West Barbary, or, A short narrative of the revolutions of the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco with an account of the present customs, sacred, civil, and domestick / by Lancelot Addison ...

A BRIEF NARRATION Of the late Revolutions in the KINGDOMES of Fez and Morocco.

THIS Narrative of the Revo∣lutions of Barbary, shall not be derived beyond the Annals of our own Memory. For whose clearer introduction, the contexture of affaires invites us to step back to the notorious change, which hapned about the year 1508. Near which time the Ma∣rine Familie approaching to its design'd period and determination, it fortun'd that a certain Alfachi, or Morish Priest, in the Province of Dara, began to grow into great reputation with the people, by reason of his high pretentions to piety and fervent zeal for their Law, illustra∣ted by a stubborn rigidity of conversa∣tion

and outward sanctity of life. His first name was Mahumet Ben Amet; but pre∣tending to be descended from their Pro∣phet, he caused himself to be called Zeriffe: A Title which the Kindred of that Impostor have appropriated to them∣selves, and made the character of that whole Family. The credit of his preten∣ded Pedegree, was another Engine where∣with he insinuated himself into the peo∣ples likeing, which together with his seeming severity, made him of no vulgar esteem with a generation, who from time to time have been fooled with such Moun∣tebanks in Religion.

The great applause and approbation his person met with from the Moores, kindled in him no less an Ambition then of making himself Lord of Mauritania Tingitana; which must needs have proved a very Hypocondriacal designe, had it not been assisted with a favourable conjun∣cture of affaires. For the Mauritanian Princes had a long time weakned them∣selves with civil discords; and the Por∣tugals taking that advantageous occasion, had farr advanced their Armes, and arri∣ved at a considerable puissance in Barba∣ry,

and were still under a daylie success of new atchievements: Besides, the Moors desirous of Novelties, and sensible of op∣pressions, both from their own and for∣reign powers, were sufficiently inclina∣ble to adhere to any, who appeared with probability to deliver them from their present Yoke.

This now Zeriffe, who wanted neither Witt nor Ambition to conduct or enter∣prise an innovation, found by the Starrs, in whose Science his Legend makes him very skilful, that the time was not yet suitable for so great an undertaking. Re∣ligion was his pretence, and nothing could have been so fit beside to advance him in the estimation of the many.

To facilitate his designs, he sent his three Sons, Abdel, Abnet, and Mahumet in Pilgrimage to Mecha and Medina, to visit and worship the Sepulchre of their Great Prophet. Much was the reverence and re∣putation of Holiness, which they there∣by ••••••••uired among the superstitious people, who could hardly be kept from kissing their garments, and adoreing them as Saints. His admired sons failed not in their parts, but acted as much Devotion,

as high contemplative looks, deep sighes, tragical gestures, and other passionate Interjections of Holiness could express; Alà, Alà was their doleful note, their su∣stenance the peoples Almes. Their Fa∣ther received them with content and joy, and perceiving the favour and opinion of the people toward him, to continue the same as at the first, he resolved to make use thereof, and thereupon sent Abnet and Mahumet to the Court of Fez, where they were kindly received by the too cre∣dulous King, who made the elder, President of the famous Colledge Amadorac, and the younger, Tutor of his own Sons. Ad∣vanced thus in favour at Court, and Grace with the people, by the Councel of their Father, they desired leave of the King to display a Banner against the Christians; induceing him to believe, that they would easily draw the Portugal Moors to their party; and by that means secure the Provinces of Morocco. Muley Nazer the Kings brother, resisted the p••••••tion, warning the King not to arme this name of Sanctity, which being once Victo∣rious, might grow insolent, and forget∣ful of Duty in minding a Kingdome.

He told him likewise that War makes men awless, and that through popularity, ma∣ny became ambitious and studious of In∣novation. But the King intoxicated with the Opinion of these Pilgrims Sanctity, rejected his Brothers necessary cautions, and gave them a Banner and Drum, with Letters of Credence to the Princes and Cities of Barbary, with twenty horse∣men to attend them. Many Wonderful successes awaited upon their actions, and all things thrived so well under their conduct, that at last the King of Fez, who all along applauded his own Victories in theirs, began to distast them. And seeing they had poysoned the King of Morocco, and made Amet Zeriff to be proclaimed King in his stead, he mistrusted his own safety, and began but too late to repent his approveing of an armed hypocrisie. Puft up with their successes they forgot their obedience, and these Saints deny the King the fifth part of their spoyles, and only sent him six Horses and six Ca∣mels, and those lean and ill shapen. The King demands his dues, but they answer∣ed, That seeing they were lawful succes∣sors to Mahumet, they ought to pay no

man Tribute, and that they had more right in Affrica then himself; but if he would respect them as his Friends and Allies, they were not froward to embrace him under that quality; but if he expected any more at their hands, they doubted not, but as they had had power to offend the Christians, they should not be desti∣tute in defending of themselves; By which it appeared, that they took up Armes, not out of Love to their Country and zeale for their Religion, but out of a desire of Rule.

The sword by both sides was chosen to umpire the contest, which awarded for the Zeriffs. For upon the encounter of both the Armies, the Fessan Forces af∣ter a long and doubtful Battle were de∣feated; and the Zeriffs so well impro∣ved the victory, that in few moons they became the uncontrouled Lords of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, in whose Government their Family continued a considerable summe of years. But not with out destructive Hostilities among themselves; the Descendents pulling down each other by the like treacheries, that advanced their Ancestors: The grea∣ter

thief stil leading the less to the Gallows. Their Rebellions appeared under the specious pretences of mending some faults in Government, and one Cozin de∣posed another, under the pleasing disguise of setting up a gentler and more orderly Dominion; forgetting that it is safer to permit some inconveniences in the outer buildings, then to pull the whole structure down; There being corruptions which may safelier be continued then removed.

But notwithstanding these Civil Wars, the power still remained in the same Fa∣milie, and the dissention of the branches proceeded not so farr as to cut down the tree. And yet about the year 1607. the Zeriffian House seem'd neer an extirpa∣tion by reason of Boféres and Sidans op∣posing Muley Sheck their elder Brother in his succession. But Muley Sheck and Boféres dying in the warrs, Morocco was left to Abdalla son of Muley Sheck, who scarce warm'd the throne, till he was vio∣lently pull'd thence by his Uncle Sidan, and by an unintended kindness freed from the troubles of a Crown.

This Muley Sidan once more joyned Fez with Morocco, and in himself made

the Zeriffian Family to reigne over both. But he was much infested both by Land and Sea. For Abdela a Religious Hermit, and Hean, one of like hypocrisie and zeal, two opposite factions distressed him at Land, and the Pyrates of Salla and Al∣gier by Sea. But his great valour main∣tain'd him against both. For by his own Arms he pacifyed the tumults at Land, and by the assistance of the English Shipping, he destroyed the Pyrats of Sal∣la, which so much disquieted the Ocean. And this being done he sent to have the like aid against those of Algier the Pest of the Mediterranean. The tenor of his Heroick letter sent to King CHARLES of Great Britain on this occasion, I have here annexed, with no other designe then to manifest the great esteem, which that Mahumedan Prince worthily retained of CHARLES the first, our Victorious Martyr.

The Letter of the KING of MOROCCO To the KING of ENGLAND.* 2.1

WHen these our Letters shall be so happy as to come to your Majesties sight, I wish the Spirit of the Righteous God may so direct your mind, that you may joyfully embrace the Message I send; presenting to you the means of exalt∣ing the Majesty of God, and your own reward amongst men. The Regal power allotted to us makes us com∣mon servants to our Creator; then of those people whom we govern: so that observing the duties we owe to God,

we deliver blessings to the world; in providing for the publicke good of our States, we magnifie the honour of God; like the Celestial Bodies, which though they have much vene∣ration, yet serve only to the benefit of the world. It is the Excellencie of our Office, to be Instruments where∣by happiness is delivered to the Na∣tions. Pardon me Sir, this is not to instruct, for I know I speake to one of a more cleer and quick sight then my self; but I speak this, because God hath pleased to grant me a hap∣py victory over some part of those Re∣bellious Pyrates, that have so long molested the peaceful trade of Europe; and hath presented further occasion to root out the Generation of those,

who have been so pernitious to the good of our Nations: I mean, since it hath pleased God to be so auspi∣cious to our beginnings in the con∣quest of Salla, that we might joyne and proceed in hope of like success in the War against Tunis, Algier, and other places (Dens and Receptacles for the inhumane villanies of those who abhor Rule and Government.) Herein whilest we interrupt the cor∣ruption of malignant Spirits of the world, we shal glorifie the great God, and performe a duty that will shine as glorious as the Sun and Moon, which all the Earth may see and re∣verence: a work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the preci∣ous Odours, in the Nostrils of the

Lord. A work grateful and happy unto men: a worke whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there be any that delight to heare the Actions of Heroick and Magnani∣mous Spirits; that shall last as long as there be any remaining amongst men, that love and honour the Piety and Vertue of Noble minds. This action I here willingly present to You, whose Piety and Virtues equall the Greatness of your Power: that We who are Servants of the Great and Mighty God, may Hand in Hand Triumph in the Glory which this Action presents unto us. Now because the Islands which you Govern, have been ever famous for the Ʋncon∣quered strength of their Shipping, I

have sent this my trusty Servant and Ambassador to Know, whether in your Princely Wisdome You shall think fit to assist me with such Forces by Sea, as shall be answerable to those I pro∣vide by Land: which if You please to grant, I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will protect and assist those that fight in so glorious a Cause. Nor ought You to think this strange, that I, who much reverence the Peace and accord of Nations, should exhort to a Warr. Your great Prophet Christ Jesus was the Lyon of the Tribe of Judah, as well as the Lord and Gi∣ver of Peace: which may signifie un∣to You, that he which is a lover and maintainer of Peace, must alwaies appear with the terror of his sword,

and wading through Seas of Blood, must arrive at tranquillity. This made JAMES your Father of glorious memory, so happily renowned amongst all Nations. It was the Noble fame of your Princely Vertues, which resounds to the utmost corners of the Earth, that perswadeth me to invite You to partake of that bles∣sing wherein I boast my selfe most happy. I wish God may heap the riches of his Blessings on You, in∣crease your happiness with your days, and hereafter perpetuate the great∣ness of your Name in all Ages.

