strength, and inseparably twisted with it. I mean,

1. No unbeliever should be forced to say he is a Believer, and to professe the Christian faith.

2. None upon such profession should be forced to be Baptiz∣ed.

3. None that hath no right to Church Communion in the Sacrament should be forced to receive it.

4. None that Apostatizeth from Christ should be forced falsly to pro∣fesse that he is still a Christian.

5. None that are at age should be forced to stay in the Church by lo∣cal presence or relation as a member of it, who is not willing, and the practice of the Papists who force no Heathens to be Christians, but af∣terward force Christians by fire and Sword, and burn them that were Hereticks, Schismaticks, or Apostates is self contradicting and self condemning; God having left man as much unto his own choice for continuing as for Entring into the Church: And as for Obedience to Rul∣ers, Infidels may owe it to Christian Kings, as well as Christians: And none but Magistrates can use the Sword to punish either.

6. No Magistrate should punish a Mans body, meerly because he is Excommunicate, and so punished already. Nor should he be made a meer executioner to the Bishop without hearing, trying and judging the Cause himself, in order to his own execution.

7. No Magistrate should force an Impenitent sinner to lie and say he doth repent, that thereby he may be admitted to the Church Communion and Sacrament, but it is the force of Gods word that must try his Repen¦tance.

But yet I acknowledge. 1. That Magistrates and Parents and Masters

may force their Subjects to use those means which tend to make them Christians, as to hear Preaching, Conference or disputations, or to read convincing books: But with these two Cautions. 1. That it be but when it is like or hopeful to do more good than harme. 2. That it be by wise and moderate means of constreint, and not hang or burn them to convert them.

2. Accordingly Magistrates, Parents, and Masters, may use the like force with their Subjects who are Christians, to cause them to use the foresaid meanes (of hearing and Reading and conference) for the cure∣ing of their dangerous errours or sinful lives.

3. And I doubt not but Magistrates may punish men Corporally for their crime according to the nature of them, and even for the same that the Church hath excommunicated them. If one be excommuni∣cated for Treason, Murder, Theft, Swearing, Prophaning the Lords day, and holy things &c. it followeth not that the Magistrate may not also meddle with him.

4. And we doubt not but Magistrates may Restraine false Teachers from seducing others, and drawing them from God to sin.

5. And the Magistrate may and ought to encourage Ministers in the use of the Church Keyes, and to preserve them from the violence of wicked men.

7. And they may make a difference in their favours and rewards, be∣tween Christians obedient to God and their Pastors, and Infidels, excom∣municate, in penitent ones, and Apostates, by denying honors and prefer∣ments and rewards to the worse, which he giveth to the better sort of men.

But yet as to the Cases before denied, especially the forcing men by fire, sword, and imprisonment to say, they believe and repent, and to take the Sacrament and other Church priviledges, and making this the strength of Church discipline, I have all this against it.

1. No force should be used to the hindering and destruction of Christs ordinance of discipline and his Church Laws. But such it would be in the case in hand. For Christs fundamental Covenant is, that the true wil∣ling penitent and believer shall be a member of his Church, or those only that credibly profess to be so (at age) He that will may freely drink of the water of life. Nemo invitus fit Christianus: so that to say, that any man hath right to the mystical Church priviledges, but Consenters, or any man hath right to the visible Church priviledges, but credible Professors of con∣sent, is to contradict the very condition of the Covenant of life, which is the sum of all the Gospel. Its true, you may compel some men to duty, but you cannot compel them to be happy.

But to force them by perpetual Imprisonment, confiscation and the sword, to say that they are Christians, or repent, consent or are willing, and so to give them absolution and Church-communion, is to make Christs ordi∣nance of none effect. For true discipline is to make them penitent and wil∣ling,

and then to use them as such: But, 1, It is not credible that that per∣son is truly penitent and willing to be a Christian, or have Church-com∣munion, who will not be perswaded to consent by all that can be said by the Pastors from the word of God, but yet on the rack or to prevent un∣doing will say▪ I consent. This is contrary to the nature of true Repen∣tance. 2. Or if it did not make this forced consent utterly incredible, yet it utterly crosseth the ends of Church discipline, which is to discern the voluntary penitent; which force so obscureth that no man can tell whe∣ther the person be credibly penitent or not. If I left a Legacy to so many that are Lovers of the Church, and its Communion, and my Executors should get the Magistrate to hang, or Imprison or undo certain men that are accused as Enemies of the Church, unless they will say, we Love the Church, I think my Will would be ill performed, if those men had my Le∣gacy, that were forced to say so.

2. No man should be forced to his own sin and distruction. But he that is forced to take the Sacrament when he is unwilling and had rather be without it, in likelihood is forced to his sin and destruction: For even the Liturgy telleth the unworthy that they eat and drink damnation to them∣selves, and that the Devil may enter into them as he did into Judas: And who is unworthy if the unwilling are not?

3. Force is not fitted to cause love and willingness; therefore men should not be forced to take a Gift, which Love and willingness is the condition of; men use not to say, Love me or I will hang thee or imprison thee. This seemeth to make a new way of Preaching which Christ never made.

4. Christs terms are self-denial, Cross-bearing and forsaking all and following him for the hopes of heaven: But this seemeth a new and con∣trary Gospel, as if Christ had said; He that will be my disciple rather than be imprisoned or die, shall be saved or received.] Christ saith: He that forsaketh not all that he hath cannot be my disciple, Luk. 14. 33. This way, saith [He that will come to the Church-communion rather than forsake all shall be my disciple]. Christ saith [He that loveth any thing, even his life more than me, cannot be my disciple.] This way saith, [He that loveth life, credit, wealth, liberty so well as that he will rather receive the Sa∣crament than lose it, shall be my disciple] Christ saith, except ye repent ye shall all perish.] This forceth a Minister to absolve a wicked man, as if he should not perish, if he will but rather say [I repent] than lose his li∣berty and estate. God saith [He that loveth the World, the love of the Fa∣ther is not in him]. This way saith [Do but Love the world so well as to say and do any thing to keep it, and then Pastor and people shall number thee with the Lovers of the Father.] God saith; The carnal mind is enmi∣ty to God and is not subject to his Law nor can be.] This way saith [If thy carnal mind make thee say or do any thing to save thy liberty or money, thou art an obedient Son of the Church and of God.] And is not this to set up a new Gospel, Gal. 1. 7. 8.

5. And this way compelleth men to lie and play the Hypocrites. when we may discerne it is so. Mr. Capel of Tempt: would perswade us that a lie thus differeth from most other sins, that it is so evil in it self, as that it cannot in the very act be lawful. When a man against all per∣swasion, saith or sheweth you, that he doth not believe in Christ, or doth not repent, to say to that man, [Say thou believest, or Repentest, or thou shalt be confiscate and lie in jaile] is plainly to say [Lie or suffer] I deny not but that in some cases a man may be examined when it is foreknown that he will lie. But its one thing to force him to examination and an∣swer, and another to force him to that particular answer.

6. It is a compelling men to pretend to that which we cannot compel them to, that is, to have a Right to so great a benefit as Absolution and Church Communion. Force giveth no man Right to the Benefit, and their force should not compel him falsly to pretend a Right.

7. It confoundeth the Church and the world: Whilest every man is made a member of the Church that had but rather tell a lie and take bread and wine, than be undone, what wicked man on earth will not do the same (unless he be so Consciencious that mistake and Conscience hindereth him) Is there any Infidel, Heathen, Atheist, Murderer, Traytor, or Sensualist, in the world that will not do it? What should hinder him that believeth there is no God, to do thus rather than be undone? Is it so hard a word to say in a Chancellours Court [I repent] and deride and curse them when he is gone out; or is a bit of Bread and a Sup of Wine so hard for a Glutton or Drunkard to get down, as that any of them would rather lie in jaile. 1. So that by this course the Church and the Infidel world are made equal, and no man can prove that any Mabometan Congregation is not as good, as to the persons, as such a Christian Congregation: For what Mabometan would not say and do this rather then be undone? unless he be a Consciencious one, who is not so bad as those Christians that have no Conscience. 2. And by this meanes no conjecture can be made of the real members of the Church. Thousands may be driven in at the doors, but we have no means to perceive whither any of them indeed be Christians.

8. And hereby the Church and the Christian Religion are greatly dishonoured, while this odious stigma is made the marke of a visible member, [One that had rather say he is a Christian and repenteth, than lie in a jaile]! Is this a laudable description?

9. And hereby Mabometans, Jews and Heathens are hardened in their Infidelity and reproach of Christ, while Christians are such as these.

10. It putteth every consciencious Minister into a snare, and trou∣bleth his Conscience••, or turneth him out, when he must put the Sacrament into the very hand of every man that had rather take it than be imprisoned; and must read the Absolution of every one that had rather say, [I repent] than be undone.

11. It hindereth the comfort of the faithful in Church Communion to know that this is the measure and Character of these with whom they must hold that Communion, which is called the Communion of Saints.

12. It destroyeth Church unity and Love. For every visible member of the Church being a seeming Saint, should be loved with the special Love which belongeth to Saints, by us who are not Searchers of the heart. But who that is not out of his wits can by any obedience to the Church, be brought to Love all those as seeming Saints, who will choose a Sa∣crament before a jaile? He that cannot believe them such, cannot Love them as such.

13. It will strengthen them that Separate from us as no Church, and make it not so easy to prove that we have any Church, as else it would be; when they should argue [Where there is no credible Profession of Faith and repentance there is no true Church: But &c. Ergo. The Major is un∣denyable. * 1.44 The Minor indeed is not true, because many do Voluntarily profess, and shew their Voluntariness other waies. But no thanks to them that teach the accusers thus to argue [When the Laws of Profession are Profess or lie in jayle, there is no credible (Voluntary) Profession: But &c. The Major they prove, Non esse & non apparere here are equipollent: But under such a law no voluntariness and Credibility is apparent: Ergo—And I know but this answer to the Minor, it is apparent otherwise, though not by that forced profession, because multitudes daily shew that they approve of what they do.

14. Force tendeth rather to hinder mens Repentance and Love to the Church: For Fear breadeth Hatred; or at least Hurt doth. Kindness breedeth Love. God winneth our Love by mercy: And we are so to win the Love of others. Give a man but a box on the ear or slander or wrong him, and try whether it will make him Love you; to say, Love Christ and the Christian or I will undo thee and lay thee in jaile, is the way to make him hate them.

15. And the Office of the Pastors is such as that truth and Goodness are the wares which they expose to sinners choice, and Light and Love are the effects which Spirits Word and Ministry are appointed to produce. And by Light and Love they must be wrought. Therefore no Minister ••oth his work, or doth any good to some, if by Light and Love and holy Life, he help not the people to the same. And therefore the ad∣junction of Jayles and confiscations, is so contrary to his Office and de∣signe as obscureth or destroyeth it. (Though Enemies may be restrained, and peace kept by force.)

16. True discipline cannot be exercised this way, not only as its lost in the confusion of powers (as a little wine in Wormwood juice) but because the Number and quality of the Church members will make it impossible. Enemies and rebellious carnal minds are not subject nor can be to the Lawes of Christ; you may affright them to a Sacra∣ment,

but one of them will make a Minister such work, who will but call them to credible repentance for their crimes, and will renew those crimes so oft till he be excommunicated, and will so hate those that excommuni∣cate, as will tell you what can be done, when all such are forced unwillingly into the Church. Of this I have spoke at large in my Book of Confirmation.

17. It tendeth greatly to harden the sinners in the Church in their im∣penitence, to their damnation: when they shall see, that let one swear and curse and be drunk every day in the week, if he will but say, I repent, ra∣ther than lie in Jayl, he shall be absolved by the Chancellour in the Bishops came, and have a sealed pardon delivered him in the Sacrament, by the Minister who knoweth his wicked life. How easie a way to Heaven (which leadeth to Hell) do such good-natured (cruel) Churches make men?

Obj. The Minister is to refuse the scandalous.

Ans. Not when he is absolved by the Chancellour.

Obj. But if he sin again, he may refuse him again.

Ans. How far that is true, I shewed before. But not when he is absolved a∣gain. And he may be absolved toties quoties, if he had, but rather say, I re∣pent] than lie in Jayle.

18. Let but the ancient Canons be perused, and how contrary to them will this course appear? The ancient Churches would admit none to ab∣solution and communion after divers greater crimes, till they had waited (as is aforesaid) in begging and tears, and that for so long a term and with such penitential expressions, as satisfied the Church of the truth of their repentance. It would be tedious to recite the Canons. How great a part of Cyprians Epistles to the Churches of Carthage and Rome, are on this subject? reprehending the Confessors and Presbyters for taking lapsed persons into Church Communion before they had fulfilled their penitential course? And what a reproach do they cast upon all these Bi∣shops, Churches and discipline, who say, That sinners must be taken into Communion, if they will prefer it before a Jayle Though they love a Where∣house, an Ale-house, a Play-house, a Gaming house, yea, a Swine-Stie better than the Church, yet if they do not love a Jayle with beggery better, they shall be received.

19. Even when Christian Emperours had advanced Prelates, and giv∣en them (though not the sword yet) the aid of it in the Magistrates hand to second them, they never used it to force any to the Communion of the Church, but only to defend them, and to repress their adversaries. Yea when Prelates themselves began to use the sword, or to desire the Magi∣strates to serve them by it, it was not at all to force men to say: They Re∣pent and so to be absolved and communicate; But only to keep hereticks from their own assemblings, and from publishing their own doctrines or main∣taining them, or from being Pastors of the Churches. And yet now men will force them to be Absolved and communicate.

