CHAP. III. Our Judgment of the History of the Antient Church-Go∣vernment, and of the rise of the Diocesan Prelacy.

I Shall anon shew more fully, that there are two things especially in which we think the very Species of our Diocesan Prelacy to be al∣tered from the antient Episcopacy. One is in the Extent of their Office, as to their subject Charge, a Bishop infimae speciei, of the lowest species, having then but One Church, and now a Bishop infimae spe∣ciei having many hundred Churches made into one, or nullified to make One. 2. In the Work of their Office, which was then purely Spiritual or Pastoral, and is now mixt of Magistratical and Ministerial, exercised by mixed Officers in Courts much like to Civil Judicatures. The History of their rise I suppose is this.

1. Christ made a difference among his Ministers himself, while he chose twelve to be Apostles, and special Witnesses o• his Doctrine, Life, and Resurrection, and Ascension, and to be the Founders of his Church, and the Publishers of his Gospel abroad the World.

2. As these Apostles preached the Gospel themselves, and planted Churches, so did many others as their helpers, partly the seventy sent by Christ, and partly called by the Apostles themselves; And all these exercised indefinitely a preparing Ministry, before particular Churches were gathered abroad the World, and afterwards went on in gathering and calling more.

3. Besides this preparing unfixed Ministration, the same Apostles also* placed, by the peoples consent, particular fixed Ministers over all the se∣veral Churches which they gathered.

4. These fixed Ministers as such, they named indifferently, Bishops, Elders, Pastors and Teachers. Whereas those of the same Office in ge∣neral yet unfixed, are called either by the General name of Christ's Mini∣sters, or Stewards of his Mysteries; And in regard of their special works, some were called Apostles, some Prophets, and some Evangelists.

5. These Apostles though unfixed and having an Indefinite charge, yet went not all one way, but as God's Spirit and prudence guided them, they dispersed themselves into several parts of the World.

6. But as they did many of them first stay long at Jerusalem, so af∣terward in planting and setling Churches, they sometimes stayed several months or years in one place, and then went to another. And so did the Evangelists or Indefinite Assistants whom they sent forth on the same work.

Page  127. While they stayed in these newly planted Churches they were them∣selves the chief Guides of the People: And also of their fixed Bi∣shops.

8. This abode in settling the particular Churches and their particu∣lar Bishops or Elders, occasioned Historians, afterward to call both A∣postles and Evangelists (such as Timothy, Titus, Silas, Silvanus, Luke, Apollo, &c.) the Bishops of those Churches; though they were not such as the fixed Bishops were, who undertook a special Charge and care of one particular Church alone, or above all other Churches.

9. On this account the same Apostle is said to be the first Bishop of many Churches; (as Peter of Antioch, and Rome; Paul of Corinth, Ephesus Philippi, &c.) When indeed the Apostles were the particular fixed Bi∣shops of no Churches, but the Bishops equally of many, as a sort of un∣fixed Episcopacy is included in Apostleship.

10. On this account also it is that Timothy is said to be Bishop of Ephe∣sus, because he was left there for a time to settle that and other Chur∣ches of Asia near it, as an Assistant of the Apostles: And so Titus is cal∣led the Bishop of Crete, because he staid in that Island (which was said to have an hundred Cities) on this work, which belonged not to a particu∣lar Bishop, but to the more indefinite Ministry.

11. How many such fixed Bishops, Elders, Pastors, or Teachers, each particular Church must have, the Apostles never determined by a Law: But did de facto settle them according to the number of souls, and store of qualified persons: In some Churches it is possible there might be but one (with Deacons:) In others it is evident that there were many; as at Jerusalem, Corinth, &c.

12. The particular Churches which were the charge of these fixed Bi∣shops or Elders were Societies of Christians conjoyned for Personal Com∣munion in God's Worship, and mutual assistance in holy living: And though for want of convenient room, or liberty, they did not always meet all in the same place, yet were they ordinarily no more than could meet in one place when they had liberty: and never more than could hold perso∣nal Communion, if not at once, yet at several times in publick worship: (As it is now in those places where one part of the Family goeth to Church one part of the day, and another on the other part.) And those by-Meetings which any had that came not constantly to the publick Assem∣blies, were but as our House-Meetings, or Chapel-Meetings, but never as another Church: Nor were their Churches more numerous than our Parishes, nor near so great.

13. At the first they had no Consecrated nor Separated places for their Church-Meetings, but Houses or Fields, as necessity and opportunity di∣rected them. But as soon as they could, even nature taught them to ob∣serve the same appointed and stated places for such Assemblies: Which as soon as the Churches had peace and settlement, they appropriated to those sacred uses only, though they had not yet the shape or name of Temples.

Page  1314. Though the Pastors of the Church were all of one Office, now call∣ed Order, being all subordinate Ministers of Christ, in the Prophetical, Priestly and Regal parts of his Office, in the Power and Duty of Teach∣ing, Worshiping and Government; yet was the disparity of Age, Grace and Guifts to be observed among them, and the younger Pastors (as well as people) owed a meet reverence and submission to the Elder, and the weaker to the stronger who had notoriously more of God's Grace and Guifts. So that in a Church where there were many Pastors it was not unlawful nor unnecessary, to acknowledge this disparity, and for the younger and weaker to submit much to the judgment of the elder and more able.

15. While they kept only to the exercise of the meer Pastoral work of Teaching, and Worshiping, and that Government which belongeth hereunto, they had little temptation (comparatively) to strive for a pre∣eminence in Rule, or for a Negative Voice; But aliene or accidental work, did further that as followeth.