The Traders into the Levant have rea∣son to bewail, that the condition of his Majesties affaires would not give him leave to entertain this motion: which in all probability can never be revived with such promising circumstances, as it might then have been enterprized; for those Pyrats were then inconsiderable to what they are now; for by the computation of their encrease in Shipping and Skill in Navigation, if not timely subdued, they in short time may bid defiance to the Chri∣stian in the Mid-land Seas. And albeit the proposal was not embraced, yet it loud∣ly spoke Sidan a Prince of Generous De∣signs, and Noble Ambitions; and one who aimed at the Advance and Security of Trade, the Common interest of the World.

Muley Sidan having reduced the af∣fairs of State to a great degree of Quiet, he finish'd both Life and Reign at once, contrary to the example of the most of his Predecessors, whereof few either Reigned to the natural length of their Life, or were suffered to live beyond the violent shortness of their Reigne. Upon

his Death, Muley Abdelmeleck his eldest Son, enter'd upon the fruition of his Fa∣thers Atchievements. He was a person of much flegm and indifferency, naturally fitted for a tame and peaceable Empire, into which he was happily inaugurated, but not long continued, for in the se∣cond year of his reigne he was unnatu∣rally assasined by his second Brother Luellud, whose ambition broke all bonds of Nature and Politie to ascend a Throne. But the infamous fratricide was presently thrown from his usurped great∣ness: for having by a powerful example taught the nearest method to weare a Crown, he was clandestinely Murder'd by his youngest Brother Muley Hamet Sheck, before he had accomplish'd the period of twenty Months in his King∣dome. And it is remarkable that Muley Shek pretended to no vengeance of his eldest Brothers death in that of his se∣cond; but that he acted it only cut of an itch to obtain the Government, seconded with a suspition of his own safety; which could not be great, while his Brother might justly fear him as a Rival for the Kingdome.

Muley Sheck being the last of the Bro∣thers, and thereby without any to com∣petition him, he studied to make both his Government and Person gratious to the people. In which artifice he was so prosperous, that no Sultan in Barbary had equal'd him in a confluence of hap∣piness. The Skie of his Reigne was for nineteen years serene: and there were no prognosticks of alteration in his con∣dition, till Laella, one of his Wives, began to be exorbitant in her appetites, and to meditate disloyalty to her Hus∣band's Bed. She is reported to have been a woman of a refined subtilty, and learn∣ed in the most artful methods of steale∣ing her pleasures. But at length she fell excessively enamour'd of her own kins∣man, one Cidi Kirum, whom the King had adopted into his Grace and Conver∣sation. This Kirum was of a popular in∣clination, and skilful in feeding the hu∣mours of the people. He had been at Mecha in Devotion, and of course recei∣ved for that visitation the title of Hadge, granted to all that have performed the Hage, or Pilgrimage to their Prophets Tomb. By this, and a great shew of ex∣terior

Religion, he had with men of all capacities purchased a significant repu∣tation. And albeit he was a wel-wisher to an Innovation, the common designe of their pretended Piety, yet the present face of affaires look'd very disagreeable upon such an enterprise. For the King so rul'd, that all had cause to love, and none to feare him, and the courteousness of his personal behaviour, had secured him a large share in the worst of his Sub∣jects bosoms; His custom being to punish and spare none, who were convict offen∣dors against their Law, the known Rule both of their Religion and Politie. And for the greater discouragement of all commotions, the Zeriffian name was grown sacred with the Moors, through its long continuance: and they concluded its prosperity a Divine ap∣probation of its Right.

Kirum no doubt was still as coveteous to enjoy the Crown, as Laella his Bed; whose amours at last grew to that height of impatience, that nothing could quiet them, but the embraces of her Paramour in a Regal State; which she plotted with a feminine invention. The death of

the King her Husband was the only se∣cure Recipe for her distemper, but alto∣gether of an unsafe accomplishment, if enterprised by open violence. Where∣fore she is reported to have essayed his Death by Sorcery's; in which wickedness (Story tels us) that the Mahumetan Wo∣men have alwaies been dexterous. But not precisely to determine, by what way Muley Hamet Sheck came to his Grave, it is certain that his end was suddain and unexpected, and that he shut up his life before he had seen the twentieth yeare of his Reign. His decease was much lamented, and the more because it came unsuspected. The Government lineally descended upon his Son Muley Labèsh, a child of three years old, whom his dying Father bequeath'd to the pro∣tection of Kirum El Hadge, and other Grandees of the Kingdome, appointing them to administer the affaires of State in Labèsh's name, till he was come to the age of eleven years. In which time Kirum was so balanc'd with his fellow Regents, that he durst not attempt the least alteration. But such was the crafty conduct of his demeanor, that he had

made many of the Almocadens among the Alàrbs to be his creatures and ready at his Devotion, and of whose assistance he might rely, when he saw it convenient to time a Revolution: which he deferr'd to the entrance of the second yeare of Labèsh's reigne, being the thirteenth of his age. At which time Kirum secretly retired from Court, and was not heard of, till he appear'd in the head of a nu∣merous Army of Alàrbs, whom he had al∣lured into Rebellion with the promises of large Incoms, the baite disloyalty still leaps at.

Labèsh quickly took the Alarm, and with considerable Forces marcht toward Kirum, if possible to end the Warr in the place where it was begun. The Moors highly extol the valour and conduct of this young King, who forgetting the de∣lights and toys of that age, devoted him∣self to the severities of Military Disci∣pline, constantly watching in the Camp, or courageously fighting in the Battel. For four years His fortunes and Kirum's had their vicissitudes, for so long they fought with dubious presages of the event; till Treachery at last is said to have

given Kirum that conquest which cou∣rage could not; for Labèsh being invited by Kirum to receive his Recantation, met with a Barbarous death, where he hoped to receive a Loyal subjection. Others report that Kirum slew him with his own hands in that fatal Battel, which proved the finishing overthrow.

After the death of Labèsh, Kirum be∣came too powerful for the resistance of his scattered Forces, haveing none left under whose conduct they might venture their last Efforts; so that now all oppo∣sitions being removed with the King, Kirum made a quiet march to Morocco, where the Citizens received him with all the significations of subjection, in whose imitation the adjoyning Cavílas brought in the pledges of their Allegi∣ance to Kirum: which they did not in∣termit, till by a natural death he resign'd the Kingdom to his Son Muley Boucar, who after the short reigne of three months was dethron'd by Taffalete, of which Revolution more will be said in the story of that prevailing Zeriff.

The Moors having for a long season been torn and distracted with the unna∣tural

Murders of Sidans Sons, and wea∣ried out with following those Wars, which had no juster causes then private interests and envious Annimosities, be∣gan at last to provide for their own peace and safety. The adored Zeriffian Fami∣ly was extinct in Labèsh, whereby they were quitted from obedience to that Race. Kirum by several of the great ones living distant from the Court, was look∣ed upon as one, both by unjustness of title, and meanness of Pedegree, unfit to receive their Allegiance. In this shaken and doubtful State of affairs, some stood neuter in their judgements, but outward∣ly complyed with the present Govern∣ment; others resolved to stand upon their Guard, chooseing rather to run the hazards of War, then to enjoy the safety of a dishonourable Peace.

Cidi Hamet-Ali-Haiáshi, Cidi Mahu∣met Ben-el Hadge-Ben-Boucar, and the Zeriff of Benzaruel were the Chiefs in these new commotions, but all opposite factions, and all Alarbs, and all great Saints: The last of the three contented himself with the protection of Ben Zaru∣el, a large Cavíla almost impregnable

by nature, in whose Government his An∣cestors for many years had lived in peace. But after two months of stout re∣sistance was subdued by Tafilete; who took with him the Aged Zeriff, and di∣spersed his Family, of which there per∣haps will be an opportunity of speaking more in another paragraph.

Haiáshi and Ben-Boucar, gifted with greater ambitions, laboured to enlarge the Curtains of their Territories, and each seem'd to aime at no less then the Empire of Mauritania Tingitana. Their outward Sanctimony equald them in the peoples affection and esteem, and if they could have reconciled their Inter∣ests, and joyned in the same designe, they had shared that state, which both lost, while each would have all or none: of whose rise and fall these succeeding pe∣riods will give you information.

