Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, or, Mr. Richard Baxters narrative of the most memorable passages of his life and times faithfully publish'd from his own original manuscript by Matthew Sylvester.

THE LIFE Of the Reverend Mr. Richard Baxter. The Third Part. (Book 3)

Novemb. 16. 1670. I began to add the Me∣morials following.

§ 1. SEing God hath been pleased to add these few Years more to my Pilgri∣mage, I will add some Account of His Providences towards me, and his People in this Land, in these additional Years. When I ended my last Narrative, the dreadful Plague was laying waste, especially the City of London; and thence spread into the neighbouring Parts, and into many distant Cities and Corporations of the Land. Yet did we hear of no publick Repentance professed by any one City or Corporation, for that Profession by which they were all at that time even Constituted, whilst that all that had any Office or Trust therein, declared, That there was no Obligation from the Vow called the Solemn League and Covenant on any Person; no not from their Vow against Popery, Schism, or Prophaneness, nor their Vow to Defend the King, nor their Promise of Repentance for their Sins. And who can but fear that such an universal Sin must be yet more sharply punished, when such a Scourge as this had no better effects?

§ 2. The Number that died in London (besides all the rest of the Land) was about an Hundred Thousand, reckoning the Quakers, and others, that were never put in the Bills of Mortality, with those that were in the Bills.

§ 3. The richer sort removing out of the City, the greatest ••low fell on the Poor. At the first so few of the Religiouser sort were taken away, that (according to the mode of too many such) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 began to be puffed up, and boast of the great difference which God did make•• But quickly after, they all fell alike. Yet not many pious Ministers were taken away; I remember but Three, who were all of my own Acquaintance. 1. Mr. Grunman, a German, a very humble, holy, able Minister; but being a Silenced Non-conformist was so poor, that he was not able to remove his Family. 2. Mr. Cross, a worthy Minister,* 1.1 that had long ago lived with the famous Religious Lady Scudamore; and being Silenced, was entertained by Richard Hambden, Esq in his House at London; and flying from the Plague into the Country, died with his Wife, and some Children, as soon as he came thither, in the House of

that Learned and Worthy Man, Mr. Shaw, another Silenc'd Mi••ister, and his Bro∣ther in Law; who being shut up, gave God Thanks for his Deliverance, in a very Learned and Profitable Treatise, which he Published thereupon. And since being found (not only very Learned, but) moderate, and holding Communion in the Publick Assemblies, and a peaceable Man, hath got connivance to Teach a Publick School, a great favour in these Times. 3. Mr. Roberts, a Godly Welsh Minister, who also flying from the Plague, fell Sick, as far off, as between Shrewsbury and Oswestry, and died on a little Straw, while none durst entertain him.

§ 4. It is scarce possible for People that live in a time of Health and Security, to apprehend the dreadfulness of that Pestilence! How fearful People were, thirty or forty, if not an hundred Miles from London, of any thing that they bought from any Mercer's, or Draper's Shop; or of any Goods that were brought to them; or of any Person that came to their Houses. How they would shut their Doors against their Friends; and if a Man passed over the Fields, how one would avoid another, as we did in the time of Wars; and how every Man was a Terrour to another! O how sinfully unthankful are we for our quiet Societies, Habitations and Health!

§ 5. Not far from the place where I sojourned, at Mrs. Fleetwood's, three Mi∣nisters of extraordinary worth were together in one House, Mr. Clearkson, Mr. Sam. Cradock, and Mr. Terry, Men of singular Judgment, Piety, and Moderation; and the Plague came into the House where they were, one Person dying of it, which caused many (that they knew not of) earnestly to pray for their Deliverance; and it pleased God that no other Person dyed.

§ 6. But one great Benefit the Plague brought to the City, that is, it occasion∣ed the Silenc'd Ministers more openly and laboriously to Preach the Gospel, to the exceeding comfort and profit of the People; insomuch, that to this Day the free∣dom of Preaching, which this occasioned, cannot, by the daily Guards of Soldiers, nor by the Imprisonments of Multitudes, be restrained. The Ministers that were Silenced for Nonconformity, had ever since 1662. done their Work very privately, and to a few (not so much through their timorousness,* 1.2 as their loathness to offend the King, and in hope still that their forbearance might procure them some Liberty; and through some timorousness of the People that should hear them.) And when the Plague grew hot, most of the Conformable Ministers fled, and left their Flocks, in the time of their Extremity: whereupon divers Non-comformists pitying the dy∣ing and distressed People, that had none to call the impenitent to Repentance, no•• to help Men to prepare for another World; nor to comfort them in their Terrors, when about Ten Thousand dyed in a Week, resolved that no obedience to the Laws of any mortal Men whosoever, could justifie them for neglecting of Men's Souls and Bodies in such extremities; no more than they can justifie Parents for fanishing their Children to death: And that when Christ shall say, Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of these, ye did it not to me, It will be a poor excuse to say, [Lord I was forbidden by the Law.] Therefore they resolved to stay with the People, and to go in to the forsaken Pulpits, though prohibited, and to preach to the poor People before they dyed; and also to visit the Sick, and get what relief they could for the Poor, especi∣ally those that were shut up. Those that set upon this work, were Mr. Thomas Vincent, late Minister in Milk-street; with some Strangers that came thither, since they were Silenced, as Mr. Chester, Mr. Ianeway, Mr. Turner, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Franklin, and some others. Those heard them one Day oft, that were sick the next, and quickly dyed. The Face of Death did so awaken both the Preachers, and the Hearers, that Preachers exceeded themselves in lively, fervent Preaching, and the People crowded constantly to hear them; and all was done with so great Serious∣ness, as that, through the Blessing of God, abundance were converted from their Carelesness, Impenitency, and youthful Lusts and Vanities; and Religion took that hold on the Peoples Hearts, as could never afterward be loosed.

§ 7. And at the same time, whilst God was consuming the People by these Judgments, and the Nonconformists were labouring to save Men's Souls, the Parli∣ament (which sate at Oxford, whither the King removed from the danger of the Plague) was busie in making an Act of Confinement, to make the Silenc'd Ministers Case incomparably harder than it was before, by putting upon them a certain Oath, which if they refused, they must not come (except the Road) within five Miles of any City, or of any Corporation, or any place that sendeth Burgesses to the Parlia∣ment; or of any place where-ever they had been Ministers, or had preached since the Act of Oblivion. So little did the Sense of God's terrible Judgments, or of the necessities of many hundred thousand ignorant Souls, or the Groans of the poor

People, for the Teaching which they had lost, or the fear of the great and final Reckoning, affect the Hearts of the Prelatists, or stop them in their way. The chief Promoters of this among the Clergy, were said to be the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and Dr. Seth-Ward, the Bishop of Salisbury: And one of the greatest Ad∣versaries of it in the Lord's House, was the very Honourable Earl of Southampton, Lord Treasurer of England, a Man that had ever adhered to the King, but under∣stood the interest of his Country, and of Humanity. It is without Contradiction Reported, that he said, No honest Man would take that Oath. The Lord Chancellor Hide also, and the rest of the Leaders of that mind and way, promoted it, and easily procured it to pass the Houses, notwithstanding all that was said against it.

§ 8. By this Act the Case of the Ministers was made so hard, that many thought themselves necessitated to break it, not only by the necessity of their office, but by a natural impossibility of keeping it, unless they should murder themselves and their Families.

As to a moral Necessity, as they durst not be so Sacrilegious as to desert the Sacred Office wholly, to which they were consecrated (which would be worse than Ananias and Sapphird's Alienating their devoted Money) so they could hardly ex∣ercise any part of their Office, if they did obey this Act. For,

1. The Cities and Corporations are the most considerable part of the Kingdom, and also had, for the most part, the greatest need of help; partly, because of the numerousness of the People: For in many Parishes in London, the fourth part (nay in some the tenth part) cannot be contained in the publick Temples, if they came, so as to hear what is said. Partly also, because most Corporations having smaller Maintenance than the Rural Parishes, are worse provided for by the Conformists: And every where the private Work of Over-sight, and Ministerial Help, is through their Numbers, greater than many Ministers can perform; and it is a work that I never yet knew one Prelatist well perform, to my remembrance; and few of them meddle with it at all, any farther than to read Common Prayer some time to a dying Man, if any one of a Multitude desire it.

2. Many of them had Pastoral Charges in Cities and Corporations, from the obli∣gation of which they take not themselves to be well released, by the bare prohibition of Man, while then Peoples needs and desires continue, and where their places are supplyed with Men so ignorant and vicious, as to be un-meet for such a charge of Souls: And it must be more than the Will of Man, that must warrant them to fly and forsake their Flocks, to which they had a lawful Call, and to leave their Souls to those notorious Perils, as in very many places they must do.

3. And in the rest of the Land, where can a Minister labour with advantage, but with those that know him, and are known of him, and have formerly profited by him, and will afford him Entertainment?

4. If it be lawful to desert the Souls of all Cities and Corporations, and all other Parishes where-ever we preach'd, it will follow that it is lawful to desert all the rest, and so sacrilegiously to desert our office.

5. Christ saith, When they persecute you in one City, fly to another. Therefore we are not obliged to desert them all, as soon as we are commanded.

6. The Preaching of Christ's Apostles, and of all his Ministers, for 300 Years, was against the will of the Princes, and Rulers of the Countries where they preached: And yet they planted Churches, and ordained Elders principally in all the Cities where they came, and would rather suffer Imprisonment and Death, than to desert them any further, than by flying from one to another.

§ 9. 2. But natural necessity also constrained many: For many had Wives, and many Children to maintain, and had not one Penny of yearly Revenue, nor any thing but the Gifts of charitable People to maintain them: And if they had a poor Cottage to live in, and no Money to pay their Rent, nor to buy Fire, Food, or Cloathing, they had much less enough to take another House, and pay for the re∣moval of their Goods far off, and the Charges of a new Settlement; and there to dwell among Strangers, far from those whose Charity relieved them, was but to turn their Families to famish, which is more inhumane, than to see a Brother have need, and to shut up the Bowels of our compassion from him, which yet is contrary to the Love of God.

§ 10. And indeed, in many Countries, it was hard to find many places which were not within five Miles of some Corporation, or of some place where we had

Preached before (for some Ministers preached in a great number of Parishes at several times:) And if such a place were found, was it like that there would be Houses enough found untenanted, to receive so many Ministers? Or, if there were, perhaps the Landlords would be so much for Prelacy, as to refuse such Te∣nants, or so timorous as to be afraid, lest by receiving such, they should bring them∣selves under Suspicion of favouring Non-conformists, and so be ruined, or so cove∣tous, as knowing their advantage, to ask more for their Houses, than poor Ministers that had hardly any thing left to subsist on, could be able to give. Besides that, al∣most all Country Houses are annexed to the Farms or Land belonging to them. And Ministers are ill Farmers, especially when they have no Money to Stock their Land.

§ 11. Yea, they allowed them not to be kept as common Beggars, on the Alms of the Parish; but when by the Law, every Beggar is to be brought to the place of his Birth, or last abode, and there to be kept on Alms; No Minister must come, within five Miles of the Parish where he ever exercised his Ministry; nor any that were born in Cities and Corporations, must come within five Miles of them for relief.

§ 12. In this strait, those Ministers that had any Maintenance of their own, did find out some Dwellings in obscure Villages, or in some few Market-Towns, which were no Corporations: And those that had nothing, did leave their Wives and Children, and hid themselves abroad, and sometimes came secretly to them by night. But (God bringing Good out of Men's Evil) many resolved to preach the more freely in Cities and Corporations till they went to Prison: Partly, because they were then in the way of their Calling, in which they could suffer with the greater peace; and partly, because they might so do some good before they suffered; and partly, because the People much desired it, and also were readier to relieve one that laboured for them, than one that did nothing but hide himself; and partly, because when they lay in Prison for preaching the Gospel, both they, and their Wives and Children, were like to find more pity and relief, than if they should forsake their People, and their Work. Seeing therefore the Question came to this, Whether Beggary and Famine to themselves and Families, with the deserting of their Callings, and the People's Souls, was to be chosen, or the faithful performance of their Work, with a Prison after, and the People's Compassion? They thought the latter, the more eligible.

§ 13. And yet when they had so chosen, their Straits were great, for the Country was so impoverished, that those of the People who were willing to relieve the Ministers, were not able: And most that were able, were partly their Adver∣saries, and partly worldly-minded, and strait-handed, and unwilling. And, alas! it is not now and then a Shilling, or a Crown given (very rarely) which will pay House-Rent, and maintain a Family. Those Ministers that were unmarryed, did easilier bear their Poverty; but it pierceth a Man's Heart to have Children crying, and Sickness come upon them for want of wholsom Food, or by drinking Water, and to have nothing to relieve them. And Women are usually less patient of Suffering than Men; and their Impatience would be more to a Husband than his own wants. I heard but lately, of a good Man, that was fain to Spin as Women do, to get some∣thing towards his Family's relief (which could be but little;) and being Melan∣choly and Diseased, it was but part of the Day that he was able to do that. Ano∣ther (Mr. Chadwick in Somerset) for a long time had little but brown Rye Bread and Water for himself, his Wife, and many Children, and when his Wife was ready to lye in, was to be turned out of Door, for not paying his House-Rent. But yet God did mercifully provide some Supplies, that few of them either perished, or were exposed to sordid unseemly Beggary: But some few were tempted against their former Judgments to Conform.

§ 14. The Oath imposed on them was this.

I A B, De Swear, That it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King: And that I do abhor that Traytorous Positon, of taking Arms by his Authority, against his Person, or against those that are Commissionated by Him, in pursu∣ance of such Commission: And that I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of Government, either in Church or State.

The Reasons of Men's refusal to take this Oath, were such as these following.

1. Because they that were no Lawyers must Swear, not only that they think it is unlawful, but that it is so indeed.

2. Because they think that this setteth a Commission above an Act of Parliament. And that if one by a Law be made General or Admiral, during Life, another by a Commission may cast him out: And though the Law say, He shall be guilty of Trea∣son, if he give up his Trust to any upon pretence of a Commission: Yet by this Oath he is a Traytor, if he resist any one that hath a Commission.

3. Because they fear they are to Swear to a contradiction, viz. to set the King's bare Commission above a Law, which is the Act of King and Parliament; and yet not to endeavour the Alteration of Government, which they fear least they endeavour by taking this Oath.

4. Because they think that by this means the Subject shall never come to any cer∣tain Knowledge of the Rule of his Duty, and consequently, of his Duty it self For it is not possible for us to know, 1. What is to be called a Commission, and what not; and whether an illegal Commission be no Commission (as the Lawyers, some of them, tell us) and what Commission is illegal, and what not; and whether it must have the broad Seal, on only the little Seal, or none. 2. Nor can we know when a Commission is counterfeit. The King's Commanders in the Wars, never shewed their Commissions to them that they fought against, at least ordinarily. There was a* 1.3 Collonel of the King's, since his coming in, that brought a Com∣mission, Sealed with the broad Seal, to seize on all the Goods of a Gentleman in Bishopsgate-street, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉; by which he carried them away: But the Commission being proved counterfeit, he was hanged for it. But a Man that thus Seizeth on any Gentleman's Money, on Goods, may be gone before they can try his Commission, if they may not resist him. But the Parliament, and Courts of Justice, are the Legal, publick Notifiers of the King's mind; and by them the Subjects can have a regular certain notice of it. So that if the Parliament were concluded to have no part in the Legislative Power, but the King's meer will to be our Law; yet if the Parliament and Courts of Justice, be erected as the publick Declarers of his will to the People, they seem more regardable and credible, than the words of a private unknown Man, that saith he hath a Commission.

5. And they think that this is to betray is to the King, and give the Chancellour, or Lord-Keeper, power at his pleasure, to depose him from his Crown, and dispossess him of his Kingdoms. For if the King (by Law or Commission) shall settle any Trusty Subject in the Government, of Navy, or Militia, or Forts, and command them to resist all that would disposse•••• them; yet if the Lord Chancellor have a de∣sign to depose the King, and shall Seal•••• Commission to any of his own Creatures or Confidents, to take possession of the said Forts, Garisons, Militia and Navy, none, upon pain of Death, must resist them, but ••e taken for Traytors; if they will not be Traytors, yea, though it were but whilst they send to the King to know his Will. And when Traytors have once got possession of all the Strengths, the de∣tecting of their stand will be too late, and to Sue them at Law will be in vain. And he that remembreth, That our Lord Chancellor is now banished, who lately was the chief Minister of State, will think that this is no needless fear.

6. And they think that it is quite against the Law of God in Nature which obligeth ••s to quench a Fire, or save the Life of one that is assaulted (much more of our selves) against one that would kill him; and that else we shall be guilty of Murder. And according to the preper Sense of this Oath, If two Foot-boys get from the Lord Chancellor a Commission to kill all the Lords and Commons in Parliament, or to set the City and all the Country on Fire, no Man may be Force of Arms resist them; Lords and Commons may not save their Lives by force, not the City their Houses: And by this way no Man shall dwell or travel in safety; while any Enemy or Thief may take away his Life, or Purse, or Goods, by a pretended Commission; and if we defend our selves, but while we send to try them, we are Traytors: and few have the means of such a Tryall.

7. They think by this means, no Sheriff may by the Posse Comitatus execute the Decrees of any Court of Justice, if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 can but get a Commission for the con∣trary.

8. They think that Taxes and Subsidies may be raised thus without Parliaments; and that all Men's Estates and Lives are at the meer will of the King, or the Lord Chancellor: For if any be Commissioned to take them away, we have no remedy: For to say that we have our Actions against them in the Courts of Justice, is but to say, that when all is taken away, we may cast away more if we had it. For what good will the Sentence of any Court do us, if it pass on our side, as long as a Com∣mission against the Execution of that Sentence must not be resisted, unless a piece of Paper be as good as an Estate?

9. And they think that by this Oath, we Swear to disobey the King, if at any time he command us to endeavour any alteration of the Church-Government, as once by this Commission to some of us, he did, about the Liturgy.

10. And they think that it is a serving the Ambition of the Prelates, and an al∣tering of the Government, to Swear never to endeavour any alteration of Church-Government; yea, and to put the Church-Government before the State-Govern∣ment, and so to make the Prelacy as unalterable as Monarchy, and to twist it by an Oath into the unalterable Constitution of the Government of the Land, and so to disable the King and Parliament from ever endeavouring any alteration of it. For if the Subjects may not at any time, nor by any means endeavour, the King will have none to execute his Will if he endeavour it. And if Divines, who should be the most tender avoiders of Perjury, and all Sin, shall lead the way in taking such an Oath, who can expect that any others after them should scruple it? And it was endeavoured to have been put upon the Parliament.

11. And they think that there is a great deal in the English Diocesian Frame of Church-Government, which is very sinful, and which God will have all Men in their places and callings to endeavour to reform (as that the Bishop of the lowest de∣gree, instead of ruling one Church with the Presbyters, ruleth many hundred Churches, by Lay-Chancellors, who use the Keys of Excommunication and Abso∣lution, &c.) And they take it for an Act of Rebellion against God, if they should Swear never to do the Duty which he commandeth; and so great a Duty as Church-Reformation in so great a Matter: If it were but never to pray, or never to amend a fault in themselves, they durst not Swear it.

12. This Oath seemeth to be the same in Sence, with the Et caetora Oath, in the Canons of 1640. That we will never consent to an alteration of the Government, by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Deans, &c. And one Parliament voted down that, and laid a heavy charge upon it; which no Parliament since hath taken off.

13. As the National Vow and Covenant seemeth a great Snare to hinder the Union of the Church among us, in that it layeth our Union on an exclusion of Prelacy; and so excludeth all those learned worthy Men from our Union, who cannot consent to that Exclusion; so the laying of the Kingdoms and Churches Union upon the English Prelacy, and Church-Government, so as to exclude all that cannot consent to it, doth seem as sure an Engine of Division. We think that if our Union be centered but in Christ the King of all, and in the King, as his Officer, and our Soveraign under him, it may be easie and sure: But if we must all unite in the English Frame of Prelacy, we must never Unite.

§ 15. Those that take the Oath, do (as those that Subscribe) resolve that they will understand it in a lawful Sense (be it true or false) and so to take it in that Sense: To which end they say that nullum iniquum est in Lege praesumendum, and that all publick Impositions must be taken in the best Sense that the Words will bear. And by force and stretching, what words may not be well interpreted? But the Nonconformists go on other grounds, and think that about Oaths Men must deal plainly and sincerely, and neither stretch their Consciences, nor the Words; nor interpret universal. Terms particularly, but according to the true meaning of the Law-givers, as far as they can understand it; and where they cannot, accord∣ing to the proper and usual signification of the Words. And the Parliament them∣selves tell us, That this is the true Rule of interpreting their Words. Beyond which therefore we dare not stretch them.

§ 16. And therefore, 14. They dare not take the Oath, because if it be not to be taken in the proper or ordinary Sense of the Words, then they are sure that they cannot understand it (for it doth not please the Parliament to expound it.) And Oaths must be taken in Truth, Judgment, and Righteousness, and not ignoranatly, when we know that we understand them not.

§ 17. The Lawyers (even the honestest) are commonly for a more stretching Exposition. And those that speak out, say, That an illegal Commission is none at all. But we our selves go further than this would leads us; for we judge, That even an illegally commissioned Person, is not to be resisted by Arms, except in such Cases as the Law of Nature, or the King himself, by his Laws, or by a con∣trary Commission, alloweth us to resist him. But if Commissions should be contra∣dictory to each other, or to the Law, we know not what to Swear in such a case.

§ 18. But, because much of the Case may be seen in these following Questions, which upon the coming out of that Act, I put to an able, worthy, and sincere Friend, with his Answers to them. I will here Insert them, (viz. Serjeant Foun∣tain.)

Queries upon the Oxford Oath.

We presuppose it commonly resolved by Casuists in Theology, from the Law of Nature, and Scripture,

1. That Perjury is a Sin, and so great a Sin, as tendeth to the ruin of the Peace of Kingdoms, the Life of Kings, and the Safety of Mens Souls, and to make Men unfit for Humane Society, Trust, or Converse, till it be repented of.

2. That he that Sweareth contrary to his Iudgment, is Perjured, though the thing prove true.

3. That we must take an Oath in the Imposer's Sense, as near as we can know it, if he be our Lawful Governour.

4. That an Oath is to be taken sensu strictiore, and in the Sense of the Rulers Im∣posing it, if that be known; if not, by the Words interpreted according to the common use of Men of that Profession, about that subject: And Vniversals are not to be interpreted as Particulars, nor must we limit them, and distinguish, without very good proof.

5. That where the Sense is doubtful, we are first to ask which is the probable Sense, be∣fore we ask, which is is the best and charitablest Sense; and must not take them in the best Sense, when another is more probable to be the true Sense. Because it is the Truth, and not the Goodness, which the Vnderstanding first considereth. Otherwise, any Oath almost imaginable might be taken; there being few Words so bad, which are not so ambiguous, as to bear a good Sense, by a forced Interpretation. And Subjects must not cheat their Rulers by seeming to do what they do not.

6. But when both Senses are equally doubtful, we ought in Charity to take the best.

7. If after all Means faithfully used to know our Rulers Sense, our own Vnderstand∣ings much more incline to think one to be their meaning, than the other, we must not go against our Vnderstandings.

8. That we are to suppose our Rulers fallible, and that it's possible their decrees may be contrary to the Law of God; but not to suspect them without plain cause.

These things supposed, we humbly crave the Resolution of these Questions, about the present Oath, and the Law.

Qu. 1. Whether [upon any pretence whatsoever] refer not to [any Commissionated by him] as well as [to the King] himself?

2. Whether [not lawful] extendeth only to the Law of the Land; or also to the Law of God in Nature?

3. Whether [I Swear that it is not lawful] do not express my peremptory certain Determination, and be not more than [I Swear that in my Opinion it is not law∣ful?]

4. What is the [Traytorous Position] here meant; (for here is only a Subject with∣out a Praedicate, which is no Position at all, and is capable of various Praedicates?)

5. If the King, by Act of Parliament, commit the Trust of his Navy, Garrison, or Militia, to one durante vita, and should Commissionate another, by force, to eject him, whether both have not the King's Authority? or which?

6. If the Sheriff raise the Posse Commitatus to suppress a Riot, or to execute the Decrees of the Courts of Justice, and fight with any Commissioned to resist him, and shall keep up that Power, while the Commissioned Persons keep up theirs, which of them is to be judged by the Subjects to have the King's Authority?

7. If a Parliament, or a Court of Justice, declare, That the King by his Laws commandeth us to assist the Sheriffs and Justices, notwithstanding any Commission to the contrary under the great or little Seal; and one shew us a Commission to the contrary; which must we take for the King's Authority?

8. Whether this extendeth to the Case of King Iohn, who delivered the King∣dom to the Pope? Or, to those Instances of Bilson, Barcley, Grotius, &c. of changing the Government, putting by the true Heir, to whom we are Sworn in the Oath of Allegiance, &c. if Subjects pretend Commission for such Acts?

9. Whether Parliament, Judges in Court, or private Men, may, by the King's Authority in his Laws, defend their Lives against any that, by a pretended Com∣mission invadeth them, or their Purses, Houses, or Companions?

10. Whether we must take every Affirmer to have a Commission, if he shew it not? Or every shewn Commission to be current, and not surreptitious, though con∣trary to Law?

11. Whether he violateth not this Oath, who should endeavour to alter so much of the Legislative Power as is in the Parliament, or the Executive, in the Established Courts of Justice? Or, is it meant only of Monarchy as such?

12. Doth he not break this Oath, who should endeavour to change the Person Go∣verning, as well as he that would change the Form of Government?

13. If so, doth it not also tye us to the Persons of Church-Governours; seeing they are equally here twisted, and Church-Government preposed?

14. Is it the King's Coercive Government of the Church, by the Sword, which is here meant, according to the Oath of Supremacy? Or Spiritual Government by the Keys? Or both?

15. Is it not the English Form of Church-Government by Diocesans that is here meant; and not some other sort of Episcopacy which is not here? And doth he not break this Oath, who instead of a Bishop over 500, or 1000 Churches (without any inferiour Bishop) should endeavour to set up a Bishop in every great Church, or Market-Town, or as many as the Work requireth?

16. Seeing Excommunication and Absolution are the notable parts of Spiritual Government, and it is not only the Actions, but the Actors, or Governours, that we Swear not to alter; and Lay-Chancellors are the common Actors or Governours; whether an endeavour to alter Lay-Chancellors Government, (as some did that pro∣cured his Majesty's Declaration, concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs) be not contrary to this Oath, and excluded by [any alteration?]

17. Whether petitioning, or other peaceable means, before allowed by Law, be not [any endeavour] and a violation of this Oath?

18. Whether [not at any time, &c.] tye us not to disobey the King, if he should command us, by Consultation or Conference, to endeavour it? Or, if the Law be changed, doth not this Oath still bind us?

Lastly, Whether this following Sense, in which we could take it, be the true sense of the Oath?

I A B do Swear, That (a) it is not Lawful upon any pretence whatsoever (b) to take up Arms against the King: (c) And that I do abhor that Traytorous Position, of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person, or against those that are Commissionated by him, (d) in pursuance of such Commission. And that I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of Government, either in Church or State. (e)

(a) In my Opinion.

(b) For the Subjects of his Majesty's Dominions.

(c) Either his Authority, or his Person, the Law forbidding both.

(d) Whether it be his Parliament, Courts of Justice, Legal Officers, or any other Persons authorized by his publick Laws, or his Commission: supposing that no con∣trariety of Laws and Commissions (by over-sight, or otherwise) do Arm the Sub∣jects against each other.

(e) I will not endeavour any alteration of State-Government at all, either as to the Person of the King, or the Species of Government, either as to the Legislative, or Executive Power, as in the King himself, or his Parliament, or Established Courts of Justice. And therefore I declare, That I take all the rest of this Oath, only in a Sense consistent with this Clause, implying no alteration in the Government. And I will endeavour no alteration of the Coercive Government of the Church, as it is in the King, according to the Oath of Supremacy: Nor any alienation of the Spiritual

Power of the Keys from the Lawful Bishops and Pastors of the Church: Nor will I endeavour to restore the Ancient Discipline (by removing the Spiritual Government by the Keys, out of the Hands of Lay-Chancellors, into the Hands of so many able Pastors, as the number of Churches, and necessity of the work requireth) nor any other Reformation of the Church, by any Rebellious, Schismatical, or other unlaw∣ful means whatsoever; (nor do I believe that any Vow or Covenant obligeth me thereto;) declaring, notwithstanding, that it's none of my meaning to bind my self from any Lawful Means of such Reformation; nor to disobey the King, if at any time He command me, to endeavour the Alteration of any thing justly alterable.

The General Answer was as followeth.

UPon Serious Consideration of the Act of Parliament, Entitled, An Act for Re∣straining of Nonconformists from Inhabiting in Corporations; And of the Oath therein mentioned, I am of Opinion, That there is nothing contained in that Oath, according to the true Sense thereof, But that it is not Lawful to take up Arms against the King, or any Authorised by his Commission; or for a private Person to endea∣vour the Alteration of the Monarchical Government in the State, or the Government by Bishops in the Church: And that any Person (notwithstanding the taking of such Oath) if he apprehend that the Lay-Judges in Bishop's Courts (as to Sentence of Ex∣communication for Matters meerly Ecclesiastical, or for any other Cause) ought to be Reformed; or that Bishopricks are of too large extent, may safely Petition or use any lawful Endeavour for Reformation of the same: For that such Petition, or other Lawful Endeavour, doth not tend to the Alteration of the Government, but to the amendment of what shall be found amiss in the Government, and Reformed by Law∣ful Authority, and thereby the Government better Established. And, I conceive, every Exposition of the said Oath, upon Supposition, or Presumption of an Obligation thereby, to any thing which is contrary to the Law of God, or the Kingdom, is an illegal, and a forced Exposition, contrary to the intent and meaning of the said Oath and Act of Parliament; for it is a Rule, nullum iniquum est in Lege praesumendium. And an Exposition tending to enjoyn any thing contrary to the Law of God, would make the Act of Parliament void, which ought not to be admitted, when it bears a fair and plain Sense, which is no more, Than that Subjects ought not to take up Arms against their Lawful King, or such as lawfully Commissionated by him; and for private Persons to be unquiet in the place wherein they live, to the distur∣bance of the Government in Church or State.

Iohn Fountain,

Feb. 6. 1665.

The Particular Answer was as followeth.

NOT at present to dispute the things presupposed (although I may not grant all in the Fourth, and some other of the Positions, to be warranted by the Law of Nature or Scripture) I add as necessary to the Resolving of the Questions upon the Act of Parliament, That in the Exposition of Acts of Parliament, if there may be a fair and reasonable Construction made of the Words, not contrary to the Law of God or Reason, that Construction ought to be made thereof, and that any Exposition, which tends to make it sensless, or contrary to the Law of God and Reason, or to suppose any wicked thing enjoyned thereby, is a forced Construction, and contrary to Law, being destructive to the very Act of Parliament. I hereupon lay aside any Answer to the Fourth and Eighth Questions, which may, peradventure, be thought meer Cavils against the Act, though I knowing the Temper of the Pro∣pounder, have a more charitable Opinion of him. But I do apprehend, that tho' there may want a Word to make a Logical Position, concerning the Trayterous Po∣sition mentioned in the Oath, yet there is a plain Sense in the Oath, viz. That it is unlawful to take up Arms against the King; and that if any would make a distin∣ction, and affirm. That though the unlawfulness were admitted to take up Arms against him, yet by his Authority, they might take up Arms against his Person, or against those that are Commissioned by him, in pursuance of such Commission, such an Affirmation and Position as this, is Traytorous, and to be abhorred; and there is

such a plain Sense in it, as every one that hath common Reason understands it so, and therefore Quod necessario subintelligitur non deest. And I do not believe, that any who propound the Questions to be resolved, do themselves imagine, that the Par∣liament had any thought of what is mentioned in the Eighth Question, for nullum iniquum in Lege praesumendum.

Upon consideration of the Act, I apprehend the Makers thereof had an appre∣hension, that there were three sorts of People which might have a dangerous influ∣ence upon the King's Subjects, if not rightly principled, viz. Ministers or Preachers, School-Masters, and such as did Table and Board Children, and therefore did pro∣vide to restrain them from doing hurt to the Kingdom, in keeping the Ministers out of the populous Places of the Kingdom, or where they were best known, and most likely to prevail, and that no Children might be poisoned with Principles destructive to Government.

The Principles which they feared were these.

1. That in some Cases it might be lawful to take up Arms against the Supreme Magistrate, at least by a distinction unwarrantable, in taking up Arms against his Authority, against his Person, or such as he did Commissionate.

2. That private Persons might endeavour to alter the Government in the Church or State where they lived.

For the discovery of such as were of these dangerous Principles, I conceive the Oath is framed, which is Established by this Act, and any who holdeth these Princi∣ples may not safely take it; but if he hold not these Principles he may.

And as to the Questions.

1. That the Words [upon any pretence whatsoever] in the Oath refer only to the King himself.

2. That [Lawful] comprehends any Law obligatory.

3. That it is only according to the Opinion and Judgment of him that takes it.

5. He that hath the Lawful Commission is the only Person that hath Authority by the King's Commission.

6. I conceive the Sheriff.

7. That Commission which is according to Law.

9. I conceive they may.

10. I conceive a Commission must be shewn, if required; and that a surreptitious and void Commission, contrary to Law, is no Commission at all.

11. I understand not the Latitude of this Question; but I conceive the Sense of the Oath is not to endeavour the Alteration of Monarchical Government in the State.

12. Though I conceive it utterly unlawful to endeavour to change the Person of the Governour, yet, that being sufficiently provided against by the former Laws, I do not conceive that it was intended by the Makers of the Law in this part of the Oath, to intend more than the Alteration of the Government.

13. Answered before; And yet if the Person of the Supreme were included in the State-Government, I do not conceive that it would extend to the Governours under him in the Church, for they may be justly removed in Case of Crime, &c.

14. I conceive both.

15. I conceive its the English Form of Church-Government; and yet that is no breach of the Oath to endeavour, in a lawful way, to make more Bishops, and lesser Bishopricks.

16. I do not think the Oath bindeth not to endeavour to alter the Actors or Go∣vernours in the Church, so it be done by lawful means; and that it is lawful, not∣withstanding the Oath, to endeavour to alter Lay-Chancellors in a lawful way.

17. I conceive it is not.

18. I conceive it doth not.

There are so many things put in the last Question, of the Sense of the Oath, as will require more discussion, than the present Opportunity admits.

Iohn Fountain,

Feb. 13. 1665.

Sir Iohn Maymard also told me, That an illegal Commission is no Commission, (though privately, being the King's Serjeant.)

§19. But that all these Answers should rather resolve me not to take this Oath, than any way satisfie me to take it, may thus appear.

1. He confesseth, that the Principle feared was, That in some Cases it is lawful to take up Arms against the Supreme Magistrate, or by his Authority against those Com∣missioned by him. And yet implicitly granteth it in the Cases intimated in the Eighth Question.

2. He confesseth that another feared Principle was, That private Persons may en∣deavour to alter the Government of the Church: And he confesseth, That by law∣ful means we may endeavour it, in a great part of it.

And as to the Particulars: 1. He thinketh that the Words [on any pretence what∣soever] refer to the King only: whereas in my Conscience, I think that the Authors of the Oath meant it also [as to any Commissioned by him;] otherwise there is no∣thing in all this Oath against taking Arms against any Commissioned by the King, so they do not pretend his own Authority for it. And upon my knowledge, a great part of those that Fought for the Parliament went on other grounds; some thinking Parliaments and People above the King, as being singulis Major, & universis Minor, (as Hooker speaks, Eccles. Pol. Lib. 8.) some thinking that the Law of Nature did warrant them; and some, that the Scripture did require them to do what they did. And can I believe that it was none of the Imposers Intention by the Oath, to provide against any of these Opinions? If really it were not, then a Man that taketh this Oath may, notwithstanding it, believe, That though it be not lawful to take Arms against the King, nor against his Armies, by pretence of his Authority, yet upon four other grounds it is lawful to take up Arms against his Army. 1. Because as Willius, and other Politicians say, the Majestas realis is in the People. 2. Because some Lawyers say, That the People of England have, as Hooker and B••lson calls them, fore-prized Liberties, which they may defend, and the Parliament hath part of the Le∣gislative Power, by the Constitution of the Kingdom. 3. Because the Law of Na∣ture and Charity requireth the Defence of our Selves, Posterity and Country. 4. And because Scripture requireth the same.

They that will say, That the Oath hath left all these Pleas or Evasions for Fighting against the King's Armies, do make it utterly useless to the ends for which it was in∣tended, and make the Authors to have been strangely blinded.

2. Note, That he takes the Word [Lawful] to extend to all Laws, of Nature, Scripture, or whatever: And,

3. That he takes these Words [It is not Lawful] to mean no more than [I judge, or think it is not Lawful.] As if all our Parliament Men, with the Learned Bishops, had not had Wit enough to have said so, if they had meant so; but said one thing, and meant another.

4. I confess, I stick not much on the Fourth Quaere; but its plain, that the Subject named is capable of various Predicates, yea, of contrary; and [of taking Arms] may be applied to an opertet, a litet, a factum est, yea, or a non licet; though the licet I doubt not is their Sense.

5. Note, That the Answer to the Fifth, is a meer putting off the Answer: For the Question is, Whether the Act of Parliament, or the private Commission be more Authoritative? And he answereth, That which is Lawful; which implieth, that he was not willing to speak out.

6. Note, that he plainly concludeth, that a Sheriff hath the King's Authority, to resist by the Posse Comitatus the King's Commissioned Officers, that would hinder him from Executing the Decrees of a Court of Justice: And doth not this either cross the intent of the Imposers, or give up the whole Cause? Doth it not grant, that either it is lawful by the King's Authority given to the Sheriff by the Law, &c. for him by Arms to resist the King's Commissioners? Or else, that they be resisted, as not Commissioned, because their Commission is unlawful? And what did the Parlia∣ment's Army desire more? If a Sheriff, by the Sentence of an inferiour Court, may raise Arms against the King's Army, as not Commissioned, you will teach the Par∣liament to say, That their Judgment is greater than an inferiour Court's.

7. And it is possible, That Commissions may be contrary (of the same date) who then can know which is the Traytor?

8. The Seventh is a putting off the Answer, like the Fifth.

9. Note especially that of the Eighth Quaere, which implyeth divers Instances of Cases, in which Grotius, Barclay, Bilson, &c. say, That it is Lawful to take Arms against the King, he seemeth wholly to grant it, and maketh it but like a Cavil, to suppose that those Cases ever came into the Parliament's Thoughts. And I am much in that of the good Man's Mind. But if they will Swear me to an Universal, while they forget particular Exceptions, that will not make the Oath Lawful to me. For, 1. It is not certain to me, That they would have excepted those things if they had remembred them. 2. Much less can I tell which, and how many things they would have excepted. 3. And how could the wit of Man devise Words more exclusive of all Exceptions, than to say [It is not Lawful on any pretence whatsoever?] Are those in the Eighth Quaere [no pretences whatsoever?] I dare not thus stretch my Con∣science about an Oath, when I know that the Authors were Learned, Crasty, wil∣ling to extend it far enough, and Men that understood English, and spake in a mat∣ter of their own Concernment and Employment. Therefore by [any pretence what∣soever] I cannot think that they meant to exclude so many Pretences, as the Eighth Case speaks of.

10. Note also, That he alloweth Parliaments, Judges, or private Men, even by the King's Authority in his Laws, to defend their Lives, their Houses, Estates, Purses, and Companions, against such as are Commissioned to Surprize them. Which is because he taketh such to be really no Commissions. And so the Parliament, and their Army, would say in a Word, That the King's Commissions to his Armies were no Commissions. But this (which the Lawyers wholly rest on) I think in my Con∣science was so contrary to the Imposers Sense, that if it had been then mentioned, they would have expresly put in some Words against it. And if an illegal Com∣mission be no Commission, then there are not two sorts of Commissions, one legal, and the other illegal (unless speaking Equivocally.) And this comes up to what Richard Hooker, and the long Parliament said, viz. That the King can do no wrong; because if it be wrong, it is not to be taken for the King's Act.

11. Note also, That a Commission must be shewn, if required, and an illegal one is null. And which of the Parliament's Souldiers ever saw the Commissions of those whom they Fought against? Not one of many Thousands. And was this, think you, the meaning of the Imposers of the Oath, that it should be left to Men's Liber∣ty to take an illegal Commission for none? If this were declared, who of all the Parliament's Army would not take this part of the Oath?

12. To the Eleventh he answereth, That the Oath is against altering Monarchy, (which none doubts of:) But whether the Power of Parliaments, or Courts of Justice be included, the good Man thought it not best to understand.

13. He thinks that by [Government] is meant only the Species (Monarchy) and not the Person of the King (as being sufficiently secured elsewhere) whereas there is no such limitation in the Words; but that he is to be esteemed a Changer of the Government, who would depose the King, and set up an Usurper.

14. But if it do secure the King's Person (as I think it doth, and should do) he thinks it extendeth not to the Persons of the Church-Governours, because by Law they may be altered. But 1. Here is no difference made in the Oath, unless it be that the Government of the Church, is put before that of the State. 2. Therefore the Question is, Whether this Oath be not contrary to those former Laws, and do not settle the Bishops and Chancellors as fast as the King? As to the plain Sense of the Words, I find no difference: And as to the meaning of the Law-makers, it is hard otherwise to know it, seeing they are of so many minds, and various degrees of Capacity among themselves.

15. And it is here confessed, That the Clergy-Government is included; yea, and that the Oath meaneth the English Species; and yet he thinketh that it prohibiteth not lawful Endeavours, to make more Bishops, and to take down Lay-Chancellors: whereas, 1. Chancellors are the Governours, for the greatest part, 2. And as a Congregational Church doth specifically differ from a Diocess of 1000, or 600 Churches; the former de fine, being for Personal Communion in God's Worship, and not the latter; so therefore the Bishop of a Congregation must needs differ speci∣fically, from the Bishop of such a Diocess. Therefore so to change, were to change the Species of the Government, as I am confident the Bishops themselves would say, if the Question were put to them.

16. By [Endeavouring] here he understandeth only [unlawful endeavouring] and not Petitioning, or other lawful means: whereas the Word in the Oath, is abso∣lute and unlimited; And I cannot be so bold as to Swear [not to endeavour] and se∣cretly mean [except it be by petitioning, or other lawful means] for no sober Man will think, that we may do it by unlawful means, if he know them to be so: And the old Et caetera Oath, in 1640. (the Antecessor of this) had [not consenting] which could not be so limited.

And further, it seems plain, that this cannot be their Sense, because it is equally applyed to both Governments in the Oath (save that the Church-Government is put first:) And who dare say, that this is the meaning, as to the Government of the State [I will not endeavour the deposing of the King, or the change of Monarchy, unless it be by lawful means.] Whereas the Oath seemeth to me, that it is never to be done at all; and no means is lawful for such an Aid: And therefore we must so under∣stand it, as to the Diocesanes too; if we will not Swear absolutely, or universally, and mean limitedly, and particularly, yea, and limit, and not limit the same Word, as respecting the several Governments, without any colour from the Terms.

17. Lastly, When the Oath Sweareth us [not at any time to endeavour] which is as plainly an Exclusive of Exceptions as to Time, as can briefly be uttered, he thinketh that by [any time] is meant, [any time, except when the King shall command me the contrary, or the Law shall change, &c.]

Now when so much violence must be used with the Words of such an Oath, and when the Imposers will not (after many Years knowledge of our Doubts and Diffi∣culties) make them any plainer; and so when they are at the best to us so unintelli∣gible, and no Lawyer, nor Parliament, that we can speak with, can resolve us; but all the Answer we can get from the Parliament Men, is [You must understand it in the proper, usual Sense of the Words:] And from the Lawyers, [An unlawful Commission is none, and lawful Endeavours are not forbidden] who can take such an Oath in Judgment and Uprightness of Heart, that is satisfied in the Points fore∣mentioned?

§ 20. The Act which Imposeth this Oath, openly accuseth the Nonconformable Ministers (or some of them) of Seditious Doctrine; and such hainous Crimes: wherefore when it first came out, I thought that at such an Accusation no Innocent Persons should be silent••; especially when Papists, Strangers, and Posterity may think, That a Recorded Statute is a sufficient History to prove us guilty; and the Concernments of the Gospel, and our Callings, and Men's Souls, are herein touch∣ed: Therefore I drew up a Profession of our Judgment, about the Case of Loyalty and Obedience to Kings and Governours; and the Reasons why we refused the Oath. But reading it to Dr. Seama••, and some others wiser than my self, they advised me to cast it by, and to hear all in silent Patience; because it was not possible to do it so fully and sincerely, but that the malice of our Adversaries would make an ill use of it, and turn it all against our selves: And the wise Statesmen laughed at me, for thinking that Reason would be regarded by such Men as we had to do with, and would not exasperate them the more.

§ 21. After this, the Ministers finding the pressure of this Act so great, and the loss like to be so great to Cities and Corporations, some of them studied how to take the Oath lawfully: And Dr. Will, Bites, being much in seeming Favour with the Lord-Keeper Bridgeman, consulted with him, who promised to be at the next Session, and there on the Bench to declare openly, That by [Endeavour] to change the Church-Government was meant [only lawful Endeavour:] which satisfying him, he there∣by satisfied others, who to avoid the Imputation of Seditious Doctrine, were willing to go as far as they durst: And so Twenty Ministers came in at the Sessions, and took the Oath, viz. Dr. Fates, Mr. Sam. Clarke, Mr. Sheffield, Mr. Hall, or Mr. Church, Mr. Matth. Pool, Mr. Lood, Mr. Stancliffe, Mr. Roles, Mr. Lewis, Mr. Smith, Mr. Arthur, Mr. Bastwick, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Overton, Mr. Batcheler, Mr. Cary, Mr. Butler, Mr. Wild••ore, Mr. Hooker. And not long after, Dr. Iacomb took it, and Mr. Ma••••, and Mr. Newton of Taunton in Somersetshire, being then in London: Mr. Iohn Howe in Devonshire; and in Somersetshire, Mr. William Thomas, Mr. Cooper of Southwark (then there:) And in Northamptonshire, Dr. Conant (late Regius Professor of Divinity, and Vice-Chancellor in Oxford) and about Twelve more with him: I heard of no more Nonconformists that took it.

§ 22. Dr. Bates wrote me presently the following Letter, which because it sheweth the Truth of their Case and Inducements, I think meet here to add; the rather, because when they took the Oath, the Lord-Keeper left out the Word [only.] And Judge Keeling openly told them, That he was glad that so many of them renounced the Covenant, with more such like; which made Mr. Clarke openly tell him, That they took this Oath only in such a Sense as they conceived to be not inconsistent with the Covenant: And because the People in London reviled the Mi∣nisters as Turn-Coats when they had done; which Insultings and Revilings much grieved some of them.

Dr. Bates's Letter of their Case about the Oath.

Dear Sir,

I Iudge it due to our Friendship, and necessary for my Fame, to give you an account of what past amongst us in Reference to the Oath. In several Meetings of the Ministers, the special Enquiry was about the meaning of the Word Endeavour, Whether to be un∣derstood in the universal Extent, so as to exclude all Regular, or only tumultuous and sedi∣tious Actings. The Reasons which persuaded us to understand it in a qualified Sense, were 1. The Preface to the Act, which declares, the occasion and the end of the Oath, was to prevent the distilling the Poison of Schism and Rebellion; now it is a known Rule, ratio juris est jus; from whence it appears, That only Schismatical and Rebellious Endeavours are ex∣cluded, to avoid which, there was an antecedent Obligation. 2. It is necessary to interpret this Oath in congruity with former Laws; in particular, with that which concerns tumul∣tuous Petitions, wherein this Parliament declares it to be the priviledge of the Subject to com∣plain, remonstrate Petition to King or Parliament, or to advise with any Member of Par∣liament, for the altering of any thing amiss in the Government of Church or State, Esta∣blished by Law. If Endeavour be taken in its Latitude, it is a perfect contradiction to this Law. 3. The Testimonies of several Members of both Houses, who assured us that in the Debate, this was the declared Sense of the Parliament. Sir. Heneage Finch told me the intention of it was only to have security from us, without any respect to our Iudgments con∣cerning the Government, that we would not disturb the Peace, and that it was imposed at this Season, in regard of our Wars with France and Holland. He added, it was a tessera of our Loyalty, and those who refused it, would be looked on as Persons reserving themselves for an Opportunity. My Lord Chamberlain said, the Bishops of Canterbury and Winchester declared, it only excluded Seditious Endeavours; and upon his urging that it might be expressed, the Arch Bishop replyed, It should be added; but the King being to come at Two of the Clock, it could not, with that Explication be sent down to the House of Commons, and returned up again within that time. The Bishop of Exeter told Dr. Tillotson, That the first Draught of this Oath was in Terms a Renunciation of the Covenant; but it was answered, they have suffered for that already, and that the Ministers would not recede, it was therefore reasonable to require security in such Words, as might not touch the Cove∣nant. 4. The concurrent Opinion of the Iudges, who are the Authorized Interpreters of Law, who declared that only tumultuous and seditious Endeavours are meant. Iudge Bridgman, Twisden, Brown, Archer, Windham, Atkins, who were at London, had agreed in this Sense. Some of the Ministers were not satisfied, because the Opinion of a Iudge in his Chamber was no Iudicial Act; but if it were declared upon the Bench, it would much resolve their Doubts. I addressed my Self to my Lord Bridgman, and urged him, that since it was a Matter of Conscience, and the Oaths were to be taken in the greatest simplicity, he would sincerely give me his Opinion about it. He professed to me, that the Sense of the Oath was, only to exclude seditious and tumultuous Endeavours, and said, he would go to the Sessions, and declare it in the Court. He wrote down the Words he intended to speak, and upon my declaring, that if he did not express that [only seditious Endeavours] were meant, I could not take the Oath: be put in the Paper (before me) that word, and told me, that Iudge Keeling was of his Mind, and would be there, and be kind to us. The Ministers esteemed this the most publick Satisfaction for Conscience and Fame, and several of them agreed to go to the Sessions, and take the Oath, that hereby, if possible

they might vindicate Religion from the Imp••tation of Faction and Rebellion, and make it evident that Consciences only hindereth their Conformity. Some of the most unsatisfied were resolved to take it. We came in the afternoon on Friday to the Court, where seven Mini∣sters had taken it in the Morning: At our appearance, the Lord Bridgman addrest him∣self to us in these Words: Gentlemen, I perceive you are come to take the Oath, I am glad of it: The intent of it is to distinguish between the King's good Subjects, and those who are mentioned in the Act, and to prevent Seditious and Tumultuous Endeavours to alter the Government: Mr. Clark said, in this Sense we take it. The Lord Keeling spake with some quickness, Will you take the Oath as the Parliament hath ap∣pointed it. I replyed, My Lord, We are come hither to attest our Loyalty, and to declare, we will not seditiously endeavour to alter the Government. He was silent, and we took the Oath, being 13 in number. After this the Lord Keeling told us, He was glad that so many had taken the Oath; and with great vehemency said, We had renounced the Covenant (in two Principal Points) that damnable Oath, which sticks between the Teeth of so many. And he hoped, That as here was one King, and one Faith, so here would be one Government: And if we did not Conform, it would be judged we did this to save a stake. These Words being uttered, after by his Silence he had approved what my Lord B. had spoke of the Sense of the Act, and our express Declaration, that in that Sense we took it; you may imagine how surprizing they were to us: It was not possible for us to recollect our selves from the Confusion which this caused, so as to make any reply. We re∣tired with sadness, and what the consequences will be, you may easily fore-see. Some will reflect upon us with severity, judging of the nature of the Action by this check of Providence. Others who were resolved to take the Oath, recoil from it; their Iealousies being increased. I shall trouble you no longer, but assure you, That notwithstanding this accident doth not invalidate the Reasons for the lawfulness of it, in our apprehensions; yet the fore-sight of this would have caused us to suspend our proceedings. The good Lord sanctifie this Providence to us, and teach us to commit our dearest Concernments unto him, in the performance of our Duty, to whose Protection I commend you, and remain.

Yours intirely, William Bates.

London, Feb. 22.

After my Lord Keeling's Speech, Sir Iohn Babor enquired of Lord Bridgman, whilst he was on the Bench, Whether the Ministers had renounced the Covenant? He answer'd, the Covenant was not concerned in it. Mr. Calamy, Watson, Gouge, and many others, had taken the Oath this Week, but for this unhappy Accident. My Lord Bridgman, came to the Sessions, and declared the Sense of the Oath, with my Lord Chancellor's allowance.

But all the Reasons contain'd in this Letter, seem'd not to me to enervate the force of the fore-going Objections, or solve the Difficulties.

§ 24. A little before this, L. B. and Sir—S. committed such horrid wicked∣ness in their Drinking (acting the part of Preachers, in their Shirts, in a Balcony, with Words and Actions not to be named,) that one (or both) of them was openly censured for it in Westminster-Hall, by one of the Courts of Justice. (You will say, Sure it was a shameful Crime indeed.) And shortly after a Lightning did seize on the Church where the Monuments of the—were, and tore it, melted the Leads, and brake the Monuments into so small pieces, that the people that came to see the place, put the Scraps, with the Letters on, into their Pockets, to shew as a Wonder, and more wonderful than the consumption of the rest by fire.

§ 25. In this time the Haunting of Mr. Mompesson's House in Wiltshire, with strange Noises and Motions, for very many Months together, was the Common Talk; Of which Mr. Ios. Glanvil having wrote the Story, I say no more.

§ 26. The Number of Ministers all this while, either imprisoned, sined, or other∣wise afflicted for preaching Christ's Gospel, when they were forbidden, was so great that I forbear to mention them particularly.

§ 27. The War began with the Dutch whom the French assisted.

§ 28. The Plague which began at Acton, Iuly 29. 1665. being ceased on March 1. following, I returned home; and found the Church-yard like a plow'd field with Graves, and many of my Neighbours dead; but my House (near the Church-yard) 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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uninfected, and that part of my Family, which I left there, all safe, thro' the great mercy of God, my merciful Protector.

§ 29. About this time the French surprized St. Christophers, and some other of our Plantations in the West Indies, and the Dutch took our Plantation of Siranam. And the Wars proceeding nearer home, in the end of Iune 1666. in the which many were kill'd on both sides, and the D. of York so near the danger, as that he ventur∣ed himself in fight no more. Among others, the E. of Marlborough being slain, there was found about him a Letter written to Sir Hugh Pollard, Comptroller of the King's Houshold; in which (being awaken'd by Sea-dangers) he disclaim'd Sadducism, and pleaded for the Soul's Immortality; which was Printed, because being intimate Friends, they were both before supposed to be Infidels and Sadducees, that believed no Life after this.

§ 30. On Iuly 25. was the 2d great Sea-fight, in which the English had the better: And in August we seemed to prevail yet more; insomuch that Monk was said to pro∣ceed so far as to enter their Harbour, and burn 120 Ships in the River, and to burn a Thousand Houses on the Land, and give the Seamen the Plunder; for which; in the end of August the King appointed a Day of Thanksgiving to be kept in London, which was done; though many muttered, that it was not wisely done, to provoke the Dutch, by burning their houses, when it was easy for them to do the like by us, on our Sea-Coasts; and so to teach them the way of undoing us, while neither party gained by such doings. And that it was no good sign of future prosperity, when those that believed not, that there is a God, or at least that his providence disposeth of such things, would give God solemn Thanks for an unprofitable burning of the Houses of innocent Protestants. And our Confidence was then grown so high, that we talkt of nothing but bringing down the Dutch to our mercy, and bringing them to Contempt and Ruine: But our Height was quickly taken down, by the loss of many Hamborough ships first, and then by a loss of many of our men, in an Attempt upon their Merchant ships in the Sound at Denmark; but especially by the firing of the City of Lon∣don.

§ 31. On Septemb. 2. after midnight, London was set on fire; and on Sept. 3. the Exchange was burnt; and in Three Days almost all the City within the Walls, and much without them. The season had been exceeding dry before, and the Wind in the East, where the Fire began. The people having none to conduct them aright, could do nothing to resist it, but stand and see their Houses-burn without Remedy; the Engines being presently out of Order, and useless. The streets were crowded with People and Carts, to carry away what Goods they could get out: And they that were most active, and befriended (by their Wealth) got Carts, and saved much; and the rest lost almost all. The Loss in Houses and Goods is scarcely to be valued: And among the rest, the Loss of Books was an exceeding great Detriment to the Interest of Piery and Learning: Almost all the Booksellers in St. Paul's Church-Yard brought their Books into Vaults under St. Paul's Church, where it was thought almost impos∣sible that Fire should come. But the Church it self being on fire, the exceeding weight of the Stones falling down, did break into the Vault, and let in the Fire, and they could not come near to save the books. The Library also of Sion-Colledge was burnt, and most of the Libraries of Ministers, Conformable and Nonconformable, in the City; with the Libraries of many Nonconformists of the Countrey, which had been lately brought up to the City. I saw the half burnt Leaves of Books near my Dwelling at Acton six miles from London; but others found them near Windsor, al∣most twenty miles distant. At last, some Seamen taught them to blow up some of the next Houses with Gunpowder, which stopt the Fire. And in some places it stopt as wonderfully as it had proceeded, without any known Cause. It stopt at Holborn-Bridge, and near St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street, and at Sepulchre's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and at Christ's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and near Aldersgate and Cripplegate, and other places at the Wall, and in Austin Friars (the Dutch Church stopt it, and escaped,) and in Bishopsgate-street and Leadenhall-street, and Fenchurch-street, in the midst of the Streets, and short of the Tower, and all beyond the River (Southwark) escaped. Thus was the best, and one of the fairest Cities in the world turn'd into Ashes and Ruines in Three Days space, with many score Chur∣ches, and the Wealth and Necessaries of the Inhabitants. The Number of Houses are recorded by others.

§ 32. It was a fight that might have given any Man a lively sense of the Vanity of this World, and all the Wealth and Glory of it, and of the future conf••agration of all the World. To see the Flames mount up towards Heaven, and proceed so furious∣ly without restraint: To see the streets filled with people astonished, that had scarce sense left them to lament their own calamity. To see the fields filled with heaps of Goods, and sumptuous Buildings, curious Rooms, costly Furniture and Houshold-Stuff: Yea, Warehouses and furnished Shops and Libraries, &c. all on a flame, and none durst come near to receive any thing. To see the King and Nobles ride about the streets, beholding all these Desolations, and none could afford the least Relief. To see the Air, as far as could be beheld, so filled with the smoak, that the Sun shined through it, with a colour like Blood; yea even when it was setting in the West, it so appeared to them that dwelt on the West side of the City. But the dolefullest sight of all was af∣terwards, to see what a ruinous confused place the City was, by Chimneys and Stee∣ples only standing in the midst of Cellars and heaps of Rubbish; so that it was hard to know where the streets had been, and dangerous, of a long time to pass through the Ruines, because of Vaults, and fire in them. No man that seeth not such a thing, can have a right apprehension of the dreadfulness of it.

§ 33. The Extent of the Fire (consuming the City within the Walls) calleth to my remembrance, that a Fortnight before, one Mr. Caril, a Gentleman of a great Estate in Sussex, and said to be one of the most understanding and sober sort of Pa∣pists, first sent, and then come to have visited me, as earnestly desiring my Acquaint∣ance; and then sent me a Paper to answer, being Exceptions against the Preface to my book, called, The ••afe Religion; written by one that professed great Respect to me, and a desire to debate those Controversies with me; (and it proved to be Cressy, the Champion that at that time was most forward and successful in Disputes.) And in that Paper, speaking of the Pope's Licensing Whore-houses at Rome; he saith, that it is worse in London, where are whole streets that have not so much as the Rebuke of any Penalty, but when they die, the Churchmen bury them as the rest, with confi∣dence, that God in mercy hath taken to himself the Souls of those dear Brethren and Sisters departed. I answered his Paper, and to that passage said, That I was not acquainted in the Suburbs (towards the Court): but I never heard of any such thing; and if he knew it, he would do well to tell the Magistrates (who know it not) what streets those be: But for the City, within the Walls, my Acquaintance more enabled me to say, that I did not believe that there was in all the World such a City for Piety, Sobriety and Temperance. And about a Fortnight after, that part was burned, and the rest, that he accused, did escape.

§ 34. And this is the Third terrible Judgment which London suffered, since the King's Return. First, many score of their Faithful Teachers were silenced, and cast out, and afterwards banished, or confined Five Miles from the City: And next, in 1665. the Plague and other sickness consumed about an Hundred Thousand: And when they began to be setled in their Habitations again, the Flames devoured their Houses and their substance. And it is not hard for the Reader here to imagine how many Thousands this must needs cast into utter Want and Beggary: And how many Thousands of the formerly Rich were disabled from relieving them. And how dole∣ful the Case then must needs be, when good people, that were wont to relieve others, were cast into such distress, and few able to help them. And at the same time so ma∣ny Hundred Families of silenced Ministers to be relieved, that looked to London most for Help. And after the Fire the Charitable were disabled; and also were in no small straits when they had a little to give, between the Ministers and the distressed Citi∣zens, whom to give it to: such are easilier heard of than felt. And it was not the least part of the Calamity, that when people saw the Number of the indigent to be so great, that when they had done their best, it seemed as if they had done nothing; and also that on this pretence, other lying Beggars pretended themselves to be London∣ers, it discouraged many from doing what they could and ought.

§ 35. Among others, the Famousest Person in the City, who purposely addicted himself to works of Mercy, was my very dear Friend, Mr. Henry Ashurst, a Dra∣per (a man of the Primitive sort of Christians for Humility, Love, Blamelessness, Meekness, doing good to all as he was able, especially needy silenced Ministers (to whom, in Lancashire alone, he allowed 100l. per Ann. and in London was most famous for their succour), and doing hurt to none. His care now was to solicit the Rich a∣broad, for the relief of the poor honest Londoners: And Mr. Thomas Gouge (the si∣lenced Minister of Sepulchres Parish, Son to Dr. Will. Gouge, and such another man,

who made Works of Charity a great part of the business of his Life,) was made the Treasurer: And once a Fortnight they called a great Number of the needy together, to receive their Aims. I went once with Mr. Ashurst to his Meeting, to give them an Exhortation and Counsel, as he gave them Alms, and saw more cause, than I was sensi∣ble of before, to be thankful to God, that I never much needed relief from o∣thers.

§ 36. It was not the least observable thing in the time of the Fire, and after, con∣sidering the late Wars, and the multitudes of disbanded Soldiers, and the great grief and discontent of the Londoners, for the Silencing and Banishing of their Pastors, that yet there were heard in the time of their Calamity, no passionate Words of discontent or dishonour against their. Governours, even when their Enemies had so oft accused them of feditious Inclinations, and when Extremity might possibly have made them desperate.

§ 37. But yet alas! the Effect of all these dreadful Judgments was not such as might have been hoped for, but still one Party cast all the Cause upon another, and the two Extreams did look more at each other's Faults than at their own. There was no confessing the Sin of Persecution, or silencing Christ's Ministers by the one side, but they justified their ways, and hated those that differed from them, as much as ever: There was no lamenting the Corporation PERJURY by the Citizens that had taken the Declaration and Oath, and had succeeded them that were put out, be∣cause they feared an Oath. There was no lamenting former Scandals, Rebellions, or Divisions, by the other Extreme; but the Dividers cryed out, its long of the Per∣secutors, and the persecuters cryed out, its long of the Schismaticks, and it is God's just Judgment on the City, that hath been so much against the King and the Bishops; and God would not pardon them tho the King did: So that while each side called the other to repentance, they did both fly from repentance more and more: And if there were not between them a sober party, that lamented sin most but were guilty of least. We should see no Prognosticks of any thing but utter desolation.

§ 38. The great talk at this time was, Who were the burners of the City? And there came in so many Testimonies to prove that it was the plotted weapon of the Papists, as caused the Parliament themselves to appoint a Committee to enquire after it, and receive information: Whereupon a Frenchman (proved a Papist at last, tho the prodigal Son of a French Protestant) confest openly and constantly to the last, that he began the fire, hired to it by another French Papist (a debauch'd fellow) that was gone: The Man was sent through all the ruines, and shewed them truly the house which he fired (where it began), which then the Neighbours themselves could not easily have done. For which he was tryed at the Sessions, and upon his constant Confession was condemned and hanged. Sir Robert Brooks being Chairman of the Committee, abun∣dance of Testimonies were received; that in many parts of the City men were seen to cast fire balls into the houses; and some strangers taken with fiery materials in their pockets; and some that were taken firing houses were brought to the Guard of Soldi∣diers, and to the Duke of York, and never heard of afterward: With more such mat∣ter out of the Countrey where Divers Papists foretold the fire; And the Testimonies were shortly after Printed, which is the reason why I give them to you no more par∣cularly. And many stories go about with very credible and undenied Reports, that be not in the Printed papers: As that of Sir Francis Peter (a Jesuited Papist) who had Lodgings in Holborn, next to a house that had stood empty since the plague: Where a smoak breaking out, caused the Lord Cravan and the Lord Astley to seek to quench the fire; but they were sain to break open Sir Francis Peter's Doors, because he would not let them in: And afterward he defended his stayers with his sword, and wounded one Man before they could apprehend him: And they found between the two houses upon the Gutters, a fire kindled with bed-mats and such like things, which they put out: But the matter was silenced and no more said of it. In Shropshire a Papist came to Sir Thomas Wolrich, and took his Oath that one of the Pendril's brethren that had hid the King after Worcester flight, had told him before, that London would be shortly burnt. Many other such testimonies were given in; but it came to nothing; and Sir Robert Brooks the Chairman of the Committeee, went shortly after into France, and as he was ferryed over a River was drowned (with his Kinsman) and the business medled with no more. So that the discontented Citizens feared not to accuse the Courtiers, as the fautors of the Papists in the plot; the rather because that some cryed out re∣joycingly. Now the Rebellious City is ruined, the King is absolute, and was never King indeed till now. But of the rest I refer you to the Printed papers.

§ 39. But some good ••ose out of all these Evils: The Churches being burnt, and he Parish Ministers gone (for want of places and maintenance) the Nonconformists were now more resolved than ever, to preach till they were imprisoned: Dr. Manton had his rooms full in Covent-Garden; Mr. Thomas Vincent, Mr. Thomas Doolittle, Dr. Samuel 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Ianoway at Rotherfrith, Mr. Chester, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Turner, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Nathaniel Vincent, Dr. Iacomb, (in the Countess of Exe∣ter's-House and Mr. Thomas Watson, &c. Did keep their Meetings very openly, and prepared large Rooms, and some of them plain Chappels, with Pulpits, Seats, and Galleries, for the reception of as many as could come. For now the peoples necessity was unquestionable: For they had none other to hear, saving a few Churches that could hold no considerable part of the people: So that to forbid them now to hear the Nonconformists, was all one as to forbid them all publick worshiping of God, and to Command them to forsake Religion and to live like Atheists: And thus to forbid them to seek for Heaven when they had lost almost all that they had on Earth, and to take from them their spiritual Comforts, after all their outward Comforts were gone, they thought a Cruelty so barbarous, as to be unbeseeming any Man, that would not own himself to be a Devil. But all this little moved the Ruling Prelates, saving that shame restrained them from imprisoning the Preachers so hotly and forwardly as before. The Independents also set up their Meetings more openly than before; especially Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Caryl, Mr. Barker, &c. And Dr. Owen (who had before kept far off) and Mr. Philip Nie, and Dr. Thomas Goodwin, who were their Leaders, came to the City. So that many of the Citizens went to those Meetings called pri∣vate, more, than went to the publick Parish Churches.

§ 40. Yet at the same time it happily also fell out that the Parish Churches, that were left standing, had the best and ablest of the Conformists in them; especially Dr. Stillingfleet, Dr. Tillotson, Mr. White, Dr. Outram Dr. Patrick, Mr. Gifford, Dr. Whitchcot, Dr. Horton, Mr. Nest, &c. So that the moderate sort of the Citizens, heard either sort, in publick and private indifferently; Whilst those on the one extreme reproached all Mens preaching save their own as being seditious Conventicles; And those on the other extreme, would hear none that did Conform; Or if any heard them, they would never joyn with them in the Common prayers nor the Sacra∣ments.

§ 41. Mr. Philip Nye before this (seeing the Independents like to fall under the greater sufferings, if they refused to hear in publick) had written a Manuscript to prove it lawful to hear Conformable Parish Ministers (but not medling with Com∣mon Prayer or Sacraments). (For before the Wars in 1639 or 1640 he and Mr. Tho∣mas Goodwin, had fall'n off from hearing or joyning in Common Prayer and Sacra∣ments with the Parishes, and my Lord Say and Mr. Pim and some others had got them to a dispute with Mr. Iohn Ball, the Nonconformist who as fame saith, utterly ba••fled them). But when Mr. Nye's Manuscript came out, one Mr. Stoneham of their own party confuted it, maintaining that to hear the Conformable Ministers was a sin. And before that a Pamphlet came out in Mr. Iohn Goodwin's name before his death, to prove Prelatical Preachers to be no Teachers or Ministers of Christ, and the Com∣mon Prayer to be Idolatry: And a sharper than that to the same parpose came out from a young hot fifth Monarchy Preacher of Worcestershire called Mr. Brown. Which Mr. Iohn Tombes the Anabaptist answered, proving Parish Communion lawful. To which Brown largely replyed, and Mr. Tombes made some short defence.

§ 42. About this time they renewed the talk of liberty of Conscience (for their ordinary ends, to keep people in hopes): Whereupon many wrote for it (especially M••r. Iohn Humfrees and Sir Charles Wolsley), and many wrote against it, as Dr. Perin∣ch••f, and others mostly without Names; for the Conformists were now grown so hardened as not only to do all themselves that was required of them, but also to think themselves sufficient for the whole Ministerial work through the Land, and not only to consent to their silencing of their brethren, but also to oppose their restituti∣on, and write most v••hemently against it, and against any toleration of them: So little do men know when they once enter into an Evil way, where they shall stop. Not that it was so with all, but with too many, especially with most of the young men, that were of pregnant wits, and ambitious minds, and had set themselves to seek preferments.

§ 43. On which accounts a great part of those that were called Latitudinarians be∣gan to change their temper, and to contract some malignity against those that were much more Religious than themselves. At first they were only Cambridge Armini∣ans,

and some of them not so much; and were much for new and free Philosophy, and especially for Cartes; and not at all for any thing Ceremonious: But being not so strict in their Theology or way of piety as some others, they thought that Conformity was too small a matter to keep them out of the Ministry. But afterwards many of them grew into such a distaste of the Weakness of many serious Christians, who would have some harsh phrases in Prayer, Preaching and discourse, that thence they seem∣ed to be out of Love with their very Doctrines, and their manner of worship∣ing God: Of which more anon.

§ 44. In Iune 1667. the Dutch came up the River of Thames, and Sir Edward Sprag, a Papist, that was Governour of our Fort at Sheerness had not fortifyed it, and deserted it; And so they came up to Chatham, and burnt some of our greatest Ships, and took away some, while we partly lookt on, and partly resisted to no great purpose. And had they but come up to London, they might have done much more. This cast us into a great consternation.

§ 45. At this time the King came in person among the Citizens, to perswade them not to desert him, and made a Speech to them at Tower-Hill (not here to be recited): And he had now great Experience of the Loyalty of the Citizens, who after such sufferings, and under such pressures in matters of Conscience, and of worldly Interest, even in such extremity, were neither proved to do or say any thing that was contrary to their fidelity to the King.

§ 46. The firing of London (which was most commonly suppos'd to be done by the Papists, and the Wars with the French, did raise greater Jealousies of the Papists than had appeared before; so that weekly News came to London from many Counties, that the Papists were gathering Horse and Arms, and that some of them had got Troops, under pretence of the Militia or Volunteers to be ready for our defence. The Parlia∣ment hereupon declared themselves more against them than was expected; which greatly troubled the Papists. The Royalists in many Countries were almost ready to disarm them; especially the E. of Derby in Lancashire, was wholly true to the Prote∣stant Interest. Whereupon the Papists thought it policy to live more privately, and to cease their oftentation, and to obscure their Arms and Strength, and to do their work, in a more secret way. And some of them Printed an Address to the Royalists, to plead kindness and affinity of dispositions with them, telling them that they hoped that they, that had fought, and suffered in one cause for the King, against the Puritans, should have continued in the same Union and Kindness, and that they would not have been so much against them: This was answered solidly by Dr. Loid. And doubtless the Papists had never so great a dejection and disappointment since the King came in. For they seemed to think that the Parliament and Royalists had been so distracted with malice and revenge, against the Puritans, as that they would have been content that London was burnt, and would have done any thing that they would have them, even against themselves, their Countrey, their Religion and Posterity, so it had but favour∣ed of that revenge. But it proved otherwise.

§ 47. Whilest that all these Calamities, especially our loss and disgrace by the Dutch, must be laid on some or other, the Parliament at last laid all upon the Lord Chancellor Hide; And the King was content it should be so. Whereupon many Speeches were made against him, and an Impeachment or Charge brought in against him, and vehemently urged; and among other things, that he counselled the King to Rule by an Army (which many thought, as bad as he was, he was the chief means of hindering.) And, to be short, when they had first sought his Life, at last it was concluded that his banishment should satisfy for all: And so he was banished by an Act, during his Life. The sale of Dunkirk to the French, and a great comely House which he had new built, increased the displeasure that was against him: but there were greater Causes which I must not Name.

§ 48. And it was a notable providence of God, that this Man that had been the grand Instrument of State, and done almost all, and had dealt so cruelly with the Nonconformists should thus by his own friends be cast out and banished, while those that he had persecuted were the most moderate in his Cause, and many for him. And it was a great ease that befell good people throughout the Land by his de∣jection. For his way was to decoy men into Conspiracies, or to pretend plots, and when upon the rumour of a plot the innocent people of ma∣ny Countries were laid in prison, so that no man knew when he was safe. Whereas since then, tho Laws have been made more and more severe, yet a Man knoweth a little better what to expect, when it is by a Law, that he is to be tryed. And it is

notable, that he, that did so much to make the Oxford Law for banishing Ministers from Corporations that took not that Oath, doth in his Letter from France since his banishment say, that he never was in favour since the Parliament Sat at Oxford.

§ 49. Before this the Duke of Buckingham, being the head of his Adversaries, had been overtopt by him, and was fain to hide himself, till the Dutch put us in fear, and then he appeared and rendered himself, and went prisoner to the Tower; but with so great Acclamations of the People in the Streets as was a great Discouragement to the Chancellor: And the D. of Buckingham was quickly set at liberty. Whereupon as the Chancellor had made himself the head of the Prelatical party, who were all for setting up themselves by force, and suffering none that were against them; so Buck∣ingham would now be the head of all those parties, that were for liberty of Consci∣ence: For the Man was of no Religion, but notoriously and professedly lustful; And yet of greater wit and parts, and sounder Principles as to the interest of Humanity, and the Common good, than most Lords in the Court. Wherefore he Countenanced Fanaticks and Sectaries among others, without any great suspicion, because he was known to be so far from them himself. Though he marryed the Daughter and only Child of the Lord Fairfax•• late General of the Parliament's Army, and is his heir hereby, yet far enough from his mind; but yet a defender of the Priviledges of Hu∣manity.

§ 50. Before this also the Earl of Bristol had attempted to pull down the Chancel∣lor, and to bring in a Charge against him into the Parliament: But the King soon quelled him; And being a Papist, he hath lain latent or quiet ever since, as unfit to appear in publick businesses; And Buckingham performed the Work.

§ 51. In October following the Parliament gave thanks to the King for removing the Lord Chancellor: But they were vehement in seeking an account of the Moneys which have been granted for the publick service, and also to have an account of the bu∣siness at Chatham, by whose fault it was that the Dutch were unresisted and surprized our shipping: And Committees were appointed for these purposes, and a great deal of talk and stir was made about them for a long time; but they could never attain their ends; but they that were faulty had friends enow to procure their security; And tho the Parliament grudged at it, and sometimes talkt high, yet this made no al∣teration in our Affairs.

§ 52. One notable disadvantage which we had by the Dutch attempt was, that it drew down our new raised In-land Souldiers into Kent towards Sherness, where the un∣healthful Air cast such abundance of them into sickness, and kill'd so many, as greatly weakened many; Divers of the most forward Gentlemen of the Countrey there lost their Lives; And thus we have taught an Enemy how to undoe us, if he can but force us to keep our Inland-Soldiers who are not used to that Air, about the mouth of the Thames; their bodies are no more able to endure it, than if it were the mortallest of our Foreign plantations.

§ 53. But the great stir of these Times was about Money: The Parliament said, that never had the like summs been laid on the subjects of this Land; and that the old way of payments by five or six subsidies at a time, was such a trisle in Comparison of this, as that it would be scarce observable: After many vast sums granted by way of Land-Taxes, Royal Aid, Poll-money, &c. there was fetled, for continuance, the Chimney-money, and several Excises, and the Customs, and the Wine-Tax for a li∣mited Time, &c. But all was so much too little, that more was still needed and de∣manded. The Countrey-people cried out, We are undone. The Tenants at Will did so many of them give up their Farms, that the Gentlemen cried out, If we have any more Land-Taxes, we are undone. What the People said of the Parliament, and what of the Court, and what of the Bishops, and what of the Women. I shall not write: But Losers and sufferers will take leave to talk. But the Parliament grew more ur∣gent to have an account of the moneys, as not believing that it was possible fairly to expend so much. The Persons that were made a Committee for examining Accounts, were very eminent for Ability, and Impartiality, and sincerity; (Mr. William Pier∣point, the Lord Bruerton, Col. Thompson, and abundance more) They laid the great blame on Sir Geo. Carteret, Treasurer for the Navy•• He was accused deeply in the House of Commons: He excused himself by laying much on the King's Privy-seals; The Parliament said, that those Moneys were not to have been laid out on private Uses. After long time, the King and Council called the Lord Bruerton, Col. Thom∣son, and some others, and sharply rebuked them, as injurious Persons, and such as

sought to discontent the Parliament, and make Differences, &c. And His Majesty undertook the Decision of the Business, and acquitted Sir George Carteret; and the Parliament grudged, but acquiesced.

§ 54. When the Chancellour was banished, Sir Orlando Bridgman was made Lord Keeper; a Man that by his seeming moderation to the Nonconformists, (though a zealous Patron of Prelacy) got himself a good Name for a time; and at first, whilst the D. of Buckingham kept up the Cry for Liberty of Conscience, he seemed to com∣ply with that Design, to the great displeasure of the Ruling Prelates. But when he saw, that that Game would not go on, he turned as zealous the other way; and now wholly serveth the Prelatical Interest, but is not much valued by either side; but ta∣ken for an uncertain, timerous man. High Places, great Businesses and Difficulties, do so try Mens Abilities and their Morals, that many who in a low or middle station, obtained and kept up a great Name, do quickly lose it, and grow despised and reproa∣ched Persons, when Exaltation and Trial hath made them known. Besides that, as in prosperous times, the Chief State Ministers are praised, so in evil and suffering times, they bear the blame of what is amiss.

§ 55. About this time, the E. of S (a Papist) having a very fair Wife (Daughter to the E. of C.) a Papist also (with whom lived Mr. Iohnson, alias Terret, the Dispu∣ting Champion for Popery); she liked other men so much better than her Husband, that she forsook him, and kept her self secret from his knowledg: But he believing that the Duke of Buckingham kept her secretly, was not content to lose his Wife, but he would also lose his Life. And sending the Duke of Buckingham a Challenge, they met and fought the Duke having Capt. Holmes and Ienkins with him, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, Bernond, Howard, and another: Where Howard kill'd Ienkins, and the Duke wounded the Earl, of which wounds he dyed; And the King pardoned the Duke; but strickly prohibited Duels for the future. The Duke also and the Marquess of Dorcester had a skuffle at boxing in an open Committee of Parliament.

§ 56. When the D. of Buckhingham came first into this high favour, he was look∣ed on as the chief Minister of state instead of the Chancellor; and shewed himself openly for Toleration or Liberty for all parties in matters of God's worship: And then others also seemed to look that way, as thinking that the King was for it. Whereupon those that were most against it grew into seeming discontent. The Bp. of Winchester Morley, was put out of his place of Dean of the Chappel, and Bp. Crofts of Hereford (who seemed then to be for moderation) was put into the place: But it was not long till Crofts was either discouraged, or as some said upon the Death of a Daughter, for grief did leave his place and the Court; And the Bp. of Oxford* 3.1 was brought into his place, and Dr. Crew (the son of that wise and pious Man the Lord Crew) was made Clerk of the Closet.

§ 57. At the same time the Ministers of London who had ventured to keep open Meetings in their houses, and preached to great Numbers contrary to the Law, were by the King's favour connived at; So that the people went openly to hear them without fear: Some imputed this to the King's own inclination to liberty of Consci∣ence; some to the D. of Buckingham's prevalency; some to the Papists Interest, who were for liberty of Conscience for their own Interest: But others thought that the Papists were really against Liberty of Conscience, and did rather desire and de∣sign that utmost severities might ruine the Puritans and cause Discontents and Divi∣sions among our selves, till we had broken one another all into pieces, and turned all into such Confusions, as might advantage them to play a more successful Game, than ever Toleration was like to be. But whatever else was the secret cause, It is evident that the great visible cause was the burning of London, and the want of Churches for the people to meet in; It being at the first a thing too gross, to forbid an undone people all publick worshiping of God, with too great rigour; And if they had been so forbidden, poverty had left them so little to lose as would have made them desperately go on. Therefore some thought all this was, to make Necessity seem a favour.

§ 58. But whatever the cause of the Connivance was, it is certain that the Coun∣trey Ministers were so much encouraged by the boldness and liberty of those at Lon∣don, that they did the like in most parts of England, and Crowds of the most Religi∣ously inclined people were their hearers; And some few got, in a travelling way, into Pulpits where they were not known and the next day went away to another place. And this, especially with the great discontents of the people for their manifold payments, and of Cities and Corporations for the great decay of Trade, and the

breaking and impoverishing of many Thousands by the burning of the City, toge∣ther with the lamentable weakness and badness of great Numbers of the Ministers that were put into the Nonconformist's places, did turn the hearts of the most of the Common people in all parts against the Bps. and their ways, and enclined them to the Nonconformists, tho fear restrained men from speaking what they thought, e∣specially the richer fort.

§ 59. Here Ralph Wallis a Cobler of Glocester published a book containing the Names and particular histories of a great Number of Conformable Ministers, in se∣veral Parishes of England, that had been notoriously scandalous, and named their scandals, to the great displeasure of the Clergy; And I fear to the great temptation of many of the Nonconformists, to be glad of other Mens sin, as that which by ac∣cident might diminish the interest of the Prelatists.

§ 60. The Lord Mohune, a young man, gave out some words, which caused a Com∣mon Scandal in Court and City against the Bp. of Rochester, as guilty of most obscure Actions with the said Lord; the reproach whereof was long the talk of many sorts of persons, who then took liberty to speak freely of the Bishops.

§ 61. About this time (Ian. 1668.) the news came of the Change in Portugal, where by no means of the Queen, the King who was a debanched person (and Charg∣ed by her of insufficiency or frigidity) was put out of his Government (tho not his Title, and his brother by the consent of Nobles, was made Regent, and marryed the Queen, (after a Declaration of Nullity or a divorce) and the King was sent as a Prisoner into an Island, where he yet remaineth: Which News had but an ill sound in England, as things went at that time.

§ 62. In Ian. 1668. I received a Letter from Dr. Manton, that Sir Iohn Barber told him that it was the Lord Keeper's desire to speak with him and me, about a Com∣prehension and Toleration: Whereupon coming to London, Sir Iohn Barber told me, that the Lord keeper spake to him, to bring us to him for the aforesaid end, and that he had certain proposals to offer us; and that many great Courtiers were our friends in the business, but that to speak plainly, if we would carry it, we must make use of such as were for a Toleration of the Papists also: And he demanded how we would answer the Common Question, What will satisfie you? I answered him, That other Mens Judgments and Actions about the Toleration of Papists, we had nothing to do with at this time: though it was no work for us to meddle in. But to this question, we were not so ignorant whom we had to do with, as to expect full satisfaction of our desires, as to Church-Affairs: But the Answer must be suited to the Sense of his Question: And if we knew their Ends, what degree of satisfaction they were minded to grant, we would tell them what means are necessary to attain them. There are degrees of satisfaction, as to the Number of Persons to be satisfi∣ed; and there are divers degrees of satisfying the same Person. 1. If they will take in all Orthodox, Peaceable, Worthy Ministers, the Terms must be the larger. 2. If they will take in but the greater part, somewhat less and harder Terms may do it. 3. If but a few, yet less may serve: for we are not so vain as to pretend that all Nonconfor∣mists are in every particular of one mind.

And as to the Presbyterians now so called, whose Case alone we were called to consi∣der, 1. If they would satisfie the far greatest part of them in an high degree, so as they should think the Churches setled in a good condition; the granting of what was desired by them in 1660. would do it, which is the setling of Church-Government ac∣cording to that of A. Bp. Vsher's Model, and the granting of the Indulgences menti∣oned in his Majestie's Declaration, about Eccles. Affairs. 2. But if they would not give so high satisfaction, the Alterations granted in his Majestie's Declaration alone, would so far satisfie them, as to make them very thankful to his Majesty; and not on∣ly to exercise their Office with Chearfulness, but also to rejoice in the Kingdom's hap∣piness, whose Union would by this be much promoted. 3. But if this may not be granted, at least the taking off all such impositions, which make us uncapable of Ex∣ercising our Ministry, would be a mercy, for which we hope we should not be un∣thankful to God or the King.

§ 63. When we came to the Lord Keeper, we resolved to tell him, That Sir Iohn Barber told us, his Lordship desired to speak with us, left it should be after said, that we intruded, or were the movers of it, or left it had been Sir Iohn Barber's Forward∣ness, that had been the Cause. He told us why he sent for us, to think of a way of our Restoration; to which end he had some Proposals to offer to us, which were for a Comprehension for the Presbyterians, and an Indulgence for the Independents and

the rest: We askt him, Whether it was his Lordship's pleasure that we should offer him our Opinion of the means, or only receive what he offered to us. He told us, That he had somewhat to offer to us; but we might also offer our own to him. I told him, That I did think we could offer such Terms, no way injurious to the welfare of any, which might take in both Presbyterians and Independents, and all found Christians, into the Publick Established Ministry. He answered, That that was a thing that he would not have; but only a Toleration for the rest. Which being none of our business to debate, we desired him to consult such persons about it, as were concerned in it. And so it was agreed, that we should meddle with the Com∣prehension only. And a few Days after he sent us his Proposals.

§ 64. When we saw the Proposals, we perceived that the business of the Lord Keeper, and his way, would make it unfit for us to debate such Cases with himself: And therefore we wrote to him, requesting, that he would nominate Two Learn∣ed peaceable Divines to treat with us, till we agreed on the fittest Terms; and that Dr. Bates might be added to us. He nominated Dr. Wilkins (who we then found was the Author of the Proposals, and of the whole business, and his Chaplain, Mr. Burton. And when we met, we tendered them some Proposals of our own, and some Alterations which we desired in their Proposals (for they presently rejected ours, and would hear no more of them; so that we were fain to treat upon theirs alone.)

§ 65. The Copy of what we offered them is as followeth.

I. That the Credenda and Agenda in Religion, being distinguished, no Profession of As∣sent be required, but only to the Holy, Canonical Scriptures in general, and to the Creeds and 36 Articles in particular. And no Oath, Promise or Consent he required, save only the re∣newing of the Covenant which in Baptism we made to God, and a promise of Fidelity in our Ministry, and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to the King. And for all lesser mat∣ters, let it suffice, that the Laws may restrain us from preaching against any Established Do∣ctrine, or against Episcopacy, Liturgy or Ceremonies, and from all Male-Administrations, or Church-Tyranny, or Injustice about the Sacraments; and that we be punishable according to the quality of the Offence.

II. The Fire having now caused a Necessity of many more publick Assemblies for God's Worship, besides those in the yet standing Parish-Churches, we humbly conceive that it would much conduce to the re-edifying of the Churches and City, and the contenting of many, and the drawing off the people from more private Meetings; if a competent Number of the Ruin'd Cnurches be allowed to such sober Protestants, as will repair them, with the same li∣berty and Security for possession, as the French and Dutch in London have their Churches; the people chusing their Pastors, and maintaining them: Or if his Majesty's Bounty allow them any Stipend, that none have that Stipend whom his Majesty approveth not. And that the Pastors be not suffered to introd••ce there any Heresie or Idolatry; but shall preach the Do∣ctrine of the sacred Scriptures, not opposing the Doctrines or Orders of the Church, and shall worship God according to the Liturgy, or the Assembly's Directory, or the Reformed Li∣turgy offered by the Commissioners 1660. as they desire.

III. That all such be capable of Benefices, who subscribe and swear as is aforesaid, and being of Competent Abilities, shall be lawfully Ordained; or if already ordained, are con∣firmed by the late Act, or shall be confirmed by any Commissioned by his Majesty; they being obliged some time to read the Liturgy, and sometimes to administer the Sacrament accord∣ing to it (abating the Ceremonies). And to be often present when it is read; which shall be ordinarily or constantly done, and the Sacrament administred as oft as is required by Law, by himself, or some other allowed Minister. And that those who will only subscribe and swear as is abovesaid, being ordained also as aforesaid, but cannot so far conform to the Liturgy may be allowed to preach and Catechize publickly, as Lecturers, or Assistants to some others; and to have such further Liberty about the Sacraments, as by just Regulations shall be made safe to Religion and the publick peace.

There is another way which would satisfie almost all; by allowing each party such a Mini∣ster whose Ordination and Ministration they do make no scruple at; which would prevent all private Churches, and perhaps all Face of Schism among us; which is, if in every Pa∣rish where any party dissenteth from the Established way, the Dissenters be left at liberty, ei∣ther to communicate with any Neighbour-Parish, or to chuse an Assistant for the Incumbent, which Assistant shall be maintained by themselves; (unless the Incumbent will voluntarily contri∣bute);

And shall officia••e one half of the Day, as the Incumbent doth the other, having leave to do it according to the foresaid Directory, or the Additional Liturgy offered 1660. (or at least to have the use of the Church at such Hours as the Incumbent doth not there offi∣ciate): The people receiving the Communion from each, according to their several Iudg∣ments. And though so great a Rupture as ours is, cannot be cured without some inconveni∣ences, which may be here objected, yet such Laws may be made for the Regulation of this Liberty, as may restrain all Faction, Contention, and Mutual Contempt, or Injuries, and e∣ven the Naming themselves Members of distinct Churches, as might be shewed:

§ 66. The Copy of the Lord Keeper's, or Dr. Wilkins's Proposals.

In order to Comprehension, it is Humbly Offered,

1. That such persons, as in the late times of disorder have been ordained by Presbyters, shall be admitted to the Exercise of the Ministerial Function, by the Imposition of the Hands of the Bishop, with this, or the like Form of Words: [Take thou Authority to Preach the Word of God, and to Minister the Sacraments in any Congregation of the Church o•• England where thou shalt be lawfully appointed thereunto] An Expedient much of this Nature was practised and allowed of, in the Case of the Catharists and Melesians, Vid. 8th Canon Concil. Nic. & ••ynodical Epistle of the same to the Churches of Egypt, Gelasius, Cyzicenus, Hist. Con. Nic. 2d part.