16. The Apostles did reprove those Worldly contentious and unchari∣table Christians, who went to Law before Heathen Judges: And the thing shewed so little of the Christian Spirit of Love, and was also of so ill con∣sequence, by scandals and dissentions, that it was worthy to be reproved, especially in Christians that were persecuted by those Magistrates. There∣fore almost all the differences of Christians were necessarily decided by Arbitration: And none were thought so fit to be the Arbitrators, as the Elders or Pastors of the Churches. By which it came to pass, that where Churches were great, and the ceasing of persecution (which came but as storms that passed away) did restore that peace which cherished dissenti∣ons, the work of the Elders in these Arbitrations, was not small; espe∣cially as added to their greater proper Office-work.

17. At the same time many Heresies arose, which occasioned Divisi∣ons in the Churches, and sometimes among the Officers themselves.

18. And the Ministers being, though holy, yet imperfect, as well as other Christians, the remnants of self-conceitedness and pride, occa∣sioned also the trouble of the Churches: For when the Apostles themselves while Christ was with them strove who should be the Greatest, and have the highest place, it is no wonder if they did so afterward, who had not so great a measure of Grace as they.

19. Besides all this, when the Apostolical Virtues ceased, there were few Philosophers or Learned men that turned Christians, and few that had excellent Gifts of Oratory, fit to be Teachers of the Churches; And the most of the Elders were good men but of inferiour parts; Like the better sort of our unlearned godly Christians. By which means it came to pass, that some one of the Clergy in every Church, (when there were many) having so much Knowledge, and Oratory as to overtop the rest, he was ordinarily more esteemed than the rest.

20. By these four means conjunct it quickly came to pass, that in every Page  14 Church that had many Elders, some one was chosen by the rest and by the people, to be the chief, and to have some special power of Church affairs: And 1. In cases of frequent Arbitration, there seemed a kind of necessi∣ty, that some One be Umpire: For if half go one way and half the other, there can be no end: 2. And in case of Heresies and different Opinions in Religion, if One had not in each Church some deciding, over-ruling power, or Negative Voice, it is no wonder if Divisions were the hard∣lier prevented, and the Churches Unity hardly kept. 3. And especially when some One was really wiser and abler than the rest, it was thought but suitable to Nature, that he rather ruled the juniors and weaker sort, than that their Votes should rule him, or rule without him. 4. And when all men have too much self-love and Pride, which enclineth them to de∣sire pre-eminence, and maketh them judge too high of themselves, it was thought safer for all the Clergy and People, to judge who among them was really the best and wisest man, than to leave every man to be judge of himself and of the rest: For so it was too likely that every man would think himself the wisest. Therefore one was chosen as supposed by others (even by the whole Church) as the fittest man to have a deciding and overseeing power among the rest, to avoid contention, which their own strife about pre-eminence would cause.

21. And there was a fifth cause, which was not much less than any of the rest: which was, that often through the scarcity of fit persons, One man was first settled over a new-gathered Church, before any others could be had to joyn with him. And therefore he being there first alone, and that in sole power, it was thought unfit that any that came after him, should come in without his consent or Ordination, because he was the sole Governour; so that, 1. because they came after him, 2. and that by his Will, if not Ordination, it must needs follow that he would usually have the pre-eminence. As it is now among us, where the Rector of the Parish where there are divers Chapels, chusing his Curates, who are usu∣ally his Juniors, he is constantly of greater power than they, and ruleth them accidentally, though his Office be the same as theirs.

22. As by these means one Pastor got a pre-eminence of esteem and power above the rest, so in a short time he got the title of Episcopus, Bishop, to be appropriated to himself alone, leaving the name of Elders, and Pastors, and Priests unto the rest in common with himself: For he was now become the prime Overseer of the whole Church, both people and Elders.

23. Our own experience sheweth us how it came to pass, that the peo∣ple themselves not only consented to all this, but also desired and promo∣ted it: (especially then when the effects of Clergy-ambition had not ful∣ly appeared to the World:) For even now when a great Parish can get one Learned able Pastor, they say, we will allow you so much, but your Curates must take less: And they will not endure that the young and weak Curates, have either equal maintenance, or equal honour or power Page  15 over them, as the chief Pastor of the Parish hath; so that the people themselves are against an equality of power, where there is not an equa∣lity of worth.

24. Though we cannot prove that this fixed Episcopacy was either set up by the Apostles, or countenanced by them, nor yet that it was begun and in being in their days; yet it could not be long after their days that it begun; And if Hierome mistake not, it began at Alexandria some years before the death of St. John the Apostle.

25. All this while the Bishop was not supposed to be of a distinct Office, or species of Ministry, (now called An Order) but only an Over∣seer and chief of persons in the same Office with him; being in common with the rest, Episcopus plebis, and extraordinarily, Episcopus Cleri vel E∣piscoporum seu Presbyterorum. As one of the Monks is made Abbot in a Monastery, or as one Justice among many is of the Quorum, or one Judge on the Bench is the chief Justice: Or as the President in an Acade∣mick College.

26. The chief thing in which a special power was given to the Bishops above their fellow Presbyters was in Ordination, that none should be Or∣dained without them; It being a matter of exceeding great consequence to the Churches, what Ministers were set over them, and therefore put chiefly in the power of these chosen men. And the next part of their power was in having the chief disposal of all Church affairs, as our Parish Pastors have now among their Curates: so that nothing was to be done in the Church without and against their consent and plea∣sure.