Cidi Hamet Ali Haiáshi was an Alarb, (or one of that sort of Moors, who live un∣der Tents and in Mountains, without any fixed habitations, as I shall shew in my notices upon this Country,) who had the learning of a Talib, and sanctity of a Ma∣rabout; by which he was esteemed as an

Oracle among his Countrymen, who up∣on all Emergent occasions repaired unto him for advice and Instruction; which they received as Infallible, and obey'd as a Law. His Parentage according to the Moresco Heraldry was not obscure; for the Government of Abenimálec was Hereditary to his Family, and legally descended to his possession. Which Abeni∣málec being a very large Cavíla, upon the river of Mamora, was by Haiashi gover∣ned with that politick carriage, which made him reverenced of his own people, and fear'd of his neighbours, as appear'd in their ready abetting his enterpri∣ses.

The late suspected death of Muley Sheck, together with the violent murther, and dethroning of his Son, both Haiashi's beloved Soveraigns, made Kirum, whom he supposed to have been as well the se∣cret contriver of the first, as he saw him the open acter of the second villany, to be odious to his thoughts, and unfit for his obedience. Revenge, whose lawful∣ness is an Article in the Moors Creed, put Haiashi into Arms, with intent, if not to depose Kirum from being King,

yet at least keep himself from becoming his Subject. His first Musters consisted ownly of the Levies of his own Cavíla, to which were daily accessions of the Neighboring Almócadens, which helpt to adjust his Insurrection. His Forces being soon increased above his hopes, he order'd his March toward Fez, the Metropolis of the Kingdom of that name. This ancient City was now govern'd by Ʋbahà, Kirums Creature; who upon the advance of Haiáshi's Forces, secret∣ly stole away to Morocco, as not daring to trust himself to his own valour, or the fidelity of the Citizens. By the flight of Ʋbahà, Fez being left Gover∣norless, it became the easie Atchievement of Haiáshi; under whose Command it continued seven Years, and was a fair addition to his Greatness and Safety, being (as was said) the Metropolis of the Kingdom.

Haiáshi by his Successes began to be the envy of Ben-Boucar, who for some Years after his Revolt from Morocco, con∣tented himself with the solitary Domi∣nion of Záwia, where he lived in a House of that name, which for its Reli∣gious

Foundation, was become a Sanctu∣ary, or Refuge for Offenders. The In∣habitants of Záwia are reported to be very numerous and Warlike, yet by rea∣son of remoteness, they created Haiáshi very small Disturbances; besides, Ben-Boucar was unwilling to refer himself to the uncertain Decision of the Sword, which, in all probability, must have gi∣ven the Victory to Haiáshi, by whose Forces he was far exceeded. He there∣fore betook himself to Stratagem, and consults with Ali Ben Hamet, Almocaden of Saphían, one whom Haiáshi had not yet entirely subdued, by what method their common Enemy might be removed. Now the Moors, in removal of those they hate, seem to know no other Policies, besides an armed Violence, and secret Massacre. The two Conspirators saw their inabili∣ty to undertake the former, and there∣fore resolved to put the latter in execu∣tion.

Ali Ben Hamet greedy of that sweet bit Revenge, and to express it upon Hai∣áshi, who had dispoiled him of his Right, uudertook to be his Assasinate: which he thus effected. Haiáshi being lodged

in his Tent near Azount, a Fountain he greatly esteemed in the Cavíla of Atcleik, about six Leagues North of Alcazàr, was in the Night visited by Ali, accompany∣ed with about 70 Horse, who came not with any shew of Hostility, but with a pretence of Friendship, declaring, That his Errand was design'd to render him∣self Haiáshies Subject, and to receive the continuance of his Cavíla from his hand. Under this Cloak Haiáshi received him into his Tent, and thereby gave him the opportunity of Murthering him, which he effected with one Stab. The Mur∣therer had his Accomplices ready to make his Escape, which was the less dif∣ficult, because Haiáshi had no Guards, which he had declined either to save Charges, or dissemble his confidence in the Moors, who are best made faithful by being trusted; but very vindictive, when they find themselves suspected.

Ben-Boucar being ascertain'd by Ali of Haiáshies treacherous Slaughter, in the Twelfth Year of his Revolt, he in∣cèssantly marcht to take Possession of his Country, which he found ready at his Devotion; either because the People

were unprovided for Opposition; or, that they thought Ben-Boucar's Superi∣ority was less obnoxious to exception, then any other they could elect. The Almócadens, mindful of their accustom∣ed method to preserve their Commands, secretly one after another subscribed to Ben-Boucar's Regiment; onely Fez and Alcazàr cost him some time and Blood in their Reduction. But at last they yield∣ed upon Articles, Arzila having first shown them the way. Ben-Boucar's next March was to Tituan, govern'd by the Ancient and Worthy Family of the Nar∣sis, out of which he had received a Wife, and by that Relation was welcome to the Supremacie of that City.

Ben-Boucar having brought this part of Barbary to his subjection, resolved to return to Záwia: But before he left the Country, he took from the Grandees thereof, the best Assurances he was able for their Obedience and Fidelity. Next, he disposed the Towns of greatest Im∣portance, to the Government of his Sons and Favorites. To his eldest Son Abdal∣la he entrusted the Rule of Salla, which he had observed proner to Sedition then

the rest, and yet much addicted to Per∣sons famed for Piety, for which Abdalla was arrived at a Saintship. To his se∣cond Son Mahumed, he committed the care of Fez, to whom he saw the People thereof have a peculiar Inclination. To his third Son Hamet Zéer, or Hamet the less, he gave the command of Shehàll, a Mountain of rude Inhabitants, yet much addicted to obey a fierce nature, where∣with Hamet Zéer was furnished. Arzila he left to Benzèir, a Thing of his own framing: And Alcazar to Cidi Benzían. After this Partition, he returned to his Religious Záwia, where in great Peace he enjoyed the fruits of his War, making the easiness of his Yoak an argument with the People to bear it.

But the memory of Haiáshi's trea∣cherous Death (compassed by Ben-Bou∣car) was still fresh in the Brests of those Sons, whose Fathers had their Fortunes thereby depress'd; which Ben-Boucar, as he could not but know, so he could not but conclude, That the vindictive Spirit of a Moor would take the first oc∣casion of avenging. In prevention where∣of, he took with him to Záwia such Sons

as he saw were likeliest to inherit their Fathers hatred against him; not as Ho∣stages of Peace, but as Pledges of his Care, whom being as yet in their non-age, he loved to Print with the Chara∣cters of a peaceable acquiescence in his Authority. Among these Youths, young Gaylan was most considerable, and in∣deed the only Person that he detained: whose Story now succeeds, in which will be supplyed what is here wanting of Ben-Boucar.

In Beniworfut, near to Arzila, lived the Family of the Gaylans, which was of that sort of Moors stiled Barabàrs, and to which through flux of time, the Go∣vernment of that Cavíla was become He∣reditary. This House (though never low or obscure) began to be signally advan∣ced in Ali Gaylan the Father, which proved but a Prophesie of its downfall in El Hader the Son; whose Ambitio•• lost what the others Humility had ob∣tained. Ali was in great favor with Hai∣áshi, and a chief Engine of his advance∣ment, in which he was observed not much to endeavor his own. But his great∣est Renown sprang from his Zeal for the

Mahumetan Law, an Artifice which sel∣dom failes, & a knack with which who∣soever is gifted, cannot want Reverence among the Moors. Arzila being much moved with his Sanctity, invited him to a residence among them, which they re∣warded with considerable Rents, and great Testimonies of respect.

This Ali Gaylan spent the last Scene of his Life with great satisfaction to Haiáshi's prosperity, whom at his Death he left without any threatning Progno∣sticks of an alteration in his State: But when he grew sensible of the near ap∣proaches of his end, he called for his Be∣loved El Hader, to whom he recom∣mended the care of his Family, Govern∣ment of his Cavlla, imitation of his Conversation and Faith to Haiáshi. El Hader was too young for the undertaking all this when his Father dyed, which caused the provident Parent to leave him to the careful Tuition of Hamet Benzían, Almocadèn of Beni-Haròs, with whom he remained, till removed thence by Ben-Boucar, after the reducement of Haiáshi. About the xxiii of his Age, this El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan, was married to the

Daughter of one Akadim, a principal Man in Beniworfut, upon which Mar∣riage he had license to return home; a Concession that proved very fatal to Ben-Boucar. For El Hader being got to his own Territories, where he received an affectionate wellcome; there hap∣pened a Commotion in the populous Ca∣víla's of Saphean, Sháwia, and Homàr, (all Alarbes) which denyed to pay Ben-Boucar the accustomed Rights, & were so far from an obedient tender thereof, that they inhumanely murthered his two Bre∣thren, Abdelhálac and Missínievi, whom he sent to demand them.

The news of this Insurrection quickly arrived El Hader, who thereupon, with some of the best Horse of his Cavíla, in∣stantly posted to Alcazar, where accord∣ing to Intelligence he met with Ali Ben Hamet, Haiáshi's Murtherer, whom with his own hand he killed, in revenge of the Murther he had committed upon his Fa∣thers Friend: In whose death, he pull'd down one of Ben-Boucars best Support∣ers in this Canton of his Dominion. Next he speeded to Arzíla, forsaken by Ben-Boucars Alcáyde, who upon the tydings

of Hamets death, and the Alárbes revolt, durst not trust himself among a People whom he saw zealously to favor his Ma∣sters Enemy.