2. That all persons to be admitted to any Ecclesiastical Function, or Dignity, or the Em∣ployment of a School-master (after the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy) shall (instead of all former Subscriptions) be required to subscribe this, or the like Form of Words [I A. B. do hereby profess and declare, That I do approve the Doctrines, Worship and Go∣vernment Established in the Church of England; as containing all things necessary to Salvation; and that I will not endeavour, by my self, or any other, directly or indi∣rectly, to bring in any Doctrine contrary to that which is so Established: And I do hereby promise, That I will continue in the Communion of the Church of England, and will not do any thing to disturb the Peace thereof.

3. That the Gesture of Kneeling at the Sacrament, and the use of the Cross in Baptism, and bowing at the Name of Iesus, may be left indifferent, or may be taken away, as shall be thought most expedient.

4. That in Case it be thought fit to review and alter the Liturgy and Canons, for the satis∣faction of Dissenters, that then every person to be admitted to preach, shall, upon his Instituti∣on, or Admission to preach, upon some Lord's Day (within a time to be limited) publickly and solemnly read the said Liturgy, and openly declare his Assent to the Lawfulness of the use of it, and shall promise, That it shall be constantly used at the time and place accustomed.

In order to Indulgence of such Protestants as cannot be comprehended under the publick Establishment, it is Humbly offered,

1. That such Protestants may have liberty for the Exercise of th••r Religion in publick, and at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Charges to build or procure places for their publick Worship, either within or near T••••s, as shall be thought most Expedient.

2. That the Names of all such persons who are to have this Liberty be Registred, together with the Congregations to which they belong, and the Names of their Teachers.

3. That every one admitted to this liberty, be disabled to bear any publick Office, (but shall fine for Officers of Burden.

4. And that upon shewing a Certificate of their being listed among those who are indulged, they shall be freed from such legal penalties, as are to be inflicted on those who do not frequent their Parish-Churches.

5. And such persons so indulged shall not for their meeting in Conventicles, be punished by Confiscation of Estates.

6. Provided that they be obliged to pay all publick Duties to the Parish where they inhabit under penalty.

7. This Indulgence to Continue for three years.

That the Liturgy may be altered by omitting,—&c.

BY using the reading Psalms in the New Translation. By appointing some other Lessons out of the Canonical Scripture instead of those taken out of the Apocrypha. By not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God-fathers and God-mothers, when either of the parents are ready to answer for the Ch••ld. By omitting that clause in the Prayer at Baptism [By spiritual Regeneration.] By changing that Question, wilt thou be baptised, into, Wilt thou haue this Child baptised.] By omitting those words in the Thanksgiving after publick and private baptism [To regenerate this Infant by thy holy Spirit, and to receive him for thy Child by adoption. And the first Rubrick after baptism, It is certain by God's word, &c. By changing those words in the Ex∣hortation after baptism [Regenerate and Graffed into the body] into [Received into the Church of Christ.] By not requiring reiteration of any part of the service about baptism in publick, when it is evident that the Child hath been lawfully baptized in private. By omitting that Clause in the Collect after Imposition of hands in confirmation [After the Example of thy ho∣ly Apostles, and to certify them by this sign, of thy favour, and gracious goodness towards them.] And by changing that other passage in the prayer before Confirmation [who hast vouchsafed to regenerate, &c.] into [who hast vouchsafed to receive these thy servants into thy Church by baptism]. By omitting that clause in the Office of Matrimony [with my body I thee worship]. And that in the Collect [who hast conse••rated, &c.] By allowing Mini∣sters some liberty in the visitation of the ••ick, to use such other prayers as they shall judge expedient. By changing that clause in the prayer at burial [For asmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God of his great mercy to take to himself, &c.] into [For as much as it hath pleased Almighty God to take out of this World the Soul, &c.] And that clause [In a sure and cer∣tain hope, &c.] into [in a full assurance of the resurrection by our Lord Iesus Christ, who is able to change our vile, &c.] By omitting that Clause, We give thee hearty thanks for that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of the miseries of this sinful World.] And that other [As our hopes is that our brother doth]. By changing that Clause in the Common service, [our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body, &c.] into [our sinful Souls and Bodies may be cleansed by his precious body and blood]. By not enjoyning the reading of the Commination. That the Liturgy may be abbreviated as to the length of it. Especially as to morning-service; By omitting all the Responsal prayers from [O Lord open thou our, &c.] to the Litany, and the Litany and all the prayers from [Son of God we beseech thee, &c.] to [we humbly beseech thee O Father, &c.] By not enjoyning the use of the Lords Prayer above once, viz. Immediately after the absolution, except after the Minister's Prayer before Sermon. By using the Gloria Patri only once, viz. after the Reading Psalms. By omitting the ve∣nite exultemus, unless it be thought fit to put any or all of the first seven among the senten∣ces at the beginning. By omitting the Communion service, such times as are not Communi∣on Days; excepting the 10 Commandments, which may be read after the Creed: And in∣joyning the prayer, Lord have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep these Laws, only once at the End. By omitting the Collects, Epistles and Gospels, except only on par∣ticular holidays. By inserting the prayers for the Parliament into the Litany immediately after the prayer for the Royal Family, in this or the like form [That it may please thèe to direct and prosper all the Consultations of the High Court of Parliament, to the Advantage of thy Glory, the good of the Church, the safety, honour and welfare of our Sovereign and his Kingdoms.] By omitting the two hymns in the Consecration of Bishops, and the Ordina∣ti••n of Priests. That after the first Question in the Catechism, [What is your Name?] This may follow [When was this Name given you?] And after that [What was promised for you in Baptism?] Answer [Three things were promised for me; &c.] In the Question before the Commandments it may be altered [You said it was promised for you, &c.] To the 14 Qu. [How many Sacraments hath Christ ordained?] The Answer may be [Two only: Baptism, and the Lord's Supper.

§ 67. Upon Consultation we altered their paper in some things, and added some more (for we were held to those proposals) only leaving the point for Toleration to be debated with our Brethren of the Congregational way: And I privately acquaint∣ed Dr. Owen with the substance of the business, and consulted him, that they might not say, we neglected them. And we offered them the following form which was not what we desired, but more than Dr. Wilkins (after Bp. of Chester) would grant us (still professing himself willing of more, but that more would not pass with the

Parliament, and so would frustrate all our Attempts.)

§ 68. The paper offered by us.

1. Those who have been ordained only by meer Presbyters, or the Presidents of their Sy∣nods shall be instituted, and authorized to exercise their Ministry (and admitted to Bènefices) therein in such manner and by such persons as by his Majesty shall be thereto appointed, by this form and words alone [Take, &c.] Provided that those who desire it, have leave to give in their professions that they renounce not their Ordination, nor take it for a nu••••••ty, and that they take this, as the Magistrates License and Confirmation, and that they be not constrained to use any words themselves which are not consistent with this profession.

2. All persons to be admitted by Ordination, Institution, License, or otherwise, into any Ecclesiastical function and dignity, or to any preferment in either Vnivesity, or to the Employ∣ment of a Schoolmaster, shall first take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and instead of all other Oaths, Subscriptions and Declarations (except the Ancient Vniversity Oath) shall be required only to subscribe to this form of Words:

J. A. B. Do hereby profess and Declare my unfeigned assent to the truth of all the holy Canonical ••criptures, and to the Articles of the Creed [and to the Doctrine of the Church of England contained in the 36 Articles] or [to the Doctrinal part of the 39 Articles of the Church of England] or [excepting only the 3 Articles of Ceremonies and Prelacy.] And I do hold that the Doctrine, Worship and Government there established doth contain all things absolutely necessary to salvation: And I will not knowingly by my self or any other, endeavour to bring in any Doctrine contrary to this aforesaid so established. And it is my true Resolution to hold Communion with the Churches of England, and faithfully to preserve the peace and happiness thereof.

And all those who are qualified with abilities according to the Law, and take the Oaths and Declarations abovesaid, shall be allowed to preach Lectures and Occasional Sermons and to Catechize and to be presented and admitted to any Benefice, or to any Ecclesiastical, or Acade∣mical promotions, or to the teaching of Schools.

3. Every person admitted to any Benefice with cure of Souls, shall be obliged himself, on some Lord's day, within a time prefixed to read the Liturgy appointed for that day (when it is satisfactorily altered), and the greatest part of it in the mean time, and to be often present at the reading of it and sometimes to administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, accord∣ing to the said Liturgies; And it shall by himself or some other allowed Minister be con∣stantly used in his Church, and the Sacraments frequently administred as is required by the Law.

4. The 4th was against the Ceremonies without alteration, in their own words save about bowing at the Name ••esus, as after.

5. No Bishop, Chancellor, or other Ecclesiastical Officers shall have power to silence any allowed Minister, or suspend him 〈◊〉〈◊〉 officio vel beneficio, arbitrarily, or for any cause with∣out a known Law: And in case of any such arbitary or injurious silencing and suspension there shall be allowed an appeal to some of his Majestie's Courts of Iustice, so as it may be prosecuted in a competent time, and at a tolerable expence, being both Bishops and Presbyters and all Ecclesiastical persons are under the Government of the King, and punishable by him, for gross and injurious male-administrations.

6. Though we judge it the Duty of Ministers to Catechize, instruct, exhort, direct and comfort the people personally as well as publickly upon just occasion, yet lest a pretended necessity of Examinations before the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, or an unwarrantable strictness should introduce Church-Tyranny, and wrong the faithful by keeping them from the Commu∣nion, let all those be admitted to the Communion who since their Infant baptism have at years of discretion manifested to the Bishop, or the Ministers of the Parish Church where they live, a tolerable understanding of the Essential points of Faith and Godliness, that is, of the Bap∣tismal Covenant, and of the nature and use of the Lord's Supper, and have personally owned before them or the Church, the Covenant which by others they made in Baptism, professing their Resolution to keep the same, in a Faithful, Godly, Righteous, Charitable and Temporal Life, and are not since this profession revolted to Atheism, Insidelity, or Heresy, (that is the deny∣ing of some Essential Article of faith) and live not impenitently in any gross and scandalous sin; And therefore in the Register of each Parish let all their Names be written, who have ei∣ther, before their Confirmation or at any other time thus understandingly owned their Baptismal Covenant, and a Certificate thereof from the Minister of the place shall serve without any further examination, for their admission to Communion in that or any other Parish Church where they shall after live, till by the aforesaid revolts they have merited their suspension. 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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7. Because in many families there are none who can read or pray, ••or call to remembrance what they have heard to edify themselves and spend the Lords day in holy Exercises, and many of these live so far from the Church, that they go more seldom than the rest, and therefore have great need of the assistance of their Neighbours, it is not to be taken for a Conventicle or unlawful meeting when Neighbours shall peaceably joyn together in reading the Scripture or any good books, or repeating publick Sermons, and praying, and ••ging ••salms to God, whilst they do it under the inspection of the Minister, and not in opposition to the publick Assemblies. Nor yet that meeting where the Minister shall privately Catechize his Neighbours, or pray with them, when they are in sickness, danger, or distress, tho persons of several Families shall be present.

8. Whereas the Canon and Rubrick forbid the ad••ission of notorious scandalous sinners to the Lords table, be it enacted that those who are proved to deride or scorn at Christianity, or the holy Scriptures, or the Life of Reward and Punishment, or the serious practice of a Godly Life, and strict obedience to Gods Commands, shall be numbered with the Scandalous sinners mentioned in the Canon and Rubrick, and not admitted, before repentance, to the holy Communion.

§ 69. The following paper will give you the reasons of all our alterations of their form of Words: But I must add this, that we thought not the form of Subscrip∣tion sufficient to keep out a Papist from the established Ministery (much less from a Toleration, which we medled not with). And here and in other alterations I bore the blame, and they told me that no Man would put in such doubts but I. And I will here tell Posterity this Truth as a Mystery (yet only to the blind) which must not now be spoken, that I believe that I have been guilty of hindering our own Liberties in all Treaties that ever I was employ'd in: For I remember not one in which there was not some crevice, or contrivance, or terms offered, for such a Toleration, as would have let in the moderate Papists with us: And if we would but have opened the Door to let the Papists in, that their Toleration might have been charged upon us; as being for our sakes, and by our request or procu••ement, we might in all like∣lihood have had our part. But though, for my own part, I am not for Cruelty against Papists, any more than others, even when they are most cruel to us, but could allow them a certain degree of liberty, on Terms that shall secure the common Peace, and the People's Souls; yet I shall never be one of them that by any renewed pres∣sures or severities, shall be forced to petition for the Papists liberty; if they must have it, let them Petition for it themselves: No craft of Iesuits or Prelates, shall thunder me, cudgel me, or cheat me into the Opinion, that it is now necessary for our own Ministry, Liberty, or Lives, that we, I say, we Nonconformists, be the famed In∣troducers of the Papists Toleration; that so neither Papists, nor Prelatists may bear the odium of it, but may lay it all on us. God do what he will with us, his way is best, but I think that this is not his way.

§ 70. Upon these Alterations, I was put to give in my Reasons of them; which were as followeth.

The Reasons of our Alterations of your Proposals.

1. I Put in [Presidents] &c. to avoid Dispute, whether such were meer Presbyters, or (as some think) Bishops. 2. I leave out [time of disorder,] because it will else exclude all that were Ordained by Presbyters since the King came in. 3. I put in [Institu∣ted and Authorized] to intimate that it is not an Ordination to the Ministry in general, but a designation to a particular Charge, and a legal License, &c. 4. [By such as by his Majesty, &c.] because it is not for us to offer our selves to a Diocesans Imposition of Hands in that manner; but if you put it in other Words, we cannot help it. 5. There are three things which the Nonconformists here scruple. 1. Renouncing their Ordination; 2. Reordi∣nation (which is like Rebaptization.) 3. Owning the Diocesan Species of Prelacy; (for the Presbyterians are against all Prelacy, and the Episcopal Nonconformists are against the English Frame, as contrary to that in the time of Cyprian, &c.) Therefore because these Words so much seem to express a Re-ordination by Diocesans, 1. by the sign of Imposition of Hands. 2. By the Authorising Words, 3. and put in of purpose to satisfie them that think

the Presbyterians no Ministers. 4. In a time when this hath been so publickly declared; they cannot submit to all this without either a Declaration to the contrary in the Law, or a Liberty by the Law given them to profess their own Sense, in the three particulars questioned, that they renounce not their Ordination, nor take this as Re-ordination; nor own the Diocesan Pre∣lary, as distinct from the old Episcopacy (though they will submit to it.) 6. As by [Institu∣ted] we intend admittance to a Pastoral Charge, or Authority to administer Sacraments, we desire that may he plainly inserted; seeing he that only preacheth (as Probationers may do) hath no need of this, nor do any scruple to hear him. Or if they do, while he hath no charge, they may turn their back on him; while a Man is a Lecturer only to meer Volunteers, there is no use for this.

II. 1. We mention the Vniversity, because many were turned out of their Fellowships there for non-subscribing, &c. 2. We would have the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy made necessary. 3. The professed belief of the Scriptures and Creed, we take to be needful to Admittance: That which was the only ancient Catholick Profession should not be left out of ours. 4. The professed Assent to the Doctrine of the Church of England, (and not only to approve it in tantum) se••meth needful to satisfie the Suspicious, and to shut out Papists and Hereticks from the comprehension. 5. Yet the word [approve] as related to the Worship and Government (though restrictively) will on many Accounts be scrupled; and that is need∣less. 6. So [absolutely] as joyned to [necessary] is needful to avoid Ambiguity and just Scruple. 7. The word [promise] requireth fuller certainty than [resolve] doth; and it bindeth us, not to alter our Iudgments, which is not in our power in such a case. 8. The Word [continue] is a needless, and entangling Word, and will deprive us of the use of the Indulgence, if we should ever change our minds. But if (as some say) it be only the Com∣munion of Faith and Love, such as we owe to Neighbour-Churches, and not Subjection, nor local presence in Worship, let that be but expressed, and every sober Person will promise it. 9. To promise to [preserve the Peace and Happiness of the Church] is a fuller Word then [to do nothing to disturb the peace;] and yet more clear, and plainly relateth to the whole Church.

III. We put [bowing at the Name of Iesus, rather than, &c.] to avoid the imputa∣tion of Impiety, lest we be thought to be against bowing at that Name simply, when it is but as comparatively and exclusively to others.

IV. 1. [In case if it be thought fit, &c.] We must suppose it thought fit. 2. This whole Vndertaking is proper only to them that take a Cure, and not for an occasional or set Lecturer. 3. It will answer our Sense if you put it thus; [Shall read the Liturgy, when satisfactorily altered, and some considerable part 'till then, if it be delayed.] 4. The profession of the Lawfulness, is but a needless temptation, as to him that is bound actually to use it. 5. And the promise that it shall be constantly used may be hindered by sickness, or so many Casualties, that its much safer to bind them only by a Law. 6. And then [the Event] only must be expressed [that it be used] by whose procurement soever, so it be done. I may think it unlawful to procure another to do that, which I cannot do my self, and yet some other may procure it.

In the Second Article I forgot to tell you, That we annex the grant of the desired liberty, after the Subscription, lest else our hopes be frustrate, when we have done all.

The Reasons of the added Articles are apparent in themselves.

The Sum of all our Reasons is, It is confessed that our Phrase will serve the Ends of our Superiours; and we are certain that they will satisfie a far greater number than the other will do, and to their greater ease and quiet of Conscience, that they may not feel themselves still pinched and uneasie, and kept under desires of further changes: And we are sure that we are much better able our selves, to plead down Men's Objections, if it be thus worded, than as the other way. And we would fain have this no patch or palliate Cure, but such as may cause the now drooping Dissenters, to rejoyce under the Government, and to perceive it to be their Interest to defend it against all Attempters of a Change.

§ 71. But because the grand stop in our Treaty was about Re-ordination, and Dr. Wilkins still insisted on this, That those Consciences must be accommodated who took them for no Ministers who were ordained without Bishops, and some Words

were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into their Proposals, which seemed to signifie a Reordination; though he denied such a signification, we were put to give in this following Paper.

The Reasons why we cannot consent to Reordination.

I. WE dare not causelesly consent to the use of such Words as imply an untruth, viz. That such as were Ordained by Lawful Pastors, and the Presidents of their Synods, are not lawful Ministers of Christ, in an Ecclesiastical Sense.

II. We dare not consent to the taking of God's Name in vain, by using holy Expressions, and a Divine Ordinance, either as a Scenical Form, or to confirm an Error.

III. We dare not causelesly go against the Iudgment of the Vniversal Church of all Ages, who have condemned Reordination, as they did Rebaptization. The Canons, called the Apostles, deposing both the Ordainers, and the Ordained.

IV. We dare not so far wrong the Protestant-Churches, as to do that which importeth, That their Ministry is null, and consequently all their Churches null (politically taken:)

V. We dare not so far wrong all the People of England, and all other Protestant-Churches, who have lived under the Ministry of meer Presbyters, or such Bishops as were Ordained only by Presbyters, as to tempt them to think, that all the Sacraments were nulli∣ties which they received; and so that they are all unchristened or unbaptized: even Den∣mark, and those parts of Germany, which have some kind of Bishops, had their first Or∣dination of them by Pomeranus, and others, that were no Bishops. And most Protestants: hold, That Baptism is null, which is not performed by a Minister of Christ. Because no one else is Authorized to deliver God's part of the Covenant, or to receive the Covenanter, or invest him in the Christian State and Privileges.

VI. We dare not so far strengthen the cause of the Anabaptists, as to declare thus far, That all the People of England, and all Protestant-Churches, as were Baptized by such as had not Ordination by Diocesans, are to be Re-baptized.

VII. We dare not so far harden the Papists, and honour their cause, nor tempt the People to Popery, as to seem to consent, that their Churches, Ministry and Baptism is true, and the Protestant Ministry, Churches and Baptism is false: Nor dare we teach them, if (which God forbid) they should get the power of governing us, to call us all again to be Re-ordained and Re-baptized: Our Liturgy bidding us to take private Bap∣tism as valid, [if the Child was Baptized by any Lawful Minister] intimating that else it is invalid: and so that seemeth the Iudgment of the Church of England.

VIII. We dare not tempt any other Sects, or Vsurpers to expect, that as oft as they can get the upper hand, we must be Re-ordained and Re-baptized at their pleasure.

IX. We dare not make a Schism in our Congregations, by tempting the Pastors to reject most of the People from the Communion, as unbaptized Persons.

X. We dare not dishonour the King and Parliament so far as to encourage them, to confirm these Errors by an Act of Parliament; Enacting (really) Re-ordination.

And I R. B. must profess, That having eight Years ago, written a Treatise purposely to prove the validity of the late Ordination, by the Synods of Presbyteries in England (though I never practised any my self) and having openly called for some Coufutation of it, I never could procure any to this day: And therefore am the more excusable if I err. (Though I was my self Ordained by a Bishop.)

Note, That by Ordination, we mean the Solemn Separation of a Person from the num∣ber of the Laity, to the Sacred Ministry in general; and not the designation, appointment, or determination of him to this or that particular Flock or Church; nor yet a meer Eccle∣siastical Confirmation of his former Ordination, in a doubted Case: Nor yet the ••agi∣strate's License to exercise the Sacred Ministry in his Dominions; All which we believe on just Occasion, may be frequently given and received: And we thereby profess to consent to no more.

§ 72. Besides the foresaid Alterations of their Proposals, we offered them this following Emendation of the Liturgy, containing in some Points less, and in some Points more, than their own Proposals (for in this Dr. Wilkins was not streight.)

The most necessary Alterations of the Liturgy THat the old Preface be restored instead of the new one. The Order for all Priests, Deacons, and Curates, to read the Liturgy once or twice every Day, to be put out. The Rubrick for the old Ornaments, which were in use in the second Year of Edw. VI. put out. The Lord's Prayer to be used intirely with the Doxologies. Add to the Rubrick before the Com∣munion thus: Nor shall any be admit∣ted to the Communion, who is grosly ig∣norant of the Essentials of Christianity; or of that Sacrament; or who is an Atheist, Infidel, or Heretick, (that is, denyeth any Essential part of Religion) nor any that derideth Christianity, or the Holy Scriptures; or the strict obey∣ing of God's Commands. Read the Fourth Commandment as it is in the Text, viz. God blessed the Sabbath Day. Add to the Communion Rubrick; [None shall be forced to Communicate; because it is a high Privilege, which the Unwilling are unworthy of; and so are those who are conscious that they live impenitently in any secret or open hai∣nous sin: And because many consciona∣ble Persons, through Melancholy, or too hard thoughts of themselves, have so great fears of unworthy receiving, that it were like to drive them to despair, or distraction, if they are forced to it be∣fore they are satisfied. Therefore let Popery and Prophaneness be expressed, by some fitter means than this. In the Prayer before the Consecration Prayer, put out [That our sinful Bodies may be made clean by his Body, and our Souls washed by his precious Blood,] and put it thus: That our sinful Souls and Bodies may be cleansed by his Sacri∣ficed Body and Blood.

Alterations very desirable also. THE Lord's Prayer, and Gloria Patri, seldomer used. Begin with the Prayer for the second Sun∣day in Advent, for Divine Assistance; or some other. Let none be forced to hear the Decalogue kneeling; because the Ignorant, who take them for Prayers, are scandalized and hardened by it. Let none be forced to use Godfathers at their Childrens Baptism, who can (either Pa∣rent) be there to perform their Duty. Or, at least, let the Godfathers be but as the ancient Sponsors; whose Office was, 1. To attest the Parents Fidelity; 2. And to promise to bring up the Child in Christian nurtue, if the Parents dye, or prove deserters. Because Ministers subscribe to the 25th. Article of the Church's Doctrine, which saith [Those Five, commonly called Sacra∣ments, that is Confirmation, &c. are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel, being such as have grown partly of the cor∣rupt following of the Apostles.—For they have not any visible sign or ceremony ordain∣ed of God.] Therefore in the Collect for Confirmation, put out [Upon whom after the Example of the Holy Apostles, we have now laid our Hands, to certifie them by this sign, of thy favour and gracious goodness toward them. Holidays left indifferent, save only that all be restrained from open labour, and con∣tempt of them. Especially [Holy Inno∣cents-Day, St. Michael's Day, and All-Saints] because there is no certainty that they were Holy Innocents. And its harsh to keep a Holiday for one Angel. And all true Christians being Saints, we keep Holi∣days for our selves. The Book of Ordination restored as it was.

Let there be liberty to use Christ's own Form of Delivery, recited by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 11. changing only the Person, [Take, Eat, this is Christ's Body, which, &c.]

Let Christian Parents be permitted to offer their own Children to God in Bap∣tism, and enter them into the Holy Covenant, by using those Words that are now imposed on the Godfathers.

That where any Minister dare not in Conscience Baptize the Child of proved Atheists, Infidels, gross Hereticks, Fornicators, or other such notorious Sinners, as the Cannon forbiddeth us to recive to the Communion (both Parent being such, and the Child in their power and possession) that Minister shall not be forced to do it; but the Parents shall procure some other to do it.

For [••••••t thou be Baptised] put [••ilt thou have this ••••ld Baptized.]

The Cross and the Surplice left at liberty, and kneeling at the Act of Receiv∣ing, and bowing at the Name [••esus] rather than [••hrist, God, &c.]

After Baptism put [Seing this Child is Sacramentally Regenerated.] And in the Prayer following put it, [That it hath pleased Thee Sacramentally to Regene∣rate and Adopt this Infant, and to incorporate him into thy Holy Church.]

Instead of the new Rubrick [it is certain by God's Word, &c.] put [True Chri∣stian Parents have no cause to doubt of the Salvation of their Children, dedicated to God in Baptism, and dying before they commit any actual sin.]

In the Exhortation put it thus, [Doubt not therefore, but earnestly believe, That if this Infant be sincerely dedicated to God, by those who have that power and trust, God will likewise favourably receive him, &c.

Let not Baptism be privately administred, but by a lawful Minister, and before sufficient Witnesses: and when it is evident that any was so Baptized, let no part of the Administration be reiterated.

Add to the Rubrick of Confirmation (or the Preface) [And the tolerable Un∣derstanding of the same Points, which are necessary to Confirmation, with this owning of their baptismal Covenant, shall be also required of those that are not confirmed before their admission to the holy Communion.

Let it be lawful for the Minister to put other Questions besides those in the Ca∣techism, to help the Learners to understand; and also to tell them the meaning of the Words as he goeth along.

Alterations in the Catechism (or another allowed.)

Q. WHat is your Name?

A. N.

Q. When was this Name given you?

A. In my Baptism.

Q. What was done for you in your Baptism?

A. I was devoted to God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and entred into his Holy Covenant, and engaged to take him for my only God, my reconciled Father, my Saviour, and my Sanctifier: And to believe the Articles of the Christian Faith, and keep God's Commandments sincerely all the Days of my Life; Renouncing the Devil, and all his works, the Pomps and Vanities of this wicked World, and all the sinful Lusts of the Flesh.

Q. What Mercy did you receive from God in this Covenant of Baptism?

A. God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as my reconciled Father, my Saviour and my Sanctifier, did forgive my Original Sin, and receive me as a Member of Christ, and of his Church, and as his Adopted Child, and Heir of Heaven.

Q. Do you think that you are now bound to keep this Covenant, and to believe and live according to it?

A. Yes, Verily, &c.

Q. Rehcarse, &c.

A. I Believe, &c.

Q. What, &c.

A. First, &c.

Q. What be the Commandments of God, which you have Covenanted to observe?

A. The Ten Commandments written by God in Stone, besides Christ's Precepts in the Gospel.

Q. Which be the Ten Commandments?

After the Answer to [What is thy Duty towards God?] add, [And to keep holy the Day which he separateth for his Worship.] In the next, let [to bear no malice, &c.] be put before [to be true and just.]

In the Answ. to the Quest. after the Lord's Prayer, after [all People] put [that we may Honour and Love him, as our God; That his Kingdom of Grace may be set up in our Souls, and throughout the World, and his Kingdom of Glory may come, and that God's Law, and not Men's sinful Lusts and Wills may be obeyed, and Earth may be liker unto Heaven. And I Pray, &c.]

Q. How many Sacraments of the Covenant of Grace, hath Christ Ordained in his Church?

A. Two only, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord.

Q. What meanest thou, &c.

A. I mean that Solemn Covenanting with God, wherein there is an outward vi∣sible sign, of our giving up our selves to Him, and of his giving his Grace in Christ to us: being ordained by Christ himself, as a means whereby we receive that Grace, and a pledge to assure us of it.

To Q. What is the inward Spiritual Grace?

A. The pardon of our Sins by the Blood of Christ, whose Members we are made; and a death unto sin, &c.

Q. Why are Infants Baptized?

A. Because they are the Children of the Faithful; to whom God's Promises are made, and are by them devoted unto God, to be entered into Covenant with Him, by his own appointment; which when they come to Age, themselves are bound to perform.

After the next Answer add, [And for our Communion with Him, and with his Church.]

To Q. What are the Benefits, &c.

A. [The renewed Pardon of our Sins, and our Communion with Christ, and his Church, by Faith and Love, and the strengthening, &c.

In the Visitation of the Sick, let the Minister have leave to vary his Prayer, as Occasions shall require. And let the Absolution be conditional, [If thou truly believe in God the Fa∣ther, Son and Holy Ghost, and truly repentest of thy sins, I pronounce thee absolved, through the Sacrifice and Merits of Iesus Christ.]

If any who is to kept from the Communion, for Atheism, Infidelity, Heresie or Impe∣nitency in gross sin, shall in sickness desire Absolution, or the Communion: And if any Mi∣nister intrusted with the power of the Keys, do perceive no probable sign of true Repentance, and therefore dare not in conscience absolve him, or give him the Sacrament, left he profane God's Ordinance, and harden the wicked in presumption and impenitency, let not that Mini∣ster be forced to that Office against his conscience; but let the sick chuse some other, as he please.

And at the Burial of any who were lawfully kept from the Communion, for the same causes, and not absolved, let the Minister be at liberty to change the words thus [For asmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God to take out of this world the soul of this deceased person, we commit his body, &c. believing a Resurrection of the just and unjust, some to joy, and some to punishment]: And to leave out in the Prayer [We give thee hearty thanks for that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of the miseries of this sinful world]: And in∣stead of it put [And the souls of tne wicked to wo and misery•• We beseech thee to convert us all from sin, by true and speedy repentance: And teach us to spend this little time in an holy and heavenly conversation, that we may be always prepared for Death and Iudgment: And—] And in the next Collect to leave out [as our hope is this our brother doth.]

But in the Rubrick before Burial, instead of [any that die unbaptized] put [anythat die unbaptized at years of discretion]; That the Infants of Christian Parents who die unbap∣tized, be not numbered with the Excommunicate and Self-murderers, and denied Christian Burial.

Let the Psalms in the Parish-Churches be read in the last Translation.

Let the Liturgy either be abbreviated, by leaving out the short Versicles and Responses; Or else let the Minister have leave to omit them: and in times of cold or haste, to omit some of the Collects, as he seeth cause.

In Churches where many cannot read, let the Minister read all the Psalms himself: be∣cause the confused Voice of the multitude is seldom intelligible.

Let the shorter confession, and the general Prayer, offered by the Commissioners 1660. be inserted as alias'es, with the Confession and Litany, and liberty granted some time to use them.

All things in the Canon contrary to any thing in this Act to be void and null. And all things repeated in any former Law, that is contrary to this Act.

§ 73. We inserted these Rubricks and Orders, because they gave us more hope that the Alterations of the Liturgy would be granted, than the rest: And there∣fore we thought best to get that way as much as we could. And yet we insisted most 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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on the other part, because therein it was desired, that till the Liturgy was satisfacto∣rily reformed, we should not be constrained to read it, but only sometimes the grea∣ter part of it: Which words I offered my self, lest else the whole should have been frustrate; and because the very words of the Scripture (the Psalms, Sentences, Hymns, Chapters, Epistles, Gospels, &c.) are the far greater part of the Liturgy; so that by this we should not have been forced to use any more, or any thing scru∣pled.

§ 74. Before we concluded any thing, it was desired, that seeing the Earl of Man∣chester, Lord Chamberlain, had been our closest Friend, we should not conclude with∣out his notice: And so at a Meeting at his House, these Two more Articles, or Pro∣posals, were agreed to be added: Viz.

I. Whereas the Sentence of Excommunication may be passed upon very light Occasions, it is humbly desired, that no Minister shall be compelled to pronounce such sentence against his conscience, but that some other be thereunto appointed by the Bishop, or the Court.

II. That no person shall be punished for not repairing to his own Parish-church, who goeth to any other Parish-church or Chappel within the Diocess.

(For by the Bishop's Doctrine it is the Diocesan Church that is the lowest Political Church, and the Parishes are but parts of a Church: For there is no Bishop below the Diocesan. Therefore we go not from our own Church, if we go not out of the Dio∣cess.)

§ 75. When these Proposals were offered to Dr. Wilkins, and the Reasons of them: 1. He would not consent to the clause in the first Propos. [Provided that those who de∣sire it, have leave to give in their Profession, that they renounce not their Ordination, &c.] Where was our greatest stop and disagreement.

2. He would not have had subscription to the Scriptures put in, because the same is in the Articles to which we subscribe; I answer'd, that we subscribed to the Articles because they were materially contained in the Scripture, and not to the Scriptures, because they were not in the Articles, I thought it needful for Order sake, and for the right description of our Religion, that we subscribe to the Scriptures first: And to this at last he consented.

3. He refused the last part of the fifth for Appeals to Civil Courts, saying there was a way of Appeals already, and the other would not be endured.

4. The two next (the 6th and 7th) he was not forward to, but at last agreed to them, leaving out the Clause in the 6th for Registring Names.

5. The two last added Articles also were excepted against. But in the end it was agreed (as they said, by the the Lord keeper's Consent) that Sir Matthew Hale Lord chief Baron of the Exchequer should draw up what we agreed on into the form of an Act to be offered to the Parliament. And therefore Dr. Wilkins and I were to bring our Papers to him, and to advise farther with him, for the wordingof it, because of his eminent Wisdom and Sincerity.

§ 76. Accordingly we went to him, and on Consultation with him, our pro∣posals were accepted, with the alterations following.

1. Instead of the Liberty to declare the validity of our ordination, which would not be endured, it was agreed that the terms of Collation should be these [Take thou Legal Authority to preach the Word of God, and administer the Holy Sacraments in ••y Congregation of England, where thou shalt be lawfully appointed thereunto,] That so the word Legal might shew that it was only a general License from the King that we received, by what Minister soever he pleased to deliver it: And if it were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Bishop, we declared that we should take it from him but as from the King's Minister. For the Paper which I gave in against Re-ordination, convinced Judge Hales, and Dr. Wilkins, that the renunciation of former Ordination in England was by ho means to be exacted or done.

2. Our Form of Subscription remained unaltered.

3. The Clause of Appeals we left out.

4. The Fourth, Fifth, and Seventh passed, leaving out the Clause of Registring Names.

5. The first of the added Articles they thought reasonable; but put it out only, le••t by overdoing we should clog the rest, and frustrate all, with those that we were to deal with.

6. The other added Article they laid by, for the same reason, and also, lest it should be a shelter to Recusant Papists. And thus it was agreed, That the Papers should be all delivered to the Lord Chief Baron, to draw them up into an Act. And because I lived near him, he was pleased to shew me the Copy of his Draught, which was done according to all our Sense; but secretly, lest the noise of a prepared Act should be displeasing to the Parliament. But it was never more called for, and so I believe he burnt it.

§ 77. Because they objected, That by the last Article we should befriend the Papist, and especially by a Clause that we offered to be inserted in the Rubrick of the Liturgy, [That the Sacrament is to be given to none that are unwilling of it,] and I stood very much upon that with them, that we must not corrupt Christ's Sacra∣ment, and all our Churches, and Discipline, and injure many hundred thousand Souls, only to have the better advantage against Papists; and that there were fairer and better means to be used against them. Upon their Enquiry what means might be substituted, I told them, that besides some others, a subscription for all the Tolerated Congregation or Ministers, distinct from that of the Established Mi∣nistry, as followeth, might discover them.

§ 78. The Subscription of the Established Ministry.

I do hereby profess and declare my unfeigned belief of the Holy Canonical Scriptures, as the infallible, intire, and perfect Rule of Divine Faith, and Holy Living, sup∣posing the Laws of Nature; and also my belief of all the Articles of the Creed, and of the 36 Articles of the Doctrine and Sacraments of the Church of England.

Or else the Subscription before agreed on (though this be much better;) supposing the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy also be taken.

The Subscription of all that have Toleration.

I A. B. do hereby profess and declare, without equivocation and deceit, That I be∣lieve Iesus Christ to be the only Governing Head of the Vniversal Church; and the Holy Canonical Scriptures to be the infallible, intire, and perfect Rule of Divine Faith, and Holy Living, supposing the Laws of Nature; and that I believe all the Articles of the Ancient Creeds, called the Apostle's and the Nicene; And that I will not knowingly oppose any Article of the said Holy Canonical Scriptures, or Creeds; nor of the Creed called Athanasius's: Nor will I publickly, seditiously, or unpeaceably deprave, or cry down the Doctrines, Government, and Worship Established by the Laws.]

This doth exclude the Essentials of Popery, and yet is such as all sober, peace∣able Persons that need a Toleration, may submit to.

§ 79. It hath oft times grieved me in former times, to hear how unskilfully some Parliament-Men went about to exclude the Papists, when they were contriving how to take off the Test and Force of the Law, compelling all to the Sacrament. Some must have a Subscription that must name Purgatory and Images, and praying to Saints, and Iustification by Works, and other Points, which they could neither rightly enumerate nor state, to fit them for such a use as this; but would have made all their work ridiculous, not knowing the Essentials of Popery, which are only to make up such a general Test for their Exclusion.

§ 80. But I suppose the Reader will more feelingly think, when he findeth upon what terms we strive (and all in vain) for a little liberty to preach Christ's Gospel, even upon the hardest Terms that will but consist with a good Conscience, and the safety of our own Souls; he will think, I say, what a case such Ministers and such Churches now are in? And how strange (or rather sad than strange) is it, That

Christian Bishops, that call themselves the Pastors and Fathers of the Church, should put us on such Terms as these, when Acts 28. ult. Paul preached in his own House, to as many as came to him, none forbidding him, even under Heathens, &c. And if the Reader be so happy, as to live in Days of the Churches Peace, and Liberty, and Reformation, he will be apt to censure us for yielding to such hard Terms as here we do: Who if he had been in the time and place with us, and see•• that we could have the Gospel upon no other Terms, he would pity rather than censure the Churches and us.

§ 81. Nay, how joyfully would (I believe 1400 of) the Nonconformable Mi∣nisters of England (at least) have yielded to these Terms, if they could have got them. But, alas! all this labour was in vain: For the active Prelates and Prelatists so far prevailed, that as soon as ever the Parliament met, without any delay, they took notice, That there was a rumour abroad of some Motions or Act to be offered, for Comprehension or Indulgence; and voted, That no Man should bring in such an Act into the House; and so they prevented all talk or motion of such a thing; and the Lord Keeper that had called us, and set us on work, himself turned that way, and talk'd after, as if he understood us not.

§ 82. In April, 1668. Dr. Creighton, Dean of Wells, the most famous, loquacious, ready-tongu'd Preacher of the Court, who was used to preach Calvin to Hell, and the Calvinists to the Gallows; and by his scornful revilings and jests, to set the Court on a Laughter, was suddenly, in the Pulpit, (without any sickness) surprized with Astonishment, worse than Dr. South, the Oxford-Orator, had been before him; and when he had repeated a Sentence over and over, and was so confounded, that he could go no further at all, he was fain, to all Men's wonder, to come down. And his case was more wonderful than almost any other Man's, being not only a fluent. extemporate Speaker, but one that was never known to want words, especially to express his Satyrical or bloody Thoughts.

§ 83. In Iuly Mr. Taverner, late Minister of Vxbridge, was sentenc'd to New∣gate-Goal, for Teaching a few Children at Brainford; but paying his Fine prevented it: And Mr. Button of Brainford, (a most humble, worthy, godly Man, that never was in Orders, or a Preacher, but had been Canon of Christ's Church in Oxford, and Orator to the University) was sent to Goal, for Teaching two Knight's Sons in his House, having not taken the Oxford-Oath, by one Ross a Justice (a Scot, that was Library-Keeper at Westminster) and some other Iustices: And many of his Neigh∣bours of Brainford were sent to the same Prison, for worshipping God, in private, together; where they all lay many Months (six as I remember.) And I name these, because they were my Neighbours; but many Countries had the like usage. Yea, Bishop Crofts, that had pretended great Moderation, sent Mr. Woodward, a worthy silen∣ced Minister of Hereford-shire, to Goal for six Months. Some were imprisoned upon the Oxford-Act, and some on the Act against Conventicles.

§ 84. In September, Col. Phillips (a Courtier of the Bed-chamber, and my next Neighbour, who spake me fair) complained to the King of me for Preaching to great numbers: but the King put it by, and nothing was done, at that time.

§ 85. About this time Dr. Manton (being nearest the Court, and of great Name among the Presbyterians, and being heard by many of great Quality) was told by Sir Iohn ••abor, That the King was much inclined to favour the Non-confor∣mists, and that an Address now would be accepted, and that the Address must be a thankful Acknowledgment of the Clemency of his Majesty's Government, and the Liberty which we thereby enjoy, &c. Accordingly they drew up an Address of Thanksgiving, and I was invited to joyn in the presenting of it (but not in the Pen∣ning; for I had marr'd their Matter oft enough:) But I was both sick and unwilling, having been oft enough imployed in vain: But I told them only of my sickness. And so Dr. Manton, Dr. Bates, Dr. Iacombe, and Mr. Ennis, presented it: what accep∣tance it had with the King, and what he said to them, this Letter of Dr. Manton's will tell you. But the Copy of the Ackno••••dgment I cannot give you, for I never saw it, nor sought to see it, that I remember, for I perceived what it aimed at.

Dr. Manton's Letter to me at Acton.

SIR,

I Was under restraint till now, and could not send you an account of our reception with the King. It was very gracious; He was pleased once and again to signifie, how ac∣ceptable our Address was, and how much he was persuaded of our Peaceableness; saying, that he had known us to be so ever since his return; promised us, that he would do his utmost to get us comprehended within the Publick Establishment, and would remove all Bars, for he could wish that there had been no Bounds nor Bars at all, but that all had been Sea, that we might have had liberty enough; but something must be done for publick Peace: However, we could not be ignorant, that this was a work of difficulty and time, to get it fully effected for our Assurance: And therefore we must wait till Businesses could be ripened. In the mean time he wish'd us to use our Liberty temperately, and not with such open Offence and Scandal to the Government: He said our Meetings were too numerous, and so (besides that they were against Law) gave occasion to many clamorous People to come with complaints to him, as if our design was wholly to undermine the Church; and to say, Sir, These are they that you protect against the Laws. He instanced in the folly of Farringdon's Preaching in the Play-House: We told him we all disliked the Action, and that he had been sorely rebuked for affronting the Government under which we live, with so much peace, (but I forgot to disclaim him:) He instanced in one more, (but with a Preface, that he had a great respect for the Person, and his Worth and Learning) who draweth in all the Countrey round about to him; this Person is Mr. Baxter of Acton; he instanced in him, because of a late Complaint from a Iustice of Peace, who had a mind to be nibling at him, b••t feared it would be with the offence of his Majesty; we imagine Ross to be the person. I replyed, That you went to the publick, did it in the interval, between Morning and Evening Service, beginning at Twelve. That the first Intendment was for the benefit of your own Family; that this great Company was not invited by you, but intruded upon you; that it was hard to exclude those, who in Charity might be supposed to come with a thirst after the means of Edification. I alledged the general necessity, and that Nonconformists were not all of a piece, and if people of unsober principles in Religion were permitted to preach, a necessity lay upon us, to take the like liberty, that those who have invincible scruples against the publick way, may not be left as a prey to those who might leave bad impressions upon them, which would neither be so safe for Religion, nor the publick peace. To which His Majesty re∣ply'd, That the riffle raffie of the people were not of such Consideration, they being apt to run after every new Teacher; but people of Quality might be intreated to forbear to meet, or at least not in such multitudes, lest the publick Scandal taken thereby, might obstruct his Intentions and Designs for our good: He seemed to be well enough pleased, when I sug∣gested that our Sobriety of Doctrine, and medling only with weighty things, and remem∣brance of Him in our prayers, with respect, preserved an esteem of his Person and Govern∣ment in the Hearts of his people, and that possibly people of another humour might season them with worse Infusions: Then Arlington pluck'd him by the Coat, as desiring him to note it. Finally, I told him, That you would have waited upon him with us, if you had not been under the Confinement of a Disease: This is the Sum, express words I have not bound my self unto, only kept as near as I can remember: Since this our Address hath been considered by the Cabinet Council, and approved; the Business was debated, whether it should be made publick, most were for that Opinion, but the final result was, that we should be left at liberty to speak of it with such Restrictions as our Wisdom should suggest. We met him privately in my Lord Arlington's Lodgings. I am now in very great haste, I must abruptly take leave of you, with the profession that I am,

Sir,

Your Faithful Brother and Servant.

Some other things, when they come to mind, I will acquaint you with.

Covent-Garden, this Friday Morning.

§ 86. But the Minister that offered this acknowledgment did neither publish it, nor give out any Copies of it, I suppose lest they should be thought to be the Persons that were opening the Door to a Toleration which should take in the Papists: For ever since the King himself published a Declaration of his purpose to give such a Liberty as they also should have their part in, and by the Ob∣servation of all that passed before and since, by-standers made this Epitome of their Expections.

1. The Papists must have the Liberty of exercising their Religion.

2. The State must not be reproached by it; as intending Popery.

3. The Bishops must have no hand in it, lest they be taken to intend the same, which some of the People are already too apt to believe, especially since they refu∣sed Concord with the Ministers, and are for their silencing, and so great severi∣ties against them.

4. The Papists must not be seen in it themselves, till they can be sure to carry it, lest it stir up the Parliament and People against them.

5. Therefore it must be done by the Nonconformists.

6. The Presbyterians are four and will not.

7. The Independent Leaders are for the doing it, but they dare not say so, for fear of becoming odious with the Presbyterians, Parliament and People: (And they intend no good to the Papistsby it when they have done, but to strengthen themselves) Therefore they dare not appear in it till the Presbyterians join with them.

8. When the smart of the Presbyterians is greater, it may be their Stomachs will come down: Who knoweth whether Extremity may not force them, rather to desire a part in a common Liberty, than to see others have it while they lie in Goals

9. At least when they wait and beg for their own Liberty, that which is given to all others, will seem to be given chief••y in compassion to them that were the Sufferers; and their Necessities will make it said, that they were the Causes.

10. And when it is granted, it is easie to distinguish, &c. And the Presbyte∣rians are the backwarder on these two accounts, 1. When they are known to be the most adverse to Popery, and to have made their Covenant, and opposed the Bishops, &c. on that account, and suspect the Bishops to design again such a Confederacy as Heylin defendeth and confesseth, and to have promoted their si∣lencing to this end; after all this to force these Sufferers to take on them the task and odium of procuring the Papist's Liberty, while they that would have it, cry out against it, seeemeth to them so intolerable an Injury, that they can∣not willingly submit to. 2. Because if they had a part in a common Toleration they believe it is very easie to turn them out of it quickly, and leave the Papists in, by some Oath which shall be digestible by a Papist, and not by them (such as, the Oxford Oath, or some others)

11. But either they are mistaken in some of these Conclusions, or else the Pa∣pists desire to have two Strings to their Bow. For Heylin (in Laud's Life) and Th••r••dike (in three late Books) do plainly tell the World, that one Business to be done is, to open the Door of the Church of England so wide, by reconci∣ling means, that the Papists might be the easilier brought in to us, and may find nothing to hinder the moderate sort from coming to our Assemblies (by the Pope's consent) and so all notes of Distinction may so far cease. But one part of the Papists themselves are as high to the Bishops, as the Bishops to us; nothing ••ut all will serve their turns: Whether they will have Wit enough to take less 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the first, I hope yet the Wisdom of the Superiours will keep us from knowing by experience.

But after all this, we were as before, and the talk of Liberty did but occasion the writing many bitter Pamphlets against Toleration: And among others, they have gathered out of mine, and other Mens Books all that we had then said against Liberty for Popery, and for Quakers railing against the Ministers in the open Congregations, and this they applied now, as against a Toleration of our selves; because the bare name of Toleration did seem in the People's Ears to serve their turn, by signifying the same thing. And because we had said, that Men should not be tolerated to preach against. Jesus Christ and the Scriptures, they would thence justifie themselves for not tolerating us to preach for Jesus Christ, unless we would be deliberate Liars, and use all their Inventions. And

those same Men, who when Commissioned with us, to make such Alterations in the Liturgy as were necessary to satisfie tender Consciences] did maintain that no alteration was necessary to satisfie them, and did moreover contrary to all our importunity, make so many new burdens of their own to be anew imposed on us, had now little to say, but that they must be obeyed, because they are imposed. Before the imposing Laws were made, they could by no means be kept from making them, that when they were made, they might plead Law against those that denied to use their Impositions. Before the Law was made, they pleaded the Ceremonies and Formalities will be all duties when their is a Law made for them, Ergo. a Law shall be made not only for them, but for swearing, unswearing, subscribing, declaring all things imposed to be so true, and so good, that we assent and consent to all: And when the Laws are made, then, O what Rebels are these that will not obey the Law! Then they cry out, If every Man shall be Judge what is Lawful, and shall prefer his own Wit above the Law, what is become of Order and Government: How inconsistent are-these Rebellious Principles with a Commonwealth, or any Rule or Peace.] As if they knew not, that the same words may be said for obedience to the Laws about Religion under Lutherans, Calvinists, Arrians, Papists, Turks, &c. And if Hobb's Leviathan be not set up a Magistrate, that must be Master of our Religion, what signifieth all this? Yet had this talk been more ingenuous by Men that had found all these Laws, and could not procure them to be amended: But for those Men that first resolutely procure them for these ends, to plead them afterwards in this manner, as the reason of all their Actions and violence, is like the Spider in the Fable, to make Webs with great Industry to catch the Flies, and hang them in their way, and then to accuse them of a mortal Crime for coming into their Webs: Or to make Nets to catch the Fish, and take them in it, and then accuse them for coming into their Nets. I speak not this of the Law-makers, but of the Prelatical Commissioners before∣mentioned, and their after Practices.

§ 88. About this time, or before, came out a Book called A friendly debate be∣tween a Conformist, and Nonconformist, written (as was doubted) by Dr. Simon Pa∣trick, which made much talk; and a second part after that; and a third part, with an Appendix after that. He had before written a Book called the Pilgrim, which with many laudable things, had sharply pleaded that Obedience must enter the defini∣tion of Iustifying Faith; and had censured tartly those that taught otherwise: And by this he incurred as sharp a censure by many of the Nonconformists: Some thought that this exasperated him; others thought that without exasperation he followed his own Genius and Judgment. He was one of those then called a Latitudinar an, a so∣ber, learned, able Man, that had written many things well, and was well e∣nough esteemed. But this Book was so dis-ingenuous and virulent as caused most Religious People to abhor it for the strain and tendency, and probable Effects. It cannot be denied, but that many godly, zealous Ministers are guilty of weakness of Judgment and expression, and that many mistakes are found among them (for who is it that hath no Errors?) And it cannot be denied but that the greater number of the common People who are seriously Religious and Conscionable, are yet much weaker in Judgment and Language than the Ministers: (For if sudden Conversion and Repentance as soon as it hath changed a Man's mind, and will, and life, in the matters which his Salvation lieth on, did also possess him with all the exactness of Notions and Language which Academicks attain to in many years study, to what purpose were Academies, and those Studies? And then it would be as miraculous a work as the first gift of Tongues.) This Learned Man having met with the weak passages of some Ministers (especially Mr. Bridge, and some of the then Inde∣pendent Party, who in an excessive opposition to the Arminians spake something unwarily, if not unsoundly under the pretence of extolling free Grace) he scrapes these together for matter of Reproach: And having heard the crude and un∣meet Expressions of many well-meaning Women and unlearned private Men, e∣specially that are inclined most to Self-conceitedness, and unwarrantable singularities and separation, he bundleth up these, and bringeth them all forth in a way of Dia∣logue between a Conformist and a Nonconformist, in which he maketh the Noncon∣formist speak as foolishly as he had a mind to represent him, and only such filly things as he knew he could easily shame. And while he pretendeth but to humble the Nonconformists for over-valuing themselves, and censuring others as ungodly and erroneous, and to shew them what errours and weaknesses are among themselves,

he speaketh to the Nonconformists in general (though acknowledging some sober Persons to be among them) that which is nothing to the cause of Non-conformi∣ty; and laboureth to prove that the Religion of the Non-conformists is foolish, ri∣diculous, &c. As if he should have sought to prove the Religion of Christians, or Protestants foolish, because there are ignorant persons among them. And in∣stan••ing in things that concern not Non-conformity, but Prayer, and Preaching, and Discourse of Religion, the Book did exceedingly fit the humours not only of the ••aters of the Non-conformists, but also of all the prophane despisers and de∣riders of serious Godliness: So that it was greedily read by all that desired mat∣ter of Contempt and Scorn against both Non-conformity and Piety, and was greatly fitted to exasperate them to further Persecutions, and to harden them in impenitency, who had already made such doleful havock in the Church. It was as sit an Engine to destroy Christian Love on both sides, and to engage Men in those ways which still more destroy it, as any thing of long time hath been pub∣lished. It is true, that in many things they were real weaknesses which he detected, and that he knew more himself than most of those whom he exposed to scorn: And it is true, that many of them by their censoriousness of the Conformists, did too much instigate such Men: But it is as true, that while Christ's Flock consisteth of weak ones in their Earthly State of Imperfection, and while his Church is an Hos∣pital, and he the Physician of Souls, it ill becometh a Preacher of the Gospel to teach the Enemies of Christ and Holiness, to cast all the reproach of the Disea∣ses upon the nature of Health, or on the Physician, or to expose Christ's Fa∣mily to scorn for that weakness which he pittieth them for, and is about to cure; if he had first told us where we we might find a better sort of Men than these faulty Christians, or could prove them better who meddle with God, and Heaven, and Holiness, but formally and complimentally on the by, he had done something. And it is certain that nothing scarce hardened the faulty persons more in their Way and weaknesses, than his way of reprehending them. For my part I speak not out of partiality; for he was pleased to single me out for his Commendations, and to exempt me from the Accusations. But it made my Heart to grieve to perceive how the Devil only was the gainer, whilst Truth and Godliness was not only pretended by both parties, but really intended.

§ 89. Yea it would have grieved the heart of any sober Christian to ob∣serve how dangerously each party of the Extremes did tempt the other to impeni∣tenitency and further Sin! Even when the Land was all on a Flame, and we were all in apparent danger of our ruin by our Sins and Enmities, the unhap∣py prelates began the Game, and cruelly cast out 1800 Ministers: and the peo∣ple th••••eupon esteeming them Wolves, and malignant prosecutors, fled from them ••s the Sheep will do from Wolves, not considering, that notwith∣standing their Personal Sin, they still (outwardly) professed the same Prote∣stant Religion; and when any Prelatist told the Sectaries of their former Sin (Rebellions or Divisions) they heard it as the words of an Enemy, and were more hardened in it against Repentance than before, yea, were ready to take that for a Vertue which such Men reproached them for, when as before they had begun from Experience to repent: And on the other side, when the Prelatists saw what Crimes the Army-party of the Sectaries had before committed, which they aggravated from their own Interest, they noted also all the weaknesses of Judgment and Expression in Prayer, which they met with, not only in the weak∣er sort of Ministers, but of the very Women, and unlearned People also, and turned all this not only to the reproach of all the Sectaries, but (as their Passi∣on, Interest, and Faction led them) of all the Non-conformists also, of whom the far greatest part were much more innocent than themselves.

§ 90. And so subtil is Satan in using his Instruments that by their wicked folly crying out maliciously for repentance, he hindered almost all open Confession and Pro∣fession of repentance, on both ••ides. For these self Exalters did make their own interest and Opinions to pass with them for the sure Expositor of the Law of God and Man: And they that never truly understood the old Difference between the King and Parliament, did state the Crime according to their own shallow passionate conceits, and then in every book cryed out, Repent, Repent, Repent of all your Rebel∣lions from first to last; you Presbyterians began the War, and brought the King's head to the 〈…〉〈…〉 cut it off: And as they put in Lies among some truths,

so the people thought they put in their Duties among their sins, when they called them to repent; And if a man had professed repentance for the one without the other, and had not mentioned all that they expected, and made his Confessions ac∣cording to their prescripts, they would have cryed out, Traytors, Traytors, and have pressed every word to be the Proclamation of another War; So that all their calling for repentance was but an Ambuscade and Snare, and most effectually prohi∣bited all open repentance, because it would have been Treason if it had not come up to their most unjust measures; And all men thought silence safer with such men, than Confession of fin: (And the sectaries were the more persuaded that their sin was no sin): And this occasioned the greater obduration of their Enemies, who cryed out, None of them all repenteth, and therefore they are ready to do the same again; And so they justifyed themselves in all the Silencings, Con••inings, Imprisonments, &c. Which they inflicted on them, and all the odious representations of them.

§ 91. But that great Lie that the Presbyterians in the English Parliament began the War, is such as doth as much tempt men that know it, to question all the History that ever was written in the World, as any thing that ever I heard spoken: Rea∣der, I will tell it thee to thy admiration. When the War was first raised, there was but one Presbyterian known in all the Parliament; There was not one Presbyteri∣an known among all the Lord Lieutenants whom the Parliament Committed the Mili∣tia to: There was not one Presbyterian known among all the General Officers of the Earl of Essex Army; nor one among all the English Colonels, Majors or Captains, that ever I could hear of (There were two or three swearing Scots, of whom Vrrey turned to the King: What their opinion was I know not, nor is it considerable). The truth is, Presbytery was not then known in England, except among a few studi∣ous Scholars, nor well by them. But it was the moderate Conformists and Episco∣pal Protestants, who had been long in Parliaments crying out of Innovations, Armi∣nianism, Popery, but specially of Monopolies, illegal taxes, and the danger of Arbi∣trary Government, who now raised the War against the rest whom they took to be guilty of all these things: And a few Independents were among them, but no consi∣derable Number. And yet these Conformists never cry out [Repent ye Episcopal Conformists; for it was you that began the War.] Much less [Repent ye Arminian, Groti∣an, innoveling prelates, who were reducing us so near Rome as Heylin in the Life of Laud describeth; for it was you that kindled the Fire, and that set your own party thus against you, and made them wish for an Episcopacy, doubly reformed 1 with better Bishops 2 with less secular power, and smaller Diocesses.]

§ 92. Some moderate worthy men did excellently well answer this Book of Dr. Patrick's; so as would have stated matters rightly; but the danger of the Times made them suppress them, and so they were never printed; But Mr. Rowles late Minister at Thistleworth printed an Answer, which sufficiently opened the faul∣tiness of what he wrote against; but wanting the Masculine strength, and caute∣lousness which was necessary to deal with such an Adversary, he was quickly answer∣ed (by fastening on the weakest parts) with new reproach and triumph; And the Author was doubly exposed to suffering: For whereas he was so neer Conformity as that he had taken the Oxford Oath, and read some Common prayer, and therefore by connivance was permitted to preach in South-Work to an Hospital, where he had 40l. per Ann. and was now in expectation of Liberty at a better place in Bridewell, he was now deprived of that; And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had little relief from the Nonconformists, because he Conformed so far as he did.* 8.1 And having a numerous family was in great want.

§ 93. The next year came out a far more virulent book called, Ecclesiastical Policy, written by Sam. Parker a young Man of pregnant parts, who had been brought up among the Sectaries, and seeing some weaknesses among them, and being of an eager Spirit, was turned with the Times into the contrary extreme for which he giveth thanks to God; And judging of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 called Puritans and Nonconformists by the people that he was bred amongst, and being now made Arch-Bishop Sheldon's hous∣hold Chaplain, where such work was to be done, he writeth the most scornfully, and rashly, and prophanely, and cruelly, against the Nonconformists, of any man that ever yet assaulted them (that I have heard of:) And in a fluent fervent ingenious style of Natural Rhetorick, poureth out floods of Odious reproaches, and (with in∣cautelous Extremities) saith as much to make them hated, and to stir up the Parlia∣ment to destroy them as he could well speak. And all this was to play the old game, at once to please the Devil, the Prelates and the prophane, and so to twist all three

into one party; than which if prelacy be of God, a greater injury could not be done to it; being the surest tryed way to engage all the Religious, if not the Sober al∣so of the Land against it.

§ 93. Soon after, Dr. Iohn Owen first tryed to have engaged me to answer it, by telling me and others that I was the fittest Man in England for that work (on what account I now enquire not). But I had above all men been oft enough searched in the malignant fire, and contended with them with so little thanks from the Inde∣pendents (tho they could say little against it) that I resolved not to meddle with them any more, without a clearer call than this: And besides Patrick and that Party by excepting me from those whom they reproached (in respect of Doctrine, dispo∣sition and practice) made me the unfittest person to rise up against them: Which if I had done, they that applauded me before, would soon have made me seem as odious almost as the rest: For they had some at hand, that, in evil speaking, were such Ma∣sters of Language, that they never wanted Matter, nor Words, but could say what they listed as voluminously as they desired.

§ 94. Whereupon Dr. Owen answered it himself, selecting the most odious Doctri∣nal Assertions, (with some others) of Parker's book; and laid them so naked in the Judgment of all Readers that ever I met with, that they concluded Parker could ne∣ver answer it: Especially because the Answer was delayed about a year. By which Dr. Owen's esteem was much advanced with the Nonconformists.

§ 95. But Parker contriv'd to have his Answer ready against the Sessions of the Parliament (in Octob. 1670.) And shortly after it came out: In which he doth with the most voluminous torrent of naturall and malicious Rhetorick speak over the same things which might have been Comprized in a few Sentences; viz. The Non∣conformists, Calvinists, Presbyterians, Hugonots, are the most villanous unsufferable sort of sanctified Fools, Knaves; and unquiet Rebels that ever were in the World: With their naughty Godliness, and holy Hypocrisie and Villanies, making it necessary to fall upon their Teachers, and not to spare them; for the Conquering of the rest. But yet he putteth more Exceptions here of the Soberer, honest, peaceable sort (whom he loveth but pittyeth for the unhappiness of their Education) and in par∣ticular speaketh kindly of me) than he had done before. For when he had before persuaded men to fall upon the Ministers, and said [What are an hundred men to be valued, in Comparison of the safety of the whole.] When Dr. Owen and others common∣ly understood him as meaning that there was but a 100 Nonconformable Ministers (when 1800 were silenced) he found out this shift to abate both the Charge of malig∣nant Cruelty, and Untruth, and saith that he meant that he hoped the seditious hot headed party that misled the people were but a few: Whereby he vindicated fifteen hundred Nonconformable Ministers against those Charges which he and others fre∣quently lay on the Nonconformists (by that name.)

But the second part of the Matter of his book, was managed with more advan∣tage; because of all the Men in England Dr. Owen was the Chief that had Headed the Independents in the Army with the greatest height, and Confidence, and Ap∣plause, and afterward had been the greater persuader of Fleetwood, Desborough and the rest of the Officers of the Army who were his Gathered Church, to Compel Rich. Cromwell to dissolve his Parliament; which being done, he fell with it, and the King was brought in: So that Parker had so many of his Parliament and Army Sermons to cite, in which he urgeth them to Justice, and prophesyeth of the ruine of the Western Kings, and telleth them that their work was to take down Civil and Ecclesiastical Tyranny, with such like, that the Dr. being neither able to repent (hitherto) or to justify all this must be silent, or only plead the Art of Oblivion: And so I fear his unfitness for this Work was a general injury to the Nonconformists.

§ 96. And here I think I ought to give Posterity notice, that by the Prelatist's malice, and unreasonable implacable Violence, Independency and Separation got greater advantages, against Presbytery, and all setled accidental extrinsick order and means of Concord, than ever it had in these Kingdoms since the World began. For powerful and Godly Preachers (though now most silenced) had in twenty years liber∣ty brought such numbers to serious Godliness, that it was vain for the Devil or his Servants to hope that suffering could make the most forsake it. And to the Prelatists they would never turn, while they saw them for the sake of their own Wealth and Lordships, and a few Forms and Ceremonies, silence so many hundred worthy self-denying Ministers, that had been Instruments of their Good, and to become the Son of the prophane malignant Enmity to the far greatest part of the most serious Re∣ligious

People in Three Kingdoms. And Presbyterians were forced to forbear all Exercise of their way: they durst not meet together (Synodically) unless in a Goal. They could not (ordinarily be the Pastors of Parish-Churches, no not for the private part of the Work, being driven five Miles from all their former Charges and Auditors, and from every City and Corporation: Which Law, while they durst not (for the most part of them) obey, they were fain to live privately, as still flying from a Goal, and to preach to none but those that sought to them, and thrust in upon them. So that their Congregations were, through necessity, just of Independent and Separating Shape, and outward Practice, though not upon the same Principles. And the common People (though pious) are so apt to be led by outward palpable Appearances, that they forgot both former Principles, and sad Effects and Practices (though such as one would think should never have been for∣gotten, at least by them who suffered all these Confusions and Calamities as the Fruits:) yea, more than so, 1. the Sense of our common Faultiness; 2. and the necessity of our present Concord; 3. and the harshness of grating upon suffering Persons; 4. and the reconciling nature of our common Sufferings; made us think it unseasonable and sinful (though after ten Years) to tell one another never so gently of our former Faults, or to touch upon our different Principles; but 'twas thought best to bury all in silence, whilst the Fruits of them spread more, and lea∣vened a great part of the Religious People of the City, yea, of the Land.

§ 97. And it was a great Advantage to them, that their selected Members be∣ing tyed by Covenants, stuck close to them, and the Presbyterians Assemblies (un∣less they gathered Churches in their way) were but unknown or uncertain People for a great part: And so the only order seemed to be left in the gathered Churches.

§ 98. And another Advantage was, That being more than the rest against the Bishops, Liturgies, Ceremonies, and Parish-Communion, they agreed much better with the disposition and passions of most of the Religious suffering People. And those of us that were of another mind, and refused not Parish-Communion in some Places and Cases, were easily represented by them to the People, as luke-warm Temporizers, Men of too large Principles, who supt the Anti-christian Pottage, though we would not eat the Flesh. And a few such Words behind our backs, wrought more on the Minds of many, especially of the meaner and weaker sort of People, than many Volumes of Learned Argument: This weakness we cannot deny to their Accusers.

§ 99. But whoever be the Sect-Masters, it is notorious, That the Prelates (tho' not they only) are the Sect-makers, by driving the poor People by violence, and the viciousness of too many of their Instruments, into these alienations and extreams: (though I confess that Men's guilt, in the Days of Liberty of Conscience, must silence both Masters and Disciples from justifying themselves.) When I think of our Case, and think of Christ's way of using Parables, I am inclined to interpose a few.

§ 100. In the West-Indies, the Natives make Bread of a Root which is poison, 'till corrected, and then it is tolerable Bread: The Europeans had a Controversie with the Indians, and another among themselves: The Indians said, That their Roots were the better, because our Wheat consisted of so many small incoherent Grains, and was divisible even unto Atoms: To prove which, they did grind it to Flower on the Mill, and then triumphing cryed, see what Dust your Corn is come to! The Christians said, that their Wheat was better than the Indian's Roots, as being more agreeable to the Nature of Man; and that all those Atoms might be Ce∣mented by a skilful hand, and fermented into a wholsom Mass, and baked into better Bread than theirs, On the other side, in a Place and Year where English Corn was scarce, some of the Christians did eat of the Indian Bread; but the rest maintained that it was unlawful, because the Root had poison in it; and therefore they would rather live without. The other answered them, That the Poison was easily sepa∣rable from the rest, and a wholsome Bread made of it, though not so good as ours. The Contention increased, and the Refusers called the other Murderers, as per∣suading Men to eat Poison: And the other called them ignorant Self-Murderers, who would famish themselves and their Families. When the reviling and censure had continued a while, the Famine grew so hot, that one half of the Refusers dyed, and the rest by pinching hunger and dear-bought Experience, were first induced to

try, and a••ter to feed on the Indian Bread, to the preservation of their Lives. But e'er long, the English Wheat prospered again; and then the Europeans fell into three Parties among themselves. One Party joyned with the Indians, and said the Indian Bread is best; for that saved our Lives when the English failed us: Therefore it shall be made Banishment or Imprisonment to sow or speak for the English (or Euro∣pean) Grain or Bread.

Another Party reviled those that drew their Fathers to eat Indian Bread, and said, shall we be befooled, and go against our Nature, and our common Senses, our Taste, our experience of Strength and Vivacity? Do we not see that the English is best? Therefore they were Traytors that drew our Fore-fathers to eat the others, and these are inhuman Tyrants that now compel Men to it.

But the third party said, The English Bread is best, which we never denyed; but the Indian Bread was a thousand fold better than none: we only used it when we could get no better; which was no changing of our Minds, but of our Practice. And we will do the like in the like case of necessity. Yea, though it grieveth us to be put to it by our own Countrey-men, we will rather eat now the Indian Bread, than be famished by Banishment, or in a Prison. How this Controversie will end, time will shew: But every side hath so learned Men, that it's never like to end by Dis∣puting; for every one can shame his Adversary's Words. But either another Famine, or a plenty of European Bread, with liberty to use it, is like to end it, if it ever end.

§ 101. The like Controversie fell out in the Indies, whether Asses or Horses were to be preferred, as fittest for Man's use. The Indians said Asses, because it had been their Countreys use; and Horses were so unruly, that they would run away with the Rider, and cast their Burdens, to the danger of Men's Lives. The Europeans said, the Horses might be so used, as to be more tame, and so made far more useful than the Asses; and some little inconveniencies and perils must be endured for a greater good. At last, all the European Horses dyed; and then the English fell into Difference, whether it were lawful to ride on Asses: Some said no, and aggravated their baseness: Some said yea, when we can have no better. But when the Land was again stored with European Horses, the English fell into just such a Difference as before. Some would have all the English Horses kill'd, and those banished or im∣prisoned that would use them: And they said, Do we not see by long experience, that Coits cannot be tamed, nor made tractable, except to a few, that use to ride them? And all that never had skill to tame them, or that had ever catch'd a fall by them, were on this side. Others said, it was not lawful to use an Ass, but yet they would have none denyed liberty herein, save only that the Boys that see him, should have leave to hoot. The third sort preferred Horses, but yet would have every Man have liberty to use a Horse or an Ass as he pleased, and none to have li∣berty to hoot at them, or openly deride them on either side. The Matter came before the Judges. The first sort confessed, that Horses made a fairer shew, but that was their Hypocrisie; and that they went swiflier, but it was to the Rider's overthrow: And said, what need you more than all our Experience; when all we have been cast by them, to the hazard of our Lives: And we only are the King's best Subjects, and therefore by casting us you would depose the King, and what∣ever you pretend, you are Traytors, and this lyeth at the bottom. For no Sub∣jects, no King; and if we must ride on Horses, we shall be no Subjects long. And ••o have some use Horses and some Asses, will breed Factions and endless Divisions amongst us; and what a ridiculous Monster will it make the Kingdom? They that use Horses will still be deriding them that ride on Asses, &c. The other answered them 1. That the main cause of their misfortunes came from their own unskilful∣••••ss, and disuse, who had not Patience to learn to ride, nor Humility to confess their unskilfulness. And that it were better for the Kingdom, that those that have more skill to ••ame Col••s, and ride Horses, were suffered to furnish the King and Kingdom with that nobler Breed, than to dishonour it, and wrong so many, to serve the ignorance or slaggishness of some.

The first urged their Experience, and the latter urged their contrary Experience, till the Judge, being a wise Man, would have fain seen the Experience of the latter sort, and have permitted them to ride a while before them. But the other urged, [Will not all our past Experience warn you? Will you yet be guilty of those Men's Blood?] The Judge answered, It will be but the Rider's, and none of yours: Why pretend you to be more careful of their Lives, than they are of their own; even when you would have them Imprisoned or Banished? So it came to the Tryal; but the Accusers would needs choose the Horses; and they chose none for the Tryal but unbroken Colts. The other only desired, that either they might have time to break these Colts first, at their own peril, or else might be tryed with such as they themselves had broken. But the other cryed out, Do you not hear now, my Lord, the impudence and unreasonableness of these brazen-faced Villains, that will never be content? Did not we tell you, That nothing would satisfie them, if you granted their Desires. You have granted them a Tryal, and now if they may not have their own Terms, they are as unquiet as before: Are these Fellows fit to be suffered in a peaceable Common-wealth.

But the King himself interposed, as wiser than them all, and said, I will try them both on Colts and Horses: so it came to the open Tryal; and it so strangely happened, that all the tamed Horses were ridden in a blameless Order, and the Colts themselves cast not one of their Riders; but only some time kick'd, and bit at those that came too near them, and strove a little against the Bit.

This Experience had like to have carried it for Horses; for the Judge said, I see now it is but the Accusers fault, that they have sped worse. And the Defendents said, We confess, my Lord, that Colts are Colts, and must have labour, and also that some Horses are too hot mettled, and we are contented that you lay by those few, if they prove untameable; but not to banish all Horses, and their Riders for their sakes.

This Motion seemed reasonable to some, and I am persuaded it had prevailed, but for two unhappy Arguments at the last. 1. Said the Accusers, my Lord, you see that these Horses, even the best ridden of them all, are Factious: They make a difference between the King's Subjects; they will be ruled indeed, but it is only by these Fellows that are used to them; they would quickly cast Vs off, if we should ride them: And then they say, it is our unskilfulness, when it is nothing but their seditious unruly humour. My Lord, We can name you as worthy Men, and skilful Riders, as any are in the World, that have been cast by Horses. And moreover, it appeareth, That Nature never made them for Man's use; for they have not their Gentleness as the Asses have by nature, but only by much force and use: And who knoweth not forced things will quickly return like an unstringed Bow, to their na∣tural state, which here is nothing but unruly fierceness. And besides, when in all Ages, it must cost so much ado to tame them, with the hazard of Men's lives, Men will at last be weary of so much pains as well as we. 2. But if all this will not do, in a word, if you banish them not, you are not Caesar's Friend, for we can tell you of a Horse that once cast an Emperor, to the loss of his life, who was as good and as skilful a Rider, as any in the World. This last Word stopt the Defendent's Mouths. For though they whispered among themselves, 1. That the main fault was in the Riders, that should have better tamed that Horse for the Emperor. 2. And that a Man in white was seen to put Nettles under the Horses Tail, and continually to keep and prick in his side, and to beat him on. 3. That many thousand Irish-Men frighted him with Guns and Fire-balls, 'till he was not himself. 4. That it was an extraordinary fierce natur'd Horse. 5. The Accusers themselves were the unskilful Riders, who first spoiled them. 6. That it hath been revenged already by the Blood of many, who had the last Hand in spoiling the Horse. 7. That they abhor the Thoughts of the Action, as well as the Accusers; and are content, that as strict Laws be made as may be, for skilful Riders, and for a careful choice for the King's own Saddle] with more such like; yet this was so tender a Point, that very few of the Defendents durst speak out; and so—

And here also the defendents fell into differences among themselves; when the point of necessity, some that had pleaded most for Horses, would make use of Asses rather than none: And others for it, called them Turn-Coats, and the Servants of Tyranny. But how the Controversie is like to end, I told you before.

I have but one word to say, for expounding my Parable, that by Horses I do not mean Non-conformists, (unless as any of them fall under another Ge∣nus. It is serious, Religious Persons that I mean, who are scorned as Puritans, Zealots, and Precisians, because they set not as light by Heaven as others, and will go further in Religion than dead Formality, and Imagery.

§ 102. But I must return and say something of my own affairs: Whilst I li∣ved at Acton, as long as the Act against Conventicles was in force, though I Preached to my Family, few came to hear me of the Town; partly because they thought it would endanger me, and partly for fear of suffering themselves, but e∣specially because they were an ignorant poor People, and had no Appetite to such things. But when the Act was expired, there came so many that I wanted room; and when once they had come and heard, they afterward came constant∣ly. Insomuch that in a little time there was a great number of them that seemed very seriously affected with the things they heard, and almost all the Town and Parish, besides abundance from Brainford, and the Neighbour Parishes came: And And I know not of three in the Parish that were Adversaries to us or our Endea∣vours, or wisht us Ill.

§ 103. Experience here convinced me that the Independent separating rigour is not the way to do the People good. After Dr. Featly, Mr. Nye, and Mr. Elford, two able Independents had been the setled Ministers at Acton; and when I was there, there remained but two Women in all the Town, and Parish, whom they had admitted to the Sacrament (whereof One was a Lady that by alienation from them turned Quaker, and was their great Patroness, and returned from them while I was there, and heard me with rest.) This rigour made the Peo∣ple think hardly of them; and I found that the uncharitable conceit, that the Pa∣rishes are worse than they are, doth tend to make them as bad as they are thought. I am sure there were many that spake to me like serious Christians, of the poorer sort, and few that were scandalous, and many I could comfortably have Communicated with. And when Threatnings increased, they continued still to hear with diligence, so that my Rooms would not contain them. And had I con∣tinued there longer, I should have hoped by those beginnings, that experience might convince Men, that Parish-Churches may consist of capable materials.

§ 104. The Parson of the Parish was Dr. Rive, Dean of Windsor, Dean of Wolverhampton, Parson of Haseley, and of Acton, Chaplain in ordinary to the King, &c. His Curate was a weak, dull young Man, that spent most of his time in Ale-houses, and read a few dry Sentences to the People, but once a day: But yet because he preached true Doctrine, and I had no better to hear, I con∣stantly heard him when he preached, and went to the beginning of the Common Prayer; and my House faceing the Church-Door, within hearing of it, those that heard me before, went with me to the Church; scarce three that I know of in the Parish refusing, and when I preached after the publick Exercise, they went out of the Church into my House. It pleased the Dr. And Parson that I came to Church, and brought others with me: But he was not able to bear the fight of Peoples crowding into my House, though they heard him also; so that though he spake me fair, and we lived in seeming Love and Peace (while he was there) yet he could not long endure it. And when I had brought the People to Church to hear him, he would fall upon them with groundless Reproaches, as if he had done it purposely to drive them away, and yet thought that my preaching to them, because it was in a House, did all the mischief, though he never accused me of a∣ny thing that I spake. For I preached nothing but Christianity and Submission to our Superiours; Faith Repentance, Hope, Love, Humility, Self-denial, Meek∣ness, Patience, and Obedience.

§ 105. But he was the more offended because I came not to the Sacrament with him. Though I communicated in the other parish-Churches at London, and elsewhere. I was loth to offend him by giving him the Reason; which was that he being commonly reputed a Swearer, a Curser a Railer, &c. in those

tender times it would have been so great an offence to the Congregational Brethren, if I had Communicated with him (and perhaps have hastened their sufferings who durst not do the same) that I thought it would do more harm than good.

§ 106. The last year of my abode at Acton, I had the happiness of a Neighbour whom I cannot easily praise above his worth: Which was Sir Mat. Hale Lord chief Baron of the Exchequer, whom all the Judges and Lawyers of England admired for his skill in Law, and for his Justice, and Scholars honoured for his Learning, and I highly valued for his sincerity, mortification, self-denyal, humility, conscientiousness, and his close fidelity in friendship. When he came first to Town, I came not near him lest being a silenced and suspected person (with his Superiors) I should draw him also under suspicion, and do him wrong: Till I had notice round about of his desire of my Acquaintance; And I scarce ever conversed so profitably with any other per∣son in my Life.* 8.2

§ 107. He was a Man of no quick utterance, but often hesitant; but spake with great reason. He was most precisely just; insomuch as I believe he would have lost all that he had in the World rather than do an unjust Act: Patient in hearing the tediousest speech which any Man had to make for himself! The pillar of Justice, the Refuge of the subject who feared Oppression, and one of the greatest Honours of his Majestie's Government: For with some more upright Judges, he upheld the honour of the English Nation, that it fell not into the reproach of Arbitrariness, Cruelty and utter Confusion. Every Man that had a just cause was almost past fear, if they could but bring it to the Court or Assize where he was Judge (for the other Judges seldom contradicted him.) He was the great Instrument for rebuilding London: For when an Act was made for deciding all Controversies that hindered it; it was he that was the constant Judge, who, for nothing followed the work, and by his Prudence and Justice removed a multitude of great Impediments. His great advantage for in∣nocency was that he was no Lover of Riches or of Grandeur. His Garb was too plain; He studiously avoided all unnecessary familiarity with great persons, and all that manner of Living which signifyeth Wealth and Greatness. He kept no greater a family, than my self. I lived in a small house, which for a pleasant back-side he had a mind of: But caused a stranger (that he might not be suspected to be the Man) to know of me whether I were willing to part with it, before he would meddle with it; In that house he liveth contentedly, without any pomp, and without costly or trou∣blesome retinue or visitors; but not without Charity to the poor: He continueth the study of Physicks and Mathematicks still as his great delight: He hath himself written four Volumes in Folio (three of which I have read) against Atheism, Saddu∣ceism and Infidelity, to prove first the Deity and then the immortality of Man's Soul, and then the truth of Christianity and the holy Scripture, answering the Infidels Objections against Scripture; It is strong and masculine, only too tedious for impa∣tient Readers: He saith, he wrote it only at vacant hours in his Circuits to regulate his meditations, finding that while he wrote down what he thought on, his thoughts were the easilyer kept close to work, and kept in a method, and he could after try his former thoughts, and make further use of them if they were good. But I could not yet persuade him to hear of publishing it.

The Conference which I had frequently with him, (mostly about the immortality of the Soul, and other Foundation points, and Philosophical) was so edifying, that his very Questions and Objections did help me to more light than other mens soluti∣ons. Those that take no Men for Religious who frequent not private Meetings, &c. took him for an Excellently righteous moral Man: But I that have heard and read his serious Expressions of the Concernments of Eternity, and seen his Love to all good Men, and the blamlessness of his Life, &c. thought better of his Piety than of mine own. When the People crowded in and out of my House to hear, he open∣ly shewed me so great respect before them at the Door, and never spake a word against it, as was no small encouragement to the Common People to go on; though the other sort muttered that a Judge should seem so far to countenance that which they took to be against the Law. He was a great Lamenter of the Ex∣tremities of the Times; and the violence and foolishness of the predominant Clergy, and a great desirer of such abatements as might restore us all to service∣ableness and Unity. He had got but a very small Estate (though he had long the greatest Practice;) because he would take but little Money, and undertake no more business th••n in he could well dispatch. He often offered to the Lord Chan∣cellor to resign 〈…〉〈…〉, when he was blamed for doing that which he supposed was

Justice. He had been the Learned Selden's intimate friend, and one of his Executors: And because the Hobbians and other Infidels would have persuaded the World that Sel∣den was of their mind; I desired him to tell me truth therein: And he assured me that Selden was an earnest Professor of the Christian Faith, and so angry an Adversa∣ry to Hobbs that he hath rated him out of the Room.

§ 108. This year 1669 the Lord Mayor of London was Sir William Turner, a Man Con∣formable, and supposed to be for Prelacy; but in his Government, he never disturbed the Nonconformable Preachers, nor troubled men for their Religion; And he so much denyed his own gain, and sought the Common good and punished vice, and promoted the rebuilding of the City, that I never heard nor read of any Lord May∣or who was so much honoured and beloved of the City: Insomuch that at the End of his year, they chose him again and would have heard of no other, but that he absolutely refused it, partly as being an usual thing, and partly (as was said) be∣cause of a Message from his superiours: For the Bishops and Courtiers who took him for their own, were most displeased with him.

§ 109. The liberty which was taken by the Nonconformists in London, by reason of the plague, the fire, the connivance of the King, and the resolved quietness of the Lord Mayor, did set so many Preachers through the Land (as is said) on the same work, that in Likelyhood many thousand Souls are the better for it; And the predominant Prelates murmured and feared: For they had observed that when seri∣ous Godliness goeth up, they go down. So that they bestirred themselves diligently to save themselves and the Church of England from this dreaded danger.

§ 110. At this time our Parson Dean Rive got this following advantage against me (As I had it from his own mouth). At Wolverhampton in Staffordshire where he was Dean, were abundant of Papists, and Violent Formalists: Amongst whom was one Brasgirdle an Apthecary, who in Conference with Mr. Reignolds (an able Preacher there silenced and turned out) by his bitter words tempted him into so much indiscretion as to say that [the Nonconformists were not so contemptible for Number and Quality as he made them, that most of the people were of their mind, that Cromwel tho an Usurper had kept up England against the Dutch, &c. And that he marvelled that he would be so hot against private Meetings, when at Acton the Dean suffered them at the next door.] With this advantage Brasgirdle writeth all this greatly aggravated to the Dean. The Dean hastens away with it to the King as if it were the discovery of a Treason. Mr. Reignolds is questioned, but the Ju∣stices of the Country to whom it was referred, upon hearing of the business, found meer imprudence heightened to a Crime, and so released him: But before this could be done, the King exasperated by the name of Cromwell and other unadvised words, as the Dean told me, bid him go to the Bishop of London from him, and him so to the suppression of my Meeting (which was represented to him also as much greater than it was) whereupon two Justices were chosen for their turn to do it: One Ross, of Brainford, a Scot,, before-named, and one Phillips, a Steward of the A. Bishop of Canterbury.

§ 111 Hereupon Ross and Philips send a Warrant to the Constable to apprehend me and bring me before them to Brainford. When I came, they shut out all persons from the Room. and would not give leave for any one person. no not their own Clerk or Servant, or the Constable to hear a Word that was said be∣tween us. Then told me that I was convict of keeping Conventicles contrary to Law, and so they would tender me the Oxford Oath. I desired my Accusers might come Face to Face, and that I might see and speak with the Witnesses that testified that I kept Conventicles contrary to the Law; which I denied, as far as I understood Law; but they would not grant it. I pressed that I might speak in the hearing of some Witnesses, and not in secret; for I supposed that they were my Judges, and that their presence and business made the place a place of Judica∣ture, where none should be excluded, or at least some should be admitted. But I could not prevail: Had I resolved on silence, they were resolved to proceed, and I thought a Christian should rather submit to violence, and give place to Injuries, than stand upon his right, when it will give others occasion to account him obsti∣nate. I asked them whether I might freely speak for my self, and they said yea, but when I began to speak, still interrupted me, and put me by: Only they told me, that private Meetings had brought us to all our Wars, and it tended to raise new Wars, and Ross told me what he had suffered by the War, (who, it's said was but a poor Boy, and after a Schoolmaster) and Phillips having but one

Leg, told me he had lost his Leg by the Wars; and I thought then there was no remedy, but Preachers must be silenced, and live in Goals. But with much importunity I got them once to hear me, while I told them why I took not my Meeting to be contrary to Law, and why the Oxford Act concerned me not, and they had no Power to put that Oath on me by the Act: But all the Answer I could get, was, That they were satisfied of what they did. And when, among other rea∣sonings against their course, I told them I thought Christ's Ministers had in many Ages been Men esteemed, and used as we now are, and their Afflicters have in∣sulted over them, the Providence of God hath still so ordered it, that the Names and Memory of their Silencers and Afflicters have been left to Posterity for a Reproach, insomuch that I wondered that they that fear not God, and care not for their own, or the People's Souls, should yet be so careless of their fame, when Honour seemeth so great a matter with them. To which Ross answered, that he desired no greater Honour to his Name, than that it should be remembred of him, that he did this against me, and such as I, which he was doing. Then they asked me whe∣ther I would take the Oath, I named a difficulty or two in it, and desired them to tell me the meaning of it. They told me, that they were not to expound it to me, but to know whether I would take it. I told them it must be taken with under∣standing, and I did not understand it. They said I must take it according to the proper sence of the Words. I asked them whether the proper sence of those Words [I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of Government in the Church] was not [of any time] universally as it's spoken; they said yea: I asked them, whether it were in the Power of the King and Parliament to make some alteration of Church-Government; Ross first said, that before it was settled it was—But better bethinking himself, said, Yea: I told him the King once gave me a Com∣mission to endeavour an alteration of the Liturgy, and allowance to endeavour the alteration of Church-Government, as may be seen in His Majesty's Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs. If he should command me the like again, am I not sworn by this Oath, if I take it, to disobey him; yea, or if the Law-makers change the Law, &c. At this Ross only laught and derided me, as speaking a ridiculous sup∣position, and said, that could not be the Sence. I told him, that then he must confess the Error of his Rule, and that the Oath is not to be understood, accor∣ding to the proper meaning and use of those Words. And I bad them take no∣tice that I had not refused their Oath, but desired an explication of it, which they refused to give, (though I had reason enough to resolve me not to take it, howe∣ver they that were not the makers of the Law, should have expounded it.) And so Phillips presently wrote my Mittimus, as followeth,

§ 112. To the Keeper of his Majesty's Goal commonly called the New-Prison in Clerkenwell.

Middlesex.

VVHereas it hath been proved unto us, upon Oath, that Richard Baxter, Clerk, hath taken upon him to Preach in an unlawful As∣sembly, Conventicle, or Meeting, under colour or pretence of Exercise of Religion, con∣trary to the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom, at Acton, where he now liveth (in the said County) not having taken and subscribed the Oath by Act of Parliament, in that case appointed to be be taken. And whereas we having tender'd to him the Oath and De∣claration appointed to be taken by such as shall offend against the said Act, which he hath refused to take, we therefore send you herewith the Body of the said Richard Baxter straitly charging and commanding you in his Majesty's Name to receive him the said Richard Baxter into his Majesty's said Prison, and him there safely to keep for six Months without Bail or Mainprize. And hereof you are not to fail at your Peril. Given at Brent∣ford the Eleventh of June, in the one and twentieth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles the Second.

• J. Philips.
• Tho. Ross.

§ 113. Here it is to be noted that the Act against Conventicles was long ago 〈◊〉〈◊〉; that I was never Convict of a Conventicle while that Law was in force. nor since: that the Oxford Act supposeth me Convict of a Conventicle; and doth not enable them to Convict me, without another Law: That really they had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but Ross's Man to witness that I preached, who crept in but the Lord's Day before, and heard me only preach on this Text. Mat. ••5. Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the Earth] presseth especially Quietness and Patience towards our Governours, and denying all turbulent, unpeaceable, and seditious dispositi∣ons and practices.

§ 114. They would have given me leave to stay till Monday before I went to G••••al, if I would promise them not to preach the next Lord's Day, which I de∣nied to promise, and so went away the next Morning.

••115. This was made a heinous Crime against me at the Court, and also it was said by the—that it could not be out of Conscience that I preached, else why did not my Conscience put me on it so long before. Whereas I had ever preached to my own Family, and never once invited any one to hear me, nor forbad any: So that the difference was made by the people, and not by me. If they come more at last than at first, before they had ever heard me, that fignified no change in me. But thus must we be judged of, where we are absent, and our Adversa∣ries present; and there are many to speak against us what they please, and we are banished from City and Corporations, and cannot speak for our selves.

§ 116. The whole Town of Acton were greatly exasperated against the Dean, when I was going to Prison; insomuch as ever since they abhor him as a selfish Perse∣entor: Nor could he devise to do more to hinder the success of his (seldom) Preach∣ing there: But it was his own choice, Let them hate me, so they fear me: And so I finally left that Place, being grieved most that Satan had prevailed to stop the poor People in such hopeful beginnings of a common Reformation, and that I was to be deprived of the exceeding grateful Neighbourhood of the Lord Chief Baron Hale, who could scarce refrain Tears when he did but hear of the first War∣rant for my appearance.