27. This Episcopacy did so universally obtain, that I remember not to have read of any sort of Christians, Orthodox or Heretical, Catho∣lick or Schismatical, who ever refused it, or spake against it, till Aerius's time. And even he spake not against it as flatly unlawful, but as unne∣cessary, as far as I can gather from Epiphanius. And after him all sorts and Sects of Christians still owned it: Even the Donatists and Novatians, who had their Bishops as well as others.

28. In Scripture times we read not of any meer fixed Bishops of par∣ticular Churches, who Ordained either Bishops or Presbyters; but only Apostles and their unfixed Assistants, who had an equal charge of many Churches. Not that the Office of the Indefinite unfixed Ministry was not the same with the Office of the fixed Bishops in specie: (For both had pow∣er to do all the Ministerial work, as they had a call and opportunity to exercise it.) But because it being the employment, of the Indefinite or unfixed Ministers to Gather and plant Churches, before they could be Governed, the Ordination of Elders over them, was part of the planting of them; and so fell to their lot, as part of their constituting work.

29. How it came to pass that the Itinerant or Indefinite exercise of the Ministry for planting Churches, so quickly almost ceased after the A∣postles days, is a matter worthy to be enquired after: For whereas some Page  16 think, that de jure & obligatione, it ceased with the Apostles, as being their proper work, that cannot be true, 1. Because many others were employ∣ed in the same work in the Apostles days: 2. Because it is Christ's own description of that Ministry to whom he promiseth his presence, to the end of the Age or World, Mat. 28. 19, 20. 3. Because to this day, there is still lamentable necessity of such: Five parts in six of the World being yet Infidels.

30. It is most probable that this service abated and withered gradually by the sloth and selfishness of Pastors. And that it was the purpose of the Apostles, that the fixed Bishops should do their part of both these works; that is, Both to preach for the Converting of all the Infidel Countries near them, and also Govern their particular Churches (yet not but that some others might be deputed to the Gathering of Churches alone.) And then these Bishops finding so much work at home, and finding that the Itinerant work among Infidels, was very difficult, by reason of La∣bour, Danger, and their want of Apostolical gifts, hereupon they spared themselves, and too much neglected the Itinerant work. Yet I must confess that such Evangelists did not yet wholly cease. Eusebius Hist. lib. 5. cap. 9. saith, Pantaenus is said to have shewed such a willing mind to∣wards the publishing of the Doctrine of Christ, that he became a Preach∣er of the Gospel to the Eastern Gentiles, and was sent as far as India: For there were, I say there were then, many Evangelists prepared for* this purpose, to promote and plant the Heavenly Word with Godly Zeal, after the manner of the Apostles.

31. It was the ordinary custome of the Apostles to preach and plant Churches first in Cities, and not in Country Villages. Because in Ci∣ties there were, 1. the greatest number of Auditors, and 2. the greatest number of Converts; And so there only were found a sufficient num∣ber to constitute a Church. Not that this was done through any pre∣eminence of the City, or ignobility of Villages; but for the competent numbers sake. And had there been persons enow for a Church in Vil∣lages, they would have placed Churches and Pastors there also (as at Cenchrea it seems they did.)

32. When there was a Church of Christians in the City, and a few Converts in the Country Villages that joyned with them, they all made up but one full Assembly, or Church, fit for personal Communion, for a long time after the Apostles days; the main body of the people being still Infidels: so that the Christian Churches stood among the Infidels as thin, as the Churches of the Anabaptists, Separatists and Independants did among us here in England, in the days when they had greatest Li∣berty and countenance.

33. Though at first the Bishops being men of the same Office with the other Presbyters, were not to do a work distinct and of any other kind than the Presbyters might do, but only Lead them and Preside among them in the same work as their Conductors (as I said before of a chief Justice, &c.) Page  17 Yet afterward the Bishop for the honour of his calling appropria∣ting certain actions to himself alone, the Presbyters not exercising those acts in time, the not exercising them seemed to signifie a want of Of∣fice or power to exercise them; and so subject Presbyters (who were never made by the Apostles that can be proved, nor by their command) were like a distinct Order or Species of Church-Officers, and grew from syn-Presbyters or assessours of the same Office in specie to be as much sub∣jects to the Bishops, as the Deacons were to the Presbyters.

34. All this while the Bishop with his fellow Elders and Deacons dwelt together in the same City, and often in the same House, and met in the same Church, the Bishop sitting in the midst on a higher seat, and the Presbyters on each hand him in a semi-circle, and the Deacons stand∣ing; And the Presbyters Preaching and otherwise officiating as the Bi∣shop appointed, who ruled the action. And the Converts of the Villages came to this City Church as Members of it, and joyned with the rest. In the days of the Author of the Epistles ascribed to Ignatius, every Church had but One Altar, and One Bishop with his Fellow Elders and Deacons as the note of its Unity; or Individuation. For so many peo∣ple as had personal Communion at One Altar, with the Bishop or Elders were the constitutive parts of the Churches.

35. Thus it continued also in the days of Justin, Tertullian and Cyprian; no Bishop having more than one Church or Altar, without any other formed self∣communicating Church under him, but only Oratories in City or Country.

36. The first that brake this Order were Alexandria and Rome, where Converts soon multiplyed to a greater number than could meet in one place, or Communicate at one Altar: wherefore sub-assemblies with their particular Presbyters, were there first formed, who Communicated di∣stinctly by themselves. (Though there is no proof that they Communi∣cated there in the Sacrament of a long time after that they met for Preaching and Prayer.) Yet even in Rome and Alexandria the only places that had more than one stated Assembly for 200 years or more, there were not so many Christians then as in the Parish that I now live in; See more of my Proof in the beginning of my Church History abridged: whose first and second Chapters belogn specially to this Treatise, and therefore I must refer the Reader to them.