Upon this Gaylan appeared at Ar∣zíla, which was very acceptable to his Fathers old Admirers, who readily yield∣ed him their utmost Assistances, and were seconded with several of the adja∣cent Cavíla's. Ben-Boucar coming to chastize the seditious Alárbes, and to a∣venge his Brothers blood, which he spee∣dily dispatc'd; his next care was to ren∣der Gaylan sensible of his Deportment, who, upon his advance, took sanctuary in Arzíla, where he lay immured, till such time as necessity forced Ben-Boucar to withdraw his Levies. Upon every such retreat, Gaylan was still at his wonted disturbances, and yet upon every re∣turn of the Enemy, he betook himself to the protection of Arzila; Out of which nothing could fetch him, but a close, tedious, and expensive Siege, a thing ill agreeing with the Moors Custom and Provision.

Ben-Boucar, weary of that Fatigue, in which for some Years he had been exer∣cised,

and whereof he saw no end, pro∣ferr'd Gaylan this Accommodation: That if he would pay him the accustomary Tributes, and an acknowledgement of superiority, he should peaceably possess the Government of Arzila, and his own Cavíla. Gaylan was not backward to ac∣cept an Accommodation so favorable to his present Condition and future De∣signs; being at that time shut up in Ar∣zila, and yet entertaining an ambition of making himself Lord of the Coun∣trey. This accommodation being rati∣fyed, Ben-Boucar returned home, and Gaylan was set at liberty to take his Di∣vertisements in the Countrey, where his plausible Fortune and Personage, Zeal for their Law, and reservation of Car∣riage, made the Grandees of the Coun∣trey greatly affected with his Society. Gaylan finding himself under so favorable an Aspect, thought of Strengthning his Intentions by contracting Alliances with the best Casts: whereupon he took him a second Wife, a Daughter of Cassian Shot Almocadèm of the Cavila called An∣gera, a Warlike Family, and descended of the Andalusian Moors banished Spain.

His third Wife was the Daughter of Co∣gèr Alcáyde of Alcazar, and a leading Person in that part of the Countrey. His fourth was a Virgin Daughter of Múfadal, Governor of Tituan, which made up the legal number of four, so ma∣ny being allowed by their Prophet: up∣on the death of his second Wife, to keep up the account, he marryed the Daugh∣ter of one Messimd, a popular Person in Tituàn, and descended of a Saint.

By these Alliances he got an Interest both in the Persons and Places of great∣est moment in this part of the Countrey, by which he was animated to break with Ben-Boucar: a design of such nature, that Gaylan durst not venture thereon in any open Declaration, but advisedly disguised it under a pretended Enter∣prise against the Christians, Garrison'd in several Towns on the Barbary Coast, maintained by the Crowns of Portugal and Spain. Which to effect the better, he first shewed the Moors how their Prophet, both by his Example and Doctrine, had taught them to exercise their Revenge against all Opposers of his Law; and that whoever should dye in

its Defense or Propagation, were assu∣red of Paradise; and then concluded, how much it would redound to the ho∣nor of that Generation, if they should drive the Christians out of their Coun∣trey, to which and their Religion they were the common Enemy.

This Proposal was strangely moving with People of all capacities, and the report of Gaylans Intentions against the Christians, induced many to be his Fol∣lowers, who otherwise would have es∣chewed his Company: But having drawn in some by his Affinity, others with fair Promises, and the generality with Re∣ligious Pretences, he began a little to pull aside the Vail, and shew the naked Face of his Design. Having given some Testimonies of his Zeal and Valour a∣gainst the Christians, and enraged them to an activity above what they had of late expressed: He likewise laid before them their necessity of Union, and that they should combine under one Leader, the better to carry on what they had begun. He also set before them their unhappi∣ness to be governed by one whom age and distance render'd so unfit to relieve

them, in case of sudden necessity; and withall magnifyed his Title to the Go∣vernment of the Country, equal to Ben-Boucars. The People found no reason to dispute any part of Gaylans Harangue, in which they could perceive he aimed at nothing but their safety. Whereupon the Alcáyde of Alcasar, El Hàders Fa∣ther-in-law, was the first that declared for his Government, who was seconded with several other Grandees of the Countrey, so that in short time all the Cavíla's which Ben-Boucar had taken from Haiáshi, left him as they had done their former Master, and adhered to Gaylan. But Sálla and Tituàn utterly dissented from the rest, and instead of yielding a tame submission to Gaylans Empire, they altogether resisted him. This moved El Hader to advance his Forces first against Tituàn, which he found very stubborn: for Abdel Crim Nacsis (the chief Governor thereof) would be inclined to no thoughts of Pa∣cification or Surrender, while he could cherish any hopes of being relieved by his near Relative Ben-Boucar. But at length, despairing of any Succors, and

seeing the great spoils Gaylan was like to make of their Vineyards, Gardens, and Houses of Pleasure about the Town, which the Inhabitants highly valued for their profit and delight, he sought to prevent him in that desolation, by a ma∣ture and timely Address for Peace: which was welcome News to Gaylan, be∣ing very covetous to be Master of a place so considerable for Strength, Riches, and Traffick. The Articles were soon concluded, Gaylan demanding no more then their subjection, a constant Levy of Soldiers to serve him on occasions of greater moment; and that one of his own Election should be equal in the Go∣vernment with Nacsis. Upon this Paci∣fication with Tituan, Gaylan march'd a∣gainst Sálla, which was under the Rule of that great Saint, Abdala Ben-Boucar, who upon weak Temptations retired to the Castle, leaving Gaylan the Signory of the Town, wherein he placed some For∣ces of his own, to secure the Inhabitants from Apostacy. But not long after, Ab∣dala being sore pressed for want of Pro∣visions, and hopeless of being succored by his Father, privily quitted the Castle,

having first of all sent away in an English Frigat, his Wives to Phedálla.

The gaining of this Castle made Gay∣lan sole Master of this North West Can∣ton of Barbary, beyond which he was never able to enlarge his Territories; al∣beit he was strugling for more room, as foreseeing that endeavors after more, was the means to be secure of what he had got already. He often tryed his va∣lor upon the Xerif, Hamet Bocálla, chief of Benzaruel, and Beni-Hálet, but his Attempts still proved successless, for those Cavila's are almost inaccessible by reason of their Mountainousness. Erif, Botoía, Beniuphràsh, Benimisgíldah, and Benijaacòb, being all large Cavíla's which for Generations had been govern'd by the house of Arras, under the title of Al∣cayde, never receiv'd any attempt of Gay∣lan's reducing them. And albeit he want∣ed neither courage nor ambition to have made himself Sultan of Barbary, yet his Stars denyed him that Grandeur, and he was never able to stretch his Arm beyond the command of 22 Cavíla's, whose names are hereunto annexed, with the number of their usual levies of Men for the Wars.

The List of the Names of the Ca∣víla's, with the number of their Forces, which were under Gay∣lans Government in the Year, 1666.

• 1. ANgerá under the command of Cassian Shot, Gaylans Father-in-law, is a large Cavíla, inhabited with Barabàrs, and is able to raise 500 Foot, and an equal number of Horse.
• 2. Wadròss, the nearest Neighbor to Tanger, yields upon any urgent occasion 800 for the Wars, in equal number of Horse and Foot.
• 3. Benidèr, about ten Leagues from Tanger, can bring 500 Foot and a thou∣sand Horse to the Field.
• 4. Minkél, a small Cavíla, not able to leavy above 500 in all.
• 5. Hammihárshen is well Peopled, and able to advance 1000 in all; the great∣est part Foot.
• 6. Hamnizóuer commonly raiseth as many.
• ...

• 7. Alkaróbe, being a large and well-inhabited Cavíla, is able, upon a small warning, to arm out 1500 Horse and Foot in equal numbers; it is govern'd by Mahumet Akadim, and Lassin Akadim his Brother, who revolted from Gaylan and sided with Tafilete.
• 8. Benióbras, of Horse and Foot can raise a thousand; it is governed by Ali Azús, who revolted from Gaylan to the Xeriff.
• 9. Beniharòs is next adjoyning to the former, and able to send 1200 to the Field: This Cavíla is govern'd by Lasin El Phut, who was the first that invited Tafilete to advance against Gaylan, pro∣mising him his assistance.
• 10. Beni Josèph is a Cavíla of two days Journey, able to raise 3000 in all, but very few Horse: It is very Mountainous, and so fortified by Nature, that it has often attempted to stand upon its own defence. It is govern'd by Lazid Ali Mahumed, who left Gaylan upou the ap∣proach of Tafilete.
• 11. Sumátta is a small Cavíla, whose usual levy is 500 of all sorts: It is go∣vern'd by Talib Ali Elfiluz, who joyned with Tafilete.
• ...

• 12. Beniworfùt, which advanc'd 600 Horse, and as many Foot: The Govern∣ment hereof belongs to the House of Gaylan, but since Tafilets Empire, the Almocaden thereof is one Mahumed Den∣gith.
• 13. Arzila and Salli make one Cavila, and when but easily charged, raise 500 Foot, and as many Horse; they are go∣verned by an Alcayde.
• 14. Halixérif raiseth with Alcazar 1200 Foot in all: it belongs to the Al∣cayde of Alcazar who in Gaylans time was Mahumet Cozhez, but now Ali.
• 15. Kit••n, which being very small, its Forces exceed not 200.
• 16. Benimadar yields about the same number.
• 17. Beni Záid, which if the same with that in Leo Afer, must yield more Sol∣diers then 500, though that was the or∣dinary levy exacted by Gaylan.
• 18. Al Couff is a small Cavila, lying between Alcazar Ezzaguer, and Ceuta, which usually sent in 200.