§ 117. I knew nothing all this while of the rise of my trouble; but I resolved to part in Peace on my part with the Dean, not doubting but it was his doing. And so I went to take my leave of him, who took on him to be sorry, and swore it was none of his doing, and to prove it, told me all the Story before mentioned; that such a Letter he received from Wolverhampton, and be∣ing treasonable, he was fain to acquaint the King with it: And when he saw my Meeting mentioned in the Letter, he examined him about them, and he could not deny but they were very numerous; and the King against his Will sent him to the Bishop of London to see it supprest. I told him that I came not now to expostulate or express any Offence, but to endeavour that we might part in Love. And that I had taken that way for his assistance, and his Peo∣ple's good, which was agreeable to my Judgment, and now he was trying that which was according to his Judgment; and which would prove the better the end will shew. He expostulated with me for not receiving the Sacrament with him, and offered me any Service of his which I desired, and I told him I desired nothing of him, but to do his People good, and to guide them faithfully, as might tend to their Salvation, and his own, and so we parted.

§ 118. As I went to Prison I called of Serjeant Fountain, my special Friend, to take his Advice (for I would not be so injurious to Judge Hale) And he perused my ••ittimus, and in short advised me to seek for a Habeas Corpus, yet not in the usual Court (the King's-Bench) for reasons known to all that know the Judges, nor yet in the Exchequer, lest his Kindness to me should be an Injury to Judge Hale, and so to the Kingdom (and the Power of that Court therein is que∣stioned) but at the Common-Pleas, which he said might grant it, though it be not usual.

§ 119. But my greatest doubt was whether the King would not take it ill, that I rather sought to the Law than unto him; or if I sought any release rather than continued in Prison. My Imprisonment was at present no great Suffering to me, for I had an honest Jaylor, who shewed me all the Kindness he could; I had a large room and the liberty of walking in a fair Garden; and my Wife was ne∣ver so chearful a Companion to me as in Prison, and was very much against my seeking to be released, and she had brought so many Necessaries, that we kept

House as contentedly and comfortably as at home, though in a narrower room, aad I had the sight of more of my Friends in a day, than I had at home in half a Year: And I knew that if I got out against their Will, my sufferings would be never the nearer to an end. But yet on the other side, 1. It was in the extream∣est heat of Summer, when London was wont to have Epidemical diseases: And the hope of my dying in Prison I have reason to think was one great inducement to some of the Instruments, to move to what they did. 2. And my Chamber being over the Gate. which was knockt and opened with noise of Prisoners just under me almost every Night, I had little hope of sleeping but by day, which would have been likely to have quickly broken my strength, which was so little, as that I did but live. 3. And the number of Visiters by day, did put me out of hope of Studying, or doing any thing but entertain them. 4. And I had neither leave at any time to go out of Doors, much less to Church on the Lord's Days, nor on that Day to have any come to me, nor to Preach to any but my Family.

Upon all these Considerations, the advice of some was, that I should Petition the King, but to that I was averse, 1. Because I was indifferent almost whether I came out or not; and I was loth either to seem more afflicted or impatient than I was, or to beg for nothing. 2. I had avoided the Court, and the Converse of all great Men so many years on purpose, that I was loth to creep to them now for nothing. 3. And I expected but to be put upon some promise which I could not make, or to be rejected. 4. I had so many great Men at Court who had profest extraordinary Kindness to me, (tho' I was never beholden to one Man of them all for more than Words) that I knew if it were to be done, they would do it without my seeking. And my Counsellor, Serjeant Fountain, advised me not to seek to them, nor yet refuse their Favour if they offered it, but to be wholly passive as to the Court: but to seek my Freedom by Law, because of my great weak∣ness, and the probability of future Peril to my Life. And this Counsel I fol∣lowed.

§ 120. The Earl of Orery I heard, did earnesty and speedily speak to the King how much my Imprisonment was to his dis-service. The Earl of Manche∣ster could do little, but by the Lord Arlington, who with the Duke of Buckingham seem∣ed much concerned in it: But the Earl of Lauder dale, (who would have been for∣wardest had he known the King's mind to be otherwise) said nothing. And so all my great Friends did me not the least Service, but made a talk of it, with no Fruit at all. And the moderate honest Part of the Episcopal Clergy were much offended, and said, I was chosen out designedly to make them all odious to the People. But Sir Iohn Babor often visiting me, assured me, That he had spoken to the King about it, and (when all had done their best) he was not willing to be seen to relaxe the Law, and discourage Justices in executing it, &c. but he would not be offended if I sought my Remedy at Law (which most thought would come to nothing.)

§ 121. Whilst I was thus unresolved which way to take, Sir Iohn Babor de∣siring a Narrative of my Case, I gave him one, which he shewed the Lord Arling∣ton; which I will here insert, and I will joyn with it two other Scripts, one which I gave as Reasons to prove, That the Act against Conventicles forbad not my Preaching: Another which I gave all my Counsellors when they were to plead my Cause about the Error of the Mittimus.

§ 122 The Narrative of my Case.

The Oath cannot be imposed on me by the Act.

First, Because I never kept any Conventicle or Unlawful Assembly proved.

1. By Conventicles and Unlawful Assemblies for Religious Exercises, the Laws do mean only the Meetings of Recusants, Separatists, or such as Communicate not with the Church of England, or such Assemblies as are held in opposition to the Church-Assemblies, and not such as are held only by the Conformable Members of the Church, in meer Subordination to the Church-Assemblies, to promote them. But all Meetings which I have held are only of this latter sort.

The former Proposition is thus proved.

1. The Canons give the Sense of the Word [Conventicles] (for it is a Church-Term, about Church-Matters.) But the Canons mention but two sorts of Conventi∣cles, one of Presbyters, when they meet to make Orders or Canons for Church-Discipline; the other of People who meet under the Profession of being a Church distinct from the Church of England; (and neither of these is my Case.)

2. The Statute of the 35 of Eliz. expoundeth it accordingly; charging none of Unlawful Assembling, but such as Separate, or Communicate not with the Church.

3. There is no other Statute that saith otherwise.

4. The Rubrick and Law alloweth Conformable Ministers to keep many Religious Assemblies, which are not in the Church, being but Subordinate, as 1. At the Visi∣tation of the Sick, where no numbers of Neighbours are prohibited to be present: Sermons at the Spittle, Sturbridge-Faire, &c.

2. At private Baptisms.

3. At private Communions, where any Family hath an impotent Person that can∣not Communicate at Church.

4. At the Rogation Perambulations, where it was usual to Feast at Houses in their way, and there for the Minister to instruct the People, and to Pray, and sing Psalms.

5. The Laborious sort of Conformable Ministers, have many of them used to re∣pent their Sermons to all that would Assemble at their Houses: Which Repeating was as truly Preaching, as if they had Preached the same Sermon in several Pulpits. There∣fore all Meetings, besides Church-Meetings, are not Conventicles, nor those that are in Subordination to them.

5. Even the late Expired Act against Conventicles, forbiddeth no Religious Exer∣cises, but such as are otherwise than the Liturgy or Practice of the Church; and di∣stinguishing expresly between the Exercises and the Numbers, doth forbid no num∣ber, when the Exercises are not otherwise, as aforesaid, tolerating even unlawful Exercises to the number of Four, but not to more.

The Second Proposition [That my Meetings were never Unlawful Conventicles] is proved.

1. I do constantly joyn with the Church in Common Prayer, and go at the begin∣ning. 2. I Communicate in the Lord's Supper with the Church of England. 3. I am no Nonconformist in the Sense of the Law, because I Conform as far as the Law requireth me (having been in no Ecclesiastical Promotion, May 1. 1662. the Law requireth me not to subscribe, declare, &c. till I take a Cure or Lecture, &c. 4. I sometimes repeat to the Hearers, the Sermon which I heard in the Church. 5. I exhort the People to Church-Communion, and urge them with sufficient Ar∣guments, and Preach ordinarily against Separation, and Schism, and Sedition, and Disloyalty. 6. I have commanded my Servant to keep my Doors shut at the time of Publick Worship, that none may be in my House that while. 7. I go into the Church from my House, in the Peoples sight, that my Example, as well as my Doctrine, may persuade them. 8. In all this, I so far prevail, that the Neighbours who hear me, do commonly go to Church, even to the Common-Prayer; and I know not three, or two of all the Parish, that use to come to me, who refuse it; which success doth shew, what it is I do. 9. I have long offered the Pastor of the Parish (the Dean of Windsor) that if he would but tell me, that it is his Judgment, that I hinder his Success, or the People's Good, rather than help it, I will remove out of the Parish, which he never yet hath done. 10. I have the Now-Arch-Bishop's License (not reversed, nor disabled) to Preach in the Diocess of London, which I may do by Law if I had a Church. And I offered the Dean to give over my Meetings in my House, if he would permit me to Preach (without Hire) sometimes occasionally in his Church, which I am not disabled to do. By all this it appeareth, that any Meetings are not Unlawful Conventicles. 11. And riotous they are not, for my House being just before the Church Door, the same Persons go out of the Church into my House, and out of my House into the

Church; so that if one be riotous, both must be so. And I perform no Exercise at all, contrary to the Doctrine or the Practice of the Church; but when the Curate readeth only in the Evening, and doth not Preach or Catechize, when he hath done one part, I do the other which he omitteth.

2. The Oath cannot be imposed on me, because I am none of the three sorts of Offenders there mentioned. The first sort in the Act are such as have not Subscri∣bed, Declared, and Conformed, according to the Act of Uniformity, and other Acts, I am none of them, because the Laws require it not of me (being, as afore∣said, in no Church Promotion on May 1. 1662.) The second sort, are other Per∣sons not Ordained according to the Order of the Church, but I am so Ordained. The third sort is School-Teachers, which is not my Case (though I have also a Li∣ce••se to Teach School.) And that the two Descriptions of the Conventicles in the Preamble, are to be the Expositions of the following prohibitous Parts of the Act, is plain by the answerable distinction of them. And also, 1. Because the very Title and plain design of this Act, is only to restrain Nonconformists. 2. Because the express end and business of it, is to preserve People from Seditious and Poisonous Doctrine. But the Clergy which are not Nonconformists, are not to be supposed to be defamed, or suspected by the Laws, of Preaching poisonous seditious Doctrine nor can it be imagined, that they mean to drive them five Miles from all their Pari∣shes in ••ngland, if they should once be at a private Meeting, or put the 40l. Fine on them, if they preach one Sermon after such Meeting, to their Parishes, before they have taken the Oath, though no Man offer it them, which would follow if it exten∣ded to them. And I am exempted from the Suspicion of that Preaching.

1. By being chosen and Sworn His Majesty's Chaplain in ordinary, and Preaching before Him, and Publishing my Sermons by His Special Commands, and never since accused of ill Doctrine, but the sharpest Debates written against Nonconformists, do quarrel with them, for quarrelling with my Doctrine.

2. Some think the words [have kept] in the Act, refer to the time past before the Act; and then 'tis nothing to me.

3. Should I not have been Convict in my presence of some one unlawful Conventi∣cle, and of not departing after five Miles from the place: for how should I be bound to forsake my Dwelling, as an Offender, before I knew of my Offence?

Lastly, I told the Justices, That I did not refuse the Oath, but professed, that I understood it not, and desired time to learn to understand it, if I could; which they denyed me; and would neither tell me who were my Accusers, or Witnesses, nor shew me the Words of the Accusation or Depositions, nor suffer any Person but us three (themselves and me) to be at all present, or to hear any thing that was said by them or me. And though I shall never take Oaths which I cannot pos∣sibly understand, nor in a Sense which is contrary to the plain importance of the Words, till they are so expounded, nor shall ever number deliberate Lying, or Perjury, with things indifferent; yet I so far defie any Accuser, who will question my Loyalty, that (as I have taken the Oaths of Supremacy and of Allegiance, and a special Oath of Fidelity, when I was Sworn (I know not why) as His Majesty's Servant, so) I am ready to give a much fulle•• signification of my Loyalty than that Oath, if I had taken it, would be: And to own all that is said, for the Power of Kings, and of the Subject's Obedience and Non-resistance, by any (or all) the Councils and Confessions of any Christian Churches upon Earth, whether Greeks or Romans, Reformed, Episcopal, Presbyterian, or any that are fit to be owned as Chri∣stians (that ever came to my notice) besides what is contained in the Laws of our own Land. And if this will not serve, I shall patiently wait in my Appeal, to the Un-erring Universal Judgment.

§ 123. 2. [In other manner than is allowed by the Liturgy or Practice of the Church of England—At which Conventicle, Meeting, or Assembly, there should be Five Persons, or more, Assembled over and above those of the Houshold.

Pos. 1. To Preach or Teach in a House not Consecrated for a Temple, is not contrary to the Liturgy and Practice of the Church of England.

Arg. 1. That which the Scripture expresly alloweth, is not contrary to the Li∣turgy and Practice of the Church of England. But to Preach and Teach (even Mul∣titudes) in Houses (and other places) not so Consecrated, the Scripture expresly alloweth: Ergo.—

The Major is proved, 1. Because the Book of Ordination requireth, that all that are Ordained, shall promise to [Instruct the People out of the Holy Scripture, be∣ing persuaded that they contain sufficiently all Doctrine required of Necessity to Sal∣vation; and to teach no other: And with all Faithful Diligence to banish all Do∣ctrines contrary to God's Word: And to use both publick and private Monitions and Exhortations, as well to the Sick as to the whole, as need shall require, and oc∣casion shall be given.

2 The same Sufficiency of the Scripture is asserted in the 6th. Article of the Church. And Article 20. bindeth us to hold, That it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing contrary to God's written Word. So Art. 21. more.

3. The said Scriptures are appointed by the Rubrick to be read as the Word of God himself.

4. The Law of the Land declareth, That nothing shall be taken for Law which is contrary to the Word of God.

5. The First and Second Homily shew the sufficiency of it, and necessity to all Men.

The Minor is proved 1. from Acts 20. 20. 7, 8, & 28. last, & 8. 4, 25, 35. & 10. 34. & 12. 12. 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2. Mat. 5. 1, 2. Mark 2. 13. & 10. 1. Luke 5. 3. & 13. 26.

2. From those Texts which command Christ's Ministers to Preach, and not forbear: Therefore if they be forbidden to Preach in the Temples, they must do it elsewhere. Iohn 21. 15, 16, 17. 1 Cor. 9. 16. Acts 4. 18, 19, 20. 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2. Luke 9. 62.

3. From the Expository Practice of the Church in all Ages.

4. From the Expository Practice of the Universal Church of England, who Preached in Houses in the time of their late Restraint by Cromwel.

Arg. 2. The Church of England bindeth Ministers to Teach both publickly and privately, in their Ordination, as afore recited.

2. In the Liturgy for the Visitation and Communion of the Sick, it alloweth private Exhortation, Prayer, and Sacraments.

3. The 13 Canon requireth that the Lord's Day, and other Holy-Days, be spent in publick and private Prayers. And the very Canon 71. which most restraineth us from Preaching and Administring the Sacrament in private Houses, doth expresly except Times of necessity, when any is so impotent as he cannot go to Church, or danger∣ously sick, &c.

4. The instructing of our Families, and Praying with them, is not disallowed by the Church. And I my self have a Family, and Persons impotent therein (who cannot go to Church) to Teach.

Arg. 3. The 76 Can. condemneth every Minister, who voluntarily relinquisheth his Ministry, and liveth as a Lay-Man: Ergo, We must forbear no more of the Mi∣nisterial Work than is forbidden us.

Pos. 2. The number of Persons present above Four, cannot be meant by this Act, as that which maketh the Religious Exercise to be [in other manner than allowed by the Liturgy or Practise of the Church.]

Arg. 1. Because the manner of the Exercise, and the number of Persons are most expresly distinguished: And the restraint of the number is expresly affixed only to them who shall use such unallowed manner of Religious Exercises; not medling at all with others. The Words [at which Conventicle, &c.] do shew the Meeting to be

before described by the manner of Exercise. Otherwise the Words would be worse than Non-sense.

2. Because if the Words be not so interpreted, then they must condemn all our Church Meetings for having above four. As if they had said [where Five are met, it is contrary to the Liturgy of the Church] which cannot be.

If it be said, That for above Four to meet in a House is not allowed by the Church.] I Answer;

1. That is a Matter which this Act meddleth not with, as is proved by the foresaid distinguishing the manner of Exercise, from the number of Persons.

2. Nor doth the Act speak of private Houses, or put any difference between them and Churches, but equally restraineth Meetings in Churches, which are for disallowed Exercises of Religion.

3. Nor is it true in it self, that the Church disalloweth the number of Five in private Houses, as is proved before. But it contrarily requireth, that at private Communions there shall be [Neighbours got to Communicate] and not fewer than three or two.] And at private Baptisms, and other occasions, the number is not limited by the Church at all.

3. Because the Act is directed only against seditious Sectaries, and their Conventicles.

4. Because the Words of the Act shew, that the Law-makers concur with the sence of the Church of England, which is no where so strict against Nonconformity as in the Canons: And in these Canons, viz. 73, and 11. A Con∣venticle is purposely and plainly descibed to be such [other Meetings, Assem∣blies or Congregations, than are by the Laws held and allowed, which challenge to themselves the Name of true and lawful Churches:] Or else secret Meetings of Priests or Ministers to consult [upon any matter, or course to be taken by them, or upon their motion or direction by any other, which may any way tend to the impeachment, or depriving of the Doctrine of the Church of England, or the book of Common-Prayer, or of any part of the Government and Discipline] of the Church. So that where there is no such Consultation of Ministers, nor no Assem∣blies that challenge to themselves the Name of true and Lawful Churches, distinct from the allowed Assemblies, there are no Conventicles in the sence of the Canons of the Church of England, which this Act professeth to adhere to.

The same Sence is exprest also in Can. 10. which describeth Schismaticks: [Who∣soever shall affirm that such Ministers as refuse to subscribe to the Form and man∣ner of God's Worship in the Church of England, prescribed in the Communion-Book, and their Adherents may truly take unto them the Name of another Church, not established by Law; and dare presume to publish, that this pretended Church hath long groaned under, &c.—

And in the 9th Canon, where the Authors of Schism are thus described; [Whosoever shall separate themselves from the Communion of Saints, as it is ap∣proved by the Apostle's Rules in the Church of England, and combine themselves together in a new Brotherhood, accounting the Christians who are conformable to the Doctrine, Government, Rites, and Ceremonies of the Church of England, to be prophane, and unmeet for them to join with in Christian Profes∣sion.—]

Pro. 3. If our manner of Religious Exercises did differ in some meer degrees or Circumstances from that which is allowed by the Liturgy, and Practice of the Church, it ought not no be taken to be the thing condemned in this Act.

Arg. 1. Otherwise the Justices themselves, and almost all his Majesty's Subjects, either are already obnoxious to the Mulcts, Imprisonments, and Banishments, or may be they know not how soon.

Arg. 2. And otherwise no Subject must dare to go to Church, for fear of incur∣ring Imprisonment or Banishment.

The reason of both is visible. 1. Almost all conformable Ministers do either by some omissions of Prayers, or other parts of the Liturgy, or by some alterati∣ons,

many times do that which is dissonant from the Liturgy, and practise, or Canons of the Church. I have seldom been present where somewhat was not contra∣ry to them. 2, Because most conformable Ministers do now Preach without Licenses; which is contrary to the express Canons of the Church. 3. Because few of the King's Subjects, or none can tell when they go to Church, but they may hear one that hath no License, or that will do somewhat dissonant from the manner of the Church.

Pro. 4. Preaching without License bringeth me not within the Penalty of the Act.

Arg. 1. Because I have the Archbishop's License.

Arg. 2. Because a License is not necessary for Family Instruction.

Arg. 3. Because else most of the Conformists would be as much obnoxious, which is not so judged by the Bishops themselves.

§ 124. (3.) The Errors of the Mittimus, with the explication of the Oxford Act.

THis Act containeth, 1. The end and Occasion; that is, the preserving of Church and Kingdom, from the Danger of poisonous Principles.

II. The Description of the dangerous Persons. 1. in the Preamble: Where they are 1. Nonconformists, or such as have not subscribed and declared according to the Act of Uniformity, and other subsequent Acts. 2. They, or some of them, and other Persons not ordained, according to the Form of the Church of Eng∣land, who have since the Act of Oblivion preached in Unlawful Assemblies, and have settled themselves in Corporations.

2. In the Body of the Act, where are two parts answering the two aforesaid in the Preamble. 1. The first Subject described is, Non-subscribers, and Non-declarers, according to the Act of Uniformity, &c. That is, Non-conformists; who also have not taken the Oath, (which is here prescribed as a preventing Remedy. 2. The se∣cond Subject is [All such Persons as shall Preach in unlawful Meetings, contrary to Laws, which must needs refer to the second branch of the Preamble, and mean only [such Nonconformists, and unordained Persons as shall so Preach;] the Word [shall] signifying that it must be after the passing of this Act.

III. The Offence prohibited is being, or coming after March 24. 1665. within five Miles of any Corporation, or of any place, where since the Act of Oblivion, they have been Parsons, Vicars, Lecturers, &c. Or have preached in an unlawful Assembly, contrary to the Laws, before they have in open Sessions taken the Oath. That is, who have done this since the Act of Oblivion before this Act (it being the purpose of this Act to put all those who shall again after this Act preach in Conventicles, in the same Case with them, who since the Act of Oblivion were Parsons, Vicars, &c. That is, that none of them shall come within five miles of any place where they were either Incumbents, or Conventiclers, before this Act since the act of Oblivion.

IV. The Penalty is, 1. 40l. for what is past, (which the after taking of the Oath will not save them from.) 2. And six months Imprisonment also for such of them as shall not Swear, and subscribe the Oath and Declaration offered them.

So that in this Act the Offence it self prohibited is Coming within five miles, &c. But the qualification of the subject offending, is absolutely necessary to it.

So that the Mittimus for an offence against this Act, must signifie, That N. N. having not subscribed and declared, according to the Acts of Uniformity, and o∣ther subsequent Acts; or being not ordained according to the Form of the Church of

England, having since the Act of Oblivion preached in an unlawful Assem∣bly: and also hath so preached since this Act; and hath not taken the Oath here required, is proved by Oath to us to have been, or come since Mar. 24. 1665. Within five Miles of a Corporation, or a place where he was an incum∣bent, or preached in a Conventicle, before this Act since the Act of Oblivion; and also hath refused before us to swear and subscribe the said Oath, &c.

Now in this Mittimus. 1. Here is no mention that R. B. hath not subscribed and declared already according to the Act of Uniformity; or is a Non-conformist; nor yet that he is not ordained according to the Form of the Church of Eng∣land.

2. Nor is there any mention that he hath preached in an unlawful Assembly since the Act of Oblivion; much less, since this Act, (which must be said)

3. Nor that ever they had proof of his not taking the Oath before, or that ever he was Convict of Preaching before he took it.

4. The Offence it self is not here said to be proved by Oath at all, viz. Coming or being within five Miles, &c. But another thing, viz. his Preaching in an un∣lawful Meeting, is said to be proved by Oath, which this Act doth not enable them to take such proof of.

As for the Word in the Mittimus, [where he now dwelleth] it cannot be understood as a part of Deposition. 1. Because it is expressed but as the Justice's Assertion, and not so much as an [and] or Conjunction put be∣fore it to shew that they had Oath made of it, as well as of Preaching.

2. Because the Word [now dwelleth] must be taken strictly or laxly; if strictly, it referreth but to the time of the Writing of the Mittimus, which was two days after the Constable's Warrant; and no Accuser, Witness, or other Person was suffered to be present; and therefore it must needs be but the Justice's own Words, or Assertion, without proof. Or if [now dwelleth] be taken laxly for a distant time; then note, that here is not any mention of Proof that there was any just or considerable distance between his [Preaching] and his [dwelling here] but he might go away the next hour after his Preaching, notwithstanding any thing here mentioned. For any Man that Preacheth, is in the place where he Preacheth while he Preacheth; and if he go away the next hour, it must be considered in what time he can go five Miles. But if [now] be taken for the Wit∣nesses Words, here is no intimation of the least distance. And none can imagine that the Law meaneth that the Preacher shall be five Miles off the next Mi∣nute, or Hour. And indeed, seeing no Man can tell how many hours must be al∣lowed, it is plain that the Act meaneth that the Person must be first legally Con∣vict of Preaching in an unlawful Assembly (and also of not having conformed or taken the Oath) before the Oath is made of his not removing five Miles.

3. This Act, not at all enabling the Justices to take Oath about the Conven∣ticles; but only about [not coming within five Miles] and there being but one De∣position mentioned [where he now dwelleth] being a very part of that one Testi∣mony, if it be not the Justice's own Words; it followeth that this Oath must be made before the Act against Conventicles was expired; because no other Act enableth them to take such an Oath: And then the [now dwelleth] will signifie long ago, without any notified distance from his Preaching.

4. If [where he now dwelleth] be part of the Deposition, then so must the fol∣lowing Words [not having taken and subscribed the Oath,) which Charity forbiddeth us to believe that they swore, seeing I was never accused of it, and it's not pos∣sible that they, or any Man living should know that I have not taken it hereto∣fore.

5. Here is no Oath that Richard Baxter Preached in a Conventicle before this Act, which is to be proved as well as that he did it after.

The great difficulty in this Act is, whether the general Words [all such Persons as shall take on them to Preach] be not to be taken as expounded in the Preamble limited to Non-conformists, and the un-ordained, as aforesaid. And it's plain, that it's not to be extended to Conformists. 1. Because the Law doth not dishonour them so far as to suspect them of poisonous Principles. 2. Else what ruin would it make in the Church, when every Pastor must no more come within five Miles of his Charge (no not the dignified Clergy) if any Enemy shall secretly swear that they once preached in an unlawful Assembly. 3. All the Conformable Clergy,

and their Council are of this mind: For none of them take this Oath at the Sessions; and therefore none of them think they are bound to take it. Note, it is to be taken unoffered; and that on the Penalty of 40l. if they come within five Miles of their Charge, though they were never so willing to take it after.

Objection 1. The Conformists need it not, because they keep no Conventicles.

Answ. 1. They are commanded many private Meetings, as private Visitations of the Sick, Baptisms, Communions, Perambulations in the Rogation-Week (when they use in Houses by the way to spend the time in Pious Instructions, Prayers, &c.) And many of them repeat their Sermons in their Houses, which is as much Preaching as any thing I have ever done.

2. And there are few publick Assemblies, where some-what is not done contrary to the Liturgy, by Omissions, &c.

3. And every Man hath some Enemy, who may Swear that these are unlawful As∣semblies.

Obj. 2. The Conformists have already Subscribed.

Answ. 1. That proveth that this Act intendeth them not, (and therefore not me, who Conform as far as any Law requireth me.)

2. It is one thing to [say I am of Opinion] and another thing to [Swear that so it is.]

3. I may say that [the Covenant bindeth me not to endeavour any Alteration of Church-Government] easilier than Swear [That I will never at any time endeavour it] when we once already so far endeavoured it by Command, 1660. as His Majesty's Gracious Declaration about Eccles. Affairs expresseth; even while contrary Laws were in force.

§ 125. While I stayed in Prison, I saw some-what to blame my self for, and some-what to wonder at others for, and some-what to advise my Visitors about.

1. I blamed my Self that I was no more sensible of the Spiritual part of my Af∣fliction, such as was the interruption of my Work, and the poor People from whom I was removed, and the advantage Satan had got against them, and the loss of my own publick Liberty, for worshipping in the Assemblies of his Servants.

2. I marvelled at some who suffered no more than I, (as Mr. Rutherford, when he was confined to Aberdeen) that their Sufferings occasioned them so great Joys as they express! which sure was from the Free Grace of God, to encourage others by their Examples, and not that their own Impatience made them need it much more than at other times. For surely so small a Suffering needeth not a quarter of the Patience, as many poor Nonconformable Ministers (and Thousands others) need, that are at liberty; whose own Houses, through Poverty, are made far worse to them, than my Prison was to me.

3. To my Visitors I found Reason, 1. To intreat my Acton-Neighbours, not to let their Passion against their Parson, on my account, hinder them from a due regard to his Doctrine, nor from any of the Duty which they owed him.

2. To blame some who aggravated my Sufferings, and to tell them, That I had no mind to fancy my self hurt before I felt it: I used at home to confine my self volun∣tarily almost as much: I had ten-fold more publick a Life here, and converse with my Friends, than I had at home: If I had been to take Lodgings at London for six Months, and had not known that this had been a Prison, and had knock'd at the Door and ask'd for Rooms, I should as soon have taken this which I was put into, as most in Town (save only for the Interruption of my sleep:) That it sheweth great weakness to magnifie a small Suffering, and much worse to magnifie our selves and our own Patience, for bearing so small a thing; (than which most poor Men in England bear more every Day.)

I found Cause to desire my Brethren, that when they suffered, they would remem∣ber that the design of Satan was more against their Souls than their Bodies: and that it was not the least of his hopes to destroy their Love, which w••s due to those by whom they suffered, and to dishonour Superiours, and by aggravating our Suf∣ferings, to render them odious to the People: As also to make us take such a poor

Suffering as this, for a sign of true Grace, instead of Faith, Hope, Love, Mortifi∣cation, and a Heavenly Mind; and that the loss of one Grain of Love, was worse than a long Imprisonment: And that it much more concerned us, to be sure that we deserved not Suffering, than that we be delivered from it, and to see that we wronged not our Superiours, than that they wrong not us; seeing we are not near so much hurt by their Severities, as we are by our Sins. Some told me, that they hoped this would make me stand a little further from the Prelates and their Wor∣ship, than I had done. To whom I answered, That I wondred that they should think that a Prison should change my Judgment: I rather thought now it was my Duty to set a stricter watch upon my Passions, lest they should pervert my Judg∣ment, and carry me into Extreams, in opposition to my Afflictors. (And not past a Year and half after, two Gentlemen turned Quakers in Prison.) If Passion made me lose my Love, or my Religion, the loss would be my own. And Truth did not change, because I was in a Goal. The temper of my Visitors called me much to this kind of talk.

§ 126. When I was in Prison, the Lord Chief Baron, at the Table at Serjeant's Inn, before the rest of the Judges, gave such a Character of me openly, without fear of any Man's displeasure, as is not fit for me to own, or recite, who was so much reverenced by the rest (who were every one Strangers to me, save by hear-say) that I believe it much settled their Resolutions. The Lord Chief Justice Vaughan was no Friend to Nonconformity, or Puritans, but he had been one of Sel∣den's Executors, and so Judge Hale's old Acquaintance: Judge Tyrell was a well-affected sober Man, and Serjeant Fountain's Brother-in-Law by Marriage, and some∣time his Fellow-Commissioner for keeping the Great Seal and Chancery: Judge Archer was one that privately favoured Religious People: And Judge Wild, though greatly for the Prelates way, yet (was noted for) a Righteous Man. And these were the Four Judges of the Court.

§ 127. My Habeas Corpus being demanded at the Common Pleas, was granted, and a Day appointed for my Appearance: But when I came, the Judges, I believe, having not before studied the Oxford-Act, when Judge Wild had first said [I hope you will not use to trouble this Court with such Causes,] asked whether the King's Council had been acquainted with the Case, and seen the Order of the Court: which being denied, I was remanded back to Prison, and a new Day set: They suffered me not to stand at the Bar; but called me up on the Table (which was an unusual respect;) and they sent me not to the Fleet, as is usual, but to the same Prison, which was a greater favour.

§ 128. When I came next, the Lord Chief Justice coming towards Westminster Hall, went into White-Hall by the way, which caused much talk among the People. When he came, Judge Wild began, and having shewed that he was no Friend to Conventicles, opened the Act, a••d then opened many defaults in the Mittimus, for which he pronounced it invalid; but in Civility to the Justices said, that the Act was so Penned, that it was a very hard thing to draw up a Mittimus by it (which was no Compliment to the Parliament.) Judge Archer next spake largely against the Mittimus, without any word of disparagement to the main Cause: And so did Judge Tyrell after him (I will not be so t••dious as to recite their Arguments:) Judge Vaughan concluded in the same manner, but with these two Singularities above the rest.

1. That he made it an Error in the Mittimus, that the Witnesses were not named; seeing that (the Oxford-Act giving the Justices so great a power) if the Witnesses be unknown, any innocent Person may be laid in Prison, and shall never know where, or against whom to seek remedy (which was a Matter of great mo∣ment.)

2. When he had done with the Cause, he made a Speech to the People, and told them, That by the apperance, he perceived that this was a Cause of as great Ex∣pectation as had been before them, and it being usual with People to carry away things by the halves, and their misreports might mislead others, he therefore ac∣quainted them, That though he understood that Mr. Baxter was a Man of great Learning, and of a good Life, yet he having this singularity, the Law was against Conventicles, and it was only upon the Error of the Warrant that he was released; and that they use in their Charge at Assizes to enquire after Conventicles, and they are against the Law; so that if they that made the Mittimus had but known how

to make it, they could not have delivered him, nor can do it for him on any that shall so transgress the Law.

This was supposed to be that which was resolved on, at White-Hall by the way. But he had never heard what I had to say in the main Cause, to prove my self no Trans∣gressor of the Law: Nor did he at all tell them how to know, what a Conventicle is which the Common Law is so much against.

§ 129. Being discharged of my Imprisonment, my Sufferings began; for I had there better Health, than I had of a long time before or after; I had now more exasperated the Authors of my Imprisonment; I was not at all acquit as to the main Cause; they might ame••d their Mittimus, and lay me in again: I knew no way how to bring my main Cause (whether they had power to put the Oxford-Oath on me) to a legal Tryal: And my Counsellors advised me not to do it, much less to question the Justices for false Imprisonment, lest I were born down by power. I had now a great House of great Rent on my Hands, which I must not come to: I had no House to dwell in; I knew not what to do with all my Goods and Family; I must go out of Middlesex; I must not come within five Miles of City, Corporation, &c. where to find such a place, and therein a House, and how to remove my Goods thither; and what to do with my House the while, till my time expired, were more trouble than my quiet Prison by far; and the Consequents yet worse.

§ 130. Gratitude commandeth me to tell the World who were my Benefactors in my Imprisonment, and Calumny as much obligeth me, because it is said among some, that I was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by it; Serjeant Fountain's general Counsel ruled me; Mr. Wallop, and Mr. Offley sent me their Counsel, and would take nothing. Of four Serjeants that pleaded my Cause, two of them, Serjeant Windham (afterwards Ba∣ron of the Exchequer) and Serjeant Sise, would take nothing. Sir Iohn Bernard (a Person that I never saw but once) sent me no less than Twenty Pieces; and the Countess of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ten Pound; And Alderman Bard Five; and I received no more; but I confess more was offered me, which I refused; and more would have been, but that they knew I needed it not. And this much defrayed my Law, and Prison Charges.

§ 131. When the same Justices saw that I was thus discharged, they were not satisfied to have driven me from Acton, but they make a new Mittimus, by Counsel, as for the same (supposed) Fault, naming the Fourth of Iune as the Day on which I preached, and yet not naming any Witness (when the Act against Conventicles was expired long before.) And this Mittimus they put into an Officer's hands in London, to bring me not to Clerkenwell, but among the Thieves and Murderers, to the common Jail at Newgate, which was since the Fire (which burnt down all the better Rooms) the most noisom place that I have heard of (except the Tower Dun∣geon) of any Prison in the Land.

§ 132. The next Habitation which God's Providence chose for me, was at Tot∣teridge, near Barnet, where for a Year, I was fain, with part of my Family separa∣ted from the rest, to take a few mean Rooms, which were so extreamly smoaky, and the place withal so cold, that I spent the Winter in great pain; one quarter of a Year by a sore Sciatica, and seldom free from such Anguish.

§ 133. It would trouble the Reader for me to reckon up the many Diseases, and Dangers for these ten Years past, in, or from which, God hath delivered me; though it be my Duty not to forget to be thankful. Seven Months together I was lame, with a strange Pain in one Foot; Twice delivered from a Bloody Flux; a spurious Cataract in my Eye (with incessant Webs and Net-works before it.) hath continued these eight Years, without disabling me one Hour from Reading or Wri∣ting: I have had constant Pains and Languors, with incredible Flatulency in Sto∣mach, Bowels, Sides, Back, Legs, Feet, Heart, Breast, but worst of all, either painful Distentions, or usually vertiginous or stupifying Conquests of my Brain, so that I have rarely one Hour's, or quarter of an Hour's ease. Yet, through God's Mercy, I was never one Hour Melancholy, and not many Hours in a Week disabled utterly from my Work, save that I lost time in the Morning, for want of being able to rise early: And lately, an Ulcer in my Throat, with a Tumour, of near half a Year's continuance, is healed without any means. In all which I have found such merciful Disposals of God, such suitable Chastisements for my Sin, such plain An∣swers of Prayer, as leave me unexcusable if they do me not good. Besides many sud∣den and acuter Sicknesses, which God hath delivered me from, not here to be num∣bred;

his upholding Mercy under such continued weaknesses, with tolerable, and sel∣dom disabling Pains, hath been unvaluable.

§ 134. I am next to give some short account of my Writings since 1665. 1. A small MS. lyeth by me, which I wrote in Answer to a Paper which Mr. Caryl of Sussex sent me, written by Cressy (called now Serenus) about Popery.

§ 135. 2 Mr. Yates of Hambden, Minister, sending me the Copy of a Popish Let∣ter, as spread about Oxford, under the Mask of one doubting of Christianity, and calling the Scholars to a Trial of their Faith, in Principles, did by the Juggling Fraud, and the slightness of it, provoke me to write my book called, The Reasons of the Christian Religion. And the Philosophy of Gassendus, and many more besides the Hobbians, now prevailing, and inclining men to Sadducism, induced me to write the Appendix to it, about the Immortality of the Soul.

§ 136. 3. Oft Conference with the Lord Chief Baron Hale, put those Cases into my mind, which occasioned the writing of another short Piece, of the Nature and Immortality of the Soul, by way of Question and Answer (not printed.)

§ 137. 4. The great Weaknesses, and Passions, and Injudiciousness of many Reli∣gious Persons, and the ill effects; and especially perceiving that the Temptations of the Times, yea the very Reproofs of the Conformists, did but increase them among the separating party, caused me to offer a book to be Licensed, called, Directions to weak Christians how to grow in grace, with a second part, being Sixty Characters of a Sound Christian, with as many of the Weak Christian and the Hyyocrite; Which I the rather writ to imprint on men's minds a right apprehension of Christianity, and to be as a Confession of our Judgment in this malignant Age, when some Conformists would make the World believe, that it is some menstruous thing composed of Folly and Sedition, which the Nonconformists mean by a Christian and a Godly Man. This Book came forth when I was in Prison, being long before refused by Mr. Grigg.

§ 138. 5. A Cristian Directory, or Summ of Practical Divinity in Folio, hath lain finished by me, many years; (and since twice printed.

§ 139. 6. My Bookseller desiring some Additions to my Sermon before the King, I added a large Directory of the whole Life of Faith, which is its Title, which is pub∣lished.

§ 140. 7. Abundance of Women first, and Men next growing at London, into se∣parating Principles; Some thinking that it was sin to hear a Conformist; and more, That it is a sin to pray according to the Common Prayer with them; and yet more, That it is a sin to Communicate with them in the Sacrament: And the Con∣formists abominating their House-Meetings as Schismatical; and their Distance and Passions daily increasing, even among many, to earnest desires of each other's Ruine, I thought it my Duty to add another part to my book of Directions to weak Christians, being Directions what course they must take to avoid being Dividers, or troublers of the Churches: The rather because I knew what the Papists and Infidels would gain by our Divisions, and of how great necessity it is against them both, that the honest mo∣derate part of the Conformists, and the Nonconformists, be reconciled, or at least grow not into mortal Enmity against each other. This Book was offered to Mr. Sam. Parker, the Archbishop's Chaplain to be Licensed, but he refused it; and so I purposed to cast it by: But near two years after, Mr. Grove, the Bishop of London's Chaplain (without whom I could have had nothing of mine Licensed, I think) did Li∣cense it, and it was published; of which more anon.

§ 141. 8. About this time I heard Dr. Owen talked very yieldingly of a Concord betweent the Independents and Presbyterians (which all seemed willing of.) I had before, about 1658. written somewhat in order to Reconciliation; and I did (by the invitation of his Speeches) offer it to Mr. Geo. Griffiths to be considered: And near a twelve-month after he gave it me again, without taking notice of any thing in it. I now resolved to try once more with Dr. Owen: And though all our business with each other had been contradiction; I thought it my Duty without any thoughts of for∣mer things, to go to him, and be a Seeker of Peace: which he seemed to take well, and expressed great desires of Concord, and also many moderate Concessions, and how heartily he would concur in any thing that tended to a good agreement. I told him, That I must deal freely with him. that when I thought of what he had done for∣merly, I was much afraid lest one that had been so great a breaker, would not be made an Instrument in healing: But in other Respects I thought him the fittest man in Eng∣land for this Work; partly because he could understand the Case, and partly, because

his Experience of the Humours of Men, and of the mischiefs of dividing Principles and Practises, had been so very great, that if Experience should make any man wise, and fit for an healing Work, it should be him: And that a book which he had lately written (a Catechism for Independency) offensive to others, was my chief Motive to make this Motion to him; because he there giveth up two of the worst of the Prin∣ciples of Popularity; acknowledging,

1. That the People have not the Power of the Keys.

2. That they give not the Power of the Keys, or their Office-Power to the Pastors. I told him that I had before this driven on an Agreement between the Presbyterians and Independents, in another manner, but that I plainly saw, that while the Lord Chancellor, and such others, were still talking of Plots and Conspiracies, they would be so jealous of our Union, that they would give out, that we were strengthening our selves by it, as Confederacy against the King; and it would have tended to the sudden increase of our Suffering. He answered me, That for his part, he thought the Work so necessary, that he would trust God, and over-look such dangers. I told him, That the danger being so visible, Prudence in the management of the Work was our Duty, though not carnal Policy to desert it. The great difficulty had always been to find out the Terms on which we must be United, if ever it be done: This was it which could not be done in the Assembly at Westminster, nor in all the Years of our Liberty and Difference ever since. And this is a thing which a few Hands may dispatch, much better than many. I told him therefore, that my Opinion was, That he and I only should first try whether we could come to Agree∣ment in Principles; and that none living might know of our Attempt till it was fini∣nished; that if we could not agree, the notice of our Failing might not be a hindrance to others, nor a reproach to our selves; but if we did agree, it were easie to make use of the Terms agreed on, when ever Prudence should tell us it was conducible to our Ends; and to get two or three of a side to Subscribe it first, till it were fit to make it publick for the use of more.

This much we agreed on, and our next Question was of the method. I told him that as to the positive Terms of Concord, I thought that those Essentials of Religion and Communion, which are the Terms that all Christians must agree in, must be ours; and that we had not any new Terms to devise; but only some new Means to bring us to consent to Communion upon those Terms. To which end I thought it would be a good way to draw up a Writing, containing all the Points of Discipline, which the two Parties are really agreed in (great and small,) that while the World seeth the extent of their Agreement, the few things which they differ in may seem so small, among all those, and not to be sufficient to hinder their Communion. He approved of the Motion, and desired him to draw it up; which when he put off, I desired that each of us might bring in a Draught; but he would needs cast it on me alone.

When I had drawn up abundance of Theses as the Matter of our common Concord, and left them with him, the next time I came to him, he commended the thing, but said, that they were too many, and I could do it in a narrower room. I per∣ceived by this, that his Thoughts were, that many that were among them, would not grant all those Points, and so it must be wider yet. I told him, that if he chan∣ged the Design, we must change the Means: If he thought it the better way to draw up only those Points which are necessary to our Agreement, then we must do it in as narrow a compass as may be; which being determined of, I urged him again in vain to do it: but he cast it upon me, and I brought him speedily a Draught of so many of the things which both Presbyterians and Independents are agreed in, as are ne∣cessary to their Practical Concord and Communion, with respect to the things in which they are, or seem disagreed. When he had kept them a few Weeks, I wait∣ed on him again and again; and he told me, that it was the fairest Offer, and the likeliest Means, that ever he yet saw; and he saw nothing yet but that it might well conduce to the End intended. I desired him to give me his Animadversions, 1. Of all that he took to be false or unfound in it. 2. Of all that he thought the two Parties were not agreed in. 3. Of all that he thought inconvenient and unapt to the End in∣tended. 4. Of all that he thought unnecessary: which he consented to, and shortly after sent me this Letter (which intimateth his purpose of coming to me, because I invited him to take the Country Air with me, in a Cold that he had, &c.)

§ 142.

SIR,

THE continuance of my Cold, which yet holds me, with the severity of the Weather•• have hitherto hindred me from answering my purpose of coming unto you at Action but yet I hope ere long to obtain the advantage of enjoying your Company there for a Season. In the mean time I return you my Thanks for the Communication of your Papers; and shall on every occasion manifest, that you have no occasion to question, whether I were in earnest in what I proposed, in reference to the Concord you design. For the desire of it is continually upon my Heart, and to express that desire on all occasion, I esteem one part of that Pro∣fession of the Gospel which I am called unto. Could I contribute any thing towards the Ac∣complishment of so holy, so necessary a Work, I should willingly spend my self, and be spent in it. For what you design concerning your present Essay, I like it very well, both upon the Reasons you mention in your Letter, as also that all those who may be willing and desi∣rous to promote so hlessed a Work, may have Copies by them to prepare their Thoughts in re∣ference to the whole.

For the present, upon the Liberty granted in your Letter (if I remember it aright) I shall tender you a few Quaeries; which if they are useless or needless, deal with them ac∣cordingly.

As 1. Are not the Severals proposed or insisted on, too many for this first Attempt? The general Heads I conceive are not; but under them, very many Particulars are not only included, which is unavoidable, but expressed also, which may too much dilate the ori∣ginal Consideration of the whole.

2. You expresly exclude the Papists, who will also sure enough exclude themselves, and do, from any such Agreement: But have you done the same as to the Socinians, who are numerous, and ready to include themselves upon our Communion? The Creed, as expoun∣ded in the Four first Councils will do it.

3. Whether some Expressions suited to prevent future Divisions and Separations, after a Concord is obtained, may not at present, to avoid all exasperation, be omitted, as seeming reflective on former Actings, when there was no such Agreement among us, as is now aimed at?

4. Whether insisting in particular, on the power of the Magistrate, especially as under civil Coercition and Punishment, in cases of Error or Heresie, be necessary in this first At∣tempt? These Generals occurred to my Thoughts, upon my first reading of your Proposals. I will now read them again, and set down, as I pass on, such apprehensions in particular, as I have of the Severals of them.

To the first Answer, under the first Question, I assent; so also to the first Proposal, and the Explanation: Likewise to the second and third. I thought to have proceeded thus through∣out; but I fore-see my so doing would be tedious and useless; I shall therefore mention only what at present may seem to require second Thoughts. As,

1. To Propos. 9. by those Instances [what Words to use in Preaching, in what Words to Pray, in what decent Habit] do you intend Homilies, prescribed Forms of Prayer, and Habits superadded to those of vulgar decent use? Present Controversies will suggest an especial Sense under general Expressions.

2. Vnder Pos. 13. Do you think a Man may not leave a Church, and joyn himself to another, unless it be for such a Cause or Reason, as he supposeth sufficient to destroy the Be∣ing of the Church? I meet with this now answered in your 18th. Propos. and so shall for∣bear further particular Remarks, and pass on.

In your Answer to the Second Qu. Your 10th. Position hath in it some-what that will admit of further consideration, as I think. In your Answer to the 3d. Qu. have you suf∣ficiently expressed the accountableness of Churches mutually, in case of Offence from Male-Administration and Church Censures? This also I now see in part answered, Prop. 5th. I shall forbear to add any thing as under your Answer to the last Question, about the power of the Magistrate, because I fear, that in that matter of punishing, I shall some-what dissent from you; though as to meer Coercion I shall in some Cases agree.

Vpon the whole Matter, I judge your Proposals worthy of great Consideration, and the most probable medium for the attaining of the End aimed at, that yet I have perused. If God give not an Heart and Mind to desire Peace and Vnion, every Expression will be dis∣puted, under pretence of Truth and Accuracy: But if these things have a place in us an∣swerable to that which they enjoy in the Gospel, I see no reason why all the true Disciples of

Christ might not upon these, and the like Principles, condescend in Love unto the Practical Concord and Agreement, which not one of them dare deny to be their Duty to Aim at. Sir, I shall Pray that the Lord would guide and prosper you in all Studies and Endeavours, for the Service of Christ in the World, especially in this your Desire and Study for the In∣••••••••••ing of the Peace and Love promised amongst them that Believe, and do beg your Prayers.

Your truly affectionate Brother, And unworthy Fellow-Servant, Iohn Owen.

Ian. 25. 1668.

§ 143. For the Understanding of this, you must know, 1. That the way which we came to at last, for the publication of the Terms, if he and I had agreed secretly, should be, That as I had Printed such a thing called Vniversal Concord, 1660. which was neglected, so I would Print this as the Second Part of the Vniversal Concord, that it might lye some time exposed to view in the Shops, before we made any further use of it, that so the State might not suspect us for our Union, as if we intended them any ill by doing our Duty: which course he approved. 2. That I oft went to him, and he had written this Letter ready to send me, and so gave it me into my hand; but we first debated many things in presence, in all which there remained no apparent Disagreement at all, so far as we went: And in particular, the great Point about separating in the Cases enumerated, he objected no more but what I answered, and he seemed to acquiesce. 3. But I so much feared that it would come to nothing, that I ventured to tell him what a difficulty I feared it would be to him to go openly and fully according to his own Judgment, when the Repu∣tation of former Actions, and present Interest in many that would censure him, if he went not after their narrowed Judgment, did lye in his way, and that I feared these Temptations more than his Ability and Judgment. But he professed full Re∣solutions to follow the Business heartily and unbyassedly, and that no Interest should move him. And so I desired him to go over my Proposals again, and fasten upon every Word that was either unsound, or hurtful, or unapt, or unnecessary, and every such Word should be altered: which he undertook to do; and so that was the way that we agreed on: but when I came home, I first returned him this fol∣lowing Answer to his Letter and Exceptions.

Feb. 16. 1668.

SIR,

UPon the perusal of Yours when I came home, I find your Exceptions to be most∣ly the same which you speak; and therefore shall be the briefer in my Answer, upon Supposition of what was said.

To your First Qu. I answer, I am as much for Brevity as you can possibly wish: so be it our Agreement be not thereby frustrated, and made insufficient to its ends. I would desire you to look over all the Particulars, and name me not only every one that you think unsound, but every one which you judge unprofitable or needless. But if we leave out that which most, or many will require, and none have any thing against, it will but stop our Work, and make Men judge of it, as you did of the want of a longer Profession than the Scriptures against Socinianism: And it will con∣tradict the Title, The Iust Terms of Agreement: For our Terms will be insuffi∣cient.

And as to your Words [the first attempt] my business is to discover the sufficient Terms at first, that so it may facilitate Consent: For if we purposely leave out any needful part as for [a second attempt] we bring contempt upon our first Essay; and

before the second, third, and perhaps twentieth Attempt have been used to bring us to Agreement, by Alterations, and cross Humours, and Apprehensions, things will go as they have done, and all be pulled in pieces. Therefore we must, if possible, find out the sufficient Terms before too many hands be ingaged in it. Your own Exceptions here say, That if too many Explications had not afterward occur∣red, you had been unsatisfied in that which went before. And you know what Mr. Nye is wont to say against drawing a Hose over our Differences (though for my part I know no other way where we agree not in particulars, but to take up with an Agreement in Generals.) But where indeed we do agree in Particulars, I know no Reason why we should hide it, to make our Difference to seem greater than it is.

2. The Reasons, why I make no larger a Profession necessary than the Creed and Scriptures, are, because if we depart from this old sufficient Catholick Rule, we narrow the Church, and depart from the old Catholicism: And we shall never know where to rest: From the same Reasons as you will take in Four Councils, another will take in Six, and another Eight, and the Papists will say, Why not the rest, as well as these?

3. Because we should Sin against the Churches 1200 Years Experience, which hath been torn by this Conceit, That our Rule or Profession must be altered to obviate every new Heresie. As if you could ever make a Creed or Law which no Offender shall mis-interpret, nor hypocritically profess. By this means the Devil may drive us to make a new Creed every Year, by Sowing the Tares of a new Heresie every Year. Hilary hath said so much against this, not sparing even the Nicene Creed it self, that I need say no more than he hath done upon that Argument of Experience, but only that if 30 or 40 Years Experience so much moved him against new Creed-making, what should 1200 Years do by us?

4. And the Means will be certainly Fruitless, seeing that Hereticks are usually Men of wide Consciences, and if their Interest require it, they will Equivocate, as Men do now with Oaths and Subscriptions, and take any Words in their own Sense.

5. And the Means is needless, seeing there is another and fitter Remedy against Heresie provided, and that is not making a new Rule or Law, but judging Hereticks by the Law of God already made. Either they are Hereticks only in Heart, or in Tongue also, and Expression. If in Heart only, we have nothing to do to Judge them. Heart-Infidels are and will be in the Churches. If they be proved to be He∣reticks in Tongue, then it is either before they are taken into the Communion of the Church, or after. If before, you are to use them as in case of proved Wickedness; that is, call them to publick Repentance before they be admitted: If it be after, they must be admonished, and Rejected after the first and second contemned Admo∣nition: And is not this enough? And is not this the certain regular way? Is it not confusion to put Law for Iudgment, and say there wants a new Law or Rule, when there wants but a due Iudgment by the Rule in being.

6. Lastly, We shall never have done with the Papists, if we let go the Scripture-Sufficiency. And it is a double Crime in us to do it, who Dispute with them so ve∣hemently for it. And we harden and justifie Church-Tyranny and Impositions when we will do the like our selves.

If there be nothing against Socinianism in the Scripture, it is no Heresie: If there be (as sure there is enough, and plain enough) Judge them by that Rule, and make not new ones.

But if any will not hold to this truly Catholick Course, I shall next like your Mo∣tion very well, to take up with the Creed, as Expounded in the 4 First Councils, called General: which I can readily subscribe my self, but it's better let them all alone, and not to be so found of one onely Engine, which hath torn the Church for about 1200 Years. I mean departing from the Ancient Rule, and making new Creeds and Forms of Communion.

To your Third Qu. 1. I suppose you observe that what I say about Separation, is not under the third Head (of the Concord of Neighbour Churches; but under the second Head of the Concord of Members in the same particular Churches) and were you not heretofore at Agreement in your own Churches? And is it not the Duty and Interest of your own Churches to keep Unity, and that the Members separate not unjustly whether you agree with other Churches or not?

2. Either what I say about Separation is that which we are all (now Uniting) agreed in, or not: If it be, i•• honoureth our Brethren to profess it, and can be no Reproach or Offence to them to declare it: If any have sinned against their own present Judgment, I hope they are not so Impenitent, as to desire us to forbear agreeing with their own Iudgments, because it is against their former sins. And here is no Word said Historically to upbraid any with these Sins at all. But if we are not all agreed thus far against Separation, I desire you to name the Terms which we agree not in, and then we shall see whether we may leave them out, or whether it render our Concord desperate and impossible (of which anon.)

To your Fourth Qu. The Iealousies and Errors of these Times do make it necessary to our Peace, to make some Profession of our Judgment about Magistracy; and I think there is nothing questionable in this. I am sure there is nothing but what many of the Congregational-Party do allow; but if you come to Particulars, I shall consider of them again.

The particular Exceptions which you Obliterate not your selves are but these.

1. To Qu. Prop. 9. Whether I mean prescribed Forms, and Homilies, and Habits, by the Terms [what Words to use in Preaching and Prayer, &c.] Answ. That which I say as plain as I can is, 1. That a determination of such Circumstances is not a sinful Addition to God's Word, nor will allow the People therefore to avoid the Churches Communion. 2. That it belongs to the Pastor's Office to determine them (what Words he shall Preach and Pray in, &c.) Therefore you have no cause to ask my meaning about imposing upon him, but only whether he may so far impose upon the Flock, as to use his own Words in Preaching, Prayer, &c. 3. That yet if the Pastor determine these Circumstances destructively, the People have their Remedy. And is not this enough? Why must I tell you whether you may read a Sermon (or Homi∣ly) of your own Writing, or another Man's unto the People? Or if you do, whe∣ther they must separate? Or else if you read a Prayer, &c. Either you deter∣mine these things to the Churches hurt, or not? If not, why should they blame you, or Separate? If you do, they have their Remedy. But whether you do or not, I now decide not. If we meddle with all such Particulars, we shall never agree: more than those must be left to liberty. You think our Particulars are too many already, and would you have more? And if the Controversies of the Times will tempt any to Expound our General Terms of Agreement amiss, we must not go from Generals for that.

To the Tenth Prop. You say there is something that will admit of a farther Con∣sideration: Whereupon I considered it, and have added [Supposing it be a publick Pro∣fession of Christianity which is made:] Because, though the People are not bound to try the Persons before-hand, that are so to be received to Communion, yet they may ordinarily expect, that when they are admitted, their Profession be publick, or made known to the Church, which I imply'd before.

And now, Sir, I pray give me leave to speak some-what freely to the Cause it self, (assuring you I shall patiently, if not thankfully receive as free Language from you or others.) I shall 1. mention what it is that we have to do; and 2. what Reasons we have for doing it.

One Business is to heal Church-Divisions, and Heart-Divisions; therefore you must give us leave to say much against Divisions or Separations which are unjust, because this is our end, and all the rest is but the means; and if you would have us leave out that, it is all one as to say [Let us agree to have no Agreement or Vnity;] or [we will be healed, so we may continue to be unhealed;] or, [do but excuse us from Con∣cord,

and we will agree with you.] The Reason why we would bear with other Dif∣ferences, is because we cannot bear with the absence of Vnity, Love and Peace, else we may let all go to Divisions, without any more ado.

And the great things which hinder the Presbyterians and Moderate Episcopal ••••en, from closing with you, are principally these.

1. Because they think that your way tends to destroy the Kingdom of Christ, by dividing it, while all Excommunicate Persons, or Hereticks, or humorous Persons, may at any time gather a Church of such as Separate from the Church which they belonged to, though it be on the account of Ungodliness, or Impatience of Disci∣pline, &c. and then may stand on equal Terms with you; especially when you are not for the constant Correspondency of Churches in Synods, by which they may strengthen themselves against them.

2. They think, while you seem to be for a stricter Discipline than others, that your way (or usual Practice) tendeth to extirpate Godliness out of the Land; by taking a very few that can talk more than the rest, and making them the Church, and shutting out more that are as worthy, and by neglecting the Souls of all the Parish else, except as to some publick Preaching; against which also you prejudice them by unjust Rejections; and then think that you may warrantably account them un∣worthy: because you know no worthiness by them, when you estrange your selves from them, and drive them away from you. They think that Parish-Reformation tendeth to the making Godliness universal, and that your Separation tendeth to dwin∣dle it to nothing. I know that some of you have spoken for endeavouring the good of all; but (pardon my plainnes) I knew scarce any of you that did not by an unjust espousing of your few, do the People a double Injury, one by denying them their Church-Rights, without any regular Church Justice, and the other by lazily omit∣ting most that should have been done for their Salvation. In our Countrey almost all the rest of the Ministers agreed to deal seriously and orderly with all the Families of their Parishes (which some did to their wonderful benefit) except your Party, and the highly Episcopal, and they stood off. The doubt was when I came to Ki∣derminster, Whether it were better to take 20 Professors for the Church, and leave a Reader to head and gratifie the rest? Or, to attempt the just Reformation of the Parish? The Professors would have been best pleased with the first; and I was for the latter, which after full tryal, hath done that which hath satisfied all the Pro∣fessors: So that professed Piety, and Family-Worship (in a way of Humility and Unity) was so common, that the few that differ among some Thousands are most∣ly ashamed of their Difference on the account of Singularity, and would seem to be Godly with the rest.

The last Week I had with me an honest Scotchman, and one of my Acton Neighbours, and I asked him how their Nation came to be so unanimous in the approbation of Godliness without any Sect. And he told me that usually they had twelve Elders in a Parish, and every one took their Division and ob∣served the manners of the People, and if any Family prayed not, &c. They ad∣monished them, and told the Pastor; and that the Pastor then went to them (though many Miles off) and taught them to Pray, and led them in it, and set them upon other means as we teach Children to read: And that once a Week they had a meeting of the Elders, to consult about the good of the Parish, and once a Week a meeting of the People to pray and confer, and receive resolution of Doubts, before the Pastor, and every Lord's Day after Sermon, they stayed to discourse of the things Preached of, that Objections might be answered, and those urged to their duties that had nothing to say against it. This, and more, the Scotchman averred to me. My Acton Neighbour told me, that there is now but one Person (a Woman) in all this Town and Parish that was here admitted to the Sacrament, and that the rest were partly by this course (and other rea∣sons) distasted, and their dislike encreased, and partly neglected and left to them∣selves: That of rich Families, (Mr. Rous, Major Skippous, Collonel Sely, and Mr. Humphreys) were admitted while the rest were refused, or neglected: And that one surviving Person who was admitted, it but a Sojourner here. Where∣as upon a little Tryal, I am able to say, that there are comparatively few openly scandalous Persons in the Town; that there are many who, I have reason to believe do seriously fear God, and are fit for Church-Communion: That almost the whole Town and Parish (even those that seemed most averse) are desirous and

deligent to hear, even in private, and seem to be desirous of Family-helps, and desire good Books to read in their Families. And I hear not of one Person (or hardly any if one) that speak against the strictest Godliness, but commonly rather take part with those that are judged to fear God. Even the very Inns and Ale-hou∣ses themselves do signifie no Opposition or ill-will: In a word, the willingness seem∣eth so great and common, that if I were their Pastor, and had time to go to them in private, and try, and promote their Knowledge (which comes not at once) I see no reason to doubt but Godliness might become the common Complexion of the Parish. I speak this to shew you (if Experience signifie any thing with you,) that your separating way tendeth to Laziness, and the grievous hinderance of that Godliness which you seem to be more zealous for than others, and that the way of Reforming Parish-Churches, is not so hopeless as you make your selves believe it is, Some one wrote lately Exceptions to Mr. Eliot, upon his Proposals, in which he ask∣eth him, [What shall one, or two, or three in a parish do, who usually are as many in most, or many Parishes as are fit for Communion, &c.] Men first estrange themselves from the poor People, whom they should teach with tenderness, and diligence, and then they think their ignorance of the People ground enough to Judge them ig∣norant, and talk of one or two in a Parish. But Christ will find many more, I am past doubt, even Members of his Mystical Church, than these Men can do of the visible, which is much larger. And you cannot say, if there be any difference of Successes, that it is only from the difference of Persons, and not of the seve∣ral ways: For here where I live were two of the worthiest Persons of your way (Mr. Nye, and Mr. Elford) whose ability and Piety were beyond all question, and so was their great advantage then. But your way is your disadvantage, and Christ's Friends should suspect that way of honouring Godliness, which tendeth to diminish it, or suppress it.

I tell you some few of the things offensive to your Brethren, that you may see wherein our Agreement must give Satisfaction. The rest I now omit.

I had thought to have said more of the Reasons why you should heartily pro∣mote it. But I will now say but these two things. 1. That he that can consider what the effects of our Divisions have been upon Church and State, and the Lives of some, and the Souls of Thousands, both of the openly ungodly, and Professors, and that knows how great a Reproach they are now to our Profession, and harden∣ing of the Wicked, and hinderance to that good, even of the best, and yet doth not thirst to see them healed, hath small sense of the interest of Christ, and Souls.

2. That he, that considereth what it was to continue such Divisions unheal'd for 20 Years, under such Warnings and Calls to Unity; and to do what we have done against our selves and others, after such smart, and in such a manner to the last, is most dreadfully impenitent, if Repentance do not now make him zealous for a Cure. And in particular, if you, and Mr. Nye, and I, be not extraordinary zealous for this work, there are scarce three Men to be found in the World, that will be more hainously guilty, and without excuse: (I need not tell you why.) And truly, if we have zeal, and yet not skill for such a Cure, (when all say that the People are willinger than the Pastors) it will be a shame for us to cry out on them, that Silence us: as if such Shepherds were necessary to the Flock, that have skill to Wound, and none to Cure. Therefore, as I am heartily glad of your forwardness and willing∣ness to this Work, pardon me for telling you, I will Iudge of it by the Effects. I address my self to you alone, because I know that Vnderstanding and Experience are great Assistants (to lead on Charity) in this Work; and there is no dealing with them that understand not the Case. And I will hope that the Effect will shew, that no Humours of others (Men of narrow Minds, and Interests, and injudicious Passions) shall preval with you against so great a work of Repentance, and Love to God and Godliness, and the Souls of Men. Again, Pardon this Freedom used by

Your much Hounouring And Vnworthy Brother, Rich. Baxter.

§ 144. After this I waited on him at London again, and he came once to me to my Lodgings, when I was in Town (near him;) And he told me, that he receiv∣ed my chiding Letter, and perceived that I suspected his Reality in the Business; but he was so hearty in it, that I should see that he really meant as he spake, concluding in these Words [You shall see it, and my Practice shall reproach your Diffidence.] I told him, That if I fore-saw his Temptations, and were willing to help him by Premonition to overcome them, I meant not that as an Accusation; but I thank'd him for his Promise, to reproach my Diffidence by his Practice, and such an Event would be his Honour, and let it reproach me and spare not, so be it the Work were done. But again, I desired that no one living might know of it, till he and I had finished our attempt. And thus I waited for his Animadversions.

§ 145. About a Month after I went to him again, and he had done nothing, but was still hearty for the Work. And to be short, I thus waited on him time after time, till my Papers had been near a Year and quarter in his Hand, and then I desired him to return them to me, which he did, with these Words, [I am still a well-wisher to those Mathematicks;] without any other Words about them, or ever giving me any more Exception against them. And this was the issue of my third At∣tempt for Union with the Independents.

§ 146. Having long (upon the Suspension of my Aphorisms) been purposing to draw up a Method of Theology, I now began it: I never yet saw a Scheme, or Method of Physicks or Theology, which gave any Satisfaction to my Reason: Tho' many have attempted to exercise more accurateness in Distribution, than all others that went before them, (especially Dud'ey, Fenner, Tzegedine, Sobnius, Gomarus, Amesius, Treleatius, Wollebius, &c. and our present busie-boaster, Dr. Nich. Gibbon, in his Scheme) yet I could never yet see any whose Confusion, or great Defects, I could not easily discover, but not so easily amend. I had been Twenty Six Years convinced that Dichotomizing will not do it; but that the Divine Trinity in Unity, hath exprest it self in the whole Frame of Nature and Morality: And I had so long been thinking of a true Method, and making-some small Attempts, but I found my self insufficient for it; and so continued only thinking of it, and studying it all these Years. Campanella I saw had made the fairest Attempt that ever I saw made, in the Principles of Nature (and Commenius after him;) but yet as I believe, he quite mist it in his first operative Principles of Heat and Cold (mistaking the na∣ture of Cold and Darkness;) so he run his three Principles, which he calleth Pri∣malities, into many subsequent Notions, which were not provable or coherent: Having long read his Physicks, Metaphysicks, de Sensu rerum, and Atheismus Tri∣umphatus, I found him mention his Theology, which put me in hope, that he had there also made some Attempt, but I could never hear of any one that had seen any such Book of his: At last Mr. Geo. Lawson's Theopolitica came out, which re∣duced Theology to a Method more Political and righter in the main, than any that I had seen before him: But he had not hit on the true Method of the Vestigia Trini∣tatis; and some long Debates by Writing between him and me, which had gone before (about 7 Years) had engaged him to make good his first Papers, in those mistakes about the Office of Faith in Justification (as Justifying only as Christ's Pro∣pitiation as the Object of it:) Of which in that Book he saith so much (to the pity rather than satisfaction of the Judicious:) his Book being otherwise the soundest, and most abounding with Light of any one that I have seen. But the very necessi∣ty of explaining the Three Articles of Baptism, and the Three Summaries of Reli∣gion (the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Decalogue) hath led all the common Cate∣chisms that go that way (of which Vrsine Corrected by Paraeus is the chief.) into a truer Method, than any of our exactest Dichotomizers have hit on, (not excepting Treleatius, Solinius, or Amesius, which are the best.)

§ 147. The Nature of things convinced me, That as Physicks are presupposed in Ethicks, and that Morality is but the ordering of the Rational Nature and its Actions, so that part of Physicks and Metaphysicks, which opened the Nature of Man, and of God, which are the Parties contracting, and the great Subjects of Theology and Morality, is more neerly pertinent to a Method of Theology, and should have a larger place in it, than is commonly thought and given to it: Yet I

knew how Uncouth it would seem to put so much of these Doctrines into a Body of Divinity: But the three first Chapters of Genesis assured me, That it was the Scri∣pture-Method. And when I had drawn up one Scheme of the Creation, and sent it the Lord Chief Baron (because of our often Communication on such Subjects, and being now banished from his Neighbourhood, and the County where he lived) he received it with so great Approbation, and importuned me so by Letters, to go on with that work, and not to fear being too much on Philosophy, as added some∣what to my Inclinations and Resolutions. And through the great Mercy of God, in my Retirement at Totteridge, in a troublesome, poor, smoaky, suffocating Room, in the midst of daily pains of the Sciatica, and many worse, I set upon, and finished all the Schemes, and half the Elucidations in the end of the Year 1669. and the be∣ginning of 1670. which cost me harder Studies than any thing that ever I had before attempted.

§ 148. In the same time and place, I also wrote a large Apology for the Non∣conformists: Partly, to prove it their Duty to Exercise their Ministry as they can when they are Silenced; and partly to open the State of the Prelacy, the Subscriptions, Declarations, &c. which they refuse: for the furious Revilings of Men did so in∣crease, and their Provocations, and Accusations, and Insultings, were so many and great, that it drove me to this work as it were against my will: But when I had done it, I saw that the Publication of it would (by Imprisonment or Banishment) put an end to my other Labours, which made me lay it by; for I thought that the finishing of my Methodus Theologiae was a far greater work: But if that had been done, I think I should have published it whatever it had cost me.

§ 149. This Year 1670 my forementioned Cure of Church Divisions came out. which had been before cast by, which occasioned a storm of Obloquy among almost all the separating Party of Professors, and filled the City and Country with mat∣ters of Discourse: which fell out to be as followeth. I had long made use of two Booksellers, Mr. Tyton, and Mr. Simmons, the former, lived in London and the later in Kiderminster: But the latter removing to London, they envyed each other, in a meer desire of gain, one thinking that the other got more than he was willing should go besides himself. Mr. Tyton first refused an equal Co-partnership with the other: Whereupon it fell to the others share to Print my Life of Faith, and Cure of Church Divisions, after my Directions to weak Christians, together: Which occasioned Mr. Tyton to tell several that came to his Shop, that the Book, as he heard, was a∣gainst private Meetings, at least, at the time of Publick, and made those Schimaticks that used them: Mr. Simmons met with a credible Citizen that gave it him under his Hand, that Mr. Tyton said that [he might have had the Printing of the Book, but would not, because it spake against those things which he had seen me Practise &c.;] which were all gross Untruths; for the Book was never offered him, nor had he never seen a word of it, or ever spoken with any one that had seen it, and told him what was in it. Mr. Tyton being a Member of an Independent Church, this sort of People the ea••ilier believed this; and so it was carried among them from one to one, first that I wrote against private Meetings, and then that I accused them all of Schism, and then that I wrote for Conformity, and lastly, that I conformed; so that before a Line of my Book was known, this was grown the common Fame of the City, and thence of all the Land, and sent as certain into Scotland and Ireland: yea, they named the Text that I preached my Recantation Sermon on before the King, as stirring him up to Cruelty against the Nonconformists. So common was the Sin of Back-biting and Slandering among the Separating Party, so it were but done at the second hand; and they that thought themselves too good to joyn with the Conformists, or use their Liturgy, or Communion, yet never stuck at the com∣mon carrying of all these Falshoods, because they could say, a good Man told it me. So that Thousands made no bones of this, that would not have defiled themselves with a Ceremony, or an imposed Form of Prayer, by any means. Yea, the Streets rang with Reproaches against me for it, without any more proof.

Some said that I took part with the Enemies of Godliness, and countenanced their Church-Tyranny; and some said that I sought to reconcile my self to them, for fear of further Suffering: And thus the Christians that were most tenderly afraid of the Liturgy and Ceremonies, were so little tender of receiving and vending the most dis∣ingenuous

Falshoods, as if they had been no matter of Scruple. So easie is a sinful Zeal, and so hardly is true Christian Zeal maintained.

§ 150. At the same time there fell out a Case which tended to promote the Ca∣lumny. The old Reading Vicar of Kiderminster dyed, about the Day of the Date of the Act against Conventicles) Sir Ralph Clare, his chief Friend, and my Applauder, but Remover, being dead a little before; the old Patron, Collonel Iohn Bridges, Sold the Patronage to Mr. Thomas Foley, with a condition, that he should present me next, if I were capable; which he promised, as also, that he would Present no other but by my consent. Because I had done so much before to have continued in that place, and had desired to Preach there but as a Curate, under the Reading Vi∣car, when I resused a Bishoprick, and the Vicaridge was now come to be worth 200 l. per Ann. and this falling void at the same time, when the Independents had filled the Land with the Report that I was Writing against them for Conformity; hereupon the Bishops themselves believed it, that the love of Kiderminster would make me Conform; and they concurred in vending the Report, insomuch that one certainly told me, that he came then from a worthy Minister, to whom the Arch-bishop of York (Sterne) spake these Words, [Take it on my Word, Mr. Baxter doth Conform, and is gone to his Beloved Kiderminster.] And so both Parties concurred in the false Report, though one only raised it.

§ 151. Another Accident fell out also, which promoted it. For Mr. Crofton having a Tryal, (as I hear upon the Oxford Act of Confinement) at the King's Bench, Judge Keeling said, You need not be so hasty, for I hear that Mr. Crofton is about to Conform] And Judge Morton said, [And I hear that Mr. Baxter hath a Book in the Press against their private Meetings: Judge Rainsford said somewhat, that he was glad to hear it; and Judge Morton again, That it was but time, for the Quakers in Buckingham-shire, he was confident were Acted by the Papists; for they spake for Purgatory already.] This Talk being used in so high a Court of Justice, by the Grave and Reverend Judges, all Men thought then that they might lawfully believe it and report it. So Contagious may the Breath of one Religious Man be, as to infect his Party; and of that Religious Party, as to infect the Land, and more than one Land, with the belief and report of such ungrounded Lies.

§ 152. At the same time, in the end of my Life of Faith, I Printed a Revocation of my Book called Political Aphorisms, or A Holy Common-wealth; which exasperated those who had been for the Parliament's War, as much as the former, but both to∣gether did greatly provoke them. Of which I must give the Reader this Advertise∣ment. I wrote that Book 1659. by the provocation of Mr. Iames Harrington, the Author of Oceana; and next by the Endeavours of Sir Hen. Vane for a Common∣wealth: Not that I had any Enmity to a well ordered Democracy; but 1. I knew that Cromwell and the Army, were resolved against it, and it would not be. 2. And I perceived that Harrington's Common-wealth was fitted to Heathenism, and Vane's to Fanaticism; and neither of them would take: Therefore I thought that the improvement of our Legal Form of Government was best for us: And by Har∣rington's Scorn (Printed in a half Sheet of Gibberish) was then provoked to write that Book. But the madness of the several Parties, before it could be Printed, pull'd down Rich. Cromwell, and chang'd the Government so oft in a few Months, as brought in the King, contrary to the hopes of his closest Adherents, and the expectations of almost any in the Land.

And ever since the King came in, that Book of mine, was preached against before the King, spoken against in the Parliament, and wrote against by such as desired my Ruine: Morley, Bishop of Worcester, and many after him, branded it with Treason, and the King was still told that I would not retract it, but was still of the same mind, and ready to raise another War, and a Person not to be indured. New Books every Year came out against it; and even Men that had been taken for Sober and Religious, when they had a mind of Preferment, and to be taken notice of at Court, and by the Prelates, did fall on Preaching or Writing against me, and specially against that Book, as the probablest means to accomplish their Ends. When I had endured this ten Years, and found no stop, but that still they proceeded to make me odious to the King and Kingdom, and seeking utter ruine this way, I thought it my Duty to remove this stumbling Block out of their way, and without recanting any particular

Doctrine in it, to revoke the Book, and to disown it, and desire the Reader to take it as non Scriptum, and to tell him that I repented of the writing of it. And so I did: Yet telling him, That I retracted none of the Doctrine of the first Part, which was to prove the Monarch of God; but for the sake of the whole second Part, I repented that I wrote it: For I was resolved at least to have that much to say, against all that after wrote, and preach'd, and talk'd against it, That I have revoked that Book, and therefore shall not defend it. And the incessant bloody Malice of the Reproachers, made me heartily wish, on two or three accounts, that I had never written it. 1. Because it was done just at the fall of the Government, and was buried in onr ruines, and never, that I know of, did any great good. 2. Because I find it best for Ministers, to meddle as little as may be with Matters of Poli••y, how great soever their Provo∣cations may be: and therefore I wish that I had never written on any such Subject. 3. And I repented that I meddled against Vane and Harrington (which was the se∣cond Part) in Defence of Monarchy,* 11.1 seeing that the Consequents had been no better, and that my Reward had been to be silenced, imprisoned, turned out of all, and reproached implacably, and incessantly, as Criminal, and never like to see an end of it: He, that had wrote for so little, and so great displeasure, might be tempted as well as I, to wish that he had sat still, and let GOD and Man alone with Mat∣ters of Civil Policy. Though I was not convinced of many Errors in that Book, so called by some Accusers to recant, yet I repented the writing of it as an infelicity, and as that which did no good but hurt.

§ 153. But because an Appendix to that Book had given several Reasons of my adhering to the Parliament at first, many thought I changed my Judgment about the first part of the Parliament's Cause: And the rather, because I disclaimed the Army's Rebellious Overthrows of Government (as I had always done.) I knew I could not revoke the Book, but the busie pevishness of censorious Professors would fall upon me as a Revolter: And I knew that I could not for bear the said Revocation, without those ill Effects which I supposed greater. And which was worst of all, I had no possible Liberty further to explain any Reasons.

§ 154. When my Cure of Church Divisions came out, the sober Party of Ministers were reconciled to it; especially the Ancienter sort, and those that had seen the Evi••s of Separation: But some of the London Ministers, who had kept up Publick Assemblies, thought it should have been less sharp; and some thought because they were under the Bishop's Severities, that it was unseasonable. For the Truth is, most Men judged by Sense, and take that to be good or bad, which they feel do them good or hurt at the present: And because the People's Alienation from the Prelates and Liturgy, and Parish-Churches, did seem to make against the Prelates, and to make for the Nonconformist's Interest, they thought it not Prudence to gratifie the Prelates so far as to gain-say it. And so they considered not from whence dividing Principles come, and to what they tend, and what a disgrace they are to our Cause, and how one of our own Errors will hurt and disparage us more, than all the cruelty of our Adversaries; and that sinful means is seldom blessed to do good.

§ 155. But upon fore-fight of the tenderness of Professors, I had before given my Book to the Perusal of Mr. Iohn Corbet, my Neighbour, (accounted one of the most Calm, as well as Judicious Nonconformists) and had altered every Word that he wished to be altered: And the same I had done by my very worthy Faithful Friend, Mr. Richard Fairclough, who Perused it in the Press, and I altered almost all that he wished to be altered, to take off any Words that seemed to be too sharp. But all did not satisfie the guilty and impatient Readers.

§ 156. For when the Book came out, the Separating Party, who had received before an odious Character of it, did part of them read and interpret it by the Spectacles and Commentary of their Passions and fore Conceits; and the most of them would not read it all; but took all that they heard for granted: The hottest that was against it was Mr. Ed. Bagshaw, a young Man, who had written formerly against Monarchy, had afterward written for me agains•• Bishop Morley; and being of a resolute Roman Spirit, was sent first to the Tower, and then laid there in the horrid Dungeon (where the damp casting him into the Haemorrhoids, the Pain caused that Sweat which saved his Life:) Thence he was removed to Southb••y-Castle, near Ports∣mouth, in the Sea, where he lay Prisoner many Years; where Vivasor Powel (an ho∣nest injudicious Zealot of Wales) being his Companion, heightned him in his Opinions.

He wrote against me a Pamphlet so full of Untruths and Spleen, and so little perti∣nent to the Cause, as that I never met with a Man that called for an Answer to it: But yet the ill Principles of it made me think, that it needed an Answer, which I wrote. But I found that Party grown so tender, expecting little but to be applau∣ded for their Godliness, and to be flattered, while they expected that others should be most sharply dealt with, and indeed to be so utterly impatient of that Language, in a Confutation which had any suitableness to the desert of their Writings, that I purposed to give over all Controversial Writings with them, or any other, without great necessity: And the rather, because my own Stile is apt to be guilty of too much freedom and sharpness in Disputings.

§ 157. The next to Mr. Bagshaw (now again in Prison for not taking the Oath of Allegiance it self,) who behind my Back did most revile my Book, was Dr. Owen; whether out of Design or Judgement, I cannot tell; but ordinarily he spake very bitterly of it; but never wrote to me a Word against it: He also divulged his dissent from the Proposals for Concord, which I offered him, though he would say no more against them to my self, than what I have before expressed.

§ 158. At this time also one Hinkley of Norfield, near Worcester-shire, desiring to be taken notice of, wrote a virulent Book against the Nonconformists, and particular∣ly some Falshoods against me, and a vehement Invitation to me to publish the Reasons of my Nonconformity; when he could not be so utterly ignorant as not to know, that I could never get such an Apology Licensed, and that the Law forbad me to Print it unlicensed, and that he himself taketh it for a Sin to break that Law. But such im∣pudent Persons were still clamouring against us.

§ 159. By this time my own old Flock at Kiderminster began (some of them) to Censure me: For when the Bishop, and Deans, and many of their Curates, had preached long to make the People think me a Deceiver; as if this had been the only way to their Salvation, the People were hereby so much alienated from them, that they took them for Men unreasonable, and little better than mad; insomuch as that they grew more alienated from Prelacy than ever. Also, while they continued to repeat Sermons in their Houses together, many of them were laid long in Jayls, (among Thieves and common Malefactors; which increased their Exasperations yet more. They continued their Meetings whilst their Goods were Seised on, and they were Fined and Punished again and again. These Sufferings so increased their Aver∣sation, that my Book against Church-Divisions coming out at such a time, and a Pre∣face which I put before a Book of Dr. Bryan's, in which I do but excuse his Speaking against Separation, they were many of them offended at it as unseasonable; and judg∣ing by feeling Interest and Passion, were angry with me for strengthening the Hands of Persecutors, as they call it; whereas if I had called the Bishops all that's nought, I am confident they would not have blamed me. And they that fell out with the Bi∣shops for casting me out, and speaking ill of me, were (some of them) ready to speak ill of me, if not to cast me off, because I did but persuade them of the Lawfulness of Communicating in their Parish-Church, with a Conformable Minister in the Li∣turgy.

§ 160. At this time, as is said, the old reading Vicar dying it was cast on me to chuse the next: But the Religious People (who were the main Body of the Town, and Parish) would not so much as chuse a Man, when they might have had their choice; no, nor so much as write or send one word to one about it, lest they should seem to consent to his Conformity, or to be obliged to him in his Office. Whereupon I also refused to meddle in the Choice, and the rather because some of the malignant slanderous Prelatists who write of me, as Durel, L'strange, and many others have done, would in likelyhood have said, that I con∣tracted for some Commodity to my self; and because Mr. Foley the Patron was a truly honest Religious Man, who, I knew would make the best choice he could.

§ 161. When he had chosen them a Minister (whom they themselves commend∣ed for an honest Man and a good Preacher, and rather wished him than another) I wrote a Letter to them to advise them to join with the said Minister in Pray∣ers and Sacrament; because I had before advised them not to own the Mini∣stry of Mr. Dance, for his utter incapacity and insufficiency, but if ever they had a

tolerable Man, to own him, and Communicate with him. And because he was the best, that the Patron by their Consent, could chuse, and for many Reasons, which I gave them. But their Sufferings had so far alienated them from the Prelates, that the very rumour of this Letter was talkt of as my Book against Divisions was, so that it was never so much as read to them.

§ 162. And here it is worth the nothing, how far Interest secretly swayeth the Judgments of the best. A few Ministers, who have a more taking way of Preaching than the rest, and being more moving and affectionate, are for that way now which most suiteth with the Inclination of the People who most esteem them, which is to go far enough from the Conformists, (or too far) but the rest who are less followed by the People, are generally more for Peace and Moderation.

§ 163. This Year the Act against Conventicles was renewed, and made more severe than ever: And (as all that ever I spake with of it, supposed) with an Eye upon my Case, they put in divers Clauses: As that the fault of the Mit∣timus should not disable it; that all doubtful Clauses in the Act should be in∣terpreted, as would most favour the suppression of Conventicles; that they that fled or removed their Dwelling into another County, should be pursued by Exe∣cution, (to this Sense). What a strait is a Man in among People of such Ex∣tremes? One side pursueth us with implacable Wrath, while we are charg∣ed with nothing but Preaching Christ's Gospel in the most peaceable manner we can: And the other censureth us, as Compliers with Persecutors and Ene∣mies to Piety, because we desire to live peaceable with all Men, and to sepa∣rate from them no further than they separate from God.

§ 164. Their own Laws against Conventicles hinder us from doing their own Wills. They write and clamour against me for not perswading the People to Conformity: And when I would draw them but to that Communion, which I had within my self, the Law disableth me to Communicate a Letter to them, seeing no more than four must meet together; which way among many hundred or thousand Dissenters, would make many Years work of Communicating that one part of my Advice. Thus do our Shepherds use the Flocks.

§ 165. At this time Mr. Giles Firmin, a worthy Minister that had lived in New-England, writing against some Errors of Mr. Hooker, Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Daniel Rogers, and Mr. Perkins, gave me also also a gentle reproof, for tying Men too strictly to Meditation; whereto I wrote a short answer, called, A Re∣view of the Doctrine of Meditation.

§ 166. A worthy Lady was perverted from the Lord's Day to the Saturday-Sabbath, desiring my Judgment, and Mr. Francis Bamfield, a Minster, who hath lain about seven Years in Dorchester-Goal (the Brother of Sir Iohn Bamfield, de∣ceased) being gone to the same Opinion, and many following them, I wrote by the Perswasion of some Friends, a small Tractate also on that Subject, to prove the divine appointment of the Lord's Day, and the cessation of the Iewish Sab∣bath.

§ 167. Dr. Manton (though he had the greatest Friends, and promise of Fa∣vour of any of the Presbyterians) vvas sent Prisoner to the Gatehouse for Preach∣ing the Gospel in his own House, in the Parish vvhere he had been called formerly to the Ministery, and for not taking the Oxford-Oath, and coming within five Miles of a Corporation; where he continued six Months: but it proved convenient to his ••ase, because those six Months were spent in London, in a hot pursuit of such private Preaching, by Bands of Soldiers, to the terrour of many, and the death of some.

§ 168. Madam, the King's Sister dyed in France, when she returned from visiting His Majesty in England, to his very great grief.

§ 169. Sir Iohn Babor talk'd to the Lord Arlington of our late Treaty upon the Lord Keeper's Invitation, with Bishop Wilkins; whereupon Dr. Manton sent to me, as from him, to Communicate the Terms and Papers. But they were at Acton from whence they had driven me, and I had medled enough in such Matters only to my cost. So that though he said the King was to see them, I could not then answer his desire, and I heard no more of it.

§ 170. Upon the Publication of my Book against Divisions, and the Rumour of my Conforming, the Earl of Lauder dale invited me to speak with him: Where he opened to me the purpose of taking off the Oath of Canonical Obedience, and all Im∣positions of Conformity in Scotland, save only that it should be necessary to sit in Presbyteries and Synods with the Bishops and Moderators (there being already no Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Subscription save only to the Doctrine of the Church:) Hereupon he expressed his great Kindness to me; and told me he had the King's Consent to speak with me, and being going into Scotland, he offered me what place in Scotland I would choose, either a Church, or a Colledge in the University, or a Bishoprick: And shortly after, as he went thither, at Barnet he sent for me; and I gave him the Answer following in these Papers, besides what I gave him by word to the same purpose. But when he came thither, such Acts against Conventicles were presently made, as are very well worthy the Reader's serious Persual, who would know the true Complexion of this Age.

§ 171.

My Lord,

BEing deeply sensible of your Lordship's Favours, and in special of your Liberal Offers for my Entertainment in Scotland, I humbly return you my very hearty Thanks: But these Considerations forbid me to entertain any hopes or further thoughts of such a remove.

1. The Experience of my great Weakness and decay of Strength, and particular∣ly of this last Winter's Pain, and how much worse I am in Winter than in Summer, doth fully persuade me, That I shall live but a little while in Scotland, and that in a disabled, useless Condition, rather keeping my Bed than the Pulpit.

2. I am engaged in Writing a Book, which if I could hope to live to finish, is almost all the Service that I expect to do God and his Church, more in the World, (A Latin Methodus Theologiae;) And I can hardly hope to live so long, (it requiring yet near a Years labour more.) Now if I should go spend that one half Year, or Year, which should finish that Work in Travel, and the trouble of such a Removal, and then having intended Work undone, it would disappoint me of the ends of my Life: (For I live only for Work, and therefore should remove only for Work, and not for Wealth and Honour, if ever I remove.)

3. If I were there, all that I could hope for were liberty to Preach the Gospel of Salvation, and especially in some Vniversity among young Scholars. But I hear that you have enough already for this Work, that are like to do it better than I can.

4. I have a Family, and in it a Mother-in-Law of 80 Years of Age, of Honour∣able Extract, and great Worth, whom I must not neglect, and who cannot Travel. And it is to such a one as I, so great a business to remove a Family, and all our Goods, and Books so far, as deterreth me to think of it (having paid so dear for Re∣movals these 8 Years, as I have done, and being but yesterday settled in a House which I have newly taken, and that with great trouble and loss of time.) And if I should find Scotland disagree with me (which I fully conclude of) to remove all back again.

All this concurreth to deprive me of this Benefit of your Lordship's Favour. But, my Lord, there are other Fruits of it, which I am not altogether hopeless of Recei∣ving. When I am commanded to pray for Kings, and all in Authority, I am allow∣ed the Ambition of this Preferment (which is all that ever I aspired after) to live a quiet and peaceable Life, in all Godliness and Honesty. Diu nimis habitavit anima mea inter osores pacis.

I am weary of the Noise of contentious Revilers, and have oft had Thoughts to go into a Foreign Land, if I could find any where I might have a healthful Air, and quietness, that I might but Live and Die in peace. When I sit in a Corner, and

meddle with no Body, and hope the World will forget that I am alive, Court, City, and Country is still fill'd with Clamours against me; and when a Preacher wanteth Preferment, his way is to Preach, or write a Book against the Nonconformists, and me by Name: So that the Menstrua of the Press (and Pulpits of some) is some Bloody Invectives against my self, as if my Peace were inconsistent with the King∣dom's Happiness: And never did my Eyes read such impudent Untruths in Matter of Fact, as these Writings contain; and they cry out for Answers and Reasons of my Nonconformity, while they know the Law forbiddeth me to answer them (Un∣licensed. I expect not that any Favour or Justice of my Superiours should Cure any of this: But,

1. If I might but be heard speak for my self, before I be judged by them, and such things believed. (For to contemn the Judgment of my Rulers, is to dishonour them.)