And how great mischiefs did even so much use of the sword in matters of Religion as was the punishment of Hereticks then being (though they

were not forced into the Church.) Socrates brandeth Cyril of Alexandriae, * 1.45 for the first Prelate that used the sword: and what work did he make with it? He invaded a kind of secular Magistracy. He set himself a∣gainst the Governour Orestes, and under his shadow those bloody murthers were committed on the Jewes; who also ••illed many of the Christians. The Monks of Mount Nystra rose to the number of 500, and assaulted the civil Governour and wounded him; and Amonius who did it was put to death by Orestes: and Cyril made a Martyr of him; till being ashamed of it, he suffered his memorial to be abolished. And when Hypatia a most excellent woman of the Heathens, was famous for her publick teaching of Phylosophy, Peter, one of Cyrils Readers became the head of a party of that Church, who watched the woman, and dragg'd her out of a Coach into a Church, stript her of her cloaths, and tore her flesh with sharp shells, till they killed her, and then tore her members in peices, and carried them to a place called Cynaron and burned them, for which we read of no pu∣nishment executed, Socrat. lib. 7. c. 13. 14, 15. And it was this S. Cyril who deprived the Novatians of their Churches, and took away all the Se∣cret treasure of them, and spoiled the Bishop Theopompus of all his for∣tunes, Socrat. l. 7. c 7.

What his Nephew and Successor Theophilus was and did, you have heard before and shall hear more anon.

What the ancient Christians thought of using the sword against Here∣ticks (though they compelled them not to the Church and Sacrament) a∣ny man that readeth their Writings may see, viz. Tertullian, Arnobius, La∣••tantius and abundance more. And the case of S. Martin towards Ithaci∣us and Idacius, I have oft enough repeated: Only I cannot but note the im∣pudency of Bellarmine, who de Scriptor. Eccles. de Idacio (falsly making Idaci∣us to be the same with Ithacius, when he was but one of his associates) doth tell us that Idacius fell under the reprehension and punishment of the Bishops (in eo reprehensus & punitus ab Episcopis fuit, quod Priscillianum apud se∣culares accusaverit & occidi curaverit] whereas Sulpitius Severus, telleth us, that all the Bishops of the Synod joyned with them, and one S. Martyn and one French Bishop more disowned and refused them, and Martin would have no Communion with them to the death (save that once at the Em∣perours perswasion he Communicated with them to save a prisoners life, which was given him on that condition, and yet was chastised by an An∣gel even for that.) And Ambrose at Milan also disowned them (as you may read in his life), and when the deed was done, the Christians spake ill of Ithacius and Idacius for taking that new and bloody way, which be∣fore the Churches commonly disowned, but they pretended that they did not cause this execution.

And the same Sulpitius tells you, that when this new way of seeking to the Emperour, was first set on foot by Ithacius and his Synodists, the Priscillianists quickly got the handle of the sword; and by a Courtier got even Gratian to be on their side against the Bishops.

And yet that was not all the mischief, but when Maximus had killed Gratian, it was this pleasing of these bloody Orthodox Prelates which he trusted to as his means to possess the Empire, and so punished the Priscillianists to please them, and serve himself of them (of which more anon.)

But you may see here that Bellarmine himself seemeth to disown Bi∣shops seeking to Magistrates to punish Hereticks; As if he had forgotten their bloody Inquisition and Massacres. And Baronius invit. Ambros. would perswade us that Ambrose (who was of Martins mind) did not disown the punishment of hereticks by the sword, but he would not have Churchmen seek it. As if it were not evident enough that it was the thing it self that he and Martin were against, and that Martin was reproached by the Prelates as a f••••tor of Hereticks, for travelling to Maximus Court and importuning him to save them. And as if the Inquisitors did not seek to the Magistrate, and more, even Judge, and execute the sword them∣selves.

Its true that Augustine was at last for the use of the sword against the Donatists. But its as true. 1. That he wrote much before against it. 2. That it was so much against the Churches former judgement and practice that he was fain to write his Apology and reasons. 3. And that the Donatists, Circumcellians used frequent and cruel violence against the Christians that were Orthodox (or Cec••llians) and catch'd their Pres∣byter in the streets of Carthage, dragg'd him in the dirt, and abused him cruelty two Church daies before they let him go, with many such outrages: Yea, the Catholicks could not go safely in the streets for them; And a∣mong other devises, they mixt Lime and Vinegar together, and cast it in mens eyes as they passed in the streets, to put out their eyes: And they were so mad that they wounded and killed themselves to bring odium on the Catholicks: And they were so numerous, that they called them∣selves the whole Catholick Church. 4. And Austin did never desire the Magistrate to force them to the Sacrament, but to defend the Church, and repress their insolencies. 5. And yet the whole Clergy joyned first in a representation of all this to the Donatists Bishop Januarius as being an old experienced peaceable man, and to desire him to remedy it, before they would fly for aid to the Magistrate (all this you may see in their E∣pist. to him inter Augustini Epistolas.

And what work did the Arrians make with the Orthodox, when they had got the Emperours sword to serve them. Nay indeed it was the Ar∣rians who did first set this work on foot (after the Jewes and Heathens) They so depopulated the Churches by it in the da••es of Constantius and Valens, that they seemed all to be turned Arrians, and th•• Orthodox par∣ty seemed to be almost conquered if not extinct. And their Sergius the Monk that instructed Mahomet, set him by this way of the sword on that extirpation of Christianity, which hath so dolefully prevailed in the Ea∣stern Empire: And so great was the swords success against the faith of

the Trinity, that Philostorgius of Old, and out of him Sandius of late, would make us believe that almost all the ancient Bishops indeed were Arrians.

But the saddest instance of the mischief of too much serving Church∣men by the sword, is the case of the Papal faction: when Cyril had begun the trade at Alexandria, saith Socrates, [Episcopus Romanus non aliter atque Alexandrinus quasi extra sacerdotis fines egressus, ad secularem principatum erat jam ante delapsus] (it seems Rome had the primacy in a Sanguinary Prelacy;) And, saith he, Then Pope Celestine first took their Churches from the Novations, and compelled their Bishop Ruricolae to keep their meetings privately in houses: And though the Bishops commended them as Orthodox, yet they spoiled them of their fortunes, Socrat. l. 7. c. 11. so impatient are armed Prelates of any that are not of their mind and way, how honest otherwise soever they acknowledge them.

But, alas, since then what streams of blood have been shed to ••ack the Romane discipline? How many hundred thousand of the Waldenses and Albigenses did they murther? How many thousands in Belgia, France, Ger∣many, Poland, Ireland, &c. And when at first they precariously got the Ma∣gistrates to serve them voluntarily with the sword, at last they would constrain them to it, as their duty; and such a duty as they must per∣form on pain of losing their dominions: For the Pope having first ex∣communicated them, next may give away their dominions to others, as is fully expressed, Concil. Lateran. sub. Innoc. 3. Can. 3. & Concil. Rom. sub. Gregor. 7. And do I yet need to say more, what mischief hath come by o∣vermuch backing Church discipline by the sword? If I do, let this be the close, that God knoweth how many Great men and Commanders are now in Hell, for the persecutions and murders, which Church men have thus drawn them to.

2. Lastly, most certain this course (of forcing all men into the Church and to the Sacrament by prison and sword) will keep up perpetual divisi∣ons in the Churches. The more religious sort of people will still in all ages be flying away from such Churches as from a Pest-house, or infected place, or ruinous house that's ready to fall. The unexperienced Prelates think that it is but some few preachers that teach the people such strict opinions, and if those were cut off all would be well: But their ignorance is the Churches plague and their own. 1. There is somewhat in Scripture that perswadeth them that God hateth all the workers of iniquity; and that holiness and unholiness are as Light and Darkness, and that he that nameth the name of Christ must depart from iniquity, and that the impe∣nitent and scandalous must be avoided and ashamed, and hereticks after a first and second admonition, and that he that bids them Good speed is partaker of their evil deeds, and that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump, and therefore the wicked must be cast out, and must be to us (if obstinate after admonition) as Heathens and Publicans; These are not the words of phanaticks but of Christ. 2. There is something in the

newborn soul which is contrary to wickedness, and which inclineth men to an enmity with the Serpents seed as such, though a love to them as men that are yet capable of grace and which disposeth men to obey all the fore∣said words of Christ. 3. And there is in the people more than in the Pastors, some remnants of ignorance, which makes them more liable to stretch these words of Christ too far, and by mistake to run further from wicked men than God would have them. But when they see the Wilderness called the Garden of God, and the wicked not only tole∣rated in the Church, but forced into it by the Sword, and so the Church to contain the world, and to be as vicious as Infidels; (what ever men should do,) I dare confidently prophecy what they will do; All the Prelates in the world, no nor all the godly that preach, will never prevent it, but e∣very age will bring forth new divisions, and the stricter sort will be still flying from such Churches as these, to worship God in purer societies; And if you are angry with the Scriptures, and with the Papists, keep them from their knowledge, you must do so also by the Creed, Lords Prayer and ten Commandments, or else the very Article of [the Communion of Saints] and the praying [Thy Name be hallowed, thy Kingdome come, thy Will be done in earth as it is heaven] with the precepts of Holiness and Righteous∣ness, will have the same kind of operation.

Obj. But in the Church of Rome, there is unity and concord, and no Sects, and therefore that sheweth us what the sword may do.

Ans. 1. But the Church of Rome is it self but a fraction, divided from the rest of the Church. Do they not differ sufficiently from the Greeks, Ar∣menians, Abassines, &c. Did they not drive from them Germany, Belgia and the rest of the Protestants? Yea, even by their cruelty, so far was cruelty from preventing it? The Anabaptists, and many other Sects may be at one among themselves, and yet not at one with any others.

2. Are you willing of a concord in your Churches upon the same terms as the Church of Rome hath it? What, with the same ignorance and ungodliness; Locking up the Scriptures, in Latin Prayers and Masses, and a Catholick Tyrant or Usurper, and all this procured by the blood of so many hundred thousands, and kept up by the same Love-killing means? would you indeed have such a concord? Et cum solitudinem facitis, pacem vocabitis, as Ter∣tullian speaketh.

3. But indeed the Church of Rome hath one other means for concord which you want; and that is various houses and orders of Monasticks. Ig∣norance and prophaness will serve for the concord of the worst; but there will be still some who believe and forethink of a life to come, and therefore will be religious; and for these when they cannot have communion with the wicked, this politickly holy Church hath provided this expedient: e∣very one that will be Religiouser than the rest, hath a hive or society to fli•• to at their choice, and may betake themselves to that which is most strict or most suited to their own conceits. And if you would make Indepen∣dant Churches to be like such Monasteries, where the Religiouser sort may

have Communion with one another, you may do much to prevent a further breach.

Object. II. But the sword will prevail with the most: In the changes of •• Religion in England and else where, the People have alwayes changed with the he King.

Answ. 1. Men may seemingly leave an ill way with the King: Be∣cause they are wicked that walk in it, and therefore can say any thing. But men will not so easily leave a good way when a King shall leave it; Because they that are in a good way are often Good men, and true to God, and hold Truth and Goodness faster than bad Men hold Error and Evil. 2. Indeed this is the way to have a Church onely of perfidious wicked Men, who will turn to any thing with their tongues (because they will not turn to God with their hearts): And to have no true Christian left among you: for such fear not them that can kill the body onely, in com∣parison of him that can damn the Soul, Luke 12. 4. 3. Do not France, and all the Churches, and Our selves at this day fully shew you the false∣ness of this Objection.

CHAP. XXII. An Answer to the Objections. 1. No Bishops no King. 2. And of the Rebellions and Seditions of those, that have been against Bishops.

I Come not for your own sake to meddle with such matters as these, but you put a necessity on us, by making us odious by such pretences. 1. To the first I answer, 1. Were not all the very Heathen Emperors heretofore, and are not all the Heathen Kings still, Kings, and as great as others, without Bishops? And may not Christian Kings much more? 2. If the Presbyterians had said, no Presbyters, no King, you would have taken it for treasonable; as if they had threatned that the King shall not be King, unless they may have their way, and shall not the King be King unless you may be Bishops? 3. What is in the nature of the thing to warrant this assertion? Presbyterians own every text and Article for Monarchy as the Prelatists do, even as ever any Christian Council or Confession asserted, as far as we can learn. They plead no other divine right for their offices, than our Prelates do. And (save what some of them have held by the Magistrates own gift) they pretend to no power over any mans body or purse. Many of them and the Independants, meddle no further than their own Congregations. What is in all this against Kings? That an Aristocratical Church Government may not live quietly under Monarchy, or a Monarchial Church Government under Aristocracy, is an asserted fiction, without all proof. Otherwise by the same reason you would per∣swade Venice, Holland and all such Governments, that Prelacy may not be endured under them.

4. But what if it were all as true as it is false? What is it to those Nonconformists that craved Bishop Ushers Episcopacy? The question is but whether a humble Bishop in a Parish or Market Town, without any Lordship or great revenews, or interest in the sword, may not live as safely and obediently under Kings, as our Lord Bishops? Yea in very deed most of the Independant Churches themselves have a kind of Episcopacy, whether they own the name or not: For usually one single Pastor hath as much as a Negative voice in the management of all disciplinary af∣fairs.

II. But the answer to the second will fuller answer this. 1. Do you not know that where Prelacy is at the highest, there Kings and Emperours have been at the lowest? Do you not know how the Papal Prelacy at the present usurpeth one part of their Government: and is ready to take away the other when they can, when ever Kings displease them? Can a∣ny thing be said to hide this by him that readeth, but the two forenamed Councils (Later. & Rom. sub Gregor. 7.) Did Prelacy preserve those Empe∣rors of the East that suffered by it? Doth it now preserve the Emperour of Moscovy, where the Patriarks interest is pretended in the rebellion? Did it preserve Frederick, and the two Henries of Germany? or Henry 3. and 4th. of France? Did it preserve the Kings of England, Will. 2. Hen. 2. and 3. John, &c. from their wars and troubles? Did it preserve the King∣dome of Navar to the right Lord? What should, I say, more of this af∣ter the copious instances of H. Fowlis? and after that volume of W. Prin. of the English Prelates Treasons? Read it and judge.

2. What people more peaceable and obedient to their superiors, for in∣stance than the Helvetian Ministers have been? who yet have no such thing as Bishops.

3. Dr. Pet. Moulin Junior, one of your selves in his answer to Philanax Angl. hath said enough to confute most of the Calumnies against the Re∣formed Churches in this point.