These are all, or the most of them Barabars, who have fixed Habitations,

living in Neighborhood and a setled Conversation; and of these consisted Gaylans chief Forces: yet he had be∣sides these four Cavíla's of Alárbes, namely, Delholòt, Sháwia, Beni-Guedàr, and Saphián, which are reported to be very numerous and Warlike, lying West of Salla and Alcazar: But by reason of their untractable nature, and floating manner of living, they are not so cer∣tain in their Musters, nor ready upon E∣mergencies. These Gaylan could never bring under a perfect subjection, but was content they should pay some small Tri∣bute in acknowledgement to his Supe∣riority.

The above mentioned Cavíla's were the total of Gaylans Dominions, beyond which he could never make any Enlarge∣ment. He was for the space of twelve Years prosperous in his Government, and the general success of his Enterprises, raised him highly in the estimate of his Followers: It being the Genius of this People, to make the Prosperity of the Acti∣on, an undoubted argument of its Justice, and the voice of Heaven to approve it.

Gaylan from his Youth was trained up

in Arms: And for the Adventures he had made upon Tanger, when Portugúes, was called the Almocaden of those Fields. But not to mention any thing of his pro∣ceedings against the Christian (that be∣ing no design of this Paper) we find him constantly in War with the Moor. Ben-Boucar was still Master of Fez, and rea∣dy upon every frail Temptation to en∣ter Gaylans Frontiers, which kept them both in continual Hostility. The Peo∣ple at length wearied out with the inces∣sant Troubles occasioned by these Ri∣vals for the Supremacy, were ready to adhere to some third Party, able to set∣tle the Government in such a single Per∣son, as both by Title and Strength should be above an ordinary Competitor: Which unexpectedly came to pass in the Sixteen hundred and sixty fifth of the Crucifixion; for about the entrance of that Year, Muley Reshid first appeared with the Prognosticks of a Revolution, of whom I here set down this short Ac∣count.

In the Province of Dara, in Numedia, the Countrey of Mahumed Ben Amet, Founder of the Xeriffian Empire, there

arose a Mulátto (one whose Father was white, and Mother black) one Reshid Ben Mahumed, a Native of the Town of Taffilete, the place whether Mahumed (the second Son of Mahumed Ben Amet) the second of that Family (who was Em∣peror of Morocco) had confined his eldest Brother Amet, whom he had taken Pri∣soner. This Reshid ripening in Years and discretion, began to make himself known to the World by the name of the Xeriff of Tafilete: By which Title he made himself descended of the Xeriffian House, which so long had enjoyed the Empire of Barbary, and of the Pro∣phet Mahumet. [Xeriff] (as was said) being a Name peculiar to that Deceiver. And because a research into Moresco Ge∣neologies shall have labour for the pains, I shall enquire no further after Reshids Pedigree, then to observe that his Fa∣ther was one Muley Mahumed, a Prince of great Authority in Numedia, who be∣sides his four legal Wives, had several Concubines; of one of which, being a Negra, he begot this Reshid. His Fa∣ther dying while he was a minor, he was committed to the Tuition of his Elder

Brother Muley Hamet Ben-Mahumed. This Reshid having accomplisht his Pu∣pillage, began to look into his Conditi∣on, and to enquire what was left him by his deceased Father: For by the Mo∣resco Institutes, the Sons of Concu∣bines are equal Sharers in the Patrimo∣ny with those of the lawful Wives. While Reshid made himself the comparative of his Brother, he was lost into an Emu∣lation, that spurr'd him into the endea∣vours of promoting his Fortunes. He saw his own Condition, and that of Pub∣lick Affairs, qualified for no other Pro∣posal to effect his desired Advancement, but what was to be obtained by the Sword: Whereupon he consulted with his own Genius, by what Artifice he might soonest imbroil Barbary in a new War, and communicated the Design with some few Moors of his own Complexion. At the first opening of his Adventure, his Retinue exceeded not the number of thirty, and those of an inferior Quality, who yet, by reason of the contracted∣ness of their Lots, were disposed to ex∣ecute any Proposition that was probable to enlarge them.

With this paucity of Adherents, Re∣shid secretly withdrew from Tafilete to Tessa, a place abounding with Inhabi∣tants, but as poor as numerous. Here Reshid received the Royal Title of Mu∣ley, and was Proclaimed King of Tafilete. And in acknowledgement and token of his Royal Power, the People brought him Presents, as the known Pledges of their Loyal subjection. This new Sul∣tan manifested a great disdain of that A∣varitious humour, which had possessed the minds of the Barbarian Princes, much inveighing against the sordid De∣votion of Sacrificing the Wealth of their Subjects to themselves. He therefore by a subtil contrariety refused to shrine up more Money in his Coffers, then might decently defray Expences, leaving at the first that pleasing bait to be devoured by his Proselytes, whereby he purchased a great reinforcement of his Retinue. Tes∣sa, which he elected for his first place of Arms, swarm'd (as was said) with poor Inhabitants, whose Labors were too lit∣tle for their Sustenance, which might ren∣der them the readier to take the Impres∣sion of any Counsil that was likely to

better their Condition. And Muley Re∣shid is conceived to have repaired to this beggerly Colony, to meet with an easier advance of Followers.

By rowling up and down, he had in short time gathered so great a Bulk, as threatned an Inundation wheresoever it should spread it self. Attended with this numerous Rabble, he addressed himself to his Elder Brother Muley Hamet, in a posture compounded of Hostility and Friendship, of whom he demand∣ed the Estate left him by his Father, that he might be the better enabled to perform something worthy of Their House. The two Brothers began to wax hot in the Conference; and it is said, that the Language on both sides was so exasperating, that they had like to have forgot the distance of their Condition, and to have closed up their Discourse with an unmannerly Combate. Both were so far transported with Anger, that without the least overture of Reconcile∣ment, they fell into declared Hostility, and left their private Quarrel to the publick determination of a War.

In which Muley Reshid was so fortu∣nate

as to slay his Brother, and thereby was left without any to justle him in the Government of Dara. This success did so swell Reshid's bosome, that less room could not circumscribe him then a King∣dom. The present Affairs of Barbary were auspicious to his Enterprises: the Countries being rent into petty Monar∣chies, every Almocaden that was able, having put himself into a defensive Po∣sture, aiming to live independent in his Government. This division much faci∣litated Muley Reshid's Designs: yet no∣thing was more conducing to his success, then his careful execution of Justice, the want whereof had been a general pre∣tended grievance; every detected Cri∣minal had condign punishment accord∣ing to demerit, whereby he became both beloved and feared.

Together with his care for publick Justice, he continued his seeming neg∣lect of Riches; stil dividing among his Partizans the estates of those whom their own obstinacy made his spoils. But those, who gently yeilded to his mercy, he ge∣nerously protected both in their Goods and Persons. This obliging carryage

gave wings to his Fame, and made him where ever he came to be received with acclamations; The common voice was Illah Enzur Muley Reshid, i.e. God bless Prince Reshid & the vulgar esteem'd him sent on purpose to chastize oppressors.

Having made himself master of his Brothers Territories, he advanced to∣wards Erìf govern'd by the Alcayd Arras, who was his Brothers confede∣rate, and his Father-in-law, and who in confidence of this relation (if we may credit report) granted Muley Reshid a peaceable admission into his Dominions; wherein for some Moons he deported himself as a Son. But being ascertained of the Alcayds intention to contract a Friendship with Tanger, and that he had dispatch'd an envoy to the same purpose he concluded that he now wanted no reason to declare himself an enemy to the Alcayd's proceedings, and under this pretext arm'd against him. The Alcayd seeing the Xériff attempting to dispoil him of his Territories; and that con∣trary to all Ingenuity and Laws of Ho∣spitality; he began to usurp the Country of his Entertainer, he thought it high

time to provide for his defence. There∣fore with some Extemporary Forces he repaired to the Maritim Bos••mma where he reinforc'd a small Fort; not out of any hopes to maintain it against the Xériff, but thereby to have the advan∣tage of surrendring it and himself upon gentler Articles. Muley Reshid advised of the Alcaids flight, addressed himself to the pursuit, and overtook him at the mentioned Fortress. Which in few daies the Alcayd delivered up to be demo∣lish'd by the Xeriff, and himself his pri∣soner.

This Victory, or rather surprisal of the Alcayd was a fair accession to Re∣shids power, having now subjected the only Potentate, whom the rest of the neighbouring Grandees had so often Courted for a Confederate.

Having thus obtained the command of Erìf and the rest of his Fatherinlaws Country, it raised in him no less aspire∣ing hopes then to become Sultan of Mauritania Tingitana, at that time rent into parties. To the accomplishing of which design he saw the gaining of Fez would contribute much to his esteem,

and give him admission into the heart of the Kingdome. Upon this consideration he resolutely march'd to trye his for∣tunes with that ancient and famous Me∣tropolis. This City was lately in the Government and Possession of Cidi Ma∣humed, second Son to Ben Boucar, who was despoiled thereof, together with his Life, by the cruelty of Bensállah, So∣heìr, and Doríedi, said all to be Anda∣luzian Moors, and who had the Govern∣ment thereof divided among them, when Reshid came against it. The news of whose approach no sooner reach'd Fez. but the Governors, whom guilt had made cowardly, betook themselves to the strongest holds of the City, depositing the Keys into such Hands, as they thought fittest to be entrusted with the protecti∣on of the Gates. Reshid seeing that Fez was likely to cost him dear, if he stayed to take it by a formal Siege, thought of having recourse to Stratagem; knowing that he who aspires after nothing but Conquest, ought not to binde him∣self to the Laws of a fair Gamester.