2. I might live quietly to follow my private Study, and might once again have the use of my Books (which I have not seen these ten Years, and pay for a Room for their standing at Kiderminster, where they are eaten with Worms and Rats, having no security for my quiet Abode in any place, enough to encourage me to send for them:) And if I might have the Liberty that every Beggar hath, to Travel from Town to Town, I mean, but to London, to over-fee the Press, when any thing of mine is Licensed for it. And,

3. If I be sent to Newgate for Preaching Christ's Gospel; (For I dare not sacri∣legiously renounce my Calling to which I am Consecrated, per Sacramentum Ordinis) if I have the Favour of a better Prison, where I may but walk and write; These I should take as very great Favours, and acknowledge your Lordship my Benefactor if you procure them. For I will not so much injure you as to desire, or my Reason as to expect, any greater Matters; no not the Benefit of the Law. I think I broke no Law in any of the Preachings which I am accused of; and I most confidently think, that no Law imposeth on me the Oxford-Oath, any more than any Conform∣able Minister; and I am past doubting the present Mittimus for my Imprisonment is quite without Law. But if the Justices think otherwise now, or at any time, I know no Remedy. I have yet a License to Preach publickly in London-Diocess, under the Arch-bishop's own Hand and Seal, which is yet valid for occasional Sermons, tho' not for Lectures or Cures: But I dare not use it, because it is in the Bishop's power to recall it. Would but the Bishop (who one would think should not be against the Preaching of the Gospel) not re-call my License, I could preach occasional Ser∣mons, which would absolve my Conscience from all Obligations to private Preach∣ing. For 'tis not Maintenance that I expect: I never received a Farthing for my Preaching, to my Knowledge, since May 1, 1662. I thank God I have Food and Raiment without being chargeable to any Man; which is all that I desire; had I but leave to Preach for nothing; and that only where there is a notorious Necessity. I humbly Crave your Lordship's Pardon for the tediousness; and again return you my very great Thanks for your great Favours, remaining

My Lord,

Your Lordship's Humble, Much Obliged Servant, Richard Baxter.

Iune 24. 1670.

One Reason more also, as additional, moveth me, That the People of Scotland would have such jealous Thoughts of a Stranger, especially at this time, when Fame hath rung it abroad that I Conform, that I should do little good among them, and especially when there are Men enough among themselves, that are able, if Impedi∣ments were removed.

Another Letter to the E. of Lauderdale.

I Scarce account him worthy the Name of a Man, much less of an English-man, and least of all of a Christian, who is not sensible of the great Sinfulness and Ca∣lamity of our divided and distracted Condition in his Majesty's Dominions. The Sin is a Compendium of very many heinous Crimes: The Calamity is 1. The King's, to have the trouble and peril of Governing such a divided People: 2. The Kingdom's, to be as Guelphes and Gibelines, hating and reviling one another, and living in a Heart-War, and a Tongue-War, which are the Sparks that usually kindle a Hand-War; and I tremble to think, what a Temptation it is to Secret and to Foreign Enemies, to make Attempts against our Peace, and to read Infallibility it self pronouncing it, a Maxim which the Devil himself is practically acquainted with, That a House or Kingdom divided against it self cannot stand. 3. The Churches: To have Pastors against Pastors, and Churches against Churches, and Sermons against Sermons, and the Bishops to be accounted the perfidiousest Enemies of the People's Souls, and the Wolves that devour the Flock of Christ; and so many of the People to be account∣ed by Bishops to be Rebellious, Schismaticks, and Fanaticks, whose Religiousness and Zeal is the Plague of the Church, and whose ruine or depression is the Pastor's Interest, against whom the most vicious may be imployed, as being more trusty and obedient to the Orders of the Church! How doleful a Case is it, that Christian Love, and delight in doing good to one another, is turned almost every where into wrath and bitterness, and a longing after the downful of each other; and to hear in most Companies, the edifying Language of Love and Christianity, turned into most odious Descriptions of each other, and into the pernicious Language of Malice and Calumny? It is to sober Men a wonderful sort of wickedness, that all this is so ob∣stinately persisted in, even by those that decry the evil of it in others: And to one sort all seemeth justified, by saying, that others are their Inferiours; and to the other by saying, that they are Persecuted. And 'tis a wonderful sort of Calamity, which is so much loved, that in the face of such Light, and in the fore-sight of such Dangers, and in the present Experience of such great Concussions and Confusions, the Peace-killers will not hold their hands.

My Lord, Many sober By-standers think, That this Sin might cease, and this misery be healed, at a very easie Rate, and therefore that it is not so much Ignorance as Interest, that hindereth the Cure: And they wonder who those Persons are who can take such a State as this to be their Interest. Sure I am, That Peace-makers shall be Blessed as the Children of God; that safe and honest Terms might easily be found out, if Men were impartial and willing; and that he that shall be our Healer, will be our Deliverer; and if your Lordship could be Instrumental therein, it would be a greater honour to you in the Estimation of the true Friends of the King, and Kingdom, and Church, and a greater Comfort to your Conscience, than all worldly Greatness can afford. For the Means, I am not so vain as to presume to offer you any other Particulars, than to tell you, that I am persuaded, That if there were first a Command from His Majesty to the Bishops of Chester and Norwich on one side, and two Peaceable Men on the other, freely to Debate and offer such Expedients as they think most proper to heal all our Divisions, they would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agree: And when they had made that Preparation, if some more such Moderate Divines were joyned

to them (as Dr. Stillingfleet, Dr. Tillotson, Dr. Outram, Dr. Pierson, Dr. Whitchcot, Dr. More, Dr. Worthington, Dr. Wallis, Dr. Barlow, Dr. Tully, Mr. Gifford, &c. on one side; and Dr. Conant, Dr. Dillingham, Dr. Langley, and many more that I could Name on the other side;) they would quickly fill up, and Confirm the Con∣cord. And such a Preparation being made, and shewed His Majesty, certainly he would soon see that the Inconveniences of it, will be so great, as the Mischiefs of our Divisions are, and are like to be (for the further they go, as a Torrent, the more they will swell, and Violence will not end them, when it seemeth to allay them.) And oh! what a Pleasure would it then be to His Majesty, to Govern a Concordant People, and to feel the Affections and Strength of a Vnited Kingdom, and to have Men's Religious Zeal engage them in a Fervency for his Love and Service! And what a Joy would it be to the Pastors to be Beloved of their Flocks! And what a Joy to all the Honest Subjects, to live in such a Kingdom, and such a Church! And that this Work may not seem over-difficult to you, when your Lordship shall Command it, I shall briefly tell you, what the generality of the Sober Nonconfor∣mists hold; and what it is that they desire, and what it is that they refuse as sinful, that when they are understood, it may appear how far they are from being intoler∣able, either in the Kingdom or the Church. My Lord, Pardon this boldness of

Your Humble Servant Rich. Baxter.

Iune 24. 1670.

To the Right Honourable, the E. of Lauderdale, His Majesty's Commissioner for Scotland.

§172. When the E. of Lauderdale was gone into Scotland, Sir Rob. Murrey, (a worthy Person, and one of Gresham-Colledge-Society, and the Earl's great Confi∣dent) sent me the Frame of a Body of Church-Discipline for Scotland, and desired my Animadversions on it. I had not Power to Transcribe them, or make them known; but you may Conjecture what they were by my Animadversions. Only I may say, That the Frame was very handsomely contrived, and much Moderation was in it, but the main Power of Synods was contrived to be in the King.

To the Honourable Sir Rob. Murrey, this present.

IN General.

1. The External Government of the Church, is so called, 1. From the Object, because it is about the Body; and so it belongeth both to the King, and to the Pa∣stor, who speak to Men as sensible and corporeal. 2. Or, from the Act of Govern∣ning; and so it belongeth also to both. For to Preach, and Admonish, and give the Sacrament of Baptism, by the Key of Admission, and to Excommunicate, &c. are outward Acts. 3. From the Matter of Punishment, when it is the Body immedi∣ately, or the Goods that are meddled with by Penalty: And so the Government be∣longeth to the King and Magistrates alone. But this is much plainlier and fitlier distin∣guished (as Bishop Bilson frequently, and Protestants ordinarily do) by the Terms of Governing, by the Sword, and by the Word: Or, by Co-active, and Spiritual and Pa∣storal Government (which is by Authoritative Persuasion, or by God's Word applied to the Conscience.)

II. Though there be an External Government in the two first Senses, given by Christ, as immediately to the Pastors as to the Prince, (they having the Keys of the Church, as immediately committed to them, as the Sword is to the Prince;) yet in the Exercise of their Office, in Preaching, Sacraments and Discipline, they are under the Civil Government of the King, who as he may see that Physicians, and all others in his Kingdom, do their Duties without gross abuse, so may he do by Pastors; tho' he cannot either assume to himself their Office, or prohibit it, yet he may govern them that use it, and see that they do it according to Christ's Law: So that under that Pretence he take not their proper Work into his own hand, nor hinder them from the true Exercise.

III. Though there are many things in the Frame of Canons which I am uncapable of judging of, as concerning another Kingdom, whose Case and Customs I am not perfectly acquainted with, yet I may say these three things of it in general.

1. That I am very glad to see no ensnaring Oaths, Declarations, Professions or Subscriptions in it; no not so much as a Subscription to these Canons themselves. For peaceable Men can live quietly and obediently under a Government, which hath many things in it which they dare not justifie or approve of. It is our Work to obey; it is the Magistrate's Work, and not ours to justifie all his own Commands and Orders before God, as having no Errors: Therefore it is pity to see Subjects so put upon that which is not their Work, upon the terrible Terms as some-where they are.

2. I conceive that this Frame will make a Nation happy or miserable, as the Men are who shall be chosen for the Work. The King having the choice of all the Bishops and Moderators, and the Commissioners having the Absolute Power of nullifying all, if Wise and Godly Bishops and Moderators be chosen, and moderate Commissi∣oners, Piety will be much promoted by these Rules of Government. But if con∣trary, it will have contrary Effects.

3. Therefore supposing a choice of meet Persons, though the mixtures of the Ma∣gistrates and the Churches power here, be such as I cannot justifie (who had rather they were distinctly managed) yet I should be thankful to God, if we might see but as good a Frame of Canons well used in England, and should live peaceably, submissively, and gratefully under such a Government.

To the Particulars.

1. The Name of Bishop appropriated to the Diocesane, will stumble some, who have learned that every Church hath one Bishop (saith Ignatius) Et ubi Episcopus, ibi Ecclesia, saith Cyprian: Therefore they will think that you Un-Church all the Churches of the Land, save the Diocesane. And I could wish that the Name were fitted to the thing, to avoid Errour: but yet I think that none should stick much at this. because it is but de Nomine, and afterwards you seem to leave a true Governing Power, not only in the Presbyters, but in the Pastors and Elders of the Parish-Churches.

7. Seeing your Moderators are truly Bishops, as described (and others also, if the Parishes be true Churches) why is Ordination appropriated to the Bishops so called? Do you intend that he shall do it by Consent of his Synod, or a Presbytery; or by his own Power alone?

2. Is he to suspend, depose, and excommunicate by himself alone (as this Gene∣ral seems to intimate) or only in, and by Consent of his Synod, or Presbytery?

3. The same also I ask as to his [Transplanting Ministers as he sees useful:] for if he may do all this himself ad libitum, it may discourage a Man from meddling with the Ministery, when after all his Study and Labour, it is at the Bishop's plea∣sure whether he shall Preach, or be Suspended: For though you after say for what Faults he shall be Suspended, yet that signifieth nothing if the Bishop be Judge. Of Appeals as a dear Remedy, and doubtful Men will be diffident. And Transplant∣ing may undo a Minister at the Bishop's Pleasure. And I doubt the absolute Depri∣val of the People of their Power of Consent, or Dissent, in this and other Cases, of Title to their proper Pastors, will be found 1. contrary to the nature of the Pasto∣ral

Work; 2. to the Scripture; 3. and to all Antiquity, and practice of the Catho∣lick Church for many Hundred Years.

15. If it had been said, that none but such Bishops shall have power to pronounce the Major Excommunication, or that which is now called Excommunication in Scot∣land, to which Horning, &c. is annexed, it would have less founded to the contra∣diction of Antiquity, &c. For Suspension from the Communion, which you allow to particular Churches and Presbyteries, is called by many the minor Excommunication, and by some a Temporary Conditional Excommunication; and by others, (as Sir Wil. Morrice) is written against, as an unlawful thing, 'till some just Excommuni∣cation precede.

22. Might but the Moderator with his Presbytery (by consent) Ordain, it would more satisfie.

24. In Transplanting both Moderators and Pastors, should not either their own Consent, or the Presbytery's, or People's be made necessary?

31. The words of the Formula of Ordination will be material, as to honest Men's reception, or refusal of the Office.

32. The Office of a Pastor as instituted in Scripture, is not only to Baptize, and celebrate the Sacrament of Communion, but also to Judge by the power of the Keys, whom to Baptize, and to whom to give the Sacrament of Communion, that is, in Subordination to Christ's Prophetical, Preistly, and Kingly Office, to be his Minister in Office; 1. To teach the People; 2. To go before them in Worship; 3. To guide them by the Keys of Discipline. And he is no true Minister that wanteth any one of these Powers, however he may be hindered from the Exercise.

33. At least 1. Necessity ad finem; 2. Scripture; 3. And the Catholick Antiqui∣ty, should be so far regarded as to make the People's Consent necessary, though not their Election, at least when they do not by unreasonable Denial forfeit this Priviledge.

35. If this be a limitation of Can. 7. its well.

A. 3. viz. Supposing there be a tolerable Pastor there, and no notorious necessi∣ty; for some Parishes may have no Pastor, some worse than none, and some with us (as many in London-Parishes, Stepney, Giles, Cripplegate, Sepulchres, Martins, &c.) have more Souls than ten Men can Teach and Over-see: who must not therefore be forsaken and given up to Satan, what-ever we suffer for endeavouring their Sal∣vation.

47. A Bishop, if he please, may thus causlesly keep most Ministers in his Diocess from Preaching the Gospel, for the most part of their Lives. I had rather be pu∣nished as a Rogue at a Whipping Post, before I am fully heard and judged, than have innocent Souls deprived of the usual means of their Salvation under pretence of Punishing me. At least, let no Suspension be valid, longer than the place is com∣petently supplied by another.

48. Will no Mulcts or Stripes satisfie the Law. without Silencing Men, and for∣bidding them to endeavour Men's Salvation (before their Crimes are proved such as render them uncapable of that work?)

49. But hath the Synod or Presbytery a Negative Voice in his punishment, or not?

50. For Treason and Murder there is reason for it; but if every Man must be deposed from the Ministry, that did ever Curse, Swear, or had any scandalous Vice from his Child-hood, before his Ordination, or Conversion, I doubt the num∣ber left will be too small.

53. The old Canons distinguished: Some Crimes left so great a blot as made Men uncapable; others did not so. If such a War should break out, as between the Emperor Henry IV. &c. and the Pope; or between the Houses of York and Lan∣caster, the prevailing Party will force the Ministers to own him; and if the other Party after prevail, their Crime will be called Treason, and all the Churches left

desolate, and the Peoples Souls forsaken by the Ministers perpetual incapacity; and the King's pardoning Power much restrained.

54. Why should it be left to the Bishop's Will, whether he will restore such a Penitent or not?

56. Peaceable Men will consent that no Ministers should be permitted to Preach, or Talk Seditiously against even those Rules of Government which they do not ap∣prove. But this Penalty is so high and severe, that few worthy Ministers will think their Station secure, but will prepare for Banishment. For,

1. These Rules are many.

2. And Derogatory is a large Word, and will extend far.

3. And there are few worthy Ministers that have no Drunkards, Fornicators, &c. for their Enemies to accuse them. E. g. if I lived in Scotland, and should but read Blondel de jure Plebis in regimine Ecclesiastico, and say, it is sound Doctrine, and this in Discourse at my own Table, I might be thus troubled, and banished, it being de∣rogatory to that part of the King's Rules, as here exprest, which deprive the People of all power of Consent, &c. Is it not enough that this Paper of Canons be so far equalled with God's Word, yea, with the very Articles of our Faith, as that the open Oppugners of them have the same Penalty as open Hereticks (who of old were after a first and second Admonition to be avoided;) And surely I think even that this is too much; and yet I would have turbulent Preaching against the Government, or Endeavours openly to subvert it, restrained. But methinks after the first and se∣cond Admonition, a competent Mulct might do that sufficiently, till Men go so far as to be turbulent Incendiaries.

63. Shall the Presbytery have a Negative Voice in the Ordination, or be Cy∣phers?

66. It is well that the Elders Consent is required: but I think it should be the Congregation's: And what if the Elders dissent? Shall that hinder the Relation or not?

93. The number of chosen Ministers in National Synods, will be inconsiderable as to the rest.

96. The use of a National Synod (where all Bishops and Moderators are chosen by the King, and the Commissioner ruleth) being before-hand resolved to be [to Compile a Liturgy, and Rules for all Points of Divine Worship, with the Methods, Cir∣cumstances, and Rites to be observed therein;] Many knowing what Liturgy, Sub∣scriptions, Declarations, and Rites, are pleasing to Authority in England, will imagine them in fier••, if not virtually set up already in Scotland, when these Rules are set up.

107. Publick Pennance—And why not? [and Suspension from Communion till penitent Confession be made.] But I know not why Compensations should serve instead of Confession, and Promise of Reformation (without which Money will not make a Man a Christian, nor fit for Church-Communion:) But for any other Pennance, besides one penitent Confession, and Promise of Amendment, and desire of the Churches Prayers for Pardon, I know nothing of it, and therefore meddle not with it.

132. [No Act, Order, nor Constitution] may be Expounded to reach to Scri∣pture Constitutions and Orders, and the proper Acts of the Ministerial Office, if not better explained.

133. The Word [Ecclesiastical Meeting] may be interpreted of particular Sy∣naxes or Congregations of a Parish for Worship, if not limited, which Convoca∣ting of the People is part of the Pastor's proper Office, and for a thousand Years was so accounted by the Catholick Church. And if in case of Discord or Heresie, a few Neighbour Ministers meet for a Friendly Conference, to cure it, it seemeth hard to charge them with Sedition.

140. If the Parties be able to come.

143. Many of these Faults should be Corrected by Mulcts, before Men be for∣bidden to Preach the Gospel. If every Man be Suspended (which I suppose is pro∣hibiting him to Preach and Endeavour Mens Salvation) who useth unsound Speeches, Flattery, or Lightness, I doubt so many will talk themselves into Silence, that a sharp Prosecution will leave many Churches desolate.

145. But what if there be no Preachers to be had? May not the Suspended Preach?

146. Disobedience to some of the small Ecclesiastical Rules may be punished with Mulcts, without absolute Silencing, especially when able Preachers are wanting. Shall the instructing of the Peoples Souls so much depend on every Word in all these Canons?—But oh, that you would make that good in Practice that [Labouring to get Ecclesiastical Preferment] should be punished, if it were with less than Depo∣sition: It would be a happy Canon.

147. But shall the Synod, or Presbytery carry by Vote, or not?

149. If every Church-Session have this power of Suspension, with power but to say [We declare you unfit for Communion of this particular Church, till you repent,] it would give me great Satisfaction, were I in Scotland. For to speak freely, I take these two Things to be of Divine Appointment. 1. That each particular Church have its proper Pastor, who have the Ministerial Power of Teaching, Worship, (Sacraments, Prayer, Praise) and Discipline; and I desire no more Discipline than you here grant, that is, Suspension from Communion in that particular Church, if also the Person may be declared unfit for it till he Repent. 2. That these Pastors hold such Correspondency as is necessary to the Union of the Churches in Faith and Love. And 3. For all the rest, I take them to be Circumstances of such prudential Determination, that I would easily submit to the Magistrates determination of them, so they be not destructive to the Ends: and would not have Ministers take too much of the trouble of them upon themselves, without necessity.

152. But then you seem here to retract the particular Churches Power again: For if a Man may be debarred the Communion for once sinning (by Fornication, Drunkenness, &c.) why not much more for doing again after Repentance? I differ more from this than all the rest: Is it not enough that the Party may Appeal to the Presbytery? And that the Sessions or Pastor be responsible for Male-Administration or Injury, if proved? This one Canon would drive me out of the Ministry in Scotland: I would never be a Pastor, where I must after the first Crime, ever after give the Sacrament to every flagitio••s Offender, till the Presbytery suspend him; unless they do it very quickly; which perhaps they may never do.

153, 154. No doubt but Iure Divino every true particular Church hath the Power of Excommunicating its own Members out of that particular Church-Com∣munion: (Delivering up to Satan is a doubtful Phrase which I shall not stand on.) But an Excommunication which shall bind many Churches to avoid the Sinner, must be done, or Consented to, by those many Churches. Therefore Excommunication should be distinguished.

156. Sure some few [Ecclesiastical Rules and Proceedings] may be so low as that a Contempt of them may be easilyer punished than with this terrible Excommunica∣tion.

Impenitency must be joyned with Scandalous Sins, or else they make not the Person Excommunicable, as is implyed in what followeth.

162. No doubt but every Church may absolve its own Members from that sort of Excommunication which it self may pass: And so may a Presbytery. But if the Ma∣gistrate will have a more formidable, Diocesane or National Excommunication, and an answerable Absolution, those Circumstances are to be left to his Prudence, so be it, he deprive not each particular Pastor and Church, of their proper Power and Priviledge plainly found in Scripture, and used many hundred Years through the Catholick Church.

Honourable Sir, The Copy which you sent me goeth no further than to the Visi∣tation of the Sick, viz. to Can. 176. And so much according as I was desired, I have freely and faithfully Animadverted. And in general, here are many excellent Canons, though of many things I cannot Judge, and those few Exceptions I humbly offer to your Consideration, craving your Pardon for this boldness, which I should not have been guilty of, if the worthy Messenger had not told me, that it was your desire. Sir, I rest

Your Humble Servant Rich. Baxter.

Iuly, 22. 1670.

§ 173. I had forgotten one passage in the former War of great remark, which put me into an amazemeut: The Duke of Ormond, and Council, had the cause of the Marquess of Antrim before them, who had been one of the Irish Rebels in the beginning of that War, (when in the horrid Massacre two hundred thou∣sand Protestants were murthered:) His Estate being sequestred, he sought his re∣stitution of it, when King Charles II. was restored. Ormond, and the Council judged against him as one of the Rebels: He brought his cause over to the King, and affirmed that what he did was by his Father's Consent, and Authori∣ty. The King referred it to some very worthy Members of his Privy-Council, to examine what he had to shew: Upon Examination they reported that they found that he had the King's Consent, or Letter of Instructions for what he did, which amazed many: Hereupon His Majesty, Charles II. wrote to the Duke of Ormond and Council to restore his Estate, because it appeared to those ap∣pointed to examine it, that what he did was by his Father's Order or Consent: Upon this the Parliament's old Adherents grew more confident than ever of the righteousness of their Wars: And the very destroyers of the King (whom the first Parliamentarians called Rebels) did presume also to justifie their Cause, and said that the Law of Nature did warrant them.

But it stopt not here: For the Lord Mazarine, and others of Ireland, did so far prosecute the Cause, as that the Marquess of Antrim was forced to produce in the Parliament of England in the House of Commons, a Letter of the King's, (Cha I.) by which be gave him order for his taking up Arms: Which being read in the House, did put them into a Silence. But, yet so egregious was their Loyalty and veneration of Majesty, that it put them not at all one step out of the way which they had gone in. But the People without Doors talked strangely: Some said, Did you not perswade us that the King was against the Irish Rebellion? And that the Rebels belied him when they said that they had his Warrant or Commission? Do we not now see with what Mind he would have gone himself with an Army into Ireland to fight against them? A great deal more not here to be mentioned was vended seditiously among the People, the Sum of which was intimated in a Pamphlet which was Printed,* 14.1 called, Murder will out; in which they published the King's Letter, and Animadversions on it. Some that were still Loyal to the King did wish, that the King that now is, had rather declared, that his Father did only give the Marquess of Antrim Com∣mission to raise an Army as to have helped him against the Scots, and that his turning against the English Protestants in Ireland, and the murdering of so many hundred thousand there, was against his Will: But quod scriptum erat, scriptum erat. And though the old Parliamentarians expounded the Actions and Declarations both of the then King and Parliament, by the Commentary of this Letter, yet so did not the Loyal Royalists; or at least thought it no reason to make any change in their Judgments, or stop in their Proceedings against the English Presbyterians, and other Non-conformable Protestants.

§ 174. In the beginning of December 1670. The Duke of Ormond, as he was returning home to Clarendon House in the Night, was seized on by six Men, who set him on Horseback to have carried him away. But he was rescued before they could accomplish it.

Shortly after, some of his Majesty's Life-Guard surprized* 14.2 Sir Iohn Coven∣trig, a Member of the House of Commons, and cut his Nose, which occasioned a great heat in the House, and at last that Act which is newly passed for prevent∣ing of the like. Many Murders and outrages, and cutting of Noses were com∣mitted also on other Persons. But the greatest Noise was made by certain Dukes and Lords that went in a torrent of Jovialty to a defamed House in a Street, cal∣led Whetstone-Park, and when the wretched Women cryed for help, the Beadle came in with some Watchmen, and they killed him presently. Whilst such things went on, the House of Commons was busie about an Act to make all forbidden Meetings for God's Worship, Preaching and Praying by the silenced Ministers, to be severelier yet punished as Routs and Riots.

§ 175. There happened a great rebuke to the Nobility and Gentry of Dublin in Ireland, which is related in their Gazette in these words. [Dubl. Dec. 27.

Ye∣sterday happened here a very unfortunate Accident: Most of the Nobility and Gentry being at a Play, at a publick Playhouse, the upper Galleries on a sud∣den fell all down, beating down the second, which together with all the Peo∣ple that were in them, fell into the Pit and lower Boxes: His Excellency, the Lord * Lieutenant, with his Lady, happened to be there, but thanks be to God escaped the Danger without any harm, part of the Box where they were remaining firm, and so resisting the Fall from above; only his two Sons were found quite buried under the Timber. The younger had received but little hurt, but the eldest was taken up de••d to all appearance, but having present∣ly been let Blood, &c. recovered. There were many dangerously hurt, and seven or eight killed outright.]

So far the Gazette. About seventeen or eighteen died then, and of their Wounds. The first Letters that came to London of it, filled the City with the report, that it was a Play in scorn of Godliness, and that I was the Person acted by the Scorner, as a Puritan, and that he that represented me was set in the Stocks, when the fall was, and his Leg broke. But the Play was Ben. Iohnson's Bartholo∣mew-Fair, with a sense added for the times, in the which the Puritan is called a Banbury Man, and I cannot learn that I was named, nor medled with more than others of my Condition, unless by the Actor's dress they made any such reflecting Intimations.

§ 176. The Lord Lucas, and the Earl of Clare made two vehemently cutting Speeches before the King (who now came frequently to the Lord's House.) The first declaring the frustration of their hopes, and the addition of much more to their sufferings, Calamities, and dangers since the King came in, and aggravated the stupendious expence of Moneys; and the of the Commons in a Bill then sent up for giving no less than three Millions (said he) at once, and provoking the Lords to stop their Excesses: The other was against the King's sitting so ordinarily in the Lord's House, and that without his Robes, &c. There were Copies of the Lord Lucas's Speech given out, which encreased the offence; and at last it was burned by the Hangman, and ere long he died.

§ 177. The Irish Men, called the Rebels, petitioned the King by the hands of Colonel Richard Talbot, a Papist, Servant to the Duke of York) for a re-hear∣ing against the former Judgments that had deprived many of them of their Lands; that so they might be restored to them, and the English dispossessed, which of∣fended the House of Commons as well as the English Nation, and caused some Votes, which signified their Offence, and the King at present cast aside their Petition.

§ 178. Lamentable Complaints came from the Protestants of France for the seve∣rities more and more used against them; their Churches pulled down, and af∣ter Montaban, their other University of Lanmors decreed to be prohibited.

§ 179. In the latter end of this Year, the Bishops and their Agents gave out their great fears of Popery, and greatly lamented that the Dutchess of York was turned Papist, and thereupon gave out that they greatly desired that some of the presbyterians (as they called even the Episcopal Nonconformists) might by some abatement of the New Oaths and Subscriptions have better invitation to conform in other things: Bishop Morley, Bishop Ward, and Bishop Dolbin spake ordinari∣ly their desires of it; but after long talk there is nothing done, which maketh Men variously interpret their Pretensions, which time at last will more certainly expound. Some think that they are real in their desires, and that the ••indrance is from the Court: And others say, they would never have been the grand causes of our present Case, if it had been against their Wills, and that if they are yet truly willing of any healing, they will shew it by more than their discourses, (as a Man would do when the City was on Fire, that had a mind to quench it) and that all this is but that the Odium may be diverted from them∣selves, while that which they take on them to fear, is accomplished. But I hope yet they are not so bad as this Censure doth suppose. But it's strange that those same Men that so easily led the Parliament to what is done (when they had

given the King thanks for his Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs) can do no∣thing to bring them to moderate abatements, and the healing of our Breaches, if they are truly willing. For my part, I suspend my Judgment of their Intents, till the Event shall make me understand it. Grant Lord that it be not yet too late; for Charity commandeth us to take nothing of others minds for certain, till we have certain Proof; how perilous soever our Charitable hopes may prove.

§ 180. Mr. Bagshaw wrote a Second Book against my Defence, full of untruths, which the furious, temerarious Man did utter, or the rashness of his Mind, which made him so little heed what he had read, and answered, as that one would scarce think he had ever read my Book: I replied to him in an Admonition, tel∣ling him of his mistakes. To which he pretended a Rejoinder in a third Libel, but I found as I was told, that his design was to silence almost all that I said, and to say all that he thought might make me odious, because that those that read his Books would not read mine, and so would believe him, and be no whit informed by my answers at all.

§ 181. This same year 1671. I was desired by my Friend and Neighbour, Mr. Iohn Corbet, to write somewhat to satisfie a good man that was fallen into deep melancholly, feeding it daily with the thoughts of the number that will be damned, and tempted by it to constant Blasphemy against the goodness of God, who could save them, and would not, but decreed their damnation: And I wrote a few Sheets, called, The vindication of God's Goodness, which Mr. Corbet with a prefixed Epistle published.

§ 182. Also Dr. Ludov. Molineus was so vehemently set upon by the crying down of the Papal, and Prelatical Government, that he thought it was the work that he was sent into the World for, to convince Princes that all Government was in themselves, and no proper Government, but only Perswasion belonged to the Churches; to which end he wrote his Paraenesis contra aedificatores Impe∣rii in Imperio, and his Papa Vltrajectinus, and other Tractates, and thrust them on me, to make me of his mind; and at last wrote his Iugulum Causae, with no less than seventy Epistles before it, directed to Princes and men of Interest, among whom he was pleased to put one to me. The good Man meant rightly in the main, but had not a head sufficiently accurate for such a Controversie, and so could not perceive that any thing could be called properly Government, that was no way coactive by Corporal Penalties: To turn him from the Erastian Ex∣treme, and end that Controversie by a Reconciliation, I published an Hundred Propositions conciliatory, and of the difference between the Magistrate's power, and the Pastor's.

§ 183. Also one Dr.† 14.3 Edward Fowler (a very ingenious sober Conformist) wrote two Books: One an•• Apology for the Latitudinarians, as they were then called; the other entitled, Holyness the design of Christianianity; in which he sometimes put in the word [only] which gave offence, and the Book seemed to some to have a scandalous design, to obscure the Glory of free Iustification, under pretence of extolling Holiness as the only design of Man's Redeemption: Which occasion∣ed a few Sheets of mine on the said Book and Question for reconciliation, and clearing up of the Point: Which when Mr Fowler saw, he wrote to me to tell me that he was of my Judgment, only he had delivered that more generally which I opened more particulary, and that the word [only] was Hyperbolical∣ly spoken, as I had said; but he spake feelingly against those quarrelsome men that are readier to censure than to understand. I returned him some advice to take heed, lest their weakness, and censoriousness, should make him too angry and im∣patient with Religious People as the Prelates are, and so run into greater Sin than theirs, and favour a looser Party because they are less censorious. To which he returned me so ingenious and hearty thanks, as for as great Kind∣ness as ever was shewed him, as told me that free and friendly Counsel to wise and good men is not lost.

§ 184. I was troubled this Year with multitudes of melancholly Persons, from several Parts of the Land, some of high Quality, some of low, some very exquisitely learned, some unlearned; (as I had in a great measure been above twenty years before.) I know not how it came to pass, but if men fell me∣lancholly, I must hear from them or see them (more than any Physician that I know.) Which I mention only for these three uses to the Reader; that out of all their Cases I have gathered. 1. That we must very much take heed

lest we ascribe Melancholy Phantasms and Passions to God's Spirit: for they are strange apprehensions that Melancholy can cause (though Bagshaw revile me for such an intimation, as if it were injurious to the Holy Ghost.) 2. I would warn all young Persons to live modestly, and keep at a sufficient distance from Objects that tempt them to carnal Lust, and to take heed of wanton Dalliance, and the begin∣nings or Approaches of this Sin, and that they govern their Thoughts and Senses carefully. For I can tell them by the sad Experience of many, that venerous Crimes leave deep wounds in the Conscience; and that those that were never guilty of For∣nication, are oft cast into long and lamentable Troubles, by letting Satan once into their Phantasies, from whence 'till Objects are utterly distant, he is hardly got out; especially when they are guilty of voluntary active Self-pollution. But above all I warn young Students, and Apprentices, to avoid the beginnings of these Sins; for their Youthfulness and Idleness are oft the incentives of it, when poor labouring Men are in less danger; and they little know what one Spark may kindle. 3. I advise all Men to take heed of placing Religion too much in Fears, and Tears, and Scruples; or in any other kind of Sorrow, but such as tendeth to raise us to a high Estimation of Christ, and to the magnifying of Grace, and a sweeter taste of the Love of God, and to the firmer Resolution against Sin: And that Tears and Grief. be not commended inordinately for themselves, nor as meer Signs of a Con∣verted Person: And that we call Men more to look after Duty than after Signs as such; ••••t Self-love on Work and spare not; so you will call them much more to the Love of God, and let them know that that Love is their best sign, but yet to be ex∣ercised on a higher Reason, than as a sign of our own Hopes: for that Motive alone will not produce true Love to God. And as the Antinomians. too much exclude Humiliation and signs of Grace, so too many of late have made their Religion to consist too much in the seeking of these out of their proper time and place, without referring them to that Obedience, Love and Joy, in which true Religion doth prin∣cipally consist.

Reader, I do but transcribe these three Counsels for thee, from a Multitude of Melancholy Persons sad Experiences.

§ 185. This Year Salisbury-Diocess was more fiercely driven on to Conformity, by Dr. Seth Ward, their Bishop, than any place else, or than all the Bishops in Eng∣land besides did in theirs. Many Hundreds were Prosecuted by him with great In∣dustry. And among others, that learned, humble, holy Gentleman, Mr. Thomas Grove, an Ancient Parliament-Man; of as great Sincerity and Integrity, as almost any Man I ever knew: He stood it out a while in a Law-Suit, but was over∣thrown, and fain to forsake his Countrey, as many Hundreds more are quickly like to do.

§ 186. And his Name remembreth me, that Ingenuity obligeth me to Record my Benefactor. A Brother's Son of his, Mr. Rob. Grove, is one of the Bishop of London's Chaplains, who is the only Man that Licenseth my Writings for the Press, (supposing them not to be against Law, which else I could not expect;) And be∣sides him alone, I could get no Licenser to do it. And because being Silenced, Wri∣ting is the far greatest part of my remaining Service to God for his Church, and with∣out the Press my Writings would be in vain, I acknowledge that I owe much to this Man, and one Mr. Cook, the Arch-bishop's Chaplain heretofore, that I live not more in vain.

§ 187. And while I am acknowledging my Benefactors, I add, that this Year died Serjeant Iohn Fountain, the only Person from whom I received an Annual Sum of Money; which though through God's Mercy I needed not, yet I could not in Civility refuse: He gave me 10l. per Ann. from the time of my Silencing 'till his Death: I was a Stranger to him before the King's Return; save that when he was Judge (before he was one of the Keepers of the Great Seal) he did our Countrey great Service against Vice. He was a Man of a quick and sound Understanding, an upright impartial Mind and Life, of too much testiness in his weakness, but of a most believing serious Fervency towards God, and open zealous owning of true Pie∣ty and Holiness (without owning the little Partialities of Sects) as most Men that ever I came near in Sickness: When he lay sick, (which was almost a Year) he sent to the Judges and Lawyers that sent to visit him, such Answers as these: [I thank your Lord, or Master, for his kindness: Present my Service to him, and tell him, It is a

great Work to Die well; his time is near; all worldly Glory must come down; intreat him to keep his Integrity, over-come Temptations, and please God, and prepare to Die.] He deeply bewailed the great Sins of the Times, and the Prog∣nosticks of dreadful things which he thought we were in danger of: And though in the Wars he suffered Imprisonment for the King's Cause, towards the end he came from them, and he greatly feared an inundation of Poverty, Enemies, Popery and Infidelity.

§ 188. The great Talk this Year was of the King's Adjourning the Parliament again for about a Year longer; and whether we should break the Triple League, and desert the Hollanders, &c.

§ 189. Before they were Adjourned, I secretly directed some Letters to the best of the Conforming Ministers, telling them how much it would conduce to their own, and the Churches Interest, if they that might be heard, would become Pe∣titioners for such Abatements in Conformity, as might let in the Non-conformists, and unite us; seeing two things would do it. 1. The removal of Oaths and Sub∣scriptions, save our Subscription to Christianity, the Scriptures, and the 39 Arti∣cles, and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. 2. To give leave to them that cannot use all the Liturgy and Ceremonies, to be but Preachers in those Churches where they are used by others; submitting to Penalties if ever they be proved to Preach against the Doctrine, Government, or Worship of the Church, or to do any thing against Peace, or the Honour of the King and Governours. But I could get none to offer such a Petition. And when I did but mention our own petitioning the Parliament, those that were among them, and familiar with them, still laught at me for imagining that they were reasonable Creatures, or that Reason signified any thing with them in such Matters. And thus we were Silenced every way.

§ 190. During the Mayoralty of Sir Samuel Sterling, many Jury's Men in London were Fined and Imprisoned by the Judge, for not finding certain Quakers guilty of violating the Act against Conventicles. They Appealed and sought remedy. The Judges remained about a Year in suspense; and then by the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan delivered their Resolution against the Judge for the Subject's Freedom from such force of Fines, that when he had in a Speech of two or three Hours long, spoke vehemently to that purpose, never thing, since the King's Return, was received with greater Joy and Applause by the People; and the Judges still taken for the Pillars of Law and Liberty.

§ 191. The Parliament having made the Laws against Nonconformists Preaching, and private Religious Meetings, &c. so grinding and terrible as aforesaid, the King (who consented to those Laws) became the sole Patron of the Nonconformist's Li∣berties; not by any Abatements by Law, but by his own Connivance as to the Exe∣cution, the Magistrates for the most part doing what they perceived to be his Will. So that Sir Rich. Ford, all the time of his Mayoralty in London (though supposed one of their greatest and most knowing Adversaries) never disturbed them. The Mi∣nisters in several Parties were oft encouraged to make their Addresses to the King, only to acknowledge his Clemency by which they held their Liberties; and to pro∣fess their Loyalty: Sir Iohn Babor introduced Dr. Manton, and some with him; Mr. Ennis, a Scotch Non-conformist by Sir Rob. Murray, introduced Mr. Whittakers, Dr. Annesley, Mr. Watson, and Mr. Vincent's. The King (as they say themselves) told them, That though such Acts were made, He was against Persecution, and ho∣ped ere long to stand on his own Legs, and then they should see how much he was against it. By this means many score Nonconformable Ministers in London kept up Preaching in private Houses: Some 50, some 100, many 300, and many 1000, or 2000 at a Meeting, by which for the present, the City's Necessities were much sup∣plied. For very few burnt Churches were yet built up again, (about 3 or 4 in the City) which yet never moved the Bishops to relent, and give any Favour to the Preaching of Nonconformists. And though the best of England of the Conformists, for the most part, were got up to London, alas! they were but few: And the most of the Religious People were more and more alienated from the Prelates and their Churches.

§ 192. Those that from the beginning thought they saw plainly what was doing, lamented all this: They thought that it was not without great Wit, that seeing only a Parliament was trusted before the King with the People's Liberties, and could raise

a War against him, (Interest ruling the World) it was contrived that this Parlia∣ment should make the severest Laws against the Nonconformists to grind them to dust, and that the King should allay the Execution at his pleasure, and become their Protector against Parliaments; and they that would not consent to this should suf∣fer. And indeed, the Ministers themselves seemed to make little doubt of this: But they thought, 1. That if Papists shall have liberty, it is as good for them also to take theirs, as to be shut out: 2. And that it is not lawful for them to refuse their present Liberty, though they were sure that Evil were design'd in granting it. 3. And that before Men's desig••s can come to ripeness, God hath many ways to frustrate them, and by drawing one Pin, can let fall the best contrived Fabrick. But still remember, that all Attempts to get any Comprehension (as it was then called) or abatement of the Rigour of the Laws, or Legal Liberty and Union, were most effectually made void.

§ 193. At this time there was Printed in Holland, the Thesis, or Exercise Per∣formed at the Commencement, for the Degree of Dr. of Law, by one of the King's Subjects, a Scots-Man, Rob. Hamilton: In which he largely proveth the Necessity of a standing Treasury in a Kingdom, and the power of the King to raise it, and impose Tributes without the People's Consent, and Dedicating it to the King, and largely applying it to England, he sheweth that Parliaments have no Legislative Power but what the King giveth them, who may take it from them when He seeth Cause, and put them down, and raise Taxes according to his own Discretion, with∣out them: And that Parliaments and M••gna Charta, are no impediments to him, but Toys; and that what Charter the former Kings did grant, could be no Band on their Successors (forgetting that so he would also disoblige the People from the Agreements made by their Predecessors (as e. g. that this Family successively shall rule them, &c.) with much more. Whom Fame made to be the Animater of this Tractate, I pass by.

§ 194. There was this Year a Man much talk'd of for his Enterprises, one Ma∣jor Blood, an English-man of Ireland. This Man had been a Soldier in the old King's Army against the Parliament, and seeing the Cause lost, he betook himself towards Ireland, to live upon his own Estate. In his way he fell in Company with the Lan∣cashire Ministers, who were then Writing against the Army, and against all violence to King or Parliament. Blood being of an extraordinary Wit, falls acquainted with them, and not thinking that the Presbyterians had been so true to the King, he is made the more capable of their Counsel; so that in short he became a Convert, and married the Daughter of an honest Parliament Man of that Countrey: And after this in Ireland he was a Justice of Peace, and Famous for his great Parts and upright Life, and success in turning many from Popery. When the King was Restored, and he saw the old Ministers Silenced in the Three Kingdoms, and those that had Sur∣prized Dublin-Castle for the King from the Anabaptists, cast aside, and all things go contrary to his Judgment and Expectation, being of a most bold and resolute Spirit, he was one that plotted the Surprizing of the D. of Ormond, and of Dublin Castle. But being de••ected and prevented, he fled into England: There he lived disguised, practising Physick, called Dr. Clarke, at Rumford, When some Prisoners were car∣ried to be put to Death at York, for a Plot, he followed and Rescued them, and set them free: At last it was found to be He, with his Son, and three or four more, that attempted to Surprize the D. of Ormond; and to have carried him to Holland, where he had a Bank of Money, and to have made him there to pay his Arrears. Missing of that Exploit, he made a bolder Attempt, even to fetch the King's Crown and Jewels out of the Tower; where pretending Friendship to the Keeper of it, He, with two more (his Son, and one Perrot) suddenly Gagg'd the old Man, and when he cryed out, he struck him on the Head, but would not kill him, and so went away with the Crown. But as soon as ever they were gone, the Keeper's Son cometh in, and finds his Father, and heareth the Cafe, and runs out after them, and Blood, and his Son, and Perrot were taken. Blood was brought to the King, and expected Death; but he spake so boldly that all admired him: telling the King, How many of his Subjects were disobliged, and that he was one that took himself to be in a State of Hostility: and that he took not the Crown as a Thief, but an Enemy, thinking that lawful which was lawful in a War; and that he could many a time have had the King in his power, but that he thought his Life was better for them than his

Death, lest a worse succeed him; and that the number of Resolute Men disobliged were so great, as that if his Life were taken away, it would be revenged: That he intended no hurt to the Person of the D. of Ormond, but because he had taken his Estate from him, he would have forced him to restore the value in Money: and that he never Robb'd, nor shed Blood, which if he would have done, he could easily have kill'd Ormond, and easily have carried away the Crown. In a word, he so behaved himself, that the King did not only release and pardon him, but admit him frequently to his presence. Some say, because his Gallantry took much with the King, having been a Soldier of his Father's: Most say, That he put the King in fear of his Life, and came off upon Condition that he would endeavour to keep the discontented Party quiet.

§ 195. Mr. Bagshaw (in his rash and ignorant Zeal, thinking it a Sin to hear a Conformist, and that the way to deal with the Persecutors was to draw all the People as far from them as we could, and not to hold any Communion with any that did Conform) having Printed his Third Reviling Libel against me, called for my Third Reply, which I Entitled [The Church told of, &c.] But being Printed without License, Lestrange, the Searcher, Surprized part of it in the Press (there being lately greater Penalties laid on them that Print without License, than ever before:) And about the Day that it came out, Mr. Bagshaw died (a Prisoner, though not in Prison:) Which made it grievous to me to think that I must seem to write against the Dead. While we wrangle here in the dark, we are dying and passing to the World that will decide all our Controversies: And the safest Passage thither is by peaceable Holiness.

§ 196. About Ian. 1. the King caused his Exchequer to be shut up: So that whereas a multitude of Merchants, and others, had put their Money into the Ban∣ker's hands, and the Bankers lent it to the King, and the King gave Order to pay out no more of it, of a Year, the murmur and complaint in the City was very great, that their Estates should be (as they called it) so surprized: And the ra∣ther, because it being supposed ••o be in order to the Assisting of the French in a War against the Dutch, they took a Year to be equal to perpetuity, and the stop to be a loss of all, seeing Wars use to increase Necessities, and not to supply them. And among others, all the Money (and Estate, except 10l. per Ann. for 11 or 12 Years) that I had in the World of my own (not given away to others, whom Charity commanded me to give it to for their Maintenance, before) was there: which indeed was not my own; which I will mention to Counsel any Man that would do good, to do it speedily, and with all their might. I had got in all my Life the just Sum of 1000l. Having no Child, I devoted almost all of it to a Chari∣table Use (a Free-School, &c.) I used my best and ablest Friends for 7 Years with all the Skill and Industry I could, to help me to some Purchase of House or Land to lay it out on, that it might be accordingly setled: And though there were never more Sellers, I could never by all these Friends hear of any that Reason could en∣courage a Man to lay it out on as secure, and a tolerable Bargain: So that I told them, I did perceive the Devil's Resistance of it; and did verily suspect that he would prevail, and I should never settle, but it would be lost: So hard is it to do any good when a Man is fully resolved, that divers such Observations verily confirm me, That there are Devils that keep up a War against Goodness in the World.

§ 197. The great Preparations of the French to invade the Vnited Provinces, and of the English to assist them, do make now the Protestants Hearts to tremble, and to think that the Low Countries will be Conquered, and with them the Protestant Cause deeply endangered: (Though their vicious worldly Lives deserve God's Judgments on themselves; yet they are a great part of the Protestants Humane Strength.) But the Issue must expound God's purposes, without which Men's De∣signs are vain.

§ 198. This Year a new Play-House being built in Salisbury-Court in Fleet-Street, called the Duke of York's, the Lord Mayor (as is said) desired of the King, that it might not be; the Youth of the City being already so corrupted by Sensual Pleasures; but he obtained not his desire: And this Ian. 1671. the King's Play-House in Drury

Lane took Fire, and was burnt down, but not alone, for about fifty or sixty Houses adjoyning, by Fire and blowing up, accompanied it.

§ 199. A Stranger, calling himself Sam. Herbert, wrote me a Letter against the Chri∣stian Religion, and the Scriptures, as charging them with Contradictions, and urged me to answer them, which I did: And his Name inviting my memory, I adjoyned an Answer to the Strength of a Book heretofore written, by Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury, some-time Ambassador in France, the Author of the History of Henry VII. called de Veritate, being the most powerful Assault against the Christian Religion, placing all the Religion that's certain, in the Common or Natural Notices: I entitled the Book, More Reasons for the Christian Religion, and none against it: Or, a Second Appendix to the Reason for the Christian Religion.

§ 200. The foresaid Mr. Hinkley by his impertinent Answer to my former Letters, extorted from me a large Reply; but when I was sending it him in Writing, I heard that he intended to Print some scraps of it with his Papers, the better to put them off: Whereupon I sent him word he should not have them, till he satisfied me that he would not so abuse them, &c. The rather because, 1. The Subject of them was much to prove that the War was raised in England by an Episcopal Parliament, jealous of other Episcopal Men, as to Po∣pery and Propriety. 2. And it was so much against Diocesanes, and their new Oaths, as would much displease them, 3. And in a sharper stile than was fit for publick View: And as to the first Reason, I was afraid lest any Papists would lay hold of it, to make any Princes, that already hate the the Non-conformists, and Presbyterians, to hate the Conformists and Prelatists also; and so to seem themselves the most Loyal: And I had rather they hated, and cast off the Non-conformists alone, than both. This mindeth me to add that.

§ 201. About a Year ago one Henry Fowlis, Son to Sir David Fowlis, an Ox∣ford Man, who had wrote against the Presbyterians with as filthy a Language al∣most as a man in his Wits could do, having written also against the Papists, His Book (after his Death) was Printed in a large Folio, so opening the Princi∣ples and Practices of Papists against Kings, their Lives and Kingdoms, by multitudes of most express Citatio••s from their own Writers, that the like hath not be∣fore been done by any Man; nor is there extant such another Collection on that Subject (though he left out the Irish Massacre:) But whereas the way of the Pa∣pists is, to make a grievous Complaint against any Book, that is written effectu∣ally against them, as injurious (as they did against Pet. Moulin's Answer to Phi∣lanax Anglicus, and against Dr. Stillingfleet's late Book) or the contrary; this Book being copious true Citations and History, is so terrible to them, that their method is to say nothing of it, but endeavour to keep it unknown; for of late they have left the disputing way, and bend all their endeavours to creep into Houses, and pervert Persons in secret; but especially to insinuate into the Houses and Fantiliarity of all the Rulers of the World, where they can be received.

§ 202. The Death of some, the worthy Labours, and great Sufferings of others, maketh me remember that the just characterizing of some of the Ministers of Christ, that now suffered for not swearing, subscibing, declaring, conforming, and for refusing Re-ordination, is a duty which I owe to the honour of God's Graces in them. But because no Man can expect that I should be so volu∣minous as to describe particularly all the Eighteen hundred silenced, I shall but tell you what my own Neighbours were, not speaking by hearsay, but per∣sonal acquaintance; herein imitating Thuanus, Micrelius, and many others in the truth and brevity of the Character, but giving you nothing of any unknown Person by bare report.

1. In the County where I lived, in Worcester City, was silenced Mr. Ioseph Baker, born in Stourbridge (whose Wifes Funeral Sermon and Life I printed.) He was a Lear••∣ed Man, of a blameless Life, Preaching constantly, Catechising the People, and conferring with the several Families (especially before he first admitted them to the Lord's Supper) personally: But of extraordinary Prudence, Calmness, Pa∣tience, Gravity•• and Soundness of Judgment; neither for Prelacy, Presbytery, nor Independency, as then formed into Parties; but for that which was ••ound in all the Parties, and for Concord upon such Catholick terms: The Parish of St. An∣drews, where he was Minister, had but about six Pound a year maintenance, of

which he took none, but gave it to a Woman to teach the poor Children of the Parish to read, living upon his own, and some small augmentation granted by the Parliament.

2. At the Cathedral, Mr. Simon Moor was silenced, an old Independent, who somewhat lost the Peoples Love, upon Reasons which I here omit.

3. In the same City was silenced Mr Iuice, (his Son-in-Law) a moderate Inde∣pendent, and a sober, grave, serious, peaceable, blameless, able Minister.

4. In the same City was silenced Mr. Fincher, a moderate Independent, a zea∣lous able Preacher, of a good Life.

5. At Kemsey, was put out Mr. Tho. Bromwich, an ancient, reverend, able Mi∣nister, of an upright Life: But when Bishop Morley was there, and Mr. Collier of Blockley had conformed, he was over-perswaded to take the Declaration: But before he came to profess his Assent and Consent openly, and fully to con∣form, he was cast into great and long distress of Conscience, and went no far∣ther: But yet by Preaching he used that Liberty that he had so procured.

6. At Vpton, upon Severn, was silenced Mr. Benjamin Baxter, Son to that old holy, reverend Mr. George Baxter, Pastor at little Wenlock in Shropshire, near the Wrekon-Hill, who lived there till about eighty six years of Age, in the constant faithful Preaching and practising of the Gospel. His Son now mentioned was a Preacher of extraordinary Skill, especially in matter and method, so that few that ever I heard excelled him: He lived uprightly to near fifty seven Years of Age, and suffered much by the lowness of his Estate by his Ejection, who be∣fore had lived plentifully.

7. His Brother, Mr. Stephen Baxter, though below him in utterance, was of a solid Understanding, and a calm, peaceable Spirit, most humble, and blameless in his Life, and liveth since his silencing in the practise of Physick.

8. At Evesham was silenced Mr. George Hopkins, Son to Mr. William Hopkins, the most eminent, wise, and truly Religious magistrat of Bewdley, (my old dear Friend) at last a member of the long Parliament. This his Son, having long been Pastor at Evesham, was many Years silenced; and when the Oxford Oath came out, he was over perswaded to take it, in his own Sence, and so not to be forced five miles from the People: But he died either on, or very near the same day that he should have had the benefit of it: He was a very judicious, godly, mo∣derate, peaceable, and upright man: He hath one Writing extant, called Salva∣tion from Sin.

9. At Martley was silenced and ejected Mr. Ambrose Sparry, heretofore School-master at Stourbridge, where he was born; he was an ancient sober, peaceable, moderate, humble, godly, judicious man; formerly for the Conformists, but now cast out among the rest: But his great Prudence, and moderation, and Learning, and the chief of Stourbridge being his Friends, caused the Chancellor to connive at last at his teaching the School at Stourbridge again, where he had been in his Youth, where he is yet connived at, and liveth with great acceptance, though he was a while maliciously laid in Goal.

10. At Bewdley was silenced Mr. Henry Oatland, the most lively, servent, moving Preacher in all the County, of an honest, upright Life, who rode about, from place to place Preaching fervently, and winning many Souls to God, besides all his very great Labours with his own People, publickly, and from House to House: And he yet continueth Preaching up and down privately where he can have opportunity, with zeal and diligence: And though those that excelled others in zealous Preaching and acceptance with the People, were apter to be carried (in my Judgment) a little too far from Conformity, and the Prelate's Indignation against the Church-Tyranny, but not at all forsaking Orthodox, and sound Principles, yet so was not he.

11. At Stourbridge was silenced Mr. Iarvis Bryan, Brother to Dr. Bryan of Coventry, a most humble, upright, faithful Minister, of a blameless Life, and sound Doctrine.

12. At Stone was silenced Mr. Richard Serjeant, formerly my Assistant, a man of such extraordinary Prudence, Humility, Sincerity, Self-denial, Patience, and blamelessness of Life; that I know not of all the Years that he assisted me, of any one person, in Town or Parish, that was against him, or that ever accused him of saying or doing any thng amiss. So that though many excelled him in Learning and utterance, yet none that ever I knew, as far as I could Judge, in

Innocency and Sincerity; which made him beloved of all above many abler Men.

13. At Broom was silenced Mr. Humphrey Waldern, my Assistant after Mr. Ser∣jeant, exactly agreeing in the same Character I gave him, in the next degree; of good Learning and Utterance.

14. At Womborne was silenced Mr. Wilsby, an ancient, judicious, peaceable, moderate Divine (who had long kept one of the most learned of the Prelatists in his House.) At* 14.4 Bremicham, where he lived privately, he was troubled by Sir Robert Holt, but (under many Infirmities) is yet alive, a man of humility, and an unblameable Life. I mention not the Judgment of any of these, that I may say of all together, that as far as I could perceive, they were neither for Prelacy, Presbytery, or Independency, as now in Parties, but as I said of them before, of the primitive temper, for Concord, on the Terms that all sound and good men are agreed in, and for the practice of that, rather than contending about more: And of the primitive extraordinary Humility and In∣nocency.

15. The same I must say of Mr. Andrew Tristram, first of Clent, then silenced at Bridgnorth, a Man of more than ordinary ability in Preaching and Prayer, and of an upright Life, and now a Physician.

16. The same I must say of Mr. Iohn Reignolds, silenced at Wolverhamptom, a Man of more than ordinary Ability, for Learning and Preaching, and now also a Physician.

17. At Avely was silenced Mr. Lovel, formerly Schoolmaster at Walverley, who having been supposed still to be not only against the Parliament's Cause, but for the Prelates and Conformity, and never coming into our ministerial Meetings, where we monthly kept up disputations and Discipline, but only extraordinary constant at my Lecture at Kiderminster, he was as a stranger to us all, till the silencing time came, and then he suffered with the most patient and resolved, and hath since appeared, on fuller notice, a prudent and very worthy Man, and is yet living in his patient Silence, aged about sixty two.

18. At Bromsgrove was silenced Mr. Iohn Spilsbury, born in Bewdley, a man accounted an Independent, but of extraordinary worth, for moderation, peacea∣bleness, ability, and ministerial diligence, and an upright Life.

19. At Whitley was silenced Mr. Ioseph Read, born in Kiderminster, and sent by me to Cambridge, and after living in my House, and for one Year my assistant at Kiderminster, a man of great sincerity, and worth.

20. At Churchil was cast out Mr. Edward Boucher, another young man, born in Kiderminster-Parish, of great humility, sincerity, peaceableness, and good mini∣sterial parts; Brother to Iames Boucher, a Husbandman, who can but write his Name, and is of as good understanding in Divinity as many Divines of good account, and moreable in Prayer than most Ministers that ever I heard. And of so calm a Spirit, and blameless a life, that I never saw him laugh, or sad, nor ever heard him speak an idle Word, nor ever heard Man accuse him of a sinful Word or Deed, which I note with Joy, and to tell the Reader, that he, and others of his Temper, in Kiderminster, did by their Example exceedingly farther my success.

21. At Clent was silenced Mr. Tho. Baldwin, a godly, calm, sober Preacher, of a blameless Life.

22. From Chaddesley was cast out Mr. Thomas Baldwin, Senior, who had been our Schoolmaster at Kiderminster, sent to me by Mr. Vines from Cambridge; a good Schollar, a sober, calm grave, moderate, peaceable minister, whose Con∣versation I never heard one Person blame, for any one Word or Deed; an extraordinary Preacher: Wherefore I desired when I was driven from Kider∣minster, that the People would be ruled by him and Mr. Serjeant, and he liveth yet among them, and teacheth them privately from House to House. He was present with me when I had Conference with Bishop Morley when he silenced me, and the witness of our Discourse; which; with the imprisonment of the most Religious and blameless of the Flock, and the experience of the Quality of some Preachers that were sent to the People in my stead, and the rest of the havock made in the Churches, did alienate him so much from Prelacy, and Conformi∣ty, and the People with him, that though afterward they got a godly, Conforma∣ble Minister, I could not get them to Communicate with him, though I got them constantly to hear him.

On this occasion I will mention the great Mercy of God to that Town and Country in the raising of one Man, Mr. Thomas Foley, who, from almost nothing, did get about five Thoosand Pound per Annum, or more, by Iron-works, and that with so just and blameless Dealing, that all Men that ever he had to do with, that ever I heard of, magnified his great Integrity and Honesty, which was questioned by none: And being a Religious, Faithful Man, he purchased a∣mong other Lands, the Patronage of several great places, and among the rest of Stourbridge and Kiderminster, and so chose the best Conformable Ministers to them that could be got: And not only so, but placed his Eldest-Son's Habita∣tion in Kiderminster, which became a great Protection and Blessing to the Town; having placed two Families more elsewhere of his two other Sons, all three Religious worthy Men. And in thankfulness to God for his Mercies to him, built a well-founded Hospital near Stourbridge, to teach poor children to read and write, and then set them Apprentices, and endowed it with about five hund Pounds a Year per Annum: Such worthy Persons, and such strange Pro∣sperity, and holy use of it are so rare, and the interest of my poor Neigh∣bours in it so great, that I thought meet to mention it to God's Praise and his.

§ 203. There were more Ministers silenced of that Countrey, but I will not be tedious i•• naming more of them. A word of the other places where I my self had lived. In Coventry, both the Ministers were cast out. 1. Dr. Iohn Bryan, an ancient Learned Divine, of a quick and active Temper, very humble, faithful, and of a Godly, upright Life, who had so great a fitness to teach and educate Youth, that there have gone out of his House more worthy Ministers into the Church of God, than out of many Colledges in the University in that time. And he had three Sons that were all worthy Non-conformable Mini∣sters, all silenced.

2. Dr. Grew, a Man of a different natural temper, yet both Concordant lo∣vingly in the work of God, a calm, Grave, sober, sedate Divine, more retired, and of less activity, but godly, able, and faithful in his Ministry.

3. At Birmingham was silenced Mr. Wills, a sedate, retired, peaceable, able Divine also, born in Coventry.

4. As for Mr. Anthony Burgess of Sutton Coldfield (a place of near 300l. per Annum, which he left) I need not describe him, he was so famously known in the Assembly, and London, and by his many Learned, Godly Writings, for a Man e∣minently Learned, and Pious: And though in the old Conformity he was be∣fore a Conformable Man, yet he was so far from the New Conformity, that on his Death-bed he professed great satisfaction in his Mind that he had not Con∣formed.

5. From Walshall was cast out Mr. Burdall, a very Learned able and Godly Divine, of more than ordinary parts and worth, now dead also.

6. At Wedgbury was silenced Mr. Fincher, whom I have seen, but was not much acquainted with, but he was reputed a very Godly Man, and a good Preacher. But I pass by all those I knew not my self.

7. From Rowley had lately removed Mr. Ioseph Rock, and was silenced; a very calm, humble, sober, peaceable, godly, and blameless Minister, and of very good Abilities; like our Worcestershire Ministers before described, as to his temper, and judgment of Church-Government.

8. At Kings-Norton was silenced Mr. Tho. Hall, an ancient Divine, known by his many Writings, of a quick Spirit, a Godly, upright man, and the only Pres∣byterian whom I knew in that County.

9. At Tippon, Mr. Hinks was silenced, a Godly Preacher, a moderate Inde∣pendent.

10. At Hales-Owen was silenced Mr. Paston, a sober, moderate, peaceable Mi∣nister, of a godly, upright Life.

11. Near Newcastle was silenced Mr. Sound, an ancient Divine, of great Learn∣ing, moderation, judgment, and calmness of Spirit, and of a Godly, upright Life, born by Worvile, near Bridgworth, known to me about thirty years ago, who, though, with others, he was of old a Conformist, is far enough from the new Conformity.

12. At Shrewsbury was silenced Mr. Heath, an ancient, grave minister, mode∣rate, sedate, quiet, religious, eminent for his Skill in the Oriental Langua∣ges.

13. In the same Town was silenced Mr. Francis Talents, an ancient Fellow of Magdalen Colledge in Cambridge, and a good Schollar, a godly, blameless Divine, most eminent for extraordinary Prudence, and moderation, and peaceableness to∣wards all, who in our Wars lived at Saumours in France, and is now there a∣gain.

14. In the same Town was silenced Mr. Brian, Son to Dr. Brian, a Godly, a∣ble Preacher, of a quick and active Temper, but very humble.

15. At Whitchurch was silenced and cast out Mr. Porter an ancient, grave Di∣vine of great integrity, blamelessness and Diligence, and so excellent a Preach∣er, that few arrived to his Degree that ever I have heard.

16. At Baschurch was cast out and silenced Mr. Lawrence, a solid, calm, pea∣ceable, godly man, and a good Preacher, who hath wrote a Treatise about Sickness: He was lately in trouble, and his Goods taken away for preaching in a private House, where but four Neighbours were present, on pretence that a little Daughter of the House that came newly from School, and another Child made the Supernumeraries, which put him to a tedious Suit: A••d Mr. Powis, an able Lawyer of that Country, who had ever before carried it moderate∣ly, and soberly, being entertained against him, whether pro more, or why I know not, at the Bar called him a Seditious Fellow (who was far from it) and spake of him revilingly, and eagerly, and about a week or fortnight after died almost suddenly.

17. At Wem was silenced, and long imprisoned in the Common Goal, Mr. Parsons, a moderate, ancient Minister, having but used the word [King] in his Sermon, relating to Christ, an ignorant profane Enemy witnessed that he said somewhat against the King, for which he so long suffered: And for the very same Cause Dr. Brian was accused, and Mr. Field before-mentioned, kept in Prison in the Gatehouse till he there died.

18. At C••un was silenced Mr. Froysell, an ancient Divine, of extraordinary worth, for Judgment, moderation, Godliness, blameless living, and excellent Preach∣ing; who (as many of the rest) hath in poverty, and Sickness, and great Suffering continued to preserve the Peace of his Conscience.

19. Many more worthy men in that County were cast out and silenced. Mr. Barnes, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Berry, Mr. Malden of Newport, (a very Learned Man) Mr. Champian, Mr. Thomas Wright of Kinnersley, (a Man of extraordinary Learning, Ability, and Moderation, and Peaceableness) and divers others, all men of Godliness, and upright Lives, and great Ministerial Diligence, those of them that survive living in great Poverty, most of them having nothing, or next to nothing, of their own: And the Charity that should main∣tain them and their Families, is clogg'd with so great Poverty, through the burn∣ing of London, the decay of Trade, Taxes, &c. that alass their Relief is very small.

§ 204. To give any Description of the London Ministers so well known, would be superfluous; viz. 1. Old Mr. Simon Ash, old Mr. Arthur Iackson, Mr. Asal∣ton, all dead: (three, Men of excellent Humility, and sincere Godliness, and good Abilities) Mr. Calamy, Dr. Seaman, (of great Learning) Mr. Sheffield, Mr. Cowper, Mr. Gouge, (that wonder of Charity, Humility, Sincerity, and moderati∣on) Mr. Wickins, Mr. Hawler, Mr. Cradacote, Mr. Peter Vink, Mr. Blackmore, Mr. Haviland, Mr. Samuel Clark, Mr. Ienkins, (that Sententious Elegant Preacher) Dr. Bates, (a Learned, Judicious, moderate Divine) Mr. Matthew Pool, (that Learned most industrious Man known by his Abreviation of the Criticks) Mr. Sangar, Mr. Needler, (two very humble, grave, peaceable Divines) Mr. Rawlinson (an ancient grave Divine of great Ability,) Mr. Iohn Iackson, Mr. Lie, Mr. Case, (an old faithful Servant of God,) Dr. Drake, (that wonder of Humility and Sincerity, now with God) Mr. White, (such another, now with him,) Mr. Croston, Mr. Woodcock, (a Man of great ability, and readiness) Mr. Hurst, Mr. Pledger, Mr. Tatnall, Mr. Lee, (known by his Learned Latin Tract on the Revelation,) Mr. Low, (an ancient grave Divine, whom I have heard at Ludlow forty Years a∣go) Mr. Church, (a calm worthy man, lately dead, that had abundance of Chil∣dren,

and almost nothing.) Mr. Benton, Mr. Barham, Mr. Wells, Mr. Parsons, Mr. Strethill, Mr. Dawkes, with more that I cannot remember. And those called In∣dependents, Mr. Nye, Mr. Caryll, Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Greenhill, Mr. Brookes, Mr. Wood, Mr. Rose, (an humble Godly man) Mr. Mead, Mr. Barker, and Mr. Ven∣ning, (two excellent Preachers, and moderate godly, worthy men:) Besides those that are come thither since, Dr. Tho. Goodwin, and Dr. Owen from Oxford (Men better known than my Description could make them) Dr. Wilkinson (thence also (Mr. Collins, &c. Iohn Goodwin, now dead, I need not describe.

§ 205. But because there are some few who by Preaching more openly than the rest, and to greater Numbers, are under more Men's displeasure and cen∣sure, I shall say of them truly but what I know. 1. Dr. Manton (who lately lay six Months in Prison) is a Man of great Learning, Judgment, and Integrity, and an excellent, most laborious, unwearied Preacher, and of moderate princi∣ples.

2. Dr. Iacomb is known to be a Man of Gravity, sober and moderate Princi∣ples, and hath still held on Preaching, in the House, and under the Protection of the excellent, sincere, humble, godly, faithful Lady, the Countess Dowager of Exeter, Daughter to the Earl of Bridgewater, to the utmost of her Power a comfort to all suffering, faithful Ministers and People, and in all this excelling those of her Rank and Generation.

3. Dr. Annesley is a most sincere, godly, humble Man, totally devoted to God, worthily to be joyned with his two great intimate Friends, Dr. Drake, and Mr. White, whose Preaching in those two greatest Auditories, Giles's Cripplegate, and Paul's Church, did very much good till he was silenced.

4. Mr. Thomas Vincent is a serious, humble, godly Man, of sober Principles, and great Zeal and Diligence, whose Experience in the Plague time engaged him in the work, as is before declared: His Brother equal to him, and is but lately come out of Prison.

5. Mr. Ienoway is a Man of extraordinary devotedness to God, and zeal for the good of Souls, and of great humility, and holiness of Life, and an excellent Preacher.

6. Mr. Wadsworth is an able judicious man, devoted wholly to God, and to do good. Before he was cast out, he preached constantly, and zealously taught all his People also House by House, hired another to help in that work; gave Bibles to the poor People of his Parish, and expended not only his time and strength, but his Estate on these Works, with much also which he got from o∣thers towards it: Insomuch that when he was turned out, the Peoples Lamen∣tation might have melted a heart that had any Compassion. Since then he preach∣eth (through the Peoples desire and necessity) at one Congregation there, at Newington-Butts, and another at Theobalds by turns, and never taketh any main∣tenance from either. His Assistant. Mr. Parsons, I before named.

7. Mr. Watson is so well known in London for his Ability and Piety that I need not describe him, however, quarrelled with by the debate-maker.

8. Mr. Thomas Doolittle, born in Kiderminster is a good Schollar, a godly man, of an upright Life, and moderate Principles, and a very profitable, serious Preacher.

9. Mr. Chester is a man of a very sober, calm, peaceable Spirit, sound in Do∣ctrine and Life, and a grave and fruitful Preacher.

10. Mr. Turner is a man of great Sincerity, and extraordinary humility, and profitable Labours and Industry.

11. Old Mr. Stubbs, who joineth with him, is one of a Thousand, some∣times Minister at Wells, and last at Dursley in Gloucestershire, an an∣cient, grave Divine, wholly given up to the Service of God, who hath gone about from place to place Preaching with unwearied Labour since he was silenced, and with great Success, being a plain, moving, fervent Preacher for the work of converting impenitent Sinners to God: And yet being settled in peaceable Prin∣ciples by aged Experience, he every where expresseth the Spirit of Censorious∣ness, and unjust Separations, and Preacheth up the ancient zeal and sincerity, with a Spirit suitable thereunto.

12. Mr. Whitaker, Son to the famous Ieremy Whitaker, is a Man of great calm∣ness, Moderation, peaceableness, and Soundness in Doctrine, and in Life.

13. Some others there are, Mr. Grimes, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Patrick, Mr. VVest, &c. whom I am not acquainted with.

§ 206. Besides these, there are many in London that come out of other Coun∣tries. I will name but some few that I can speak of with most assurance. 1. Mr. Iohn Corbet, sometimes Preacher in Gloucester, and after at Chichester, and after at a place in Hampshire (200l. per Annum, which he left to keep the Peace of his Conscience,) liveth privately, and quietly; a Man of extraordinary Judgment, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, moderation, peaceable Principles, and blameless Life, a solid Preacher, well known by his Writings, (the interest of England, the History of Gloucester War, Rushworth's Collections, which were much of his Composure.

2. Mr. Wilson, sometime of the Charter-House, and since of Peterborough, hath such universal Praises follow him from all the Country about Peterborough, of his ••are Skill, ability, Piety, diligence, and extraordinary success, the multitude of People there that he did good to, that it made my Heart ake to think that our Sins had brought us under such Prelates as think it a Service acceptable to God to deprive Cities and Countries of such Men, and put no better in their places than they have done.

3. Mr. Stancliff from Stanmore an Excellent Man, of marvellous fullness and accurateness in Prayer, and it's like he is the same in Preaching, though I never heard him.

4. Mr. Vaughan, Minister of Grantham, where he was laid in Goal for not Conforming, and thence went to Barmudas with his Family; and from thence was discouraged by the Quakers, and returned to England, and liveth in London, obscurely, and in a very low Condition; an able, sober, Godly, Judicious, mo∣derate man, and of great worth.

5. Mr. Silvester, from Nottinghamshire, (Mr. Trueman's Friend) a Man of ex∣cellent meekness, temper, ••ound, and peaceable Principles, godly Life, and great ability in the ministerial Work.

6. Mr. Hodges, (living lately with the Lord Hollis,) a grave, ancient, Godly, mode∣rate Divine, who answered the Debate-maker.

7. Mr. Richard Fairclough, a Man of great sincerity, and soundness of Judg∣ment, moderate Principles, and a godly, upright Life, and of great quickness of parts, and fervency, and diligence, by which at Mells in Somersetshire, he ex∣celled most Men in excellent Labours and success.

8. His Brother, a very solid, judicious, grave, and worthy Minister, of equal moderation, and peaceableness.

9. Mr. Tobias Ellis, a Man of great sincerity and zeal, and desire to do good, and devotedness to God, (who falling into the Life of a private Schoolmaster) doth follow it with almost unimitable diligence, living with very little Sleep, less Food, great Labour, and delight in all, by which he hath been saved better than by all physick from a Melancholly Inclination.

10. Richard Morton, Dr. of Physick, whom I should have named as Mini∣ster of Kinvar, near Kiderminster, Son to my old Friend, Mr. Robert Morton, Son-in-Law to Mr. Whateley of Banbury, minister at Bewdley; Dr. Norton is a Man of great gravity, calmness, sound Principles, of no Faction, an excellent Preacher, of an upright Life, now practising Physick.

11. Mr. Button, though not a Clergy-man (being never ordained, or in the Ministry, yet) is not to be left out: Being put out of his place of Canon of Christ-church in Oxford, Orator to the University, an Excellent Scholar, but of a greater Excellency, a most humble Man, of a plain, sincere Heart, and blameless, and a great Sufferer, who, besides a great loss in his Estate, was a∣bout six Months in Goal for teaching privately two Knights Sons, who per∣swaded him to it: Many of his Neighbours of Brentford being imprisoned with him for serving God privately, by Ross, the Scottish Justice, who imprisoned me, which they chearfully endured.

But there are so many more that I must proceed no further.

§ 207. Besides there are many in the Villages round about London, and that were thence cast out. As; 1. Mr. Clarkson from Mortclack, a Divine of extraordinary worth, for solid Judgment, healing, moderate Principles, acquain∣tance with the Fathers, great Ministerial Abilities, and a Godly, Upright Life.

2. Mr. Samuel Cradock, Elder Brother to Dr. Cradock, of Greys-Inn, who left a place in Somersetshire of about 300l. per Annum to preserve his Conscience, a Man of great Solidity and Piety, and Ministerial Ability, but extraordinary for meekness, Humility, Moderation, and Peaceableness, known by his useful Wri∣tings.

3. Mr. Pareman put out at Harrow on the Hill an ancient, grave, sound, pious, sober, aud peaceable Divine.

4. Mr. Taverner, put out at Vxbridge, an ancient, grave, peaceable Divine, of an unblamed Life.

5. Dr. Spurstow put out at Hackney, an ancient, calm, reverend Minister, one of the Writers of the Book called, Smectymnuus.

6. Which maketh me remember Dr. Tuckney, whom his Widow married; an an∣cient Learned, Godly Divine, sometime Minister of Boston in Lincolnshire, then one of the Assembly, and long Regius Professor, called Doctor of the Chair in Cambridge, which place he performed with so good acceptance, as that I need not commend his ability any further: Only he was over humble, and back∣ward to disputes, and to put out himself in great appearances, notwithstanding that place of publick Exercise.

I would further mention Dr. Arthur of Clapham, Mr. Gilbert of Brentford, Mr. Perkins, Mr. Warrham of Henden, and many more, if I were willing to go beyond my ocquaintance, upon reports.

§ 208. And though it cannot be thought that one man that lived so retiredly should know very many, yet I could name you excellent men, known to me either throughly, or in some measure, whose Excellencies make their Names ve∣ry precious to me. For Instance, 1. Mr. Truman lately dead.

2. Mr. Iohn Warren of Hatfield Broadoke, in Essex, a man of great Judgment, and ministerial Abilities-moderation, Piety, and Labour: The place whence he was cast out hath had no minister since to this day, though a great Town, and in the Bishop of London's Gift, because the means is so small that none will take it: And yet he cannot have leave to preach rather than none: But he gets now and then one by his Interest to Preach occasionally, and he heareth them in publick, and then himself instructeth the People in private as far as he can obtain connivance.

3. Mr. Peter Ince, in Wiltshire, a solid, grave, pious, worthy, able minister, living with Mr. Grove, that excellent, humble, holy, Learned Gentleman, who himself is now driven out of his his Country for receiving, and hearing such in his House.

4. Mr. Iohn How, m••nister of Torrrington, in Devonshire, sometime Houshold-Preacher to Oliver Cromwell, and his Son Richard, till the Army pulled him down; but not one that medled in his Wars: He is a very Learned, judicious, godly man, of no Faction, but of Catholick, healing Principles, and of excellent mini∣sterial Ablities, as his excellent Treatise, called, The Blessedness of the Righteous, sheweth.

5. Mr. Ford of Exeter, is a man of great Ability, as his Book called, The Sin∣ner's Araignment at his Bar, sheweth; a Reverend Divine, of great esteem for all ministerial worth, with the generality of sober men: And I hear a high Cha∣racter of Mr. Clare, near him, and many more there; but I know not those.

6. Mr. Hughes of Plymouth, a very Reverend, Learned, Ancient Divine, long ago of London, an excellent Expositor of Scripture, was in his Age laid so long in Prison (for silencing was not suffering enough for so excellent a Man) that he fell by it into the Scurvy, and died soon after. His Treatife of the Sabbath is Printed since his Death.

7. Mr. Berry in Devonshire, an extraordinary humble, tender-conscienced, serious, godly, able Minister.

8. Mr. Benj. Woodbridge of Newbury, who came out of New-England to succeed Dr. Twisse; a Man of great Judgment, Piety, Ability, and moderate Principles, ad∣dicted to no Faction, but of a Catholick Spirit.

9. Mr. Simon King, some-time of Coventry, since near Peterborough, who first En∣tertain'd me at Coventry in the beginning of the Wars, when I was forced to fly from Home; a Man of a solid Judgment, an honest Heart and Life, and addicted to no Extremes, and an able Scholar (long ago chief School-Master at Bridgnorth.)

Divers others of my own Acquaintance I could describe, in Wales, in Derby-shire, Cheshire, York-shire, and other Counties; but I will end with a few of my old Neigh∣bours that I had forgotten.

10. Old Mr. Samuel Hildersham, about 80 Years old, only Son to the Famous Arthur Hildersham; a Conformist formerly, but resolved enough against the New Conformity: A grave, peaceable, pious, learned Divine, cast out of Welsh-Felton in Shrop-shire.

11. Mr. Tho. Gilbert, of Edgmond in Shropshire, an Ancient Divine, of extraor∣dinary Acuteness, and Conciseness of Stile, and a most piercing Head, as his small Lat. Tract. of the necessity of Christ's Satisfaction, sheweth.

12. Mr. Samuel Fisher, an Ancient Reverend Divine; some-time of Withington, then of Shrewsbury, turned out with Mr. Blake, for not taking the Engagement against King and House of Lords; then lived in Cheshire, and thence cast out and Silenced; a very able Preacher, and of a goldy Life.

13. My old Friend, Mr. Will. Cook, bred up under Mr. Iohn Ball, a Learned Man, and of a most godly Life, and unwearied Labour. Like the first Preachers, he can go in poor Clothing, live on a little, travel on Foot, Preach and Pray almost all the Week, if he have opportunity, in Season, and out of Season, trampling on this World as dirt, and living a mortified laborious Life. Being an old Noncon∣formist and Presbyterian, he was greatly offended at the Anabaptists, Separatists, and Sectaries, and Cromwel's Army, for Disloyalty to the King, whom they Beheaded, and this King whom they kept out; and therefore joyned with Sir George Booth, now Lord Delamere, in his Rising to have brought in the King: And being then Minister in Chester, persuaded the Citizens to deliver up the City to Him: For which he was brought to London, and long Imprisoned: But all this would not procure his Liberty to Preach the Gospel of Christ, without the Oaths, Subscriptions, Declarations, Re∣ordination, and Conformity required.

14. To these I may subjoyn my old Friend Mr. Pigot, chief School-master of Shrewsbury.

15. And my old Friend Mr. Swaine, some-time School-master at Bridgnorth, and since a godly fervent Preacher in Radnor-shire: But I must stop.

§ 209. Let the Reader note, That there is not one of all these that was put out for any Scandal, but meerly not Subscribing, &c. and Conforming; nor one of them all that ever I heard any Person charge, or once suspect of Wantonness, Idleness, Surfetting, Drunkenness, or any scandalous Sin. And of those of the Prelatists that were Sequestred by the Parliament, I knew not one, that I remem∣ber, that was not accused upon Oath of Witnesses of Scandal; though doubtless others knew some such. Not including the siding in the Wars, which each side called scandalous in the other; and which yet but a small part of these named by me, medled in, that ever I could learn.

§ 210. Therefore I conclude, That we that know not the Mysteries of God's Judgments, saw not what a Mercy it was that God took to Himself, before they were Silenced, such Excellent Men as Dr. Twiss, Dr. Gouge, Mr. Iohn Ball, Mr. Gataker, Mr. Ier. Whitaker, Dr. Arrow Smith, Dr. Hill, Mr. Strong, Mr. Herbert Palmer, and most of the Assembly, with many more such. Nor yet that God took away such Men as Bishop Davent, Bishop Hall, Arch-Bishop Vsher, Bishop Morton, yea, and Dr. Hammond, before they were under a Temptation to have a Hand in the casting out of so many excellent worthy Men (which yet I am confident by my

own personal Knowledge of him, that Vsher, had he lived, would never have done.)

§ 211. This Year the King began the War upon the Dutch, in March 1671/2. About the 16 or 17 Day was a hot Sea-fight, while our Ships Assaulted their Smirna Fleet of Merchants, and many on both sides were killed, which was most that was done. And about the 18th. Day the King Published a Proclamation for War by Sea and Land: The French, the Elector of Cologne, and the Bishop of Munster, be∣ing with dreadful Preparations to invade them by Land.

§ 212. Now came forth a Declaration giving some fuller Exposition (to those that doubted of it) of the Transactions of these Twelve Years last, viz. His Ma∣jesty, by Virtue of His Supreme Power in Matters Ecclesiastical, suspendeth all Pe∣nal Laws thereabout, and Declareth, That he will grant a convenient number of Publick Meeting-Places to Men of all sorts that Conform not; so be it,

1. The Persons be by Him approved.

2. That they never meet in any Place not approved by Him.

3. And there set open the Doors to all Comers.

4. And Preach not Seditiously.

5. Nor against the Discipline or Government of the Church of England, saving that the Papists shall have no other publick Places, but their Houses (any where, un∣der their own Government,) without Limitation or Restriction, to any number of Places or Persons, or any necessity of getting Approbation; so that they are im∣mediately in possession of a securer and fuller Liberty, than the Protestant-Noncon∣formists hope for; for how, or when they will get Churches built, we know not, till that be done they are more terribly restrained form Meeting than before: And who will build Churches that have no Security to enjoy them one Week, time will shew: And all this is said to be for avoiding the danger of Conventicles in pri∣vate, &c. when yet the Papists are allowed such Conventicles in as many Houses as they please.

§ 213. A Paper sent from one Mr. Edwards, a Lawyer of Kingston, received from a Papist, (Mr. Langhorn) as a Challenge, was sent to me as by him, with desires of an Answer; which occasioned my Book, called, The Certainty of the Pro∣testant Religion without Popery.

§ 214. When the King's Declaration for Liberty was out, the London Noncon∣formable Ministers were incited to return His Majesty their Thanks. At their Meeting Dr. Seaman, and Mr. Ienkins (who had been till then most distant from the Court) were for a Thanksgiving in such high applauding Terms, as Dr. Manton, and almost all the rest dissented from; and some were for avoiding Terms of Appro∣bation, lest the Parliament should fall upon them; and some because they had far rather have had any tolerable state of Unity with the publick Ministery, than a Toleration; supposing,

1. That the Toleration was not chiefly for their sakes, but for the Papists, and that they should hold it no longer than that Interest required it, which is incon∣sistent with the Interest of the Protestant's Religion and the Church of England: And that they had no security of it, but it might be taken from them at any time in a Day.

2. Because they thought that it tended to continue our Divisions, and to weaken the Protestant Ministery and Church, and that while the Body of the Protestant People were in all places divided, one part was still ready to be used against the other, and many Sins and Calamities kept up. And the present Generation of Nonconformists like to be soon worn out, and the Publick Assemblies to be lamentably disadvan∣taged by young, raw, unqualified Ministers, that were likely to be introduced. They concluded therefore on a cautelous and moderate Thanksgiving for the King's Clemency and their own Liberty: And when they could not come to Agreement about their Form, the Lord Arlington Introduced them to a verbal Extemporate Thanksgiving, and so their Difference was ended as to that.

§ 215. This Question, Whether Toleration of us in our different Assemblies, or such an Abatement of Impositions as would restore some Ministers to the Publick Assemblies by a Law, were more desireable? was a great Controversie then among the Nonconformists; and greater it had been, but that the hopes of Abatements, called then a Comprehension) were so low as made them the less concerned in the Agitation of it: But when ever there was a new Session of Parliament, which put them in some little hope of Abatements, the Controversie began to revive, accor∣ding to the measure of those Hopes: The Independents, and all the Sectaries, and some few Presbyterians, especially in London, who had large Congregations, and Liberty and Encouragement, were rather for a Toleration. The rest of the Pres∣byterians, and the Episcopal Nonconformists, were for Abatement and Comprehension. The Reasons of the former were,

1. The Parliament will abate so little, as will take in but few.

2. It will tempt the rest to stretch their Consciences.

3. It will divide us.

4. It will leave those that Conform not under greater Contempt and Severities.

5. We shall have much purer Worship and Discipline as we are.

6. What Corruptions are not now removed by this Abatement will be the faster settled, and the Reformation left more hopeless: The grosser are our Church-Cor∣ruptions, the more hope of a Reformation.

Some that were of the other Mind on the contrary thus stated their Desires. We would not have Abatements alone, but besides that a Toleration of all that are Toler∣able: And when they ask us, What Abatements will satisfie us, and procure our Vnion with them? We will truly tell them in several Degrees, [So much will satisfie all, and procure a perfect Vnion: So much less will take in most, or half; and so much less will take in a few: And we must take that measure which you will grant us, in whose power it is. And their Reasons were such as aforesaid for this Choice:

1. They said that it is the Religion which obtaineth the Publick Churches, and Maintenance which will be the Religion of the Land, and which the Body of the People will be of.

2. If we are shut out wholly thence, so bad a sort will come in, as will be ready to strike up an Agreement with the Papists, and let them in on pretence of Concord or Moderation, when worldly Interest shall require it.

3. If we are shut out of the Publick Churches, we shall still be look'd on as their Enemies with Jealousie and ill will, and as Separatists with Reproach.

4. Few of the Rich and Rulers will joyn with us, and so we shall prepare Parlia∣ments and Justices by Alienation to further Severities against us.

5. The work of Conversion will go slowly on; for we shall speak to few but those that are already Religious, and the Conformists, who are very many of them cold and lifeless, must be the Preachers to the Ignorant, and Vicious, and Ungodly: And so the Land will grow worse and worse.

6. We shall keep open a Door for all Sectts and Schisms, and the Reproach of them all will be cast on us.

7. We shall be still uncertain of the continuance of our Liberty for one Week: It is easie to find Reasons to cast us out of all, when-ever Interest or Wrath shall require it.

8. We are a hated People to too many of our Superiours; and it is not for our Sakes that Liberty is granted us; we shall hold it no longer than the Papists will; for whose sakes we have it, that they also may have theirs: And that they will grant it us no longer than the Interest and Increase of their Religion requireth it:

And that which is for the Interest and Increase of their Religion, is contrary to ours.

9. There are already about 500 that are dead, and have Conformed, since our Silencing, and the rest will all be quickly dead: And then all will fall quietly into the Conformists hands, and the Churches be more corrupt than if now we get but a half Reformation.

10. And it shall be no Division of us, to have half taken into the Publick Churches: for we must love each other, and promote the Work of Christ in each others hands, as the old Godly Conformists and Nonconformists did, and we now do with the Godly Part of the Conformists: Our Work is not to keep up a Combination against our Superiours, nor to strengthen a Faction, but to Combine for Godliness, and to strengthen our selves in the proper work of the Gospel: which we must do, though some Conform, and some do not.

11. And our Superiours will be the less Jealous of us as to Sedition, when they see us so divided in Point of Conformity, than if they see us strengthened by the Unity of a distinct Party.

12. And especially, the Unity of such as Conform, with the present Conformists will strengthen the Publick Ministery against Papists, Infidels, and all Vngodliness: And our continued Division will be the strength of all these.

13. And it is a weighty Consideration, that the keeping up of the different Par∣ties tempteth all the People of the Land, to continual Censuring, Uncharitableness, and contending, and unavoidably destroyeth Love and Concord; and so keepeth Men in constant Sin.

On all these Reasons they were most for as much Union with the Parish-Ministers, and joyning with them, as the Parliament would allow them.

§ 216. But now they found that there was little hopes of obtaining any such thing: For they that were most for Toleration were most against our Comprehension by Abatement of any of the Impositions; and they were many.

1. All the Papists, and their secret Friends, were most opposite to Abatements: For it was their Design from the beginning to get our Pressures to be as sharp as possible, that so we might have as much need as they of a Toleration, and might be forced to Petition for the opening of the Door, by which they might come in, or speed at least no worse than the Nonconformists.

2. Those that were for the Increase of the Regal Power and Interest, did very well know, that the more grievously good People (and so great a number) were used by Parliaments and Laws, the more certainly Nature and Interest would lead them, to fly from them to the King, for ease and refuge: And also, that when Men's Religion and Liberties are in the Power, and at the Mercy of the King, their Estates must be so too: For who will not rather part with his Money than his Li∣berty and Religion? Yea, and Men's Hearts will be more with him that saveth them, than with those that destinate them to Jayls and Beggery.

3. And the Independents, Separatists, and all the Sectaries, were commonly against a Comprehension, for the Reasons before given. Only the visible Necessities of the Nation do so strongly work towards it, that doubtless in time, they will prevail with the Wills of those that are for the Protestant Religion, and for Pro∣perty; but whether Consent and Repentings will come too late, God only knoweth, and time must tell us.

§ 217. In the end of May, 1672. was another Sea-Fight with the Dutch, with like Success as the former. The Earl of Sandwich, and others of ours lost, and they parted without any notable Victory or Advantage of either Party, but that they had kill'd one another. 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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§ 218. In May and Iune the French suddenly took abundance of the Dutch-Ga••••••sons.

§ 219. In Iuly and A••gust the Dutch-Rabble tumultuously rose up against their Governours, for the Prince of Orange, and murdered De Wit, and his Brother.

§ 220. In Answer to a Book of Dr. Fulwood's, I now Published a small Book, without my Name, against the Desertion of our Ministry, though prohibited, proving it Sacriledge to Alienate Consecrated Persons from the Sacred Office to which they are Devoted.