37. Even in Epiphanius time about 370 years after Christ, it is noted by him as a singularity in Alexandria, that they had distinct Assemblies besides the Bishops; whereupon Petavius himself largely giveth us notice, that in those days, except in a few very great Cities, there was but one Church-assembly in a Bishops charge.

38. After that in Cities, or Country Villages, the Converts multi∣plyed into more than could meet in one Assembly, and had allowance to Communicate in their sub-assemblies; yet were they appointed on certain great and solemn Festivals, to Communicate all with the Bishops at the chief City Church, which sheweth that the sub-assemblies then were few and small.

Page  1839. Thus was the Apostles Order by degrees subverted; and where∣as they settled distinct Churches with their distinct Bishops, no Bishop having two Churches under him, (that had not also their proper Bishop) now One Church was made of many without many Bishops; sub-Presbyters first in the same Church being introduced, at last sub-Churches also were set up. And when they should have done as we do with Bees, let every new Swarm have a new Hive, and should have multiplyed Bishops and Churches, homogeneal, as sufficient numbers of Converts came in, in∣stead of this, the City Bishops kept all under them as if they had been still one Church (yet not as Archbishops that have Bishops under them) and kept their sub-Presbyters as their Curates to officiate in the several Churches that had all no Bishops but One.

40. The causes of this were apparently most of the same which are mentioned before for the making of sub-Presbyters: Especially, 1. The selfishness of the Bishops, who were loth to let go any of the people from under their superiority: Because it was more honour to rule many than one single Congregation; and he was a greater man that had many sub-Presbyters and whole Assemblies at his command, than he that had not: And also many afforded greater maintenance than a few. And 2. the same Reasons that made men at first set up one Presbyter as Bishop over the rest, to avoid Divisions, and to determine Arbitrations, did now seem strong to them, for the keeping up the Authority of the City Bi∣shop over the sub-Assemblies round about them. 3. And Cities only ha∣ving been possessed of Bishops for many Years if not Ages, before there were Christians enow to make up Country Churches, both the Bishops and the City Inhabitants, (easily overlooking the Reason of it) took this for their Prerogative, and did plead Prescription; As if Schools be∣ing* planted only in Cities first, the Cities and Schoolmasters should thence plead, that none must be setled in Country Villages, but what are ruled by the City School-Masters. And thus the Cities being far the strongest, and the Interest of the Citizens and Bishops in point of honour being conjunct, and none being capable of a Country charge, but such as the City Bishops at first Ordained to it (because then there were no other Bishops,) without resistance it came to pass that both Churches and Presbyters were subjected to the City Bishops. 4. And it greatly advanced this design that the Churches which were planted in the Roman Empire, did seek to participate of all secular honour that belonged to the place of their Residence: And (as Dr. Hammond hath largely opened, though not well justified) did form themselves according to the Model of the Civil Government: so that those Cities that had the Presidents or chief Civil Rulers and Judicatures in them, did plead a right of having also the chief Bishops and Ecclesiastical Judicatures: And thus not only Cities ruled the Country Villages, but in time the distinct pow∣ers and pre-eminences of Archbishops, Metropolitans, Primates, Patriarchs, and the Roman chief Patriarch or Pope came up: And the Pagan Common∣wealth Page  19 and Christian Church, within the Roman Empire, (and the neigh∣bouring parts that were influenced by them) had a great resemblance.

41. But that which most notably set up this exsort swelling and de∣generate* Prelacy, was the mistaken zeal of Constantine, together with his Policy, and the ambition of Christians and Bishops that were gra∣tified by it. For, 1. As Constantine perceived that it was the Christians that were his surest strength, and when the Heathen Soldiers turned from one Emperour to another, as they were tempted, he knew that if he only did own the Christians they would unanimously own him, and be constant to him; so also his Judgment and Zeal for Christianity did concur with his Interest and Policy: And as all the Secular and Milita∣ry Rulers depended on him for honour and power, throughout the Ro∣man world, he thought it not seemly to give the chief Christians who were the Bishops, less honour than he did to the Heathens, and to com∣mon men: Nor did he think meet to deny to the Christian Churches such priviledges, as might somewhat set them higher than his other sub∣jects. 2. And the Bishops and Christians coming from under long scorn and contempt, and coming newly from under the cruel Persecution of Dioclesian, and affrighted anew by Maxentius, and Licenius, they were not only glad to be now honoured and advanced, but greatly lifted up with such a sudden wonderous change, as to be brought from scorn and cruel torments, to be set up above all others: As we should have been, had we been in their case, and it's like should no more have feared the ill consequents of too much exaltation than they did. 3. And the Christian people thought that the exaltation of their Bishops was the honour and exaltation of their Religion it self, as well as of their persons.