Reshid had so long pressed the City by impeding their Markets, that he might

reasonably imagine there was a want of provision of Cattel; whereupon he re∣solved to lodge some of his Forces near the City Walls, and that himself, with about sixteen more, would drive some Cattel to the Gates of Fez, under the disguise of Friends come to bring them Provision. This he put in execution in the Night, and coming with the Cattel to the Gates, with a Voice counterfeit∣ing haste and fear, they called to the Guards for entrance, and desired that they would take into their Protection them and the booty brought for their succour. Two were admitted to enter, whereof the Xeriff is said to have been one, who instantly slew the Centinel, and thereby made way for the rest; who ha∣ving seised the Keys, straight ascended a small Turret over the Gate, and thence gave the Signal to his Forces, lodged near for the purpose to advance: And the small Gun that was placed in the Gate, he caused to be turned upon the City. The Citizens being miserably confused and affrighted at the suddenness of the action, were not recovered of their Di∣stractions till Reshid poured in his Army

amongst them; against whom being un∣able to make any considerable oppositi∣on, their last and only succour was a timely submission, which they perform∣ed with such humility, that Reshid had no temptation to reject it. After they were received into protection, the Fez∣ans were not penurious in complaints a∣gainst their Governors, imputing it to their wilfull Pride, that the Xerif was not received with such evidences of Ho∣nor, as they had always born to that Ti∣tle. But not staying at such useless Com∣plements, Reshid in the first place took into his possession the ancient Treasures of the Kings of Fez. Next, he caused the three Governors to be brought be∣fore him, and having told them of their great Oppressions of the People, he com∣manded one of them to be burnt imme∣diately, another to be dragg'd about the Streets till he was dead; but the third he committed to custody, and afterward is said to have kill'd him with his own hand: And then declared, That this was the just recompence of all those who deal unjustly with the People.

And having thus subjected the famous

Fez, his next Trophies he design'd up∣on Ben-Boucar, whom without much re∣sistance he took Prisoner, and brought to Fez, and there granted him a liberal Confinement, in token of that respect which he bore his Piety and Age. After this, he went against the Xerif of Ben∣zaruèl, who proved a very resolute E∣nemy, for with the strength of his own Cavíla he found a Months work for all Reshids Army, but at length was forced to render himself Prisoner, and still re∣mains in that Condition.

Reshid had now so far advanced his Dominion in the Kingdom of Fez, that he had none therein to oppose him but El Hader Ben Ali Gaylan; who for his military Skill, personal Valour, and ma∣ny Years of Success and Settlement in his Government, rendred Tafilete dubious in his Councils how to proceed against him. Tafraught, a prodigious ridge of Mountains, so secured Gaylans Fronti∣ers, that no part was left passable, but what might easily be guarded. And there∣fore to enter Gaylan's Dominions by o∣pen violence, Tafilete foresaw would cost him the expense of more time then his

Affairs could spare: upon which refle∣ction, he fell to his successful Art of ma∣king a false Party in his Enemies Camp, that he might obtain by intestine Trea∣chery, what in this case he could not by his own Force. To this end he secretly enter'd into correspondence with Cidi Lasin El Phut, Governor of Benittaròs, (Gaylans chief Frontier Cavíla) who was entrusted with the Avenue that let into Gaylans Country. Lasin was not much indisposed to a Revolt from Gaylan, be∣ing one of those whom he had highly dis∣pleased in not calling them to the ad∣jousting of the last Peace with Tanger, nor to partake of its Benefits (which was very fatal to that juncture of Gay∣lan's Affairs) and because he saw the growing power of Tafilete, and that al∣beit for a while they might resist him, yet in time he would eat through their Alps. Upon these Temptations, or what other, we may imagine operative upon the wa∣ry, covetous, aspiring and revengeful na∣ture of a Moor, Lasin contracted with Tafilete, Reshid, or the Xeriff (which in this Narrative do all express the same Person) to advise him, when he should

attach the Passage, who to that end had always a select Band in readiness. And when by his own Example Lasin had taught the Guards to be remiss, and had got the advantage of Gaylans absence, he gave Tafilete the Signal, who gain'd the Passage, and with such suddenness set upon the Reserves, that they were not able to make any considerable resistance.

The news of this Disaster soon reacht Alcazar, where Gaylan was entertaining himself with his Relation Cogez, who with some of his best Troops march'd to the succour of his other Forces, which otherwise had been totally destroyed. Gaylan in this Encounter gave great te∣stimonies of his Valour, and had, no doubt, given the Enemy a brave repulse, if his Infantry had not been wholly dis∣comfited ere he could come to their re∣lief. At last, finding himself oppressed with number, he was forced to order the Party that stuck to him to seek for their safety, and himself, with about six more, retreated to Arzila; from whence, as one not well recover'd of the fright, he acquainted that Excellent Person, Co∣lonel H. Norwood, the Lieutenant Go∣vernor

of Tanger (with whom he was then in League) with his Disgrace, in this following Letter, Translated out of Spanish.

The Superscription. Al Ex^mo Senòr Don Enrique Norwood.

Ex^t. Sir,

ALL Places are over-spread with the Disasters and Events of our War. The ill success at this time befaln me, hath been by the Design of my Enemy, a Xerif of Tafilete, who falling in with his Army, surprised my careless out-guards, and broke and rooted the whole Body. Upon notice whereof, I got on Horse-back at Alcazar, but found my People running away in so great Disorder, that it exceeded my Power to rally them till I came at Arzila. Whence I am now necessitated to crave your Excel∣lencies assistance, upon the account of that Peace and Friendship so solemnly contract∣ed betwixt us. I therefore desire, That you would send me a Boat of good bigness, that

if I should be put to any strait, I might send to you for succour, which I doubt not but your Excellency will please to send me upon Honorable Terms.

Also I desire your Excellency, that in case any of my Guards, of what Quality soever, do retire to your City with Cattle, or other∣wise, that you would vouchsafe to favour them with your Protection, and supply their Necessities.

I crave your Excellencies Commands, which I am ready to perform with great wil∣lingness.

The Bearers, your Mariners, promise to return, by whom I intreat you to send a larger Imbarcation.

May God keep your Excellency.

Arzila, June 29. S. V. 1666.

Assoon as the Lieutenant Governor had perused the Letter, he resolved to gratifie Gaylan's desires, as being glad of an opportunity to vindicate the honour of the English Nation from some impu∣tations, which Gaylan objected to the Lieutenant Governor (when he was with

him at Arzila) and which was chiefly oc∣casioned through some mistake between the Great Tiveot and Gaylan, concerning the time when the War should commence in the Year 1663. For albeit the Earl of Tiveot had sufficiently cleared the Ho∣nor and Justice of that Action, yet Gay∣lan seeming not so to apprehend it, the Lieutenant Governor was glad of an oc∣casion to let him know, That it was the mind of his Master, the King of Great Brittain, that all his Ministers should be punctual in the observation of what they stipulated in his Name. To which end, in a generous and well-composed Let∣ter, the Lieuteuant Governor condoled Gaylan's mis-fortune, assuring him of his Friendship, and that he would exactly comply with every Article of the Peace concluded betwixt Tanger and his Ex∣cellency; and that if any of his Vassals, Allies, or Domestiques, should in any Exigence make Tanger their Sanctuary, they should find it no otherwise, and that they should be treated according to their Quality and Condition. This Letter was sent by a Kinsman of the Lieutenant Governors, who according to directions,

confirm'd Gaylan in the belief of meet∣ing with all the succors that he could reasonably expect from the lately con∣tracted Friendship.

This Message, whose kindness was doubled by its seasonableness and speed, put new Spirits into Gaylan's drooping Concerns, and gave him Courage to sound the temper of his revolted Caví∣la's, which he found well disposed to his Service, albeit they were forced to dissemble their Intentions till their Har∣vest was secured, least otherwise they should second the War with a Dearth▪ for so little is the Provision of the Moors, that the loss or miscarriage of one Crop, brings a Famine.

But while Gaylan was laboring to re∣tard, Tafilete was improving his last Vi∣ctory: and having possess'd himself of the Passage into his Enemies Territo∣ries, he quickly became Master of Alca∣zàr, the chiefest of Gaylan's Inland Towns, which was deserted by Cidi Ha∣met Cogèz, who for many Years had go∣vern'd there by the Title of Alcayde. The tydings of the Xerifs Successes no sooner reach'd Tituan, but that Town

declared for him, and with their best Solemnity Proclaimed him King. At the same time the Shat of Angera, a prin∣cipal Person in those parts, nearly re∣lated to Gaylan by Blood and Marriage, retired to the Woods in the Bay of that Alcazàr, which stands upon the Midland Sea; where he resolved to conceal him∣self, whil'st he sent his Domestiques to Ceuta, a Spanish Garrison, and Tanger, to procure Seguròs for himself and Fa∣mily, in case the Xerif should prove im∣placable, and refuse to receive him un∣to fair Quarters.

But the Shat of Angera tired with his retreat, and cherishing some dull hopes of Gaylan's Recovery, sent in a Bille•• to the Lieutenant Governor of Tanger in Moresco, in which he seemed to insi∣nuate, that he intended no submission to the Xerif, which was Translated thus.