§ 221. There came out a Posthumous Book of A. Bishop Bromhall's, against my Book, called, The Grotian Religion: In which, 1. He passeth over the express words of Grotius, which I had cited, which undoubtedly prove what I said; yea, though I had since largely Englished them, and recited them in the Second Part of my Key for Catholicks, with a full Confirmation of my Proofs. 2. And he feigneth me to make him a Grotian, and Confederate in his Design; when-as I (not only had no such Word, but) had expresly excepted him by Name, as imputing no such thing to him. And before the Book was a long Preface of Mr. Parker's, most vehement against Dr. Oxen, and some-what against my self: To which Mr. ••ndrew Marvel, a Parliament Man, Burgess for Hull, did Publish an Answer so exceeding Jocular, as thereby procured abundance of Readers, and Pardon to the Author, Because I perceived that the Design of A. Bishop Brombal's Book was for the Uniting of Christendom un∣der the old Patriarchs of the Roman Imperial Church, and so under the Pope, as the Western Patriarch, and Principium Vnitatis, I had thought the design and this Publication look'd dangerously, and therefore began to write an Answer to it. But Mr. Simmons, my Bookseller, came to me, and told me, That Roger Lestrange, the Over-seer of the Printers, sent for him, and told him, That he heard I was An∣swering Bishop Bromball, and Swore to him most vehemently, that if I did it, he would ruin him and me, and perhaps my Life should be brought in question: And I perceived the Bookseller durst not Print it; and so I was fain to cast it by; which I the easilier did, because the main Scope of all the Book was fully answered long be∣fore, in the fore-said Second Part of my Key for Catholicks.

§ 222. Many Changes in Ireland much talk'd of, I pass over.

§ 223. Dr. Fulwood wrote a jocular deriding Answer to my Treatise, against Sa∣••ilegious Desertion of the Ministry, and after that Printed an Assize Sermon, against Separating from the Parish-Ministers. Divers called on me to Reply to the first, and I told them I had better Work to do, than Answer every Script against me: But while I demurred, Dr. Fulwood wrote me an extraordinary kind Letter, offering to do his best to the Parliament for our Union and Restoration, which ended my Thoughts of that; but I know not of any thing to purpose done.

§ 224. Mr. Giles Firmin, a Silenced Minister, writing some-what against my Me∣thod and Motions for Heavenly Meditation in my Saint's Rest, as too strict, and I having Answered him, he wrote a weak Reply, which I thought not worthy of a Rejoinder.

§ 225. On Octob. 11. I fell into a dangerous Fit of Sickness, which God in his wonted Mercy, did in time so far remove, as to return me to some Capacity of Service.

§ 226. I had till now forborn, for several Reasons, to seek a License for Preaching from the King, upon the Toleration: But when all others had taken theirs, and were settled in London, and other places, as they could get opportunity, I delayed no longer, but sent to seek one, on condition I might have it without the Title of Independent, Presbyterian, or any other Party, but only as a Nonconformist: And before I sent, Sir Thomas Player, Chamberlain of London, had procured it me so, without my knowledg or endeavour. I sought none so long,

1. Because I was unwilling to be, or seem any Cause of that way of Liberty, if a better might have been had, and therefore would not meddle in it.

2. I Lived ten Miles from London, and thought not just to come and set up a Con∣gregation there, till the Ministers had fully settled theirs, who had born the burden there in the times of the raging Plague and Fire, and other Calamities; lest I should draw away any of their Auditors, and hinder their Maintenance.

3. I perceived that no one (that ever I heard of till mine) could get a License, unless he would be intituled in it, a Presbyterian, Independent, Anabaptist, or of some Sect.

The 19th. of Novemb. (my Baptism-Day) was the first Day after ten Years Si∣lence, that I preached in a tolerated Publick Assembly (though not yet tolerated in any Consecrated Church) but only (against Law) in my own House.

§ 227. Some Merchants set up a Tuesday's Lecture in London, to be kept by six Ministers at Pinner's-Hall, allowing them 20 s. a piece each Sermon; of whom they chose me to be one. But when I had Preached there but four Sermons, I found the Independents so quarrelsome with what I said, that all the City did ring of their back-bitings and false Accusations: So that had I but preached for Unity and against Division, or unnecessary with-drawing from each other, or against unwarrantable narrowing of Christ's Church, it was cryed abroad, that I preached against the Inde∣pendents; especially, if I did but say, That Man's Will had a Natural Liberty, though a Moral Thraldom to Vice, and that Men might have Christ and Life, if they were truly willing, though Grace must make them willing; and that Men have power to do better than they do, It was cryed abroad among all the Party, that I Preached up Arminianism, and Free-Will, and Man's Power, and O! what an odious Crime was this.

§ 228. Ianuary 24. 1672/3. I began a Friday-Lecture at Mr. Turner's Church in New-street, near Fetter-Lane, with great Convenience, and God's encouraging Bles∣sing; but I never took a penny of Money for it of any one. And on the Lord's Days I had no Congregation to preach to (but occasionally to any that desire me) being unwilling to set up a Church and become the Pastor of any, or take Mainte∣nance, in this distracted and unsettled way, unless further Changes shall manifest it to be my Duty: Nor did I ever yet give the Sacrament to any one Person, but to my old Flock at Kiderminster. I see it offendeth the Conformists, and hath many other Present Inconveniencies, while we have any hope of Restoration and Concord from the Parliament.

§ 229. About this time Cornet-Castle, in Iersey, was by Lightning strange∣ly torn to pieces, and blown up which was attended with many notable Acci∣dents, an account whereof was published.

230. The Parliament met again in February, and voted down the King's De∣claration as illegal. And the King promised them that it should not be brought into President. And thereupon they consulted of a Bill for the ease of Non∣conformists, or Dissenters, and many of them highly professed their resolution to carry it on: But when they had granted the Tax,, they turned it off, and left it undone; destroying our shelter of the King's Declaration, and so lea∣ving us to the Storm of all their severe Laws, which some Country Justices rigorously executed, but the most forbore.

§ 231. On February 20. I took my House in Bloomsbury in in London, and re∣moved thither after Easter with my Family: God having mercifully given me three years great Peace among quiet Neighbours at Totteridge, and much more Health or Ease than I expected, and some opportunity to serve him.

§ 132. The Parliament sat again, and talked as if they would have united us by abatement of some of their Impositions: But when they had voted down the King's Declaration of Toleration as Illegal, and he had promised them that it should never be drawn into a Precedent, and that they had granted a large Tax, they frustrated the hopes they had raised in some Credulous Men, and left all as they found it.

§ 133. Many impudent railing, lying Books were published against the Non∣conformists about this time: Sam. Parker Printed one against Mr. Marvell, and therein tells the World, what wicked, intolerable Persons we are to keep up Divisions in the Church about things which we our selves confess to be lawful; and that at Worcester-House (before the King, as he was told) we professed that there was nothing in the Liturgy, which we took to be unlawful, but that we pleaded only for tenderness or forbearance towards others.] Whereas, 1. There was no mention of any such thing as Worcester-House, or before the King. 2. Our Business before the King at Worcester-House was to have the King's De∣claration

about Ecclesiastical Affairs, read, and both Parties to say what they had against it, and then the King to tell what he would have pass in the draught. And the Lord Chancellor (Hide) had by mistake put something of that, which P••rker mentioneth in the first Draught, which was privately shewed us by him, and we had told him that he mistook us, we had never said any such thing: We had indeed said, that the Work, which we were called to, was not to tell how much we our selves thought to be Lawful or Unlawful in the Govern∣ment, Worship, and Ceremonies, but what was the necessary means of uniting all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects, who yet were not of the same Apprehensi∣on about each Ceremony among themselves: Whereupon the Lord Chancellor had blotted out that passage which said, [They were glad to find us approving of the Liturgy, &c.] and only put in [of a Liturgy;] as is yet to be seen in the Declaration Published, and in the first Draught of it, (which I have a Copy of.) And it was after at the Savoy, where the Liturgy was treated of; where, 1. We gave in those Exceptions against many things in the Liturgy, which were Printed: And among others, against divers Untruths, [as when divers Weeks after Christ's Nativity-day, East••, Whitsunday, it was to be said in the Collects, that [On that Day Christ was born, rose, the Holy-Ghost came down, &c.] 2. We disputed many days against an Imposition of the Liturgy, as Sinful. 3. Being demanded by Bishop Cousins (in the Chair) by a Writing, as from some great one, (as he spake) that we should give in an Enumeration of what we took to be flat Sins in the Liturgy, as distinct from meer Inconveniences, I brought in ten Particulars the next Morning, of which my Brethren put out two, meer∣ly for fear of angering them, and the other eight we presented to them, and never had a word of Answer, but an angry rebuke for offering to charge a whole Church with Sin, (as they spake) yet doth this Man tell the World that we professed our selves to take it to be all Lawful.

And what if we had done so? Is the Liturgy all that Nonconformists stick at? Is the Canonical Subscription and Oath of Obedience, and Re-ordination, &c. no more?

And doth not the Nation know that it was only the old Conformsty which was then questioned, and that the new was not in being? And that the Act of Uniformity was since made, wherein, besides Re-ordination, is the new Declara∣tion, and new Subscription, and since that the new Oxford Oath? Such Impu∣dency it was that assaulted, and rendered us odious to the ignorant, contrary to publick notoriety of Fact, yet visible in Print to all the World.

§ 234. Another at that time wrote that I had written, that the Supreme Power might be resisted for Religion: And another, (a Papist, writing for Toleration) that I wrote that the ••uthority of any of the Peers might warrant Subjects to take up Arms against the King.] Things that I never wrote or thought, or any thing like them, but have written very much to the contrary: But it is our Lot to fall into the Hands of such Men, as have banished all Modesty in their Calum∣nies.

§ 235. About the beginning of May in my Walk in the Fields, I met with Dr. Gunning, now Bishop of Chichester, (with whom I had the contention and fierce Opposition to all the motions of Peace at the Savoy,) and at his Invitation went after to his Lodgings, to pursue our begun Discourse: which he ve∣hemently professed that he was sure, that it was not Conscience that kept us from Conformity, but meerly to keep up our Reputation with the People, and we desired alterations for no other ends; and that we lost nothing by our Non∣conformity, but were fed as full, and lived as much to the Pleasure of the Flesh in Plenty, as the Conformists did: And let me know what odious thoughts he had of his poor Brethren, upon Grounds so notoriously false, that I had thought few Men that lived in England could have been so ignorant of such matters of Fact. But alas, what is there so false and odious which exasperated factious, malicious Minds will not believe and say of others? And what Evidence so notorious which they will not out-face? I told him that he was a stranger to the Men he talked of; that those of my Acquaintance, (whom he confes∣sed to be far more than of his) were generally the most Conscionable Men that

I could 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on Earth: That he might easily know Reputation could not be the thing which made them suffer so much Affliction; because 1. many of them were young men, not pre-engaged in point of Reputation to any side. 2. He knew that we lost, by our Nonconformity, that Worldly Honour, which we were as capable of as he and others: We did not so vilifie the King, Parliament, Lords, Bishops, Knights, and Gentry, who were most against us, as to think it a piece of Worldly Honour to be vilified by them, and called Rogues, and sent to the common Goals among Rogues, and branded to the World, as we are in the Oxford Act of Confinement, and banished five Miles from Cities and Corporations: Our Consciences would not allow us to say, that he, and such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he, who were Clergy-Lords, and Parliament-Barons did conform out of Pride or Love of Reputation; and which was the liker to a reasonable Conjecture? That he should be moved by Pride who chuseth the way of worldly Wealth and Domination, and Honour, giving Laws to his Brethren, and vilifying them, and trampling on them at his Pleasure, as on a company of contemned, scorn∣ed Wretches; or they that chuse the way of this Contempt and Scorn with Poverty and Corporal Distress? Whose honour is it that such Men seek? You account their Followers the refuse of the World as you do them. And if they themselves think better of them, yet they will know that they are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the meaner sort, and that poor Men have little to spare for others; and we are not so sordidly dis-ingenious as not to be sensible that to be beholden to poor Men that want themselves, for our daily Bread, is not the work of Pride, but putteth our Humilty to it to the utmost. It's foolish Pride, which chuseth the hatred and scorn of the Great Men of the World, instead of Dig∣nities and Honour, and chuseth to suffer Scorn and Imprisonment among poor Men, to whom we must be beholden for a beggerly Sustenance. And as for the Plenty and fullness which they upbraid us with, it telleth us that there is nothing so immodest and unreasonable which some Mens Malice will not say. Do they not know into what Poverty London is brought by the late Fire, and want of Trade? And what Complaints do fill all the Land? And how close-hunded almost all Men are that are themselves in want? And Ministers are not so impudent as to turn Beggers without Shame? I had but a few days before had Letters of a worthy Minister, who, with his Wife and six Children, had many Years had seldom o∣ther food than brown, Rye Bread and Water, and was then turned out of his House, and had none to go to: And of another that was fain to spin for his Living: And abundance I know that have Families, and nothing, or next to nothing of their own, and live in exceeding want upon the poor Drops of Charity which they stoop to receive from a few mean People. And if there be here and there a rich man that is Charitable, he hath so many to relieve, that each one can have but a small share. Indeed, about a dosen or twenty Ministers about London, who stuck to the People in the devouring Plague, or in other times of Distress, and feared no Sufferings, have so many People adhering to them, as keep them from Beggery, or great want; and you judge of all the rest by these, when almost all the rest through England, who have not something of their own to live upon, do suffer so much as their Scorners will scarce believe. It is no easie thing to have the Landlord call for Rent, and the Baker, the Brew∣er, the Buther, the Taylor, the Draper, the Shooemaker, and many others call for Money, and Wife and Children call for Meat and Drink, and Cloaths, and a Minister to have no Answer for them, but I have none. And the Bishop had the less modesty in standing confidently to my Face of his certain∣ty of our losing nothing by our Non-conformity, when he himself knew that I was offered a Bishoprick in 1660. and he got not his Bishoprick, (for all his extraordinary way of Merit) till about 1671, or 1672: and I had not a Groat of the Ecclesiastical Maintenance since the King came in; nor, to my best re∣membrance, ever received more than the fon•• Pound even now mentioned, as a Salary for Preaching these Eleven Years; nor any way for Preaching the Sum of eight Pound in all those Years: Yea, on this occasion, I will not think it vain to say, that all that I remember that ever I received as gifts of Bounty from a∣ny whosoever since I was silenced (till after An. 1672.) amount not in the whole to 20 l. besides ten Pouud per Annum which I received from Serjeant Fountain till he died, and when I was in Prison, twenty pieces from Sir Iohn Bernard, ten from the Countess of Exeter, and five from Alderman Bard, and no more, which

just paid the Lawyers, and my Prison Charge (but the expences of removing my Habitation was greater:) And had the Bishop's Family no more than this? In sum, I told the Bishop that he, that cried out so vehemently against schism, had got the Spirit of a Sectary: and as those that by Prisons and other suf∣ferings were too much exasperated against the Bishops, could hardly think or speak well of them, so his cross Interests had so notoriously spoiled him of his Charity, that he had plainly the same temper with the bitterest of the Sectaries, whom he so much reviled. Our Doctrinal Discourse I overpass.

§ 236. This May, a Book was Printed and cried about, describing the horrid Murther of one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Baxter in New-England by the Anabaptists, and how they tore his Flesh, and flead him alive, and persons, and time, and place were named: And when Mr. Kiffen, sensible of the Injury to the Anabaptists, searcht it out, it proved all a studied Forgery; Printed by a Papist, and the Book Licensed by Dr. Sam. Pa••ker, the Arch-bishop's Chaplain, there were no such Persons in being as the Book mentioned, nor any such thing ever done: Mr. ••issen accused Dr. Parker to the Kiug and Council: The King made him confess his Fault, and so it ended.

§ 237. In Iune was the second great Fight with the Dutch, where again ma∣ny were killed on both sides; and to this day it is not known which Pa••ty had the greater Loss.

§ 238. The Parliament grew into great Jealousies of the prevalency of Popery: There was an Army raised, which lay upon Black-Heath encamped, as for Service against the Dutch: They said that so many of the Commanders were Papists as made Men fear the design was worse. Men feared not to talk open∣ly that the Papists having no hope of getting the Parliament to set up their Religion by Law, did design to take down Parliaments, and reduce the Govern∣ment to the French Model, and Religion to their State, by a standing Army: These Thoughts put Men into dismal Expectations, and many wish that the Army, at any rate might be disbanded. The Duke of York was General: The Par∣liament made an Act that no man should be in any office of Trust, who would not take the Oaths of Supremacy, aud Allegiance, and receive the Sacrament ac∣cording to Order of the Church of England, and renounee Transubstanstiati∣on. Many supposed Papists received the Sacrament, and renounced Transub∣stantiation, and took the Oaths: Some that were known, sold, or laid down their Places: The Duke of York, and the new Lord Treasurer, Clifford, laid down all: It was said, they did it on supposition that the Act left the King impowered to renew their Commissions when they had laid them down: But the Lord Chancellor told the King that it was not so; and so they were put out by themselves. This settled Men in the full belief that the Duke of York, and the Lord Clifford were Papists; and the Londoners had before a special ha∣tred against the Duke, since the burning of London, commonly saying, that divers were taken casting Fire-balls, and brought to his Guards of Soldiers to be se∣cured, and he let them go, and both secured and concealed them.

239. The great Counsellors that were said to do all with the King in all great matters, were the Duke of York, the Lord Clifford, the Duke of Lauder∣daile, the Lord Arlington, the Duke of Buckingham, the Lord Chancellor (that is, Sr. Anthony Ashley-Cooper, Earl of Shaftsbury,) and after them the Earl of Anglesey (lately Mr. Annesley.) Among all these, the Lord Chanchellor declared so much Jealosie of Popery, and set himself so openly to secure the Protestant Religion, that it was wondered how he kept in as he did; but whatever were his Principles or Motives, it is certain he did very much plead the Protestant Cause.

§ 240. In Iune, Mastricht was taken by the French, but with much loss; where the Duke of Monmouth, with the English, had great Honour for their Valour.

§ 241. In August, four of the Dutch East-India Ships fell into our Hands, and we had the third great Sea-fight with them, under the Command of Prince Ru∣pert, where we again killed each other with equal Loss: But the Dutch said they had the Victory now, sand before, and kept days of Thanksgiving for it: Sir Edward Sprag was killed, whose death the Papists much lamented, ho∣ping to have got the Sea-power into his Hands. But Prince Rupert, (who de∣clared himself openly against Popery, and had got great Interest in the Hearts

of the Soldiers) complained sharply of the French Admiral, as deserting him (to say no worse:) And the success of these Fights was such as hindered the Trans∣portation of the Army against the Dutch, and greatly divided the Court-Par∣ty, and discouraged the Grandees, and Commanding Papists., &c.

§ 242. In September, I being out of Town, my House was broken by Thieves, who broke open my Study-Doors, Closets, Locks, searcht near 40 Tills and Boxes, and found them all full of nothing but Papers, and miss'd that little Money I had, though very near them: They took only three small pieces of Plate, and medled not (considerably) with any of my Papers, which I would not have lost for many hundred Pounds: Which made me sensible of Divine Protection, and what a Convenience it is to have such a kind of Treasure, as other men have no mind to rob us of, or cannot.

§ 343. The Duke of York was now married to the Duke of Modena's Daughter by Proxy, the Earl of Peterborough being sent over to that end.

§ 244. The Lady Clinton having a Kinswoman (wife to Edward Wray, Esq) who was a Protestant, a••d her Husband a Papist (throughly studied in all their Controversies, and oft provoking his Wife to bring any one to dispute with him) desired me to perform that office of Conference: They differed about the Education of their Children; he had promised her, (as she said) at Marriage, that she should have the Education of them all, and now would not let her have the Education of one, but would make them Papists: I desired that either our Conference might be publick, to avoid mis-reports, or else utterly secret be∣fore no one but his Wife, that so we might not seem to strive for the Honour of Victory, nor by dishonour be exasperated, and made less capable of benefit. The latter way was chosen; but the Lady Clinton, and Mr. Goodwin, the Lady Worsep's Chaplain, prevailed to be present by his consent. He began upon the point of Transubstantion, and in Veron's Method would have put me to prove the Words of the Article of the Church of England, by express Words of Scri∣pture, without Exposition. I distinguished the two parts of the Controversie, 1. Whether there be Bread after Consecration? 2. Whether there be Christ's Body: And the first I proved by express Scripture, and I thought gave him enough: And after two or three hours he brake off fairly, but yielding nothing. He after affirmed that a Woman was but a Nurse, aud no Governour to her Children, and that if he commanded them to deny Christ, they were bound to obey him; else Families would be Confounded.

§ 245. I had fourteen Years been both a necessary, and voluntary stranger at the Court; but at this time by another's invitation called to attend the Duke of Lauderdaile, who still professed special kindness to me, and some pious Scots∣men, (being under suffering, one absconding, another sequestred and undone) and craving my interposition for them, I went to him, and desired his Pardon and Clemency for them, which he readily granted: And being to reprint my Key for Catholicks, where his Name was in too low a manner in the Epistle (he being then a Prisoner in Windsor-Castle) I told him that to omit it might seem a Neglect, and so to mention him, would be an injurious dishonour, and therefore if he pleased, I would put to it an Epistle Dedicatory, which he con∣sented to, and approved of the Epistle before it was Printed: But being fain to leave out the second part of the Book, and much of the first, that the rest might be licensed, I printed instead of that left out, a new Treatise on the Sub∣ject, on which I disputed with Mr. Wray, called, Full and easie Satisfaction, which is the true Religion: Wherein Popery is brought to sence of the meanest Wit. But some were offended that I prefixed the Duke's Name; as if it tended to ho∣nour him at that time when he was decried as a chief Counsellour for absolute Monarchy, for the War with the Dutch, and a standing Army; and he was threatned as soon as the Parliament sat; but went into Scotland as Commissioner, and called a Parliament there; for my part I never lookt for a Farthing Profit, by any great Man, nor to my remembrance ever received the worth of a far∣thing from any of them: But I would not in Pride deny any Man his due honour, nor be so uncharitable as to refuse to make use of any Man's favour, for Sufferers in their distress. The matters of their State Counsels are above my reach.

§ 246. In October the Lord Clifford (called the chief of the secret Council) ha∣ving the Summer before been at Tunbridge Water, fell into several Distempers, and shortly after died: So near is the fall of the greatest to his Rising, which was a great blow to his Party.

§ 247. Mr. Falkener, Minister of Lin, a sober, learned Man, wrote a book for Conformity, which that Party greatly boasted of as unanswerable: Indeed he speaketh plausibly to many of the Nonconformists smallest Exceptions, against some particular words in the Liturgy, and some Ceremonies; but as to the great Matters, the Declaration, and the Oxford Oath, and Subscription, and Re∣ordination, and the Image of the Cross, as a Symbol of Christianity, and dedi∣cating sign in Baptism, the Ministers denying Baptism to those that scruple the Cross, or to the Children of those that dare not forbear Covenanting for their own Children in Baptism, and lay it all on Godfathers, the rejecting those from the Lord's Supper, that dare not take it kneeling, the Thanksgiving at Bu∣rials for the happiness of notorious, impenitent, wicked Men, and other such like, his Defence is so poor and slight, as is fit to satisfie no Judicious Man; that is not prepared for Errour by Interest and Will. But, pro captu Lectoris, &c.

§ 248. On the 20th. of October the Parliament met again, and suddenly vo∣ted that the King should be sent to about the Duke of York's Marriage with an Italian Papist (a-kin to the Pope) and to desire that it might be stopt (he being not yet come over.) And as soon as they had done that, the King, by the Chancellour, prorogued them till Monday following, because it is not usual for a Parliament to grant Money twice in one Session.

§ 249. On Monday, when they met, the King desired speedy Aid of Money against the Dutch, and the Lord Chancellour set forth the Reasons, and the Dutch unreasonableness. But the Parliament still stuck to their former resent∣ment of the Duke of York's Marriage, and renewed their Message to the King against it; who answered them, that it was debated at the open Council, and resolved that it was too late to stop it.

§ 250. Some one laid in the Parliament-House (they say near the Speaker's Chair) a wooden Shooe, such as the Peasants wear in France, with some Beads, and on one end drawn the Arms of France, and on the other the Arms of Eng∣land, and written between, Vtrum horum mavis accippe. And Henry Stubbs (now Physician, once under Library-Keeper in Oxford, who was accounted an Infidel, and wrote against Monarchy for Sir Henry Vane, and against me, perswading the Army, and Rump to question me for my Life, and after was drawn by the Court to write against the Dutch) now Printed a Half-Sheet called, The Parit Gazette, containing many Instances, where Marriage by Proxy had been broken; for which he was sent to the Tower.

§ 251. On Friday, Oct. 31. The Parliament went so high as to pass a Vote that no more Money should be given till the eighteen Months of the last Tax were expired, unless the Dutch proved obstinate, and unless we were se∣cured against the danger of Popery, and Popish Counsellours, and their Grievances were redressed.

252. The Parliament Voted to ask of his Majesty a day of Humiliation, be∣cause of the Growth of Popery, and intended solemnly to keep the Powder-Plot, and appointed Dr. Stillingfleet to Preach to them (who is most engaged by wri∣ting against Popery:) but on the day before, being Nov. 4. the King (to their great discontent) prorogued the Parliament to Ian. 7.

§ 253. The seventh of Ianuary the Parliament met again, and voted that their first work should be to prevent Popery, redress Grievances, and be secu∣red against the Instruments, or Counsellours of them. And they shortly after voted the Dukes of Buckingham, and Lauderdale unfit for trust about the King, and desired their Removal: But when they came to the Lord Arlington, and would have accordingly Characterized him without an Impeachment, it was car∣ried against that Attempt: And because the Members who favoured the Nonconformists (for considerable Reasons) were against the rest, and helped off the Lord Arlington, the rest were greatly exasperated against him, and reported that they did it because he had furthered the Nonconformists Licenses for tolerated Preaching.

§ 254. Sir Anthony Ashley Cowper (••ometimes one of Oliver's Privy-Council) having been a great Favourite of the King (for great Service for him) and made Earl of Shaftshury, and Lord Chancellour, and great in the secretest Councils, at last openly set against others on the account of Religion, earnestly declaming against Popery, and becoming the Head of the Party that were zealous for the Protestant Cause, and awakened the Nation greatly by his Activity: And being quickly put out of his place of Chancellourship, he by his bold and skillful way of speaking, so moved the House of Lords, that they began to speak higher against the danger of Popery than the Commons, and to pass several Votes ac∣cordingly. And the Earl of Shaftsbury spake so plainly of the Duke of York, as much offended, and it was supposed would not long be born. The Earl of Clare, the Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, and others also spake very freely: And among the Bishops only (that I heard of) Sir Herbert Crofts (who had sometimes been a Pa∣pist) the Bishop of Hereford. And now among Lords and Commons, and Citi∣zens, and Clergy, the talk went uncontrolled that the Duke of York was certainly a Papist, and that the Army lately raised, and encamped at Black-heath, was de∣signed to do their Work, who at once would take down Parliaments and set up Popery. And Sir—Bucknall told them in the House of such Words that he had overheard of the late Lord Treasurer Clifford, to the Lord Arundell, as seem∣ed to increase their Satisfaction of the Truth of all; but common observation was the fullest satisfaction. In a word, the offence and boldness of both Houses grew so high, as easily shewed men how the former War began, a••d silenced many that said it was raised by Nonconformists, and Presbyterians.

§ 255. The third of February was a publick Fast (against Popery) the first (as I remember) that (besides the Anniversary Fasts) had ever been since this Parlia∣ment sate (which hath now sate longer than that called the long Parliament did before the major part were cast out by Cromwell:) But the Preachers, Dr. Cradock, and Dr. Whitchcot, medled but little with that Business, and did not please them as Dr. Stillingfleet had done, who greatly animated them, and all the Nation against Popery by his open and diligent endeavours for the Prote∣stant Cause.

§ 256. During this Session the Earl of Orery desired me to draw him up in brief, the Terms and Means, which I thought would satisfie the Non-conformists so far as to unite us all against Popery; professing that he met with many Great Men that were much for it, and particulary the New Lord Treasurer, Sir Thomas Osborn, and Dr. Morley, Bishop of Winchester, who vehemently profess'd his desires of it: And Dr. Fullwood, and divers others had been with me to the like purpose, testifying the said Bishop's resolution herein. I wisht them all to tell him from me, that he had done so much to the contrary, and never any thing this way since his Professions of that sort, that till his real Endeavours convinced Men, it would not be believed that he was serious. But when I had given the Earl of Orery my Papers, he returned them me with Bishop Morley's Strictures, or Animadversions (as by his Words and the Hand I had reason to be confident) by which he fully made me see that all his Professions for Abanement, and Concord, were deceitful Suares, and that he intended no such thing at all. And because I have inserted before so much of such transactions, I will here annex my Propo∣sals, with his Strictures, and my Reply.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Orery.

My Lord,

I Have here drawn up those Terms on which I think Ministers may be resto∣red to the Churches Service, and much union and quietness be procured: But I must tell you, 1. That upon second Thoughts I forbore to distribute them, as I intimated to you, into several Ranks; but only offer what may tend to a Concord of the most, though not of every man. 2. That I have done this only on

the suppositions that we were fain to go upon in our Consultation with Dr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, viz. That no change in the Frame of Church-Government will be con∣sented to: Otherwise I should have done as we did in 1660, offered you Arch-bishop Vsher's Reduction of the Government to the primitive state of E∣piscopacy; and have only desired that the Lay-Chancellours have not the Pow∣er of the Keys, and that, if not in every Parish, at least in every Rural Dean∣ry, or Market-Town, with the adjacent Villages, the Ministers might have the Pastoral power of the Keys so far as is necessary to guide their own Admi∣nistrations, and not one Bishop, or Lay-Chancellour's Court to have more to do than Multitudes can well do, and thereby cause almost all true Discipline to be omitted. 3. I have forborn to enumerate the Particulars, which we cannot subscribe, or swear to, or practise, because they are many, and I fear the na∣ming of them, will be displeasing to others, as seeming to accuse them, while we do but say, what a Sin such Conformity would be in our selves: But if it should be useful, and desired, I am ready to do it. But I now only say, that the matters are far from being things doubtful, or indifferent, or little Sins in our Appre∣hensions; of which we are ready to render a Reason. But I think that this bare Proposal of the Remedies, is the best, and shortest, and least offensive way: In which I crave your Observation of these two Particulars. 1. That it is the matter granted, if it be even in our own Words, that will best do the Cure: For while other men word it, that know not our Scruples or Reasons, they miss our Sence usually, and make it ineffectual. 2. That the Reason why I crave that Mini∣sters may have impunity, who use the greatest part of the Liturgy for the Day; is, 1. To shorten the Accommodation, that we may not be put to delay our Con∣cord till the Liturgy be altered, to the Satisfaction of Dissenters; which we have cause to think, will not be done at all. Now this will silently and quietly heal us; and if a Man omit some one Collect or Sentence without debate or noise, it will not be noted, nor be a matter of offence. 2. And he is unworthy to be a Minister that is not to be trusted so much, as with the using or not using of a few Sentences, or words in all his Ministration. 3. And almost every Minister that I hear all the Year, of the most Conformable, do every day omit some part or other, and yet are not Silenc'd, nor taken notice of as offenders at all: And may not, as much for our Concord be granted to Dissenters in the present case. He that thinks that these Concessions will be more injurious to the Church, and the Souls of Men, than our Uncharitableness and Divisions have been these Eleven Years, and are yet like to be, is not qualified to be at all an Healer.

In Conclusion, I must again intreat you that this Offer may be taken but as the Answer of your desire, for your private use, and that no Copy be given of it, nor the Author made known, unless we have encouragement from our Governours to consult about such a work; and if so, that more than I may be consulted, and nothing laid on me alone. I am confident, were but Dr. Stilling∣fleet, Dr. Tillotson, or any such moderate Men appointed to consult with two or three of us, on the safe and needful terms of Concord, we should agree in a Week's time, supposing them vacant for the Business.

I Rest, Your humble Servant, Richard Baxter.

Decem. 15. 1673.

The means of uniting the Protestant Ministers in England, and healing our lamentable Divisions; supposing Church-Government may not be altered.

1. About Engagements. Let no other Covenant, Promise, Oath, Declarati∣on, or subscription be necessary to Ministers for Ordination, Institution, In∣duction, Ministration, or Possession of their maintenance, (nor to Scholars at the Universities, except the ancient University Oath) or to School-masters, be∣sides the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the subscribing the Do∣ctrine and Sacraments of the Church of England, as expressed in the thirty nine

Articles, accordingly to the 13th of Queen Elizabeth, and the common Subscrip∣tion, approving the Doctrine of the Homilies, and this following Declaration against Rebellion, and Sedition.

I. A. B. do hold that it is not Lawful for His Majesty's Subjects upon any Pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King, his Person, or Authority, or against any Authorized by his Legal Commission: And that there ly∣eth no Obligation on me, or any other of his Subjects, from the Oath com∣monly called, the solemn League and Covenant, to endeaveavour any Change of the present Government of these his Majesty's Kingdoms; nor to endeavour any Reformation of Church or State, by Rebellion, Sedition, or any other un∣lawful means.

II. Because the Churches are all supposed to have Incumbents, and the pre∣sent Non-conformists being devoted to the sacred Ministry, do holn it high Sa∣criledge to alienate themselves therefrom (to pass by their outward wants;) till by Presentations to vacant Churches they are better provided, let them have liberty to be School-masters, or assistants to Incumbents, or to Preach Lectures in their Churches, so it be by their Consent, whether they be Lectures already endowed with some Maintenance, or such as the People are willing to maintain: And let not the Incumbents be discouraged by the Bishops from receiving them: And let such places, as, being convenient, are already possessed by them for God's Publick Worship be continued to that use, as Chappels, till they can be thus received into Benefices or Lectures.

III. Because the Piety of Families must keep up very much of the Interest of Religion in the World, and Multitudes (especially in the Country) that can∣not read, can do little or nothing of it in their own Families, and may be great∣ly helped by joyning with their more understanding, pious Neighbours; let it not be forbidden to any who attend the publick Assemblies at any other hours, to join with their Neighbours (being of the same Parish) who read the Holy Scriptures, and Licensed pious Books, and repeat the publick Sermons, and Pray, and Praise God by singing Psalms, and refuse not the Inspection of their law∣ful Pastors herein: Nor let it not be unlawful for any stablished Minister to re∣ceive his People in such Work, or for the Catechising, and personal instructing of such as shall desire it.

IV. Concerning the Liturgy and publick Communion. 1. Let no Man be punished for omitting the use of the Liturgy, if in the Congregation where he is incumbent, the greatest part of it appointed for that time be sometimes (as once a quarter, or half a Year, as the Canon requireth) used by himself, and every Lord's Day ordinarily (unless when sickness or other Necessity hindreth) either by himself, or by his Curate or Assistant: And let none be forced to read the Apocrypha publickly for Lessons.

2. Let no meer Lecturer be forced to read the the Liturgy himself, or to procure another to read it, seeing it is the Incumbent's Charge, and it is supposed it will be done. Or if this may not be granted, let the Lecturer be only obliged once half a Year, (which is the time limited in the Canon) to read the Greatest part of it appointed for that time.

3. Let not Christian Parents be forbidden to dedicate their Children pub∣lickly to God, by entering them into the Christian Covenant, professing, and undertaking on their Behalf, that which belongeth to Parents in that Case. And let not the Parents be forced to get such Godfathers, and Godmothers, as are Atheists, Infidels, Hereticks, or grosly ignorant what Baptism and Christi∣anity is, or as, for their wicked Lives are themselves justly kept from the Com∣munion, nor such as they know have no intention to do what they are to under∣take. And if any Christian Parent can get no better to undertake that Office (many now scrupling it, and none can be forced to it,) let not his Child be de∣nied Baptism, if he be ready to do the Office of a Parent himself.

4. Seeing some Ministers think that the use of the transient Image of the Cross, as a Sacramental, or dedicating Sign, In the Baptismal Covenant, and a

Symbol of the Christian Profession, is a breach of the second Commandment: ••et not such be forced to use it; nor to refuse to baptize the Children of such Persons without it, who are of the same Mind.

5. Let no Minister be forced against his Judgment to baptize any Child, both whose Parents avoid, or are justly denied the Communion of the Church; unless s••me Person who communicateth with the Church do take the Child as his own, und undertake to Educate it according to the Christian Covenant.

6. Let none be forced to receive the Sacrament, who through Infidelity, Heresie, or Prophaneness, is unwilling, till the hinderance be removed: Nor any who by Consciousness, or fear of their unfitness, are like to be driven by so re∣ceiving it, into distraction or desperation.

7. Let no Minister be forced to deliver the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, to any who is unbaptized; or who being baptized in Infancy, did never yet personally to the Church, or Minister, own his Baptismal Covenant by an understanding Profession of the Christian Faith, and promise of Obedience to God the Father, Son, and Holy-Ghost; and who also will not yet make such a pro∣fession and promise to the Church, or Minister, or else bring a valid Certificate that he hath formerly done it to the Bishop, or some approved Pastor, under whom he lived: Nor to any, who, upon accusation, fame, or just suspicion of Atheism, Infidelity, Heresie, intolerable Ignorance, or gross, and heinous Sin, doth refuse to come speak with the Minister for his satisfaction, and his Justification, or better Information; or who by Proof, or Confession is found guilty of any of the aforsaid scandalous Evils, until he have professed serious Repentance to the said Minister, if the crime be notorious; and if he refuse, till he have moreover amended his former wicked Life.

8. Let no Minister be forced to publish an Excommunication, or Absoluti∣on of any against his Conscience, upon the decree or Sentence of a Lay-Chancellour, or any other: But let them, that desire it, cause such to do it whose Conscience is not against it.

9. When there are Presentments or Appeals to the Chancellour's Court, or Bishop's, let not sickly, weak Ministers, or those whose Parishes cannot be so long neglected, be put to travel long Journeys, or neglect their Studies, and Ministerial Work, by oft or long Attendances, in bringing Witnesses against those to whom they only refused on the foresaid Reasons to deliver the Sacra∣ment.

10. Seeing Ministers who live among them, are supposed to be best acquainted with the Penitence, or impenitence of their People, let it be left to their Prudence, whom they wil absolve in Sickness, and privately give the Sacrament to, and let the Sick chuse such Confessors, as they think best for themselves: And let those few words at Burial which import the Justification, and Salvation of the Deceased, be left to the Minister's Discretion, who hath known the Person's Life and Death.

11. Let no Minister be forced to deny Christian Communion to those Per∣sons otherwise found and Godly, who think it unlawful to kneel in taking the Sacramental Bread and Wine, though it may be upon causeless Scruples.

12. Let Ministers have leave to open the meaning of the Catechism, and not only to hear the Words themselves (And it is much to be wished that the Catechism were amended.) And let him have leave at Baptism and the Eucha∣rist to interpose some few quickning words of Exhortanion, lest form alone do cast them into a customary dullness.

13. Let the use of the Surplice be left indifferent in the Parish-Churches, or at least if the Curate frequently use it, let it suffice.

14. If any live under a Minister ••hat is very ignorant, or scandalous, or very unsuitable to the People, or to his Work, let them not be punished for going often to hear and Communicate where they can better profit, in any Neigh∣bour Church of the same Diocess: So be it, they pay the Incumbent his Dues.

V. Let not those who are ordained by Presbyters be put to renounce their Ordination, or be re-ordained; but only upon proof of their fitness for the Ministry, receive by word, or a written Instrument, a Legal Authority to exer∣cise their Ministry in any Congregation in his Majesty's Dominions, where they shall be Lawfully called.

VI. We desire that no Excommunicate Person, as such, may be imprisoned, and ruined in his Estate, but only such whose Crimes, in themselves considered, de∣serve it.

VII. As we desire all this Liberty to our selves, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it is our judgment 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Desire, that Christian Lenity be used to all truly Conscientious Dissenters, and also the Tolerable may be Tolerated, under Laws of Peace and Safety: But who shall be judged Tolerable, and what shall be the Laws or Terms of their Toleration, we presume not uncalled to make our selves Counsellours or Judges.

But for avoiding the inconveniences, which the foresaid Concessions to our selves may seem to threaten to the Church, we hope it will suffice, if there be a Law made for the Regulation of the Bishops, the Ministers and the Flocks: That People or Ministers uncivilly revile not one another: That no Licens'd Ministers shall Preach against any of the Doctrine of the Church; nor against Episcopacy, Liturgy, or the Established Ceremonies: That all Magistrates be excepted from all open personal Rebukes, or disgraceful Censures, or Excommunications, because (Caeteris Par••ous) positive Instituted Orders give place to Natural morals, such as the Fifth Command∣ment containeth: That all negligent or scandalous Ministers be Punished according to the Measure of their Fault: And the omission of Preaching, Liturgy or Sacra∣ments, shall be Punish'd (not presently with forbidding them to do any thing, be∣cause they do not enough, but) with the Sequestration of their Church-maintenance, viz. That they lose a month's Profit of their Benefice for a month's Omission, and so on proportionably. And that those whose Insufficiency, Heresy or Crimes, are such as that their Ministry doth more hurt than good, be totally cast out: And that the Bishops may not Silence, Suspend, Deprive or Excommunicate any Minister Arbitra∣rily, but by a known Law, and in case of Injustice, we may have sufficient remedy by Appeals. And that no former Law or Canon, which is contrary to any of this, be therein in force.

1. If Sacraments were but left free to be administred, and received by none but Vo∣lunteers. 2. And Liberty granted the Ministers to Preach in those Churches where the Common-Prayer is read by others, I think it would take in all, or almost all the Inde∣pendents also. (3. Supposing the Door left open according to the first Article) These three would unite us almost all. But I have mentioned the rest, because the first of these will not be granted.

The Strictures returned upon these Proposals, with the Answers.

My Lord,

I Return you this Paper with an Answer to the Strictures; not with any hopes of Agreement with the Author: For whoever he is, I have no hope of Peace or Healing by him; or by his consent, according to the Principles and Rigour here ex∣pressed.

1. Prop. [Supposing the Church-Government may not be altered.] Strict: (a) [All the particulars following do directly, or indirectly, either overthrow or undermine the Church Go∣vernmene.

Answ. If by [the Church Government] be meant (as the Propounder did mean) the Constitution containing the Diocesan frame, with Deans, Arch-Deacons, Lay-Chancellours, as Governing by Excommunication and Absolution, there is nothing in these Proposals incompetent with that Frame, nor motioning any alteration of it. (Tho there is that in it, which our Judgments take to be very great sin: For we can quietly live under a Government sinful, while we are not put to sin by our consent∣ing to the sin of others.) But if by [the Government] be meant the whole Exercise of their Government, according to the Act of Uniformity and the Canons, we confess that every abatement desired by us, is against it: And if we could do all requir'd by the Governours, we were full Conformists, and needed none of this.

But this P••efatory Prognostick tells us what to expect: For whoever intendeth our Solemnity and suffering, will foretel it by his Accusations; And if a Cross be our intended Lot, no wonder if [Overthrowers and Vnderminers of the Government] be the Title to be written on it.

1. Prop. [And the Subscribing the Doctrine and Sacraments, &c.]

Strict. (b) [So they may not be required to Subscribe either to the Government or Liturgy∣or Rites and Ceremonies of our Church.]

Answ. 1. If there were nothing at all in the Diocesan frame in England, Lay-Chancellours, Spiritual Government, nor any other part of the Government, and Word in the Liturgy, or any Ceremony which we do not, nor dare not approve and Justify by a Subscription; what need we any of this ado, any more than any Bishops or Conformists; seeing we were Conformable already.

2. We are willing to Swear, Subscribe, and Covenant, Allegiance to the King, who is a Constitutive Essential Part of the Kingdom. But we are not willing ac∣cordingly to Swear, Subscribe, or Covenant to every petty Officer in the King∣dom, nor to approve of every Law, Custom or Exercise of Government in it; tho we would live peaceably under what we approve not. And if a Law were made that he shall be Banished as an Overthrower, or Vnderminer of the Government, who would not so Covenant or Subscribe, Houses and Lands would be cheaper than they are, and the King have fewer Subjects than he hath: For I am not acquainted with one Con∣scionable Man, that I think would Subscribe it. And why should all the King's Subjects be bound more strictly to the Human Part of Church Government, than of State or Civil Government, and to approve of Lay-Chancellours than of Civil Offi∣cers? Or of the matter of Canons, than of Civil and Common and Statute Laws?

3. If it be a Crime to know, it is a Crime to Iudge, or to use our Reason and Ob∣servation. If it be not, it is no Crime for us to know that Clergy-Pride, imposing a multitude of things small and doubtful, on the Churches as the Conditions of Mi∣nistry and Communion, and forcing Magistrates, Ministers and People to consent to many unnecessary things in their Humane part of Government; Liturgies and Ceremonies hath been so great an Engin of Schism and Blood and Confusions in the Roman Church, as assureth us that it is no desirable thing, that by us any thing like it should be consented to.

4. And it is no Crime in us to be sure, that if Subscribing to all the present Church-Government, Liturgy and Ceremonies, be the thing that shall be necessary to our Ministry, and Union and Communion, our present Dissentions and Divisions will not be healed, unless by Killing or Banishing the Dissenters, and as Tertullian speaketh, Making solitude, and calling it Peace.

1. Prop. [His Majesty's] Subjects—[Legal] Commission—any other [of his Sub∣jects].—

Stic. (c) [Deleatur.]

Answ. 1. We did not think that it had been your meaning that we must make our selves Judges of the Case, not only of all his Majestie's Subjects, but of all others in the World. If the Judges will give it us under their Hands, that it is not law∣ful upon any pretence whatsoever, for the Subjects of any Prince on Earth to take Arms against any King of England, or any Commissioned by him; or that it is not possible for any War against us in any Age, on any pretense whatever, to be Lawful; or else that they are sure that all the Kingdoms on Earth are so Constituted, as that no where any Subjects may on any pretence take Arms against their Kings, we shall accordingly submit to their Judgment. But seeing Papists and Protestants, Lawyers and Divines, even Monarchical and Conformable say the contrary, it were not modesty in us that are ignorant of Matters of Law, to say that they are all mi∣staken, till we are instructed to know it to be so. For our parts we must profess our selves not acquainted with the Constitution of every Kingdom in the World.

2. If [Legal] must be obliterated, we shall our selves quietly submit to the Ex∣ercise accordingly; and suffer from any one that saith, he is Commissioned to hurt us, if it be required of us: But we are not skill'd in Law, and thefore cannot say, that all others are bound to do the like. To deal plainly, seeing [Legal] must be

obliterated, we understand not what the word [Commission] meaneth: Whether it must have the King's Broad-seal, or the Lesser-seal, or his Name only: Whether the Commission and Seal must be shewed to those that are not to resist; or proved to be Currant, and how? But that which causeth us to forbear subscribing, is, 1. We have taken the Oath of Allegiance, and think that the King's Subjects are bound to defend his Life, Crown and Dignity; And we fear left by this the Lord Chancel∣lour (if not others) may have power at his Pleasure to Depose the King, that is, to Seal Commissions to Confederates to take Possession of all his Navy, Forts, Garri∣sons, Arms, if not his House and Person, and no man must resist them. 2. We are not certain that a Commission can Repeal all that Law of Nature, who obligeth a Man to preserve the Life of his Parents or Children, or Neighbour. We have not indeed any reason to fear that our King should grant such a Commission: But who can deny but that it's possible for some King or other to do it? And seeing we know not when a Commission is counterfeit, if two or three men come to my House, and say they have a Commission to Kill my Father, Mother, Wife and Children and my self (and shew it); or if they Assault me and my Company on the High-way, and shew a Commission to take our Purses and Kill us, we are not sure that God will ex∣cuse us from the Duty of defending the Lives of our Parents, Children and Friends: Or if half a dozen should come to the Parliament, and shew a Commission present∣ly to kill them all, or Burn the City, and Kill all the Citizens, or Kingdom, we are not wise enough to know that neither Parliament, City, nor Kingdom, may resist them. And we find Parliaments so conceited that they have Propriety in Life and Goods, and that none may at pleasure take them away, and lay Taxes without their consent; and that we fear if we should plainly say, that whatever Taxes are laid, or Estates or Goods or Persons seiz'd on, or Decrees of Judges rejected by such Exe∣cution, it were unlawful for the Sheriff, or any others to resist, they would trouble us for so saying. And if an Admiral, General, or Lieutenant should be made by Act of Parliament, Durante Vita, and Authorized to resist any that would dispos∣sess him, we are not so Wise as to know whether he may not resist one to whom the Chancellour Sealeth a Commission to dispossess him: And though we are confident that the Person of the King is inviolable, yet if King Iohn did deliver up his King∣dom to the Pope, we are not sure that the Kingdom might not have resisted any of the Pope's, (or any Foreign Prince's) Agents, if they had been Commissioned by the King to seize upon the Kingdom: Or that no Subjects of any Foreign Prince may be resisted, if they should come against us, by such a Commission. Had we the Judg∣ment of the Judges in this Case, we should submit as far as any reason could require us. But tho we justify not Barclay, Grotius, Bishop Bilson and others, of the contrary mind, we must confess our selves not wise enough to Condemn them.

1. Prop. [Nor by any other [unlawful] means (to endeavour Reformation). Stric. (d) [Deleatur [Vnlawful.]

Ans. 1. Here we may see how many minds the Conformists are of; or how un∣justly all that I have debated the Case of Subscription with do affirm, That by [not endeavouring] any Alteration, is meant only not endeavouring by unlawful meanst] which is here contradicted by a Deleatur [unlawful.]

2. I crave an Answer to these Questions.

1. Can you certainly say, That the Church-Government is so purely Divine and Perfect, as that no Reformation is either necessary or lawful? Is all the Diocesan Frame such, and the Lay-Chancellors Power of the Keys also?

2. If there be need of any Reformation, is it not a Covenant against Repentance and Obedience to God, to covenant never to endeavour it at all?

3. What if the King should by Commission require some Alterations, or com∣mand us to endeavour it, are you sure that we are all bound to disobey him?

4. What if a Parliament-man make a Speech, or pass a Vote for it, are you sure that he sinneth?

5. Are you sure that the King may not lawfully endeavour any Reformation? Or was his Declararation about Ecclesiastical Affairs a sin?

6. What if any humbly petition the King and Parliament for any such Reforma∣tion (as that Laymen may not have the Power of the Keys over a whole Diocess, and all the Parochial Pastors be denied it); is it certainly a sin?

7. If a man Vow (though sinfully) to do a thing which he may lawfully do, if he had not vowed it, are you sure it is a sin (and not Duty) to keep that Vow in Ma∣teria Licita (which he thinketh Necessaria)? I put the Question as de futuro, if I and Millions should make such a Vow (culpably, without and against the Will of my Su∣periours) for the time to come, are you sure that it bindeth no man of them all? I believe, that no private arbitrary Vow can forestall my due Obedience to my Gover∣nours: But antecedent Duty so made by God (as Reforming by lawful means of Endea∣vour), it is supposed they do not forbid: For every Member of the Church is in his place obliged to promote the Common Good by lawful means: as they might for∣bid us all to exhort or admonish any sinner, or to pray, or preach, or dispute a∣gainst sin, as well as to petition against it. 2. And 'tis supposed that every Bishop, or Parliament-man, or Ruler, is not forbidden all sueh lawful Endeavours; and so that a Prohibition rendereth it not (to them at least) unlawful. For I speak of no other Case.

But how sad a Case is that Nation in, where the Clergy would have all men take them for so infallible and perfect, without the smallest Fault or Errour in their Go∣vernment, as that neither Parliament-man, Clergy-man, nor any one of the Peo∣ple, may by lawful means endeavour the least Reformation of them: when even the Roman Bishop of Gloucester, Godfrey Goodman, writeth so sharply against the Lay-Chancellor's Power of the Keys?

2. Prop. The Nonconformists hold it high Sacriledge [to alienate themselves.]

Strict. (e) But what if they be suspended, or silenced by Authority?

Ans. 1. When it is by true Authority, doing it either justly, or else unjustly, in case their preaching be unnecessary, or less necessary than Obedience to the unjust prohibition, we will surcease, and take it as a sickness or disablement. But if it be done by Vsur∣pers, like Papal Prelates, or by our Governours u••lawfully, in case that our preach∣ing remain more necessary to the Publick Good, than obedient forbearance; we will exer∣cise our Ministry till Death, Prison, or other Force disable us. If you ask, Who shall be Iudge? I answer, 1. The Magistrate, by publick Decision, in Order to his own Ex∣ecution, and if he do it unjustly, God is the Avenger. 2. And the Minister by a pri∣vate Rational Judgment of Discretion, discerning Duty from Sin; and if he were, God and Man, will punish him; if not, God will reward him.

2. I also ask, Were not Constantius and Valens (tho Erroneous) Lawful Princes? And did not the holy Bishops of the East, refuse to surcease their Ministration when they prohibited them? And do not Papists, and other Protestants, as well as Bp. Bilson and Andrews, agree, That we must do the like upon such unjust Prohibitions? And hath our Diocesan more power to silence us than the King! Or were we Conse∣crated to the Ministry in our Ordination, on that Condition, to preach till forbidden unjustly? And did not the Apostles and all Pastors, for 300 Years, Exercise their Mi∣nistry against the Wills of Lawful Magistrates (tho Heathens.)

2. Prop. [To preach Lectures with the Incumbent's Consent.]

Strict. (f) [And with the Allowance of the Bishop.]

Ans. And that is, Let King and Parliament by Law allow us to preach Christ's Gospel, if the Bishop will allow us so to do; and let the Law leave it to his power to forbid us: And what Good will Laws then do us for our Ministry, when these E∣leven Years have already told us what we must trust to from the Bishops (some at least.) Provide such supply for the Subjects Souls, as their Numbers and Necessities require, that the meaning may not be [Let men be saved, if the Bishop consent], and for my part, I`ll Joyfully be silent. But I will not so far deny my Sense and Reason (and the Sense of the Countrey also) as to believe this is done, if another will but confidently say it's done, or say that we do more harm than good; no more than I will believe there are no Englishmen in England.

2. Prop. Let not the Incumbent be discouraged by the Bishop from receiving them—]

Strict. (g) So they will conform.]

Ans. So they will conform as far as aforesaid, or as in the Proposals: But other∣wise, if it be present, full Conformity, that must still be necessary, what are we speak∣ing for? This was written in order to our Concord, by the means of some Alterati∣ons or Abatements of Conformity, because it was told abroad that some Bishops

were willing of such a thing: And is it meant that if we Conform, they will abate us some Conformity.

3. Prop. Let it be forbidden, &c. [about joyning in Family Worship—]

Strict. (h) [That is, let Conventicles be allowed in all places.]

Answ. Yes, if needful and orderly Worshipping God, and helping each other towards Heaven be Conventicling; the Heathens so called the Christian Assemblies. This Stricture more mortifyeth our hopes of healing, than any of the rest: For we see here that the Silencing and Imprisoning, and Undoing of the Ministers, will not satisfy; the People also must have their Cross and Conventicles must be Written on it. One would think the Limitations here put should have satisfied any man that is for Faith, Hope and Charity. 1. We moved it for none but those that attend the Publick Assemblies. 2. And so it be not at the Hours of Publick Worship. 3. And but for Neighbours of the same Parish (because many cannot Read, nor remember what they have Read, nor help their own Families, nor understand themselves the Christian Faith.) 4. We desired this Liberty in no Exercises, but reading the Scriptures, or Licensed Pious Books, and repeating the Publick Sermons of their Pastors, and Praying and Singing Psalms. 5. We motioned this much for none but those that herein refufe not the Inspection of their Lawful Pastors, to prevent all ill Effects. 6. And for the Minister himself to repeat his Sermon, or Catechize, or Instruct his People that will come to him. And is this the intolerable Evil, worthy to be avoided at the rate of all our Calamities? Are all our Divisions better than the enduring of this? If any Limitations necessary had been omitted, I might have expected to have found them named, which I do not. But, 1. No Man's de∣nial can make us ignorant of it, that too great a Part of the People in most places know not what Baptism, Christianity, or the Catechism are; and many hundred thousands cannot Read. 2. And that few Ministers so personally instruct them as their need requireth (nor can do for so many): or by their Instruction they have not cured them. 3. That to go to their Neighbours on the Lord's Day, to hear again the Sermon, which they had forgotten, and to Praise God, and hear the Scripture, or a good Book that is Licens'd, read, hath done great good to many Souls. 4. That otherwise such Ignorant Persons as we speak of, except at Church∣time, cannot spend the Lord's Day to any Edification of themselves or Families. 5. Men are not hinder'd from Feasting, Drinking, Playing together frequently, and in greater Numbers. Why then (by Bishops) from reading the Scripture, or a Licens'd Book or Sermon? 6. That God hath Commanded Provoke one another to Love and to good works: And exhort one another daily, while it is called to day, lest any be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin; Heb. 10. 24. and 3. 13. And Cornelius had his Friends with him in his House for God's Servics, Acts 10. and Acts 12. 12. In Mary's House many were gathered together praying. And we find not that even the Iews were ever forbidden it by the Pharisees themselves: And he that seeth his Brother have (bodily) need, and shutteth up the Bowels of his Compassion from him, how dwelleth the Love of God in him? And the need of Souls is more com∣mon, and to be Compassionated. Rules may Regulate Charity in both cases; but may forbid it, or the necessary Exercises of it in neither. He shall Perish as guilty of Murder that lets the Poor Die for want of his Relief, tho he be forbidden to relieve them, unless when the hurt would be greater than the good. Love and Mercy are too great duties for a Bishop to null or dispense with: We put no private Man on Ministerial Actions, but in his own place to shew mercy to Souls. To say, that on this pretence Schismatical Meetings will be held, is no more to the people than to say, that all Errours and Wickedness may be kept up by Pretences of Reason, Truth, Piety, Scripture, Honesty, &c. But we must not therefore say, Away with Reason, Truth, &c. But I hope God's Servants will Die rather than desert their Master's Work.

4. Prop. 1. [The greatest part of it]—[once a Quarter]—(of Reading the Li∣turgy by Lectures.)

Strict. (i) [Why not all as well as the greatest part? Why not always as well as once a Quarter?]

Answ. 1. I know that here and there a word may be scrupled (as the reading of Bell and the Dragon, or such like) which silently past by, maketh no disturbance; And I think the Scrupling of such a word, deserveth not that all the Peoples Souls be Punished for it, with the loss of all their Teachers Labours.

2. I never hear one Conformist that saith it all: And why may not one be for∣born as well as another?

3. All the Liturgy for the day will be work too long and great, that weak Men that have no Curates cannot Read all, and Preach or Catechize also. If you say that Preaching and Catechizing then may be omitted; I answer, They are God's Ordinances, and needful to Men's Souls: And seeing Prayer and Preaching are both Duties, proportion is to be observed, that neither may be shut out: If you account the Liturgy better than Preaching, yet every parcel of it intirely is not sure of so great worth, as to cast out Preaching for it. Rich parsons, that have Cu∣rates, may, between them, do both; but so cannot poor Countrey Ministers that are alone, and are sickly.

And as to the [Always,] 1. The Canon limiteth some but to once in half a year, (which is less.)

2. The Conformable City-Preachers, that have Curates, very rarely Read it.

3. Else what should Men do with Curates, if they must always Read them∣selves?

4. A weak Man may do both once a Quarter, that is not able to do it every day.

4. Prop. 2.—It is supposed it will be done.]—

Strict. (k) Yes, once a Quarter, for you would have no Man obliged to do it oftner; nor all of it then neither.

Answ. Read and believe as you can. The words were [If in the Congregation where he is Incumbent, the greatest part of it appointed for that time, be sometimes (as once a Quarter) used by himself, and every Lord's-day ordinarily (unless Sickness, &c.) either by himself, or by his Curate or Assistant:] Is every Lord's-day but once a Quar∣ter? Or can it be every day done, and no one obliged to do it?

4. Prop. 3. Let not Christian Parents be forbidden to dedicate their Children publickly, &c.

Strict. (l) Christian Parents are not forbidden to present their Children to be Baptized: But the Church in favour to the Infants, appoints others (in case the Parents should die, or neglect their duty) to have a Paternal care of them, in order to their Education, for the performance of their Baptismal Covenant: That which follows is not worth the Animadverting, being nothing else but an Uncharitable and Scandalous Insinuation.

Ans. 1. Read and believe what is forbidden. [Then shall the Priest speak to the Godfathers and Godmothers on this wise; Dearly Beloved—This Infant must also faith∣fully promise by you that are his Sureties (—That he will renounce the Devil, &c.]—I demand therefore, Dost thou in the name of this Child renounce, &c.] The Godfathers and Godmothers must say, I renounce them all. Dost thou believe, &c. Answ. All this I stedfastly believe. Quest. Wilt thou be Baptized in this Faith?] Answ. That is my desire. Q. Wilt thou obediently keep, &c. Answ. I will.—They are after to Name the Child. After the Priest shall say to the Godfathers and Godmothers—For asmuch as this Child hath promised by you that are his Sureties to renounce—to believe in God, and to serve him—It is your parts and duties to see that this Infant be taught so soon as he shall be able to learn, what a Solemn Vow, Promise and Profession he hath here made by you, &c.] See the rest.

So that here, All the Covenanting Action on the Infant's part, is made the proper work of his Sureties, called Godfathers and Godmothers, without one word of the Pa∣rents doing it, or any part of it: And then cometh the Canon, and farther saith, (Can. 29.) [No Parent shall be urged to be present, nor be admitted to answer as God∣father for his own Child; nor any Godfather or Godmother shall be suffered to make any other Answer or Speech, than by the Book of Common Prayer is prescribed in that behalf.] The Answering forbidden, is the Covenanting in the Child's Name. This is expresly forbidden the Parent (whole and part,) and lest it should be thought that he is one Agent with the Sureties, as he is not to speak, so not to be urged to be present. Yet he is not forbidden to be present; but he is forbidden to speak any Covenanting Pro∣mise or Word. And this was it that I mentioned; in stead of which, you say, he may [Present the Child]—Whatever you call Presenting, I know not, but I talkt only of Covenanting.

2. And why say you it is [In case the Parents die, or neglect their Duty,] when the Parents are forbidden (though they have Sureties with them) so much as to promise it as any of their Duty, or to speak as Promising-Parties in it.

3. Whether this use be [an Vncharitable and scandalous Insinuation] is all a Case about Matter of Fact; And the Question is, whether the Author or I be the truer Historian: My Narrative which I stand to is this.

1. God's Law and Man's requires Parents to offer Children to be Baptized; and the Rubrick before Private Baptisme forbids deferring it longer than the first or second Sunday.

2. They may not be Baptized without Godfathers as aforesaid.

3. No Parent can force any to be a Godfather against his Will.

4. Multitudes take it for a sin to be Sureties on the Terms of the Liturgy, and therefore will and do refuse it.

5. Many Thousands know not what Christianity, or the Baptismal Covenant is, as we know by Personal Conference with our Flocks and others, where we have lived. So common is gross Ignorance among the Vulgar.

6. Many of the Learned sort dispute with us frequently, that indeed Baptism is not to Contain any Covenant, or Vow at all.

7. So rare is it for Sureties to take the Child for their own, or intend to do all in his Education which they are to promise, that, to my best knowledge, I never knew one in all my life that ever seriously signified to the Parents such an Intent. But they usually think that they are but Witnesses, and are at most but to give the Parents Counsel to do what they promise to do themselves.

8. Were but all People told, that they must take the Child for their own, as far as this Animadverter mentioneth, and solemnly before God to undertake to do all that themselves for the Child, which they Promise (by the Book) I seriously pro∣fess, that I cannot say, that ever I knew one Surety that feared God, that I had cause to believe had undertaken it, unless those, that indeed took home the Child of dead Parents (or an exposed one) as their own. The Rich never intend to give away their Children, nor that the Sureties Educate them. And few would be Sureties for the Children of the Poor, if they must take them so for their own, because of the Charge of keeping them. So that I am fully perswaded, that were the Vow and Undertaking thus understood, not one of Forty, where-ever I have lived, could have any Godfathers for their Children, unless they will take such as know not what they do, or make no Conscience of it, and of whom the Parents cannot reasonably believe that they intend any such thing.

And, de jure, its plain, that it is not lawful to draw any Many, in so great and holy a Work, to do that which he understandeth not at all, and to Promise and Un∣dertake that before God and the Church, which our Consciences tell us, he never intendeth to perform, nor do the Parents intend to cast it on him.

I pass by the Difficulty of three several persons Educating the same Child.

And now consider, whether it be a Scandalous Insinuation, for a Man to beseech the Bishop, that his Child may not be refused, and be Unbaptized (and so denyed Christian burial if he die; and worse than that, according to the Liturgy) and himself punished because he brings not Sureties; if the Man will there profess that he could procure no Sureties, who understood what they are to do, and ex∣press to them any Serious Purpose to perform it? Is this an Odious or Scandalous Request?

4. Prop. n. 4. Of the Image of the Cross, as used in Baptisme.

Strict. (m) If any think the Sign of the Cross in (or rather after) Baptism, to be a Sacramental Sign; they may as well think so of the same Sign, in flags, or ships, or banners; for we ascribe no more efficacy to one than to the other: whereas it is the formalis ratio of a Sacrament to be a Means not only to signifie, but to confer Grace non ponentibus obi••em, which our Church doth not ascribe to this, or any other Ceremony of Humane Institution; Or that the Sign of the Cross is any Sacramental, but a Teaching Sign only, as the Surplice is; And such Teach∣ing Signs Mr. Baxter grants may be lawfully appointed by the Magistrate, and made use of in the Service of God, though not as an Essential part thereof.

Ans. 1. You will say (after Baptism:) For you make it not part of Baptism, but a third Sacrament, as I think.

2. As to your Description of a Sacrament, the Church taketh the word from the old Common use, where (as Ma••c••nius 〈◊〉〈◊〉) Sacramentum was an Oath or Covenant, Quod eo Sacratu•• homo ad rem certa••, ut ad Militiam: ut Fest. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He is bound by a Sacrament, Qui Sacratur fide interposita; ac tum Sa∣cramento dicitur interrogari quid••m: See the Military Sacrament there described. And the Soldiers had their Stigmata, which our Cross doth imitate; though tran∣siently. Without this Sacrament they were no Soldiers, and might not fight against the Enemy: And Tertullian disswadeth, Ne humanum Sacramentum Divino Super∣••nducant, opening the Analogie of one to the other. In the laxer and more bor∣rowed Senses it concerneth us not (as Sacramentum is ipsares Sacrata, vel ipse Mi∣les 〈◊〉〈◊〉 person••, nor as it is Quodvis juramentum, or Sancta (o••iigatio) nor yet in the largest Ecclesiastical Sense, as it is the Translation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and signifieth a Sacred Mysterious Doctrine, or Action. But in the Special Church-use, it signifi∣eth either more largely a Solemn Signal Investiture in any Sacred Relation; and so we may grant the Romanists that Ordination is a Sacrament, and Matrimony, as Sanctified, &c. Or most strictly for the Sacramental Solemnizing of the Cove∣nant of God, which is our present Sense. And to this it is necessary, That 1. it be a sign used for the solemn signification of Mutual Consent; that is, of Man's professed Consent, as dedicated to Christ, and of Christ's acceptance, and Collation of the Coven••m-benefits; 2. And that hereupon it be the Tessera, or ••ymbol of our Christi∣anity. But that it operate a qualitative change on the Receiver's mind or heart, is not necessary to the being of a Sacrament, nor yet that it be instituted to do so, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or Physical Operation, per modum Naturae, without Intellectual Consideration, and Moral Operation.

The First will be granted (that the effecting of such Qualities is not necessary to it.) And as to the 2d, Observe that we grant as followeth; 1. That Sacra∣ments, by Investiture, or Delivery of Right, as Instruments, convey all that Re∣lative Grace, which the Covenant of God doth give immediately to Consenters. 2. That it Morally worketh also Holy Qualifications by Man's Considering-Improvement. 3. And that with the use of it, though not by the Instrumentality of it, God may Physically, or Miraculously, without any second cause, give qualitative grace to Infants, or whom he please, in a way to us unknown. But that this last is not Essential to a Sacrament, I am now to prove.

1. All that is essential to a Sacrament is found in the Sacrament as used by the Adult. (Yea, they are the more notable, and Excellent Subjects, to whom it was first administred; and the Case of Infants is more obscure, and non notum per ignoti∣us, sed ignotius per notius probandum est.) But the Sacrament as administred to (or used by) the adult, doth necessarily contain no more than, 1. mutual covenanting, 2. The Instrumental Conveyance, or Confirmation of the Relative Grace of the Covenant (or Ius) 3. Moral Aptitude to work holy Qualities. 4. And that it be Symbolum Ordinis, id est, Christianismi.

1. This is proved as to the Baptism of the Adult. 1. They make their so∣lemn signal Profession of Federation, Consent, Reception, &c. 2. God by his Minister doth invest the Receiver in his Right of special relation to God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; and in his right to Pardon, Reconciliation, Justification and Adoption, and Right to Glory: 3. It is a Means adapted to work Morally on the Will, by the just Considerations of the Understanding. 4. It is the Symbol of Christianity, called, Our Christening.

2. The same I say of the Lord's Supper; and therefore crave leave not to re∣peal them.

1. That Sacraments are acts of Solemn, Mutual Covenanting, none deny, that know what Christianity is: The Uninterrupted Form of Baptizing, in all Ages proveth it.

2. That God, by their Instrumentality, delivereth the Adult, their Ius, or Rela∣tive Grace, or right to present Pardon, &c. is not denyed.

3. That they are Moral Instruments of Holy Acts, and so of Habits in the A∣dult, neither Papist, Arminians, Lutherans or Calvinists deny. And, above all, the Arminians should not deny it, who, I think, acknowledge no means but Moral, if a∣ny other Operations on Man's soul.

4. And that they are Tesserae vel Symbola Christianae Religionis, none, that I know of, do deny.

But that they are instituted to operate on the Adult any any otherwise than Morally and this Essential to them; I deny upon three Reasons: 1. There is no Scripture that asserteth it: Et quod Scriptum non est, Credendum non est, about such Matters. 2. Else not only the Armenians but the greatest part of Christians should deny the Sacraments, who deny such use and operations of them: And specially all those Protestants who dealing with the Papists opus Operatum, largely write to prove that Sacraments work but Morally. 3. And the Nature of the thing sheweth it impossible without a Miracle. For the Grace to be conveyed is the Act or Habit or Disposition of Love to God (and the Conjunct Graces) with that Antecedent Light of knowledge and faith which must excite it: And how but Miraculously Water in Baptism should be an Instrument of conveying holy Love or Knowledge, no Man conceive. For 1. Our Love of God is not put into the Water. 2. If it were, the Water doth not touch the Soul. 3. If it did; Corporal Contact, or attingencie would not cause Love. The same is said of the ••ucharist. And the truth is many Papists are by Protestants mistaken in their Doctrine de Opere Operato, who speak but as distinguishing it ab Opere Operantis. And when they have puzled them∣selves to tell what the Indelible Character given by Ordination is, they can satisfacto∣rily carry it no higher than with Durandus to say, it is a Relation; that is, A fixed Relation to the Vndertaken Work, and a power, right and obligation to it. And they that tell us as Ioseph Anges, &c.) that Ordination is a true Sacrament (though sinfully used) when given to an Infant and a Bedlam, and that none hut Durandus denieth it, (a false Doctrine no doubt quia deest dispositio recipientis;) yet can tell us of no more that it doth convey to the Infant or Bedlam-Priest, or Bishop, but a Relation. Nor can they, that say [Receive the Holy Ghost] assure us that any more is given by Ordination. And so of Baptism.

And if they say that [If the Water be not the Instrument of given-grace to the Adult, yet it may be to me other means, let them tell us if they can what they mean; and what means besides a Moral means it can be.

If they say that if God give not grace (qualitative or Active), by it as a means, yet he giveth grace with it, without any second cause, I answer, God can do so no doubt: He can give grace while we are hearing, though inconsiderately, without any use of the Word heard; And so in the time of baptizing, without any cau∣sality of Baptism: But he, that will assert as in any Miracles and Immediate Opera∣tions, as Sacraments, must bring very clear proof of his assertion.

Sure we are that Faith and Repentance are prerequisite in the Adult, and therefore the Sacrament is not so much as the Time of first-giving them (by Institution:) And we are all agreed that in the Sacraments, Sacred truth and Goodness, Christ and his Gracious benefits are objectively set before us, as Moral means of our Information, Excitation and increase of faith and hope and love. And when we are sure that the Word and Sacraments are instituted for one way of giving gracious Acts or Qualities, he that will add another must prove it,

4. And the case being thus with the Adult, the instance of Infants will not prove the Sacraments, no Sacraments to the Adult, the Noblest Subjects. And though God may immediatly or Miraculously at the same time give holy Habits or Acts to Infants; yet it is past Man's Conception how Water or Words should be any Cause of them, any more on them; than on the Adult, as aforesaid: And he that will say that yet so it is though We know not how, as the Papists do about Transubstanti∣ation, must first prove that it is so indeed. We grant that the Parents are to use it Morally in dedicating their Children to God, and believing and Covenanting for them: And that God useth it as his investing or delivering sign, morally to give the Infant all the Relative Grace, which the Covenant as the Principal Instrument giveth, that is, Right and Relation to the Father, Saviour and Sanctifier, and Right to par∣don and Adoption and the Heavenly Inheritance, which, set together, are Relative Regeneration, as Judicious Bishop Davenant de Bapt. Infant. well openeth it: And that it is the badg•• of his Christianity; and an apt objective means of moral Opera∣tions on him as he cometh to the use of Reason. When you have told us what more it doth, and proved it, and proved that, without that, it is no Sacrament, you have done something.

Your non ponenti Obicem is no Scripture Notion, ambiguous if not unsound. If you mean it as the Words sound, of some positive ••ct, which is ponere obicem, it is certainly false as to the Adult (to whom the Sacraments are true Sacraments.) For God hath made their positive Consideration, perception, Faith and Repentance, a

necessary Condition of their Reception of the benefit: So that if an adult person, as to Baptism or the Lord's Supper, should carelessly be asleep, or not think what he is about, or meerly not-know, not-believe, not-repent, you can shew no pro∣mise of your miraculous grace to him. And the Sacrament to an Infant is the same thing, though the Act of believing be not required of himself, but of another for him.

But if by ponere obicem you mean a priva••ion, that is, non-prestare conditionem, not to believe, repent, &c. then it's true, but an ambiguous deceitful phrase. To believe is more than not to resist: And so to be the Seed of the Faithful is.

And I suppose (by your new Rubrick) you will say, that every Infant in the world, of Cannibals, Heathens or Infidels that is baptized (jure vel injuria, though taken by Soldiers violently by thousands against the Parent's Wills) are certainly Sanctified, and do not ponere obicem themselves, and that the Sacrament to them is not null; It would be needful to our satisfaction that you tell us what internal Actual, or habitual Grace it is that all these have; and prove it; and prove that else it were no Sacrament. But enough of this.

Q. Now let us see what you ascribe to the Cross.

The Matter of it is an Image, though Transient; of which God's Jealousy, ex∣prest in the Second Commandment hath made us Jealous; in his Worship: As to the Form and Use. 1. It is the Covenant of Christianity it self, that it is about: And it is no less than our Solemn Engaging, Professing and Obliging Sign, that we are Resolved Christians, and will keep that Covenant; even the same Covenant that is solemnized also by Baptism. All the Duties of the Covenant on our parts, we thus solemnly bind our selves to perform valiantly to the Death, in Terms like the Sacramentum Militare. The Canon 30. let us know that it is used [to dedicate Chil∣dren by that Badg to his service, whose benefits bestowed on them in Baptism the Name of the Cross doth represent:] And [It's an Honourable badg whereby the Infant is Dedicated to the Service of him that Died on the Cross.] So that on the Receiver's part it wants no∣thing of a Sacrament.

2. That it is also used as God's Means of Delivering us the Relative Grace of the Covenant, I conceive for these Reasons.

1. The Adult is not to Sign himself, but the Minister who is Christ's Agent (not so much as asking, wilt thou be signed?) doth sign him with the Sign of the Cross, in token that he shall not be ashamed to confess the Faith of Christ Crucified, and manfully to Fight under his Banner, against Sin, the World and the Devil, and to continue Christ's faithful Servant and Soldier to their Live's end. Amen.

2. The Cross and the Benefits, with Christ Crucified, are hereby Represented.

3. The Churches Publick Profession, that this is their Dedication of the Child, im∣porteth plainly God's Acceptance of him that is Dedicated: For who dare offer that to God which he supposeth not that God Accepteth, as offered: And God's ac∣ceptance of the dedicated person into the State, relation and benefits of Christanity, is the very grace on God's part, which is essential to a Divine Sacrament strictly taken. And is this no grant of federal Grace?

3. And that to the Adult the Cross is a Moral means of internal and Qualitative Grace I think you will not deny A Moral means operateth objectively, by Teaching the Intellect: by representing the moving-object, and by Excitation of the Will: And how eminently is all this here intended? In General the Liturg. (of Ceremony) saith [They are such as are apt to stir up the dull mind of Man to the remembranoe of his Duty to God by some notable and special signification by which he may be edified.] And is this no Gracious Work? And it is Christ Crucified, and his benefits that by the Cross are re∣presented to this use. And is not that to operate morally on mind and will ac∣cordingly? And the Words tell us particularly that it is to stir us up and oblige us to the Actual Manful fighting under Christ's Banner, against sin, &c. and not be ashamed to confess him. And is not this a moral gracious Operation? When as the Gospel worketh by the Ear, so the Cross by the Eye and Thought: It is not Grace that the Gospel is to work? And is it not a means of working it, as well as the Sacraments; Yea and in the same sort of Causality? Doubtless then here is the Grace of the Covenant to be wrought, as well as the Duty of it promised.

4. And lastly that it is the Symbol and Badge of our Christianity the Canon twice professeth.

So that I think here is an intire third Sacrament of the Covenant of Grace; in∣ventitious and humane, and not of God's making. And if you could prove (as you

never can) that some Miraculous sort of Operation, not common to the Gospel or the Covenant it self, is essential to a Sacrament for new Acts or Qualities on Infants or others, I would ask when you thus cross the Child, Do you look that God should do any more for his Soul thereon, than if you did it not, or no? If you do (as they did that used the Cross of old, and the Papists now) then you expect God's inward Grace upon the use of the Cross. If you look not that the Child's soul be ever the better for it, it's pity Baptism should be denyed them that dare not use it; or so many Ministers be silenced about it.

But had it but some great and notable sacramental uses (as the fore-named) though not all, I durst not presume on such an inventitious sacramental sign. I have oft said; I doubt whether the King would not think his Prerogative invaded, if any should presume to institute a new Badg, besides his Garter and Star, of the Order or the Knights of the Garter; much more a Symbol or Badg for all his Subjects; and deny them the Knighthood or Ius Subditi who refuse it. But too long of this.

4. Prop. About compelling the Unfit to receive the Lord's Supper.

Strict. The Church doth not compel any to receive the Sacrament that is unfit: but pun∣nisheth them that are unfit, and neglect the making of themselves fit for it, by breaking off their Sins by Repentance.

Answ. Alas! poor Souls, that must have such a Cure! It seems by this that this Church supposeth. 1. That all Men can Cure all their Unfitness: 2. And that a Prison is the way to make them willing. We Nonconformists contrarily think, That, 1. A Willing person may be Uncured of some unfitnesses. 2. And that a Prison is no fit cure for such; nor for some others. We think that a Melancholly or Timerous Person is unfit, who would be like to be distracted by the fear of un∣worthy Receiving: We are sure that all that we can say will not Cure such Fears in very many: If Conformists can do it, and will not, they are to blame: We know that the Person himself, though willing, cannot do it. We will not believe that Christ would have them laid in Goal to cure them. But if the Bishops will take that course, it must be suffered: We judge all our present Infidels, Sadducees, and Socinians unfit, if not the Papists: And they offer their Prote∣stations that they cannot change their Judgments: We think a Goal unapt to change them; but rather with meekness to instruct Opposers, if God perhaps will give them Repentance to the acknowlegment of the Truth, 2 Tim. 2. 25. Yea, though after the Chancellour's admonition (or better means) they be erroneous still. Verily if your way were throughly practised, and such Church-Laws executed, and all dwelt in Goals, that are unfit for the Sacrament (after your teaching, and admonition, and Excommunication) the Landlords would find a great dimi∣nution of their Tenants, and the Goalers would have more Tenants than many Lords, and it were necessary to have a Goal in every Parish. This is your way of comforting the timerous; but who should there maintain them all, I know not. But if Goalers be the most effectual Converters of Souls, I think more Clergy-Men than Non-conformists need their help, that obtain it not: And they may possibly put in for the Tythes and Church-Revenues.

Strict. Is any Minister required to give the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood to any unbaptized Person? Is not this a groundless, and slanderous in∣sinuation? Nay, is any Minister forced or required to give the Sacrament to any notoriously wicked, or prophane Person? See the Rubrick before the Com∣munion. That which follows seems to aim at an introducing of Auricular Confession, or the setting up an Independent, Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction in e∣very Minister over his own Parish.

Ans. 1. Your Charge is causeless: I find in the Canons and Rubrick, that e∣very Parishioner must receive: And those unbapaized (as many born of Ana∣baptists are) I find not described or named, as excepted in the Canon or Ru∣brick, nor that any at age are forced to be Baptized, and yet are forced by Penalty to Communicate: So that I confess I am so ignorant as not to know whether I should be punished by the Bishop, if I refused an un-baptized Parishi∣oner:

But yet I verily think, that the meaning of the Makers of the Litur∣gy, and Canon was otherwise; and I intended no more but to enumerate them whom we would have Power not to give the Sacrament to; q. d. Not only the un∣baptized (plainly to be named) but also the rest following.

2. If by notoriously wicked, you mean those that the Bishop or Chancellour hath Excommunicated, we may keep them away•• Or if the Congregation will say, that they are offended by their Crimes, then they may be admonished to forbear; but if they will not forbear upon the Admonition, or at least will e∣very time say, that they are fully purposed to amend (as most wicked Men will do) I find not by the Rubrick, that we can refuse them; except it be one that is obstinate in Malice, when (at that time) desired to be reconciled; but the Canon seemeth to give more Power.

3. Our Case is this: We know that many are professed Infidels, and many understand not what Baptism, or Christianity, or the Lord's Supper are, in the very Essentials (in many Places I doubt the greater part of the Parish:) A great number live in heinous Sins, (Drunkenness, Fornication, Swearing, slan∣dering, &c.) The ignorant, and Infidels, the Minister would instruct, but they will not come to him, nor speak to him, but refuse to give him any account or answer. Almost all are Baptized in Infancy, and at Age come to Church and never owned, that the Minister knoweth of, their Baptismal Covenant any otherwise. We know not that we have Power to exclude the grosly igno∣rant: If we had, it must be, if any will witness that his Neighbours are so Ig∣norant as to be uncapable (which what private Man can and will do?) or else if they will come and say before others, I am so Ignorant; which few if any ever will, till God do humble them: And who will come and offend the scandalous, by witnessing against them, unconstrained, though they will openly report it to one another. How few of the Infidels, Socinians, gross Ignorants, or scandalous here in London, are by the Witnesses accused to the Ministers as such? If we have the most credible Report that half our Country Parishioners, or a quarter, (more or less) are grosly Ignorant of the Essentials of Christi∣anity, and we find it true by so many of the suspected as will talk with us; we must receive all the rest, with all the Infidels, and wicked Livers, that none will become Accusers of, though we know much our selves to confirm re∣port. And if they tell us, we will have nothing to do with you out of the Pulpit, we will give you no account of our knowledge or Faith; nay, we take you not for any of our Pastors; yet must we do the office of a Pastor to them, and give them the Sacrament, and we are setting up Auricular Confession, if we do but, as their Teachers, require on just Suspicion any account of their Knowledge, or Faith, or upon our Knowledge, offer first personally to instruct them. And if we desire else but to suspend our own Act, tho they have their Appeal, we arrogate Independent Power. No wonder if under such Overseers, our Parishes be but what they are.

4. Prop. n. 8. [To publish Excommunications—against his Conscience.

Strict. [Against his, viz. the Minister's Conscience. Is not this to make eve∣ry Minister an Independent, Ecclesiastical Judge? And that not only exclu∣sively to Lay-Chancellours, but to Bishops themselves also; as appears by the words, [or any other.]

Answ. 1. No, let the Indifferent judge. An Ecclesiastick Judge is Iudex publicus; but here is nothing but Iudicium discretionis privatum, suspending my own Act, and medling with no Man's else. Doth he judge Ecclesiastically, who speaketh not a word, nor medleth with the Cause any more than any one in the Congre∣gation?

2. How is he an Independent Judge where he is no Iudge? Yea, and where the Bishop, and Chancellour are the Judges, and none resisteth or controlleth them? He had not been Independent, had he made himself Iudge, allowing an Ap∣peal.

3. Seriously, do you take it to be each Minister's Duty to pronounce all Ex∣communications, and absolutions which are sent them, without exception, or not? If yea, then if Bishops again Excommunicate their own Kings (as often

they have done) we must obey, which I will not do. Or if an Arrian Ex∣communicate the Orthodox; or a Papist a Protestant as such; or any Bishop in Malice or on false Accusations Excommunicate the Faithfullest of the Flock, yea, or all the Parish, must we obey? For my part, (call me as you please) if you Excommunicate the wisest, and most Religious, and (otherwise) most obedi∣ent of my Flock, for Covenanting in Baptism for his own Child, for refusing the Cross, for not kneeling at the reception of the Sacrament, for reading a Chapter, or repeating a Sermon to his Family, while his Neighbours hear him, I will bear your silencing and Prisons, rather than pronounce that Excom∣munication.

But if you allow any Exceptions, our Consciences must be the discerning Judges, whether it be that excepted Case or not. Else it is no Exception.

But O what Groans beseem poor Ministers, if this be indeed their Case, that just, or unjust, whatever Conscience say against it, we must pronounce all Ex∣communications and Absolutions (and consequently do all such other things) as a Lay-Chancellour, or Bishop shall command us; unless they could prove to us that God will justi••ie our absolute Obedience, how heinous soever the a∣ction be! This is not to be the Ministers of Christ, no, nor of Men, but their absolute Slaves, though to our Damnation, and our Brethren's wrong. If you have any tenderness for our Consciences, when you have enow more at hand to pro∣nounce your Sentence, would you not set one to do it that doth not scruple it, and spare a Minister, that protesteth he dare not do it for fear of Dam∣nation?

4. Prop. n. 9. [To travel long Journeys, or neglect their Studies.—

Strict. They need not, for they may appear by Proctors.]—

Answ. There is some Comfort in that: But if I have a Parish of five Thou∣sand, or ten Thousand Souls (more or less) and it prove that the tenth part of the Parish be either grosly ignorant of the Essentials of Christianity, or In∣fidels, Papists, Hereticks, Schismaticks, Drunkards, Swearers, Ribalds, Railers, or otherwise scandalous, such as the Canon forbiddeth me to give the Sacra∣ment to, and I present each of these to the Chancellour's Court, or half of them, I doubt Proctor's Fees, in the Prosecution, will take up more than all the Tythes come to, and leave me neither Cloaths nor Bread. If you say, it is not so with others, I answer, I know what Men are among whom I have li∣ved, in all places, and I know what the Canon bids me do; but why other Men do it not, and save themselves, I am not bound to give an account, nor yet to imitate them.

And whether these Proctors will save me harmless, and plead my Cause as the Case requireth, I cannot tell.

4. Prop. n. 10. Let it be left to their Prudence whom they will absolve in Sick∣ness, and give the Sacrament to in private.]—

Strict. 1. I know no Law that enjoyns the contrary.

Answ. Rubr. [After which Confession the Priest shall absolve him (if he hum∣bly and heartily desire it) after this sort—] And if he will but say these Words, [I humbly and heartily desire it] the Minister hath not Power to for∣bear an absolute absolution.

Strict. 2. I am glad they allow the giving of the Sacrament to the Sick: but that the Sick should chuse what Confessors they please, and consequent∣ly exclude their own Ministers from the exercise of the most proper; and most important Acts of his Ministerial Function; besides that it seems to interfere with what is said in the first word of this Paragragph, viz. That their own Minister is best acquainted with the Penitence or Impenitence of his People; besides this, I say, It seems to be a trick to draw all Confessions to themselves, as the Fryars have done in the Church of Rome, from the Secular Clergy, or Parish-Priest in that Church.

Answ. 1. The mistake had no Cause in the Words: There was no ex∣clusion of any Parish-Minister mentioned, who is willing; no, nor any Excuse of any that is unwilling, from any other Office in Visitation; but only that the unwilling may not be forced to absolve any in those absolute Words [I absolve thee from all thy Sins] when he believeth verily that the Person is Impenitent. But I had no thought, or word of excluding any Priest, as is here suspected.

2. But as the Church of Rome alloweth Men to confess to what Priest they please, I know not how you can hinder any dying Man from doing it, with∣out setting a Guard upon his Doors, or forbidding any, save the Parish-Priest, to visit him, which is inhumane. This day, while I was writing this, a Parish-Minister came to me to lament his Sin, and told me that he had lived idly, and wickedly at the University, and ever since, and had taken the Ministry on him, without any regard to his own Soul, and the People's, and had no Learning, or Knowledge scarce of the Catechism; and that he had not read any Divinity, in Latin or English, but only out of two or three English Books, patched up some Sermons; not understanding a Latin Author, nor having read others: I asked him how he got ordained: He said, that was easie by Friends, &c. And that he was going to put himself into a Playhouse, because his Living was but forty Pound per Annum, but God convinced him by the way. Now I would know, If lie dying in such a Parish, must I confess my Sin to no Man but such an one as this? Why make you not the same Laws about Physicians, that no Man must take any other than such a Sot, if it be his Lot to be appointed him? Why may not I confess my Sins to more than one? Yea, to my Friend that is no Priest?

Prop. id. Let the words at Burial which import the Justification and Salvation of the Deceased be left to the Minister's discretion, who hath known the Person's Life and Death.

Strict. As to leaving the Omission, or use of these Words, (which they point to) in the Burial of the Dead to the discretion of the Minister, what is it but to give him Power of Sainting, or Damning whom he plea∣seth?]

Ans. They are not only Christ`s Ministers, but yours, if not your Cryers, or Slaves, if they may not be trusted with the speaking, or not speaking of a Word, in so weighty a Case. There are, I still see, greater matters than Ceremonies that we differ in. The Case is this—[There swarm among us now many open professed Infidels, that openly deride Christ and the the Scripture, and plead against the Immortality of the Soul, and many against the Being of God: There are many Papists, Hereticks, Schismaticks, common Adulte∣rers, openly owning it, Fornicators, Drunkards, Blasphemers; many have been Condemned for Treason, Murder, Theft, &c. The Conformists themselves Preach, and write that such cannot be saved without true converting Repent∣ance: We are commanded at the Burial of all Men to say these Words [For as∣much as it hath pleased Almighty God, of his great Mercy, to take unto himself the Soul of our dear Brother here departed] and [we give thee hearty Thanks for that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our Brother out of, &c. and [that we may rest in him, as our Hope is, this our brother doth:] These words import the Person's Justification, and Salvation. We are to except no Person from this form of Burial, except, 1. Those that die unbaptized (though the Children of true Believers:) 2. The Excommunicate (though for not paying fees, or not con∣forming against Conscience.) 3. And those that have laid violent Hands on themselves, (though true. Believers in a Fever, Frenzy, or Distraction.) Some die in the act of Drunkenness, some murder each other in Duels, and that in Drunkenness (as lately was done near my Door;) some scorn the Minister and the Gospel to the death: Now we must openly pronounce all these Saved, for fear of having Power to Saint, and Damn whom we will: But we appeal to humanity it self.

Quest. 1. Whether I damn any Traytor, or Murderer, or impenitent Infidel, meerly by saying nothing of his Case, or not pronouncing him to be saved: And whether I Saint those that I bury in their own prescribed words, any otherwise than they Saint all Men?