42. Whereas (as is aforesaid) the Christians had commonly stated the power of Arbitrating all their Civil differences in the Bishop alone (when the Apostle intimated that any Wise man among them, as such, was fit for that business) it grew presently to be account∣ed a heynous crime or scandal, for any Christians to go to Law, be∣fore the Civil Magistrate. And Constantine finding them in possession of this custom, did by his Edict confirm it and enlarge it: decreeing that all Bishops should be Judges of all the Christians causes by consent, and that no Civil Judge or Magistrate should compel any Christian to his bar: Insomuch that in Theodosius his days, when one of Ambrose his* Presbyters had a cause to be tryed, he denyed himself to be a Christi∣an, that he might have it decided by the Civil Magistrate, that was Chri∣stian also. So that even Christian Magistrates might not judge unwilling Christians but the Bishops only. Yet had not the Bishops then the power of the Sword, but decided all as Arbitrators, and enforced their Sen∣tences with rigorous penances and Church-censures: By which means, 1. many the more turned Christians (without the Faith and Holiness of Christians) that they might both partake of the Christians honour and immunities, and specially that they might be free from corporal penal∣ties Page  20 for their crimes. (And who would not do so, if it were now our case.) 2. And by this means the rigorous penalties of the Church by penances were the more easily submitted to, as being more easie than corporal pains and mulcts. And when thus by the Laws and counte∣nance of so great an Emperour, the Bishops were made the Judges of all that were Christians at present, and all that would turn Christians that desired it, it is easie to understand, 1. what a Lordship they must needs have as to the kind of power; 2. How their Office must dege∣nerate from purely spiritual, into secular or mixt: 3. And how nume∣rous their Flocks, and large their Provinces would soon be.

And here you must note these things, 1. That the Bishop of every Church was made Judge of these causes; not alone by himself, but with his Presbyters or Clergy, who judged with him. 2. That yet this pow∣er was not then taken to be any essential or integral part at all of the Pastoral Office; but an Accidental work, which Lay-men might do as well as Pastors; and that it was committed to the Bishop only as the best able for Arbitration; because of his abilities and interest, and that as a matter of meer convenience; and also for the honour of his place. 3. That therefore this Judging power for ending strife and differences, might be alienated from the Clergy and done by Lay-men, where there was cause. 4. And that the Bishop had so much more power than the Presbyters that he could commit it from them to Lay-men. All this that one instance of Silvanus in Socrates, lib. 7. cap. 37. (and in Hanmer, cap. 36.) whose words were thus [Silvanus also no less expressed in his other acts and dealings, the good motion of his Godly mind. For when he perceived that the Clergy respected nothing but gain in deciding the Controversies of their Clients, (O woful Clergy!) he thenceforth suffered none of the Clergy to be judge, but took the supplications, and requests of suiters, and appointed One of the Laity, whom for certain he knew to be a just and godly man, and gave him the hearing of their causes, and so ended quietly all contentions and quarrels.] (And the likeliest way it was.) You see here, 1. that when Princes will needs make the Clergy Magistrates to honour them, the wise and good men of the Clergy will return such power to the Laity, as usually fitter for it. 2. And that it is no wonder that when Law-business is cast upon the Cler∣gy, if they grow worse than Lawyers in covetousness and injustice. 3. And yet this was not a making Lay-men to be Chancellors that had the power of the Keys! For Silvanus did only appoint Lay-men to do Lay-mens work; to arbitrate differences: but not to excommunicate, nor to judge men to excommunication, as they do now. 4. And this was not a making of Ecclesiastical Elders that were not Pastors: and therefore it is no coun∣tenance for such: but it was a prudent casting back that work on the Lai∣ty, which good Emperours had in imprudent piety cast upon the Clergy, that each might do his proper work. 5. But this was but one good Bi∣shop that was so wise and honest; and therefore it proved no general refor∣mation.

Page  21This Judicial power went so far and took up so much of the Clergies time, that the Synod Taraconens. was after this put to Decree, Can. 4. that the Clergy should not judge Causes on the Lords day; and Can. 10. that no Bishop or Clergy-man should take rewards or bribes for Judg∣ments.

And the Canons so deterred Christians from seeking Justice from the Ci∣vil Judicatures, that they had few but Heathens to be Judges of. Yea the Christians thought so hardly of the Judges themselves (for punishing men by the Sword, when the Bishops even for murder it self did punish them but with Penance,) that they doubted sometime whether those Christians that exercised Magistracy or Civil Judgment after Baptisme, were not therefore to be taken for sinners; as is visible in Innocent 1. his Epist. to Epist. 3. to Exuper. Tholesan. cap. 3. in Crab. Tom. 1. p. 459.

And before in Silvester's Concil. Rom. apud Crab Vol. 1. p. 280. Can. 16. it is Decreed [Nemo Clericus vel Diaconus aut Presbyter propter causam suam quam∣libet intret in curia, quum omnis curia à cruore, dicitur, & immolatio simula∣chrorum est. Quod siquis Clericus in curiam introicrit, anathema suscipiat, nun∣quam rediens ad matrem Ecclesiam: A Communione autem non privatur propter tempus turbidum. And Constantine is said to be a Subscriber, with 284 Bi∣shops, 45 Presbyters, and 5 Deacons. And in former Counc. sub Silvest. [Nullum Clericum ante judicem stare licet.]

I know that Duarenus and Grotius describe not the Bishops power as so large as the Canonists do. But Duarenus confesseth that Theodosius made a Law, that lites omnes & controversiae forenses ad judicium Ecclesiae remitteren∣tur, si alter uter litigatorum id postularet. That all strifes and controversies fo∣rensick should be remitted to the judgment of the Church, if either of the conten∣ders required it: And that Charles the Great renewed and confirmed the same Law: Duar. lib. 1. p. 8. And Grotius de Imper. sum pol. p. 236. saith, This Jurisdiction by consent the Bishops received from Constantine, with so great power, that it was not lawful further to handle any business which the Bi∣shops sentence had decided; that is, saith he, remotâ appellatione. And he there sheweth that three sorts of Jurisdiction were by the Emperours gi∣ven to the Bishops: 1. Jure ordinario, and so they judged of all matters of Religion (and which the Canons reached, which went very far in heinous crimes.) 2. Ex▪ consensu p•rtium, when the parties chose the Bishop for their Judge (Vid. Concil. Chalced. c. 9.) 3. Ex delegatione: which yet went further: And even to the Jews such kind of power had been granted.