4. Who knoweth not, that even in the ancient Churches, and that when Episcopacy was thriving apace, yea and by and among the Bishops themselves, yea some that were good men and are now Sainted, yet tu∣mults, seditions, rebellions, and contentions troubled the Churches, and the Emperours and Magistrates, as frequently as of later times, which I mention not to abate the honour of those better Christians, but 1. To shew you, that all this was done under Prelacy, and therefore it was not want of Prelacy, or aversness to it that is to be taken for the cause. 2. That these distempers were found in the best times, and among the purest Churches, and therefore are not to be now thought strange, or taken for a mark of a bad religion.

I will not repeate what I said but even now of the horrid tumults and blood shed at Alexandria, their cruel Murdering of Hypatia, and the insurrection and sedition even of the Holy Monks, and Saint Cyrils Saint∣ing of the executed actor of violence on the Governour.

What work his Predecessor Saint Theophilus made against Saint Chry∣sostome, how Epiphanius acted his part; how Saint Hierome was of their party; how even the Orthodox Bishops in several Synods opposed and deposed those two excellent Bishops of Constantinople Gregory Theol. and Chrysostome, hath been said before.

Even at the Election of Chrysostome Theophilus went about by all means to discredit him, and to preferr to the place one Isidore a Priest of his own Church. And that you may know how Loyalty prevailed against the owning of Tyrants when they got the better you shall fur∣ther hear why Theophilus set so much by this Isidore, because he under∣took for him a perillous piece of service (saith Socrates li. 6. c. 2.) viz,

[When the Emporour Theod••sius waged War with Maximus the Ty∣rant, Theophilus sent Presents directed to the Emperour with two Let∣ters (one to Theodosius and one to Maximus) charging Isidorus to pre∣sent him that got the better with the gift and one of the Letters. Isi∣dore being careful of his business, went diligently about this feat, got him to Rome, and hearkeneth after the Victory: But his fetch was not long ere it was found out; for his Reader, that accompanyed him stole away his Letters. Whereupon Isidore being afraid to be taken with the manner, took his heeles in all hast to Alexandria: This was it that made Theophilus labour so carnestly for Isidore: But all that were of the Emperours Court preferred John to the Bishopprick: And afterwards when as many charged Theophilus with heynous crimes, and presented to the Bishops (then present) libells and Articles against him, some for this thing and some for that; Eutropius one of the Emporours Chamber having gotten the Articles and Inditements, shewed them to Theophilus, bad him choose whether he would Create John Bishop, or stand at the Barr and answer to the Crimes that were laid to his charge. Theophilus was so afraid with this that present∣ly he consented to the installing of John].

What would have been said of one of us now, if we had not only complyed with a victorious Tyrant, but also so jugled with presents and double Letters before hand. I did my self disowne Oliver Cromwel open∣ly to his death; and yet because after twelve years possession of the Usurpers, I did but Dedicate two Bookes to his Son Richard, whom I never saw nor heard from, only to encourage him to befriend truth and unity against Papists and Sectaries, who then threatened all, (and this when the Royalists themselves gave out that he was Really for the re∣storation of the King) this is made the odious Crime in me, as a thing deserving greatest Infamy.

Do I need to recite how great Leo himself and other Roman and I∣talian Bishops owned the Barbarian Conquerours? No wonder than if they too early took Theodoricus for their King set over them by God, who was a better man than the rest, and had at last a better Tit∣tle.

Saith Socrates further li. 6. c. 7.

[When the Common-wealth of the Roman Empire, was tossed with these troublesome stormes of Rebelli∣on such as were promoted to the reverend function of Priest hood were at distraction among themselves, to the great slander of Christi∣an Religion: Then was one set against the other; the original of which pestilent Schism came from Egypt, and the occasion was as followeth. There was a question broached a little before, whether God were a body, made after the likeness and forme of man? Or whether he were without body, and void of all Corporal shape. * 1.46 Hereof there arose sundry contertions and quarrels: While some affirmed this and others that: Some of the rudest and unlearned sort of Religious men thought that God was Corporeal, and of the forme and figure of man: But the greater part condemned them with their Heretical opinion, af∣firming that God had no bodily substance or shape. Of which opinion was Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria; so that in the hearing of the whole Congregation he inveighed bitterly against the Contrary—The wor∣shippers of Egypt understanding this, left their Religious houses, came to Alexandria, flocked about Theophilus; condemned him for a wick∣ed person, and sought to bereave him of his Life. Theophilus being made privy to their Conspiracy, was wonderful pensive, devised how he might scape their hands and save his life. As soon as he came into their presence he saluted them Courteously, and said thus to them: When I fasten mine eyes on you, methinks I see the lively face of God. With these words the rash heat of the unruly Monkes was de∣layed, and they said, If that be true that thou sayest, that the Counten∣ance of God is no otherwise than ours, accurse then the works of Ore∣gen: For divers of his books do impugne our opinion: But if thou refuse to do this, assure thy self to receive at our hands the punish∣ment due to the impious and open Enemies of God: Nay, saith Theoph. I will do that which seemeth good in your eyes]

Thus you see what the Monks were. But will you see what Theophilus was.

It followeth

[The Religious, houses in Egypt were overseen of four worthy men,

Bretheren, Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius, and Eutburmus, Their great fame and excellency made Theophilus force them out of their beloved solitude, and make Dioscorus, a Bishop, and two other to live with himself—

At last, their Consciences were pricked, perceiving that the Bishop was set upon heaping and hoarding of mony. * 1.47 and that all their labour tended to gathering, they would no longer dwel with him but got them into the desert—As soon as Theophilus understood that they abhorred his manner of living, he was wonder∣fully incensed, and promised to work them a displeasure—and being prone to anger and revenge, bestirred himself against them and endeavour∣ed by all means to work them mischief. And he began to despight Dioscorus, the Bishop, for it grieved him to the gutts that the Worship∣pers made so much of Dioscorus and reverenced him so highly

(To be∣shorter

than Socrates) Theophilus not knowing else how to be revenged, set the Monks against him and his Brethren, and accuseth them of hold∣ing contrary to the Scripture, that God had no body, hands, or feet, and so taketh on him to be of their opinion▪ till he had set them altogether by the cars: And the ignoranter Monks being the greater number he took their side, and so they went first to it by zealous reproaches, one part calling the other Originests, and the other part calling them Anthropomorphites, and at last it came to a deadly Battel. And, saith Socrates, Theophilus per∣ceiving, that his fetches framed after his will went with great power towards the Mount Nitria, where there religious houses stood, and aided the Monks against Dioscorus and his Brethren: And the Religious men thus beset with great danger had much ado to save their lives.] Socr. l. 6. c. 7.

Did ever Presbyterians commit such an unchristian and inhumane vi∣lany as this, by such false dissimulation and malice? And here we see how the quarrel began against Origens Works, not for the passages that are truely culpable, but for the sounder parts; and how it came to pass that Chrysostome was not so forward to condemn them as his Condemners did require him to be.

Theodoret. lib. 4. Hist Eccl. c. 13. Tells us that when the Emperour Va∣lens his order was brought to Eusebius Samosatenus for his removal and ba∣nishment, Eusebius tels the Officer, That if the People should know it, they would drown him in the River (Euphrates) and therefore contrived to slip away by night.] What would they say, if our Churches were such as this orthodox Episcopal Church was?

Theodor. lib. 3. c. 13. The Virgins openly sung in reproach of Julian the Emperour [Ratae illum consceleratum tyrannum contemnendum esse & omni∣um irrisione ludendum] judging that wicked Tyrant to be contemned and made a mocking stock by all. And yet he was a lawful Emperour and none of the cruellest Persecutors.

Theodor. l. 3. c. 13. When the People of his Church had found out Eu∣sebius their banished Bishop, they earnestly perswaded him to return, con∣trary to the Emperors Edict, and not to suffer his flock to be left to the Wolves (which were the Bishops set over them by the Emperour). And is not this more than the people are now condemned for, who on∣ly hear the Ministers privately?

Cap. 14. When the Emperors Arrian Bishop was set over them, not one of all the People rich or poor, servant or labourer, husbandman or Artificer, man or woman, young or old, would come as they used to the Church, nor come in sight of the Bishop, nor speak with him: But though he lived very modestly, he came to the Church (place) alone. They would not bathe with him nor bathe in the same water, but throw it first into the Channel; when he left the City (this was Eunomius). Do our hearers deal as harsshly as this?

Afterward when Lucius was set over them, the Children in the streets did burn their ball, because his Asses feet had touched it.

Id. ib. c. 16. When the Bishop of Edessa was removed and another set over them, the people frequented private meetings in the Suburbs. And when the Emperour commanded his Prefect, Modestus, to take Souldiers and disturb them, and drive them away, the women ran with their Chil∣dren hoping to die with them. And Eulogius the Presbyter asked, Was the Emperour made Priest when he was made Emperour?

And how the Presbiters and People of Antioch continued their meeting whether the Emperour would or not, though he disturbed them by Soldiers.

Theodor c. 17. Basils answer to the Prefect, when he offered him the Emperours favour, was, that Children were to be so talk'd to, but Men bread up in divine studies, would suffer any death rather than suf∣fer one syllable of divine Truth to be blemished. Quod autem ad Impera∣toris amicitiam, &c. But as for the Emperors friendship I much value it (saith he) joyned with godliness, but if it want that, I say, it is pernici∣ous. In one of us this answer would have been enough to make us seem as bad as it made Basil esteemed good.

Id. 11. c. 19. When the forenamed Lucius was made Bishop of Alex∣andria, and Peter their Bishop put out, the People would come to the Church place, though he persecuted them as he had done the other, & omnes pa∣riter ceperunt Lucium convitiis lacer••re, they all began to tear Lucius with revilings, because he persecuted the Monks of Egypt.

Id. l. c. 38. Audas a Bishop in Persia demolished their Temple (or Py∣reum) by violence: For which the Emperour of Persia killed him, and de∣stroyed all the Christian Churches.

Id. l. 4. c. 21. When Moses was desired by Queen Mavia to be her Bi∣shop among the Saracens, he would not let Lucius ordain him, because he had persecuted good men, But said to him (Quis impius non tua cau∣sâ conventus Ecclesiasticos petulanter insectatus est? Quis e laudatorum viro∣rum numero non parte exulavit? Quam immanitatem barbaram, malefici abs te in dies singulos admissa non superarunt?) Do Nonconformists speak more harshly to our Bishops?

Theodoret himself frequently calleth Julian a Tyrant. cap. 22. The Heathens kept their Feasts openly; Telis autem Apostolicae doctrinae propug∣natoribus, tyrannus iste se hostem praebuit. And when he was dead, they openly rejoyced at his death.

Id. cap. 30. l. 4. With what bold language doth Izaak tell Valens of his fighting against God, and casting out his Ministers, and Gods fighting against him and what he would be sure to meet with at the end, if he kicked against the pricks.

Lib. 5. c. 17. The Christian people of Thessalonica rose, and killed some of Theodosius his Officers, which provoked him by his Souldiers to kill se∣ven thousand of them, for which Ambrose brought him to do open pen∣nane.

To mention all the blood shed at Rome (as at Damascus election and

else) and Constantinople, and Alexandria would be tedious, even that which was shed on the account of Bishops.

Lucius Calaritanus was a pious Bishop; but so hot for separation from those that had been Arrians, that he is numbered for it with the Here∣ticks, though an orthodox Bishop.

The Novatians were Episcopal, and so were the Donatists, and yet how have they been judged of for their Schism I need not tell: Apollinarius father and son, Paulus Samosatenus, Nestorius, Dioscorus, Eusebius, Nicomed, Theodorus Mopsuest, and how many more Bishops have been Arch-hereticks and the cause of tumults and dissensions. The very reading over the acts of the General Councils, especialy Eph. 1. and 2. & Calced. is tremendous. It was to be a Bishop, that Maximus made so pestilent a stir at Constantinople and Alexandria against Gregory Theolog. Yea they tell us themselves, that it was because he could not be a Bishop that Aerius spake against Bishops, so pe∣stilent a thing hath the desire of such Bishopricks been.

Theodotus the Bishop would not so much as joyn in Prayer with Basil morning or evening, because he had but communicated with Bishop Eu∣stathius upon his fair professions, Basil. Epist. 43. Admir: ad Terentium Comit.

The contention between such excellent persons as Eusebius Caesar while Bishop, and Basil: while Presbyter, was very sad and scandalous.

The contention between Basil and Euthemius about the extent of their Diocess was no less.

The People of Caesarea would have torn in peices, Eusebius the Presi∣dent, the Emperors own Unkle, for Basils sake, if he had not hindred them.

The Church of Neo-Caesarea wrangled with Basil for his Psalmodie, and even avoided him as if he had been an Heretick, see Basils Epist. ad mer. 4. to Julian, what language he there ufeth to the Emperour: Not that I judge him, but wish you to judge equally of the actions of those times and ours. See Basil Ep. 82. Theodor. l. 5 c. 19.

The Antiochians for a Tax under Theodosius the great, did tumultuate and kill the Magistrates, and destroyed the Statue of Placilla the good Empress.

In the West good Ambrose at Milan (was not silenced as we are, but) by an Orthodox Emperour desired and commanded to deliver the Arrians possession but of one Church: and he refused to do it, and to forsake that Church (or Temple) or deliver the Vessels till they should be taken by force. Vit. Ambros. per Baron. p. 6. whereas we all left our Churches at a word. Nay though he would not resist the Emperour, he would rather die than deliver up the Church.

When he was celebrating Gods Worship he was fain to break off, to rescue an Arrian Priest out of the hands of the Orthodox people, who had laid hold on him: For which multitudes were laid in prison and Irons, and accused of Sedition, and great Calamity followed to the

Church, and this from Valentinian an Orthodox Emperour.

Ambrose saith when he refused to deliver up the Temple, E••qua sunt Divina Imperatoriae potestati non esse subjecta (If Baronius say true); but mine I shall yield to him]. But we hold that even Temples (as well as Bish∣ops) though dedicated to God, are under the Civil power of the Em∣pour.