Quest. 2. Whether we expose not our Ministry to the scorn of every Infidel, and Heretick, and Adulterer, when they can say to us, [What False Deceivers are you, to Preach and Write Damnation against us, and proclaim us all saved when we die.]

Quest. 3. Whether any thing can more probably debauch the World, and keep Men from Repentance, and so sill Hell, and damn the people, than to perswade all Men, that every ignorant person, that never knew what Christianity was, eve∣ry impenitent Infidel, Adulterer, or wicked person, is saved when they die. Doth not this give the Lie to all our Preaching the contrary to them in the Pulpit? Do we not Teach them not to believe us? Or else it disableth us from telling them, that there is any Hell for them hereafter. If you say, we presume that they Repent; I Answer, If it be presumed that all Men repent at last, and are sa∣ved, even they that make no profession of any Repentance, but justifie their Infide∣lity, or Heresie, or Schism, or die in the Act, or in utter Ignorance, as a Heathen, then why may we not presume the like of all the World, and so lay by the Go∣spel, and all our talk of future punishment?

Quest. 4. And is he worthy to be trusted with the Care of Souls, as a Minister of Christ, that may not be trusted (I say not, to speak, but) to suspend one word at any time, which is thus Written for him to say? Judge, by this (with the Offices of Baptism, Confirmation, Communion and Absolution) what is a Priest's Office under such Bishops, and whether he have the Pastoral Power, either inde∣pendently, or dependently at all.

4. Prop. n. 11. Let no Minister be forced to deny the Communion to godly persons, that think it unlawful to kneel.

Strict. [Why may not our Church forbid the giving of it to those that will not kneel, as well as the Presbyterians here and in Holland, forbid the giving of it to those that will not sit?]

Answ. 1. I never knew one Presbyterian here that did so: And their Directory did not so. And if any one should do so, I am sure it is a rare Person. And the Author of these words is no liker to know them than I. This therefore was not well said.

2. Whether they in Holland do so, I know not: But if they do, Do you think it well? I think otherwise, and all Nonconformists that I converse with. We take not a gesture to be crime enough to cut off Men from Communion with the Church. And if you think otherwise, or durst Excommunicate a Man for being Lame, or having the Gout in his knees, Why must we all needs practise as you judge, and execute so cruel a Sentence, any more than kill men when-ever you bid us? The Canon hath no Exception, Can. 27. [No Minister, when he celebrateth the Com∣munion, shall wittingly administer the same to any but to such as kneel, under pain of Sus∣pen••••on.]

4. Prop. n. 12. Let Ministers have leave to open the meaning of the Cate∣chism— (It is much to be wish'd that it were amended.)

Strict. 1. I know no Law which forbids them to do so.]

Answ. 1. That it is good news: some think so: And others think, that the Rubrick and Canon, Commanding them to Teach persons the Catechism, meaneth, that we must only teach them the words: And I remember the Articles in Par∣liament, against Bishop Pierce, contained, that among other things, that he forbad Ministers Expounding the Catechisme in the Afternoon, saying, it was as bad as Preaching. And the Sence, as to us, will be, what please the Bishop.

Strict. 2. I know no need it hath of mending, nor who are wise enough to a∣mend it.

Answ. I am sorry for it; but cannot help it.

4. Prop. id. [—Some few quickening words of Exhortation—]

Strict. 3. The words prescribed both in Baptism and the Eucharist, are quick∣ening enough, and more edifying perhaps and safe, than an Extemporary fancy can add unto them.]

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Answ. 1. You know not what is most quickening and edifying to all other men, so well, as some know what is so to themselves.

2. All that know Humane Nature, know, that Customa••••ness dulleth, and the use of words many hundred times over usually affect less than when there is some va∣riation; though it were to be wisht it were not so.

3. Why must an Extemporary fancy needs be the Author? May not a man pre∣meditate a few sentences as well as a sermon? Or if it were ex tempore, is he fit to be a Preacher that cannot speak a few sentences on so great a subject, with safe and edifying words?

4. Is it unsafer to give a Preacher leave to utter a few Sentences of the Sacra∣ment at the Delivery, than to Preach a whole Sermon of it? And is he not e∣qually responsible for both? But we insist not on this, as if we could not Admi∣nister without it.

Prop. 4. n. 13.] The Surplice indifferent in the Parish Churches—]

Strict. I had rather that, or any other of the Ceremonies should be taken a∣way quite, than left indifferent: for that would be to establish Schism by a Law, and to bring it into the Church in stead of excluding it out of the Church; which, of two Evils is much the lesser.]

Ans. I think not: for we see things left indifferent make no Schism: One useth the Surplice in the Pulpit, and another not: One Prayeth before Sermon, And another only bids them Pray: One Prayeth after Sermon, and another not: One at the Singing of Psalms doth sit, another stand; and it maketh no Schism. And the Convocatio••, 1640, Commend Indifferency about Bowing towards the Altar: Therefore that Convocation was not of your mind. But either way will serve us.

Prop. 5.—[Not [to renonuce their Ordination] or be Re-ordain'd—]

Strict. They are not: Neither doth their Re-ordaining imply that they are: but only that they are not sufficiently qualified to Officiate in our Church.]

Ans. What Qualification is it that that they want? Generals here decides not the Case. If it be only the Qualification of Legal Authority, or License, Why will not the giving of that qualifie them? Or what necessity is there of Re-ordi∣nation? But when you, as well as we, profess, that Re-ordination, when real, is unlawful, and yet you require their Ordination de Nova, which they call Re-ordina∣tion, Doth not this tell the World that you take the first for null?

6. Prop. [No Excommunicate Person, as such, to be Imprison'd and Undone, but such whose Crimes deserve it.

Strict. Contempt of Authority is one of the greatest Crimes, and for that it is that men are Excommunicated first, and afterwards Imprison'd. Why doth not this Exception lie against such as are Outlawed in the Chancery, as well as a∣gainst those that are Excommunicated?

Answ. Because the Cause differeth. E. g. I believe I have had multitudes with me Conformable as well as others, who being of timerous, or melancholy Consti∣tutions, and under Temptations and Trouble of Mind, dare not receive the Sa∣crament, for fear of doing it unworthily, and of eating and drinking Damnati∣on, and the Devil entring into them, (according to the words of the Liturgy, which affright them:) and they never Communicated in their Lives (at above 30 years of Age,) and have oft been going, and never durst venture: One of them was with me within this hour: Some that have ventured have faln Distract∣ed, and some near it by Terror and Temptations: You can tell them reason against all this: And so can I, and have done it as like as oft as most of your Curates: and yet they are Uncured. And I must not say how little is done in too many places to cure their Ignorance, or Timerousness, which is the cause. And are you sure that all these poor troubled timerous Souls are worthy of utter ruine as Contemners of Authority? For not Communicating they must be Excommuni∣cated, and after Imprison'd, and undone in the World, even during life, unless they can be changed by you. Every Man deserveth not utter ruin, who doth not all the good that he can do. But can such a person change their own minds and fears, because you give them reason for it? I know they cannot. And when Christ tenderly carrieth his Lambs in his Arms, and will not break a bruised Reed; Shall I, in his Name, as his Minister, Excommunicate them, and deliver

them up (if not to the Devil) to the Magistrate, to be Beggered, and perpetu∣ally Imprisoned? Let me rather bear the wrath of all the Prelates on earth, and all that they can say or do against me.

Prop. 7. But who shall be judged tolerable—it doth not become us, &c.—]

Strict. As it doth not become you to be Judges of what is, or what is not to∣lerable in the case of others; so it doth much less become you to be Judges of what is, or what is not to be granted in your own case.]

Ans. We never arrogated any of your Power over our Brethren: We have formerly, in our Folly, hoped that we might presume to be Petitioners, though not Iudges what is to be granted us. We are not ashamed to confess, that we did desire leave to Preach Christ's Gospel; But we become not Iudges in the Case of our Superiours Acts. But by (or without) your leave, we must be dis∣cerning Iudges of our own Duty or Sin, whatever it cost us. And, I think, no so∣ber Christian will give the contrary, under his hand, as his Judgment.

Prop. id. [That no Licensed Ministers shall Preach against any of the Do∣ctrine, &c.]

Strict. It seems Vnlicensed Ministers may be allowed to speak for or against what they list.

Answ. Our Case is hard with you. I put in [Licensed, or Vnlicensed;] And the first Honourable and Learned Person that saw it, thought [Vnlicensed] should be put out, because it was unmeet for us to tell His Majesty whom he should tole∣rate, or how far; but to meddle only with our own Case, who desired Licenses: And now for blotting out that word, and not medling with any others, we are censured, as motioning, that the Unlicensed may say what they list: Thus all our Peace-making motions have been long interpreted by some.

Prop. id. [That all Magistrates be excepted from all open Personal Re∣bukes, and disgraceful Censures, or Excommunications, because, &c.

Strict. We take Excommunication to be an Ordinance of God, from which Magistrates are not to be exempted.

Ans. 1. God never ordained that a Lay-Chancellor should Excommunicate them.

2. God never gave power to any to excommunicate a King, Prince, or other Ruler (if any at all) but that particular Pastor to whom by voluntary Consent he committeth the Charge of his Soul. The Independents that think as you, are yet more modest in this, in that they subject the Ruler to none but the chosen Pastor of that particular Congregation which he voluntarily joyneth himself to.

3. Is not the World much abused when they are told that it is the Presbyterians, that are for excommunicating Princes, and not the Episcopal? For my part I am fully of the mind of Bishop Bilson, and Andrews (in ••ortura Torti) in this; that to an Impenitent wicked Ruler, I would suspend my own Act of giving him the Sa∣crament, with Chrysostom's resolution rather to suffer: But my Judgment is that no Bishop nor Minister (especially one that is not his proper Pastor) may lawfully use any open personal rebukes, or disgraceful censures or Excommunications against Kings, Iudges or Honourable Magistrates: And my Reason, no Papist, Prelate, Presbyte∣rian, or Independent, is able to refel, viz. from the fifth Commandment. The stablished perpetual Law of God Commandeth us to honour them. Disgraceful Excommunication is not accidentally, but purposedly a dishonouring them: For Men are excommunicated that they may be shamed. The after-positive Institution of Excommunication nulleth not this antecedent Moral Law: but must give place to it, and bindeth not against it. I farther prove that, 1. Because all Men confess that this last is but a Law of Order, and that Order is for the sake of the end and thing Ordered, and that it oft obligeth not when it ceaseth to be a means to that end, or would destroy it; And that E, g. If you knew that an Excommunication of a King or Judge would prove the Dissolution of that Church, it were not Law∣ful: Therefore neither when it exposeth the Magistrate to the reproach or Con∣tempt of the Subjects, and so shaketh the very frame of the Kingdom, or Go∣vernment. The Magistrate's honour for the good of the Kingdom is more

necessary than his Dishonour and shame can be to the Order of that particular Church.

2. And a suspending of the Pastor's Act of delivering him the Sacrament, with an humble admonition, may better attain the Lawful end.

3. Christ himself hath oft taught us this Exposition of his Law. When he did eat with Publicans and sinners, he preferred their repentance, before the positive Order of not being familiar with such, as being never intended in such a Case. When the Disciples pluck't the Ears of Corn, and himself cured the sick on the Sabbath day, he proveth that the positive Law of Rest was intended to give place to the Moral Law of Necessity and Charity, and proveth it by the instance of David and the Officiating Priests; and twice sendeth the contrary minded Pharisees to learn what that meaneth, I will have mercy (a Natural Duty) and not (at that time) sacrifice (a positive institution:) And they, that will pretend a positive Law of Order for a Congregation, to the dishonouring of Kings and Iudges, and Ma∣gistrates, and making them contemptible, and so unable to govern, do Pharisaically set up Positives against natural moral Duties. By which means Popes and Patri∣archs and other Prelates, have wronged Princes, and troubled the world too much already. Do you no better justifie the Common slander, how much the Non-conformists are against the honour of Magistrates in comparison of the Church of England. I know some Non-conformists think as you: but others do not. See the old Non-conformists judgment against excommunicating Kings in a Latin Treat, De vera & Genuina Christ. Relig. Authore Ministro Anglo, An. 1618. pag. 280.

4. Moreover, the execution of the sentence of Excommunication on Princes and Rulers, will less consist with the honour that is due to them, than the sentence it self: For to avoid them that they may be ashamed, to turn away from, not to be fami∣liar with them, to keep them out of the Church at all God's special Church-worship, are things that we cannot do, without neglect of much of our duty to them; We must attend them and obey them with honour: I know a General Council hath forbidden Bishops to carry themselves with Lowliness at the tables and in the pre∣sence of Princes and great men; And I know that some think that Excommunicate Princes have forfeited their honour and it is lawful to dishonour them, yea and all wicked Princes who deserve Excommunication; and I know Mr. Hooker in his Eccles. Polit. saith, that it is supposed that a Prince that is the Head of a Christian Church be himself a Christian: But all these are Errours tending to the subversion of Order and Government; And the Higher Powers whom God's Spirit commandeth us to honour and be subject to, were Nero and the Roman Senate, and other Enemies of Christianity; even Idolatrous Heathens. And if these must be honoured, much more a Christian King or Judge, who were he a private man, might deserve an Ex∣communication. At least I hope that the Writ de Excommunicato Capiendo shall not be issued out against the King or his Judges, (though the Canon 65. command that every six months in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches the Excommunications be declared, of those that obstinately refuse to frequent the Divine Service establi∣shed by publick Authority, and those (especially of the better sort and Condition) who for notorious contumacy, or other notable Crimes stand Excommuni∣cate, &c.]) Though the Better sort are singled out especially for the sentence and shame, yet if it should be Judges and Sheriff, who shall Judge and apprehend them?

Prop. id. [Not silence, suspend, &c. Arbitrary, but by a known Law.]

Strict. No Bishops do or can do so; Neither is there any Law or Canon to that purpose that I know of.

Answ. I am loth to Name Iustances lest it provoke: Mr. Potter is dead: Dr. Willes of Kingsion now Chaplain to the King (they say,) I am sure hath complained much of his suspension at Shadwell: I remember Bishop Reighnolds was so sensible of the necessity of this Provision, that at the Savoy Treaty, he was most earnest to have it inserted and insisted on. It may be it is Minister's ignorance in the Law, that maketh them when suspended not know where to seek for a remedy (unless in vain or to their undoing.)

Postscript. If Sacraments were left free, &c. It would take in the Independents, &c.]

Strict. If Independents may be taken in by us now, why did not you take them

in when you were in power? but preach and write so much as you did against Toleration of them? But you that would have us dispense to all things now, would your selves dispense with nothing then.]

Answ. It's pity that matters of publick fact should be so much unknown, and that when such inference follow! 1. I was never in power: Nay my Lot never fell out to be of any side that was Vppermost in Church matters, nor in State-Usurped power, but I always was of the under side.

2. It was the Toleration of all Sects unlimitedly that I wrote and preacht against, and not (that I remember) of meer Independents.

3. Those that did oppose the Toleration of Independents, of my acquaintance, did not deny them the liberty of Independency, but opposed separation, or their Gathering other Churches out of Parish-Churches that had faithful Ministers: If they would have taken Parish-Churches on Independent Principles, without sepa∣ration, neither I nor my aquaintance did oppose them, no nor their Endeavours to reform such Churches.

4. The Case greatly differed: For an Independent to refuse Parish-Churches, when no Ceremony, no Liturgie, no Oath or Subscription is required of him, which he scrupleth, is not like his refusing Oaths, Subscriptions, Liturgie, Cere∣monies, &c.

5. But in a Word, Grant us but as much, and take us but in, as we granted to, and took in the Independents, and we are content. Make this agreement and all is ended; we desire no more of you. We never denyed the Independents the liberty of preaching Lectures, as often as they would: Nor yet the liberty of taking Parish-Churches: They commonly had Presentations, and the publick Maintenance; And no Subscription, Declaration, Liturgie, or Ceremony, was imposed on them. A∣gain I say, I ask you no more Liberty than was given the Independents by their brethren called Presbyterians. Let your Grant now agree but with your inti∣mations.

6. And how then say you, we would dispence with nothing? For my part and those of my mind, we never imposed, nor endeavoured to impose any thing on any man, as necessary to Ordination, Ministry, or Communion, but [The owning of the Scripture Generally, and the Creeds, Lord's Prayer, and Decalogue and Sacraments par∣ticularly, with that measure of understanding them, and ability to teach them, which is ne∣cessary to a Minister, and fidelity therein.] I never spake for liberty herein for Episco∣pal, Independents yea and Anabaptists that only deny Infant Baptism, I wrote that hindering men's Ministry for their being against the Parliament: And I think I kept many and many thousands from taking the Covenant.

7. At least do you deny Liberty to none but those that denyed it to others, and we shall thankfully acquiesce.

Strict. I cannot think the maker of these Proposals could imagin that any, much less all of them would or could be agreed to.]

Answ. 1. You speak truly, if you mean [by those men, of whom upon former tryal, he had so great Experience:] It were great weakness in him to have expected it. But yet he is so charitable as to be confident (though not certain) that if these Proposals were made to the Conformable London Ministers, (such as Dr. Whitchcot, Dr. Stillingfleet, Mr. Gifford, Dr. Tillotson, Dr. Cradock; Dr. Outram, Dr. Ford, and many more such Learned worthy peaceable men, in this City) they would either grant all that is here desired, or abate so little as should be no hinde∣rance to our present Concord: And though I have no great acquaintance with any of them, yet my knowledge of them by fame and hearing them preach, doth render me so fully persuaded, that if we could get the Case but referred to their Judgment and Counsel, instead of the Interessed Bishops who brought us to the state that we are in I make no doubt but we should be all healed in a few weeks time. And that you may not think my confidence vain take this proof: Bishop Wilkins was no fool nor fanatick: These men are much of his spirit and judgment, (who was a Lover of Mankind, and of honesty, peace and Impartiality and Justice.) And we agreed with him upon Terms like these, (upon the Lord Keeper Bridgman's Invitation) so far, that by mutual Consent the Agreement was drawn up into the form of an Act, to have been offered to the house, so that as much as lay in him and us, we were all agreed and healed. And why should I suspect that any of these worthy persons are less peaceable?

2. But by this Conclusion, those many persons, who have talk't so loud how ready some great Clergy-men are to Condescend, agree and abate all Unnecessary things to Unite us and prevent Popery, may now see, past all doubt, the very truth of the Case. This Animadverter you see, would not grant [any] one of all these Proposals no not our forbearance of an Oath, or Subscription to Ceremony, or any piece of their imposed formalities, not the leaving out of a word of the Litur∣••ie, &c. What is it then that they would abate? such Dealing will make men see at last.

Strict.—Or that if the Non-conformists were, upon such Terms as these, permitted to exercise their Ministry, and made capable of Pastoral charges and other Preferments in our Church, this would be a means to heal our lamentable Divisions that are now among us: unless he will say that the best expedient to suppress Schism, is to embrace and cherish and to reward Schismaticks, still pro∣fessing and resolving to be so: Or that it is better and safer for the Church to have a fire within her bowels than without her doors; or contraries by being mingled together would thereby become less contrary or destructive to one ano∣ther: No certainly: And therefore if they will still continue Non-confor∣mists it is better and safer for the Church they should be still kept out than taken into it.

Answ. 1. But 'tis our Opinion (pardon our folly) that if the Law had not been made which forbad Daniel to pray to God, or commanded the worshiping of the Golden Image, they had been no Inconformists that kept not such a Law. And that if the Law were repeated which requireth Corporations to declare (that no man is bound by the solemn vow (no not to repent, nor against Popery, Schism, or Prophaness) they would be no Inconformists that did not so declare: And that if the Laws commanded us not to swear, subscribe, declare, Cross, &c. We were no Inconformists or Schismaticks if we did them not. But the name of Schismaticks is by such Godfathers as Ithacius, Idacius, and the rest of the Council of Bishops (from whom Ambrose dissended) put upon such as St. Martin, who separated from them to the death, for their Church-Tyranny and wicked Lives, and bringing Godly people into the suspicion and reproach of Priscillianism, if they did but meet for mutual edification and live Religiously. As Grotius saith that by a Papist he meaneth one that approveth of all that any Pope shall say or do (and I hope there are few such;) so with some men, a Schismatick is one that approveth not of all that a Pope or Prelate will prescribe. And if all the present Non-conformists were commanded to Preach with horns on their heads, to signifie the conquering power of the Church, or Word, they were Schismaticks, by such men's nomination, if they diso∣beyed. But I will now only ask, 1. Q. Were all the Apostles, and the Churches in their time and long after Schismaticks, who knew not our Oaths, Declarations, Sub∣scriptions, Liturgie, Ceremonies, &c.

Q. 2. Did they not take as wise a course for the Churche's concord and the a∣voiding of Schism, as either the English or Roman Bishops take?

Q. 3, Had not the Omission or the Romish Canons about Transubstantiation, Tradition, and such like, been a better way to prevent heresie, than the obeying them? And may it not be so in our case? Would any be Schismaticks for dissent∣ing from Lay men's power of the Keys, from Crossing, &c. if there were no such Laws? And did not Peter and Paul please God as well without them as you do with them? And did not Peter and Paul go as safe a way to Heaven as you? And is he that consenteth to go the same way to heaven as they did, and to do all that the Universal Church imposed for an hundred, two hundred years after them (at least) yet worthier of the Name of a Schismatick, than the New Lords, that by new Laws do make and call all Schismaticks that live as the Apostles did, or did com∣mand them, and no more?

2. You have tryed your Better and safer way (by silencing 1800 Ministers of Christ) by which the Flocks are scattered and divided, and we are as Guelphes and Gibelines in Contention; And if yet it seem best to you, a few years (by Death's in∣terposition,) will help you to be of another mind. But, alas, must the souls of Millions and the Nation pay so dear for your mistake, while you are preparing for the too late Convictions of sad Experience?

Strict. The only certain and safe way of healing these Divisions (as I conceive)

is, for all, that are taken into the Church, to submit to one and the same Rule as well in Agendis as Credendis, as well in circumstantials and ceremonials, as in Substantials and Essentials; as well in the manner, as the matter of Religi∣ous Worship.

Ans. 1. And who shall make that Rule? The Bishops! And who shall be Bishops? You! And so the Sum is, The only certain, and safe way of Healing, is, for no Man to differ from our Judgment or Will in our Agendis, or Credendis, Circumstance or Substance, manner or matter of Worship, nor say a Word to God in publick, but what we write down for him, or allow him. What Sectary would not be such a Healer?

2. But I am sorry that any Christian, much more Pastors, can believe that ever all the Church will be such Idolizers of Man, as to stretch their Consci∣ences to own all that for matter, and manner, substance, or Circumstance he shall prescribe; or else will all be so ripe in Knowledge, as all to know which are the right Modes and Circumstances, and so come to be of one mind. The Church of Rome had not needed Inquisitions, Flames, and Racks, nor lost so many Kingdoms, if this could have been done. But if ever the Church be heat∣ed by Men of your Opinion, by this which you account the only way, neither God nor Reason have herein spoken by me. Wonderful! that near one Thou∣sand three Hundred Years Experience of the Churches doth not convince you, and teach you better.

Strict. For though an Agreement in the Essentials only be enough to make any Man a Member of the Catholick, or universal Church, yet is it not e∣nough to make a Man a Member of this or that particular National Church: For all the Reformed Churches agree (as appears by the Corpus Confessionum) in the Essentials of Faith and Worship; and therefore in that respect they are all Members of the Church-Catholick; but they do not agree, either in the same form of Government, or in the same outward form of Worship; or in the same Ecclesiastical Discipline, or in the same Rites and Ceremonies: And it is the Agreement in such things as these, as well as in Essentials, which constitutes, and giveth Denomination to the several National Church∣es; which, all of them taken together, do make up the Church Catholick: Thus to make up one Member of the French, Dutch, or any other Reform∣ed Churches, it is not enough to be a Catholick, no nor a Protestant-Ca∣tholick neither; but he must subscribe, and conform, not only in point of Judgment to their Confession of Faith, but in point of Practice also to all their Rules, Orders, and Usages, in Preaching, Praying, Administration of the Sacraments, and all External Rites, and Ceremonies prescribed by publick Authority, to be used in the publick Worship of God, for the more so∣lemn, more unanimous, more decent, and more edifying performance of the same; which, if any Man, upon any pretence whatsoever, refuse to do, he can∣not be of such or such a National Church, where a Conformity to all such things is indispensably required of all that will be of, or continue in the a∣foresaid respective Churches. And is it not as Lawful and reasonable for our Church to prescribe Conditions of her Communion, to those that will be of it, and continue in it, as it is for any other of the Reformed Churches to prescribe to those that are of theirs?

Ans. 1. It's well that Christ is more merciful than Men: His easie Yoke and light Burden, Mat. 11. 29. and the necessary things, Act. 15. is enough to make Men Members of him, and his Body the Church Catholick, that they may be saved: But he that will be of a National Church must bear and do no Man knows what!

2. But how will this stand with Christ's Catholick Laws? A true Catholick Chri∣stian shall be saved: But he that is no more, with you, is guilty of one of the greatest Crimes, viz. Contempt of your Authority; and can he then be Saved? Christ's Catholick Members must love, honour, and cherish each other: But with you, he that obeyeth you not in every Word, Mode, and circumstance, or ceremony; is to be silenced, and persecuted. Christ's Laws are, that he that

is weak even in the Faith, be received, but not to doubtful disputations, and that for smaller difference we neither despise nor judge each other, but receive one another as Christ received us, and that so far as we have attained, we walk by the same Rule, and mind the same things, and if in any thing we be otherwise minded, God will reveal even this unto us: And that we must love one ano∣ther with a pure Heart, fervently, and by this be known to all Men to be Christ's Disciples: But your National Process carrieth it beyond this Line; you will first break this Catholick Law (as if your National Church were not part of the Universal) and make Laws for judging the foresaid Dissenters, and then plead yours against Christ's Laws, and say, he meant not those that are under a Law, (while he forbad such Laws.) And so you may Excommunicate, reproach, avoid, imprison, undo, and silence those that Christ commanded you tenderly to Love, and say they are Schismaticks, for they obey us not in every Circumstance O! how much easier is Christ's Yoke than yours?

3. But what is this National Church which is so contrary to Christ's Catho∣lick Church? If it be all the Churches and Christians that are under one Chri∣stian Prince, we own it as such: But this needs no such conditions as you name: And it is not true that the Catholick Church consisteth only of such; for the Subjects of the Turks and Heathens are part of the Catholick Church: If it be all the Churches of a Kingdom as voluntarily associated for Communion or Concord, I repeat the same as aforesaid. But if you mean all the Churches of a Kingdom, as under one Constitutive Ecclesiastical Head, and Pastor, few Protestants will say that it is of God's Institution; (Bilson and others usually say Patriarchs, Metro∣politans, &c. are humane Creatures:) And verily I had rather be no Member of a Church of Man's making (till I better know the Maker's Authority) than re∣nounce all that mutual Love, and Brotherly concord and forbearance, and kind∣ness, and all Christ's Promises of Salvation to such, which he hath settled upon his Catholick Members. And if what you say be true, who would not rather far be a meer Catholck Christian, out of all National Churches, than be in them? But I yet hold, that though your particular Canon bind not the Church uni∣versal, yet Christ's universal Laws bind all particular Churches and Christi∣ans.

4. And that which maketh me dissent is, that I am not able to discern how all Men can obey such Laws as you mention, and live in any concord with you, without renouncing all Conscience, Christianity, and Religion. Not that I judge all to do so that agree with you: For those that agree in Iudgment, may agree in Practice. But you must make me mad, or unacquainted with Mankind, before you make me believe that a whole Kingdom will ever be so perfect in Judg∣ment, or so much of the same temper, Education, condition, converse, &c. as to be all of one Mind in every word, circumstance, ceremony, and mode of Worship, and Discipline, upon Christian, conscientious terms. Either they must absolutely believe as the Rulers bid them, or not. If yea, then most Turks, Heathens, Papists are in the right, that be of the Religion of their Rulers. If not, some bounds and Rules must shew them the difference, how far Obedience is to be given: And the Subjects must be the Discerners, whether the Case falls under those Qualificationt or not: As e. g. whether it be Sin against God. And when all the Men and Women in a Kingdom have a Multitude of Words, circumstances, and ceremonies, and modes to try by such Rules, they will never be of one Mind about them, who would be of one Mind in a few plain things. And then you come and make their Disobedience to be one of the greatest Crimes, deserving Excommunication, Imprisonment, and ruin; so that you make such a National Church to be a trap for Men's undoing and Damnation.

5. As for what you say of the Foreign Churches, their Country-men say, that it is not all one to impose the necessary Discharge of Men's plain, undeniable Duty, and to impose the Humane Work, which you can describe. But I am a stranger to them, and am bound to receive nothing against another, till I hear both Parties speak; nor am I concerned in the Case, as not being bound to justi∣fie them any more than you. If it be as you say, no wonder if they have the distractions and calamities, and Divisions, which render them the objects of com∣passion. The Serpent, that beguiled Eve, hath long ago tempted almost all the Churches from the Ancient Christian Simplicity, in Doctrine, Discipline, and Wor∣ship, which is the only way of common Concord.

6. But yet besides the Catholick Church, we hold particular Churches being Christian Assemblies, to be of Christ's Institution. And it is impossible there to worship God without the determination of many Circumstances and Modes: Some Translation, some Metre of Psalms, some Tune, some Time and Place, some Pastor, some Utensils, must be chosen: And he, that will herein depart from the Common chosen Circumstance, departeth therein himself, from their Commu∣nion: But yet such may serve God acceptably in another Assembly, and may live in Christian Love and Peace, though they Sing not in the same Tune or Gesture; or use nor every Ceremony alike. And this is nothing to the making of new Sym∣bols, Oaths, Subscriptions, or other things, not necessary in genere, and that by the Officers of National Humane Church, and this not only to be done, and quietly born, but approved: Your Way is the most proper Engine to tear in pieces all the Churches in the World, or reduce them to a Spanish Humane Obedience. For if a particular Parish-Church did not so much as tye Men to a Ceremony, but mere Determinations, which must some way be made; If the Priest stood at the Church door, and said, You shall not enter, unless you will Subscribe, or Say, or Swear, that we are infallible in all that we do; or that there is no Sin, no Fault, nothing contrary to God's Will and Word; nothing but what you Assent, and Consent to, in all our Translations of Scripture, in all our Versions, Tunes, Words, Ge∣stures, Circumstances, I would never enter into that Church; though I will glad∣ly and peaceably joyn with them, if they will let me alone without such Obligati∣ons to justifie all they do. One would think this should have been past Contro∣versie before this day, among the Prudent Pastors of the Churches.

Strict. Still supposing, that neither they, nor we, require any thing that may not be submitted to without sin.

Answ. Upon that Supposition we have no Controversie with you; Then what need any of this adoe? But who shall be the Judge? If you must, and that ab∣solutely; then it is all one to us whether it be sin or no sin: for, to us, it will be none, if we do as you bid us: But then why do Protestants condemn Papists, who do as they are bidden? And why do our Articles condemn them, that say, All Men may be saved in the Religion they are bred in; when they all do as they are bidden, even they that defie Christ. But, if you hold not to this, what shall we do? Are we our selves the discerning Judges? Then we protest be∣fore God and Men, that we take the things that we deny Conformity to, to be sins, and very heinous sins, and very far from things indifferent: If you say, that we must obey you till we are past doubt, and certain that 'tis sin; I Answer, 1. It's too few things that Man's Understanding reacheth to a certainty in: What if I verily think, that I see reason to take that which a Bishop or Church Com∣manded, to be Blasphemy, Perjury, Treason, Murder, Heresie, &c. but I am not certain and past doubt: Must I then do it? Then a Man that can be but suf∣ficiently ignorant, or doubtful, may stick at no Commanded Wickedness. Some other Rule therefore than this must be found out. If you say, That we have no reason to take any thing commanded for sin; and you think you confute all our Objections; I An∣swer, 1. So all Imposers think, or most: And so we are as confident that our Reason is good, and that we see the gross Errors of your Answers: And all this is but to say, that no Man is to be Tolerated in your Church, that is not in every thing in the Right (and that in your Judgments.) Suppose you were In∣fallible, so are not all the Subjects: And if their Reason be bad, and yours good, all that is no more than to say, That They Err, or are Mistaken: And if no Man shall be Tolerated with you that Erreth, and that in as great a Mat∣ter as a Circumstance, or Ceremony; no two Men in the World must hold Com∣munion on such Terms. I am confident I study as hard as you: I am confident I am as impartial and willing to know the Truth: I have far less than you to tempt me to the contrary. And yet I verily think Conformity to me would be a heinous Sin: Nay, I am past doubt of it, if that will serve. Give us but leave to publish our Reasons freely, and you shall see whether we have any Reason. But if yet I be mistaken, Shall your National-Church have never a Member To∣lerated that is as ignorant and bad as I? Hold to that, and try the Issue, whe∣ther your Church will be as numerous as you are.

Strict. And Churches abroad both have been and will be our Compurgators, and I wish the Presbyterians of England and Scotland would be content to stand to the Judgment of all the Tresbyterian Churches abroad, whether they may not with∣out sin conform to all that (by our Church) is required of them. Nay, whether they can refuse to Conform without sin.

Ans. Content: I and all of my mind profess, that we will accept your offer: But we wish as sincerely that you would stand to it. Not that we take any Men for the Lords of our Faith: but let them hear us speak, and if they say, that it is lawful (or not a heinous sin in us) to Conform, we will acquiesce and never more accuse you as Persecutors, but silently undergo all the Accusation of Schism. But then by the Churches, you must not mean any odd persons, but the Churches indeed.

Strict. Especially in this Conjuncture of time, when we have so great reason to fear the prevailing of the Common Enemy against us both; and consequently, not only the Endangering, but the utter ruining of the Protestant Religion, and that not only here, but perhaps in all the World besides; the guilt whereof will lie e∣specially at our Doors if we do not agree.

Ans. 1. What is the great reason you have to fear the prevailing of the Common Enemy, and utter ruin of the Protestant Religion. Is it from our State at home? Or from abroad? If the later, we understand it not, nor who is the Cause. If the former, Where lyeth the danger? Is it in the increase of Papists, as to Quality or Number of persons? Did not you cause the Silencing of 1800 Ministers, and there∣by (and otherwise) the disaffecting of many Hundred thousand people (I think) who would have loved and Served you? Did not you help to Banish them Five Miles from (not the Court only) but all Cities and Corporations, and Places of their former Ministery? Did you not undertake all the Ministerial Work, without them; And say, you could do it better without them than with them, as being suffi∣cient your selves. Did not one of you tell me, that you thought any Congregation was better to have none, then such as I? Do you not still here conclude, that unless we will conform to every Oath, Subscription, Word, &c. It's better that we be out of your Church than in it? And do you, after all your Undertakings and Sufficiency, now bring us so sad an account of your success? Have you been bringing our Reli∣gion to no better a pass? Have high and low been no better instructed and prefer∣ed by you? Hath Popery been no better resisted by you in those Places whence you Bunished us? Do you now come and tell us, that we have great reason to fear the utter ruin of the Protestant Religion? Is this your account of your underta∣ken Stewardship? What hands then is the Church faln into, if it be so used?

2. O let us all hear and fear what Man may come to: Would our Agreement do any thing to prevent this terrible danger which you describe; And will you still tell all the World, That rather than we shall not be compelled against our Consci∣ences (to our Damnation if we obey) to Declare, that we assent and consent to eve∣ry word, yea, and use every word in all your Liturgy, to Declare, That Millions whom we know not, if they Vow in their Places and Calling, to endeavour a Refor∣mation of the Church (were it but in Lay-Men's power of the Keys) are not ob∣liged by that Vow: rather than we shall be suffered not to Swear Obedience to the Bishops (though we are responsible to the Law for any Disobedience;) rather than we shall be Suffered to forbear the Image of the Cross in Baptism, or to forbear to pronounce every wicked Man saved that we Bury, or to suffer a Parent to Cove∣nant in Baptism for his own Child; or rather than we shall be endured to forbear turning Godly People that dare not kneel, from Church-Communion, and pro∣nouncing them Excommunicate every six Months if the Chancellor or Bishop bid us; Rather than this shall be granted us, we shall have no Agreement, the Com∣mon Enemy shall prevail, the Protestant Religion shall not only be endangered, but utterly ruin'd here, and throughout the World! And is it so indeed? And yet would you make us believe that you are against the ruin of it; who will not prevent it at so easie a rate? What good doth it do you for me to subscribe as ex Animo, that there is not a word in your Liturgy or Ordination, contrary to the Word of God, and that I assent and consent to all that is in it? When I am without this responsible for all Omission, or Opposition to it. We offer, if ne∣cessary, to take our Oaths, as in the presence of God, the Judge of all, that we would agree with you, and obey you too in any thing, except that which we judge to be forbidden of God: We offer our Reasons, which perswade us, that

your Impositions obeyed would be our sin, and heinous sin: We are past doubt, that your Answers to them are frivolous. You dare not allow us to bring all into the Light, and to Print our Case and Reasons, that the World may Judge of them: We that pay so dear for our Dissent, are as likely to be Unbiassed, as you that have the Wealth and Honours of the World! And were it not liker to be moved by our Reputation with the poorer sort, than you by your Reputa∣tion with the Great and Honourable, if not the most. And if yet we be mista∣ken, so is all the World in as great a Matter, as most things now in Question. You call them Indifferent: We think them not so: And yet shall Protestant Religion be ruin'd in all the World, rather than you should not have your will in our obedience to you, in every prescribed Word, Ceremony, Covenant or Oath, after all this?

Strict. And at Ours indeed of the Church-party, if we require what cannot be consented to without sin.]

Ans. Ex ore tuo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 What you required of old we debated 1660, and you never gave us an Answer to what we largely offered you, in Confutation of your Defence: And how then did you think we should know we Erred? Not by what you kept secret in your thoughts. And, as to the New Conformity, we never had leave to give our Reasons against it, by Word or Writing. Grant us but that leave, and if we do not openly prove, that to Conform would be our sin, and very heinous sin (not medling with any Men's Conscience but our own) call us Schismaticks, and go on to use us as you have done. Which, I say, as to my self, who offer to assume that suffering, as the penalty of my Error, if I err; but not to justifie you, if it were so, who are no more allowed by Christ to shut all that err out of the Church, than to Un-church every person in the World.

Strict. But at theirs that refuse to come in to us, if they may, without sin, submit to all that their acknowledged Superiours require of them.

Ans. Which they are most confident they cannot do: And if Quoad Materi∣am, they should mistake, I think yet St. Paul mistook not, in saying, He that doubteth is condemned if he eat, because he eateth not in Faith—And him that is weak in the Faith receive, &c. And therefore I would deny your Consequence com∣paratively: There are various degrees of Guilt: If you made a Canon, that all the present Conformists should take the Pope, with Bishop Bramhall, to be Pa∣triarch of the West, and Principium Vnitatis to the Universal Church, or should own the Church of Rome, the Council of Trent, and the rest, as far as Grotius did; or should subscribe, that the Septuagint is to be preferred before the Hebrew Text; Or if it were but these, and not those of all the various Readings are the right; or that there is not a word faulty in our Old Translation (or New) or in any Book that ever the Convocation approved of (as well as the Liturgy, &c.) If all this should prove lawful (as it never will) and they should turn Nonconfor∣mists to your Canon, and hereupon they should all be silenced, and Popery there∣upon come in, Who were guilty of all this? They, with that degree of guilt, which all Men have, in that they are imperfect: Or you, with that more heinous Guilt, which is incomparably greater. If you said, All Ministers shall be Silen∣ced, and People Excommunicated that have any Error and Sin; Their Error and Sin is some Culpable Cause of the Consequent ruin of the Church; but nothing in comparison of Yours, who are the Grand Cause.

Strict. And for this, if they refuse to stand to the Judgment of Foreign Churches, I refer them to Mr. Baxter, one of the most Eminent Divines of their own par∣ty, who, in the 2d. Chapter of the last of his 5 Disputations, having enumerated the Controverted Ceremonies (viz. the Surplice, Kneeling at the Lord's Sup∣per, the Rails, and the Cross in Baptism) though he finds fault with the im∣posing of them (which the Governours are to answer for) yet, that they may be obeyed without sin (which are all that Subjects are concerned in) he con∣cludes of all, but the Cross in Baptism only; which he would not have except∣ed neither, if it were used (as we say it is) as a Teaching, or a Professing Sign only; and not as a Sacramental, as he mistaketh it to be: for we do not use it as a means to confer Grace, which is the formalis ratio of a Sacramental-Sign; but to signifie, and put us in mind of Grace only. The like he con∣cludes

concerning the use of the Liturgy: And as for the Government, the Proposer doth not propose the Alteration of it, and consequently implyeth, it may be submitted to as it is, without sin.

Ans. 1. You speak all this against your self, to tell the World how narrow your Church, and how strait your Charity is; whilst he, that you say, is so much of your Mind, is judged unworthy to be permitted to Preach the Gospel of Christ, and worthier to lye in a Common Gaol among Thieves and Rogues; yea, that it is better for any Congregation to have no Minister than such. All this Com∣plyance with you is as good as none, to procure him but leave to Preach Repen∣tance: For he offered you to Preach only on the Creed, and Catechism, and could not prevail, though responsible for any thing said amiss. And he challengeth you to name any one of all the Complying Principles of that Book which he hath ever receded from, or contradicted.

2. They refuse not to stand to the Judgment of other Protestant Churches, that shall hear themselves speak for themselves.

3. Did Mr. Baxter in that Book, or any where else say, That it is Lawful to Subscribe according to the Canon, as ex Animo, that there is nothing in your Liturgy, or Book of Ordination, contrary to the Word of God? Or that the English Diocesan Frame may be Sworn to for Obedience? Or, that King or Parliament have not power to make, or Endeavour any alteration of your Church-Govern∣ment, if they had sworn it? no nor a Lay-Chancellor's Spiritual Power; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any subiect to Petition, or any way endeavour the same, if he had sworn it. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Did he ever say that it was lawful to Excommunicate as many of Christ's faith•••••• Mem∣bers, either by Pronunciation, or Rejecting them from Communion, a•• the Bi∣shops or Chancellor will command him? Or to deny Baptism to the Children of all that Scruple Crossing them, or that insist on their duty of Covenanting in their Children's Name themselves? Did he ever say, that your New Subscription, De∣claration, Oath, or Re-ordination are Lawful? I think not.

4. He that can submit to your Government, that is, peaceably obey you with∣out sin, cannot threfore Subscribe, that you stand by a Divine Right, or that all is faultless, and nothing alterable in your Government. He would have lived peaceably in Israel when the Priesthood was Corrupted, and the High-Places not taken down, or in the Greek Church, where are many faults, or among the ••••me∣nians, or Abass••nes; but he would have lain in Gaol rather than make a Covenant (Contrary to part of his Baptismal Vow) never to obey God in endeavouring any reformation of these in his place and Calling, telling all others, that none of them are bound to do it, no not if they had Vowed it; Or rather than he would have Subscribed his Approbation and Consent to all, and Covenanted to live and die im∣penitently herein: He taketh not these for things indifferent. But we find that you will not let men live under you quietly on Terms of patient submission, unless they be fully of your mind.

You say the Proposer proposeth not the alteration of the Government; There∣fore it may be submitted to without sin.] He proposeth it not because he know∣eth you would not consent: Bishop Vsher's Primitive Episcopacy was the Govern∣ment desired in vain, for our Healing, 1660. But again, I say, All, th•••• may be submitted to, may not, by Subscriptions, Covenants, or Oaths, be justified and approved.

5. Lastly, As to the Cross, he then thought, and thinks still, that it is for∣bidden by the Second Commandment, and that as an Image and Symbol of Chri∣stianity, and a New Humane Sacrament, of which before.

If possibly Light may have any Acceptance, I will adjoyn these Questions for the Opponent whosoever.

Qu. 1. Do you not believe in your Conscience, that Agreement would be more easie and common on our Terms of Meer Christianity, and Things Necessary, than on Yours, by adding many things doubted of, and needless? Will not more a∣gree in the Creed, than in Aquinas's Sums, if it were all true?

Q. 2. Doth not the knowledge of Humane Darkness, and Variety of Educati∣ons, Tempers, Interests, Converse, &c. and the Paucity of very knowing Men con∣vince you, that Concord must be in few, and great, and evident things?

Q. 3. Doth not the Experience of all Ages prove it past doubt?

Q. 4. Doth not the Conscience of your own Frailty, and imperfect Knowledge moderate you? Dare you say, That you are not ignorant of plainer and greater things than we suffer about?

Q. 5. Do you not hold, That God must be first obeyed, and none against him? And should not a desire to obey God first be cherished? And do you cherish it, by saying to us, [Though you think it a heinous sin to conform, yet do it, or Suffer for your Dissent?

Q. 6. Was it not an Act of Christ's Wisdom, Mercy and Soveraignty, to make the Baptismal Covenant (which the Church explained by the Creed) to be the Stablished Universal Test and Badge of his Disciples and Church-Members? And did it not seem good to the Holy Ghost, and the Apostles, Acts 15. to Im∣pose only necessary things? And is it not a Condemning, or Contradicting God needlesly, to take a Contrary Course?

Q. 7. Is not Christ's way, and the first Churches, most likely to save the Peo∣ple's Souls, and yours to damn them? For you will confess, that Christ's few evi∣dent necessary Conditions of Christianity would save Men, if Bishops and Rulers added no more. But if a multitude more (which you count Lawful) are added, then the Nonconformists to them are in danger of Damnation, for the Crime of Contempt of your Authority: So that consequently you make all your Impositi∣ons needful to Salvation, and so make it far harder to be saved, than otherwise it would have been.

Q. 8. What hindereth any debauched Conscience from entering into your Mi∣nistry, who dare Say, or Swear any thing; while he that feareth an Oath, or a Lie, may be kept out? And against which of these should you more carefully shut the Door?

Q. 9. If Agreement be desirable, Which side may more easily, and at a cheaper rate yield and alter, you or we? If you forbear Imposing an Oath, Sub∣scription, Declaration, or Ceremony, it would not do you a Farthing's-worth of hurt: If we Swear, Subscribe, Declare, Conform, we take our selves to be heinous and wilful sinners against God: You call that Indifferent, which we believe is Sin.

Q. 10. Do you not confess, that you are not Infallible? yea, and subscribe, that General-councils are not; even in matters of Faith? And yet must we subscribe our Assent to every word in these Books, or else be Silenced, or Suffer? Do these well consist?

Q. 11. Dare you deny, that many of your Silenced Brethren Study as hard as you to know the Truth, and have as good Capacity? And are they not as like to be Impartial, who suffer as much by their Judgment, as you gain by yours? Judge but by your selves. Doth their kind of Interest tempt you more than ••our own to partiality?

Q. 12. Is it not gross Uncharitableness, and Usurpation of God's Prerogative, to say, That they do it not out of Conscience, when you have no more from the nature of their Cause, Motives, or Conversation, to warrant such a Censure? And they are ready to take their Oaths, as before God, that were it not for fear of sinning, they would Conform.

Q. 13. Do your Consciences never startle, when you think of Silencing 1800 such Ministers? and depriving so many Thousand Souls of their Ministry? 1 Thess. 2. 15, 16.

Q. 14. Can you hope to make us believe while we dwell in England, that the People's Ignorance and Vice is so far Cured, or the Conformists, for Number and

Quality, are so sufficient, without the Nonconformists, that they should rest Silent, on supposition, their Labours are unnecessary?

Q. 15. Is not the loss of a Faithful Teacher, where, through Paucity, or Un∣qualifyedness of the Conformable, he is necessary, a very great Affliction to the People? And, Do the Innocent Flocks deserve to suffer in their Souls for our Nonconformity?

Q. 16. Could not Men of your great Knowledge find out some other Punish∣ment for us (such as Drunkards, Swearers, Fornicators have) which may not hurt the People's Souls, nor hinder the Preaching of Christ's Gospel?

Q. 17. Seeing at Ordination, we profess, that all things necessary to Salvation are in (or provable by) the Scripture, Do you not confess, that your ••nventi∣unculae are not necessary to Salvation? And is the Nonconformist's Ministry no more necessay?

Q. 18. How say you, That only Christianity is necessary to a Member of the Universal Church, and so much more be necessary to the Members of particular Churches, and the Universal consist of them?

Q. 19. Did any National Church Impose any one Liturgy, or Subscription be∣sides the Creed, or any Oath of Obedience to the Bishops, for 300, 400, 500 years after Christ's Nativity?

Q. 20. Can you Read Rom. 14. and 15, and not believe that it bindeth the Church-Rulers as well as the People?

Q. 21. Did the Ancient Discipline, not enforced by the Sword for 300 years, do less good than yours? Or was any Man Imprison'd or Punish'd by the Sword eo nomine, because Excommunicate, as a Contemner of Church-power in not re∣penting, for many Hundred years after there were Christian Magistrates?

Q. 22. Hath not the making false Conditions of Communion, and making Unnecessary things necessary thereto, been the way, by which the Papists have Schismatically divided Christians?

Q. 23. Should not Bishops be the most skilful and forward to heal, and the most backward to divide or persecute?

Q. 24. Could you do more to extirpate Episcopacy, than to make it hateful to the People, by making it hurtful?

25. Would you do as you do, if you loved your Neighbour as your selves, and loved not Superiority?

Q. 26. Were not those, that Gildas called no Ministers, such, as too many now, obtruded on the People? And was not the Case of the Bishops that St. Martin separated from to the Death, like yours, or much fairer?

§. 257. A little after some Great Men of the House of Commons drew up a Bill, as tending to our Healing, to take off our Oaths, Subscriptions and Decla∣rations, except the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance, and Subscriptions to the Doctrine of the Church of England, according to the 13th. of Eliz. But shewing it to the said Bshop of Winchester, he caused them to forbear, and broke it: And instead of it he furthered an Act only to take of Assent and Consent, and the Renunciation of the Government; which would have been but a Cunning Snare to make us more remediless and do no good; seeing that the same things with the repeated Clauses would be still by other continued Obligations required, as may be seen in the Canon for Subscription, Act, 2. and in the Oxford-Act, for the Oath, and confining Refusers. And it's credibly averred, that when most of the other Bishops were against even this ensnaring shew of abatement, he told them in the

House [that had it been but to abate us a Ceremony, he would not have spoken in it: But he knew that we were bound to the same things still, by other Clauses or Obligations, if these were Repealed.]

§. 258. But on Feb. 24. all these things were Suddenly ended, the King early, suddenly, and unexpectedly Proroguing the Parliament till November. Whereby the Minds of both Houses were much troubled, and Multitudes greatly exasperated, and alienated from the Court: Of whom many now saw that the Leading Bishops had been the great Causes of our Distractions; but others hating the Nonconfor∣mists more; were still as hot for Prelacy and their Violence as ever.

§. 259. All this while the aspiring sort of Conformists, that looked for Prefer∣ment, and the Chaplains that lived in fullness; and other Malignant Factious Clergymen, did Write and Preach to stir up King, Parliament, and others, to Violence and Cruelty, against the Liberty, and blood of the Nonconformists, who lived quietly by them in Labour and Poverty, and medled not with them, (besides their necessary Dissent. (Some railed at them as the most intolerable Villains in the World; espeically S. Parker (jocularly confuted and detected by Mr. Marvel a Parliament Man,] and one Hickeringhill, and others, came near him in their malignity; And Papists, taking the advantage, set in and did the like. One Wrote, [a Sober Enquiry of the Reasons why the Nonconformable Ministers were still so valued by the People,] (which was their grievous vexation,) And pretended many Causes, I know not whether more malignantly or foolishly, which none could believe but Strangers, and those that were blinded by the Facti∣on, Malignity, or False Reports. One Dr. Asheton, Chaplain to the Duke of Or∣mond, Wrote a Book, 1. To perswade those to Subscribe who held it lawful, and forbore it only for fear of offending others; falsly insinuating, that this was the Nonconformists Case; when I never knew one Man such among them all to this day. 2. To stir up Rulers to Violence, to Ruine us, perswading them that it is no Persecution: And the Man was not afraid to profess to the World [That as he was going to meet us at the Bar of God, the Reason why so many Subscribed not, was Reputation and Interest, Pride and Covetousness;] And that he might not seem Stark Mad with Malice, in charging Men with Covetousness, that I lost all, and lived so poorly upon the Charity of others (mostly poor themselves,) he giveth you 2 proofs of their covetousness. 1. That by Non-conformity they got Living for their conformable Sons. 2. That they lost notheng by their Non-conformity (as Bishop Gunning also vehemently told me:) words which tell the world that History is no more credible to Posterity, than either the Concent of all Parties, or the notoreity of fact, or the honesty of the Writer, can make it so, by being known as it's evidence: Words which tell you that it's hard to devise words, so false and impudent, beseeming the Devil himself were the speaker, which Carnal Clergy-men may not be drawn with great confidence to utter. For 1. of the 1000, or 2000. Ministers that were Silenced, I have not yet heard of thirty in all, nor of twenty, or twelve yet living, that have Conformable Sons in the Ministry. And of those I know not of one that Conformed by his father's consent, And why should not the father's Conformity be the liker to help his son to a Living than his Non-confor∣mity, when the far greatest part of the Presenters of Patrons are Conformists? And would not covetousness rather make both father and son Conform, that both might have Livings, than the son alone? And do a thousand or 1600 Ministers, that have no Conformable sons in the Ministry, refuse Conformity, that 20, or 40 of other Minister's sons may have Livings? Did I not consider that, among Strangers and Malignants, any thing may be believed that is bad, I should think the Devil a fool for playing his game so unskilfully. 2. And that they lose nothing, by losing all their Church maintenance now above eleven years together, is a thing hardly to be believed by their poor families, or neighbours, who know that many go in rags and want bread, and even in London, more than one have lately died of Colds and Diseases, contracted by poverty and want of the necessary Comforts of Life. And it is a wonder of God's mercy, and the honour of cha∣ritable People, especially in London, that it is not so with a very great number of them.

§. 260. This Malignity inviteth me once more to recite my own case: I have lost not only the Bishoprick which they offered me by Non-conformity, but all Mi∣nisterial maintenance these eleven years now near 24. years in 1684. I have these eleven years Preached for nothing: I know not to my remembrance that I have

received a groat, as for Preaching these eleven years, but what I have returned (un∣less I may call about the sum of ten pounds which some persons gave me on parti∣cular occasions, and 35 lb. which three gave gave me in the Jail to defray my Pri∣son-charges, by that name, or ten pounds per Ann. which Sergeant Fountain gave me till he dyed, to whom I never Preached, nor was it on that account) only four pounds I received for Preaching the Merchant's Lecture, and 6 lb. more was offered me as my due, and some offered me somewhat after a year's Preaching at Mr. Turner's Church: but I sent it every penny back to them, and resolved (while it is as it is) to take no money for my Preaching. 1. Because I preach but in other men's Churches, to people that maintain other Ministers already, 2. Because I want not, but have to give, when multitudes are in great necessity. 3. Because I will be under no temptation by dependence or obligation which may hinder me from dealing plain∣ly with Dissenters and Offenders. 4. Because I perceive that, when men's purses are sought to, it tempteth many to question whether we sincerely seek the good of their Souls. On all which Accounts & not (I think) from proud disdain, I have so long refused money for preaching. And whereas they say how much I receive for my printed books, I again at this year 1674. profess that having printed about 70. Books, no one Lord, Knight, or any person to whom (as it's called) any of them were Dedicated or inscribed, ever offered me a groat, save the City of Coventry and the Lady ••ous, each a piece of Plate of about 4 lb. value: And whereas the fifeenth Book printed is my due from the Bookseller, which I use, for almost all of them, to give my friends, which amounteth to many thousands, I remember not that every one person, noble or ignoble offered me one groat to this day, for any book I gave them. And I mention all this, because I am not capable of confuting the malicious calumniators by distant instances so well as by my own case; But yet that the Rea∣ders may partly conjecture, at the case of many of my Brethren, by my own: who yet never received a groat from my Inheritance or Patrimony (my poor kindred having much more than all:) Were not malice impudent, these Apologies were needless, for men, that the world seeth are turned out of all. Yea we our selves pay constantly to the maintenance of the Conformable Ministers, though we have no part our selves.

And I can truly say that I have offered money to my old acquaintance, who live silenced in a very poor and hard condition, who have stiffly refused it because they thought it unlawful while they had Bread and Drink, to take money while many of their Brethren were in greater need.

And at the same time while these envious Preachers cryed out against our Preach∣ing, and perswaded men how fully we were maintained, they laboured for Laws to increase their setled maintenance, and some of them in my hearing Preached how miscrable a case the Clergy were in, were they left to the people's kindness and bounty: And yet proclaim our fulness, who are left to the kindness of those few (who also pay fully their Tythes to the Parish Ministers) who, these Envyers say, are but the smaller and poorer sort in the Land; which comparatively is true, (though by this time I think the far greatest part are grown into dislike with the present Prelates, who yet cleave to their Church.) And if their noble, rich, and numerous followers would leave them in want, were they left to their Charity, it seems they take their Church to consist of men much more covetous, and less Reli∣gious and liberal than our few poor men.

§. 261. The Lord's day, before the Parliament was dissolved, one of these Pre∣latists Preached to them to perswade them that we are obstinate, and not to be to∣lerated, nor cured by any means, but Vengeance, urging them to set Fire to the Fa∣got, and teach us by Scourges or Scorpions, and open our eyes with Gall. Yet none of these men will procure us leave to publish, or offer to Authority the Reasons of our Non-conformity. But this is not the first proof that a carnal, worldly, proud, ungodly Clergie, who never were serious in their own professed belief, nor felt the power of what they Preach, have been, in most Ages of the Church, its greatest plague, and the greatest hinderers of Holiness and Concord by making their forma∣lities and Ceremonies the test of Holiness, and their Worldly Interest and Domi∣nation the only cement of Concord: And O how much hath Satan done against Christ's Kingdom in the World, by setting up Pastors and Rulers over the Churches, to fight against Christ in his own name and livery, and to destroy piety and peace, by a pretence of promoting them!

§. 262. This foresaid Preacher brings to my remembrance a Silenced Minister

who heard the Sermon, Mr. Iohn Humphrey, a man not strait and factious in Doctrin, Government or Worship, as his Books shew for the middle way, about Election, Justification, &c. and his former Writings, for giving the Lord's Supper to the Un∣godly to convert them, and his own Reordination, and writing for Reordination: The former Sessions of Parliamen he printed a sheet for Concord, by restoring some silenced Ministers, and tolerating others, for which he was Imprisoned (as was Dr. Ludovicus Molinaeus M. D. Son to old Peter for writing his Patronus against the Prelatists: but delivered by the Common Act of Pardon. And this Session the said Mr. Humphrey again printed another sheet, and put it into the hands of many Par∣liament men; which though slighted, and frustrate by the Prorogation of the House, yet I think hath so much reason in it, that I shall here annex it, though it speak not at all to the righteousness of our Cause and the Reasons of our Non-conformity, that the Reader may see upon what Terms we stood: But the truth is, when we were once contrived into the Parliament's Inquisition and persecution, it was resolved that we should be saved by the King or not at all; and that Parlia∣ments and Laws should be our Tormenters, and not our Deliverers any more.

Mr. Iohn Humphrey's Papers given to the Parliament-Men.

Comprehension with Indulgence.

Nihil est jam dictum quod non fuit dictum prius. Terence.

IT hath pleased his Majesty by several gracious Overtures to commend a Uni∣on of his Protestant Subject to the consideration of a Parliament. A de∣sign full of all Princely Wisdom, Honesty, and Goodness. In this Atchievement there is a double Interest (I apprehend) to be distinguished and weighed; that of Religion it self, and that of the Nation. The advance of Religion doth consist much in the Unity of its Professors, both in Opinion and Practice, to be of one Mind, and one Heart, and one way (in Discipline and Worship) so far as may be according to the Scriptures. The advance of the Nation does lie in the freedom and flourishing of Trade, and uniting the whole Body in the common Benefit, and dependence on the Government. The one of these bespeaks an E∣stablished Order and Accommodation; the other bespeaks Indulgence, Liberty of Con∣science, or to eration. For while People are in danger about Religion, we dare not launch out into Trade (say they) but we must keep our Moneys, be∣ing we know not into what straits we shall be driven; and when, in refe∣rence to their Party, they are held under severity, it is easie for those, who are designing Heads, to mould them into Wrath and Faction; which, without that oc∣casion, will melt, and dissolve it self into bare Dissent of Opinion, peaceably re∣joycing under the Enjoyment of Protection.

The King we know is concerned, as Supreme Governour, and as a Christian, Pro∣testant Governour. As he is King, he is to seek the welfare of the Nation, as he is a Christian the Flourishing of Religion; and the Protestant Religion particularly is his Interest, as this Kingdom doth lie in Ballance (he being the chief Party) with its Neighbour Nations.

The Judgment now of some is for a Comprehending Act, which may take in those who are for our Parochial Churches, that severity then might be used for reclaim∣ing all whosoever separate from them: The Judgment of some others is, for a free and equal Act of Grace to all indifferently (the Papists with most excepted) whether separatists or others, abhorring Comprehension, as more dangerous to them, upon that Account mentioned, than all the Acts that have passed. Neither of these Judge up to the full interest of the King and Kingdom, as is proposed. It becomes not the Presbyterian, if his Principles will admit him to own our Parochial Church∣es, and enjoy a Living, to be willing to have his Brethren, the Independents, given up to Persecution: And it becomes not the Separatist, if he may but enjoy his Con∣science, to Repine, or envy at the Presbyterian for reaping any further Emolument,

seeing both of them (supposing the later may do so) have as much at the bottom as can be, in their Capacities, desired of either. It is an Act therefore of a mixt Complexion, providing both Comprehension and Indulgence for the different Par∣ties, must serve our Purpose.

And to this end (as we may humbly hope) there is a Bill at present in the House, A Bill for the ease of the Protestant Dissenter in the business of Religion. Which that (upon this present Prorogation) it may be cast into this Model, I must present the same, yet in a little farther Explication.

There are two sorts (we all know) of the Protestant Dissenters, one that own the Established Ministry, and our Parish Congregations, and are in Capacity of Union upon that account, desiring it heartily upon condescension to them in some small matters: The other, that own not our Churches, and so are uncapable of a Con∣junction, who do not, and cannot desire it, or seek it.

For the One, that which we propose is a farther Latitude in the present Constituted Order, that such may be received, and this we call Comprehension, or Accommodation, Let us suppose that nothing else were required of a Man, to be a Minister of a Parish than there is to the Parishioner to be a Member of a Parish Church, as part of the National: If a person Baptised will come to Church, and hear Common-Prayer, and receive the Sacrament, and does nothing worthy of Excommunication, he is, he may, he must be received for a Parochial Member: In like manner, If a Minister first ordained (and so Episcopally, or Classically approved for his Abilities for that function) will but read the book of Liturgy, and Administer the Sacraments accord∣ing to it, and does nothing which deserves suspension (we appeal to all this indiffe∣rently sober) why should not this suffice a Man, for the enjoying his Living, and ex∣ercising the Office unto which he is called?

For the other, there is indeed nothing can be done to bring those in, and joyn them with us in Parochial Union; yet is there this to be proposed, that you bear with them, and not let any be persecuted meerly for their Consciences; and that we call Indulgence or Toleration. If the Presbyterian now may be comprehended, he will be satisfied, to act at his Ministry without endeavouring any Alteration other∣wise of Episcopacy: If the Congregationalist be indulged, he will be satisfyed tho he be not Comprehended, for that he cannot submit unto, and so shall there be no Diso∣bligation put on any, but all be pleased, and enjoy the ease of this Bill. Let but the Grounds of Comprehension be laid wide enough to take in all who can own, and come into the publick Liturgy (which we suppose as yet to be the greater weight of•• the Nation), and when the Countenance of Authority, and all State-Emoluments are cast into one Scale, and others let alone to come of it, without persecution to in∣flame them, or preferment to encourage them (especially if one Expedient be used, which shall not pass unmentioned in the close, that such as came in may find it really better to them, to be a priest to a Tribe, than a Levite to a Family) we need not doubt but time the Mistress of the Wise and Unwise, will discover the peaceable Issue of such Counsels.

And here let me pause a little; for methinks I see what Icesicles hang on the Eeves of the Parliament-House at this Motion, what prejudices, I mean, and Impressions have been laid on the Members by former Acts. There was a speech delivered by the then Chancellour in Christ-Church Hall in Oxford, to the Parliament there, and the Schollars assembled. Wherein the Glory of contriving the Oxford-Oath, and Consequently of the like former Impositions, was most magnificently, as well as spitefully enough arrogated to its proper Author. It was•• it seems, the designed Policy of that Great Man, to root those Principles out of Men's minds upon which the late Wars (as he supposed) were builded, and he would do it by this Invention, to wit, the Imposing upon them new Declarations, Oaths and Subscriptions, of a strain framed contrary to those Principles. I do remember now the sentence of Esdras to the Apologue of the Angel, where the Woods and the Seas would encounter one another, Verily (says he) it was a foolish purpose; for the trees could not come down from the hills, nor the Waves get up from the shoars. I must say the same of this Policy. It was really a great vanity to think that folk should be made to swear away their thoughts and beliefs. Whatsoever it is we think or believe, we do think it, we must think it, we do believe it, we must believe it, notwithstanding any of these outward Impositions. The honest Man indeed will refuse an Injunction against his Conscience, the knave will swallow it, but both retain their Principles; which the last will be the likeliest to put any villanous Practice on. On the Contrary, there is

nothing could be advised more certain, to keep the Covenant, and such Principles alive in Mens heart's, and memories than this perpetual injoyning the Renunciation of it. Nor may you wonder, if that Lesson sink deep into Men's flesh which you will teach them with Briars and Thorns, as Gideon taught the Men of ••uccoth. Be∣sides, it is the most impolitick thing that ever could have been, for such Contents, as are of that dangerous Consequence to Majesty and the Government to have them once disputed, or brought into question, to be put into these Declarations, Oaths and Subscriptions, which necessitates the Examination of them to so many. It was the wisdom of the Ancient Church, instead of Contention about the Jewish Ceremo∣nies, to take care they might have an honourable burial: And I dare say if that great Lord Chancellor had but put off his Cap to the Covenant, and bidden it a fair Adieu only, he should have done more towards its Extirpation, than by all this ite∣rated trouble to Men's Consciences. And if it shall therefore please the succeeding Ministers of our State, instead of going to root out the Principles of Innovation which are got into people, by this means (which is no means to do it, but the means to rivet them more in us), to endeavour rather to root out the Causes from us, which make men willing to entertain such Principles, and desire Change: I suppose their Policy will prove the sounder. The way to establish the Throne of the King is this, to make it appear, that all those Grievances, and all those Good things which the Peo∣ple in the late times expected to be removed, or to be obtained, by a Common Wealth, or a Change of the Government, may be more effectually accomplished by a King in the Acts of his Parliament.

I am sensible how my Threm riseth upon me, and that I begin to shoot wide; I take my Aim therefore again, and two things, in earnest, I would expect from this Bill, as the summ of what is necessary to the end of it, our Ease, if it be made to serve the turn, The one is, that Bishop Laud be confined to his Caththedrals: and the other, that Chancellour Hide be totally expelled our Acts of Parliament. By the first, I mean, that the Ceremonies in the ordinary Parish Churches be left to the Liberty of the Minister, to use, or use them not, according to his Conscience, and Prudence toward his own Congregation: And by the latter, that all these new de∣vised Oaths, Subscriptions and Declarations together with the Canonical Oath, and the Subscription in the Canons be suspended for the time to come. If that be too much I shall content my self with a modester motion, that whatsoever these Declarations ••e, that are required to be made, subscribed or sworn, they may be imposed only as to the Matter and End, leaving the Takers but free to the use of their own Expressi∣ons. And this Expedient I gather from my Lord Cook, who hath providently, as it were, against such a season, laid in this observation: The ••orm of the Subscription set down in the Canons, ratified by King James, was not expressed in the Act of the 13th of Elizabeth. Instit. p. 4. c. 74. And Consequently if the Clergy injoyed this free∣dom untill then, in reference to the particulars therein contained, what hinders why they might not have the same restored, in reference also to others?

It is true, that it may seem hard to many in the Parliament, to undo any thing themselves have done: But tho this be no Rule for Christians, who are sometimes to repent as well as believe, if they be loth to repent any thing, what if they shall only In∣terpret or Explain? Let us suppose then some Clause in this Bill, or some new Act, for Explanations. If an•• Nonconformist cannot come up to the full meaning and intent of these Injunctions rightly Explained, let him remain in statu quo, under the state only of Indulgence, without benefit of Comprehension; for so long as those, who are not Comprehended, may yet injoy that ease, as to be indulged in some equal measure answerable to his Majestie's Declaration, whether Comprehension be large or narrow, such Terms as we obtain are pure Advantage, and such as we obtain not, are no loss: But if any does, and can honestly agree to the whole sense the Parlia∣ment intends in such Impositions, why should there be any Obstruction for such a Man, tho he delivers himself in his own words, to be received into the Established order with others? Unless men will look on these Injunctions only to be contrived for ••••gines of Battery, to destroy the Nonconfromist: And not as Instruments of V∣nity, to edify the Church of God.

I will not leave our Congregational Brethren neither, so long as I have something more that may be said for them, not ordinarily considered by any. It is this, that tho indeed they are not, and cannot seek to be of our Churches as they are Parochial, under the Diocess or Superintendency of the Bishops; yet do they not refuse, but seek to be comprehended within the Church as National under his Majesty. I will

explain my self. The Church may be considered as Vniversal, and so Christ alone is the head of it, and we receive our Laws from him; Or as Particular, and so the Pastors are Heads, Guides, or Bishops over their respective flocks, who are com∣manded therefore to obey them in the Lord: Or as National, which is an accidental and external respect to the Church of God, wherein the King is to be acknowledg∣ed the supreme Head of it, and as I judge no otherwise: For thus also runs the statute, That our Sovereign Lord shall be taken and reputed the only supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England, called Ecclesia Anglicana. Now if it should please the King and Parliament, to allow and approve these Separate Meetings, and Stated Places for Worship, by a Law, as His Majesty did by his Declaration, I must profess that, as such Assemblies by this means must be constituted immediately integral parts of the Church as National, no less than our Parish Cougregations: So would the Congre∣gate Churches (at least those that understand themselves) own the King for Head over them, in the same sense as we own him Head over ours, that is as much as to say, for the supreme coercive Governour of all (in this accidental regard) both to keep every several Congregation to that Gospel-order themselves profess; and to supervise their Constitutions in things indifferent, that nothing be done but in su∣bordination to the peace of the Kingdom.

Well, Let us suppose then a liberty for these separate Assemblies under the visita∣tion of his Majesty and his Justices, and not the Bishops; I would fain know that were the Evil you can find in them. If it lie in any thing, it must be in that you call Schism. Separation then let us know, in it self simply considered, is nothing, neither good, nor Evil. There may be reason to divide or separate some Christi∣ans from others out of prudence, as the Cathechumens of old, from the fully instruct∣ed, for their greater Edification; and as a Chappel or two is added to a Parish-Church when the people else were too big a Congregation. It is not all Division then or Separation that is Schism; but sinful Division. Now the supreme Authority as National Head, having appointed the Parochial Meetings, and required all the Subjects of the Land to frequent them, and them alone, for the Acknowledging, Glorifying, or National serving and worshiping the only true God, and his Son, whom we have generally received: And this Worship or Service, in the nature of it being intrinsecally good, and the external Order (such as that of time and place, and the like Circumstances) being properly under his Jurisdiction, it hath seemed to me hitherto, that unless there was something in that order or way prescribed which is sinful, and that required too as a Condition of that Communion, there is no Man could refuse his attendance on these Parochial Assemblies, without the sin of Disobedience, and consequently his separation thereby becoming sinful, proves Schism: But if the Scene be altered and these separate Assemblies made Legal, the Schism, in reference to the National Church, upon the same account, does vanish. Schism is a separation from that Church whereof we ought or are bound to be Mem∣bers: if the supreme Authority then loose our obligation to the Parish-Meeting, so that we are bound no longer, the iniquity (I say, upon this account) is not to be found, and the Schism gone. Lo here, a way opened for the Parliament (if they please) to rid the Trouble and Scruple of Schism (at once) out of the Land. If they please not, yet is there something to be thought on for the Separatist in a way of forbear∣ance, that the innocent Christian, at least, as it was in the time of Trajan, may not be sought out unto Punishment: Especially when such a toleration only is desired, as is consistent with the Articles of Faith, a Good Life, and the Government of the Nation.

And now I turn me to the Houses. My Lords and Gentlemen! I will suppose you honest persons, that would do as you would be done unto; that would not wrong any; or if you did, would make them recompence. There hath been very hard Acts passed, which when the Bills were brought in, might haply look smooth and fair to you; but you saw not the Covert Art, secret Machination, and purpose∣ly contrived snares against one whole Party. If such a form of words would not, another should do their business. By this means, you in the first place, your selves, some of you were overstript: Multitudes dispossest of their Livings: The Vine∣yard Let out to others: The Lord Jesus, the Master of it, deprived of many of his faith∣ful Labourers: And the poor sheep (what had they done?) bereft of their accumstomed spiritual food, to the hazard of their Eternal Souls. Among many Arguments therefore for Liberty in other Papers, from Policy, Convenience, Reason of State, and Reason of Religion, I have this one to offer you of a more binding Nature, an Argu∣ment from Iustice, Righteousness, and Restitution to the Displaced. It is true, that

the Places they once had, are filled, and disposed: but there are others enough. There are many of those, who possess theirs, do also keep their own, and keep more. There are many who are Canons, Deans, Prebe••daries, that are also Parsons, Rectors, Vicars; who have Benefices and Honours by heaps, and by the bushel. If it shall please you therefore in this Bill on the Anvil, or in another, to take Cognizance of Pluralities, that, for the preventing an Idle, Scandalous, Covetously overgrown, un∣profitable Ministery, every Man who hath more than one Cure of Souls, or one Dignity, shall give them up into a publick stock, or to a general Distribution, you shall do the Church right, and the Ejected right, you shall give such Drones their Due, and God his Due, and strew the way by this means for the making your Grace intended in this Bill, of signification. In the Name of God, Sirs, let me move you to this, if it were only Hac vice, for a present needful Conjunction of us at this sea∣son. We see the jaws of Popery, and the Sectary opening upon us, if the sober Protestant Interest be not united, we perish. I know who will be ready to stamp here and throw dust in the Air, for it is these Sons of the Horse-Le••ch, whose voice is still Give Give, that will never be contented with a single portion. A Dignity there∣fore with a Living let them be allowed: but one Dignity and one Cure of Souls should be all, tho they cu•• themselves with Lanees. It is this damn'd hard objection at the bottom, the Priests Covetousness and Corruption, rather than their Dispute about things indifferent, that really hinders the Church's peace and prosperity.

To Conclude. According to what every Man's mind is most upon (the Publick Interest, or his own) such is his value more or less.

§ 263. About this time was a great change of Affairs in Scotland; their Parlia∣ment concurring with this of England, in distasting the present Councils and Pro∣ceedings (but not so much Proclaiming the danger of Popery, as Aggravating the Burdens and Grievances of the People, against the great Commissioner the Duke of Lauderdail:) So that Duke Hamilton became the Head of the Opposition, and most of the Nobility and Commons adhered to him, and were against D. of Lauderdail: And the Parliament went so high that D. Lauderdail was fain to Adjourn them: Whereupon D. Hamilton came to England with their Grievances to the King (with some of the Nobility). But the King, tho he gave him fair respect, sharply rebuked him and their Proceedings, and stuck close to D. Lauderdail against all opposition.

§ 264. At last D. Lauderdail found the way to turn their own Engin against themselves, and whereas many of their Grievances had been settled by themselves by Act of Parliament (while they were ruled by him), he acquainteth the King how heavy and unsufferable they were, and so the King, by a Letter, releaseth them: And among their burdens was a great income settled upon D. Hamilton for some service, Loss or Loan to the King, by his Predecessors, which he that had complain∣ed of Grievances was now to loss by the King removing the Grievances: Where∣upon he professed that he had been still ready to remit those Revenues; but he could not do it in this way of a Letter against a Law, lest by the same way another Letter should take away the rest of his Estate: And he got the hands of Lawyers to testify it was against Law, and sent it to the King, who in displeasure rejected his Narrative, and so the Dissention in Scotland increased.

§ 265. At this time (April 1674) God hath so much increased my Languishing, and laid me so low, by an incessant inflation of my head, and translation of my great flatulency thither to the Nerves and Members, increasing these ten or twelve weeks to greater pains, that I have reason to think that my time on Earth will not be long: And O how Good hath the Will of God proved hitherto to me? And will it not be best at last? Experience causeth me to say to his praise, Great peace have they that love his Law, and nothing shall offend them; And tho my flesh and heart do fail, God is the Rock of my heart and my portion for ever.

§ 266. At this time came out my Book called, The poor Man's Family Book; which the remembrance of the great use of Mr. Dents Plain Man's path way to Heaven (now laid by) occasioned me to write, for poor Countrey Families who cannot buy or read many Books.

§ 267. I will not here pass by the Commemoration of one among many of the worthy silenced Ministers of London, that such Examples may provoke more to some imitation, viz. Mr. Thomas Gouge: He is the eldest Son of old Dr. William Gouge Deceased: He was Pastor to that great Parish called Sepul••hres; whence he

was ejected, with the rest of his brethren at the time when the restored Prelates acted like themselves. I never heard any one person, of what rank, sort or sect so∣ever, speak one word to his Dishonour, or Name any fault that ever they charged on his Life or Doctrine, no not the Prelatists themselves, save only that he conform∣ed not to their impositions, and that he did so much good with so great Industry: God blessed him with a good Estate, and he liberally used it in works of Charity: When the fire consumed much of it, and when he had settled his Children, and his wife was taken from him by Death; of an hundred and fifty pound a year that he had left, he gave an hundred of it to charitable uses. His daily work is to do all the good he can, with as great diligence and constancy as other Men labour at their Trades: He visiteth the poor, and seeketh after them: He writeth books to stir up the rich, to devote (at least) the tenth part of their Estates to works of Charity: He goeth to the rich to perswade and urge them; He collecteth moneys of all that he can prevail with, and travelleth himself (tho between 60 and 70 years old) into Wales, Winter and Summer, and disperseth the money to the poor labouring persecuted Ministers: He hath settled himself in the chief Towns of Wales a great number of Schools, for Women to teach Children to read, having himself undertaken to pay them for many hundred Children: He printeth many thousands of his own practical Books, and giveth them freely throughout Wales, (at his own charge): And when I do something of the like by mine, he undertaketh the Distribution of them: He preacheth in Wales himself till they drive him from place to place by persecution; when he returneth home, he visiteth the Prisoners, and helpeth them to books, and preacheth repentance to them: The poor and the ignorant are those that he liveth for, doing good to Soul and Body daily, save that he Soliciteth the Rich to contri∣bute to such uses. The reading of Mr. Ios. Allen's Life hath raised his Resolution and Activity to such a Course of Life, which was far higher than other Mens before.

§ 268. Mr. Sherlock's book before mentioned making a great noise, and he and the Author of the sober Inquiry, and others of them, when they reproached other Nonconformists being pleased to put in some Exceptions of me by Name, I thought my self the more obliged to disown their Miscarriages. And I first in Discourse sought to convince Mr. Sherlock; and lest he should not either understand or report me aright (Writings being surer Vindications than Memory) I sent him some Ani∣madversions, which have since been Printed.

§ 269. My old friend Dr. Thomas Good now published a book called, Dubitantius and Fir••ianus, against Atheism, Infidelity, Popery, and then Presbytery, Indepen∣dency, and Anabaptistry; very superficial: He was formerly indeed a professed Pre∣latist, but moderate, and himself never hindered from his Ministerial work and maintenance, and joyned with us in our Disputations at Kederminster, and our Con∣cord in Worcestershire among the dissenting parties. Yet being Canon of Hereford, and Mr. of Baliol Colledge in Oxford (tho old, waiting for more) he asserted in his Book, that they were confessed things indifferent that we refused Conformity for, and that all the Nonconformists (without Exception) had a hand in the late King's Death, one way or other, by Consent, &c. The Impudency of which assertion mov∣ed me to write the Contradiction here adjoined.

To my Reverend Friend Dr. Good, Mr. of Baliol Coledge in Oxford.

Reverend and Worthy Sir,

IT is now about a Month since I received a Letter from you for the furthering of a good work, which I sent to Mr. Foley by his Son Mr. Paul F. not having oppor∣tunity my self to see him: I have stayed so long for an Answer, not hearing yet from him, that I think it not meet any longer to forbear to acquaint you with the Reasons of the delay: He liveth quite at the other end of London from me, and my weakness and business keep me much within Doors, and it's hard to find him within except at those hours when I am constrained to be in bed. But I have reason to

Conjecture that his Answer will be 1. That the Rich men whose Judgments are for Conformity, are far more Numerous than those of another mind, and therefore fitter to promote that work: And there are so very few that do any thing for the ejected Ministers, that some of them live on brown bread and water, which hin∣dereth these Gentlemen from other kind of Charitable works. 2. And I must crave your patience (being confident, by your ancient kindness, of your friendly Interpretation) while I tell you, that this day I heard one say, we can expect that Dr. Good do make his Scholars no beter than himself: And what reason have we to maintain and breed up Men, to use us as he hath done in his late Treatise. I got the book, and was glad to find much good, and several moderate passages in it (And I knew you so well, that I could not but expect moderation): But when I perused the passages referred to, I could say no more for them, but that I would write to you, to hear your Answer about them. For I confess they surpriz∣ed me—Tho at the same time I received many new books of a sanguine Complexi∣on from other hands without Admiration.

I. The first passage referred to was pag. 104. [Which are confessedly things indiffer∣ent]. This is spoken indefinitely of the Presbyterians: Where have I lived? I know not one Presbyterian living that divideth from you for any thing which he confesseth indifferent: I crave your Answer containing the proof of this; At least to name some one of them that we may reprove him. We take conformity to be so far from indifferent, that we forbear to tell the World the greatness of the Sin which we think to be in it, lest Men cannot bear it, and lest it should disaffect the people to the Ministry of the Conformists.

II. Your pag. 156. I pass by: The main matter is pag. 160. 161. that tho [All the Nonconformists were not in Actual Arms against the King—nor did they all as natu∣ral Agents cut off his head; but morally, that is, very sinfully and wickedly, they had their hand stained with that Royal blood: For whosoever did Abet these Sons of Belial in their Rebellions, Treasons, Murders of their King and fellow Subjects, either by consenting to their Villanies, praying for their Prosperity, praising God for their Successes, &c. The Charge is high: If it be not true. 1. They are almost as deeply wronged as you can wrong them. 2. Our Rulers are wronged by being so provoked to abhor them, Si∣lence and Destroy them. 3. Posterity is wronged by a misinforming History.

I. You are too old to be ignorant, that it was an Episcopal and Erastian Parlia∣ment of Conformists, that first took up those Arms in England against the King: The Members yet living profess that at that time they knew but one Presbyterian in the House of Commons: Interest forced or led them to call in the Scots, and Presbytery came in with them. If you doubt of it, see the Propositions to the King at Nottingham, where a Limited Episcopacy is one.

II. The Lord Lieutenants that seized on the Militia were far most Conformists and scarce any Presbyterians at all.

III. The General Officers and Colonels of the Earl of Essex Army were ten to one Conformists, and few, if any Presbyterians, save after, deboist, Mercenary Scots, if they were such, which I know not: And the General Episcopal himself.

IV. The Major Generals of the Militia, in the several Countries were mostly Conformists and Scarce any Presbyterians.

V. The assembly at Westminster, when they went thither were all Conformists, save about 8 or 9 and the Scots Commissioners.

VI. One of the two Arch-Bishops was a General in the Parliament's Army.

VII. Many of the present Conformable Ministers were in Arms against the King, and some wrote for his Death, and many of them took the Covenant and En∣gagement.

VIII. The most of the conformable Gentry of my acquaintance that were put upon it, took the Engagement against the King and House of Lords.

IX. The Non-conformable Ministers of Gloucestershier (Mr. Geery, Mr. Capell, Mr. Marshall, &c.) were against the Parliament's War, though the Parliament's Ga••••ison was over them. Mr. Bampfield (who hath lain 6, or 7 years in the common Jail for Preaching) with his Brother (sometimes Speaker of the House of Commons) were so much against the Parliament's Cause, that to this day (even while he lay in Jail) he most zealously made his followers renounce it: Many Non-conformists in many Counties were of the same mind.

X. Many of the Non-conformists lived in the King's Quarters, and never were drawn the other way; as Dr. Conant (lately one of them) and others in Oxford, and so in other parts.

XI. Some of the Non-conformists were in the King's Army: Poor Martin of Wee∣den lost an Arm in his Army, and yet the other Arm lay long with him in Warwick Jail for Preaching.

XII. Almost all the Non-conformists of my acquaintance in England, save Inde∣pendents and Sectaries, refused the Engagement, and took Cromwell and the Com∣mon-wealth-Parliament for Usurpers, and never approved what they did, nor ever kept their daies of Fasting or Thanksgiving. (To tell you of the London Mini∣sters prin••ed Declarations against the intended Death of the King, you will say is unsatisfactory, because too late.)

XIII. Most of the Non-conformable Ministers, of my acquaintance, were either boys at School, or in the University, in the Wars, or never medled with it: so that I must profess that setting them altogether, I do not think that one in ten throughout the Kingdom can be proved to have done any of these things that you name, against the King.

XIV. We have oft with great men put it to this trial. Let them give leave but to so many to Preach the Gospel, as cannot be proved ever to have had any hand in the Wars against the King, and we will thankfully acquiesce, and bear the Silence of the rest: make but this Match for us, and we will joyfully give you thanks.

XV. Who knoweth not that the greatest Prelatists were the Masters of the Principles that the War was raised on, (Bilson, Iewel, &c.) (and Hooker (quite beyond them all?)

XVI. But because all proof must be of individuals, I intreat you as to our own Countrey where you were acquainted, tell me if you can, I say it seriously if you can, what ever was done or said against the King, by Mr. Ambrose Sparre, Mr. Kimberley, Mr. Lovell, Mr. Cowper, Mr. Reignalds, Mr. Hickman, Mr. Trusham, Mr. Baldwin, senior, Mr. Baldwin, junior, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Waldern (dead,) Mr. Ios. Baker, (dead,) Mr. Wilsby, Mr. Brain, Mr. Stephen Baxter, Mr. Badland, Mr. Bulcher, Mr. Eccleshall, Mr. Read, Mr. Rock, Mr. Fincher, of Wedbury, Mr. Wills of Bremisham, Mr. Paston, &c. I pass by many more. And in Shropshire by old Mr. Sam. Hildersham, old Mr. Sam. Fisher, Mr. Talents, Mr. Brain of Shreusbury, Mr. Barnet, Mr. Keeling, Mr. Berry, Mr. Malden of Newport, Mr. Tho. Wright (dead,) Mr. Taylor, &c.—These were your Neighbours and mine: I never heard to my remembrance of any one of them that had any thing to do with Wars against the King. It is true (except Mr. Fisher, and some few) they were not ejected, but enjoyed their places; And did not you as well as they? If I can name you so many of your Neighbours that were innocent, will you tell the King and Parliament, and the Papists, and Posterity, that all the Non-conformists (without any exception) had their hands stained with the Royal blood? What! Mr. Cooke of Chester, and Mr. Birch, &c. that were imprisoned and persecuted for the King! What! Mr. Geery that died at the news of the King's Dearh? What! Sir Francis Nethersole, and Mr. Bell his Pastor) who wrote so much against the Parliament, and was their prisoner

at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Castle almost all the Wars. What may we expect from others, when Dr. Good shall do thus—I put not in any Excuse for my self among all these. It may be you know not that an Assembly of Divines (twice met) at Coventree (of whom two Doctors and some others are yet living) first sent me into the Army to hazard my life, (after Nasby Fight) against the Course which we then first perceived to be designed against the King, and Kingdom; nor what I went through there two years in opposing it, and drawing the Soldiers off: Nor how oft I Preached against Cromwel, the Rump, the Engagement, but specially their Wars, and Fasts, and Thanksgivings: Nor what I said to Cromwel for the King (never but twice speaking with him,) of which a Great Privy Counsello••r told me but lately, that being an Ear-witness of it, he had told his Majesty. But yet while I thought they went on Bilsone's Principles, I was then on their side, and the Observator (Parker) almost tempted me to Hooker's Principles, but I quickly saw those Reasons against them, which I have since published. His Principles were known by the first Book, before the last came out, And I have a friend that had his last in M.S. But I am willing unfeignedly to to be one of those that shall contiue Silenced, if you can but procure leave to Preach Christ's Gospel only for those that are no more guilty of the King's blood, than your self, and that no longer than there is real need of their Ministerial Labour. Reverend Sir, If you will but so long put your self as in our Case, I shall hope that with patience you will read these Lines, and pardon the necessary freedom of

Your truly Loving friend and obliged Servant, Rich. Baxter.

London, Feb. 10. 1673.

§. 270. Taking it to be my duty to preach while Toleration doth continue, I removed the last Spring to London, where my Diseases increasing, this Winter, a flatulent constant Headach added to the rest, and continuing strong for about half a year, constrained me to cease my Fryday's Lecture, and an Afternoon Ser∣mon on the Lord's daies in my house, to my grief; and to Preach only one Sermon a week at St. Iames's Market-house, where some had hired an inconvenient Place. But I had great encouragement to labour there, 1. Because of the notorious Necessity of the people: for it was noted for the habitation of the most ignorant, Atheistical, and Popish about London, and the greatness of the Parish of St. Martins, made it im∣possible for the tenth (perhaps the twentieth) person in the Parish to hear in the Pa∣rish-Church; And the next Parishes St. Giles, and Clement Daines) were almost in the like case; Besides that the Parson of our own Parish, (St. Giles) where I lived, Preached not, having been about three years suspended by the Bishop ab Officio, but not a beneficio, upon a particular Quarrel: And to leave ten or twenty for one, untaught in the Parish, while most of the City Churches also are burnt down, and unbuilt, one would think, should not be justified by Christians, 2. Because, be∣yond my expectation, the people generally proved exceeding willing and attentive and tractable, and gave me great hopes of much success.