The Letter of Almócadem Casum Shat, and his Sons Almócadem, Abdelcrìm, and Almócadem Ali, to the Captain of Tan∣ger, whom we honor much. Desiring that he would do them the favour to send them four Kintals of Powder, four hundred

Balls, and a Kintal of Lead, with fifty or more Muskets: and that if the Captain have any need of Wood or Barley, they will repay him in that Commodity: This they sollicit as Gaylan's faithful Friends.

I have inserted this Letter for the sake of its stile, being the first and only Ad∣dress made in this manner to any of the English Governors in Tanger. But how hopeful soever the Shats Affairs might appear at the date of this Letter, yet very shortly after they seem'd to be in a very languishing state, as was easily to be collected by a large account there∣of given to Cidi Hamet Algílo, who was then in Tanger, and which is here trans∣lated out of Arabique thus.

The Letter of Taliffo Hamet El Shat, which is bid to salute Hamet Algílo, and to give him an account of the Troubles that have happened here; how that the same Night that Taliffo Hamet El Shat left Angera, he came into the Fields of Tan∣ger, where he killed two Men, and took away their Goods; and returning to the Aldéa (or Village) he found not one Per∣son

at his House, neither Man nor Woman, except Ali El Hag in the House of our Ʋn∣cle Abdelcrim: all our Kinred were fled to Ceuta. But coming to speak with the People of Angera, they desired us for the love of God to leave them, whereupon they also fled to Ceuta: He that did this was Ben-Halóo. I thereupon writ a Letter to the King, to desire to have pity upon us. I writ also to Almocadem Hamet Ben-Léefi, and now write again for the Kings Answer, and according to it I shall advise both them and thee. Have thou patience, and within two or three days the Answer will be come. Moreover, I let thee know, that we are guarding our Houses from fire and mischief, having every Night twenty upon the Guard. I endeavour to keep up my Peoples courage. Know moreover, that the King hath given to Abdelháder Alfif∣toah, the Government of Angera, but the People will not receive him, but have writ to the King about it, though as yet they have no answer. Lastly, I give thee to understand, That the King hath burned the Village of Benigerfut, and taken a∣way their Goods.

So various was Gaylan's Fortunes, that while at one place he seem'd despe∣rate, in another he was victorious, and notwithstanding that at Angera Taffilete was a Conquerour, as his letter inti∣mates, at Arzila he was subdued; for from thence Gaylan assured his Confe∣derates that all his Cavílas were re∣turn'd to their Obedience, that they had massacred those Tafilete had left to keep them in awe, and shut him in between two rocky mountains; and that him∣self was hastening thither to see his e∣nemy and act his Catastrophe, and to put a period to the war. At the same time he gave out that Tituàn was peni∣tent for their Revolt, and weary of the Xerifs exactions, and were ready to joyn with him to effect the utter overthrow of that Imperious Invader.

Yet what face soever Gaylan put up∣on his condition, it was certain that Taffilete dayly advanced his conquest, and at the same time when his ene∣my thus confidently reported his di∣stress; he was in a flourishing condition, for the Xerif had then routed all Gay∣lan's fresh recruits, and in detestation

of him had taken up the bones of his Fa∣ther and burn'd them, saying, That he deserved no better, who was the root of that bramble, which had so long ty∣rannically rent and torn the poor.

He had also taken Prisoners some of Gaylan's nearest relations, and sent them to Fez, and committed great spoiles up∣on their goods, whom he found absent from their habitations, and had brought a considerable wing within a league of Arzila, where if he had stay'd to streigh∣ten it, want of bread within a few moons would have constrain'd them to surren∣der.

The Town of Tituàn was at this time likewise so far from resuming Gaylan's Interest, that all things there seem'd set∣led under the Authority and obedience of Taffilete The notice of wich truth was the subject of a letter sent to Colonel Norwood (Lieutenant Governor of Tan∣ger) whose Honorable proceedings had render'd him so esteemed among the Moors, that Taffilete thought him a fit Person to be complemented; and to that end order'd his Alcáyd of Tituàn to make his address.

The Alcáydes letter from Tituán to Colonel Norwood trans∣lated out of Spanish.

Excellent Sir,

HIs Majestie the K. Muley Xerif my master (whom God preserve many years) hath sent me to this City with ex∣press order to take Care of all Vessels of Trade and Commerce, which shall come to this place, & that they receive all security & Royal dealing here, as is used in all pla∣ces under the Rule and Government of the King my Master. To this purpose he hath granted me his Royal order to give Segu∣ros in his Royal Name. Therefore all who have any occasion to trafique here, may come in safety, & be assured of good usage, both in Goods and Persons, above all that hath bin here formerly. This his Maje∣stie hath commanded me to advise your Honour, that you might not be ignorant of the King's pleasure and kindness. And if you send any to trade hither, they shall finde no imposts, but such as are every where usual. And if your Honour please,

we may with our mutual Seguros (or letters of safe conduct) send men or Goods, as occasion shall require. To this I desire your speedy answer.

The Alcáyd from whom this came, was a French man, Cidi Hadracháman Ben-Réshed, one who had succeeded his Fa∣ther in the Consulship of Tituàn, who hoping to raise himself with the Xerif, renounced his Christian Religion and liberty for the Mahumedan Imposture and servitude; and changed the gentle Name of Antonie Cheysan, for this stubborn one Hadracháman, and to encourage his Con∣version, the King made him Alcayd de la Mar, or Receiver of his Customes in the Port of Tituàn, and also adopted him for his Son, by the name of Ben-Reshed.

The Lieutenant Governour delai'd not to answer the Alcáydes letter, as importing Trade, the chief thing which most concern'd the welfare of Tanger, to whose advancement the Lieutenant Governour alwayes decla∣red a singular propensity. About the same time Hamèt Ben-Isa Nacsis, & Hamèt Ben-Abdelcrìm, Governours of Tituàn, with other Grandees of the Country

and chief Ministers of the King sought unto him in matters of Moment. Be∣twixt whom and Gaylan he guided him∣self so steddily, that the continuance of his Friendship could not be suspected by the one, nor want of disposition to contract a new one by the other. Ta∣filete could not so much esteem him his enemy as Gaylan's Freind; and his fi∣delity to a distressed Confederate removed all suspicion of being otherwise to a prosperous. And by this wise manage∣ment he clear'd up those scruples, which through some mishapprehensions of for∣mer proceedings (of the Earle of Tiveot above mentioned) had render'd the Moors jealous of the English fidelity. But a litle to return to Gaylan, who had by this so long contemned the condition of his affaires in a doubtful Style, that at length an ambiguous intimation of his Enemies disgrace was taken for a clear assertion of his own. And however he labour'd to beget or preserve his freinds hopes of his Restauration, yet it could not take with those who saw Taffilete master of the whole Country, and all places of importance replenisht with his

Creatures; and Gaylan shut up in Arzi∣la, from whence he could create no more disturbances than amounted to a few plundering Sallies, which served on∣ly to exasperate the adjoyning Cavilsas, and totally to aliene and estrange them from his Relief. And yet was this a mischief which surpassed the Xerifs skill and Power to Remedie, for Gaylan might still have kept Arzila from him, as he had done from Ben-Bowcar, if his ac∣complicies had bin now as Trusty as they were then; But he found the Scene so far changed, that he had reason to suspect those in whom he once confided. He saw that the people of Arzila were weary of their confinement, and the more, because they could not foresee any hope to be enlarged. And that they could not but conclude, That their sturdy resistance of Tafilete, contrary to the example of all their Neighbours, would, if protracted, render him impla∣cable. All this Gaylan was able to read in their carriage, wherein there appear∣ed so great an alteration, that he clearly perceived some mischief intended against him, and fearing that they might appease

Tafilete with the Sacrifice of Gaylan: he resolved upon a suddain removal, & ha∣ving before dealt with the Pyrats of Al∣ger for his Protection, when nither press'd by the Enemy, nor want of Provision, he unexpectedly shipt himself, goods and the dearest Friends, upon two of the Al∣gerine Corsaires, that were crusing be∣fore Arzila; and presently sail'd to Al∣gèr, where I leave him to be plagu'd by that Medly of the worst of men, for his in∣gratitude toward the Honorable Colo∣nel Norwood, which would brand him to man-kind, if that Judicious and Vigi∣lent Governour would give an Account of his last deportment, and oblige the world with his Exact History of Tanger, since it came into the possession of our dread Soveraigne Charles the second whom God Preserve.

Of West Barbary.

VVE finde a Common-wealth compared to a ship, and the Western part of Barbary hath fulfilled the Allegory, not only in re∣spect of the intestine Broyles, wherewith it has bin so long toss'd; nor yet in regard that the government thereof hath bin conti∣nually floating from one faction to another. But in this especially, that there remaines no track, or impression, no Registers to ac∣quaint us with what hath pass'd, except ru∣ines and devastations, the Genuine memories of a Desolating war. For to demand of a Talib (one of the most learned sort among the Moors) the Annals of remote vicissi∣tudes, or an account of the Traverses that bear a fresher date, were to baffle his obser∣vation, and thereby affront his adored lite∣rature.

Now the likeliest reason, that can be ren∣der'd of this ignorance, is the neglect of pre∣serving Records of their Transactions, for

the Moores trust all to an Illiterate Tradi∣tion; insomuch that the best Chronique can be now compiled of their late changes, must for the most part be collected from some a∣ged Grandsires memory; a frail founda∣tion to support an Historical credit.