When Ambrose was desired but to quiet the people, he answered It is in my power not to stir them up; but it is God that must quiet them] So great was his interest in the people that the Emperour said he was a Tyrant, and that the people would deliver himself bound to him, if Ambrose did but bid them. Yet had Ambrose been the man that had gone on his Em∣bassie to Maximus, and kept him from coming into Italy in pursute of Valentinian which made Ambrose say [Non hoc Maximum dicere quod Ty∣ranus go sum Valentiniani: qui se meae legationis objectum queritur ad Italiam non potuisse pervenire.]

And because the late revolutions in England are made by some Prelates the pretence for the silencing of the 1800 Ministers, of whom one of ten never medled with Warrs, being fallen again on this case of Maximus, let it be noted how like he was to Cromwel, saving that it was not the Sectaries, but the Bishops that he studyed to please and rise by. When Gratian the Emperour befriended the Priscillianists, Maximus to please the Bishops persecuted them to the death. When Valantinian by Justina the Empresse meanes did persecute or trouble Ambrose for refusing to deliver a Church to the Arrians, and also other Orthodox Bishops as well as Ambrose, Maximus gave to Ambrose and the Bishops the Hon∣our of keeping him out of Italy, and letting Valentinian scape: Yea, wrote his Letters to Valentinian for the Orthodox Bishops, telling him how grievous a thing it is to persecute the Ministers of God, and when un∣der his father they went for faithful Ministers. Quae tanta mutatio, ut qui antea sacerdotes, nunc sacrilegi judicantur! Iisdem certe praeceptis, Iisdem Sacramentis dilatis; Eadem fide credunt, qua antea crediderunt. An put at Venerabilis mihi serenitas tua conceptam semel in animis religionem quam Deus ipse constituit posse evelli? And proceedeth to shew what disorders and contentions must needs follow when there be a shew of persecuting Christians and Ministers] Upon this message of Maximus, Valentinian being afraid of him, the persecution ceased; and Ambrose must be sent again on the Embassage to Maximus to stop him: But when as the Bish∣ops of France and Germany owned him, and Ambrose would not com∣municate with those Bishops (no more than Martin) saith he, cum videret me abstinere ab Episcopis qui communicabant ei, vel qui aliquos devios licet a side (that is the Prescillianists) ad necem petebant, jussit me sine mora re∣gredi. See here that Ambrose as well as Martin separated from the Com∣munion of the multitude of Bishops for owning Maximus, and for seeking to the Magistrate to draw his sword against the Priscillianists, whom Sulp. Severus calleth Gnosticks: When as many among us, have by words and

writing provoked Rulers to draw the sword against us that differ, in no one point of doctrine from the Articles of the English Church.

And the said Maximus and the Bishops did so close that only one Hyginus a Bishop is mentioned, and Theognostus besides Ambrose and Martin that reje∣cted Maximus, and refused Communion with the Synod and Bishops, and was banished also for so doing. By which you may see, 1. That Bishops can comply with usurpers that will be for them as much as Presbyters, 2. And that all is not unwarrantable separation or schism, which Bishops call so, when these three shall separate from so many.

And saith Baron. in vita Ambros. Maximus ut Tyranni nomen vitaret, perinde atque fidei Catholicae tuendae causa bellum illud suscepisset, in hereticos pugnam con∣vertit & Catholicos sacerdotes quibus valuit honoribus & officiis est prosecutus, p. 24. Maximus raiseth that war for the Orthodox Bishops to save them from the persecution of their lawful Prince, and sets himself to do them all the honor he could, and to pull down the hereticks.

And these were the Halcionian daies which Ambrose himself declareth and magnifieth, even when Maximus had supprest the Arrians [En tempus acceptabile! quo non hiemalibus perfidiae caligantis pruinas annus riget, nec altis ni∣vis, &c. ibid. Reader was not that time more strange than ours? that Am∣brose must be so loyal as to save his Prince and Country from a usurper; and yet so pious as to be persecuted by his Prince, and he and his brethren saved by that same usurper▪ and openly give praise to God for the great felicity of the Church which it received by that same usurper whom he so resisted? I•• it not pity that things should be so strangely carried?

And that yet you may see more into this business, Paulinus in vit. Ambros. p. 40. tells us, that Maximus took just a name to himself as Cromwel the Protector did. [Maximus Procuratorem se reipublicae nomine praefuisse confi∣teretur.] He would rule as the Procurator of the Common-wealth.

Well! But this is not all the Usurpers that rose up in those daies. Euge∣nius soon becometh more terrible than he (who once was but a Schoolma∣ster). And how doth this loyal S. Ambrose carry it? when he had got of Theodosius a pardon for all that took part with Maximus, even his Army except two or three, yea and benefits too, yet did not this holy loyal man think it sinful to write thus to the Tyrant Eugenius, [Epistol. l. 2. p. 103. Clementissimo Imperatori Eugenio, Ambrosius Episcopus; Bishop Ambrose to the most Clement Emperour Eugenius. And thus concludeth, [In his vero in quibus vos rogari decet, etiam exhibere sedulitatem potestati debitam▪ sicut & scriptum est, cui honorem, honorem, cui tributum, tributum: Nam cum privato detulerim corde intimo, quomodo non deferrem Imperatori?] i. e.

But in these matters where it becometh us to petition you, we must also give the dili∣gence due to power: as it is written, honor to whom honor, tribute to whom tribute: For when I honored you, when you were a private man from the inwards of my heart, how should I not honor you an Empe∣rour?]

Reader do not only judge of my two Epistles to Rich. Cromwell by

these passages, but even of theirs that submitted to Oliver himself: and yet Judge of the inferences that are raised by our accusers.

Should I but recite the words of submission of Bishops to usurpers, yea of Gregory the Great and such of the highest note, it would be over tedious to the Reader, who I doubt will think that I have been too long in this un∣pleasant History already.

2. But this I must need add ad homines, 1. That it hath been the Bi∣shops themselves that have been the grand cause of our Church divisions and separations: what advantage they have given the separatists I shewed before. I am sure in the Congregation where I once was teacher, and the Countrey about, nothing that ever came to pass hath so inclined the peo∣ple to avoid the Prelates, as their own doing, especially the silencing and reproaching their ancient teachers whom they knew longer and better than the Prelates did.

2. That it was a Parliament of Episcopals and Erastians, and not of Presbyterians, who first took up Armes in England against the King.

3. That the General, and chief Officers of the Parliaments first Ar∣my were scarce any of them at all Presbyterians, but Episcopal by profes∣sion, saving some few Independants.

4. That the Lord Lieutenants of the several Counties, were almost all Episcopal, save three Independents.

5. The Major Generals of the several By-armies in the Counties were almost all Episcopal.

6. The Assembly of Divines at Westminster were all save eight or nine Conformable.

7. Most of the Episcopal men of my acquaintance took the Covenant, that could keep their places by it, or at their composition.

8. I knew few of them that took not the engagement it self, against King and house of Lords, meerly for liberty to travail about their business, when we that ran a greater hazard by refusing, never took it; but many were cast out of their Churches, and their government in the University Colledges for refusing it. These and many more such unpleasant things, I have fully proved elsewhere, being constrained by the false accusations of implacable men, to mention that which I had far rather silence.

9. And what hand the Londoners, the Presbyterian Ministers, and Gentlemen, and people had in bringing in the King was once known and acknowledged.

And General Monks Colonels and Captains were so many of them Pres∣byterians, when they cast out the Anabaptists, from among them in Scot∣land and marcht into England and restored the King, that as I knew divers of them to be such, so far as I could learn from others, the chief strength of them were such or so inclined.

10. And though many of the Parliament were supposed Presbyterians long after, who were Episcopal at the raising of the Army, yet could not

the late King Charles I. be rejected and judged and put to death, till most of the Parliament were violently secluded and imprisoned by the Army. And as soon as they were but called together again, it was they (in Parlia∣ment and Council of State) that opened the door for the Kings restitution.

But while the matters of the Church of Christ, and the decision of re∣ligious controversies, and the liberty of Christs Ministers to preach his Gospel, must be laid upon state revolutions, and where Bishops that can neither accuse Christs Ministers of heresie, ignorance, negligence, cove∣tuousness, pride, nor scandalous immoralities, shall run to the old me∣thods, and perswade Kings that these men are not for their profit, that they are pestilent fellows and movers of sedition among the people, that they prophecy not good of Kings but evil, and that they would set up another King, one Jesus, and therefore are not Caesars friends, these ma∣licious projects may silence Ministers, and prosper, while our sins are to be punished, and the peoples, contempt of the Gospel and their ingratitude are to be chastised. But the wicked servant that saith, my Lord delayeth his coming, and beateth his fellow servants, and eateth and drinketh with the drunken, will see that his Lord will come in a day, that he looked not for him, and will cut him a sunder and give him his portion, with hypo∣crites (for their dead Image of Religion will not save them) there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth, Matth. 24. 48, 49, 50, 51.

CHAP. XXIII. Four dou••le charges I have now proved against the foredescribed Dioce∣sane f••rm of Government, the least of which alone is enough to prove it utterly unlawful.

1. THat it overthroweth the ancient Species of Churches, and setteth up another sort of Churches, in their place; and sets up one Church of that kind instead of many hundreds.

2. That it overthroweth the ancient office of a Presbyter, by taking away one part of his work (viz. Government) which as much belongeth to him as the rest: And maketh a new office of subject Presbyters, which Cod never made.

3. That it overthroweth the ancient sort of fixed Episcopacy, (as di∣stinct from Itinerants and Arch-bishops); taking down a thousand or very many Bishops, even the Bishops of particular Churches, and instead of them all setting up but one over all those Churches; as if all Bishops were put down, and the Archbishops only take all their charges and work upon them.

4. That it maketh the Discipline or Government instituted by Christ, in the very matter of it to become impossible and impracticable, and so

excludeth it, under pretence that they are the only persons impowred for it; and they set up a kind of secular Courts and Government in its stead; and so are practically Erastians.

I shall conclude all with these Consectaries which follow what is already proved.

Cons. 1. Such Diocesane principles greatly strengthen the Brownists cause, who deny us to have any Church or Ministry of divine institution: as is before shewed. And as for them that say. [No form of Church Govern∣ment is of divine institution]. Ans. 1. It is well that they are forced to except both the universal and the particular Churches, and expound this only of Associations of Churches. 2. It is well that yet they confess that the office of Pastors is of Divine institution; who are made Church Gover∣nours by Christ. 3. But it is scant well that yet they subscribe to the book of Ordination, which asserteth the Divine right of three distinct orders, if they do not believe it. 4. And these also too much gratifie the Brownist, who affirmeth that we have no Churches of Divine institution, and think∣eth that it is no fault to separate, but from a Church of humane invention.

Cons. 2. To say that no man High or Low is bound in his place and calling to endeavour a Reformation of such a Church-Government, and so to justifie the neglecters and opposers of all such Reformation is to draw upon a mans self the guilt of so much pollution, and of the ruin of such a multitude of souls, as should make that Conscience smart and trem∣ble, which is not seared and past all feeling.

Cons. 3. To swear or subscribe, or say and declare, that though milli∣ons should swear to endeavour such a reformation, in their places and callings, by lawful means, there is no obligation lieth on any one of them from that Vow or Oath: So to endeavour it, is—The Lord have Mercy on that Land, City or Soul that is guilty of it—

Cons. 4. All carnal interest and all carnal reason is on the Diocesanes side, and all the lusts of the heart of man, and consequently all the De¦vil can do: Therefore while carnal Christians make a Religion of their lusts and interest, and pride, and covetousness, and idleness are more pre∣dominant, than the fear of God and the love of souls, no wonder if the Diocesane cause prevail with such.

Cons. 5. A truly sanctified heart knoweth the nature and worth of Grace, and the nature and weight of the Pastoral Office, and is devoted to God and the good of souls, and contemneth the ease and pleasures of the flesh and the riches and the honours of this World, and is the best argument in the World against such Diocesane Prelacy; and must at least be weakened be∣fore it can subscribe never to endeavour to amend it.

Cons. 6. No wonder if the most serious zealous practical sort of Chri∣stians are ordinarily against such Diocesanes Prelacy, when it hath the described effects and that those among themselves.

Cons. 7. No wonder if the principal work of such Diocesanes, be to silence faithful preachers and persecute zealous Christians, where they had e∣spoused

a cause so contrary to the interest of Godliness that all these are unreconcilable thereto: Speak not of any other Prelacy.

Cons. 8. Take but from such Prelacy the plumes which it hath stolen from Magistrates and Presbyters, and it will be a naked thing, and simp∣ly a name.

Cons. 9. If Magistrates were not the Prelates Executioners or second∣ed them not by writs de excommunicato capiendo, &c. such Prelacy would give up as dead, or aweary of it self.

Cons. 10. The ill Mixtures of force and secular power, corrupteth Church Discipline, and depriveth it of its proper nature, use and force, maketh it another thing, or undiscernable.

Cons. 11. Though in cases of necessity civil Rulers may trust Church men with part of their power about religion, it is far better out of ne∣cessity that they keep if wholly to themselves. And let them thunder their excommunications without any power of the Sword.

Cons. 12. Such Bishops and Arch-Bishops as overthrow not the Churches officers, and discipline of Christ, must be submitted to by all peaceable men, though we cannot prove them as such to be of Divine in∣stitution.

CHAP. XXIV. Some testimonies of Prelatists of the late state of the Church of England, lest we be supposed partial in our description of it.

1. FOr the true understanding of the late state of the Church of Eng∣land, the Reader may find some light, in the Lord Falklands Parliament Speeches, and Sir Edward Dearings, and in Heylins own History of the Sabbath, with Pocklingtons Sunday no Sabbath, and the Bishop of Lincolnes book of the Holy Table name and things, and Dr. Heylens answer to him; And the same Heylins History of Arch-Bishop Laud: and from Mr. Thornedicks four last bookes.

II. To what common scorne all serious Godliness was brought by the rabble through the abuse of the name Puritane, used by the Prelatists to make odious the Nonconformists, is after shewed out of Bishop Down∣ame, and Mr. Robert Bolton, who is large and frequent in it.