But of this whole matter of the Rise of such Prelacy, their Courts and power, Pardre Paulus hath spoken so well and truly in his Histor. Concil. Trident. pag. 330, 331, &c. that I would intreat the Reader to turn to it and peruse it, as that which plainly speaketh our judgment of the History now in question: Read also his History of Benefices.

43. The countenance of the Emperour with these honours and immuni∣ties, having brought the World into the Church, or filled the Churches with Carnal temporizers, the numbers were now so great, that quickly the Page  22 great Cities had many Parish Churches, and the Country Villages about had some; so that now about 400 or 500 Years after Christ, most Bishops of great Cities had more Churches than one, even several sub Assemblies, and Altars, as dependant on their Mother Church.

44. Yet were their Diocesses (which at first were called Parishes) some∣what bounded, by the Canon and Edicts, which decreed that every City where there were Christians enow to make a Church, should have a Bi∣shop of their own, and that no Bishop (except two, who bordered one on Scithia a rude unconverted Countrey, and the other on the like case, of which more in due place.)

45. And then every oppidum or populous Town, like our Market-Towns and Corporations, was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a City, and not only a few among ma∣ny that have that name by priviledge, as it is in England now. So that even at this height of Prelacy, about 500, 600 or 700 Years after Christ, they were but as if every Corporation or Market-Town in England had a Bishop, who ruled also the adjacent Villages. For though when they be∣gan to swell, it was once decreed by one Council, that Villages and every small City should not have a Bishop, lest the Name of a Bishop should grow vile or cheap; yet this was but with this addition, [those Villages or small Cities where there was not a sufficient number of Christians:] (whereas Gregory at Neocesarea thought seventeen a sufficient number to have a Bi∣shop.) And the Canons, that every City should have a Bishop, remained still in force.

45. Yet was it for about 440 Years so far from these great Bishops to usurp the Sword, or any coercive or coactive power, on mens Bodies or E∣states, that they unanimously held that the Magistrate himself was not to punish mens Bodies for Heresie or a false Religion. Till at last the bloody violence of the Circumcellian Donatists, did cause Augustine in this to change his mind, and think them meet for the Magistrates coercion.

46. When Bishops grew carnal and ungodly, and more regarded the keeping up their Power, Parties and Opinions, than Charity, they began∣to distrust the Spiritual Weapons of their warfare; and instead of true vigilancy against errours, and confutation of them, by clear reason and a holy life, they fled to the Rulers to do it by the Sword. But though Itha∣cius and Idacius with their Synod of Bishops, excited Maximus to take this* course against the Priscilianists; yet not only St. Martyn did therefore to the death avoid their Synods and Communion, and petitioned the Empe∣rour, for the Hereticks peace; but even St. Ambrose also at Milan would have no Communion with those Bishops, that had done this thing.

47. About the Year 430, or after, Cyril at Alexandria did lead the way, and actually used the Sword against the Lives, Estates and Liberties of Of∣fenders: An example which others quickly followed: And easily did he step from the great Judicial Power before described, to a forcing power, the preparations being so great, and the Emperour so ready to exalt them, and the people of Alexandria so turbulent and inclined by pride and passion to such ways.

Page  2348. As the Prelacy thus swelled, so the Churches grew suddenly more corrupted with all manner of Vice. The Bishops began with sorrow to confess unto the Hereticks, that the greater number in the Churches were naught. When they should chuse their Bishops they could seldom agree; but frequently instead of holy peaceable Votes, did turn to De∣vilish rage and blood-shed, and covered the Streets and Church-floors with the Carkasses of the slain; (especially in the Case of Damasus and others at Rome, and oft at Alexandria and Constantinople.) Frequently they fell into fewds, and fought it out, and murdered people by multitudes: E∣ven the strict holy Monks of the Egyptian Desarts, were as forward as o∣thers to fighting, blood-shed and sedition: Even in their ignorance, for such a paultry and sottish an Opinion, as that of the Anthropomorphites, as that God hath the shape and parts of a man: so that they forced that de∣ceitful treacherous Bishop Theophilus Alexandr. to flatter them, and curse the Books of Origen (not for his errours, but for the opposite truth) and to take on him to hold as they did. When God tryed them with a Julian (who did persecute them very little,) they reproached him to his face, and tryed his patience as well as he did theirs. The Antiochians scorn∣fully* bid him shave his Beard and make Halters of it. In a word, when Constantine had brought the World into the Church, the Church grew quickly too like the World.