§. 271. Yet at this time did some of the most Learned Conformists assault me with sharp accusations of Schism, meerly because I ceased not to Preach the Gospel of Christ to people in such necessity. They confess that I ought not to take their Oaths, and make their imposed Covenants, Declarations and Subscriptions against my Conscience; but my Preaching is my sin which I must forbear, (though they accuse me not of one word that I say.) They confess the foresaid Matters of fact, (that not one of a multitude can possibly hear in the Parish Churches, through the greatness of some Parishes, the lowness of the Minister's voices, and the pau∣city of Churches since the burning of the City:) And they confess that the know∣ledge of the Gospel is (ordinarily) necessary to salvation, and teaching and hear∣ing necessary to knowledge; and that to leave the people untaught (especially where so many are speaking for Atheism, Beastiality, and Infidelity) is to give them up to Damnation: But yet they say that to do so is my duty, because the Bishop is against my Preaching: And I ought to rest satisfied that it is the Bishop, and not not I, that must answer for their Damnation. Alas poor Souls! Must they needs be damned by thousands, without making any question of it? as if all the question were, who should answer for it. I will not believe such cruel men

I undertake to prove to them to them, 1. That our English Species of Dio••••san 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Lay Choncellours power of the Keys, is contrary to God's Word, and destructive of true Discipline, and of the Church form and Offices instituted by Christ. 2. That were the Offices Lawful, the men have no true calling to it, being not chosen or consented to by the Clergy, or the People. 3. That if their Calling were good, they have no power to forbid the present Silenced Ministers to Preach the Gospel (but thereby they serve Satan against Christ and Men's salvation.) Paul himself had his power to edification, and not to destruction: And Christ the Saviour of the World, giveth his Ministers only a saving power, and to none a power to samish and damn the people's Souls 4. That we are Dedicated as Mi∣nisters to the Sacred Office, and it is Sacriledge in our selves or others, to alienate us from it, while we are not unfit or unable for it. 5. That we are Charged (as well as Timothy) before God and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the Dead at his appearing, that we Preach the Word, and be in season, and our ef season, reprove, rebuke, exhort, &c. 6. That the Ancient Pastors for many Hundred years did Preach the Gospel against the Wills of their Lawful Princes, both Heathens and A••••ians. 7: That the Bishop hath no more power to forbid us to Preach, than the King hath: And these men confess that Ministers unjustly Silenced may Preach against the Will of Kings (but not, say they of Bishops.) 8. That were we Lay-men we might teach and exhort (as Lay-men, as Origen did) though we might not do it as Pastors much more being Ordained the Ministers of Christ. And that now to us it is a work which both the Law of Nature and our Office or Vow do bind us to, even a Moral Duty: And that when Christ judgeth men for not Feeding, Clothing, Visiting his Mem∣bers, it will not excuse us to say; that the Bishop forbad us: That if King, or Bishop forbid us to feed our Children, or to save the lives of drowning, or fa∣mishing men, we must disobey them, as being against a great command of God; Love and the Works of Love being the great indispensable Duties. And Souls being greater Objects of Charity than Bodies. 9. That it was in a Case of Phari∣faical Church Discipline, (when Christ avoided not converse with sinners when their good required it) that Christ sent the Pharisees to learn what this meaneth, I will have mercy and not sacrifice: and at two several times repeateth the same words. 10. That Order is for the thing Ordered and it's ends; and a power of Ordering Preachers is not a power to depose necessary Preaching and famish Souls. 11. And I shew them that I my self have the License of the Bishop of this Diocess, as well as Episcopal Ordination; and that my License is in force and not recalled: 12. And that I have the King's License. 13. And therefore after all this, to obey these Silencers (nay no Bishop doth forbid me, otherwise than as his Vote is to the Acts of Parliament, which is as Magistrates,) and to fulfill their will that will be content with nothing, but our forsaking of poor Souls, and ceas∣ing to Preach Christ, this were no better than to end my Life of Comfortable Labours, in obeying the Devil the Enemy of Christ and Souls; which God forbid.

§, 272. Yet will not all this satisfie these men, but they cry out as the Papists, Schism, Schism, unless we will cease to Preach the Gospel: And have little to say for all, but that No society can be governed, if the Rulers be not the Iudge. Yet dare they not deny but a Iudgment of discerning duty from sin, belongeth to all Subjects; or else we are Brutes, or must be Atheists, Idolaters, Blasphemers, or what ever a Bishop shall command us. But under the Censures of these unreasonable Men, who take our greatest Duties for our heinous sin, must we patiently serve our Lord: But his approbation is our full reward.

§ 273 On Iuly 5th (1674.) at our Meeting over St. Iamses's Market-house, God vouchsafed us a great Deliverance.* 18.1 A main Beam before weakened by the weight of the People so cracked that three times they ran in terrour out of the room, thinking it was falling: But remembring the like at Dunstan's West, I re∣proved their fear as causeless. But the next day taking up the boards we found that two rends in the Beam, were so great, that it was a wonder of provi∣dence that the floor had not faln, and the roof with it, to the destruction of mul∣titudes. The Lord make us thankful.

§ 274 A person unknown professing Infidelity (but w••ether an Infidel, or a jagling Papist, I know not) sent me a Manuscript, called Examen 〈◊〉〈◊〉, charg∣ing Scripture with Immorality, Falshoods, and Contradictions, from the beginning to the end, and with seeming Seriousness and Respectfulness import••ned me to An∣swer him. I was in so great pain and weakness (and engaged in other work) that I sent him word that I had not time or strength for so long a Work. He selected about a Dozen Instances, and desired my Answer to them: I gave him an Answer to them, and to some of his General accusations; but told him, That the rational Order to be followed by a Lover of Truth, is first to consider of the proofs brought for Christianity, before we come to the Objections aganst it: And I proved to him, that Christianity was proved true many years before any of the New Testament was Written, and that so it may be still proved by one that doubted of some words of the Scripture; and therefore the true order is, to try the truth of the Christian Religion first, and the perfect Verity of all the Scriptures afterwards. And therefore Importuned him first to Answer my Book, called, The Reasons of the Christian Religion; and then if I lived, I would answer his Accusations. But I could not at all prevail with him, but he still insisted on my Answering of his Charge. And half a year (or more) after, he sent me a Reply to the Answer which I had hastily given him: And though he before professed, that none in the World but I and his servant knew of it, yet accidentally, by speech with Dr. Stil∣lingfleet, I understood that the same M. S. was sent to him: Therefore I sent him the Reply to mine; and desired him, seeing he had more strength and leisure, to answer alltogether for himself and me, and then I need not do the same.

§. 275. It pleased God to give me marvellous great Encouragement in my Preaching at St. Iames's: The Crack having frightened away most of the Richer sort (specially the Women,) most of the Congregation were young men, of the most capable age, who heard with very great Attention, and many that had not come to Church of many years, received so much, and manifested so great a Change (some Papists, and Divers others returning publick Thanks to God for their Con∣version) as made all my Charge and Trouble easie to me. Among all the Popish, rude and ignorant People who were Inhabitants of those parts, we had scarce any that opened their mouths aganst us, and that did not speak well of the Preaching of the Word among them; though when I came first thither, the most knowing Inhabitants assured me, that some of the same persons wisht my Death; Among the ruder sort, a common Reformation was notifyed in the place, in their Con∣versation as well as in their Judgments.

§, 276. But Satan, the Enemy of God and Souls, did quickly use divers means to hinder me: 1. By Persecution, 2. By the Charges of the work, and, 3. By the troublesome Clamours of some that were too much inclined to Separation. And first a fellow, that made a Trade of being an Informer, accused me to Sir William Poultney, a Justice near, upon the Act against Conventicles: Sir William dealt so wisely and fairly in the business, as frustrated the Informer's first attempts (who offered his Oath against me,) And before he could make a second Attempt, Mr. David Lloyd (the Earl of St. Alban's Bayliff) and other Inhabitants, so search't af∣ter the quality of the Informer, and prosecuted him (to secure the Parish from his Charge of Children) as made him fly, and appear no more. I that had been the first Silenced, and the first sent to Gaol, upon the Oxford-Act of Confine∣ment, was the first prosecuted upon the Act of Conventicles, after the Parliament's Condemning the King's Declaration and Licenses to Preach.

§. 277. But shortly after the Storm grew much greater: The great Ministers of State had new Consultations: The Duke of Lauder dail, the Lord Treasurer, (Sir Thomas Osborne, made Earl of Danby,) The Lord Keeper (Sir Heneage Finch,) the Bishop of Winchester (Dr. Morley) and the Bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Ward,) &c. were the Men that the World talk't of, as the Doers of the Business: The first thing, that appeared, was, That His Majesty called the Bishops up to London, to give him Advice what was to be done for the securing of Religion, &c. The Bishops, after divers Meetings and Delays, (the said Duke, and Lord Treasurer, being appointed to meet with them,) at last Advised the King to recall His Li∣censes, and put the Laws in Execution. Which was done by a Declaration and Proclamation, Declaring the Licenses long since void, and requiring the Executi∣on of the Laws against Papists (most largely mentioned) and Conventicles. No sooner was this Proclamation published, but special Informers were set on Work

to Ascertain the Execution; and I must here also be the first that must be Ac∣cused.

§. 278. A litle before the King had Recalled his Licenses, knowing on what Accusations they would proceed, according to the Act of Uniformity; I did, to Obviate the Accusation, deliver, in Words and Writing, this following Professi∣on, [Though when I began to Preach in this place, I publickly professed, That it was the notorious Necessity of the People, who are more than the Parish-Church can hold, which moved me thereunto, and that we Meet not in Opposition to, or Separation from the Publick Churches; yet perceiving that by some we are misunderstood, I repeat the same Profession: And that we Meet not under colour or pretence of any Religious Exercise in other manner, than according to the Liturgy and Practice of the Church of England: And that were I able, I would accordingly Read my Self.] For the understanding of this, it must be known, 1. That being my Self unable both to Read and Preach, I had an Assistant, who daily Read the Scripture-Sentences, the 95th Psalm, the Psalms for the Day, the two Chapters for the Day, Singing the Psalms appointed for Hymns, using the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Decalogue; all which is the Greatest part of the Liturgy, though none of the Common Prayers were used. 2. That I forbear the use of much of the Common Prayer, which I think lawful and good, meerly because many of the Nonconformists could not bear it. 3. That the Act against Conventicles pu∣nisheth none but [those that meet on colour, or pretence of any Religious Exercise in other manner than according to the Liturgy and practice of the Church of England.] 4. That my Judgment was, that my Meeting was not such, and that I broke no Law: And therefore I made this open Profession, as Preparatory to my An∣swer before the Magistrate; not expecting that any such means should free me from suffering in the least degree, but that it should conduce to the clearing of my Cause when I Suffered. But, upon this Paper, those that are unable, or un∣willing to suspend their Censures, till they understand the Cause, and that can∣not understand Words in their plain and proper signification, but according to their own Preconceptions, did presently divulge, all over the Land, many false Reports of it and me: The Separatists gave out presently, That I had Conform∣ed, and openly declared my Assent and Consent, &c. And so confidently did they affirm it, that almost all the City believed it: The Prelatists again took the Report from them, and their own willingness that so it should be, aud reported the same thing: In one Episcopal City they gave Thanks in Publick that I Con∣formed: In many Counties, their News was, That I most certainly Conformed, and was thereupon to have a Bishoprick (which, if I should, I had done foolish∣ly in losing Thirteen years Lordship and Profit, and then taking it when I am dying.) This was divulged by the Conformists, to fortisie their Party in the Conceits of their Innocency, and by the Separatists, in Spleen and Quarrelsome Zeal! But confident Lying was too common with both. And yet the next day, or the next day save one, Letters fled abroad on the contrary, that I was sent to Gaol for not Conforming.

§. 279. Not long before this, having Preached at Pinners-Hall for Love and Peace, divers false Reports went currant among the Separatists, and from them to other Nonconformists, that I Preached against the Imputation of Christ's Righte∣ousness, and for Justification by our own Righteousness, and that the Papists and Protestants differ but in Words, &c. So that I was constrained to publish the truth of the Case, in a sheet of Paper, called, An Appeal to the Light. Which, though it evinced the falshood of their Reports, and no one Man did ever after justifie them, that ever I could hear of, yet did they persevere in their General Accusation; and I had Letters from several Countries, that the London Accusers had Written to them, that I had both in the Sermon, and in that Paper, called, An Appeal to the Light, done more to strengthen Popery, than ever was done by any Pa∣pists. This was the reward of all my Labours, from the Separating Indepen∣dents.

§. 280. So sinfully ready are Men to receive false Reports, that many of sober Principles, and some of my most intimate Friends, believed them, and were ready to second the Defamation: But when-ever they came to me, and debated the Case, and heard me speak, every Man of them confessed their Error, and Misun∣derstanding. The secret fomenters of the Accusing Reports and Quarrels, did it with such Privacy and Caution as beseemed Wise Men: But the open Back∣biters

were especially some very few more Ministers, accounted earnest judicious Men: But the Women, and Independent Men were the chief.

§. 281. This greatly rejoyced the Persecuting Prelatists; and, 1. They hence inferred, That the Nonconformists were as bad a People as they had reported them, and that whatever was thought Judicious, or Moderate, in any of my Wri∣tings, Preaching, or Conversation, the Nonconformists had no right to any Im∣putation of it, or Reputation by it, because I was one that they disowned: 2. They would hence have drawn me off from the Nonconformists, telling me, That I was worse spoken of, and used by such, than by the Prelatists. To both which I answered, 1. That they knew not the Nonconformists so well as I•• and that tho' the London-Separatists, and a few other weak and passionate persons, made all this noise, yet the generality of the Ministers and sober People, especially in the Countrey, were of my mind: 2. That all this Censure and Clamour was a very small thing, in comparison of what I suffered by the Bishops, who had these 13 years, if not more, deprived me of all Ministerial Maintenance, and also forbid∣den me to Preach Christ's Gospel, though I did it without pay; and had sent me among Rogues, to the Common Gaol; and had deprived me much of the end of Life, which is more to me than Life it self.

§. 282. While I was thus murmured at by Backbiters, Sectaries and Prelatists, when the King's Licenses were recalled as aforesaid, I was the first that was appre∣hended by Warrant and brought before the Justices as a Conventicler. One Keting, an ignorant fellow, had got a Warrant, as Bayliff and Informer, to search after Conventicles (Papists and Protestants) which he prosecuted with great animosity and Violence: Having then left St. Iames's (the Lease of the House being out) I Preached only on Thursdays at Mr. Turner's; and by the Act I am to be Judged by a Justice of the City, or Division where I Preach, but to be distreined on by Warrant from a Justice of the Division or County where I live. So that the Preach∣ing-place being in the City, only a City-Justice might Judge me: Keting went to many of the City-Justices, and none of them would grant him a Warrant a∣gainst me; Therefore he went to the Justices of the County, who lived near me, and one Sir Iohn Medlicot, and Mr. Bennet (Brother to the Lord Arlington) igno∣rant of the Law herein, gave their Warrant to apprehend me, and bring me before them, or some other of His Majesty's Justices: The Constable and Infor∣mer gave me leave to choose what Justices I would go to. I went with them to seck divers of the best Justices, and could find none of them at home, and so spent that day (in a case of pain and great Weakness) in being carryed up and down in vain: But I used the Informer kindly, and spake that to him, which his Conscience (tho' a very ignorant fellow) did not well digest. The next day I went with the Constable and him to Sir William Poultney, who made him shew his Warrant, which was signed by Henry Mountague (Son to the late worthy Earl of Manchester) as Bayliff of Westminster, Enabling him to Search after Mass-Priests and Conventiclers; but I hear of no Mass-Priests save one that was ever medled with to this Day; and that one delivered (as we all desired.) Sir William shewed him, and all the Company, in the Act, that none but a City-Justice had Power to Judge me for a Sermon Preached in the City; and so the Informer was defeated: As I went out of the House I met the Countess of Warwick, and the Lady Lucy Mountague, Sister to the said Mr. Henry Mountague, and told them of the Case and Warrant, who assured me, That he whose Hand was at it, knew nothing of it; and some of them sent to him, and Keting's War∣rant was called in within two or three days. But it proved that one Mr. Bar∣well, Sub-Bayliff of Westminster, was he that set Keting on work, and gave him his Warrant, and told him, How good a Service it was to the Church, and what he might gain by it: And Barwell sharply Chid Keting for doing his work with me no more skilfully: And the Lord of Arlington most sharply Chid his Brother for granting his Warrant: And within a few days Mr. Barwell riding the Circuit, was cast by his Horse, and died in the very Fall. And Sir Iohn Medlicot, and his Brother, a few weeks after, lay both dead in his House toge∣ther. Shortly after Keting came several times to have spoken with Me, to ask me Forgiveness, and not meeting with me, went to my Friends in the City with the same Words (when a little before he had boasted, how many Hun∣dred pounds he would have of the City-Justices for refusing him Justice. At last he found me within, and would have fal'n down on his knees to me, and

askt me earnestly to forgive him: I askt him what had changed his mind: He told me that his Conscience had no peace from the hour that he troubled me; And that it increased his Disquiet that no Justice would hear, nor oue Constable of forty ex∣ecute the warrant, and all the people cryed out against him; But that which set home was Mr. Barwel's Death (for Sir Iohn Medlicot's he knew not of). I exhorted the Man to an Universal Repentance and Reformation of Life, and he told me he would never meddle in such Businesses, nor trouble any Man, and promised to live better himself than he had done.

§ 283. A little before Dr. Manton's Meeting also was surprized, and he having notice of it before, was absent, and got Mr. Bedford to preach for him: For it was resolved to have sent him to the Common Goal, upon the Oxford Act, as a refuser of the Oath, besides the penalty of a Conventicle: The justices were Mr. Ball (Bro∣ther to Dr. Ball Preacher at the Temple) the violentest of them, and Mr. Rose and Mr. Philips, the same two Men that had sent me to the Goal four years before; They offered Mr. Bedford the Oath, but it proved that he had taken it before, and so far defeated them: But he was fined accordingly to the Act in 20l. (and the place 40l.) which the Lord Wharton, the Countesses of Bedford, Manchester and Cl••re, and other hearers paid: But two of the Justices swore that he said, that the King did not in good earnest desire the execution of this Law; which he professed he never said); And for this the King sent him to Prison.

§ 284. An Accident at this time fell out, which occasioned a little seeming stop of my trouble; which I will relate as the Duke of Lauderdail told it me himself, who was present. The Lord Falcon-brigde being with the Bishop of Salisbury (Ward) after reported that the Bishop told him, that it was nothing of the Bishops, but of the Lord Treasurer, that the Act was thus Executed: The Lord Treasurer char∣ged it as an injury on the Bishop: The Lord High Chamberlain (E. of Lindsey) told it Bishop Morley, who told it Bishop Ward, who went to the Lord Treasurer and Complained of it as a false injurious report of the Lord Falconbridge; The Lord Treasurer took him to the King, who sent for the Lord Falconbridge, who (before the King, the D. of Lauderdail, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord High Chamberlain, &c.) was accused by Bishop Ward for a false report of his words: The Lord Falconbridge could not make it good, but tho he spake not those very words, he took the Scope of his Speech to be of that Importance: The King (said the Duke to me) said [I must tell you this my self: I called the Bishops to give me their advice, what was to be done for the present securing of the Church, and the Protestant Religion, and they told me, that there was something to be done, but they thought it not safe for them to give advice in it: I told them that I took this for a Libel; and askt them who, or what they were afraid of: And I appointed these Lords to see them give their Answer. Among other passages the Lord Falconbridge said that the Bishop called the Execution of the Law [a trick]: The Bishop Answered [I said not that the Execution of the Law was a trick; but that to begin with Mr. Baxter was a trick of some, to make it thought that we are unreconcilable to the most moderate and peaceable Men.] And thus they were drawn in to give their seeming Judgment against my suffering (tho there was great reason to think that Pa∣pists and Prelates were the Contrivers of it.)

§ 285. For the better understanding of many of these matters, it must be known, that at 2 or 3 of the last Sessions of Parliament, Bishop Morley had, on all occasions in the Company of Lords, Gentlemen and Divines, cryed out of the danger of Pope∣ry, and talkt much for abatements, and taking in the Nonconformists, or else we are like all to fall into the Papists hands; so that there were no Lords or others for agreement, but he made himself the head of their Design, and so got an Interest still in the work, as the forwardest desirer of it: Dr. Fulwood, Mr. Collyer, and Divers others, came to me to advise about a way of Concord, as encouraged by this Bishop's words: I sent him word by them all, that I had heard these many years of these agreeing pe••••emaking purposes and desires of his Lordship, but having known so much of his Endeavours to the contrary I intreated him by some Deeds to convince me of his sincerity, for till then I was not able to believe it. And the Event shewed that my incredulity was not without cause.

§ 286. At this Sessions of Parliament approaching, he set upon the same Course again, and Bishop Ward as his second and chief Coagent joyned with him, and they were famed to be the two Bishops that were for Comprehension and Concord, none so forward as they: At last Dr. Bates brings me a message from Dr. Tillot son Dean of Canterbury, that he and Dr. Stillingfleet desired a Meeting with Dr. Manton, Dr.

Bates, Mr. Pool, and me, to treat of an Act of Comprehension and Union; and that they were encouraged to it by some Lords both Spiritual and Temporal. We met to consider whether such an Attempt was safe and prudent, or what was not offered by some Bishops, as a s••are to us: I told them my opinion, that Experience would not suffer any Charity to believe any better of some Bishops, but that they knew Dr. Stillingfleet and Dr. Tillotson to be the likeliest Men to have a hand in an Agreement, if such a thing should be attempted, and therefore that they would make themselves the Masters of it to defeat it, and no better issue was to be ex∣pected as from them: But yet that these two Doctors were Men of so much Learn∣ing, Honesty and Interest, that I took it as our Duty, to accept the offer, and to try with them, how far we could agree, and so try them first whether they would pro∣mise us secresy, unless it came to maturity to be further notified by Consent: And that we might hope for this Success, as quickly to agree with these two Men, and in time it might be some advantage to our desired Unity, that our Terms were such as these two worthy Men consented to.

§ 287. Accordingly Dr. Manton and I were desired by the rest to try them: We went to Dr. Tillotson, who promised Morley and Bishop Ward that had set them on work, and the Earl of Carlile and Halifax chiefly who encouraged them. Here-upon we agreed to meet the next week with him and Dr. Stillingfleet, to try how far we could agree on the Terms. I had before drawn up the form of an Healing Act, and read it to no one but Mr. Hampden, (who told me it would never pass): Be∣fore the next Meeting Dr. Manton was fain to abscond at the Lord Wharton's, being designed (as is aforesaid) to the Common Goal (such was the Treaty which we were invited to: But I went alone, and met the two Doctors: I found them sincere in the business, and conceited that Bishop Morley and Ward were so also. Upon their pro∣mise of secrecy, I freely told them my thoughts of the Bishop of Winchester, and what an attempt I had lately made with him (besides all heretofore) at the request of the Earl of Orery, and that after his Calls for Concord, he granted me no one abate∣ment or alteration or indulgence desired: I shewed them the form of the Act which I had prepared; They desired me to leave it with them to consider on. Shortly af∣ter Dr. Tillotson brought me a Draught with several omissions and alterations: I drew up my own again, with some little alterations, required by his Draught: This he and I debated, till we came to an agreement of the whole: I was then desired to Communicate it to some Nonconforming Brethren: Dr. Manton was gone into the Countrey: Dr. Bates was sick: I Communicated it to Mr. Iohn Corbet, Mr. a••ents, Mr. Pool, Dr. Iacomb, and Mr. Humphrey: When we had made such further small Corrections as all agreed on, Mr. Pool and I were desired to meet the two Doctors for a further procedure. They met us, and we again read the Draught, but would give them no Copy; and agreed with them that they should take the present time while Bishop Morley was out of Town (as likest to frustrate) and to desire Bishop Ward, and Bishop Pierson of Chester (a Learned sober Man) to meet us, and to hear what we had agreed on, and promise us secrecy (Bishop Ward once came in upon us, when we were together, but withdrew.) They promised us to try it speedily: But when they had only in General told Bishop Ward, &c. how far we had gone, and how fair we were for Agreement, and told them some of the particular Materials, there was a full end of all the Treaty; The Bishops had no further to go: We had already carryed it too far. Hearing no more of the Doctors, we sent to know how the Case went, and understood by them, that their Hopes and Labours were at an end. I sent to Dr. Tillotson to know whether they would give me leave to tell any to promote our Concord, how far they agreed with us, that their Names might be some advantage to the work: And he wrote to me as followeth.

Apr. 11. 1675. Sir, I took the first opportunity after you were with us to speak to the Bishop of Sal. who promised to keep the matter private, and only to acqaint the Bishop of Ch. with it in order to a Meeting: But upon some General Discourse I plainly perceived several things could not be obtained: However he promised to appoint a time of Meeting, but I have not heard from him since: I am unwilling my Name should be used in this Matter; not but that I do most heartily desire an Accommodation, and shall always endeavour it: But I am sure it will be a prejudice to me, and signify nothing to the effecting of the thing, which as Cir∣cumstances are cannot pass in either House, without the Concurrence of a consi∣derable part of the Bishops, and the Countenance of His Majesty; which at pre∣sent I see little reason to expect. I am, Your affectionate Brother and Servant, Iohn Tillotson.

§ 288. A short time after told these Doctors what these same Bishops were even then contriving when they cryed up Agreement, and set them on this work, even to bring things much higher than they were, by putting on Oath on the Lords, Com∣mons and Magistrates; of which more anon. But because some would know the Terms which we agreed on, I shall here annex the Form, to a word; on∣ly telling them that would understand it, 1. That it is not what we would have; had we our Choice, but what we would possibly hope might have been granted us: We had not the least hopes of more. 2. That we did not so annex the latter Par∣ticulars, as if we would not have been glad of the former alone, could no more be had: For the bare opening of the Door, for our Entrance, would have done something for a present shift. 3. That the passage that shortening Common Prayer in extraordinary Cases should not be punishable, had several uses, which unless we had opportunity here to open, as we debated it, cannot be suddenly understood by each Reader: And many will say that too much or too little is yielded, that know not our Circumstances and hear not our Reasons: But it may somewhat satisfy considering Men that both parties did agree in the form here annexed; tho the Bishops had ra∣ther all our Distractions and Miseries were by the greatest Cruelty continued.

An Act for the Healing and Concord of his Majestie's Subject's in matters of Religion.

WHereas the Concord and Conjunct Labours of all able Godly Ministers of Christ, are of great use to the safety of the true Religion, and peace of the Kingdom, and the Salvation of their Flocks, and Experience proveth that this Concord cannot be now obtained, without some Abatement of the terms of Uni∣formity required by the present Laws, Be it enacted by His Majesty, &c.

I. That no other Oath, Subscription, Declaration, Covenant or promise, shall henceforth be necessary to, or required of any Priests or Deacons for their Ordina∣tion, Institution, Induction, License to preach and perform their Office, nor of Stu∣dents in the Universities, nor School-Masters, besides the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the promises at Ordination of Ministerial fidelity contained in the form of Ordination, and the subscribing to the Doctrine and Sacraments of the Church of England according to the statute of Eliz. 13. in the words [J. A. B. do unfeignedly assent to the Doctrine of Faith, and Sacraments of the Church of England, as they are expressed in the Articles of the Church]; And the Oaths for the proper privi∣leges of the Universities and Colledges; and to this following Declaration against Rebellion and Disloyalty, [J. A. B. do hold that it is not lawful for any of his Ma∣jestie's Subjects upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, his Person, Authority, or Rights and Dignity, nor against any Authorized by his Laws or Legal Com∣mission; and that there lyeth no obligation on me, or any of his Majestie's Subjects from the Oath commonly called the solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any Change of the present Government of his Majestie's Kingdoms, nor to endeavour any reformation or alteration of the Church Government (as it is not by Law established) by Rebellion, Sediti∣on, or any other unlawful means.

II. And be it enacted by, &c.—That in such Churches or places of publick wor∣ship where the Liturgy is read, and the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Sup∣per accordingly administred, by the Incumbent, or the Lecturer, or Curate, or other Minister, no other shall be punished for not using it there, or for not bapti∣zing, or not administring the Lord's Supper; provided that such other Minister be oft present at the reading of the Liturgy, and that he read it himself at least twice a year, and as often baptize Children (if offered thereto) and administer the Lord's Supper according to the Liturgy, if he have cure of Souls. Provided that no Mi∣nister shall be punished as guilty of Omission, for any brevity which is caused una∣voidably by sickness, weakness, or any just extraordinary cause: But if otherwise the Liturgy be in any Church disused, the Incumbent shall be punishable as is already appointed by the Law.

And Be it enacted—that no Parent shall be forbidden to enter his own Child into. Covenant with God in baptism, by speaking such promising and undertaking words, as by the Liturgy and Canon are now required of the Godfathers and Godmothers alone: Nor shall any Minister be forced against his Conscience to baptize any Child, who is not thus offered to God, by one of the Parents, or by such a pro parent as taketh the Child for his own, and undertaketh the Christian Education. Be it also Enacted that no person shall be constrained against his Conscience to the use of the Cross in Baptism, or of the Surplice, nor any Minister to deny the Lord's Supper to any for not receiving it kneeling; nor read any of the Apocrypha for Lessons; nor to punish any Excommunication or Absolution against his Conscience; but the Bishop or Chan∣cellour who decreeth it shall cause such to publish it as are not dissatisfyed so to do, or shall only affix it on the Church-Door. Nor shall any Minister be constrained at Bu∣rial to speak only words importing the salvation of any person, who within a year received not the Sacrament of Communion, or was suspended from it according to the Rubrick or Canon, and satisfyed not the Minister of his serious Repentance.

III. And whereas many persons having been ordained as Presbyters by Parochi∣al Pastors in the times of Usurpation and Distraction, hath occasioned many Difficul∣ties; for the present remedy hereof, be it Enacted.—That all such persons as before this time have been ordained as Presbyters by Parochial Pastors only, and are quali∣fyed for that Office as the Law requireth, shall receive power to exercise it, from a Bishop by a written Instrument (which every Bishop in his Diocess is hereby im∣powered and required to Grant) in these words and no other [To A. B. of C. in the Country of D. Take thou Authority to exercise the Office of a Presbyter, in any place and Congregation in the King's Dominions whereto thou shall be lawfully called.] And this practice sufficing for present Concord, no one shall be put to declare his Judgment, whether This, or That which he before received, shall be taken for his Ordination, nor shall be urged to speak any words of such signification; but each party shall be left to Judge as they see cause.

IV. And whereas the piety of Families, and Godly Converse of Neighbours is a great means of preserving Religion and Sobriety in the World, and lest the Act for suppressing seditious Conventicles should be mis-interpreted as injurious thereto, be it declared—that it is none of the meaning of the said Act, to forbid any such Fa∣mily Piety or Converse, tho more then four Neighbours should be peaceably pre∣sent, at the Reading of the Scriptures, or a Licensed Book, the singing of a Psalm, repeating of the publick Sermons, or any such Exercise which neither the Laws nor Canons do forbid, they being performed by such as joyn with the allowed Church-As∣semblies, and refuse not the Inspection of the Ministers of the Parish; Especially where persons that cannot read are unable to do such things at home, as by Can. 13. is enjoyned.

V. And whereas the form of the Oath and Declaration, imposed on persons of Office and Trust in Corporations, is unsatisfactory to many that are Loyal and peaceable, that our Concord may extend to Corporations as well as Churches, Be it Enacted—That the taking of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Declaration against Religion and Disloyalty, here before prescribed, shall to all Ends and purposes suffice instead of the said Oath and Declaration.

VI. And whereas there are many peaceable Subjects, who hold all the Essentials of the Christian Faith, but conform not to so much as is required to the Established Ministry and Church-Communion, Be it Enacted—that All and only they who shall publickly take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, before some Court of ••ustice, or at the Open Sessions of the County where they live, and that then and there Subscribe as followeth. [I. A. B. do unfe••gnedly stand to my Baptismal Covenant, and do believe all the Articles of the Creeds called the Apostles, the Nicene, and Constanti∣nopolitane; and the truth of the holy Canonical Scriptures, and do renounce all that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contrary hereto,] shall be so far tolerated in the Excercise of their Religion, as His Majesty, with the advice of his Parliament or Council, shall from time to time, find consistent with the peace and safety of his Kingdoms.

VII. And lest this Act for Concord, should occasion Discord, by emboldening unpeaceable and unruly or heretical men, be it enacted—that if any either in the allowed or the Tolerated Assemblies that shall pray or Preach Rebellion, Sedition, or against the Government or Liturgy of the Church, or shall break the Peace by tumults or otherwise, or stir up unchristian hatred and strife, or shall preach against, or otherwise oppose the Christan verities or any Article of the sacred Doctrine which they subscribe, or any of the 39. Articles of Religion, they shall be punished as by the Laws against such Offences is already provided.

I will here also Annex the Copies of some Petitions, which I was put to draw up, which never were presented.

I. The first was intended while the Parliament was sitting to have been offered; but wise Parliament-Men thought it was better forbear it.

II. The second was thought fit for some Citizens to have offered; but by the same Councel it was forborn.

III. The third was thus occasioned: Sir Iohn Babor told Dr. Manton that the Scots being then suspected of some insurrection, it was expected that we renewed the profession of our Loyalty, to free us from all suspicion of Conspiracy with them. We said that it seemed hard to us that we should fall under suspicion, and no cause alledged: We knew of no occasion that we had given: But we were ready to profess our continued Loyalty, but desired that we might with it, open our just resentment of our Case. They put me to draw it up: but when it was read, it was laid by, none daring to plead our Cause so freely and signify any sense of our hard usage.

I. May it Please Your Majesty, with the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament.

WHen the Common profession of resolved moderation had abated Men's fears of a Silencing Prelacy; and the published Declarations of Nobilitie and Gentry against all dividing violence and revenge, had helpt to unite the endeavours of Your Subjects which prospered for Your Majestie's desired Re∣storation; when God's wonderful providence had dissolved the Military Powers of Usurpers, which hindered it; and when Your welcome appearance, Your Act of Oblivion, Your Gracious Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs (for which the House of Commons solemnly gave you thanks) did seem to have done much to the Cure of our Divisions; we had some hopes that our common revived Love and Concord, would have tended to Your Majesty's and our common joy, in the har∣mony, strength and prosperity of Your Kingdoms; and that we might among your inferiour Subjects have enjoyed our part in the common tranquility. But the year 1662. dissolved those hopes, fixing our old Difficulties, and adding more which since then also have been much increased: Beeing consecrated and vowed to the sacred Ministry, we dare not desert it, lest we shortly appear before our Judge, in the guilt of sacriledge, & perfidiousness against Christ and the people's Souls. But we are forbiden to exercise it, unless, we will do that which we profess as Men that are passing to our final Doom, we would readily do, were it not for fear of God's displeasure and our Damnation. Deprivation of all Ministerial main∣tenance, with heavy Mulcts (on such as have not money to pay) and long Im∣prisonments in the Common Goals with Malefactors, and banishment (to those that shall survive them) and that into remote parts of the World, were the pe∣nalties appointed for us by your Laws. Voluminous reproaches are published a∣gainst us; in which our Superiours and the World are told, that we hold that things indifferent are made unlawful by the Commands of lawful Gover∣nours,

and that we are guilty of Doctrines inconsistent with the Peace and Safe∣ty of Societies, and that we are moved by Pride and Covetousness; as if we were proud of Men's Scorn, and covetous of sordid Want and Beggery, and ambitious of a Gaol; and that we are Unpeaceable, Disloyal, Odious and Intole∣rable Persons.

Lest we should seem over-querulous, and our Petitions themselves should prove offensive, we have been silent under Twelve years sufferings (by which divers Learned and holy Divines have been hastened home to Glory) hoping that Expe∣rience would have effectually spoken for us, when we may not Speak for our selves. And did we believe that our own pressures were the greatest consequent Evil, and that the People's knowledge, and piety, and the allowed Ministers Number suffi∣ciency and Diligence, were such as made our Labours needless, and that the Hi∣story of our Silence and Sufferings would be the future Honour of this Age, and the future Comfort of your Souls, and theirs that instigate you against us, before our Common Judge, we would joyfully be silent, and accept of a Dismission. But being certain of the contrary, we do this once adventure, humbly to tender to Your Majesty, and Your Parliament, these following Requests.

1. Because God saith, That he that hateth his Brother is a Murderer, and hath not Eternal Life: We humbly crave leave once to Print and Publish the true State and Reasons of our Nonconformity to the World; to save Mens Souls from the guilt of unjust Hatred and Calumny: And if we err, we may be helped to Re∣pentance by a Confutation, and the Notoriety of our shame.

2. That in the mean time this Honourable House will appoint a Committee to consider of the best means for the Healing our Calamitous Divisions, before whom we may have leave at last to speak for our selves.

3. That these annexed Professions of our Religion and Loyalty may be recei∣ved, as from Men that better know their own Minds than their Accusers do, and who, if they durst deliberately Lie, should be no Nonconformists.

4. That if yet we must suffer as Malefactors, we may be punished but as Drun∣kards, and Fornicators are, with some Penalty which will consist with our Preach∣ing Christ's Gospel, and that shall not reach to the hurt or danger of many Thou∣sand Innocent People's Souls, till the Re-building of the Burnt-Churches, the les∣sening of great Parishes, where one of very many cannot hear and worship God; and till the quality and number of the Conformable Ministers, and the knowledge, piety, and sobriety of the people have truly made our Labours needless; and then we shall gladly obey your Silencing Commands.

And whereas there are commonly reckoned to be in the Parishes without the Walls, above Two hundred thousand persons, more than can come within the Parish Churches, they may not be compelled in a Christian Land to live as A∣theists, and worse than Infidels and Heathens, who, in their manner, publickly worship God.

The Profession of our Religion.

I A. B. Do willingly profess my continued resolved consent to the Covenant of Christianity which I made in my Baptism, with God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, forsaking the Devil, the World, and the sinful Lusts of the Flesh: And I profess my Belief of the Ancient Christian Creeds, called, The Apostles, The Nicene, and, The Constantinopolitane, and the Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, fullier opened in that ascribed to Athanasius: And my Consent to The Lord's Prayer, as the Summary of Holy Desires, and to The Decalogue, with Christ's Institutions, as the Summary Rule of Christian Practice: And to all the Holy Canonical Scriptures, as the Word of God: And to the Doctrine of the Church of England profes∣sed in the 39 Articles of Religion, as in sence agreeable to the Word of God: And I renounce all Heresies, or Errours, contrary to any of these; And I do hold that the Book of Common Prayer, and of Bishops, Priests and Deacons, contain∣eth in it nothing so disagreeable to the Word of God, as maketh it unlawful to live in the Peaceable Communion of the Church that useth it.

The Profession of our Loyalty and Obedience.

I do willingly, and without Equivocation and Deceit, take the Oaths of Allegi∣ance, and the King's Supremacy, and hold my self obliged to perform them. I detest all Doctrines and Practices of Rebellion and Sedition: I hold it unlawful for any of His Majesty's Subjects, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, His Person, Authority, Dignity, or Rights, or against any Authorized by his Laws or Commissions: And that there is no Obligation on me or any other of his Subjects, from the Oath Commonly called, The Solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any change of the present Government of these His Majesty's Kingdoms; nor to endeavour any Reformation of the Church, by Re∣bellion, Sedition, or any other unlawful means.

The Overplus, as a remedy against Suspicion.

We believe and willingly embrace all that is written in the Holy Scriptures for the power of Kings and the Obedience of their Subjects, and the sinfulness of Re∣bellion and Resistance. And concerning the same we consent to as much as is found in any General Council, or in the Confession of any Christian Church on Earth (not respecting Obedience to the Pope,) which ever yet came to our knowledg; or as is owned by the Consent of the Greater part of Divines, Politicians, Law∣yers or Historians in the Christain World, as far as our Reading hath acquainted us therewith.

II. To the King's most Excellent Majesty; The Humble Pe∣tition of some Citizens of London, on the behalf of this City, and the Adjoyning Parishes, Sheweth,

THat the Calamitous Fire 1666, with our Houses and Goods, Burnt down near 90 Churches, few of which are yet Re-edifyed; And divers Parishes, whose Churches yet stand, are so great, that it is but a small part of the Inhabitants that can there hear: whereby great Numbers are left in ignorance, and as a prey to Papists and other Seducers, and which is worse, to Atheism, Infidelity, and Irreligiousness: And if many of their ancient ejected, silenced Pastors, who, for refusing certain Subscriptions, Declarations, Promises, Oaths and Practices, are called Nonconformists, had not through great Difficulties and Sufferings exer∣cised their Compassion to the people's Souls, in Preaching and Visiting the Sick, they had been yet more miserable destitute and forsaken.

Your Petitioners being sensible, that Christians professing the Belief of a Life to come, and that the holy Scriptures should not, by such Judgments, as our Plagues and Flames be hardened against God, but be awakened to Repentance and Holiness of Life, and that so Great and Honourable a City, should not, after all, turn worse than Infidels and Heathens, who are taught by Nature, publickly to Worship God, do humbly request, that till the Great Parishes have Capacious Churches or Chappels, and the ruined Churches are re-built, and furnished with able Conformable Ministers, those Protestant Nonconformists who will Teach the peo∣ple where others do not, may not be therefore punished, or be forbidden, and the Souls of many Thousands which are hasting to another World, be deprived of such necessary helps, the Preachers being responsible for whatever they speak or do amiss. This Necessary Compassion to this famous City, even to the Souls of Men, which we humbly crave will more oblige Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects, to Pray for the Continuance of Your Prosperous Reign.

III. To the King's most Excellent Majesty, The humble Profes∣sion of Gratitude and Subjection of some Ejected, Silenced Ministers of Christ, on the behalf of themselves and many others.

May it please Your Majesty,

WE Your Majesty's Subjects, Dedicated to the Sacred Office, from which we must not Perfidiously and Sacrilegiously alienate our selves, once (vainly) hoped that the Established Publick Ministry might have received Men of our Size of Science and Conscience, till all the Churches had been furnished with Wiser Better Men: But God (for our Sins and Trial) and Men (we know not why) have otherwise decreed. We choose not this Calling (nor our costly Nonconformity) as the way of Wealth or Worldly Honour; Nor ever expect∣ed that God should make us a Golden-Bridge to Heaven; Nor desire to be Lords over God's Flock, or Rule them by Constraint, remembring who said, [But with you it shall not be so:] Gain is not our Godliness, or Church-Glory, but Godli∣ness our Gain; We like not Dives's Choice so well as Mary's; But yet could gladly have escaped both Lazarus and Martha's straits, and have served God without distraction: We have Flesh that is not in love with Suffering, nor am∣bitious to live on Alms: It is Divine Relief that must keep those Men's Con∣sciences from a timerous or treacherous surrender, which are besieged by Sixteen years Poverty and Reproach, and from the Prophaneness of selling their Birth-right for a Morsel: But (though Sensibility of our Brethren's Sufferings, be not Im∣patient Murmuring, yet) it is a more Grievous Burden, which constraineth us at last to Speak, viz. That so great a part of our maturest Age (in which, by the experience of good and evil, our own and others, we should have been far wiser and sitter to serve God in his Church, than we were in unexperienced Youth) should be so far lost as it hath been, as to the Work to which we were Ordained: That (Unheard) we should be supposed so Erroneous, or Criminal, as that no Punish∣ment of our Bodies can give satisfaction without the suffering of the Souls of Men, by our forbearing to Preach the Word of Life! That while with grieved Souls we must see the sad Divisions a••d Sidings that Prevail, and the doleful advanta∣ges that Satan hereby getteth, for the ruine of Piety, Love and Peace, and the increase of Atheism, Infidelity and Maliciousness, and Confusion, and every evil work, and are told so loudly, by our notorious Necessity, that all our Endea∣vours conjunct would be too little: When we have foreseen and foretold all this, and used our most earnest Requests and Endeavours to have prevented it; We must yet be defamed by Tongues and Press, as the Authors and Fomenters of it, and as men of Unsociable and unruly humours, and of Unpeaceable Schismatical and sedi∣tious Principles; That being thus rendered odious, we are made uncapable of Pub∣lick or Private use to Multitudes, whose Lives declare their need of help. That many whom we must honour and reverence, are hereby drawn into the guilt of Calumny and Injury to the Church, as well as to us, whose Case and Reasons (as to the New Conformity) they never understood, or heard. That so many Men's minds, and Zeal and Parts should be so ill imployed on all sides, as to be raking in the bleeding Wounds which they are obliged to the uttermost of their Diligence to heal: That while Preachers are against Preachers, and Hea∣venly Love and Joy is turned into Envying and Strife; We should go for the Men that blow the Coals, and rob Your Majesty of the Honour and Joy of Ruling an Unanimous Ministery, and a Peaceable, Loyal, Unsuspected People; We must not be guilty of setting so light by Your Majesty's Interest, and Your judgment of us, and Favour to us, and the Interest of the Church, and the People's Souls, as to remain still silent under all this. And, with greatest reverence of God, we must profess, That if the faithful search of our Consciences should shew us, that all this is cau∣sed by any self-seeking, or willfulness of ours; and that we were not still wil∣ling, at the dearest rate (except sinning, which is no way to Peace) to close these Wounds, but preferred any Worldly Interest before the Peace and Harmony of Souls, we should take it to be Kin to Iudas's Sin, and should tremble to think,

how quickly a revenging God would judge us, and what a dismal entrance upon Eternity such guilty Souls are like to have.

But tho sense and conscience thus complain, it is but the introduction to our thank∣ful acknowledgment of the favours which your Majesty hath vouchsafed us: Your Cle∣mency, protection and forbearance hath revived our comforts, which consist in that work which is the business of our Lives. Our Loyal fidelity shall express our gratitude more than words: And because some in this also would render us suspected, we take it for our Duty to profess, that tho we take not and digest not, as easily as is expected, all Subscriptions, Declarations and Oaths, which are of late imposed, It is not from any Principle of Disloyalty: For we firmly hold that every Soul must be subject to the Higher Powers, not only for Wrath but Conscience sake: And that Honour; and Obe∣dience in Lawful things, and patience under wrongful pressures is our Duty to our Ru∣lers; In short, we know not of one word in Scripture, one Canon of any General Council, one Confession of any Christian Church on Earth, which speaketh more for subjects Sub∣mission, and peaceable obedience to Kings, than we do heartily acknowledge: And we be∣lieve that no vow or Covenant of our own, can disoblige us from any part of this obedience, or warrant us to Rebel. We would not have the King of Rome (the pretended vicar of the King of Kings) to be King over your Majesty or your King∣doms; The world's Experience lowdly telleth us that Clergymen are fitter to be kept by the Sword in Peace and Quietness, than to be trusted with the Sword; and we would not have Kings be made their Executioners: For we are past doubt that the Controversies and Contentions of the Worldly Tyrannical, and the self-conceited Clergy, have been many hundred years more Calamitous to the Christian World, than the most bloody Wars: We are our selves so far from desiring Grandeur and Dominion, that we would not be so much as the Pastors of any but Consenters; and wish that the Cler∣gie's State were such as neither starved or straitened the diligent Labourers, nor so tempted and invited Ambitious Worldly minds, as that such, being the seekers, must usual∣ly be the Masters of the Church, who are likest to be Enemies to the holy Doctrine which condemneth them. We long, we pray, we groan for the Concord of the Chri∣stian World: And we are sure that whoever shall be the blessed and honoured Instru∣ments of that work, must do it by breaking dividing Engines, and making the primitive simplicity, the terms of Vnion; even a few plain, certain, necessary things; while the Sword of the Magistrate constraineth the turbulent, to peace and mutual forbearance in the rest: We are not for cruelty to any: We greatly approve of your Majesties Avers∣ness to persecution. But we believe that it is the Learning, Godliness and Con∣cord of the Ministry, which shall be publickly settled by your Laws, which must be the chief means of preserving Religion, Loyalty and Peace, and therefore must deep∣ly resent it that we are rendered so unserviceable in that kind, and that well meaning men should so long misunderstand our cause, and judge, defame and use us as if we were the hinderers of that sweet agreement which our Souls most earnestly desire, and would purchase by any Lawful price. In summ, the belief of the Heavenly Glory through Christ, kindling the Love of God and Man, and teaching us to live Soberly, Righ∣teously, and Godly, and the Government of Magistrates keeping all in peace upon these terms, is the Religion and State that we desire.

And the grief of our Souls for the present Divisions doth call up our thankful remembrance, that once by your Majesty's favour, we were Commissioned to speak for our selves about the old Conformity, and to treat with your Bishops for such Alterations as were necessary to our Concord: And that your Majesty published so Gracious a De∣claration of Ecclesiastical Affairs, as, had it lived, had prevented our present fractions; yea that your House of Commons gave your Majesty the publick Thanks for your healing means: (Tho now some take all our Divisions and Distractions, to be a smaller evil, than the Terms of that your Majesty's Declaration would be). And if ever your favour allow us to speak for our selves also as to the New Conformity, and to o∣pen to the world, the matter and reasons of our Nonconformity, we cannot doubt but it would much abate the Censures and Injuries of Multitudes that understand us not, and consequently abate their guilt, and all unbrotherly Distances and Schisms, and Men's unthankful dislike of your Majesty's Clemency. And so far as God by your Ma∣jesty's favour shall open our Lips, that our mouths may shew forth his praise, we shall be obliged to greater thankfulness to your Majesty, and to pray for your pious and prosperous Reign, and that we may all live a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty, as becometh your Majesty's Loyal Subjects.

§ 289. While the said two Bishops were fraudulently seeming to set us on this Treaty, their cause required them outwardly to pretend that they would not have me troubled; but understand I was still the first that was haunted after and perse∣cuted: And even while I was in this Treaty, the informers of the City (set on work by the Bishops) were watching my preaching, and contriving to load me with di∣vers convictions and fines at once: And they found an Alderman Justice even in the Ward where I preached, sit for their Design, one Sir Thomas Davis, who under∣stood not the Law, but was ready to serve the Prelates in their own way. To him Oath was made against me, and the place where I preached, as for two Sermons, which came to threescore pounds fine to me, and fourscore to the owner of the place where we assembled: But I only was sought after and prosecuted.

§ 290. The Reader must here understand the present case of the City as to such things: The Execution of these Laws, that were to ruine us for preaching, was so much against the hearts of the Citizens, that scarce any could be found to execute them: Tho the Corporation Oath and Declaration had new moulded the City (and all the Corporations of the Land, except some few (as Taunton, &c.) which were utterly dissolved by it) yet were the Aldermen for the most part utterly averse to such Im∣ployment, so that whenever an Informer came to them, tho (they forfeited an 100l. every time that they refused to execute their Office, yet some shifted out of the way, and some plainly denyed and repulsed the Accusers, and one was sued for it; And Alderman Forth got an Informer bound to the behaviour for breaking in upon him in his Chamber against his will. Two fellows called Strowd and Marishal became the General Informers in the City, and some others under them. In all London, notwithstanding that the third parts of those great Fines might be given the Informers, very few would be found to do it: And those two were presently fallen upon by their Creditors on purpose, and Marishal laid in the Compter for Debt, where he remained for a considerable time; but Strowd (keeping a Cof∣fee-House) was not so deep in debt, but was bailed. Had a Stranger of another Land come into London, and seen five or six poor ignorant sorry Fellows (un∣worthy to have been inferiour Servants to an Ordinary Gentleman) hunting, and insulting over the ancient Aldermen, and the Lord Mayor himself, and all the Reverend, faithful Ministers that were ejected, and eighty nine Churches were destroyed by the Fire, and in many Parishes the Churches yet standing, could not hold a sixth, or tenth part of the People, yet those that Preached for nothing were prosecuted to utter ruin, with such unwearied eagerness, sure he would have wondered what these Prelates and Prosecutors are; and it may convince us that the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 given in Scripture to some Men (translated false Accusers) is not unmeet: When Men pretending to be the Fathers of the Church dare turn loose half a dosen paltry, silly Fellows that know not what they do, to be, to so many Thousand Sober Men, as Wolves among the Sheep, to the distraction of such a City, and the disturbance of so many thousand for worshipping God. How lively doth this tell us, that Satan, the Prince of the Aereal Powers worketh in the Children of Disobedience, and that his King∣dom on Earth is kin to Hell, as Christ's Kingdom is to Heaven.

§ 291. When I understood that the design was to ruin me, by heaping up Convictions, before I was heard to speak for my self, I went to Sir Thomas Davis, and told him that I undertook to prove that I broke not the Law, and desired him that he would pass no Judgment till I had spoke for my self before my Accusers. But I found him so ignorant of the Law, as to be fully perswaded, that if the Informers did but swear in general that I kept [an unlaw∣ful meeting in Pretence of a Religious Exercise in other manner than according to the Liturgy and practice of the Church of England] he was bound to take this general Oath for Proof, and to record a Judgment; and so that the Accusers were in∣deed the Judges, and not he: I told him that any Lawyer would soon tell him the contrary, and that he was Judge whether by particular Proof they made good their general Accusation, (as it is in case a Man be accused of Felony or Treason, it is not enough that Men swear that he is a Felon or Traytor, they must name what his Fact was, and prove him guilty:) And I was at charge in Feeing Counsellors to convince him, and others; and yet I could not perswade him out of his mistake; I told him that if this were so, any two such Fellows might defame, and bring to Fines, and Punishment, himself, and all the Magi∣strates and Parliament-Men themselves, and all that meet in the Parish-Church∣es,

and Men had no Remedy. At last he told me that he would consult with other Aldermen at the Sessions, and they would go one way: When the Sessions came I went to Guild-Hall, and again desired him that I might be heard before I was Judged: But though the other Aldermen (save two or three) were a∣gainst such doings, I could not prevail with him, but (professing great Kindness) he then laid all on Sir Iohn Howell, the Recorder, saying, that it was his Judg∣ment, and he must follow his Advice. I desired him, and Sir Thomas Allen, that they would desire of the Recorder, that I might be heard before I was Judg∣ed, and that if it must pass by his Judgment, that he would hear me speak: But I could not procure it; the Recorder would not speak with me: When I saw their Resolution, I told Sir Thomas Davis, if I might not be heard, I would record to Posterity the injustice of his Judgment, and Record: But I perceived, that he had already made the Record, but not yet given it in to the Sessions: At last, upon Consultation with his Leaders, he granted me a hearing, and three of the Informers met me at his House, that had sworn against me: I told them my particular Case, and asked them what made my Preaching a Breach of that Law, and how they proved their Accusation? They first said, Because I Preached in an unconsecrated Place: I told them, 1. That the Act only laid it on the manner of the Exercise, which the Place was nothing to: And, 2. That it was the Practice of the Church of England to Preach in unconsecrated Places, as at Sturbridge-Fair, at the Spittle, at Whitchall-Court, and many such like.

They next said, [Because I am a Nonconformist.] I easily convinced them that I am not a Nonconformist in Law-sence, but in the same case with a Conformist that hath no Benefice (whatever I am in conscience), the Law obliging me to no more than I do. And if I were, that is nothing to the manner of the exercise.

Their last and great proof was, that I used not the Common Prayer. I under∣took to prove to them that Law commandeth the use of the Common Prayer only in Church Meetings, and not in every other subordinate or by-Meeting for Religious Exercises, such as ours was: And that it was not the sense of the Act that Conformable persons that Communicate in the Liturgy with the Parish Churches, should be judged Conventiclers, whenever above four of them joyned in a Religious Exercise without the Liturgy: For else all Tu∣tors in the University should be punishable, and all School-masters that teach their Scholars and pray with them (if above 16 years of age) and they that instruct Prisoners at Newgate, and they that exhort and pray and sing Psalms with them at the Gallows, with many such Instances: We ought not to judge so uncharitably of King and Parliament, unconstrained, as to think that they would allow Multitudes to meet at a Play-house, a Musick-house, a horse-race, a Bear-baiting, or Dancing, or any game, and allow many to meet at a Coffee-house, Ale-house, or Tavern, or in any private house, and do, on pain of ut∣ter ruine, only forbid Conformable persons, to joyn more than four, in sing∣ing a Psalm, or reading a Chapter or a Licensed book, or in praying together, or Conference tending to Religious Edification.

In Summ, they confest they could not Answer me, nor prove their charge, but they still believed that I was guilty: The Justice was so far from thinking that they proved it, that he motioned to them to Retract their Oaths (or else still he thought that he must condemn me:) They denyed to do that, and said, That the Bishop assured them, That it was a Conventicle, and I was guilty: I desired them, if it must all lie upon the Bishop, that I might Speak with them to the Bishop for my self: They told me, That it was the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and they were all just now going to him, and promised to bring me word when I might Speak with him; But I heard no more of them of that: But the Justice retracted not his Judgment, but delayed a Month or more, to give out his Warrant to distrein, though I daily look when they take my books (for they will find but little else:) Though both Justice and Accusers have before witness confessed that they cannot prove me guilty, but one professeth to go on the belief of the Recorder, and the other of the Arch∣bishop.

§. 292. But God hath more mercy on these ignorant Informers, than on the Pharisaical Instigators of them: For those repent, but no Prelate, (save one) that I hear of, doth repent: One of them that ••••ore against me, went the next Fast to Redrif••, to Mr. Rosewell's Church, where a Fast was kept, where hearing

three Ministers pray and preach, his heart was melted, and with Tears, he lament∣ed his former course, and particularly his Accusing me, and seemeth resolved for a new reformed Course of Life, and is retired from his former Company to that end. And a third (the chief) of the Informers lately in the Streets, with great kindness to me, professed, that he would meddle no more (coming by when a half distracted Fellow had Struck me on the head with his Staff, and furiously revi∣led at me for Preaching, with the titles of Rogue, Villain, Hypocrite. Traytor, &c. (as the Prelatists and Papists often do.)

§. 293. The Parliament meeting Apr. 13. they fell first on the D. of Lauderdale, renewing their desire to the King, to remove him from all publick Enployment and Trust: His chief accusing Witness was Mr. Burnet, late Publick-Professor of Theo∣logie at Glascow, who said, That he askt him whether the Scots Army would come into England, and said; What if the Dissenting Scots should Rise, an Irish Army should cut their Throats, &c. But because Mr. Burnet had lately magnified the said Duke in an Epistle before a published book, many thought his witness now to be more unfavoury and revengefull: Every one judging as they were affected. But the King sent them Answer, That the words were spoken before his late Act, of pardon, which if he should Violate, it might cause jelousies in his Subjects, that he might do so also by the Act of Indemnity.

§. 294. Their next Assault was against the Lord Treasurer, who found more Friends in the House of Commons, who at last acquitted him.

§. 295. But the great work was in the House of Lords, where an Act was brought in to impose such an Oath on Lords, Commons, and Magistrates, as is Imposed by the Oxford-Act of Confinement on Ministers, and like the Corporation-Oath (of which more anon.) It was now supposed that the bringing the Parlia∣ment under this Oath and Test was the great work which the House was to perform: The Summ was, That none Commissioned by the King may be by Arms resisted, and that they would never endeavour any alteration of the Government of Church or State. Many Lords spake vehemently against it, as destructive to the Privileges of their House, which was to Vote freely, and not to be preobliged by an Oath to the Prelates: The Lord Treasurer, the Lord Keeper, with Bishop Morley and Bishop Ward, were the great Speakers for it, And the Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, the D. of Buckingham, the Earl of Salisbury, the chief Speakers against it: They that were for it, being the Major part, many of the rest Entered their Protestation against it: The Protesters the first time (for they protested thrice more afterward) were the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earls of Salisbury, Bristol, Barkshire,

§ 296. The Protesting Lords having many days striven against the Test, and be∣ing overvoted, attempted to joyn to it an Oath for Honesty and Conscience in these words.

[I do swear that I will never by threats, injunctions, promises, or invita∣tions, by or from any person whatsoever, nor from the hopes or prospects of any gift, place, office, or trust whatever, give my vote, other than according to my opinion and conscience, as I shall be truly and really perswaded upon the debate of any business in Parliament].

But the Bishops on their side did cry it down and cast it out.

§ 297. The Debating of this Text did more weaken the Interest and Reputati∣on of the Bishops with the Nobles, than any thing that ever befel them since the King came in; so much doth unquiet overdoing tend to undoing. The Lords that would not have heard a Nonconformist say half so much, when it came to be their own case, did long and vehemently plead against that Oath and Declaration as im∣posed on them, which they with the Commons had before imposed on others. And they exercised so much liberty for many days together in opposing the Bishops, and free and bold speeches against their Test, as greatly turned to the Bishops Dispa∣ragement, especially the Earl of Shaftsbury, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Bristol, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earl of Salisbury, the Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, and the Lord of Alesbury.

Which set the Tongues of Men at so much liberty, that the common talk was against the Bishops: And they said, that upon Trial, there were so few found a∣mong all the Bishops, that were able to speak to purpose (Bishop Morley of Win∣chester, and Bishop Ward of Salisbury being their chief Speakers) that they grew very low also, as to the Reputation of their parts.

§. 298. At last, though the Test was carried by the Majority, yet those, that were against it, with others, prevailed to make so great an alteration of it, as made it quite another thing, and turned it to the greatest disadvantage of the Bishops, and the greatest accommodation of the Cause of the Nonconformists, of any thing that this Parliament hath done For they reduced it to these words, of a Declaration and an Oath.

[

I A. B. do declare, That it is not lawful, on any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King; And that I do abhor that Traiterous Position, of taking Arms, by His Authority, against His Person, or against those that are Commissioned by him according to Law, in time of Rebellion and War, in acting in pursuance of such Commission.

[

I A. B. do Swear, that I will not endeavour an Alteration of the Prote∣stant Religion now established by Law in the Church of England: nor will I endeavour any Alteration in the Government of this Kingdom in Church or State, as it is by Law Established.

§. 299. This Declaration and Oath thus altered, was such as the Nonconfor∣mists would have taken, if it had been offered them in stead of the Oxford-Oath, the Subscription for Uniformity, the Corporation and Vestry Declaration: But the Kingdom must be Twelve years rackt to Distraction, and 1800 Ministers for∣bidden to Preach Christ's Gospel, upon pain of utter ruin, and Cities and Corpo∣rations all New-Modelled and Changed, by other kind of Oaths and Covenants; and when the Lords find the like obtruded on themselves, they reject it as into∣lerable: And when it past, they got in this Proviso, That it should be no hin∣derance to their Free-Speaking and Voting in the Parliament: Many worthy Ministers have lost their Lives by Imprisonments, and many Hundred their Maintenance, and Liberty, and that opportunity to serve God in their Callings, which was much of the comfort of their Lives, and mostly for refusing what the Lords themselves at last refuse, with such another Declaration. But though Experience teach some that will no otherwise learn; it is sad with the World, when their Rulers must learn to Govern them at so dear a rate; and Coun∣treys, Cities, Churches, and the Souls of Men, must pay so dear for their Gover∣nours Experience.

§. 300. The following Explication will tell you, That there is nothing in this Oath and Declaration to be refused. 1. [I do declare, That it is not law∣ful] can mean no more, but that [I think so] and not that I pretend to In∣fallible certainly therein. 2. [To take Arms against the King.] That is, either against his Formal Authority, as King; or against His Person (Life, or Liberty) or against any of His Rights and Dignity: And doubtless the Person of the King is invi••••able, and so are His Authority and Rights; not only by the Laws, but by the very Constitution of the Kingdom: For every Common-wealth being essentially constituted of the Pars Imperans, and pars subdita materially, the Uni∣on of these is the Form of it, and the Dissolution is the Death of it: And Ho∣stility is Disunion and Dissolution. Therefore no Head or Soveraign hath power to destroy, or sight against his Kingdom, nor any Common-wealth or Kingdom against their King or Soveraign Rulers: unless in any case the Law of Nature and Nations, which is above all Humane Positive Laws, should make the dissolu∣tion of the Republick to become a Duty, (As if some Republick should cast off the Essential Principles of Society.) By Law, neither King nor Kingdom may destroy or hurt each other: For the Governing Laws suppose their Union (as the Constitution, and the Common good, with the due Welfare of the Soveraign, is the end of Government, which none have power against.

But it must be noted, that the words are [against the King] and not [against the King's Will;] for if his Will be against his Welfare, his Kingdom, or his Laws, though that Will be signified by his Commissioners, the Declaration disclaimeth not the resisting of such a Will by Arms.

3. And if there be any that assert, that the King's Authority giveth them right to take up Arms (against his Person, or Lawful Commissions,] it must needs be a False and Traiterous Assertion: For if his Person may be Hostilely fought a∣gainst, the Common-wealth may be dissolved, which the Law cannot suppose;

for all Laws die with the Common-wealth: And it is a contradiction to be au∣thorized by him to resist by Arms his Commissions, which are according to Law: For the Authority, pretended to be his, must be his Laws, or Commissions, and to be Authorized by his Laws, or Commissions, to resist his Laws, must sig∣nifie, that his Laws are contradictory, when by one we must resist another: But so far as they are contradictory, both cannot be Laws, or Lawful Commissions; For one of them must needs nullifie the other (either by Fundamental Priority, or by Posteriority, signifying a Repeal of the other.)

And it must be noted, that yet the Trayterous Position medleth not with the Question of [taking Arms against the King's Person, or Commissioners by the Law of God, of Nature, or of Nations, but only of doing it by his own Authority.

4. And that it is not lawful to take Arms against any Commissioned by him, ac∣cording to Law, in time of Rebellion and War, in pursuance of such Commission,] is a Truth so evident, that no sober Persons can deny it: The Long Parliament that had the War, did vehemently assert it, and therefore gave out their Com∣missions to the Earl of Essex and his Soldiers, to fight against Delinquent Sub∣jects, for the King and Parliament.

5. And the Oath containeth no more, than our not endeavouring to Alter the Protestant Religion established, or the King's Government or Monar∣chy: It cannot, with any true reason, be supposed to tie us at all to the Bishops-much less to the English Disease or Corruption of Episcopacy, or to Lay-Chancel, lours, &c. but only to the King, as Supreme, in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Ci∣vil, so far as they fall under Coercive Government.

This is thus proved past denyal. 1. The word [Protestant Religion as estalished in the Church of England] cannot include the Prelacy; For, 1. The Protestant Religion is essentially nothing, but the Christian Religion as such, with the dis∣claiming of Popery, aud so our Divines have still professed: But our Prelacy is no part of the Christian Religion.

2. The Protestant Religion is common to us with many Countreys which have no Prelacy: And it is the same Religion with us and them.

3. The words of the Oath distinguish the Religion of the Church of England, from the Church of England it self, and from Government.

4. If Episcopacy in general were proved part of the Protestant Religion, the English Accidents and Corruptions are not so: They, that say that Episcopacy is Iure Divino, and unalterable, do yet say, that National, and Provincial Churches are Iure Humano; and that so is a Diocesane, as it is distinct from Parochial, con∣taining many Parishes in it: And if the King should set up a Bishop in every Mar∣ket-Town, yea, every Parish, and put down Diocesanes, it is no more than what he may do: And if by [the Protestant Religion established] should be meant every alterable mode or circumstance, then King-James changed it when he made a new Translation of the Bible, and both he and our late Convocation (and King and Parliament by their Advice) did change it when they added new Forms of Prayer: And then this Oath bindeth all from endeavouring to make any alteration in the Liturgie, or mend the Translation, or the Metre of the Psalms, &c. or to take the keys of Excommunication and Absolution out of the hands of the Lay-Chan∣cellour's, &c. which none can reasonably suppose.

2. And that our Prelacy is not at all included in the word [Government of the Kingdom in Church and State] but only the King's Supreme Government in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, is most evident: 1. Because it is expressly said [The Government of the Kingdom] which is all one with the Government of the King. For a Bishop, or a Justice, or a Mayor, is no Governour of the Kingdom, but only in the Kingdom, of a Particular Church, City, Corporation, or Division; The summa potestas only is the Government of the Kingdom, as a Kingdom; And because forma denominat, we cannot take the Kingdom to signifie only a Church or City.

2. Because else it would change the very constitution of the Kingdom, by making all the inferiour Officers unalterable, and so to be essential constitutive parts: Whereas only the pars Imperans and pars Subdita are constitutive parts of every Kingdom, or Republick, and the Constitutive pars Imperans is only the summa po∣testas except where the mixture and fundamental Contract is such, as that Inferiour Officers, are woven so into the Constitution, as that they may not be changed without it's Dissolution, which is hardly to be supposed, even at Venice. Tbe Oaths between the summa potestas and the Subject, are the bonds of the Commonwealth; their Union being the form, that must not be dissolved: But to make Oaths of Allegiance, or Unchangeableness, ••each to the Inferiour Magistrates or Officers, is to change the Government or Constitution.

3. And so it destroyeth the Regal power, in one of it's chief properties or pre∣rogatives, which is to alter inferiour Officers; who all receive their power from the Supreme, and are alterable by him (even by the Majestas which hath the Legislative powers.) And this would take away all the King's power to alter so much as a Mayor, Justice or Constable. For, mark, that Government of the King∣dom [in Church and State] are set equally together without any note of difference, as to alteration: If therefore it extend to any but the Supreme, even to inferiour Officers, it were to extend to them as Governing the State (even to the lowest) as well as the Church. But this is a supposition to be Contemned.

4. And if the Distinction should be meant de personis Imperantibus, and should intend only [Bishops and King] by [Church and State] 1. It would suppose that King and Parliament do take [Bishops and King] for two coordinate Heads, in governing the Kingdom, 2. And that they set the Bishops before the King; which is not to be supposed.

5. And to put all out of question, the Oath is but Conform to former Statutes, Oaths, Articles of Religion and Canons, 1. The Statutes which declare the King to be only Supreme Governour of the Church, I need not cite. 2. The Oath of Supremacy is well known of all, 3. The very first Canon is, that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all Bishops, &c. shall faithfully keep, and observe all the Laws for the King's Supremacy over the Church of England, in causes Ecclesiastical: And the 2d. Canon is to condemn the dangers of it. And the 36. Canon obligeth all Mi∣nisters to subscribe that the King's Majesty under God is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm—as well in all spiritual and Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal. And (as the Parliament are called the Representative of the People or Kingdom as distinct from the Head, so) the 139. Canon excommunicateth all them that affirm [that the Sacred Synod of this Nation, in the Name of Christ and by the King's Authority Aslembled is not the true Church of England by Representation: So that they claim to be but the Representative of the Church as it is the Body distinct from the Head Christ, aud the King as their chief Governour. 4. And all that are Ordained are likewise to take the Oath of Supremacy [

I do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm—as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes, as Temporal,

] 5. And It is also inserted in the Articles of Religion, Art. 35. And it is added expositorily [

Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the Chief Government (by which title we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended) we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of God's Word, or of the Sa∣craments—but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastcal or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword, the Stubborn and evil Doers.

] Here it is to be noted, that, though, no doubt, but the Keys of Excommunication and absolution belong to the Pastors, and to the Civil Magi∣strate, yet, the Law, and this Article, by the word [Government] mean only [Co∣ercive Government by the Sword] and do include the power of the Keys under the title of [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] Church Guidance being indeed nothing else but the Explication and Application of God's word to Cases and Con∣sciences, and administring the Sacraments accordingly. So that as in the very Ar∣ticle of Religion, Supreme Government, appropriated to the King only, is contra∣distinguish'd from [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] which is not called Go∣vernment there, so are we to understand this Law and Oath: And many Learned Men think, that Guidance is a fitter name than Government for the Pastor's Office;

And therefore Grotius de Imper. Sum. Pot. would rather have the Name Canons or Rulers used than Laws as to their Determinations: Though no doubt but the name [Government] may be well applyed to the Pastor's Part; so we distinguish as Bilston and other judicious men use to do, calling one [Government by God's Word (upon the Conscience) and the other Government by the sword.] (as seconding Precepts with enforcing penalties and Mulcts.)

§ 301. While this Test was carrying on in the house of Lords and 500 pounds Voted to be the penalty of the Refusers, before it could come to the Commons, a difference fell between the Lords and Commons about their priviledges, by occasion of two Suits that were brought before the Lords, in which two Members of the Commons were parties, which occasioned the Commons to send to the Tower, Sir Iohn Fagg, one of their Members, for appearing at the Lords Bar without their consent, and four Counsellours (Sir Iohn Churchill, Sergeant Pemberton, Sergeant Pecke, and another) for pleading there; And the Lords Voted it Illegal, and that they should be released: Sir Iohn Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower obeyed the Commons, for which the Lords Voted him a Delinquent; And so far went they in daily Voting at each other, that the King was fain to Prorogue the Parliament, Iune 9. till October 13. there appearing no hope of Reconciling them. Which rejoiced many that they rose without doing any further harm.

§ 302. Iune 9. Keting, the Informer being commonly detested for prosecuting me, was cast in Gaol for Debt, and wrote to me to endeavour his Deliverance, which I did; and in his Letters, saith [

Sir, I assure you I do verily believe that God hath bestowed all this affliction on me because I was so vile a wretch as to trouble you: And I assure you I never did a thing in my Life that hath so much troubled my self as that did: I pray God forgive me: And truly I do not think of any that went that way to work that ever God would favour him with his mercy: And truly without a great deal of mercy from God; I do not think that ever I shall thrive or prosper: And I hope you will be pleased to pray to God for me, &c.

]

§ 303. A while before another of the chief Informers of the City and my Ac∣cuser (Marishall) died in the Counter where his Creditors laid him, to keep him from doing more harm:) Yet did not the Bishops change or cease: Two more In∣formers were set on work, who first assaulted Mr. Case's Meeting, and next got in as hearers into Mr. Read's Meeting where I was Preaching; And when they would have gone out to fetch Justices (for they were known) the doors were lockt to keep them in till I had done, and one of them (supposed to be sent from Fullum) stayed weeping: Yet went they straight to the Justices, and the week following heard me again as Informers at my Lectures; but I have not yet heard of their Accusation.

§ 304. But this week (Iune 9.) Sir Thamas Davis (notwithstanding all his foresaid Warnings and Confessions) sent his Warrants to a Justice of the Division where I dwell, to distrein on me (upon two Judgments) for 50 pounds; for Preaching my Lecture in New-street: Some Conformists are paid to the value of 20 pounds a Sermon for their Preaching, and I must pay 20 pounds and 40 pounds a Sermon for Preaching for nothing; O what Pastors hath the Church of England, who think it worth all their unwearied Labours, and all the odium which they contract from the People, to keep such as I am, from Preaching the Gospel of Christ, and to undo us for it as far as they are able, though these many years they do not (for they cannot) accuse me for one word that ever I Preached: nor one Action else that I have done: While the greatest of the Bishops Preach not thrice a year (as their Neighbours say) themselves.

§ 305. The dangerous Crack over the Market-house at St. Iames's put many upon desiring that I had a larger safer place for Meeting. And though my own dulnss, and great backwardness to troublesome business made me very averse to so great an undertaking, judging that it being in the face of the Court, it would never be endured, yet the great and uncessant importunity of many (out of a fervent desire of the good of Souls) did constrain me to undertake it: And when it was almost finished (in Oxenden-strtet) Mr. Henry Coventry, one of his Majesties prin∣cipal Secretaries, who had a house joyning to it, and was a Member of Parliament, spake twice against it, in the Parliament: But no one seconded him.

§ 306. I think meet to recite the names and liberality of some of those pious and Charitable persons who contributed towards the building of this place (The

money was all put into the hands of Mr. Tho Stanley a worthy sufficient Citizen in Bread-street, who undertook the care and Disbursement, for I never toucht one penny of it my self, nor any one for me: Nor did I think meet to make a publick Collection for it in the place where I Preached.) The Lady Armine—60 l. (on her death-bed. Sir Iohn Maynerd—40 l. Mr. Brooke Bridgdes—20 l. Sir Iames Lang∣ham—20 l. (at first time.) The Countess of Clare—10 l, The Countess of Tre∣colonel—6 l. The Lady Clinton—5 l. The Lady Eleanor Hollis—5 l. The Countess of Warwick—20 l. Mr. French—and Mr. Brandon (Non-conformable Ministers)—20 l. The Lady Richards—5 l. Mr. Henly (a Parliament man) 5 l.—Sir Edward Her∣ley—10 l.—Mr. Richard Hambdon and Mr. Iohn his Son—8 l.—The Lady Fitz-Iames and her three Daughters—6 l.—Sir Richard Chiverton—1 l. Mrs Reighnolds 1 l. Alderman Henry Ashurst and his Son-in-law Mr. Booth (the first Undertakers) 100 l. Collected among all their City Friends, and Ours whom they thought meet to move in it.

And that we might do the more good, my Wife urged the Building of another Meeting-place in Bloomsbury, for Mr. Read (to be furthered by my sometime help∣ing him); the Neighbourhood being very full of People, Rich and Poor, that could not come into the Parish-Church, through the greatness of the Parish (and Dr. Bourman, the Parish-Parson, having not Preached, Prayed, Read, or Admini∣stred Sacraments these Three or Four Years.

§ 307. This Week (Iun. 14.) many Bishops were with the King, who, they say, granted them his Commands to put the Laws against us in Execution: And on Tuesday about Twelve or Thirteen of them went to Dine with the Sheriff of London, Sir Nathanael Herne; where the business being mentioned, he told them; that they could not Trade with their Neighbours one Day, and send them to Goal the next.

§ 308. Dr. Tully, by his book called Iustificatio Paulina; constrained me to Publish Two Books in Vindication of the Truth and my self, viz. Two Dis∣putations of Original Sin, and a Treatise of Justifying Righteousness; in which I ••oblished my Old Papers to Mr. Christopher Cartwright. Dr. Tully presently fell sick, and (to our common Loss) shortly died.

§ 309. I was so long wearied with keeping my Doors shut against them that came to distrein on my Goods for Preaching, that I was fain to go from my House, and to sell all my Goods, and to hide my Library first, and after∣wards to sell it; So that if Books had been my Treasure, (and I valued little more on Earth) I had been now without a treasure. About Twelve Years I was driven an Hundred Miles from them; and when I had paid dear for the Carriage, after Two or Three Years I was forced to sell them. And the Prelates, to hinder me from Preaching, deprived me also of these private Com∣forts: But God saw that they were my Snare: We brought nothing into the World, and we must carry nothing out. The Loss in very tolerable.

§ 310. I was the willinger to part with Goods, Books, and all, that I might have nothing to be distreined, and so go on to Preach: And accordingly re∣moving my Dwelling to the New Chappel which I had built, I purposed to ven∣ture there to Preach (there beiug Forty Thousand Persons in the Parish (as is sup∣posed) more than can hear in the Parish-Church, who have no Place to go to for God's Publick Worship: So that I set not up Church against Church, but Preached to those that must else have none, being loth that London should turn Atheists, or live worse than Infidels. But when I had Preached there but Once, a Resolution was taken to surprize me the next Day, and send me for Six Months to the Common Goal, upon the Act for the Oxford Oath. Not knowing of this, it being the hottest part of the Year, I agreed to go for a few Weeks into the Countrey, Twenty Miles off: But the Night before I should go, I fell so ill, that I was fain to send to disappoint both the Coach and my intended Companion (Mr. Sylvester): And when I was thus fully resol∣ved to stay, it pleased God, after the Ordinary Coach-Hour, that Three Men, from Three parts of the City, met at my House accidentally, just at the same time (almost to a minute) of whom, if any One had not been there, I had not gone; viz. the Coachman again to urge me, Mr. Sylvester, whom I had put off, and Dr. Coxe, who compelled me, and told me, else he would carry me into the Coach. It proved a special merciful Providence of God; for after One Week of Languishing and Pain, I had Nine Weeks greater Ease than ever I

expected in this World, and greater Comfort in my Work. For my good Friend Richard Berisford, Esq, Clerk of the Exchequer, whose importunity drew me to his House, spared for no Cost, Labour o•• Kindness for my Health or Service. For understanding of which, and much more in these Pa∣pers, seeing I record such things for the Notice of Students and Physicians, that other mens Health may have some advantage by my Experiences and Sorrows, I must here digress, to mention the State of my vile Body, not otherwise worthy the notice of the World.

§ 311. What is before written, hath notified, that I have lain in above For∣ty Years constant Weaknesses, and almost constant Pains: My chief Troubles were incredible Inflamations of Stomach, Bowels, Back, Sides, Head, Thighs, as if I had been daily fill'd with Wind: So that I never knew, heard, or read of any man that had near so much. Thirty Physicians (at least) all call∣ed it nothing but Hypochondriack Flatulency, and somewhat of a Scorbutical Malady: Great bleeding at the Nose also did emaciate me, and keep me in a Chachectical Atropie. The particular Symptoms were more than I can number. I thought my self, that my Disease was almost all from Debility of the Stomach, and extream Acrimony of Blood, by some Fault of the Liver. About the Year 1658. finding the Inflation much in the Membranes of the Reins, I suspected the Stone, and thought that one of my extream Leanness might possibly feel it. I felt both my Kidnies plainly indurate like Stone: But never having had a Nephritick Fit, nor Stone came from me in my Life, and knowing, that if that which I felt was Stone, the Greatness prohibited all Medicine that tended to a Cure: I thought therefore that it was best for me to be ignorant what it was: And so far was I from melancholy, that I soon forgot that I had felt it, even for about Fifteen Years. But my Inflations be∣ginning usually in my Reins, and all my Back, daily torn, and greatly pain∣ed by it, 1673. it turned to terrible Suffocations of my Brain and Lungs; So that if I slept, I was suddenly and painfully awakened: The Abatement of Urine, and constant Pain, which Nature almost yielded to as Victorious, renewed my Suspicion of the Stone, And my Old Exploration: And feeling my Lean Back, both the Kidneys were greatlier indurate than before, and the Membrane so sore to touch, as if nothing but Stone were within them: The Physicians said, That the Stone cannot be felt with the Hand! I desi∣red Four of the Chief of them to feel them: They all concluded that it is the Kidneys which they felt, and that they are hard (like Stone or Bone); but what it is they could not tell; but they thought, if both the Kidneys had Stones so big, as seemed to such feeling, it was impossible but I should be much worse, by Vomiting and Torment, and not able to Preach, and go about. I told them besides what Skenkius and many Observators say; That I could tell them of many of late times, whose Reins and Gall were full of Stone (great ones in the Reins, and many small ones in the Gall), who had, some of them, never suspected the Stone, and some but little: But while One or Two of the Physicians (as they use) did say, It could not be, lest they should (as they thought) discourage me, I became the Common Talk of the City, especially the Women; as if I had been a melancholy Humourist, that conceited my Reins were petri∣fied, when it was no such matter, but meer Conceit. And so while I lay Night and Day in Pain, my supposed Melancholy (which, I thank God, all my Life hath been extraordinary free from) became, for a Year, the Pity, or Derision of the Town. But the Discovery of my Case was a great mercy to my Body and my Soul: For,

1. Thereupon, seeing that all Physicians had been deceived, and perceiving that all my Flatulency and Pains came from the Reins by Stagnation, Regurgi∣tation and Acrimony, I cast off all other Medicine and Diet, and Twice a Week kept clean my Intestines by an Electuary of Cassia, Terebinth. Cypr. and Rhab. &c. or Pills of Rhab. and Terebinth. Scio. Using also Syrup of Mal∣lows in all my Drink; and God hath given me much more Abatements and In∣termissions of Pain this Year and half, than in my former overwhelming Pains I could expect.

2. And whether it be a Schyrrus, or Stones (which I doubt not of), I leave to them to tell others, who shall dissect my Corps: But sure I am that I have wonderful Cause of Thankfulness to God, for the Ease which I

have had these Forty Years: Being fully satisfied, that (by ill Diet, Old Cheese, Raw Drinks and Salt Meats) whatever it is, I contracted it before Twenty Years of Age, and since Twenty One or Twenty Two, have had just the same Symptoms as now at Sixty, saving the different strength of Nature to resist. And that I should in Forty Years have few hours without pain (to call me to redeem my Time), and yet not one Nephritick Torment, nor A∣crimony of Urine (save One Day of Bloody Urine) nor intolerable kind of Pain: What greater Bodily Mercy could I have had? How merciful, how suitable hath this Providence been. My Pains now in Reins, Bowels and Sto∣mach, &c. are almost constant; but with merciful Alleviations upon the foresaid means.

§ 312. As I have written this to mind Physicians, to search deeper, when they use to take up with the General Hiding Names of Hypochondriacks and Scorbuticks, and to caution Students; so I now proceed to that which occasion∣ed it. I had tried Cow's Milk, Goats Milk, Breast Milk, and lastly, Asses Milk, and none of them agreed with me; But having Thirty Years ago read in many great Practitioners, That for Bloody Vrine, and meer Debility of the Reins, Sheeps Milk doth Wonders (see Gordonius, Forestus, Schoubo, &c.) I had long a desire to try it, and never had Opportunity. But as I was saying this to my Friend, a Child answered, That their next Neighbour (a Quaker) did still milk their Sheep (a Quarter of a Year after the usual time, or near): Whereupon I procured it for six Weeks, to the greatest increase of my Ease, Strength and Flesh, of any thing that ever I had tried.

2. And at the same time, being driven from Home, and having an Old License of the Bishop's yet in Force, by the Countenance of that, and the great industry of Mr. Berisford, I had Leave and Invitation for Ten Lord's Days to Preach in the Parish-Churches round about. The first Parish that I Preach'd in, after Thirteen Years Ejection and Prohibition, was Rickmersworth, and after that at Sarrat, at Kings Langley, at Chessam, at Chalford, and at A∣mersham, and that often Twice a Day: Those heard that had not come to Church of Seven Years; and Two or Three Thousand heard where scarce an Hundred were wont to come, and with so much Attention and Willingness, as gave me very great Hopes that I never spake to them in vain. And thus Soul and Body had these special Mercies.

§ 313. But the Censures of Men pursued me, as before: The Envious Sort of the Prelatists accused me, as if I had intruded into the Parish-Churches too boldly, and without Authority: The Quarrelsome Sectaries, or Separa∣tists, did in London speak against me, for drawing People to the Parish-Chur∣ches and the Liturgy; and many gave out, That I did Conform. And all my Days nothing hath been charged on me so much as my Crimes, as my costliest and greatest Duties. But the pleasing of God, and saving Souls, will pay for all.

§ 314. The Countries about Rickmersworth abounding with Quakers, because Mr. W. Pen, their Captain, dwelleth there, I was desirous that the Poor Peo∣ple should Once hear what was to be said for their Recovery; Which coming to Mr. Pen's Ears, he was forward to a Meeting, where we continued speak∣ing to Two Rooms full of People, (Fasting) from Ten a Clock till-Five (One Lord and Two Knights, and Four Conformable Ministers, besides o∣thers, being present, some all the Time, and some part). The Success gave me Cause to believe that it was not labour lost: An Account of the Conference may be published ere long (if there be cause.)

§ 315. Whilst this was my Employment in the Countrey, my Friends at home had got one Mr. Seddon, a Nonconformist of Derbyshire, lately come to the Gi∣ty as a Traveller, to Preach the Second Sermon in my New Built Chappel: He was told (and over-told) all the Danger; and desired not to come, if he feared it: I had left word, That if he would but step into my House, through a Door, he was in no danger, they having not Power to break open any but the Meeting-house: While he was Preaching, Three Justices, with Soldiers (supposed by Secretary Coventry's sending) came to the Door to seize the Preacher. They thought it had been I, and had prepared a Warrant upon the Ox∣ford Act, to send me for Six Months to the Common Goal. The good man,

and Two Weak Honest Persons intrusted to have directed him, left the House where he was safe, and thinking to pass away, came to the Justices and Soldiers at the Door, and there stood by them, till some one said, This is the Preacher. And so they took him, and blotted my Name out of the Warrant, and put in his; Though almost every Word fitted to my Case, was false of him. To the Gatehouse he was carried, where he continued almost Three Months of the Six; and being earnestly desirous of Deliverance, I was put to Charges to accom∣plish it, and at last (having Righteous Judges, and the Warrant being found faulty) he had an Habeas Corpus, and was freed upon Bonds to appear again the next Term.

§ 316. By this means my Case was made much worse: For, 1. The Justi∣ces, and other Prosecutors, were the more exasperated against me. 2. And they were now taught to stop every Hole in the next Warrant (to which I was still as liable as ever): So that I had now no Prospect that way of Escape. And yet though my Charge, Care and Trouble had been great for his Deliverance, and Good People had dealt very kindly with him, my usual Back-biters (the Pre∣latists and Separatists) talk commonly of me, as one that had unworthily saved my self from Danger, and drawn a Stranger into the Snare; and therefore deser∣ved to bear all the Charges: Though, as is said, 1. I was Twenty Miles off, Preaching publickly. 2. They that askt him to Preach, told him the Worst. 3. He went into Danger from Safety, by the Conduct of some Persons of that censorious hu∣mour. 4. My Danger was Increased by it, as well as my Charges. But Man's Ap∣probation is a Poor Reward.

§ 317. Just when I came home, and was beginning to seek Mr. Seddon's De∣liverance, Mr. Rosse Died, the Fiercest of the Justices, who had sent me to Goal before. The other Two are one Mr. Grey, and Sir Philip Mat∣thews.

§ 318. The Parliament being sate again, a Letter was secretly printed, con∣taining the History of the Debate in the Lord's House the former Sessions a∣bout the Test, and it was Voted to be burnt by the Hangman, but the more de∣sired, and read it. In which it appeareth, That when it came to be their own case, more was said by the Lords for the Cause of the Nonconformists, than ever they were permitted to say for themselves.

§ 319. A most Excellent Book was written for the Nonconformists (for Abatements, and Forbearance, and Concord) by Dr. Herbert Crofts, Bp. of Hereford, without his Name; of which, more afterward.

§ 320. The Lords and Commons Revived their Contests about their Powers and Priviledges, and the Lords appointed Four Lawyers to plead their Cause; and the Commons set up Orders, or Votes, to forbid them. And the Duke of Buckingham made a Notable Speech against Persecution, and desired the Consent of the Lords, that he might bring in a Bill for the Ease of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in matters of Religion; but while it was preparing, the King, on Mon∣day, November 21st. Prorogued the Parliament, till February come Twelve-month.

§ 321. The Speeches of the Earl of Shaftsbury, and others, about the Test, were secretly Printed, and a Paper of Reasons for Dissolving this Parliament, and Call∣ing a New One, which were given in the House of Lords: And the Debates of this Test (opening a little of the Noncouformists Cause, as to the Ox∣ford Oath) together with what the Earl of Shaftsbury hath done, with Wit and Resolution, hath alienated many, even of the Conformists, from the present prevailing Bishops.

§ 322. The other of the fierce Justices, that Subscribed a Warrant for my im∣prisonment, died shortly after; viz. Colonel Grey. The Death of Mr. Bar∣well, Sir Iohn Medlicot, Mr. Ross and Mr. Grey, besides the Death of some Inform∣ers, and the Repentance of others, and the Death of some late Opposers of the Cler∣gy, made me, and some others, the more to compassionate Persecutors, and dread God's Judgments.

§ 323. The Town of Northampton lamentably burnt.

§ 324. An Earthquake in divers Counties.

§ 325. My Dear Friend, Sir Matthew Hale, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, falling into a Languishing Disease, from which he is not like to Reco∣ver, resolvedly petitioned for a Dismission, and gave up his Place, having gone

through his Employments, and gone off the Stage with more universal love and honour, for his Skill, Wisdom, Piety, and resolved Justice, than ever I heard or read, that any English Man ever did before him, or any Magistrate in the World of his rank, since the days of the Kings of Israel. He resolved, in his weakness, that the place should not be a burden to him, nor he to it. And after all his great practice and places, he tells me, That with his own Inheritance and all, he is not now worth above Five hundred Pounds per Annum: so little sought he af∣ter gain: He may most truly be called [The Pillar and Basis, or Ground of Iu∣stice] as Paul called (not the Church,) but Timothy (in the Church) the Pillar and Basis of Truth.] His digested knowledge in Law above all Men, and next in Philosophy, and much in Theology, was very great: His sincere honesty and humility admirable: His Garb and House, and Attendance so very mean and low, and he so resolutely avoided all the Diversions and Vanities of the World, that he was herein the Marvel of his Age. Some made it a Scandal, but his Wisdom chose it for his Convenience, that in his Age he Marryed a Woman of no Estate, suitable to his Disposition, to be to him as a Nurse: He succeeded me in one of the meanest Houses that ever I had lived in, and there hath ever since continued with full content; till now that he is going to his Native Countrey, in likely-hood to die there: It is not the least of my pleasure that I have lived some years in his more than ordinary Love and Friendship, and that we are now waiting which shall be first in Heaven: Whither, he saith, he is going with full content and ac∣quiescence in the Will of a gracious God, and doubts not but we shall shortly live together. O what a blessed World were this, were the Generality of Ma∣gistrates such as he.

§. 326. Part of a M. S. was put into my hand to p••ruse by a Bookseller, as Written by one that greatly valued my Judgment, and would refer his Wri∣tings to my Censure, but not consent to have them Printed: Whereupon I va∣luing them, did judge them worthy to be published, but made some Alterations in some phrases liable to Misinterpretation, in the Piece called, The Right Knowledge of Christ Crucified: I conjectured not who the Author was, and not long after the Book was Printed, and proved to be the foresaid Lord Chief Justice Hale's, called, Contemplations Moral and Divine, published by a Friend of his: by which he will Preach when he is dead: the Books presently all bought up for his Name, and being useful for their Spiritual, Rational, Serious, and Plain Manner of Wri∣ting, as well as Acceptable for his sake.