III. Bishop Halls Confession of the corruptions in the Church Go∣vernours and Government in his Modest offer and Peacemaker, and his disclaiming those that deny it, I have cited elsewhere.

IV. Williams Arch-Bishop of Yorke, Morton Bishop of Durham with many other Episcopal Divines of greatest name and worth, did assem∣ble

in Westminister and collected a Catalogue of things needing refor∣mation in Discipline and worship, which are to be seen in print.

V. A Prelatical Divine in a Treat: called Englands faithful Reprover and Monitor, thus speaketh to his prelates and Pastor pag. 60, 61. &c.

And now with what depth of sorrow ought we to recount your past errours, partly through neglect of duty, partly through abuse of power—* 1.48 were the faithful in your trust? did ye diligently instruct the ignor∣ant? severely punish the disobedient? Endeavour to reclaime those that walked disorderly and contrary to the Gospel—That ye were vio∣lently bent against Action and Schisme, against singularity and Non∣conformity, all confess; a few excepted who thought nothing too much, yea nothing enough in this kind, how opposite soever to Christi∣an mildness, prudence and Conscience: But in the mean time, by reason of your Connivence or Supineness in the Episcopal office, Ignorance and Superstition every where misled the people, and caused them to wan∣der in darkness, not knowing whither they went. Profaness like a rank pernicious weed overspread the field and Vineyard of the Lord—And the prophane and vicious lives of those who stood up in defence of your Government * 1.49 occasionally gave increase and added strength to the opposite factious party, who alledged this as one main ground of their separation from the Church, that those who adhered to it, were for the most part unworthy to have Communion with any orderly well governed Congregation of believers, because of their loose and scandalous manner of living, which because they could not redresse, they did pretend at least they were bound thus to shun and avoid as hateful to God and to good men. Wherefore ye did not carefully se∣perate between the precious and the vile * 1.50 but consulting with flesh and blood what ye were to do in this case, thought in humane Policy to break the power of one party, by strengthening the hands of the o¦ther * 1.51 or not binding and restraining them with the Cords of Ec∣clesiasticall discipline. Thus while you opposed Profaneness against Schism * 1.52 or did let that loose at this, or secretly favoured and upheld it in hope to suppresse the later by the former, the one grew too strong by the violence of opposition for your selves, and both for the Church in order to peace and holiness. As for your labour in the work of the Ministry, how little it hath been for many years together, it is even a shame to mention, some of you wholly exempting your selves, from this necessary burden of their calling, for ease and pleasure: Others supposing it a task and employment too low and inferiour for them—The rest for the most part, slightly or seldome bearing it with their shoulders, and laying it aside presently, as that which concerned o∣ther men, and not themselves any longer than they listed; And thus far had been pardonable with men, had care been taken to see this work duely performed by the Clergy—But alas there were not wanting of you, who did not only wink at the wilful neglect of their inferi∣rour

bretheren in this point of Ministerial duty: But did countenance and favour such as were most peccant therein, judging them most a∣verse from faction, who were least conscious * 1.53 Of Preaching to the peo∣le, and fairest friends to the present Government, who were loose enough, God knoweth, in their office and conversation. Whence it came to pass that very many who were for you in the time of Tryal, were ignorant and dissolute men, * 1.54 dishonourable to your party, and indeed to the Christian Religion, which they did continually profane by their words and workes: So unsuitable is humane policy with Evangelical simplicity, and unsuccesful when it is used to support the regiment thereof. And instead of sending forth meet Labourers into the Lords harvest, fit Pastors into his flock, you sent those that were idle Shephards, loving to slumber, given to sleep, altogether like your selves, careless of the Lords Heritage, either unwilling if able or if willing unable, or neither willing nor able, rightly to divide the word of truth, giving them their portion in due season. As for those to whom God had given both ability and will, to preach the word, ye per∣mitted them not the free use and exercise of their gifts; but forbade them to teach the people as oft as they saw it convenient or necessary for their Edification. And though you did at first commend to them, the way of Catechizing the younger sort—yet afterwards, I know not upon what grounds or for what reason, you so far limited and restrain∣ed the Minister in this pious and profitable practice, that ye did in a manner take away the key of knowledge, or make it useless for them, so that they could not enter in thereby.

And pag. 69.

[of this I am assured, that nothing was reformed after∣ward in your ordinations, it being as free and indifferent for all who came, as ever—p. 70. 71. 72. [The like excuse some frame for the gross corruptions of your prerogative Courts, for commutations, un∣just, partial and unreasonable Censures of Excommunication, for un∣lawful (to say no more) suspension of the meaner sort from ordinances of Jesus Christ, for non payment or rather disability of paying pecuniary mulcts and fees imposed on them, and without Equity exacted of them, by your prophane and greedy officers. They pretend the power of the Chancellour to be distinct and separate from that of the Bishop, in many points of spiritual Jurisdiction, and so exempt from it and uncontroulable by it, however proving illegal and exorbitant in the proceedings there of;—And surely it may seem strange to any considerate person, that ye who did so much strain your authority for the introuducing of new Ceremonies into the Church of Christ (savouring of superstition, and be∣getting jealousies in mens minds of Popish innovations intended by you,) without prudence or Conscience, and used it so rigorously for the enforc∣ing of the old upon many ill affected to the observation of them, absolutely requiring conformity to the Church Liturgy in every point, of all men, (notwithstanding rebus sic stantibus & profligata disciplina * 1.55 some

former thereof were not appliable to divers persons) would not ex∣tend it to the utmost measure for the rectifying those great abuses which had by insensible degrees crept in, and corrupted the true Primi∣tive discipline—But Court employments, State flattery, and sinful Complyances with great persons, were the main lets, which hindred you from the due discharge of your office, both in preaching the word, and exercising the Rod of Christ, according to his mind and will, while ye thought in carnal reason, such means as these most effectual for the acquiring and retaining of your greatness, and despised those which the prudent simplicity of the Gospel did offer and commend unto you: Where∣fore it is no wonder if vice did reign there where flattery did abound, and that in the chief Ministers and Messengers of truth, if injustice and oppression did bear sway,—If men were secure in their sins, where peace was proclaimed—where a prophane Company heard nothing for the most part decried in the Pulpit but Faction, from which perhaps, alone they were free. And what could be expected from the common people, but blind ignorance, love of pleasures more than God—when ye their chief Leaders caused them to err, not only through your negligence, but also by your example.—And I would to God some of you had not proved false and deceitful to your brethren whom ye perverted from the way of truth and peace, by your own departing from it—continuing fast friends to the world—ye were carnal your selves and walked as men, shewing them the way to heaven with hearts and eyes fixed upon earth. For who more immoderate in their care for the things of this life than you? Who more eager in the pursuit of riches and honor, more tenacious in withholding good from the owners thereof, than your selves? Who were more set upon the u∣sual course of enriching above measure, and raising your families on high? If a dignity or office fell within the Compass of your Diocess, who was presently judged of you more worthy to possess and manage it, than a Son or a Nephew, or a Kin'man, or an Allie, though they were many times altogether uncapable of the honor and trust to which ye preferred them in the house of God, either they wanted ability of parts requisite thereunto, or had not as yet attained to maturity of years, being not much past their nonage, as we have known some of them to be, or in all respects undeserving persons. And yet men of age, and experience, eminent for learning, and piety, must stand un∣veiled before such as these, to receive directions, and commands from them, to whom they were able and fit to give the same: who through the just judgment of the Almighty, have since been as much and more scorned—than they do now scorn others, every way their superiour, but in place.]

Here he citeth such like words also even from Bishop Andrews, Gonc. ad Cler. with his prediction of the fall of their order, for their vicious lives.

So p. 6. [To this specious design, an open way seemed to be made by

the great profaness and vicious living of the opposite party, who while they were zealous for conformity to the ordinances of men, and thought a main part of Christian duty, to depend upon the observation of them, did allow themselves carnal liberty inviolating the precepts and comman∣dements of God. And this they did, as from the inbred corruption, which is common to all men; so likewise from a private spirit of opposition a∣gainst the adversaries of their cause].

And p. 10 11. Speaking of advantages against the Bishops and their party▪ saith he

[This perchance was not the meanest, that they might thus check and shame the open prophaness, gross impiety, irreligi∣on and sin of their professed adversaries: The which (to speak truth) was so eminent oft times and notorious in many of them, as might star∣tle a meer natural Conscience to hear or behold it; and cause therein an abhorrence from their courses, (so opposite as well to right reason, as sanctifying grace) much more in a mind inlightened, though with the smallest ray of Evangelical truth. For what could be more strange or hateful to men, in whom was any spark remaining of common grace or moral virtue, and who were not wholly possessed with Atheism, and car∣ried on with fullest bent to libertinism, and ungodly practice, than to hear those that professed themselves the followers of Christ, scoffing at the purest acts of his worship, blaspheming or prophaning his holy name, by causless Oaths, fearful imprecations, direful execrations, and such like speeches, not to be expressed again without horror and amazement. And not only so but glorying likewise in this their abominable wickedness, and in other of like damnable nature; in lasciviousness, lusts, excess of wine, and strong drinks, revellings; wherein they thought it strange that others ran not with them to the same excess of riot, speaking evil of them.—How much did this their apparent and overdaring impudence in sin, commend and grace the seeming Saint-like * 1.56 conversation of their adversaries, [of some of them, we cannot without manifest breach of charity judge of them otherwise, than that they were simple harmless well meaning men, who being offended (and not without cause) at the corruption of the times, and scandalous lives of many in the sacred of∣fice of the Ministry.—] And indeed their strict conformity in other respects to the precepts of the Gospel, with their constancy in suffering for the defence of their cause, did argue as much to moderate men and not possessed with prejudicate hatred of their opinion and persons: For such as these could never be induced to entertain a good conceit of them, no not in the least measure; but judged their best actions to be counter∣feit and false, and thought their greatest suffering to proceed from pride and contumacy of spirit—Now as it comes to pass between those that extreamly hate one another, that they endeavour as much as in them lieth, to be unlike each other in manner of life, so it fared in this case.—

And p. 27. 28.

(The slack hand of ecclesiastical discipline, was ano∣ther

cause of the general ignorance and prophaness of these times▪ which reached no further for the most part, to the inferior Clergy (how peccant soever otherwise) than in disconformity to Episcopal orders, Provincial or Synodical Constitutions touching external government: Neither did it call people to a due account (if any) of their proficiency in the knowledge of Christ Jesus, or censure them for non-proficiency therein, yea scarcely for gross and scandalous crimes, if they were per∣sons known to be well affected to the present Government—]

And of the change since in 1653 when Bishops were down, he saith, p. 29.

[I can speak it on my own knowledge, that a Town of good note in the Western parts of the land, not far distant from the Sea, heretofore famed for all manner of riot, and disorder, by this course of late years hath been reduced to that order and discipline, that it is a rare matter to see a man there at any time distempered with wine and strong drink, or to hear a rash Oath proceed from any mans mouth, no not when there is most frequent concourse of people thither from all the neighbour∣ing parts.

Such changes through Gods mercy were not rare, till Prelacy returned. Reader, I cite, the words of this author so tediously, because many would perswade those that knew not those times, that none of this was true on either side; And because the Author was a very high Prelatist, writing openly against their adversaries, 1653.

VI. Dr. Gauden, after Bishop of Worcester, Hiera spist. pag. 287. saith,

[I neither approve or excuse the personal faults of any particular Bi∣shops, as to the exercise of their power and authority; which ought not in weighty matters to be mannaged without the presence, Council, and suffrages of the Presbyters, such as are fit for that assistance. The want of this S. Ambrose, S. Hierome, and all sober men ** 1.57 justly reprove, as unsafe for the Bishops and Presbyters and the whole Church. For in multitude of Counsellors is safety and honor. I am sure much good they might all have done, as many of them did, whom these touchy times were not worthy of—]

And p 262. 263.

[They have taught me to esteem the ancient and Catholick Government of Godly Bishops, as Moderators and Presi∣dents among the Presbyters in any Diocess or Precincts, in its just mea∣sure and constitution for power paternal duty exercised, such as was in the persecuting, purest and primitive times.—] Just such we offered them in Bishop Ushers Model.—p. 263, [I confess after the example of the best times and judgment of the most learned in all Churches, I alwayes wished such moderation on all sides, that a Primitive Episco∣pacy (which imported the authority of one grave and worthy person, chosen by the consent, and assisted by the presence Counsel and suffrages of many Presbyters) might have been restored or preserved in this Church; And this not out of any factious design, but for those weigh∣ty reasons which prevail with me].

Add to this, what he saith in Hookers life of the late Bishops, and re∣member that this man was one of the Keenest Writers against the adver∣saries of the Bishops in his time; And that though he was made a Bishop and great when the King was restored, yet he was the only Bishop of them all that in our conference at the Savoy, did desire and endeavour by such concessions to have reconciled us altogether.

VII. I must not tire the Reader with more such long citations I next wish him to see Mr. Alesburies Treatise of confession, p. 21. 24 28, 104, 105, 169. Where he describeth the ancient discipline, and sheweth from our own Prelates that it is every particular member of the flock that the Pastor should personally know and counsel; And see how far we are from this.

VIII But none of these speak of the times that we are now fallen in∣to: It can hardly be expected that any of their own party should yet dare to speak against them: yet in private talk how common is it? But because it will be too tedious to recite the words, I desire the Rea∣son to peruse a Book called Icabod, or the five groans of the Church, which in sharpness and high charges upon the Prelates since their return, ex∣ceedeth all that are before cited. And that you may know that he is suf∣ficiently Episcopal, one of his accusations of them is for accepting so ma∣ny into the Church now that were lately against conformity: I know the man who is said to be the Author, and know him to be conformable to this time, and in possession of a benefice in the Church.

IX. Let the Reader remember that the division between the Confor∣mists and Non-conformists began at Frankford in Queen Maries days, and that Dr. Ri. Coxe was the man than began this stir against the English Church there, by his forcible obtruding the Common-Prayer book on them, and that long led that party; And let him read in Cassander his 20th. Epistle where he will find that the said Dr. Coxe when he was made Bi∣shop of Ely in Queen Elizabeths time, wrote to Cassander for directions about setting up Cruci••••xes or crosses in the Churches; and Cassander in∣structeth him in what shape the Cross is to be made: And his Prec. Eccles. gave us some of our Collects.