49. But it was not the people only, but the Pastors, both Prelates and Presbyters, that grew licentious, wicked, proud, contentious, turbulent, and the shame of their Order and Profession, and the great disturbers and dividers of the Churches: except here and there an Ambrose, an Au∣gustine, a Chrysostome, a Basil, a Gregory, an Atticus, a Proclus, and a few such that so shined among a darkened degenerate Clergy, as to be singled out for Saints. Abundance got these great and tempting Prelacies by Si∣mony, and more by making friends to Courtiers: And not a few by Car∣nal compliances with the people: what abundance of most sharp Epistles did Isidore Pelusiota write to Eusebius the Bishop, and to Sosimus, Martia∣nus, Eustathius, &c. of all their horrible wicked lives, and yet could never procure their Reformation? What abundance of Epistles did he write against them to other Bishops, and yet could not procure their correcti∣on or removal? What a sad character doth Sulpitius Severus give of the Bishops that prosecuted the Priscilianists, and in particular of their Leader Ithacius, of his own knowledge? What abundance of Prelates are shame∣fully stigmatized, by Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Euagrius, &c? When a Rebel rose up against his Prince, and got but the stronger party, and possession, how quickly did they flatter him and own him. I find but one Bishop besides St. Martin in all France and that part of Germany, that dis∣owned Maximus that murdered Gratian: The rest applauded him for their own ends: Nor in that part of Italy I find not any besides Ambrose and one Hyginus that disowned him: (Not that I think it my part to con∣demn all the holy Bishops who professed subjection to Usurpers in posses∣sion: Page  24 Even holy Ambrose could write to the odious Tyrant Eugenius, [Clementissimo Imperatori Eugenio] concluding [Nam cum privato detulerim corde intimo, quomodo non deferrem Imperatori.] When I honoured thee a pri∣vate man from the bottom of my heart, how can I but honour thee being Empe∣rour?] And how far have the Roman Bishops gone in this, even to Phocas, and such as he?)

When good Gregory Nazianz. was chosen and settled Bishop of Constan∣tinople, and loved and honoured by a good Emperour, yet was he rejected (though he easily yielded) even by the Synod of Bishops, in the arrogancy of their minds, because that he came not in by them. With what pride, what falshood, what turbulency did Theophilus Alexand. carry on all his business with the Monks, and for the deposing of Chrysostome? And how arrogantly and turbulently did Epiphanius joyn with him? and even Hie∣rome make himself partaker? And how easily did he get a Synod even where Chrysostome lived to second them? such lamentable instances are more easie than pleasant to be cited.

And that Episcopacy which was set up to prevent Heresie and Divisions, did afford the Heads of most of the Heresies and Divisions that befell the Churches. How few of all the Heresies mentioned by Epiphanius, after that Prelacy was in force, were not Headed and carried on by Prelates? And when the Arian Heresie sprung up by a Presbyter, the Prelates so nume∣rously received it, that they seemed to be the far greater part, if not the* main body of the Imperial Church: Witness the perverting of many Em∣perours; the many Councils at Sirmium, Ariminum, &c. And the many new Creeds which Socrates and Hilary so shamefully enumerate and de∣claim against. So that it was said that the World groaned to find it self turned Arian.

And their fewds and inhumane contentions were so many and odious, that it is a shame to read them. Multitudes of Cities had Bishops set up against Bishops, and some Cities had more than two, or three: The peo∣ple reviling and hating each other, and sometime fighting tumultuously unto blood, for their several Prelates. The Christian World was made as a Cockpit, and Christian Religion made a scorn, by the Contentions of the Bishops. Constantines wisdom, conscience and interest, engaged him to use all his skil, his kindness and his power, to reconcile them: And if he had not done what he did, how unspeakably wretched would their o∣dious contentions have rendered them? And yet he professeth his heart almost broken by their dissensions; and while he chid them bitterly and exhorted them kindly, he could not prevail. His Sons that succeeded him laboured to unite the Bishops, (though in different ways) and could not do it. Jovianus the little time he reigned, declared his hatred of their contentions, and how much he loved a peaceable man: but that did not cure them, even when they came new from under a Julian. I will look no lower, to the more degenerate Prelacy; but recite the doleful words of Eusebius, even of those that were not at the worst, and came but newly Page  25 from under the persecutions of former Emperours, when they had but a little prosperity, immediately before Dioclesians persecution, they are thus described. [How great and what manner of glory and liberty the doctrine*of piety due to Almighty God, preached in the World by Christ, hath obtained be∣fore the persecution of our time, among all mortal men both Grecians and Barba∣rians, it requireth more labour to declare, &c. The clemency of the Emperours (when Heathen) towards the Christians was so increased, to whom also they com∣mitted the Government of the Gentiles; And for the great favour they bare to our Doctrine, they granted liberty and security to the Professors of Christianity. What shall I say of them, that in the very Palace of the Emperours, and in the presence of Princes lived most familiarly: which esteemed of their Ministers so highly, that they granted them in their presence freely to deal in matters of Religion, both by word and deed; together with their wives and children and servants? And thus one might then have seen the Bishops of all Churches in great reverence and favour among all sorts of men, and with all Magistrates. Who can worthily describe those innumerable heaps, and flocking multitudes, throughout all Cities and fa∣mous Assemblies, frequenting the places dedicated to prayer: Because of which circumstances, they not contented with the old and ancient buildings (which could not receive them) have throughout all Cities, builded them from the Foundati∣on wide and ample Churches: These things thus prevailed in process of time, and daily increased far and nigh: so that no malice could intercept, no spiteful fiend bewitch, no wight with cunning at all hinder it, as long as the Divine and heaven∣ly hand of God upheld and visited his People, whom as yet he worthily accepted. But after that our affairs through too much liberty, ease and security, degene∣rated from the Natural rule of piety; and after that one pursued another with open contumely and hatred; and when that we impugned our selves by no o∣ther than our selves, with the armour of spite, and sharp spears of approbrious words, so that Bishops against Bishops, and People against People, raised sedition; last of all, when that cursed hypocrisie and dissimulation had swam even to the brim of malice; The heavy hand of Gods high judgment after his wonted man∣ner (whilest as yet the Ecclesiastical Societies assembled themselves nevertheless) began softly by little and little to visit us; so that the persecution that was rais∣ed against us took first his Original, from the Brethren that were under Banner in the Camp. When as we were touched with no sense thereof, nor went about so pacific God, we heaped sin upon sin, thinking like careless Epicures, that God neither cared, nor would visit our sins; And they which seemed our Shepherds, Laying aside the rule of piety, practised contention and schism a∣mong themselves, and whilst they aggravated these things, that is, contentious, threatnings, mutual hatred and enmity, and every one proceeded in Ambition, much like Tyranny it self, then I say, then did the Lord make the daughter of Zion obscure, and overthrew from above the glory of Israel, &c.—c. 2. We saw with our eyes the Oratories thrown down: to the ground, the foundati∣ons digged up, the holy Scriptures burned to ashes in the open Market-place, and the Pastors of the Churches some shamefully hid themselves.—Yet is it not our drift to describe the bitter calamities of these men, which at length they suffered,Page  26nor to record their dissension and insolency practised among themselves, before the persecution, &c.]