§. 327. When I had been kept a whole Year from Preaching in the Chappel which I Built, on the 16th of April, 1676. I began in another, in a Tempestuous time; for the necessity of the Parish of St. Martins, where, about 60000 Souls have no Church to go to, nor any Publick Worship of God! How long, Lord—!

§. 328. About Feb. and March it pleased the King importunately to Command and Urge the Judges, and London-Justices, to put the Laws against Nonconfor∣mists in Execution; But the Nation grew backward to it: In London they have been oft and long commanded to it; and Sir Ioseph Sheldon, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's near Kinsman being Lord Mayor; on April 30th the Execution be∣gan: They required especially to send all the Ministers to the Common Gaols, for Six Months, on the Oxford-Act, for not taking the Oath, and dwelling within Five Miles. This day Mr. Ioseph Read was sent to the Gaol, taken out of the Pul∣pit, Preaching in a Chapel in Bloomsbury, in the Parish of St. Giles, where it is thought, that 20000, or 30000 Souls at least, more than can come within the Church, have no Publick Worship of God, or Teaching: He is a Laborious Man, (whom I Educated, and sent to the University,) and did so much good to the Poor Ignorant People that had no other Teacher, that Satan did owe him a Malicious Disturbance. He built the Chappel in his own House (with the help of Friends,) in compassion to those People, who, as they Crowded to hear him, so did they follow him to the Justi••es, and to the Gaol to shew their Affections: It being the place where I had used oft to Preach, I suppose was somewhat the more Maliced. The very day before, I had new secret hints of Men's Desires of Reconciliation and Peace, and Motions to offer some Proposals towards it, as if the Bishops were at last grown Peaceable: To which (as ever before) I yielded, and did my part, though long Experience made me suspect that some Mischief was near, and some Suffering presently to be expected from them. The forward∣est of the two Justices that sent him to the Gaol, was one Parry a Souldier, one

of them that was accused for slitting Sir Iohn Coventree's Nose, about which there was so great a stir in the House of Commons: The other was one Robinson. But since then so many have been sent to the Goals for the same cause, and so many died there, that I must forbear particular Instances and Enumerations.

§. 329. After Northampton, Blaudford, and many other Towns, Southwark was Burned (between 600 and 1000 Houses,) the People suspecting that it was done by Design: And one taken for attempting again to Burn the rest of Northampton, confest that he was hired, and that Southwark was so Burnt; whom Sir Iohn Munson sent hereupon to Goal.

Additions of the Years 1675, 1676, 1677, 1678, &c.

§. 1. AT this time Mr. Le Blank of Sedan sent to me his desire that I would publish here his Scatter'd Theses in one Volume, which I purposed, and Wrote an Epistle to it: But some Conformists, hearing of it, would not have the Publication to be a Nonconformists work, and so my Bookseller took 50 Books for his Title to the Copy which I gave him, and quit his Interest in it to a Conformist: But Le Blank sent an Epistle of his own, to prevent the Conformists; and died as soon as it was Printed and Published. A Work sufficient to end most of the Doctrinal Controversies of this Age, if the Readers were but capable recei∣vers of the evidence which he giveth them.

§. 2. In Iune, 1676. Mr. Iane the Bishop of London's Chaplain, Preaching to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, turned his Sermon against Calvin and Me; And my charge was, That I had sent as bad men to Heaven, as some that be in Hell;] be∣cause in my Book, called, The Saints Rest; I had said, that I thought of Heaven with the more pleasure, because I should there meet with Peter, Paul, Austin, Chry∣sostom, Ierom, Wickliff, Luther, Zuinglius, Calam, Beza, Bullinger, Zanchy, Paraeus, Piscator, Hooper, Bradford, Latimer, Glover, Sanders, Philpot, Reignolds, Whitaker, Cartwright, Brightman, Bayne, Bradshaw, Bolton, Ball, Hildersh••n, Pemble, Twisse, Ames, Preston, Sibbs, Brook, Pim, Hambden. Which of these the Man knew to be in Hell, I cannot conjecture: It's like those that differed from him in Judgment; But till he prove his Revelation, I shall not believe him: the need which I preceived of taking away, from before such Men any thing which they might stumble at, had made me blot out the Names of the Lord Brooke, Pim, and Hambden, in all the Impressions of the Book (which were many) yet were made ever since 1659; and yet this did not satisfie the Man: But I must tell the Reader, that I did it not as changing my Judgment of the per∣sons; well known to the world: Of whom Mr. Iohn Hambden was one that Friends and Enemies acknowledged to be most Eminent, for Prudence, Piety, and Peace∣able Counsels, having the most universal Praise of any Gentleman that I remem∣ber of that Age: I remember a moderate, prudent aged Gentleman, far from him but acquainted with him, whom I have heard saying, That if he might choose what person he would be then in the world, he would be Iohn Hambden. Yet these Damning Prelatists are the Men that are for our Silencing, Imprisonment, and Ruin, as if we were unworthy to live on the Earth, because we will not assent and consent to the Liturgy, by which we are to pronounce all Men in England saved, except three sorts, viz. the Excommunicate, Unbaptized, and Self-murder∣ers; that is, of every one of the rest, we must say, That God of his great Mercy hath taken to himself the Soul of this our dear Brother out of the Miseries of this Life, and that we hope to be with him: Were it Hobbs himself, or any one of the Crowd of Atheists, Infidels, Papists, Adulterers, or any Villains now among us, (for such are not Excommunicate) thus we must falsly, contrary to all our Preaching, Pronounce them all saved, or forbidden ever to Preach God's Word: And yet I am condemned publickly for supposing such Excellent persons to be Saved. But Errours and Sins contradict themselves, and Factious Damners, that, for Preferment, Condemn good Men, are ordinarily self-condemned.

§. 3. This maketh me remember how this last year one Dr. Mason (a great Preacher against Puritanes) Preached against me publickly in London, saying, That when a Justice was sending me to prison, and offered me to stay till Monday, if

I would promise not to Preach on Sunday: I answered, [I shall not] Equivocal∣ly, meaning [I shall not promise] when he thought I meant [I shall not Preach:] O, these, say the Malignants, are your holy Men! And was such a putid Falshood fit for a Pulpit, from such Men that never spake one word to my face in their Lives? The whole truth is this; The foresaid Tho. Ross, with Philips, being appointed to send me to prison for Preaching at Bra••nford, shut the Cham∣ber doors, and would neither shew or tell me who was my Accuser or Witness, nor let any one living be present but themselves: And it being Saturday, I askt them to stay at home, to set my House in order till Monday: Ross asked me, Whether I would promise not to Preach on Sunday? I answered, No, I shall not: The Man not understanding me, said, We••t, you Promise not to Preach: I reply∣ed, No, Sir, I tell you, I will not promise any such thing: If you hinder me, I cannot help it, but I will not otherwise forbear. Never did I think of Equivocation. This was my present Answer, and I went strait to Prison upon it: Yet did this Ross vent this false Story behind my back; and, among Courtiers and Prelatists it past for currant, and was worthy Dr. Mason's Pulpit-impudency: Such were the Men that we were persecuted by, and had to do with! Dr. Mason died quickly after.

§. 4. Being denied forcibly the use of the Chappel which I had built, I was for∣ced to let it stand empty, and pay Thirty pounds per Annum for the Ground-Rent my self, and glad to Preach (for nothing) near it, at a Chappel built by ano∣ther formerly in Swallow-street; because it was among the same poor people that had no Preaching, the parish having 60000 Souls in it more than the Church can hold; when I had Preached there a while, the foresaid Justice Parry (one of them that was accused for slitting Sir Iohn Coventree's Nose,) with one Sab••es, signed a Warrant to apprehend me, and on Nov. 9. 1676. six Constables, fo•••• Beadles, and many Messengers, were set at the Chappel-doors to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it: I forbare that day, and after told the Duke of Lauderdaile of it; and asked him, What it was that occasioned their wrath against me: He desire•• me to go and speak with the Bishop of London (Compton:) I did; and he spake very fairly, and with peaceable words: But presently (he having spoken also with some others) it was contrived that a noise was raised, as against the Bishop, at the Court, that he was Treating of a Peace with the Presbyterians: But, after a while, I went to him again, and told him, it was supposed, That Justice Parry was either, set on work by him, or at least a word from him would take him off; I desired him therefore to speak to him, or provide that the Constables might be removed from my Chappel-doors, and their Warrant called in; And I offered him to resign my Chappel in Oxenden-street to a Conformist, so be it he would procure my continued Liberty in Swallow-street, for the sake of the p••or multitude that had no Church to go to: He did as good as promise me, telling me, That he did not doubt to do it; and so I departed, expecting Quietness the next Lord's day: But, in∣stead of that, the Constables Warrant was continued, though some of them begg'd to be excused, and, against their wills, they continued guarding the Door for above Four and twenty Lord's-days after: And I came near the Bishop no more, when I had so tried what their Kindnesses and Promises signifie.

§. 5. It pleased God to take away (by torment of the Stone) that excellent faithful Minister Mr. Tho. Wadsworth in Southwark, and just when I was thus kept out at Swallow-Street, his Flock invited me to Southwark, where (though I refused to be their Pastor) I Preached many Months in peace, there being no Justice wil∣ling to disturb us. This was in 1677.

§. 6. When Dr. Lamplugh, now Bishop of Exeter, was Pastor at St. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 old Mr. Sangar the Minister, thence put out, thought it his duty to abide in the Parish with those of his ancient flock that desired him, and to visit such as desired him in sickness (because many that were against our Preaching, pretended, that we might find work enough in private Visitings and helps:) An old Friend of Mr. Sangar's being sick near St. Iames's Market-house, sent to him to visit her: By that time he had a while Prayed by her, Dr. Lampleugh came in, and when he had done, came fiercely to him, saying, Sir, What business have you here? Mr. Sangar answered, To visit and Pray with my sick Friend that sent for me. The Doctor fiercely laid hold of his breast, and thrust him toward the Door, saying, Get you out of the Room, Sir,] to the great trouble of the Woman that lay sick in Bed by them, having buried her Husband but a little before: Had this

been done to any other than to so Ancient, Grave, Reverend, Peaceable, Mo∣derate and Calm a Man as Mr. Sangar, who had been lawfully called before this Doctor to be Pastor of the Parish, and then Preached no where but to a few in his own small House, it had been more excusable; Mr. Sangar oft profest to me the truth of what I say, which I mention to silence those our Accusers that would have us give over Preaching that we may do such private Work: Wheras, 1. I must be a year speaking that to people, one by one, which publickly I may tell them all in one day: And he, that heareth my Exhortation but once a year, and heareth Seducers, Swearers, Cursers and Railers every day, may wish at last he had better friends than these pretenders to Peace and Obedience, that accuse us. 2. And such Instances shew, that we are envyed as much in our private duty, as in our publick: And did we speak only in private, our Persecutors would then vent their Suspicions of our Doctrin without any Confutation, and would say, We are they that creep into Houses, to lead the silly Women captive. O what a World is this! Where Atheists, Infidels, and the most Beastly Sinners are Members of the Church of England? When did we hear of any of them Excomunicate? and God's faithfullest Servants represented, even by the envious Prelates, and publick-Priests, as the intolerable Criminal persons of the Land for Praying and Preaching when they forbid them, and the necessity of Thousands binds them to it, besides their Ordination Vow.

§. 7. When Dr. William Lloyd became Pastor of St. Martin's in the Fields, upon Lamplugh's Preferment, I was encouraged by Dr. Tillotson to offer him my Chappel in Oxenden-Street for Publick Worship, which he accepted, to my great Satisfacti∣on, and now there is constant Preaching there; Be it by Conformists or Noncon∣formists I rejoice that Christ is Preached, to the people in that Parish, whom ten or twenty such Chapels cannot hold.

§. 8. About March 1677. fell out a trifling business, which I will mention, lest the fable pass for truth when I am dead. At a Coffee-House in Fuller's-Rents, where many Papists and Protestants used to meet together, one Mr. Dyet (Son to old Sir Richard Dyet, Chief Justice in the North, and Brother to a deceased dear Friend of mine, the some-time Wife of my old dear friend Colonel Sylvanus Tailor,) one that profest himself no Papist, but was their Familiar, said openly, That I had killed a Man with my own hand in cold blood; that it was a Tinker, at my door, that be∣cause he beat his Kettle and disturbed me in my Studies, I went down and Pistol'd him: One Mr. Peters occasioned this wrath by oft challenging in vain the Papists to dis∣pute with me: or answer my Books against them. Mr. Peters told Mr. Dyet, That this was so shameless a slander that he should answer it. Mr. Dyet told him, That a hundred Witnesses would testifie that it was true, and I was tryed for my Life at Worcester for it: To be short, Mr. Peters ceased not till he brought Mr. Dyet to come to my Chamber and confest his fault, and ask me forgiveness, and with him came one Mr. Tasbrook, an emiment, sober, prudent Papist, I told him that these usages to such as I, and far worse, were so ordinary, and I had long suffered so much more than words, that it must be no difficulty to me to forgive them to any man, but especially to one whose Relations had been my dearest Friends: and he was one of the first Gentlemen that ever shewed so much ingenuity, as so to con∣fess and ask forgiveness; he told me, He would hereafter confess and un-say it, and Vindicate me as openly as he had wronged me: I told him, to excuse him, that perhaps he had that Story from his late Pastor at St. Giles's, Dr. Boreman, who had Printed it, that such a thing was Reported; but I never heard before the par∣ticulars of the Fable. Shortly after, at the same Coffee-house, Mr. Dyet openly confess'd his Fault: and an Ancient Lawyer, one Mr. Giffard, a Papist, Son to old Dr. Giffard, the Papist Physician (as is said) and Brother to the Lady Aberga∣veny, was Angry at it, and made Mr. Dyet a weak Man, that would make such a Confession: Mr. Peters answered him; Sir, Would you have a Gentleman so dis∣ingenuous, as not to right one that he hath so wronged? Mr. Giffard answered, That the thing was True, and he would prove it by an Hundred Witnesses: Mr. Peters offered him a great Wager, that he would never prove it by any: but urging him hard he refused the Wager: He next offered, that they would lay down but five Guinea's to be laid on't on an Entertainment there, by him that lost the Wager; He refused that also, Whereupon Mr. Peters told him, He would cause my friends, if I would not my self, to call him to justifie it in Westminster-Hall; referring the Judgment of Equity to the Company: The Papist Gentle∣men

that were present, it's like considering that the Calumny, when open∣ed publickly, would be a Slur upon their Party, Voted, That if Mr. Giffard would not confess his Fault, they would disown him out of their Company; and so he was constrained to yield, but would not come to my Chamber to confess it to me: Mr. Peters moderated the business, and it was agreed, that he should do it there: He would do it only before his own Party: Mr. Peters said, Not so; for they might hereafter deny it: So it was agreed, That also before Mr. Pe∣ters, and Captain Edmund Hambden, he should confess his Fault, and ask forgive∣ness; which he did.

§. 9. Near this time, my Book, called, A Key for Catholicks, was to be Re∣printed: In the Preface to the first Impression, I had mentioned with Praise the Earl of Lauderdale, as then Prisoner by Cromwell in Windsor-Castle; (from whom I had many Pious and Learned Letters, and where he had so much Read over all my Books, that he remembred them better, as I thought, than I did my self) Had I now left out that mention of him, it would have seem'd an Injurious Re∣cantation of my kindness: and to mention him now a Duke, as then a Prisoner, was unmeet: The King used him as his special Counsellour and Favourite: The Parliament had set themselves against him: He still professed great kindness to me, and I had reason to believe it was without dissembling. 1. Because he was accounted by all to be rather a too rough Adversary, than a Flatteter of one so low as I. 2. Because he spake the same for me behind my back, that he did to my face. And I had then a New Piece against Transubstantiation to add to my Book, which being desirous it should be Read, I thought best to joyn it with the other, and prefix before both an Epistle to the Duke, in which I said not a word of him but Truth; And I did it the rather, that his Name might draw some Great Ones to Read, at least, that Epistle, if not the short Additional Tract∣ate, in which I thought I said enough to open the Shame of Popery. But the In∣dignation that Men had against the Duke, made some blame me, as keeping up the Reputation of one whom Multitudes thought very ill of: Whereas ••owned none of his Faults, and did nothing that I could well avoid, for the aforesaid Reasons. Long after this he professed his Kindness to me, and told me I should never want while he was able, and (humbly) intreated me to accept Twenty Guinea's from him, which I did.

§. 10. After this one Mr. Hutchinson (another of the Disputants with Dr. Stil∣lingfleet, and Mr. Wray's Friend, one that had revolted to Popery in Cambridge long ago, having pious Parents and Relations) Wrote two Books for Popery, one for Transubstantiation, and another in which he made the Church of England Confor∣mists to be Men of no Conscience or Religion, but that all Seriousness and Consci∣ence was in the Papist and Puritan, and sought to flatter the Puritans, as he call'd them, into kindness to the Papists, as united in Conscience, which others had not. I Answered these Books, and after fell acquainted with Mr. Hutchinson, but could never get Reply from him, or Dispute.

§. 11. Two old Friends that I had a hand heretofore in turning from Ana∣baptistry and Separation (Mr. Tho. Lamb, and William Allen, that followed Iohn Goodwin, and after became Pastors of an Anabiptist Church) though but Trades∣men, fell on Writing against Separation more strongly than any of the Confor∣mable Clergy; But in Sense of their old Errour, run now into the other Ex∣treme, especially Mr. Lamb, and Wrote against our gathering Assemblies, and Preaching when we are Silenced: Against whose Mistaken Endeavours I Wrote a Book, called, The Nonconformist's Plea for Peace.]

§. 12. One Mr. Hollingworth also Printed a Sermon against the Nonconformists, and there tells a Story of a Sectary, that, Treating for Concord, with one after∣ward a Bishop, motion'd, That all that would not yield to their Terms should be Banished; to shew, that the Nonconformists are for Severity as well as the Bishops. The Reader would think that it was Me, or Dr. Manton,, or Dr. Bates, that he meant, that had so lately had a Treaty with Dr. Wilkins, and Dr. Burton: I Wrote to him, to desire him to tell the World who it was, that by naming none, he might not unworthily bring many into Suspicion; He Wrote me an Answer full of great Estimation and Kindness, professing. That it was not me that he meant, nor Dr. Manton, nor Dr. Bates, nor Dr. Iacomb, but some Sectary that he would by no means Name, but seemed to cast Intimations towards Dr. Owen, one unlikely to use such words, and I verily believe it was all a meer Fiction.

§. 13. About that time I had finished a book called, Chatholick Theologie; in which I undertake to prove that besides things unrevealed, known to none, and ambiguous words, there is no considerable difference between the Arminians and Calvinists, except some very tolerable difference in the point of perseve∣rance: This book hath hitherto had the strangest fate of any that I have writ∣ten, except our Reformed Liturgy, not to be yet spoken against, or openly con∣tradicted, when I expected that both sides would have fallen upon it: And I doubt not but some will do so when I am dead, unless Calamities find men other work.

§. 14. Having almost then finished a Latin Treatise, called, Methodus Theologiae, containing near Seventy Tables or Schemes with their Elucidations and some Disputations on Schism, containing the Nature, Order and Ends of all Beings, (with three more) I gave my Lord Chief Justice Hale a Specimen of it, with my foresaid Catholick Theologie; but told him it was only to shew my respects, but de∣sired him in his weakness to read things more directly tending to prepare for death: But yet I could not prevail with him to lay those by, so much as I desired, but he oft gave me special Thanks above all the rest for that book and that scheme: And while he continued weak Mr. Stevens his familiar Friend published two Volumes of his own Meditations, which, though but plain things, yet were so greedily bought up and read for his sake, even by such as would not have read such things of others, that they did abundance of good. And shortly after, he published himself, in Folio a Treatise of the Origination of Man, to prove the Creation of this World, very Learned, but large. He left many Manuscripts: One I have long ago read, a great Volumn in Folio, to prove the Deity, the Immortality of the Soul, Christi∣anity, the Truth of Scripture in General, and several books in particular; solid∣ly done, but too copious, which was his fault. Two or three smal Tractates written for me I have published expressing the simple and excellent Nature of true Religion, and the Corruption and great evils that follow Men's Additaments, called wrongfully by the Name of Religion and contended for above it and a∣gainst it; and shewing how most Parties are guilty of this sin. I hear he finished a Treatise of the Immortality of the Soul, a little before he dyed. But unhappily there is contest about his Manuscripts, whether to Print them or not, because he put a clause into his Will that nothing of his should be Printed but what he gave out himself to be Printed before he dyed.

He went into the Common Church-yard, and there chose his grave, and died a few daies after (on Christmassday.) Though I never received any mo∣ney from him (save a Quarter's Rent he paid when I removed out of my house at Acton, that he might buy it and succeed me) yet as a token of his love he left me) forty shillings in his Will, with which to keep his memory I bought the greatest Cambridge Bible, and put his picture before it, which is a Monument to my house. But waiting for my own Death I gave it Sir William Ellis who laid out about Ten pounds, to put it into a more curious Cover, and keeps it for a Monu∣ment in his honour.

§. 15. I found by the people of London that many, in the sense of the late Con∣fusions in this Land, had got an apprehension that all Schism and Disorder came from Ministers and People's resisting the Bishops, and that Prelacy is the means to cure Schism, and being ignorant what Church Tyranny hath done in the World, they fly to it for refuge against that mischief which it doth principally introduce: Wherefore I wrote the History of Prelacy, or a Contraction of all the History of the Church, especially Binnius, and Baronius, and others of Councils; to shew by the testimony of their greatest flatterers what the Councils and Contentions of Prelates have done. But the History even as delivered by Binnius himself, was so ugly and frightful to me in the perusing, that I was afraid lest it should prove when opened by me, a temptation to some to contemn Christianity it self, for the sake and Crimes of such a Clergy. But as an Antidote I prefixed the due Com∣mendation of the better humble sort of Pastors. But I must profess that the Hi∣story of Prelacy and Councils, doth assure me that all the Schisms and Confusions that have been caused by Anabaptists, Separatists, or any of the Popular un••uly Sectaries, have been but as flea-bitings to the Church, in comparison of the wounds that Prelatical Usurpation, Contention and Heresies have caused. And I am so far from wondering that all Baronius's industry was thought necessary to put the best visor on all such Actions, that I wonder that the Papists have not ra∣ther

employed all their wit, care and power, to get all the Histories of Councils burnt and forgotten in the World, that they might have only their own Oral flexible tradition to deliver to Mankind what their interest pro re nata shall require.

Alas how small was the hurt that the very Familists, the Munster Fanaticks, the very Quakers, or Ranters have done, in comparison of what some one Pope, or one Age or Council of Carnal, Tyrannical Prelats hath done. The Kingdom of Satan is kept up in the World, next to that Sensuality that is born in all, by his usurping and perverting the two great Offices of God's own institution, Magistracy and Mi∣nistry, and wring the Sword and Word against the Institutor and proper end: But God is just.

§. 16. There years before this I wrote a Treatise to end our common Controversies, in Doctrinals, about Predestination, Redemption, justification, as∣surance, perseverance and such like; being a Summary of Catholick reconciling Theology.

§. 17. In November 1677. Dyed Dr. Thomas Manton to the great loss of London; Being an able judicious faithful man; and one that lamented the in∣temperance of many self conceited Ministers and people, that, on pretence of vin∣dicating free grace and providence, and of opposing Arminianism, greatly cor∣rupted the Christian Doctrin, and Schismatically oppugned Christian love and concord, hereticating and making odious all that spake not as erroniously as them∣selves. many of the Independents inclining to half Antinomianism, suggested suspicions against Dr. Manton, Dr. Bates, Mr. Howe, and my self and such others, as if we were half Arminians. On which occasion I Preached two Sermons on the words in Iude [They speak evil of what they understand not.] Which per∣haps may be published.

§. 18. This year 1678. dyed Mr. Gabriel Sanger, a Reverend faithful Non∣conformist, sometimes Minister at Martin's in the fields. And this day, on which I write this, I Preached the Funeral of Mr. Stubbs a holy Excellent Man, which per∣haps may be published, if it can be licensed.

§. 16. Mr. Long of Exeter, wrote a book against the Non-conformists, as Schis∣maticks, on pretense of confuting Mr. Hale's book of Schism; and in the end cited a great deal of my writings against Schism, and let fall divers passages; which occasioned me to write the Letter to him which is inserted in the Appen∣dix. No. 5.

§. 29. Some young Gentlemen wrote me a Letter desiring me publickly to resolve this Case: The King, Laws and Canons command us to joyn in the publick Parish-Churches, and forbid us to joyn in private Meetings, or unallow∣ed with Non-conformists: Our parents command us to joyn with Non-conformists in their Meetings, and forbid us to hear the Conformists in publick, which yet we think lawful: which of these must we obey? I answered the Case in the Pulpit, and drew it up in writing, and have inserted it among other papers with the end. No. 6.

§. 21. My Bookseller, Nevil Simons, broke, which occasioned a clamour against me, as if I had taken too much money of him for my books: When before, it was thought he had been one of the richest by my means, and I sup∣posed I had freely given him (in meer charity) the gains of above 500 pounds, if not above 1000 pounds. Whereupon I wrote a Letter to a Friend in my own necessary Vindication, which see also at the end. No. 7.

§. 22. The controversie of Predetermination of the acts of sin, was unhappily shared this year among the Non-conformists; on the occasion of a sober modest book of Mr. How's to Mr. Boil against an objection of Atheistical men: And two honest self-conceited Non-conformists, Mr. Dauson and Mr. Gale, wrote against him unworthily. And just-now a second book of Mr. Gale's is come out whol∣ly for Predetermination, superficially and inperficially touching many things, but throughly handling nothing; falsely reporting the sense of Augustin, or at least of Prosper and Fulgentius, and notoriously of Iansenius, &c. and passing divers inconsiderable reflections on some words in my Cath. Theol. Especially op∣posing Strangius, and the excellent Theses of Le Blank, with no strength or regard∣able Argument. Which inclineth me (because he writeth in English) to publish an old Disput in English against Predetermination to sin, written 20 years ago, and thought not fit to be published in English; but that an antidote against the por∣son

of Mr. Gale's Book, and the scandal that falls by it on the Nonconformists is made necessary. Mr. Gale fell sick, and I supprest my answer lest it should grieve him. (And he then dyed.)

§ 23. A paper from Mr. Polehill, an excellent learned Gentleman occasioned the answer which perhaps may be published.

§ 24. Continued backbitings about my Judgment concerning justification, occasi∣oned me to write the summ of it in two or three sheets; with the solution of above thirty controversies unhappily rais'd about it.

§ 25. One Mr. Wilson of Lancashire long importuned me by a friend, to write somewhat against needless Law-suits, and for the way of voluntary reference and arbitration; which I did in a Sermon on 1 Cor. 6. Is there not a wise Man among you? (which is lost by the Bookseller).

§ 26. I wrote an Answer to Mr. Iohnson Alias Terret, his Rejoynder against my book of the Churche's visibility; But Mr. Iane the Bishop of London's Chaplain re∣fused to License it. But at last when the Papists grew odious he Licensed it and my Methodus Theologiae: And the former is Printed, but by the Bookseller's means in a Character scarce legible.

§ 27. About Oct. 1678. Fell out the murder of Sir Edmond Berry Godfrey, which made a very great change in England. One Dr. Titus Oats had disco∣vered a Plot of the Papists, of which he wrote out the particulars very large∣ly; telling how they fired the City, and contriving to bring the Kingdom to Popery, and in order thereto to kill the King: He named the Lords, Jesu∣its, Priests, and others, that were the chief contrivers; and said that he him∣self had delivered to several of the Lord's their Commissions; that the Lord Bellasis was to be General, the Lord Peter Lieutenant General, and the Lord Stafford Major General, the Lord Powis Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Arundel of Warder (the chief) to be Lord Treasurer. He told who were to be Arch Bi∣shops, Bishops, &c. And at what Meetings, and by whom, and when all was contrived, and who were designed to kill the King: He first opened all this to Dr. Tongue, and both of them to the King and Council: He mentioned a multi∣tude of Letters which he himself had carried, and seen, or heard read, that contained all these contrivances: But because his father and he had once been Anabaptists, and when the Bishops prevailed turned to be Conformable Mini∣sters, and afterward he (the Son) turned Papist, and confessed, that he long had gone on with them, under many Oaths of Secrecy, many thought that a man of so little Conscience was not to be believed: But his Confessions were received by some Justices of the Peace; and none more forward in the Search than Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, an Able, Honest, and diligent Justice. While he was following this Work, he was suddenly missing, and could not be heard of: Three or Four Days after he was found kill'd near Marybone-Park: It was plainly found that he was murthered: The Parliament took the Alarm upon it, and Oates was now believed: And indeed all his large Confessions, in every part, agreed to admiration. Hereupon the King Proclaimed Pardon and Reward to any that would confess, or discover the Murder. One Mr. Bedlow, that had fled to Bristow. began, and confessed that he knew of it, and who did it, and named some of the Men, the Place and Time; It was at the Queen's House, called Somerset-House, by Fitz-Gerald and Kelley, Two Pa∣pist Priests, and Four others, Berry the Porter, Green, Pranse and Hill. The Priests fled; Pronse. Berry, Green and Hill were taken: Pranse first confest all, and discovered the rest aforesaid, more than Bedlow knew of, and all the Cir∣cumstances; and how he was carried away, and by whom: and also how the Plot was laid to Kill the King. Thus Oates's Testimony, seconded by Sir Ed∣mund Bury Godfrey's Murder, and Bedlow and Pranse's Testimonies, became to be generally believed. Ireland, a Jesuit, and Two more, were Condemned, as de∣signing to Kill the King: Hill, Berry and Green were Condemned for the murder of Godfrey, and Executed: But Pranse was, by a Papist, first terrifi∣ed into a Denyal again of the Plot to Kill the King, and took on him to be Distracted; But quickly Recanted of this, and had no Quiet till he told how he was so Affrighted, and Renewed all his Testimony and Confes∣sion.

After this came in one Mr. Dugdale, a Papist, and confessed the same Plot, and especially the Lord Stafford's interest in it: And after him more and more Evidence daily was added.

••••••man, the Dutchess of York's Secretary (and one of the Papists great Plot∣ters and Disputers) being surprized, though he made away all his later Pa∣pers, was hanged by the Old Ones, that were remaining, and by Oates his Te∣••••imony. But the Parliament kept off all Aspersions from the Duke: The Hopes of some, and the Fears of others of his Succession, prevailed with many.

§ 28. At last the Lord Treasurer (Sir Thomas Osborne made Earl of Dan∣by) came upon the stage having been before the object of the Parliament and People's jealousy and hard thoughts. He being afraid that somewhat would be done against him, knowing that Mr. Montague (his Kinsman) late Ambassadour in France had some Letters of his in his keeping, which he thought might en∣danger him, got an order from the King to seize on all Mr. Montagues Let∣ters, who, suspecting some such usage, had conveyed away the chief Letters; and telling the Parliament where they were, they sent and fetcht them, and upon the reading of them were so instigated against the Lord Treasurer they impeached him in the Lords House of High Treason.

But not long after the King disolved the long Parliament (which he had kept up about 17 or 18 years). But a new Parliament is promised.

§ 29. Above 40 Scots men (of which 3 Preachers) were by their Council sentenced to be not only banished but sold, as servants (called slaves) to the American Plantations: They were brought by ship to London: Divers Citizens offered to pay their ransom: The King was petitioned for them: I went to the D. of Lauderdale; but none of us could prevail for one man: At last the Ship-Master was told that by a Statute it was a Capital crime to Transport any of the King's Subjects out of England (where now they were) without their consent, and so he set them on shoar and they all escaped for nothing.

§ 30. A great number of Hungarian Ministers had before been sold for Gally slaves, by the Emperour's Agents, but were released by the Dutch Admi∣ral's Request, and some of them largely relieved by Collections in London.

§ 31. The long and grievous Parliament (that silenced about 2000 Ministers and did many works of such a nature) being dissolved as aforesaid, on Ian. 25. 1678. A new one was chosen and met on March 6 following: And the King refusing their chosen speaker (Mr. Segmore) raised in them a greater dis∣pleasure against the Lord Treasurer thinking him the cause; and after some days they chose Serjeant Gregory.

§ 32. The Duke of York a little before, removed out of England by the King's Command; who yet stands to maintain his Succession.

§ 33. The Parliament first impeached the foresaid Papist Lords for the Plot, or Conspiracy (the Lord Bellasis, Lord Arundel, Lord of Powis, Lord Scafford, and Lord Peter); and after them the Lord Treasurer.

34. New fires breaking out enrage the People against the Papists: A great part of Southwark was before burnt, and the Papists strongly suspected the cause. Near half the buildings of the Temple were burnt: And it was greatly suspected to be done by the Papists. One Mr. Bifeild's house in Holbourn and Divers others so fired (but quenched) as made it very probable to be by their Conspiracy. And at last in Fitter-Lane it fell on the house of Mr. Robert Bird (a Man employed in Law, of great Judgment and Piety) who having more wit than many others to search it out, found that it was done by a new Servant Maid, who confessed it first to him, and then to a Justice, and after to the Lords, that one Nicholas Stubbes a Papist having first made her promise to be a Papist, next promised her 5l. to set fire on her Ma∣ster's house, telling her that many others were to do the like, and the Protestant He∣reticks to be killed by the middle of Iune, and that it was no more sin to do it than to kill a Dog. Stubbes was taken, and at first vehemently denyed, but after confessed all, and told them that one Giffard a Priest and his Confessor engaged him in it, and Divers others, and told them all as aforesaid, how the Firing and Plot went on, and what hope they had of a French Invasion. The House of Commons desired the King to pardon the woman (Eliz. Oxley) and Stubbes.

§ 35. If the Papists have not Confidence in the French Invasion, God leaveth them to utter madness to hasten their ruine: They were in full junctness through the Land, and the noise of rage was by their design turned against the Nonconfor∣mists; But their hopes did cast them into such an impatience of delay, that they could no longer stay, but must presently Reign by rage of blood. Had they studi∣ed

to make themselves odious to the Land, they could have found out no more ef∣fectual way, than by Firing, Murder, and Plotting to kill the King: All London at this day is in such fear of them, that they are fain to keep up private Watches in all streets (besides the Common ones) to save their houses from firing: Yea, while they find that it increaseth a hatred of them, and while many of them are already hanged, they still go on; which sheweth either their confidence in Foreign Aid, or their utter infatuation.

§ 36. Upon Easter day the King dissolved his privy Council, and settled it a new, consisting of 30 men (most of the old ones) the Earl of Shaftsbury being Presi∣dent, to the great joy of the People then, tho since all is changed.

§ 37. On the 27th of April. 1679. Tho it was the Lord's Day the Parliament State, excited by Stubbes his Confession that the Firing Plot went on, and the French were to invade us, and the Protestants to be murdered by Iune 28, and they voted that the Duke of York's declaring himself a Papist was the cause of all our dangers by these Plots, and sent to the Lords to concur in the same Vote.

§ 38. But the King that week by himself and the Chancellour acquainted them, that he should consent to any thing reasonable to secure the Protestant Religion, not alienating the Crown from the Line of Succession, and Particularly that he would consent that till the Successour should take the Test, he should exercise no Acts of Government, but the Parliament in being should continue, or if none then were, that, which last was, should be in power, and exercise all the Government in the Name of the King.] This offer took much with many; but most said that it signifyed nothing. For Papists have easily Dispensations to take any Tests or Oaths, and Queen Mary's case shewed how Parliaments will serve the Prince's will.

§ 39. Divers Papists turned from them to the Protestants, upon the Detection of their wickedness and bloody Principles and minds: And among others Mr. Hutchinson, that called himself Berry, against whom I lately wrote. He first wrote for the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and after forsook them seemingly for a time.

§ 40. When I had written my Book against Mr. Gale's Treatise for Predetermi∣nation, and was intending to Print it, the good man fell sick of a Consumption, and I thought it meet to suspend the publication; lest I should grieve him and in∣crease his sickness, of which he dyed. And that I might not obscure God's Provi∣dence about sin, I wrote and preached two Sermons to shew what great and excellent things God doth in the World by the occasion of Man's sin: And verily it is wonder∣ful to observe that; in England, all Parties (Prelatical first, Independents, Anabap∣tists, especially Papists, have been brought down by themselves, and not by the wit and strength of their Enemies, and we can hardly discern any footsteps of any of our own Endeavours, wit or power in any of our Late Deliverances, but our Enemies wickedness and bloody Designs have been the occasion of almost all. Yea, the Presbyterians themselves have suffered more by the dividing effects of their own Covenant, and their unskilfulness in healing the Divisions between them and the Independents and Anabaptists, and the Episcopal, than by any strength that brought them down; tho since men's wrath hath troden them as in the dirt.

§ 41. In April I finished a Treatise of the only way of Union and Concord, among all Christian Churches: In three parts. 1. Of the Nature and Reasons of Union an Concord. 2. Of the true and only Terms. 3. Of the Nature of Schism, and the false Terms on which the Church will never unite.

§ 42. Two years ago by the Consent of many Ministers I Printed one Writing called the Judgment of Nonconformists, concerning the Parts or Office of Reason in Religion; which having good acceptance, by the same Men's consent, I yielded to the Printing of three more, one of the difference between Grace and Morality; Another called the Nonconformists Judgment about things indifferent commanded by Authority: And another What Nonconformity is not, disclaiming several false Im∣putations; To which I added a 4th of Scandal. But when they were Printed some of our Political friends in Parliament and else where, were against the publishing of them, saying, they would increase our sufferings by exasperating, or offend some Sectaries that, dislike some words: And so I was put to pay (23l.) for the printing of them and suppress them.

§ 43. I wrote also Divers Treatises of Nonconformity: One opening their case by a multitude of Quere's: Another by way of History and Assertion specially

vindicating them from the Charge of Schism. Another to prove it their duty to continue preaching tho forbidden, &c.

§ 44. The Earl of Argyle told me that being in company with some very great men, one of them said, that he went once to hear Mr. Baxter preach, and he said nothing but what might beseem the King's Chappel; and conclud∣ed that it was his Judgment that I ought to be beaten with many stripes, because it could not be through ignorance, but meer faction that I conformed not: And the Bishops and Clergy to this day, make unstudied Noble Men and Gen∣tlemen believe, that we confess all to be lawful, and meer Inconveniences which we deny Conformity to (O inhumane Impudence! A Plot of Satan to tempt men never more to believe Clergy men's History!) Hereupon the said Earl of Argyle (after many others) desiring me to write down the points that we deny Conformity to, I wrote. 1. The case of the Nonconformists in a brief History. 2. An Index of about 40 or 50 of the points that we can∣not conform to: but barely naming them without proof to avoid prolixity, which may expose them to any Pretender's Confutation. And at the impor∣tunity of a friend, this week (May 2.) I permitted the shewing them to the Bishop of Lincoln Dr. Barlow: who is a Man firmly zealous against Popery, of great Reading and Learning, long a publick Professor of Divinity in Oxford, and esteemed of as equal at least with the best of the Bishops; And yet told my friend that got my Papers for him, that he could hear of nothing that we judged to be sin, but meer inconveniences: When as above 17 years ago, we publickly endeavoured to prove the sinfulness even of many of the old Imposi∣tions; and our petition for peace was printed, in which we solemnly professed that nothing should hinder us from Conformity, did we not believe it to be sin against God, and endangering our salvation. Yet thus talk the best and Learnedest of them, as if they had dwelt a thousand Miles from us, and had never heard our Case. Some would persuade us that they are all meer har∣dened impudent Worldlings that know all to be Lies, which they thus speak: But I am persuaded that this is too hard Censure, and that some, yea many of the Clergy think as they thus speak, because the Schism of the Age doth make them meer strangers to us, knowing little more of our minds than what they hear from one another by such Reports: And yet we never had leave to speak or write our Case, to tell men what it is that we think sin in the New-Conformity, much less to give our Reasons.

§ 45. The firing fury going on still (God leaving the Papists to self-destroy∣ing madness) on Friday night May 9. Some Papist prisoners bribing the Porter, they set the prison on fire, and burnt much of it down; the Porter and they escaping together: which put the Parliament to appoint the drawing up of a stricter Law to prevent more firing: But what can Laws do to it?

§ 46. On the Lord's day May 11th 1679. The Commons sate extraordinari∣ly, and agreed in two Votes, first that the Duke of York was uncapable of suc∣ceeding in the Imperial Crown of England. 2. That they would stand by the King and the Protestant Religion with their Lives and Fortunes, and if the King came to a violent Death, which God forbid, would be revenged on the Papists.

§ 47. The Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland, Iames Sharp was Mur∣dered this Month. The Actors (a Servant hardly used by him (or a Te∣nant) drew in some Confederates) since suffered.

§ 48. The Parliament shortly dissolved while they insisted on the tryal of the Lord Treasurer.

§ 49. The Scots being forbidden to preach and Meet in the open Fields, being led by a few rash men, at a Meeting being assaulted defended them∣selves, and so were many drawn into resistance of the Magistrate, and were destroyed.

§ 50. There came from among the Papists more and more Converts that detected the Plot against Religion and the King: After Oates, Bedlow, Eve∣rard, Dugdale, ••ranse, came Ienrison a Gentleman of Gray-Inn, Smyth a Priest, and others: But nothing stopt them more than a Plot discovered to have turned all the odium on the Presbyterians and Protestant Adversaries of Po∣pery: They hired one Dangerfield to manage the matter; but by the indu∣stry

of Colonel Mansel (who was to have been first accused,) and Sir William Waller, the Plot was fully detected (to have forged a Plot as of the Presbyterians, or Dissenters, and many great Lords. And Dangerfield confest all, and conti∣nueth a stedfast Convert and Protestant to this day.

§ 51. But my unfitness, and the Torrent of late Matter here, stops me from proceeding to insert the the History of this Age: It is done, and like to be done so copiously by others, that these shreds will be of small signification: Every year of late hath afforded matter for a Volume of Lamentations. Only that Posterity may not be deluded by Credulity, I shall truly tell them, That Lying most Im∣pudently in Print, against the most notorious Evidence of Truth, in the vend∣ing of cruel Malice against Men of Conscience, and the fear of God, is become so ordinary a Trade, as that its like, with Men of Experience, ere long to pass for a good Conclusion. [Dictum vel scriptum est (a Malignis) Ergo falsum est.] Many of the Malignant Clergy and Laity, especially Le Strange the Observator, and such others, do with so great Confidence publish the most Notorious Falshoods, that I must confess it hath greatly depressed my Esteem of most History, and of Humane Nature. If other Historians be like some of these Times, their Asser∣tions, when-ever they speak of such as they distaste, are to be Read as Hebrew, backward; and are so far from signifying Truth, that many for one are down∣right Lies. It's no wonder Perjury is grown so common, when the most Impu∣dent Lying hath so prepared the way.

§ 52. Having published a Confutation of Mr. Danvers about Infant-baptism, one Mr. Hut. binson an Anabaptist in a reproachful Letter called me to review what I had written on that Subject: And in a few sheets I published it, called, [A Review of my thoughts of Infant-Baptism] which, I think, for the brevity, and perspicuity fittest for the use of ordinary doubters of that point: And Mr. Barret hath contra∣cted my other Books of it, in certain Quaere's.

§ 53. The act restraining the Press being expired, I published a Book that lay by me to open the case of Nonconformity, called, A Plea for Peace: which great∣ly offended many Conformists; tho I ventured no farther but to name the things that we durst not conform to: Even the same Men that had long called out to us, to tell them what we desired; and said, We had nothing to say, could not bear it. The Bishop of Ely, Dr. Gunning, told me, He would petition Authority to com∣mand us to give the reasons of our Nonconformity, and not thus keep up a Schism and give no reason for it. The Bishop of London, Dr. Compton, told me, That the King took us to be not sincere, for not giving the reasons of our dissent. I told them both, it was a strange Expectation, from Men, that had so fully given their reason against the old Conformity in our Reply, and could get no Answer; and when their own Laws would Excommunicate, Imprison, and Ruin us, for doing any such thing as they demanded: But I would begg it on my knees, and return them most hearty thanks if they would but procure us leave to do it. Yet when it was but half done, it greatly provoked them; And they Wrote and said, That without the least provocation I had assaulted them: Whereas I only named what we stuck at, professing to accuse none of them: And they thought Seventeen years Silencing, Prosecuting, Imprisoning, Accusations of Parliament men, Prelates, Priests and People, and all their Calls [What would you have? Why do you not tell us what you stick at?] to be no provocation. Yea, Bishops and Doctors had long told Great Men, That I my self had said, That it was only things inconvenient, and not things sinful, which I refused to Conform to, Whereas I had given them, in the Description of Eight Particular things in the old Conformity, which I undertook to prove sinful; and at the Savoy began with one of them; And in the Petition for Peace, offered our Oaths, that we would refuse Conformity to nothing but what we took to be sin. And now when I told them what the Sins were, O what a common Storm did it raise among them! When Heathens would have let Men speak for themselves before they are Condemned, its Criminal in us to do it Seventeen years after.

§ 54. Dr. Stillingfleet being made Dean of Pauls was put on as the most plau∣sible Writer to begin the assault against us, which he did in a printed Sermon proving me and such Others Schismaticks and Separatists. To which I gave an answer which I thought satisfactory (Dr. Owen and Mr. Alsoy also answered him) To all which be wrote some what like a Reply.

§. 55. Against this I Wrote a second Defence, which he never answered.

§. 56. One Mr. Cheny (an honest weak Melancholy-Man) wrote against my Plea for Peace, to which I Published an Answer.

§. 57. One Mr. Hinkley Wrote against me long ago, which occasioned some Letters betwixt us; and now he Published his Part, and put me to publish mine; which I did, with an Answer to a Book, called Reflexions, &c. and another, called, The Impleader, and a Re-joynder to Mr. Cheny-Long of Exeter was one of them.

§. 58. Because a Book, called, The Counterminer; Le Strange, and many others, endeavoured still, as their Chief Work, to perswade Rulers and all, that we che∣rished Principles of Rebellion, and were preparing for Treason, Sedition, or a War: I much desired openly to publish our Principles about Government and Obedience, but our Wise Parliament-Gentlemen were against it, saying, You can publish nothing so truly, or warily, but Men will draw Venom out of it, and make use of it against you. But having been thus stopt many years, it satisfied not my Conscience, and I published all, in a Book, called, A second Plea for Peace. And it hath had the strange fate of Being Unanswered to this day; nor can I get them to take notice of it: Though it was feared it would have been but ••ewel to their Malice, for some ill effect. I added to it, The Nonconformists Iudgment about things indifferent, about Scandal; The difference between Grace and Mora∣lity; and what Nonconformity is not.

§. 59. Upon Mr. H. Dodwell's provocation I published a Treatise of Episcopa∣cy that had lain long by me; which fully openeth our Judgment about the diffe∣rence between the old Episcopacy, and our new Diocesans, and Answereth almost all the Chief Writers which have Written for such Prelacy, specially Bishop Downance, Dr. Hammond, Saravia, Spalatensis, Setavius, &c. I think I may freely say, it is Elaborate, and had it not done somewhat effectually in the undertaken cause, some one or other would have answered it ere now. It makes me admire that my Cathol. Theology, our Reformed Liturgy, my Second Plea for Peace, (that, I say, not the first also) and this Treatise of Episcopaoy could never 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an An∣swer from any of these fierce Accusing Men; when as it is the Subjects of these Four, which are the Controversies of the Age (and Rage) by these Man so much insisted on. But I have since found some Explication about the English Di••∣cesanes necessary; which the Separatists forced me to publish, by misunderstand∣ing me.

§. 60. Mr. Hinkley grew more moderate, and Wrote me a Reconciling Letter; but Long of Exceter (if Fame misreport not the Anonimous Author) Wrote so fierce a Book, to prove me, out of my own Writings, to be one of the worst Men living on Earth (full of Falshoods, and old ••••••racted Lines, and half Sen∣tences) that I never saw any like it; And being overwhelmed with Work and Weakness, and Pains, and having least zeal to defend a Person so bad as I know my self to be; I yet never Answered him, it being none of the matter in Con∣troversie, whether I be good or bad. God be Merciful to me a Sinner?

§. 61. I published also an Apology for the Nonconformists Preaching, proving it their duty to Preach, though forbidden, while they can; And Answering a Multitude of Objectors against them, Fowlis, Morley, Cunning, Parker, Patrick, Druell, Saywell, Ashton, Good, Dodwell, &c. With Reasons to prove, that the ho∣nest Conformists should be for our Preaching.

§. 62. I published a few Sheets, called, A Moral Prognostication, what will be∣fall the Curches, as gathered only from Moral Causes.

§. 63. Because the accusation of Schism is it that maketh all the noise against the Nonconformists, in the Mouths of their Persecu••ors, I Wrote a few Sheets, called, A search for the English Schismatick,] comparing the Principles and Practi∣ces of both Parties, and leaving it to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Judge, who is the Schisma∣tick; shewing, that the Prelatists have in the Canons ipso facto, Excommunicated all (Nobility, Gentry, Clergy and People) who do but affirm, that there is any thing sinful in their Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Church-〈◊〉〈◊〉, even to the lowest Officer, And their Laws cast 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Ministery into Goals, and then they call us Schismaticks for not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to their Churches: Yea, though we come to them constantly, as I have 〈◊〉〈◊〉, if we will not give over Preaching our selves; when the parishes I lived in, Lad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fifty thousand, the other Twenty thousand Souls in it, more than can come within the Church-doors. This

Book also, and my Prognostication, and, (which I most valued) my True and only way of Vniversal Concord, were Railed at, but never Answered (that I know of,) no more than those fore-mentioned.

§. 64. One Mr. Morrice, Chaplain to Arch-bishop Sandcroft, Wrote a Learned and Virulent Book against my Abstract of the History of Bishops and Councils; and against a small Book of Mr. David Clerkson, against the Antiquity of Diocesancs: To this Mr. Clerkson and I conjoyned our Answers; In mine, •• Epitomixed Iob Ludolphus History of Habassia in the Preface; and, I think, sufficiently Vindicated my History of Councils, and so think they that were greatly taken with Mr. Mor∣rice's book till they saw the Answer. And Mr. Clerkson hath shewn himself so much better acquainted with Church History than they, that whether they will attempt to answer his Testimonies (and mine in my Treatise of Episcopacy) which disprove the Antiquity of Diocesanes, or will trust only to possession, pow∣er and noise, I know not.

§. 65. Mr. H. Dodwell, and Dr. Sherlock, by publick accusation, called me out to publish a Book; called, An Answer to Mr. Dodwell and Dr. Sherlock, confuting an Vniversal Humane Church-Sovereignty, Aristocratical and Mon••••chical, as Church-Tyranny and Popery, and defending Dr. Isaac Barrow's Excellent Treatise against it. (For Dr. Tillotson had newly Published this Excellent Post humous-Treatise, and Sherlock quarrel'd with it.) In this I confuted Mr. Dodwell's Treatise of Schism, and many of his Letters and Conferences with me, which I think he will pass by, lest his own Reply should make those know him who read not mine.

§ 66. In a short time I was called with a grieved heart to Preach and Publish many Funeral Sermons, on the Death of many Excellent Saints.

Mr. Stubbes went first, that Humble, Holy, Serious Preacher; long a blessing to Gloucestershire and Somersetshire, and other parts, and lastly to London, I had great reason to lament my particular Loss, of so holy a friend, who oft told me, That for very many years he never went to God by solemn Prayer, without a particular remembrance of me: but of him before.

Next died Mrs. Coxe, Wife to Dr. Thomas Coxe (now President of the Col∣ledge of Physicians) a Woman of such admirable composure of Humble, Seri•••••• Godliness, meekness, patience, exactness of Speech and all behaviour, and great Charity, that all that I have said in her Funeral Sermon is much short of her worth.

Next died my most intire Friend Alderman Henry As••••rst, commonly taken for the most exemplary Saint that was of publick notice in this City; so sound in Judgment, of such admirable Meekness, Patience, Universal Charity, Studious of Good Works, and large therein, that we know not where to find his Equal. Yet though such a Holy Man, of a strong Body, God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the terrible Disease of the Stone in the Bladder; And, in 〈…〉〈…〉 to be Cut, and two broken Stones taken out by Thirty pieces and more, with ad∣mirable patience: And when the Wound was almost ••••aled, he was fain to be Cut again of a third Stone that was left behind; and after much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and pa∣tience, died, with great peace and quietness of Mind; and hath left behind him the perfume of a most honoured Name, and the Memorials of a most exemplary Life, to be imitated by all his Descendents.

Next my dear Friend Mr. Iohn Corbet, of just the like t••mper of Body and Soul, having endured at Chichester many years Torment of the same Disease, coming up to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, died before they could Cut him, and had just three 〈…〉〈…〉 in his Bladder at Mr. Ashurst's were: his worth is known in Gloucester, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Lon∣don and by his Writings to the Land, to be beyond what I have published of him, in his Funeral Sermon. He having lived in my House before, and greatly hono••∣red by my Wife; She got not long after his ex•••••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wife (〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Dr. Twiss) to be her Companion, but enjoyed that comfort 〈…〉〈…〉 while, which I have longer enjoyed.

§. 67. Near the same time died my Father's second Wife, Mery, the Daughter of Sir Thomas 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and sister to Sir 〈…〉〈…〉 in the Wa••s: Her Mother, the old Lady 〈◊〉〈◊〉, died at my Father's House, between Eighty and One Hundred years old. And my Mother-in-Law died at Ninety six (of a Cancer) in 〈…〉〈…〉, having lived from her youth in the greatest Mortification, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to her Body, and 〈…〉〈…〉 of Prayer and all Devotion, of any one that ever I knew: In the hatred of all sin,

strictness of Universal obedience, and for Thirty years longing to be with Christ; In constant daily acquired infirmity of body (got by avoiding all Exercise, and long secret prayer in the coldest Seasons, and such like) but of a con∣stitution naturally strong: afraid of recovering when ever she was ill: For some days before her death she was so taken with the Ninty first Psalm, that she would get those that came near her to read it to her over and over; which Psalm also was a great means of Comfort to Old Beza, even against his Death.

§. 68. Soon after dyed Iane Matthews aged Seventy six, My House-keeper fourteen years: though mean of quality, very eminent in Kiderminster, and the parts about for Wisdom, Piety, and a holy, Sober, Righteous, Exemplary Life.

And many of my Old Hearers and Flock at Kiderminster dyed not long before. Among whom a mean Freeholder Iames Butcher of Wanmerton, hath left few equal to him for all that seemeth to approach perfection in a plain Man: O how many holy Souls are gone to Christ out of that one Parish of Kiderminster in a few years, and yet the Number seemeth to increase.

§. 69. The Book which I published called The Poor Man's Family Book, was so well accepted, that I found it a useful work of Charity to give many of them (with the Call to the Vnconverted) abroad in many Countries, where neither I, nor such others had leave to Preach (and many Hundreds since, with good success.)

§. 70. The times were so bad for selling Books, that I was fain to be my self at the charge of Printing my Methodus Theologiae, some friends contributed about Eighty pounds, towards it; It cost me one way or other about Five hundred pounds: About Two hundred and fifty pounds I received from those Non-con∣formists that bought them. The Contrary party set themselves to hinder the sale of it, because it was mine, tho' else the Doctrine of it, being half Philoso∣phical, and half Conciliatory would have pleased the Learned part of them. But most lay it by as too hard for them, as over Scholastical and exact. I wrote it and my English Christian Directory to make up one Compleat Body of Theology, The Latin one the Theory, and the English one the Practical part. And the latter is commonly accepted because less difficult.

§. 71. My short piece against Popery called The Certainty of Christianity without Popery, proved of use against Infidels as well as Papists. But most deceived men will not be at the labour to study any thing that is distinct and exact, but take up with the first appearances of things.

§. 72. The Miserable State of Youngmen in London, was a great trouble to my mind; Especially Rich men's Sons and Servants, Merchants and Lawyers Appren∣tices and Clarks, carried away by the flesh, to drinking; Gluttony, Plays, Gaming, Whoring, Robbing their Masters, &c. I wrote therefore a smal Tractate for such, called Compassionate Counsel to Young men: Sir Robert Atkins contributed towards the charge of Printing it, and I gave of them in City and Country One thousand five hundred, besides what the Bookseller sold: But few will read it that most need.

§. 73. About this time dyed my dear friend Mr. Thomas Gouge, of whose Life you may see a little in Mr. Clark's last book of Lives: A wonder of sincere in∣dustrie in works of Charity; It would make a Volume to recite at large, the Chari∣ty he used to his poor Parishioners at Sepulchres (before he was Ejected and Silen∣ced for Non-conformity; His Conjunction with Alderman Ashurst and some such others, in a weekly Meeting, to take account of the honest poor samilles in the City that were in great want, he being the Treasures and Visiter; his voluntary Catechizing the Christ's Church boyes when he might not preach: The many thousand Bibles Printed in Welsh that he dispersed in Wales; The Practice of Piety, The Whole Duty of Man, My Call, and many thousands of his own Wri∣ting, given freely all over Wales; his setting up about Three hundred or Four hun∣dred Schools in Wales to teach Children only to read, and the Catechise, his in∣dustry to beg money for all this, besides most of his own Estate laid out on it; His Travels over Wales once or twice a year to visite his Schools and see to the Execution: This was true Episcopacy of a silenced Minister (who yet went con∣stantly to the Parish Churches, and was authorized by an old University License

to Preach occasionally, and yet for so doing was Excommunicate even in Wales while he was doing all this good.) He served God thus to a healthful age (Seven∣ty four or seventy six,) I never saw him sad, but always chearful. About a fort-night before he dyed he told me that sometime in the night some small trouble came to his heart, he knew not what; And without sickness, or pain, or fear of death, they heard him in his sleep give a groan, and he was dead. O how holy and blessed a Life, and how easie a Death?

§. 74. Finding the Success of my Family Dialogue I wrote a second part 1681 and 1682, called The Catechising of Housholds teaching Housholders how to in∣struct their Families, Expounding, First, the Law of Nature: Secondly, The Evi∣dence of the Gospel: Thirdly, the Creed: Fourthly, the Lord's Prayer: Fifthly, the Commandments: Sixthly, the Ministry: Seventhly, Baptism: Eighthly, the Lord's Supper. It is suited to those that are Past the common little Catechism; And I think these two Family-books to be of the greatest Common use of any that I have published: If Houshoulders would but do their parts in reading good books to their Houshoulds, it might be a great Supply where the Ministry is defective: and no Ministry will serve sufficiently without Men's own Endeavours for them∣selves and families.

§. 75. Having been for retirement in the Countrey from Iuly till August 14. 1682, returning in great weakness, I was able only to Preach twice, of which the last was in my usual Lecture in New-street, and it fell out to be August 24. just that day twenty year, that I (and near Two thousand more) had been by Law forbidden to Preach any more. I was sensible of God's wonderful mercy that had kept so many of us Twenty years in so much Liberty and Peace, while so many severe Laws were in force against us, and so great a number were round about us, who wanted neither malice nor power to afflict us. And so I took that day my leave of the Pulpit and publick Work, in a thankful Congregation. And it is like indeed to be my last.

§. 76. But after this when I had ceased Preaching, I was (being newly risen from Extremity of pain) suddenly surprized in my house by a poor violent In∣former, and many Constables and Officers, who rusht in and apprehended me, and served on me one Warrant to seize on my person for coming within five miles of a Corporation, and five more Warrants, to distrain for an Hundred and ninty pounds, for five Sermons. They cast my Servants into fears, and were about to take all my Books and Goods, and I contentedly went with them towards the Justice to be sent to Jail, and left my house to their will: But Dr. Thomas Cox, meeting me, forced me in again to my Couch and bed, and went to five Justices and took his Oath (without my knowledge) that I could not go to Prison without danger of Death: Upon that the Justices delayed a day till they could speak with the King, and told him what the Doctor had sworn; and the King consented, that at the present imprisonment should be forborn, that I might die at home. But they Executed all their Warrants on my Books and Goods; even the bed that I lay sick on, and sold them all: and some friends paid them as much money as they were prized at, which I repayed, and was faint to send them away. The Warrant against my person was signed by Mr. Parrey and Mr. Phillips: The five Warrants against my Goods by Sir Iames Smith and Sir Iames Butcher: And I had never the least notice of any accusation, or who were the Accusers or Witnesses, much less did I receive any Summons to appear, or answer for my self, or ever saw the Justices or Accusers. But the Justice that sign'd the Warrants for Execution said that the two Hiltons sollcited him for them, and one Bucke led the Constables that distreined

But though I sent the Justice the written Deeds which proved that the Goods were none of mine (nor ever were) and sent two Witnesses whose hands were to those Conveyances, I offered their Oaths of it, and also proved that the books I had many years ago alienated to my kinsman, this signified nothing to them, but they seized and sold all nevertheless; And both patience and prudence forbad us to trie the Title at Law, when we knew what Charges had been lately made of Justices, and Jurles, and how others had been used If they had taken only my Cloak they should have had my Coat also, and if they had taken me on one Cheek I would have turned the other: for I knew the case was such that he that will not put up one blow, one wrong or stander, shall suffer two, yea many more. 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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But when they had taken and sold all, and I borrowed some Bedding and Ne∣cessaries of the Buyer, I was never the quieter: for they threatned to come upon ••e again, and take all as mine, whosesoever it was, which they found in my possession: So that I had no remedy, but utterly to forsake my House and Goods and all, and take secret Lodgings distant in a stranger's House. But having a long Lease of my own House, which binds me to pay a great∣er Rent than now it is worth, when-ever I go I must pay that Rent.

The separation from my Books would have been a greater part of my small Affliction, but that I found I was near the end both of that Work and Life which needeth Books; and so I easily let go all: Naked came I into the World, and naked must I go out.

But I never wanted less (what Man can give) than when Men had taken all: My old Friends (and Strangers to me) were so Liberal, that I was fain to re∣strain their Bounty: Their kindness was a surer and larger Revenue to me than my own.

But God was pleased quickly to put me past all fear of Man, and all desire of avoiding suffering from them by Concealment; by laying on me more him∣self than Man can do: Their Imprisonment, with tolerable Health, would have seemed a Palace to me; And had they put me to death for such a Duty as they Persecute me, it would have been a joyful end of my Calamity. But day and night I groan and languish under God's just afflicting hand; The pain which before only tired my Reins, and tore my Bowels, now also fell upon my Blad∣der, and scarce any part or hour is free. As Waves follow Waves in the Tem∣pestuous Seas, so one pain and danger followeth another, in this sinful miserable Flesh: I die daily, and yet remain alive: God, in his great Mercy, knowing my dulness in health and ease, doth make it much easier to repent and hate my sin, and loath my self, and contemn the World, and submit to the Sentence of death with willingness, than otherwise it was ever like to have been. O how little is it that wrathful Enemies can do against us, in comparison of what our sin, and the Justice of God can do? And O how little is it that the best and kindest of Friends can do, for a pained Body, or a guilty sinful Soul, in compari∣son of one gracious look or word from God. Woe be to him that hath no better help than Man: And blessed is he whose help and hope is in the Lord.

But I will here tell the Reader what I had to say, if I had been allow'd a hearing.

The CASE of R. B.

§. 79. HAving been prosecuted as offending against the Oxford Confining-Act, and finding that my silence may occasion the guilt of such as understand not my Case, and being by God's hand disabled personally to appear and plead it, I am necessitated to open it by Writing, to undeceive them that mistake it.

1. As to the Sence of that Law, I conceive that it reacheth to none but Non∣couformists; and that because they are suspected to teach Schism and Rebellion. For though the body of a Law someteme extend further than the Title, yet when the title containeth both the end of the Law, and the Description of the persons meant (as hear it doth) it is expository to the Law: Therefore the words] all such] in the third Paragraph, must mean [all such as aforesaid, viz. Nonconfor∣mists] and not [all such others,] viz. Conformists: For,

1. The Conformists are supposed to be from under the Suspicion.

2. And else it may ruin many Churches: If the Curate omit the Liturgy, or part, and the Incumbent Preach, it will be made an Unlawful Assembly, by the

same reason that House-Meetings are so called, for want of the Liturgy; For the Law imposeth the Liturgy on Churches, but not on Houses.

3. Many Conformists have still used to repeat their Sermons in their Houses, to more than four Neighbours, without the Liturgy: And if any such thing be judg'd a Conventicle, to Fine the Incumbent Forty pounds, and Banish him Five Miles from his parish ever after, seems contrary to our Discipline.

II. My Case is this.

1. I am no Nonconformist in Law-Sence, (and my Conscience hath no Judge but God:) For I Conform to the Liturgy and Sacrament, as far as the Law re∣quireth me: I was in no place of Ecclesiastical Promotion on May the 1st, 1662; nor ever since had any, nor the offer of any: And therefore the Law imposeth not on me, the Declaration, or the Assent or Consent, no more than on Lawyers, or Judges.

2. I have the Bishop of London's License to Preach in his Diocess, which suppo∣seth me no Nonconformist in Law-sence: And I have the Judgment of Lawyers, even of the present Lord Chief Justice, and Mr. Pollexfen, that by that License I may Preach occasional Sermons.

3. I have Episcopal Ordination, and judge it gross Sacriledge to forsake my Cal∣ling.

4. I am justified against suspicion of Rebellious Doctrine many ways. 1. By my publick Retractation of any old accused words or writings. 2. I was chosen alone to Preach the Publick Thanksgiving at St. Paul's for Gene∣ral Monk's success. 3. The Commons in Parliament chose me to Preach to them at their Publick Fast for the King's Restoration, and call'd him home the next day. 4. I was Sworn Chaplain in Ordinary to the King. 5. I was offered a Bishoprick. 6. The Lord Chancellor who offered it, at∣tested under his hand, His Majesty's Sense of my Defert, and His Accep∣tance. 7. I am justifyed in the King's Declaration about Ecclesiastical Af∣fairs among the rest there mention'd. 8. When I Preached before the King, he commanded the Printing of my Sermon. 9. To which may be added the Act of Oblivion. 10. And having published above an Hun∣dred Books, I was never yet convict of any ill Doctrine, since any of the said Acts of King, Parliament and others for my Discharge and Justifi∣cation.

5. I have oft Printed my judgment for Communion with the Parish Churches, and exhorted others to it: And having built a Chappel, delivered it for Pa∣rish use.

6. I was never lawfully Convict of Preaching in an unlawful Assembly: for I was not once summon'd by the Justices that granted out the Five Warrants against me, to answer for my self, nor ever told who was my Accuser, or who Witnessed against me. And I have it under the hand of the present Lord Chief Justice, that a Lawful Conviction supposeth Summons. And the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan, with Judge Tyrrel, Archer and Wild, did long ago discharge me, upon their decla∣ring, that even the Warrant of my Commitment was illegal, because no Accuser or Witness was named, and so I was left remediless in case of false Accusa∣tion.

7. As far as I understand it, I never did Preach in any unlawful Assembly, which was on pretence of any Exercise of Religion contrary to Law. I Preach∣ed in Parish Churches where the Liturgy was Read as oft as I had leave and invi∣tation: And when I could not have that leave, I never took any Pastoral Charge, nor Preached for any Stipend, but not daring perfidiously to desert the Calling which I was Ordained and Vowed to, I Preacht occasional Sermons in other Men's

Houses, where was nothing done, that I know of, contrary to Law; There was nothing done but Reading the Psalms, and Chapters, and the Creed, Command∣ments, and Lord's Prayer, and Singing Psalms, and Preaying and Praching; and none of this is forbidden by Law: The Omission of the rest of the Liturgy, is no Act, but a not-acting, and therefore is no pretended Worship according to Law. But were it otherwise, the Law doth not impose the Liturgy on Families, but only on Churches, and a Family is not forbidden to have more than four Neighbours at saying Grace, or Prayer, nor is bound to give over Family-worship, when-ever more than Four come in. The Act alloweth Four to be present at Unlawful Worship, but forbids not more to be present at Lawful Worship. And House-worship without the Liturgy is lawful worship. And yet if this were not so, as the Curate's Omission of the Prayers makes not the Preacher and Assembly guil∣ty (suppose it were an Assize-Sermon that for hast omitted the Liturgy;) so the owner of the House, by omitting the Liturgy, maketh not him guilty that was not bound to use it, nor the Meeting unlawful to any but himself. Charity and Loyalty bind us to believe, that our King and Parliament, who allow more than many Four's to meet at a Play-house, Tavern, or Feast, never meant to forbid more than Four to b••••ogether in a House to sing a Psalm, or Pray, or Read a Licensed Book, or edifie each other by Godly Conference, while no Crime is found by any Man in the Matter of their Doctrine or Prayer; and no Law im∣poseth the Liturgy on any but Church-Meetings.

If after many years Reproach, once Imprisonment, and the late Distress and Sale of all my Books and Goods, and those that were none of mine, but another's, and this by five or six Warrants for present Execution, without any Summons or Notice of Accusers or Witnesses, I could yet have leave to die in peace, and had not been again persecuted with new Inditements, I had not presumed thus to plead or open my own Cause. I Pray God that my Prosecutors and Judges may be so prepared for their near Account, that they may have no greater sin laid to their Charge, than keeping my Ordination-Vow is, and not Sacrilegiously forsaking my Calling, who have had so good a Master, so good a Word, so good Success, and so much Attestation from King, Parliament, City, and Bishops, as I have ha••.

If they ask why I Conform not? I say, I do, as far as any Law bindeth me: If they ask why I take not this Oath, I say, Because I neither understand it, nor can prevail with Rulers to Explain it. And if have a good sence, I have not on∣ly subscribed to it, but to much more, in a Book called, The second Plea for Peace, page 60, 61, 62. Where also I have professed my Loyalty much further than this Oath extendeth. But if it have a bad sence, I will not take it. And I find the Conformists utterly disagreed of the Sence, and most that I hear of renoun∣cing that sence which the words signifie in their common use. And knowing that Perjury is a mortal Enemy to the Life and Safety of Kings, and the Peace of Kingdoms, and to Converse, and to Man's Salvation, I will not dally with such a dangerous Crime. Nor will I deceive my Rulers by Stretches and Equivocations; nor do I believe Lying lawful after all that Grotius de Iure Belli, and Bishop Tay∣lor Duct. Dub. have said for it. I think Oaths imposed are to be taken in the or∣dinary sense of the words, if the Imposers put not another on them. And I dare not Swear that a Commission under the Broad-Seal is no Commission, till I that am no Lawyer know it to be Legal: Nor yet that the Lord Keeper may Depose the King without resistance, by Sealing Commissions to Traytors to seize on his Forts, Navy, Militia, or Treasure: Nor can I consent to make all the pre∣sent Church-Government as unalterable as the Monarchy; especially when the Se∣venth Canon extendeth it to an & caetèra, to Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deans, Arch-deacons, and the rest that bear Office in the same] not excepting Lay-Chancellor's use of the Keys; (& ipso facto Excommunicateth all, Nobility, Gentry, Clergy and Com∣mons, that say, That it is repugnant to the Word of God.) And it's time to take heed what we Swear, when the Act of Uniformity, the Oxford-Act, the Corpora∣tion Act, the Vestry Act, the Militia Act, and the Oath of Supremacy, do bind all the Nation by Solemn Oath, not to endeavour any alteration of Government in Church or State; And yet most Reverend Fathers, who most sharply call us to Conformity, do Write for a Foreign Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, under the Name of an Universal Colledge of Bishops, or Council, having such power as other Courts,

even Commanding, Pretorian, Legislative, and Judicial to all the Church on Earth, and that obedience to this Foreign Jurisdiction, is the necessary way to escape Schism and Damnation. And if it be no alteration of Government to bring King and Kingom to be subject to a Foreign Jurisdiction, this Oath, and the Oath of Su∣premacy, and the 39 Articles and Canons, and several Statutes, which renounced it, are all unintelligible to us. We renounce all subjection to any Foreign Church or Power, but not Communion. We have Communion with the Church of Rome, and all others in Christianity, but not in their sin; and we are not yet so dull as to know no difference between Foreigners Government of us, and their Communion; nor to think that Separation from a Usurped Government is Separation from Chri∣stian Communion: Nor can we possibly believe the Capacity of Pope, or Council, or Colledge of Bishops, as a Monarchy, or Aristocracy, to Govern all the World in one Soveraignty Ecclesiastical, till we see one Civil Monarchy, or Aristocracy, rule all the Earth. And we dread the Doctrine and Example of such Men as would introduce any Foreign Jurisdiction, while they are for Swearing all the Land a∣gainst any alteration of Church-Government; And we must deliberate before we thus Conform, while so Great Men do render the Oath so doubtful to us. I appeal to the fore-cited Profession of my Loyalty, published many years ago, as being far more full and satisfactory to any that questioneth it, than the taking of this doubt∣ful controverted Oath would be.

A true Copy of the Iudgment of Mr. Saunders now Lord Chief Iustice of the King's-Bench, given me March the 22d, 1674/5.

1. IF he hath the Bishop's License, and be not a Curate, Lecturer, or other Promoted Ecclesiastical Person, mentioned in the Act, I conceive he may Preach Occasional Sermons without Conforming, and not incure any Penalty with∣in this Act.

The due Order of Law requires, that the Delinquent, if he be forth-coming, ought to be summon'd to appear to Answer for himself, if he pleases, before he be Convicted: But, in case of his withdrawing himself, or not appearing, he may be regularly Convicted.

Convictions may be accumulated before the Appeal be determined: but not un∣duely: nor is it to be supposed that any undue Convictions will be made,

As I Conceive, Edm. Saunders.

M. day 22. 167••.

Mr. Polixfen's Iudgment for my Preaching Occasionally.

A. B. before the Thirteenth of this King being Episcopally Ordained, and at the time of the Act of Uniformity made Car. 2. not being Incumbent in any Living, or having any Ecclesiastical Preferment, before the Act of Uniformity, viz. 25 Feb. 13 Car. 2. obtains a License of the then Bishop of London, under his Seal, to Preach in any part of his Diocess, aud at the same time subscribes the 39 Articles of the Church of England.

Quest. Whether Licenses Preceding the Act be within the meaning of the Act?

I conceive they are:: For if Licensed at the time of the Act made, what need any new License? That were but actum agere, and the Clause in the Act [unless he be Iacensed, &c.] in the manner of penning shews that Licenses, that then were, were sufficient and within the Provision: And the followiug Clause as to the Lecturers is Express [now is, or shall be Licensed] The former part of the Act as well as that extends to Licenses that then were. For the same License that enables a man to Preach a Lecture must enable a man to Preach.

Q. Whether he be restrained by the Act of Vniformity to Preach a Funeral Ser∣mon or other occasional Sermon?

I Concei••e that he is not restrained by this Act to Preach any Occasional Ser∣mon so as it be within the Diocess wherein he is Licensed.

Hen. Pollexfen.

Decemb. 19. 1682.

§ 77. While I continue night and day under constant pain, and often strong, and under the sentence of approaching death by an uncurable disease which age and great debility yields to, I found great need of the constant exercise of pa∣tience by obedient submission to God; and writing a small Tractate of it for my own use, I saw reason to yield to them that desired it might be publick, there being (especially) so common need of obedient patience.

§ 78. Having long ago written a Treatise against Coalition with Papists, by in∣troducing a Foreign Jurisdiction of Pope or Councils, I was urged by the Writings of Mr. Dogwel, and Dr. Saywell to publish it, but the Printers dare not Print it; Entitled England not to be perjured by receiving a Foreign Jurisdiction. It is in two Parts: The first Historical shewing who have endeavoured to introduce a Fo∣reign Jurisdiction, citing Papists, Grotius, Arch-Bishop Bromball, Arch-Bishop Laud, Thorndike, Dr. Saywell, Dodwell, four Letters to Bishop Guning, and others. The 2d part strictly Stating the Controversy, and Confuting a Foreign Jurisdiction, against which Change of Government all the Land is Sworn. I may not Print it.

§ 79. When I saw the storm of Persecution arising by the Agitators Hilton, Shad, Buck, and such other, and saw what the Justices were at least in present dan∣ger of, and especially how Le Strange and other weekly Pamphleteers bent all their wit and power to make others odious, and prepared for destruction, and to draw as many as possibly they could to hate and ruine faithful men, and how Conscience and serious piety grew with many into such hatred and reproach, that no men were so much abhorred, that many gloried to be called Tories, tho they knew it was the name of the Irish common murdering Thieves: I wrote a small Book called Cain and Abel, in two parts: The first against malignant Enmity to serious Godliness; with abun∣dant Reasons to convince Malignants. The second against Persecution, by way of Quaere's. I wrote a third part (as Impartial) to tell Dissenters why (while I was able) I went oft to the Parish Church and there Communicated, and why they should not suffer as Separatists or Recusants, lest they suffer as evil do∣ers: But wise men would not let me publish it. And the two first, the Booksel∣lers and Printers durst not print but twice refused them.

§ 80. But the third part the Reasons of my Communion with Parish Churches, that have honest able Ministers, I sent to one friend, who telling others of it, a Bookseller after two years importuned me to let him Print it. 1. The sharp execu∣tion of the Law had then brought Multitudes into Prison and Poverty. 2. Noncon∣formists both Presbyterians and Independents, had taken the Corporation Oath and Declaration, and Communicated in the Parish Churches, for to make them ca∣pable of Trust and Office in the City; And because it se••m'd to tend to their pro∣tection and advantage, we heard of no noise made against them by the Independents; but they admitted them as their Members to their Communion as before. I was against their taking the Declaration, but not against their Communicating, but I medled not with them. At last when the Earl of Shaftsbury was broken and gone, and the City Power and Common Council subdued to the will of the King, the fore∣said

Communion in publick was more freely blamed by the Independents and Ana∣baptists, and some few hot Scots Men. And the private Church Meetings were so much supprest, and the prisons so full, that my Conscience began to tell me, that I should be guilty of injuring the truth, the Church, and the Souls and Bodily wel∣fare of my brethren, if I should by silence harden them against publick worship. Specially the Case of the Countrey moved me, wherein a great part of the Kingdom, scarce two hundred men in a whole Country, can have the liberty of any true Church Worship, besides Parochial. I remembred the Case of the Old Noncon∣formists against the Brownists, and the Writings of Mr. I. Ball, Paget, Hildersham, Bradshaw, Gifford, Brightman, Ames, &c. I could not but remember what work the separating party had made in England and Scotland, in my days from 1644. till 1660 against Government, Religion and Concord:. I saw what I long foresaw, each ex∣treme party growing more extreme, and going further still from one another; And so great a Change is grown on London, that the Terms which we offered the Bishops for Concord 1660 are now abhorred as Antichristian: I saw multitudes like to be Imprisoned and Ruined for refusing their Duty, as if it were sin, and disgracing Religion by fathering these Errours on it. The Conformists, seeing the Errour of the Separatists, derided them all, and were confirmed in the Justification of all their Conformity; thinking that it was but a just differing from a crazed Company of Fanaticks: Those that imprisoned and ruined both them and the rest of the Nonconformists, thought they did God service by it, against an unruly sort of Men: The Common people were made believe that this was the true Com∣plexion of all the Dissenters from whatever the Law Commanded. The di∣stance growing wider, and great sufferings increasing hard thoughts of those by whom Men suffered, all real Love did seem to be almost utterly destroy∣ed, and Neighbours dwelt together like unplacable Enemies: And worst of all, Men were frightened to think that they must rather give over all Church Worship, than they must Communicate with the best Ministry in the Parish Churches; and so the main body of the Land would live like Atheists, who can have no other Church-Worship but the Parochial: For the Nonconformists Churches were in almost all Countries, so suppressed that no considerable Numbers could enjoy them.

And by this means the Papists were like to have their Wills: The Pro∣testants must be told that Recusancy is all their Duties: And going to the Publick Churches a sin: And who can for shame drive Papists to sin? And if thus they could draw all Protestants to forsake the said Churches, they would, like a deserted City and Garrison'd Fort, be open and ready for their possession. And while the Papists and Malignants are studying how to cast out all the Godly Conforming Ministers, that the Ductile remainder might be prepared for Popery, the separating part of the Independents and Anabap∣tists, and some few hot Scotch Presbyterians, go before them, and tell all the People that it is unlawful to hear them, and to own them as Ministers or Churches, and to have Communion with them in the Liturgy or Sacraments. Even when the rigour of Prosecutors hath brought it to that pass that they must have such or none, as to Church worship.

Seeing so many in prison, for this Error, to the dishonour of God, and so many more like to be ruin'd by it, and the separating party, by the temptation of suffering, had so far prevailed with the most strict, and zealous Christians, that a great Num∣ber were of their mind, and the Non-conformable Ministers, whose Judgment was against this separation, durst not publish their dislike of it, partly because of sharp and bitter Censures of the Separatists, and who took them for Apostates or Carnal Temporizers that communicated in publick, and partly for fear of Encouraging Persecution against the Separatists, and partly for fear of losing all opportunity of teaching them (and some that had no hope of any other friends or maintenance, or Auditors thought they might be silent,) On all these accounts, I, that had no gathered Church, nor lived on the Contribution of any such, and was going out of the world in pain and Languor, did think that I was fittest to bear men's Cen∣sures, and to take that reproach on my self, which my brethren were less fit to bear, who might live for farther Service. And at the Importunity of the Book∣seller, I consented to publish the Reasons of my Communicating in the Parish-Churches, and against Separation. Which when it was coming out, a Manuscript

of Dr. Owen's (who was lately dead) containing Twelve Arguments against such joyning with the Liturgie, and publick Churches, was sent me, as that which had satisfyed Multitude. I thought that if this were unanswered, my labour would be much lost, because that party would still say Dr. Owen's Twelve Arguments con∣futed all: Whereupon I hastily answered them, but found after that it had been more prudent to have omitted his Name: For on that account a swarm of revilers in the City poured out their keenest Censures, and three or four wrote against me, whom I answered. (I will not name the men that are known, and two of them are yet unknown) But they went on several Prineiples, some Charged all Com∣munion with the Liturgie, with Idolatry, Antichristianity, and perjury and back∣sliding: One concealed his Judgment, and quarrel'd at by-words. And ano∣ther —turned my Treatise of Episcopacy against me, and said it fully proved the Duty of Separation, I was glad that hereby I was called to explain that Treatise, lest it should do hurt to mistakers when I am dead; and that as in it I had said much against one extream, I might leave my Testimony against the other I called all these writings together, a Defence of Catholick Communion. And that I might be Impartial I adjoyned two piece, against Dr. Sherlock that ran quite into the con∣trary Extreames, unchurching almost all Christians as Schismaticks. I confess I wrote so sharply against him as must needs be liable to blame with those that know not the man, and his former and latter Virulent and ignorant Wri∣tings.

§. 81. About this time one Mr. Robert Mayot of Oxford, a very Goldly Man, that devoted all his Estate to charitable uses, a Conformist, whom I never saw, dyed, and beside many greater Gifts to Abbington, &c. gave by his last Will Six hun∣dred pounds to be by me distributed to Sixty poor Ejected Ministers, adding that he did it not, because they were Non-conformists, but because many such were poor and pious. But the King's Attourney Sir Robert Sawyer Sued for it in the Chancery, and the Lord Ceeper North gave it all to the King. Which made many resolve to leave nothing to charitable uses after their Death, but do what they did while they lived.

§. 82. Under my daily pains I was drawn to a work which I had never the least thoughts of (and is like to be the last of my Life,) to write a paraphrase on the New Tewament, Mr. Iohn Humphrey having long importuned me, to write a paraphrase on the Epistle to the Romans, when I had done that, the usefulness of it to my self drew me farther and farther till I had done all. But having con∣fessed my ignorance of the Revelations, and yet loth wholly to omit it, I gave but General Notes, with the Reasons of my uncertainty in the greatest difficulties: which I know will fall under the sharp Censure of many. But Truth is more va∣luable than such men's praises. I fitted the whole by plaiuness to the use of ordi∣nary Families.

§ 83. After many times deliverance from the Sentence of death, on Novem∣ber Twenty, One thousand six hundred eighty four; in the very Enterance of the Seventyeth year of my Age, God was pleased so greatly to increase my painful Diseases, as to pass on me the Sentence of a painful death: By constant pain by an iucredible quantity of flatulency in Stomach and all the Intestines and Reins, from all that I eat or drink, my Stomach not able to disgest any meat or drink, but turning all to tearing pain; Besides the pain of the Stone in Reins and oft in the bladder; aud urine black like dirt and mortified blood. But God turneth it to my good, and giveth me a greater willingness to die, than I once thought I should ever have attained. The Lord teach me more fully to love his Will, and rest therein, as much better than my own, that oft striveth a∣gainst it

§. 84. A little before this while I lay in pain and languishing, the Justices of Sessions, sent Warrants to apprehend me (about a Thousand more being in Catalogue to be all bound to the good behaviour. I thought they would send me Six months to Prison for not taking the Oxford Oath, and dwelling in London, and so I refused to open my Chamber door to them, their Warrant not being to break it open. But they set six Officers at my Study-door, who watcht all night, and kept me from my bed and food, so that the next day I yielded to them; who carried me (scarce able to stand) to their Sessions, and bound me in Four hundred pound bond, to the good behaviour: I desired to know what my Crime was, and

who my Accusers, but they told me it was for no fault, but to secure the Govern∣ment in evil Times; and that they had a last of many suspected persons that must do the like as well as I. I desired to know for what I was numbred with the Suspect, and by whose accusation, but they gave me good words and would not tell me. I told them I had rather they would send me to Jail than put me to wrong others by being bound with me, in bonds that I was like to break to morrow: for if there did but five persons come in when I was praying, they would take it for a breach of the good behaviour: They told me, not if they came on other business, unexpectedly, and not to a set meeting; Nor yet if we did no∣thing contrary to Law, or the practise of the Church, I told them our innocency was not now any security to us: If two beggac women did but stand in the street and swear that I spake contrary to the Law tho' they heard me not, my bonds and liberty were at their will: For I my self lying on my bed, heard Mr. I. R. Preach in a Chappel on the other side of my Chamber, and yet one Sibil Dash and Eliza∣beth Cappell swore to the Justices that it was another that Preached (Two miserable poor women that made a Trade of it, and had thus sworn against very many worthy persons in Hackney and elsewhere, on which their Goods were seized on for great Mulcts or Fines. But to all this I had no Answer, but must give bond, when they knew that I was not like to break the Behaviour, unless by lying in bed in pain.

§. 85. But all this is so small a part of my suffering in comparison of what I bear in my flesh, that I could scarce regard it: And it's smal in comparison of what others suffer; Many excellent persons die in Common Jails; Thousands ruin'd: That holy humble Man, Mr. Rosewell is now under a verdict for death as a Traitor for Preaching some Words, on the witness, and Oath of Hilton's Wife (and one or two more Women) whose Husband liveth professedly on the Trade, for which he claimeth many Hundred or Thousand pounds, And not only the man professeth, but many of his hearers witness that no such words were spoken, nor any that beseemed not a loyal prudent man. But we have been too long unthank∣ful, when all our Lives, Estates, and Liberties, are in the power of any Whores Beggars, Enemies or malicious Papists, that will but swear that we are guil∣ty, that God hath marvellously so long restrained them: and that forcing us into secret Meetings out of our publick, hath secured the Lives of many.

§. 86. December Eleventh, I was forced in all my pain and weakness to be carried to the Sessions-house, or else my bonds of Four hundred pounds would have been judged forfeit: And the more moderate Justices that promised my discharge would none of them be there, but left the Work to Sir William Smith and the rest, who openly declared that they had nothing against me, and took me for Innocent, but yet I must continue bound, lest others should expect to be discharged also, which I openly refused: But my Sureties would be bound, lest I should die in Goal, against my declared Will, and so I must continue. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they discharged others as soon as I was gone. I was told that they did all by instructions from, &c.—and that the main end was to restrain me from writing: Which now should I do with greatest Caution, they will pick out some thing which a Jury may take for a breach of my bonds. I have written against Popery so much already that my Conscience will now allow me silence: But whereas one Separatist hath interpreted my Treatise of Episcopacy as justi∣fying Separation, and Mr. Faldo hath by gross mistake falsly accused me as a Lyer for saying that his Congregation a Church worshipped many years without singing Psalms (and Sacraments) (forsooth because he took them not then for a Church) I must suspend my Answer to them and all such; tho' I know the Papists will take it for a Confutation of all my writings against them, to say [his own brethren, Prosestants and Dissenters have proved him a Lyer.] This I must bear from Sepa∣rating Non-conformists, while the Justices that bind and trouble me, openly de∣clare me innocent. And I am told that the Papists will not endure me to write against the Separatists, no more than against themselves, because they need their help to pull down the Godly Parish Ministers.

§. 87. Many French Ministers sentenced to Death and Banishment, fly hither for refuge: And the Church men relieve them not because they are not for English Diocesans and Conformity; And others have many of their own dis∣tressed

Ministers and acquaintance to relieve, that few are able. But the Chief that now I can do is to help such, and the Silences Ministers here and the poor, as the Almoner of a few Liberal friends who trust me with their Charity.

§. 88. As to the present State of England, the Plots, the Execution of Men High and Low, the Publick Counsels and Designs, the Quality and Practice of Judges and Bishops, the Sessions and Justices, the quality of the Clergy, and the Universities and Patrons, the Church-Government by the Keys by Lay-Civilians, the usage of Ministers, and private Meetings for Preaching or Prayer, the Ex∣pectations of what is next to be done, &c. The Reader must expect none of this sort of History from me; No doubt but there will be many Volumes of it, by others transmitted to posterity; who may do it more fully than I can now do.

§. 89. Ianuary Seventeenth, I was forced again to be carried to the Ses∣sions, and after divers daies good words which put me in expectation of free∣dom, when I was gone, one Justice, Sir—Decerham said that it's like that these persons solicited so for my liberty that they might come to hear me in Conventicles: and on that they bound me again in Four hundred pound bond, for above a Quarter of a year (and so it's like it will be till I die, or worse; Tho' no one ever accused me for any Conventicle or Preaching since they took all my Books and Goods above two years ago, and I for the most part keep my bed.

§. 90. Mr. Ienkins dyed in Newgate this week (Ianuary Nineteenth, 1684/5.) as Mr. Bampfield, Mr. Raphson, and others died lately before him. The Prison where are so many suffocateth the Spirits of aged Ministers. But blessed be God that gave them so long time to Preach before, at chea∣per rates.

§. 61. One Richard Baxter a Sabbatarian Anabaptist was sent to Gaol for re∣fusing the Oath of Allegiance, and it went for currant that it was I.

§. 92. Mr. Rosewell did so fully plead his own Case, and prove his innocency, and prove the Confederacy, incompetency, and falshood of the Witnesses, that tho' (alas) the Jury found him guilty of Treason, even the Chief Justice and Judges were convinced of his innocency, and at last procured his Pardon and deliverance: Innocency with humility and great ability were his advantages improved, and withall that he had few Enemies

Notes

• * 1.1

  Mr. Spi∣nage dyed then, but I think not of the Plague.
• * 1.2

  It was the Plague that brought them out of their secret narrow Meetings into pub∣lick.
• * 1.3

  Coll. Turner.
• * 3.1

  Dr. Blandford.
• * 8.1

  He after Conform∣ed.
• * 8.2

  I have since writ∣ten my knowledge of him.
• * 11.1

  Not that my Judg∣ment is changed, as it was for Monarchy. But I am sorry that I wrote for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their wills, and to their dis¦pleasure Its meet they should chuse their own Ser∣vants.
• * 14.1

  We are not meet Judges of the reasons of the Su∣periours actions.
• * 14.2

  This greatly displeased the Com∣mons.
• † 14.3

  He is now the worthy but envi∣ed Pastor of Giles's Cripplegase Church.
• * 14.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 18.1

  See more of this in my Wife's Life.