X. Yea, when the Popish Prelacy is described, it is so like to ours that when Dr. Bastwick and others wrote against the Italian Bishops, ours take it as spoken of them. Hear Bishop Jewl, Serm. on Mat. 9. 37. 38 [But the labourers are few, I say, not there are but few Cardinals, few Bishops few Priests, that should be preachers, few Archbishops, few Chancellors, few Deans, few Prebendaries, few Vicars, few Parish priests, few Monks, few Fryers; For the number of these is almost infinite—And p 198. And what shall I speak of Bishops? Their cloven Mitre signifieth perfect knowledge of the old and new Testament; Their Crosiar staff signifieth diligence in attending the flock of Christ. Their purple boots and sandals signifie that they should ever be booted and ready to go abroad through thick and thin to teach the Gospel.—But, alas in what kind of things do they bear themselves as Bishops? These mystical titles and

shews are not enough to fetch in the Lords harvest: They are garments more meet for Players than for good labourers—whatsoever apparel they have on unless they will fall to work Christ will not know them for Labourers.—Pag. 144. The Christians in old time, when they lived under Tyrants, and were daily put to most shameful deaths, and were hated and despised of all the world, yet never lacked Ministers to instruct them. It is therefore most lamentable that Christians living under a Christian Prince, in the peace and liberty of the Gos∣pel should lack Learned Ministers to teach them, and instruct them in the word of God: This is the greatest plague that God doth send on any people.

To which, I add on the by, that if any say, we would labour if the Bishops would give us leave.] Though the charge against them thus in∣timated is grievous (and it were better for that man that offendeth one of Christs little ones, much more that hindereth multitudes from their duty in seeking mens salvation, that a Mill-stone were hanged about his neck, and he were cast into the depths of the Sea) yet that this will not excuse men from the preaching of the Gospel to the utmost of their power, see Bishop Bilson himself Asserting, viz. that silenc∣ed Ministers should not therefore give over preaching, in his Christian subject.

XI. Yea, read but Caesars description of the Heathen Druides, and tell us, whether their Character agree not better with the Prelacy which hath prevailed in the Churches these seven hundred years at least, than Christs Character in the Scripture, save onely that it is Christianty which they profess. Caesar Comment. lib. 6. p. 72 [In omni Gallia, &c.

In all France there are two sorts of men in some number and honour, (for the common people are accounted almost but as servants, which of them∣selves dare do nothing, nor are used in any consultations, most of then be∣ing pressed with debts, or the greatness of tributes, or the injuries of the more powerful, do give themselves in servitude to the nobles, who have all that power over them as Lords over their servants: And of these two sorts, one are Druides, the other Knights. The former are interested in Divine affaires, they procure publick and private sacrifices; they interpret Religions: To these flock abundance of young men for discipline; and they are with them in great honour: For they determine of almost all controversies private and publick; And if any crime be committed, if mur∣der be done, if there be any controversies of inheritanc or bounds, these men determine them, and do award rewards and punishments. If any private person or the people stand not to their award (or decree) they for∣bid them the sacrifices. This is with them the most grievous punishment. Those that are thus interdicted are accounted in the number of the ungod∣ly and wicked: All men depart from them, and fly from their presence and their speech, lest they get any hurt by the contagion; nor is any Right (or Law) afforded them when they seek it, nor any honour done them. And

over all these Druides there is one in chief, who hath the highest authority among them. When he is dead, if any one of the rest excel in worthi∣ness, he succeedeth: But if there be many equal, he is chosen by the suff age of the Druides: And sometimes they contend for the principality by Arms. At a certain time of the year in the borders of the Carnuli (Chartres) which is counted the middle of all France, they have a Consess (or Con∣vocation) in a consecrated place; Hither come all that have controversies from all parts, and obey their judgments and decrees. It is thought that this Discipline was found in Brittain, and there translated into France. And now they that more diligently would know that business, for the most part go thither to learn it. The Druides use not to go to the Wars, nor do they pay tribute with the rest. They have freedome from warfare, and im∣munity of all things: Being excited by so great rewards, many flock to this discipline of their own accord, and many are sent by their parents and kindred. They are reported to learn there abundance of Verses: Therefore some continue at learning twenty years; And they think it not lawful to commit them to writeing; for in other publick matters and private accounts, for the most part they use the Greek Letters. It seemeth to me that they do this for two causes: because they would not have their discipline (or learning) made common (or brought to the Vulgar) nor those that learn it, neglect their memories by trusting to writings; which befalls the most, who by the help of writings, remit both their diligence in learning and their memory, This especially they perswade that souls die not, but after death pass from some to others: And by this they think that men are chiefly excited to virtue, neglecting the fear of death. Many things also they dispute and deliver to youth about the Stars, and their motion, of the magnitude of the world, and of the earth, of the nature of things, of the force and power of the immortal Gods.]

So far Caesar, which I repeated as offering it to consideration, whether the foresaid Prelacy for Grandure be not liker to these Druides, than to christs Ministers who must be the servants of all? And yet whe∣ther they are not far more negligent in the exercise of discipline? And whether this Discipline, which shameth sin; by thus distinguishing the Godly and upright from the ungodly and wicked, be not of the very light of nature, and round much in Brittain before Christianity, and therefore should not be hated and banished by Christian Bishops, who pretend that their office is instituted for that very use and end.

CHAP. XXV. The Ordination lately exercised by the Presbyteries in Eng∣land is valid: Ergo Reordination unnecessary.

THat valid ordination is not to be repeated, is agreed on by Protestants and Papists: It is one of the ancient Canons called the Apostles, Can. 67. [Siquis Episcopus aut Presbyter aut Diaconus secundam ab a∣liquo ordinationem acceperit, deponitor, tam ipse, quam qui ipsum ordina∣verit.

Arg. 1. The way of Ordination which was valid in the Primitive Church is valid now.

But the way of Ordination by meer Presbyters was valid in the Primitive▪ Church: Ergo it is valid now.

The Major needs no proof, at least to the point in hand.

The Minor, I prove.

1. From Hieromes frequently cited words in his Epistle to Evagrius, where he tells us, that the Presbyters of Alexandria from the daies of Mark till Heraclas and Dionysius made or ordained their own Bishops. Having shewed that Bishops and Presbyters were of one office, he addeth. [Qwa autem postea unus elecius est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis remedi∣um factum est, ne unusquisque ad se trabens Christi ecclesiam rumperet: Nam & Alexandria à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam & Dionysium Epis∣copos, Presbyteri semper unum exse electum, in excelsori gradu collecatum Epis∣copum nominabant: Quomodo si exercitus Imperater in faciat: aut Diaconie∣ligunt exse quem industrium noverint, & Archidiaconum vocent.] Where note, 1. That Hierome undertaking to shew how Bishops were made at▪ Alexandria, mentioneth no other making of them but this by the Presbyters:

2. That [Presbyters made Bishops] is brought by Hierome as an Argument to prove the Identity first, and nearness after of their power.

3. That he ascribeth to the Presbyters the Election, the placing of him in a higher degree and the naming of him a Bishop.

4. And that he distinguisheth the Presbyters making of a Bishop thus anciently, from that which followed Heraclas and Dionysius, which was by e∣piscopal ordination or consecration. Which observations are sufficient to an∣swer all their objections that will perswade men that Hierome speaketh but of Election.

2. This testimony is seconded by a more full one of Eutychius Patri∣ark of Alexandria, who out of the Records and Tradition of that Church,

in his Arabick Originalls thereof saith as followeth [according to Seldens Translation in his Commentary pag. 29. 30. [Constituit item Mar••us ••••••••geli••ta duodecem Presbyteros cum Hanania, qui nempe manerent cum Patriarcha, adeò ut cum vacaret Pratriarch••tus eligerent unum è duodecim Presbyteris cujus capiti reliqui undecim manus imponerent, eumque benedicerent, & Patriarcham ••um crearent: & dein virum aliquem nisi quem eligerent, eumque Presbyterum, secum constituerint loco ejus qui sic fac••us est Patriarcha, u•• i••à semper extarent duodecim. Neque des••it Alexandriae institutum hoc de Pres∣byteris ut scilicet Patriarchas crearentur Presbyteris duodecim, usque ad tempora Alexandri Patriarchae Alexandrini, qui fuit ex numero illo 318. Is autem vetuit ne deinceps Patriarcham Presbyteri crearent, & decrevit ut mortuo Patriarchâ convenir••nt Episcopi qui Patriarcham ordinarent. Decrevit item ut vacante Patriarchatu, Eligerent sive ex quacunque regione, sive ex duodecim illis Presbyteris, sive aliis, ut res ferebat, virum aliquem eximium, eumque Patriarcham crearent▪ atque ità evanuit institutum illud antiquius, quo creari solitus a Pres∣byteris Patriarcha, & successit in locum ejus decretum de Patriarchâ ab Episcopis creando.

Here you see in the most full expressions that the Presbyters Election, imposition of hands and Benediction created their Bishop or Patriark; and also chose and made or ordained another Presbyter in his roome, and so or∣dained both Presbyters and Bishops.

3. The Tradition or History of Scotland telleth us that their Church∣es were long governed by Presbyters without Bishops, and therefore had no ordination but by Presbyters.

Hector Bo••thius Histor. Scot. li. 7. fol. 128. 6 [Ante Palladium populi suf∣fragiis ex Monac••is & Culdaeis Pontifices assumerentur.]

John Major de gestis Scotorum li. 2. cap. 2. Saith [prioribus illis tem∣poribus per sacerdotes & monachos sine Episcopis Scoti in fide eruditi sunt.

Jahan. Fo••donus makes this the custome of the Primitive Church: Scotichr. li. 3. cap. 8. Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Doctores ac Sacra∣mentorum Ministratores Presbyteros solummodo vel Monachos, ritum sequentes Ecclesiae primitivae.

Which Bishop usher reciting (de primordiis Eccles. Brit. p 798. 799. 800.) Saith Quod postremum ab iis accep••ssevidetur qui dixerunt (ut Johan. Semeca in glossa decreti Dist. 93. cap. Legimu) quod in prima primitiva Ecclesia com∣mune erat officium Episcoporum & sacerdot••m, & nomina erant communia & officium commune sed in secunda primitiva c••perunt distingui & nomina & officia. So Balaeus Script. Brit. Cent. 14. cap. 6.

All which assure us that then only Presbyters could ordaine where there were no other, the same we may say of the Gothick Churches according to Philostorgius Eclog. li. 2. c. 5. That were for seventy years after their conversion without a Bishop Vlphilas being the first.

4. Columbanus was no Bishop but a Presbyter and Monk, nor his Successours that yet Ruled even the Bishops, as Beda noteth, Hist. li 3. c. 4. & 5. H••here solet ipsa Insula Rectorem semper Abbatem Presbyterum,

cujus jure & omnis provincia, & ipsi etiam Episcopi, ordine inusitat•• debeant esse subjecti, juxta exemplum primi Doctoris illius (Columbani) qui non Episco∣pus sed Presbyter extitit & Monachus.]

And these Presbyters did not only ordaine (as being the only Church Governours) but they sent Preachers into England, and ordained Bishops for England at King Oswalds request, as Beda at large relateth Eccles. Hist. l. 3. c. 3. 5. 17. 21. 24▪ 25. The Abbot and other Presbyters of the Island Hy, sent Aydan [& ipsum esse dignum Episcopatu ipsum ad erudiendos incredulos & indoctos mitti debere decernunt—Sicque illum ordinantes ad praedicandum miserunt &c. Successit vero ei in Episcopatu Finan, & ipse illo ab Hy Scotor∣um insula ac monasterio destinatus. c. 17. & cap. 25. Aydano Episcopo de hac vita sublato. Finan pro illo gradum Episcopatus a Scotis ordinatus & missus ac∣ceperat &c. So cap ••4. &c. You will find that the English had a Suc∣cession of Bishops by the Scotish Presbyters ordination: And there is no mention in Beda of any dislike or scruple of the lawfulness of this course.

Segenius a Presbyter was Abbot of Hy (cap. 5.) when this was done And (cap. 4.) it appears that this was their ordinary custome, though in respect to the Churches that were in the Empire, it be said to be, more inusitato, that Presbyters did Govern Bishops: but none question∣ed the validity of their ordinations. And the Council at Herudford, subjecteth Bishops in obedience to their Abbots.

And the first reformers or Protestants here called Lollords and Wicklifists held and practised ordination by mere Presbyters, as Walsingham reports Hist. Angl. An. 1••. 89. and so did Luther and the Protestants of other Nations, as Pomeranus ordination in Denmark shews, and Chytraeus Saxon Chron lib. 14. 15. 16. 17.

5. Leo Mag. Epist. 92. cited by Gratian, being consulted a rustico Narbonensi, de Presbytero vel Diacono qui se Episcopos mentiti sunt; & de his quos ipsi clericos ordinâr••nt, answered [Nulla ratio s••vit ut inter Episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi, nec a plebibus expetiti, &c.—yet thus resolveth of their ordination [Siqui autèm Clerici ab ipsis Pseudo- Episcopis in eis Ecclesus ordinati sunt, quae ad proprios Episcopos pertinebant, & ordinatio eorum cum consensu & judicio presidentium facta est, potest ••ata haberi▪ ita ut in ipsis Ecclesus perseverunt.] So that the mere consent of the proper Bishops can make valid such Presbyters ordination.

6. F••licissimus was ordained Deacon by Novatus one of Cyprians Pres∣byters, Schismatically, yet was not his ordination made Null by Cyprian; but he was deposed for Mal-administration. See Blondel p. 312. 113.