Note that all this was before Arius his Heresie, even before Dioclesians cruelties; but not before the beginning of Church-Tyranny and ambiti∣on, as is said.

But after this, alas, how much greater were their enormities and dissen∣tions, when their Tyranny was much encreased; It would grieve any sober Christian to read how the Christian World hath been tossed up and down, and the people distracted, and Princes disturbed and dethroned, and Heresies fomented, and horrid Persecutions, and bloodshed caused, by the pride and contentiousness of Prelates: And most of all this, in prosecu∣tion of that Controversie, which Christ decided so long ago, viz. Who should be greatest. It was not Religion, saith Socrates, l. 5. c. 22. that the two Arian Sects of Marinus and Agapius was about, but Primacy: They strove which of them should be the chief: wherefore many Clergy-men under the ju∣risdiction of these Bishops, perceiving the ambition, the rancour and malice of these proud Prelates, forsook them, &c.

Macedonius at Constantinople was so Tyrannical, that as he came in by cruelty, so he caused more, by presumptuous removal of the bones of Con∣stantine, to another Church, that he might pull down that, and this with∣out Constantius the Emperours knowledge: where the people in Factions fought it out, till the Church and Streets were full of Carkasses and streams of blood, saith Socrates. The same man set four Companies of* Souldiers on the Novations in Paphlagonia, till he enraged the people with Clubs and Bills to kill them all. And he was so Tyrannical in forcing Confor∣mity, that he not only forced men to the Sacrament, but gagged their mouths and popt it in.

Nor was this only the vice of the Heterodox but the Orthodox, as is aforesaid. And as the French and German Bishops aforesaid did against the Priscillinaists, so for their own interest against one another, they flattered and restlesly instigated the Civil power, even Uusurpers to execute their Wills: and favoured that power that most favoured them. When the fore∣said Maximus had killed Gratian and reigned in France, and entered Italy, (after that Ambrose had stopt him a while) Theophilus Alexandr. sendeth an Agent Presbyter with two Letters, and a rich present, one to Maximus and one to Theodosius; ordering him to stay the issue of the Fight, and give the Present with his Letter to him that proved the Conqueror: But a Ser∣vant stole the Letters from the Priest, and opened the whole business, and caused the Priest to fly and hide himself.

50. These contentions of the Bishops and corruption of manners, so dis∣tasted the more Religious sort of the people, that it occasioned the mul∣tiplying of separating Heresies: and greatly encreased and confirmed o∣thers, especially the Donatists, and Novations; because men thought them to be of better lives than the Orthodox.

51. Yea, by their very abuse of good and holy men, they drove even Page  27 the Orthodox often to separated Societies, as thinking so bad Prelates un∣fit to be communicated with. As in Constantinople their abuse, ejection and banishment of Chrysostome caused great numbers of his faithful people to forsake the Church; and meet only in separated Conventicles; And though they differed in no point of Doctrine, Worship or Discipline from the rest, all that they could do by tyranny and threats would never bring them again to the Church; but they were called Joannites, and assembled by them∣selves; till Atticus by wise and honest means first began the reconciliati∣••, by the publick inserting of Chrysostome's name among their honoured Bishops in the daily Liturgy of the Church, and Proclus after wisely perfect∣ed it, by fetching the bones of Chrysostome with honour, from the place of his banishment into the Church. But Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. l. 5. c. 36. ascri∣beth it to that good Emperour Theodosius Junior: It's like a good Bishop* and he consented. For saith Socrates, c. 40. Proclus behaved himself fairly towards all men, perswading himself that it was far easier for him by fair means to allure men to the Church, than by force to compel them to the Faith.

52. The multitudes of Schismes and horrid enormities in the Church of Rome; the grand corruption of Religion by them; the shameful divisions between the Greek and Western Churches, began so long ago and continu∣ed to this day, with much more such evidence, do tell the World that is willing to see, what all this tended to as it's perfection.

53. And having thus shewed how the Bishops of the Flock came to be Bishops of Bishops, and how they grew from the Pastoral Office to a pom∣pous denomination mostly secular, and how the Bishops of single Chur∣ches, did grow to be the Bishops of multitudes of Churches turned into one Diocesan Church of another species, we shall leave it to those that are wise and impartial, to judge whether a true Reformation must retrieve them, and what Age and state of the Church must be our pattern, to which we should endeavour to return; and in what point it is that it is meet or pos∣sible, for Christians unanimously to fix between the Apostolical institution and the height of Popery? And what satisfying proof any man can give that in a line of 1500 Years, that it is the right point that he hath chosen.