7. Firmilian (in 75 Epist. apud Cyprian) Saith [Necessariò apud nos fit, ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ad disponenda quae curae nostrae commissa sunt, ut si quae graviora sunt, communi consilio dirigantur This shews that communi consilio importeth a consenting Governing Power) &c. Omnis potestas & gratia in Ecclesus constituta, ubi praesident majores natu qui & baptizandi, & manum impone••••••, & ordinandi possid••nt Potestatem] If

any say, It is only Bishops that Formilian speakes of; I answer, 1. He had a little before used the word (Seniores) (the same in sense with Majores natu here) as distinct from (Praepositi) to signifie either all Pastors in gen∣eral, or Presbyters in special. 2. When he speakes of (Majores natu) in general, they that will limit it to Bishops, must prove it so limited; and not barely affirme it. 3. The conjunct acts of the office disprove that: It was the same men that had the power of baptizing.

8. The great Council of Nice (the most reverend Authority next to the holy Scripture) decreed thus concerning the Presbyters ordained by Melitius at Alexandria and in Egypt [Hi autem qui Dei gratiâ & nostris precibus adjuti, ad nullum Schisma deflexisse comperti sint, sed se intra Ca∣tholicae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae fines ab erroris labe vacuos continuerint, authorita∣tem habeant tum ministros ordinandi, tum eos que clero digni fuerint nominandi, tum denique omnia ex lege & instituto Ecclesiastico libere exequendi.] If any say that the meaning is that these Presbyters shall ordain and Govern with the Bishops but not withoutthem, I am of his mind, that this must needs be the meaning of these words; or else they could not be consonant with the Church Canons: But this sheweth that ordination belongeth to the Presbyters office, and consequently that it is no nullity (though an irregulrity as to the Canons) when it is done by them alone Socrat. lib. 5. 6. cap. 6.

9. It is the title of the twelfth Canon Concil. An cyrani [Quod non o∣portet Chorepiscopos ordinare nisi in agris & villulis] Now either these Chore∣piscopi were of the order of Bishops or not; If they were, then it further appeareth how small the Churches were in the beginning that had Bish∣ops, even such as had but Vnum Altare, as Ignatius saith; when even in the Countrey Villages they had Bishops as well as in Cities; notwith∣standing that the Christians were but thinly scattered among the Hea∣thens. But if they were not Bishops, then it is apparent that Presby∣ters did then ordain without Bishops, and their ordination was valid. And the Vafrities of the Prelates is disingenious in this that when they are pleading for Diocesan Churches, as containing many fixed Congregati∣ons, then they eagerly plead that the Chorepiscopi were of the order of Presbyters: But when they plead against Presbyters ordination, they would prove them Bishops. Read & Can. 10. Concilii Antiocheni.

10. Even in the daies of ignorance and Roman Usurpation, Bonifacius Mogunt. alias Wilfred, Epist. 130 (Auct. Bib. Pat. To 2. p. 105.) tells Pope Zachary (as his answer intimateth) that in Gente Boiariorum there, was but one Bishop, and that was one Vivilo, which the Pope had ordain∣ed, and that all the Prebyters that were ordained among them, as far as could be sound were not ordained by Bishops, though that igno∣rant usurping Pope requireth, as it seemeth, that they be reordained, (un∣less Benedictionem ordinationis should signifie only the blessing or confir∣mation of their former ordination, which is not like) For he saith [Quia in∣dicasti perrexisse te ad gentem Boiariorum, & in••enisse eos extra ordinem ecclesiasti∣cum

viventes, dum Episcopos non habebant in Provincia nisi unum, nomine Vivilo, quem nos ante tempus ordinavimus, Presbyteros vero quos ibidem reperisti, si incogniti fuerint viri illi à quibus sunt ordinati, & dubium est eos Episcopos fuisse, an non, qui eos ordinaverunt, si bonae actionis & catho••ici viri sunt ipsi Presbyteri & in ministerio Christi omnemque legem sanctam ••docti, apti, ab Episcopo suo benedi∣ctionem Presbyteratus suscipiant & cons••••r••ntur, & si•• ministerio sacro fungantur.

11. Of old it was the Custom of the Church that Presbyters joyn with the Bishops in Ordination. Concil. Carth. c. 3. All the Presbyters pre∣sent must impose their hands on the head of the Presbyter to be ordained with the Bishop. Which fully sheweth, that it is an act belonging to their Of∣fice, and therefore not null when done by them alone, in certain cases: and that it was but for order sake, that they were not to do it without a Bishop, who was then the Ruler of the Presbyters in that and other Actions.

And its worth noting, That ib. Can. 4. The Bishop alone without any* 1.58 Presbyters was to lay hands on a Deacon (though not on a Presbyter) Because he was ordained non ad sacerdotium sed ad ministerium, not to the Priesthood but to a Ministery or service, which plainly intimateth what Arch-Bishop Usher said to me, that Ad Ordinem pertinet ordinare (quamvis ad Gradum Episcopalem ordinationes regere.) The Priesthood containeth a power to ordain Priests; but the Episcopal Jurisdiction as such sufficeth to ordain a Deacon: Or that the Bishop ordaineth Presbyters, as he is a Presbyter (his Prelacy giving him the government of the action) but he or∣daineth Deacons as a Ruler only.

Arg. II. Ordination by Bishops such as were in Scripture time is va∣lid (and lawful). But the Ordinations in England now questioned, were performed by Bishops, such as were in Scripture times, Ergo the late ordinations in England (now questionedare valid and lawful.

The Major speaking de nomine & officio is granted by all. The Minor I prove thus. 1. The Ordinations in England now questioned were (many or most) performed by the cheif particular Pastors of City Chur∣ches (together with their Colleagues or fellow Presbyters) that had Presbyters under them. But the Cheif particular Pastors of City Churches having Presbyters under them, were such Bishops as were in Scripture times: Ergo, the Ordinations in England now questioned were performed by Bishops such as were in Scripture times.

I must first here explain what I mean by [a particular Pastor] as in an Army or Navy a General Officer, that taketh up the General care of all is distinct from the inferiour, particular Captains, that take a particular care of every Souldier or person under their command; so in the Church in Scripture times there were 1. General Officers, that took care of many Churches (viz. a general care.) And 2. perticular Bishops and Presbyters that were fixed in every City or perticular Church, that took a perticular care of every Soul in that Church. It is only these last that I speak of, that were

Bishops infimi gradûs; not such as the Apostles and Evangelists; but such as are mentioned Acts 14. 23. and Acts 20. 28. Tit. 1. 5. &c.

Now for the Major it is notoriously known, 1. That ordinarily some of our Ordainers were City Pastors. 2. That they had Presbyters under them; viz. one or more Curates, that administred there with them, or in Oratorics called Chappels in the Parish.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is Oppidum, and our Boroughs and Towns Corporate are such Cities as are signified by that word: And there are few of these but have more Presbyters than one, of whom one is the Cheif, and the rest rul∣ed by him. Besides, that one was oft-times President of the Assembly chosen by the rest. For instance (if I had ever medled in Ordain∣ings as I did not). 1. I was my self a Pastor of a Church in a City or Burough. 2. I had two or three Presbyters with me, that were ruled by me: so that I was statedly their Chief: I was statedly chosen by the neighbourhood associated Pastors to be their Moderatour (which was such a power as made Bishops at Alexandria before the Nicene Council.)

Now that such were Bishops (such as were in Scripture-times) I prove 1. By the Confession of the Opponents: Doctor Hammond and his follow∣ers maintain, that there were no subject Presbyters instituted in Scripture times; and consequently that a Bishop was but the single Pastour of a single ongregation, having not so much as one Presbyter under him, but one or more Deacons (which granteth us more than now I plead for:) and that afterwards when Believers were encreased, he assumed Presbyters in par∣tem curae: So that our Bishops which I plead for are of the stature of those after Scripture times in the Doctors sence. Defacto this is granted.

2. The Bishops in Scripture times were ordained in every City and in every Church, Tit. 1, 5. and Acts 13. 23. So are ours. They had the particular Episcopacy over-sight rule and teaching of all the Flock committed to them, Acts 20. 28. (and if the Angel of the Church of Ephesus were one cheif, he was but one of these, and over these in the same Church and charge). And so have our Parochial Pastours; these very words, Acts 20. 28. being read and applyed to them in their ordination. They had the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven committed to them, and so have ours. If it be said, that these are but things common to the Bishop with the Presbyter: 1. What then is proper to a Bishop? To say [Ordination] is but to beg the question: And Ordination it self is not proper in the sense of our own Church, that requireth that Ordination be performed as well by the lay∣ing on of the hands of the Presbyters, as of the Bishop. 2. They use them∣selves to make the governing or superiority over many Presbyters to be pro∣per to a Bishop.

3. Those to whom the description of Bishops in Scripture belongeth are truly and properly Bishops. But the Description of Bishops in Scripture agreeth (at least) to the chief particular Pastors of City Churches, having Presbyters under them; Ergo, such are truly and properly Bishops.

The Minor (which only needeth proof) is proved by an induction

of the several Texts containing such descriptions, as Acts 20. and 13. 23. 1 Tim. 3. and 5. 17. Tit. 1. 5. &c. 1 Thes. 5. 12. Hebr. 13. 7. 17, 24. 1 Pet. 5. 1, 2, 3. and the rest.

4. If our Parochial Churches or at least our City Churches (those in each Town Corporate and Borough) be true Churches, then the cheif particular Pa∣stors of them are true Bishops, but they are true Churches; Ergo.

Still note, 1. That I speak of Churches as governed Societies in sensu Po∣litico; and not as a Company of private Christians.

2. That I speak only of particular Pastors, or Bishops infimi gra∣dus, and not of Arch-Bishops, and General Pastors. And therefore it they say It is not the Presbyters but the Diocesane, that is the cheif Pastor of your Parish Church: I answer, there is none above the Resident or incumbent Presby∣ters, that take the particular charge and oversight: The Bishop takes but the general charge, as a general Officer in an Army. If they do indeed take the particular Pastoral charge of every Soul, which belongs to the Bishops infimi gradus, then woe to that man that voluntary takes such a charge upon him, and hath such a charge to answer for before the Lord. If they say that the Presbyters have the particular charge for teaching and Sacra∣ments, but the Bishops for ruling. I answer, 1. It is Government that we are speaking of, if they are Bishops infimi gradus, then there are no Bishops or Governours under them. And if so, then it is they that must perform and answer for Government of every particular Soul. And then woe to them. 2. Governing and teaching are acts of the same Office by Christs institution, as appears in 1 Tim. 5: 17. Acts 20. 28. &c. And indeed they are much the same thing: For Government in our Church sense is nothing but the explication of Gods Word, and the application of it to particular Cases: And this is Teaching. Let them that would divide, prove, that Christ hath allowed a division. If one man would be the general School∣master of a whole Diocess, only to oversee the particular School-masters, and give them rules, we might bear with them: But if he will say to all the particular Schoolmasters, you are but to teach, and I only must govern all your Scholars, (when governing them is necessarily the act of him that is up∣on the place, conjunct with teaching, this man would need no words for the manifestation of the vanity of his ambition. The same I may say of the Masters of every Science, whose government is such as our Church Government is, not Imperial but Doctoral: yea of the Army or the Navy where the government is most imperial.

Now for the Argument. 1. The consequence of the Major is unde∣niable: because every such Society is essentially constituted of the Ruling and Ruled parts, as every Common-wealth of the pars imperans and the pars subdita: So every organized Church of the Pastor and the Flock.

2. And for the Minor, if they denyed both our Parish Churches, and our City Churches (that is those in Towns Corporate to be true Chur∣ches, they then confess the shame, and open the ulcer and leprosic of their way of governing, that to build up one Diocesane Church, (which is

not of Christs institution, but destructive of his institution) they de∣stroy and pull down five hundred or a thousand Parish Churches, and ma∣ny City Churches.

If they will also feign a specifique difference of Churches as they do of Pastors, and say that Parish Churches are Ecclesiae dociae, but Diocesan Churches are only Ecclesiae gubernatae of which the Parish Churches are but parts: I answer, 1. The Scripture knoweth no such distinction of stated Churches: All stated Churches for worship are to be governed Churches; and the government is but guidance, and therefore to be by them that are their Guides. 2. I have before proved, that every wor∣shipping Church, that had unum altare was to have a Bishop or Govern∣ment by Presbyters at least.

Arg. III. That Ordination which is much better than the ordinati∣on of the Church of Rome, or of any Diocesane Bishops of the same sort with theirs is valid.

The Ordination now questioned by some in England, is much better then the Ordination of the Church of Rome, or of any Diocesane Bishops of the same sort with theirs, Ergo the Ordination now questioned by some in England is valid.

The Major will not be denied by those which we plead with; be∣cause they hold the Ordination of the Church of Rome to be valid, and their Priests not to be re-ordained.

The Minor I prove.

If the Ordination, that hath no Reason of its validity alledged, but that it is not done by Diocesane Bishops, be much better than the Ordi∣nation of such as derive their power from a meer Usurper of Headship over the universal Church, whose succession hath been oft interrupted, and of such as profess themselves Pastors of a false Church, (as having a Head and form of divine Institution), and that ordain into that false Church, and cause the ordained to swear to be obedient to the Pope, to swear to false Doctrine as Articles of Faith, and ordain him to the Office of making a peice of Bread to be accounted no Bread, but the Body of Christ, which being Bread still is to be worshipped as God by himself and others (to pass by the rest) than the Ordination now questioned in Eng∣land is much better than the Ordination of the Church of Rome.

But the Antecedent is true: Ergo so is the consequent.

And for the other part of the Minor I further prove it: If the Office and government of the Romish Bishops and of any Diocesanes of the same sort with them, be destructive of that form of Episcopacy and Church Government which was instituted by Christ, and used in the Pri∣mitive Church, then the Ordination now questioned by some in England is much better than that which is done by such Diocesanes.

But the Office and Covernment of the Romish Bishops and of any Di∣ocesanes of the same sort with them, is destructive of that form of Epis∣copacy

and Church Government, which was instituted by Christ and used in the Primitive Church. Ergo The Ordination now questio∣ned by some in England is much better, than that which is done by such Diocesanes.

The Reason of the consequence is because the Ordination of Presby∣ters now in question is not destructive of the Episcopacy and Government instituted by Christ and used in the Primitive Church: Or if it were, thats the worst that can be said of it. And therefore if other Ordina∣tion may be valid notwithstanding that fault, so may it. N. B. 1. I here suppose the Reader to understand, what that Ordination is now questioned in England: viz. Such as we affirm to be by Bishops, not on∣ly as Presbyters, as such are called Bishops, but as the cheif Presbyters of particular Churches, especially City Churches, having Curates under them, and also as the Presidents of Synods are called Bishops:

2. Note that all I say hereafter about Diocesanes, is to be understood on∣ly of those Bishops of a Diocess of many hundred or score Churches which are infimi gradus, having no Bishops under them, who are only Priests, who are denied to have any proper Church Government: And not at all of those Diocesane Bishops, who are Arch-Bishops having many Bi∣shops under them, or under whom each Parish Pastor is Episcopus Gregis having the true Church Government of his particular Flock.

And thus because the Major is of great moment, I shall handle it the more largely.

The Viciousnes of the Romish Ordinations appeareth thus.

1. In that they commonly profess to receive and hold the Ordainers office and power from the Pope: The very office it selfe say the Italians being from him; And the application and communication of it to the in∣dividual subject being from him, say the Spaniards and French also. But the Pope as such hath no power to make Bishops at all: which I prove

1. Because the very office of a Pope as such is not of Christ, yea is a∣gainst Christ and his prerogative and Law, and abhorred by him; viz. [An universal visible Vicar or Head of the Church on earth.]

2. Because on their own principles, the Pope can have no power, for want of uninterrupted succession of true Ordination, nothing being more plain in Church History scarce, than that such succession is long ago nul∣led by oft interruptions, as I have proved elsewhere, and as is by many Protestants proved.

3. Because the Work that they ordain their Priest to is Idolatry, even Bread worship; besides Man worship, and Image worship.

4. Because all their Priests are (in the Trent Oath) sworn to this Ido∣latry, and sworn to renounce all their Senses to that end, and to renounce the Scripture sufficiency; and to own the Papal Treasonable usurpation, which all are contrary to the Office of Christs Ministers.

Yet are those, that ordained at Rome, received by our Prelates, when they turn to us, without reordination, and their Orders are not

taken by them to be null (which I dispute not now). Much less are the late Protestant English Ordinations null.

II. The Viciousness of such other Prelates Ordinations, is proved by all that is said against their Calling it self before. And further. 1. Those Prelates, that are chosen by Magistrates and not by other Bishops or the Presbyters of their Diocess or People (what stale hypocritical pretext soever there may be of the contrary) are by the Canons of the Universal Church no Prelates. But such are those in question: Ergo—

The Major (to omit many other Canons) I prove from Concil. Nic. 2. Can. 3. in Bin▪ To. 2. p. ••93. [Omnem electionem, quae fit a Magistratibus, Episcopi vel Presbyteri, vel Diaconi, irritam manere, ex Canone dicente, si quis Episcopus secularibus Magistratibus usus, per eos Ecclesiam obtinuerit, depo∣natur & segregetur, & emnes qui cum e•• communicant: Oportet enim eum qui est promovendus ad Episcopatum ab Episcopis eligi, quemadmodum a sanctis Pa∣tribus Niceae decretum est in Can. qui dicet [Episcopum oportet maxime qui∣dem ab omnibus, qui sunt in provincia constitui, &c.]

Argument IV. Orders conferred by such as are in orders, and have the Power of Order equal with the highest Bishops, is valid. But the Orders lately conferred in England and Scotland by those called Presby∣ters, were conferred by such as were in Orders, and had the power of Order equal with the highest Bishop: Ergo The Orders lately conferred in England and Scotland by those called Presbyters, was valid.

As to the Major, I remember Arch-Bish. Usher told me himself that it was the argument by which he indeavoured to satisfie K. Charles I. 1. That Ordinis est ordinare, a man that is in orders as to the sacred Priesthood, may caeteris paribus confer Orders; it being like Generation or univocal causation. 2. That Hierom tells us the Alexandrian Presbyters did more; for they made their Bishops: And at this day among the Papists, men of inferiour Order must with them ordain, or consecrate, or make their Pope. And Bishops make Arch-Bishops: How much more may men of the same Order confer what they have, that is the Power of the Priesthood or Presbyterate. As Abbots (who are no Bishops) have frequently done.

2. And for the Minor Bishop Carleton hath these words in his Treatise of Jurisdiction pag. 7. The Power of Order by all Writers, that I could see, even of the Church of Rome, is understood to be immediately from Christ, gi∣ven to all Bishops and Priests alike by their consecration; wherein the Pope hath no priviledge above others Thus teaches Bonavent. in 4. sent. d. 17. q. 1. August. Triumph. li: de potest. Eccles. qu. 1. a. 1. Joh. Gerson li. de pot. Eccles. Consid. 1. Cardinal Cusau. li. de conced. Cathol. 2. cap. 13. Cardinal Contarenus Tract. de Eccles. potest. Pontif. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pontif. cap. 22.

In the Canons of Elfrick ad Wolfin Episc. in Spelman p. 576. l. 17 Hav∣ing shewed that there are seven Orders (1. Ostiarius. 2. Lector. 3. Exor∣cista.

4. Acolythus, 5. Subdiaconus, 6. Diaconus, 7. Presbyter) though the Bishop for Unity sake have the priviledge of Ordination and In∣spection, yet he is there declared to be but of one and the same (7th.) Order with the Presbyter. Haud pluris interest inter Missalem Presbyterum & Episcopum, quam quod Episcopus constitutus sit ad ordinationes conferendas, & ad visitandum, seu inspiciendum, curandumque ea quae ad Deum pertinent, quod nimiae crederetur multitudini, si omnis Presbyter hoc idem faceret. Am∣bo siquidem unum tenent eundemque Ordinem, quamvis dignior sit illa par•• Episcopi. This being the Doctrine of the Church of England even in the times of Popery, we have little reason (with the Preface to the book of Ordination) to say that it is manifest in Gods word that they are distinct orders. For as it is added Can. 18. Non est alius ordo consti∣tutus in Ecclesiasticis ministriis (humane and all taken in) praeter memora∣tos septem istos &c.

Dion. Petavius Theolog. D••gmat. To. 4. par. 2. Tomi. 3. Append. c. 2. p. 677 [Alterum est, quod nunquam iterare illam (ordinationem) licet ut cum ab haeresi ad Catholicam Ecclesiam revertuntur, qui vere ordinati, eis denu•• manus impenitur. And what ordination is valid among the Papists, see in Johnsons answer to my Questions.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1. Petavi∣us.
• * 1.2

  2. Bishop Downame
• * 1.3

  3. Master Mede.
• * 1.4

  4. Bilson.
• * 1.5

  5. Grotius.
• * 1.6

  6. Bishop Jeremy Tailor.
• * 1.7

  7. Doctor Hammond.
• * 1.8

  8. All the Divines in the same Cause.
• * 1.9

  Cyprian in the Se∣paration of Feliciss. and sive Presbyters Epist. 44. (ed. Goul) pag. 93. saith, [De∣us unus & Christus unus & una Eccle∣sia—Aliud Al∣tare con∣stitui, aut Sacerdoti∣um novum sieri prae∣ter unum Altare & unum Sa∣cerdotium non potest.
• * 1.10

  ☜
• * 1.11

  Cypr. l. 1. ••p. 66.
• * 1.12

  Tit. 1. 5. Ordain Elders in every City.
• * 1.13

  A Village, saith Eu∣seb. l. 5. c. 16. Vid. Baron. an. 233. n. 10.
• * 1.14

  It is the eighth Canon in Crab.
• * 1.15

  Vid. Peta∣vium, in Epip. hae∣res. 69. p. 276, 277, 278, &c. The chief Champion of Prelacy strongly proveth that the Chorepis∣copi were true Bi∣shops.
• * 1.16

  * Leg. Al∣tare Dam. pag. 290. Saith D. Field, l. 5. c. 28. In Antiquity a Parish contained the Citi∣zens, and all such Borderers as dwelt near, and repaired to any chief Church or City: A Di∣ocess both then and now im∣porteth the Villages & Church∣es dispersed in divers places a••∣der the Re∣giment of one Bishop ▪ Mark this t••••e use of the words, against what Downame and others ••••etend.
• * 1.17

  I know the learned Albaspi∣naeus la∣boureth to prove that the Agapae were not at the sa∣crament, and in that place: But he thinketh that they were meet∣ings of the whole fra∣ternity, and its like no house was much great∣er than the Church∣house, so that this makes no difference.
• * 1.18

  So Sr. Hen. Spelman Concil. p. 152. saith, in Theodor. time about An 672. Parish di∣visions here began. Seld. of Tythes pro∣veth that the divisi∣on of Pa∣rishes in England began but about 700 years after Christ. And Dr. Tillestly doth not deny the time, but thinketh that though Patrons (as Selden saith) might pro∣bably be∣gin this, yet Bishops also had a hand in it.
• * 1.19

  Of this see an excel∣lent Tract of Church Benefices, by Pad. Paul Sarpi, translated by Dr. Den∣ton confir∣ming many things be∣foresaid.
• * 1.20

  And it is a conside∣rable proof which Dr. Tillesley against Selden saith (p. 179 [The right of a B••••ial place did first belong to the Cathedral Church] and herein the custome of our Kingdom and others was not different. And if the Diocese was such as that all were to be buryed at the Cathedral, it was not so big as •••••••• of our Parishes in London, which are fain to take other ground for buryal; and their Church will not ho•••• the tenth part of the living as auditors.
• * 1.21

  Leg. plu∣ra apud Gers. Bucer pag. 231, 232, 233, 234, 235.
• * 1.22

  I may add▪ also as anther evidence that in the beginning for a consi∣derable time, Confirmation was closely joyned to Baptism, and therefore ordinarily none were Baptized but by a con∣firmer, or in his presence: And the Bishops say, that only Bishops did confirm: And if so, then let it be con∣sidered, to how large a Diocese a Bishop could be present at every Baptism: Yea if Confirmation had been at a greater distance, seeing all that were baptized were confirmed, it is easy to know for how many one Bi••hop cannot do this. Did our Bishops use it they would know. I do not think that in this city one person of 50 or 100 is confirmed though the Bishop dwell among them. Perhaps in some Dioceses not one of 1000 for we rarely hear of any at all.
• * 1.23

  In the sub∣scr••ptions of Councils you shall find some∣time a Bishop and one Deacon, sometime a a B••shop and a Pres∣byter, as at Arles, id. Spelman. p. 42.
• * 1.24

  not many Churches.
• * 1.25

  See Leo 1. Epist. 88. p. 158. So Lib. poeni∣tential. Theodori Cantu. in Spelman. p. 155.
• * 1.26

  Concil. A∣relat. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.27

  Conc. L••od. c. 57.
• * 1.28

  c. 4, 5.
• * 1.29

  Aqu. 1. 2. q. 18. art. 3. 5. & 10. & q. 72. art. 9. & Cajet. & Medin. ib.
• * 1.30

  Act. 2. 1. 42, 44, 46. Heb. 10. 22, &c & 13. 7, 17, 24. Act. 14. 23. & Act. 20. 1 Thes. 5. 12, 13. 1 Cor. 5. & 14. per tot.
• * 1.31

  1 Pet. 5. 1, 2, 3. 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. 5, &c. 1 Cor. 16. 1, 2. 1 Cor. 11. Mat. 28. 19, 20. Mat. 18. 15 Tit. 3. 10.
• * 1.32

  Yet I doubt not that they were not to Con∣secrate Mi∣nisters a∣lone without the Bishop.
• * 1.33

  Epist. 28. p. 64. Edit. Goulartii.
• * 1.34

  The next Epis. 7. is worthy to be read of all that suffer for the truth to keep them from pride, un∣ruliness, and scan∣dal. and so is the 8.
• * 1.35

  See Instan∣ces in Blondel. §. 3. p. 183, 184.
• * 1.36

  Note it is not consi∣lio but concilio.
• * 1.37

  And c. 30. he sheweth instances of Concil. Antisio∣dor. c. 7. Tarrac. c. 13. Con∣cil. Tolet. 1. & ex Gregor. l. 4. ep. 88. Synod. E∣liber. &c.
• * 1.38

  King James, Dr. Low, Ep. Bridges, Cosins, Sutliffe, Craken∣thorp, Hales, Chilling∣worth, &c with Chemni∣tius and many Lu∣therans and Calvi∣nists.
• * 1.39

  By this judge how big the Di∣ocese was.
• * 1.40

  But no one in all the land was ap∣pointed to this day.
• * 1.41

  In the new Rubrick is added [If he hum∣bly and heartily desire it] But if he will but say so, the Priest must not judge.
• * 1.42

  These are not our Bishops.
• * 1.43

  Now ne••r▪ sixty five I have ••ate¦ly heard two excom∣municated for teaching School and being mar¦ried with∣out License, and a thi••d no cause named.
• * 1.44

  As they that to••••e the Coven∣ant unwil∣lingly now maintaine that there∣fore it binds them not.
• * 1.45

  Th•• ophi∣lus •••••• Si¦sters s••n and successor.
• * 1.46

  What should such Religious men be now called, that had no more knowledge, so great er∣rour and so great fury and tumul∣tuating ••••∣••e••lion.
• * 1.47

  Saith Dr. Hanmer in his Margin, [This ••i∣sh••p hath more fel∣lows in the world].
• * 1.48

  Ithacia••••
• * 1.49

  Most of the pro∣phane.
• * 1.50

  1. Ye•• but th•••• did, by persecuting the ••est. 2•• They could not because they were Diocesans, and would not because▪ too may of them hated the best.
• * 1.51

  The de∣••oist.
• * 1.52

  O good Bishops.
• * 1.53

  Very true
• * 1.54

  Marke what they were se∣questred for.
• * 1.55

  Marke.
• * 1.56

  Leave i•• to God to judge of the secrets of ••he heart.
• * 1.57

  † He mak∣eth our Pre∣lates no so∣ber men.
• * 1.58

  See Stil∣lingfleets I∣ren. p. 379. &c.