As for the Ancient Model of the Mores∣co Politie, it is so miserably convuls'd & sha∣ken through manifold alterations caused by prevailing Interests, that not many of its first Maxims, nor much of its old Constitu∣tion, are visible in the present state; And this superseded my Curiosity in making re∣serches into the Moors Politiques, further than to be inform'd of the Methods us'd to ascend to government by the aspiring facti∣ons of the last Age, of which I have given an Account in the foregoing Narrative. And therefore without the solemnity of any larger introduction; I shall give a faithful Narration of the present customs of Barbary in the succeeding Chapters.

CHAP. I.

The soile, productions, Commodities, and Husbandry of the Coun∣trey.

LEo Afer delivers two Etymologies, which are so agreable both to the nature of the Language, and Glebe of the Country, that they may seem to have bin imposed by Adam, the Primitive No∣menclator. For if we listen to the Moors language, Barbary seems to be descended from Barbar, which signifies an inarti∣culate murmur and grumbling noise without accent or harmony, for their speech is harsh, being very guttural: which is esteemed an argument of its Antiquity. And indeed it hath gain'd the vogue of no less antient a pedigree, than to be bred of the old Punic and A∣rabian.

Another reason why this Country bears the name of Barbary, may be taken from the frame and disposition of the Earth, which being full of wild and unkindly

Tumours, well challengeth the name of Bar (a Word not known to the pre∣sent Inhabitants) signifying a Desart, and the duplicate of the Monosyllable Bar-Bar implyeth that of old, Bar∣bary was nothing but a great Solitude. And for this derivation, Leo Afer tells this Story: King Iphycus being driven out of Aethiopia, fled into Aegypt, where finding himself much pressed by his Enemies, and dubious what course to run for his safety, he asked his Ad∣herents what they thought was the most probable way to secure themselves; whereupon they all, with an unexpect∣ed consent answered Barbar, meaning thereby that the hopefullest method of Protection was to pass over Nilus into the Desarts of Africa. And finding this Etymologie to bear so fair a Pro∣portion with the Complexion and Sur∣face of the Land, I shall not scruple the occasion of its Imposition.

But when we look from the outward shape, to the Productions of the Coun∣trey, we see the uncomeliness thereof recompensed in the Fertility, which for∣bids us to judge of Internal Dowries by

the outward Model: Providence usual∣ly supplying the defects of the Body with the abilities of the Mind, it being the fate of many excellent Parts, like Galba's, to be ill lodged. The Anci∣ents accounted Wood and Grain, the more natural and useful Issues of a Coun∣trey, as having a more immediate ten∣dency to supply Mankind with the greater Necessities of Lodging and Diet. But in this Canton of Barbary, the Woods are scarce and mean, and fitter to warm the House then build it. For ranging their Groves, I found them con∣sist chiefly of Cork-Trees, which seem'd to differ but little from the Scarlet-Oak, excepting the indenture of their Leaves. Their Fruit is a smaller kind of Acorn, woody within: At the Root of these Trees is usually found the Lentisco, which is generally but a shrub, and of little other service to the Moors then to feed their Goats. The Juice whereof, mingled with other Ingredients, is used by the Potters to give a faint colour to their Earthen-ware, which they find to enhaunse the price, and advance the sale.

The next remarkable sort of Wood is the Alcaróbe, a Tree of great Curiosity, and meriting a larger Note. The Alcaróbe bears a Cod, in quantity▪ and likeness much resembling the English Bean; the inner substance thereof is sweet, and lodgeth hard small Kernels. This Fruit is eat by the Moors of inferior Condi∣tion, and by all at the Feast Ashoràh: but it is chiefly preserved for their Hor∣ses, to whom it is both Physick and re∣past. For as a Moor, well skill'd in that Animal, told me, the Fruit of the Al∣caróbe hath two excellent Properties, to Drench, and make their Horses Fat.

Some have called the Fruit Locusta, and supposed that it was the Baptists Food in the Wilderness: But others con∣jecture that St. Matthew's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, were only the tops and extremities of Herbs and Plants. And there are also some judicious Criticks, who interpret the Baptist's Locusts to be a kind of Fly or Grashopper, w^ch in warmer Climates are very large and many, and were former∣ly dryed and eaten by the Inhabitants. But they were observed to yield but small Nutriment, and ever thought fitter

for Medicine than Alimony. I was told (but by a Travailer) that in Aegypt these flyes come in such clouds, that they darken the sky where they ap∣pear, and that in a short space they con∣sume the fruits of the Earth where they are permitted to fall. To prevent which mischief (he told me that) the people observing the season of their coming, prepare against them, and keeping them from setling by discharging Gunns into the aire where they are discover'd. That these locusts and Grashoppers were ea∣ten by the Barbarous Nations, may be concluded from the Law that made them forbidden meat to the Jews, Levit. 11. 22.

But to leave the Moor to this sort of flys, whereof he hath no scarcity, there is a greater probability that the fruit of the Alcaròbe is the same with the Pro∣digal's Ceratia, or husks; for it doth ex∣cellently accord with their description set down by that great intelligence of Divinity in his Note. B. S. Luke. XI.

In some parts of this Countrey there is great plenty of white Mulberry trees, nourished on purpose to feed the silk∣worm,

a creature that doth afford the curious many delightful speculations; but the Moor regards it only for its e∣molument. The season of the worm be∣ing passed, they feed their Cattel with the residue of the Mulberry leaves.

The Towns of Commerce, and Con∣versation, have pleasant Orchards of Orange, Lemons and Limes, with Gar∣dens yielding plenty and variety of sal∣lad. And that which maketh their Gar∣dens both profitable and delightful is, that they are always fruitful and re∣tain a refreshing verdure. And this they effect by keeping the soyle constantly in a temperate moisture: for the water-courses are so providently contriv'd that every Garden receiv's it in due pro∣portion, and at a certain hour; which running among the little trenches, af∣fords a very equal and fertile irriga∣tion.

Besides the Sallad ordinary in other Countreys, they have one sort rarely to be met with in Europe, which they call by a word, sounding spanish Tomátos. This growes in the common fields, and when ripe is pluckt and eaten with oyle▪

it is pleasant but apt to cloy. Barengé∣nas, as in Spain, grow creeping like Cu∣cumers upon the Ground; These are boyled with Beef and Mutton, and of no vulgar estimation among the Moors.

Some Cavílas (a division in the Coun∣trey that much resembles that of Coun∣ties in England) have large and fruitful Vineyards, and the bloud of the Grape, though it be utterly prohibited them by Mahumed their Prophet, yet of late through the licentiousness of the times, it is liberally quaff'd by many of the Moors. But that they might not herein give offence to the weaker Musul-men, nor betray any contempt of the law, they are generally cautious in this liberty, and use it, as we say, Ʋnder the Rose.

The Plants of this Country are very ob∣servable for their variety and strange∣ness, for many are to be found in Bar∣bary, which cannot be met with in cold∣er Climes. And some, which are usual in other Countreys, are in this found to differ much from their descriptions in Common Herbals.* 4.1 This I learned from a worthy Friend (well read in this part of Nature) who had enterprised, and

would doubtless have finish'd, a Colle∣ction of Barbary Simples, if his too early immortality, and immature death had not depriv'd the world of that profitable endeavour.

The Grain in this, differs not from that in other Countreys, excepting that here are two sorts of Grain, scarce well known in other parts of the world, The one they call Pharoùk, which is of a les∣ser size, hungry and course, much re∣sembling, if not altogether the same, with the Spanish Panizo, and it is only the more beggarly Moors that use this for bread. The other is known among them by the name of Tourkiá, which is a larger body than the former, and yields good flower, whereof bread is made for the Nobles of the Land. And as the Barley and Beans are reapt in April, the wheat in May and June, so is Sep∣tember the usual season for gathering the other kinds of bread-corn.

The rains are to the Moors, what the Nilescope is said to be to the Aegyptians, for according to their plenty or scarce∣ness, they are able to foretell the dearth and plenty of the year. But there is a

sort of Religionists among them, who measure the products of the earth by the sins of its Inhabitants, and who divine of the successe of their tillage from the Observation of their Ramadan (or Lent) and the due celebrating of their [Easter] Hìd Seguèr, or the little feast that concludes it.

If the clouds are sparing in showers at Seed-time, and Earing, the crop is lit∣tle lean; and in their best Harvests, they seldom reap more than will bring about the year, so that the failure of one Crop brings an inevitable dearth upon the land. The Moors are very obser∣ving of the Trade-rains, (for so they may not improperly be termed, as never fal∣ling but at such a time) The former Rain is call'd by a word importing Blessing, and the latter [Nas••n] or Holy-water, of which names I could meet with no o∣ther Rationale but Tradition.

There appeares but little industry in the Moors husbandry, for their tillage is so mean, that he that sees it may just∣ly wonder, that the Land under such small improvement should be so fruit∣ful. In most parts they plough but with

two Oxen, carelesly tyed by the horns, and in some Cavílas with a like number of Asses, Mules, Camels, and a baser breed of Horses. The plough turns up no more mold, than sufficeth to bury the seed: for (say they) if the fur∣rows should be deep, and the drought begin, er'e that the corn hath broken the Earth, it would not be able to force a passage through the stifned clods. They use no labour to assist the Arbale by ma∣nuring it, except that the Ordure of their Towns is cast out, not so much to enrich the Glebe, as to keep themselves cleanly. But this painful part of hus∣bandry is supplyed by the Anniversary burning of the withered grass and stu∣ble, which servs to help the soyle, and destroy the Vermin, which otherwise, especially the Scorpion, would render the Countrey very dangerous for habi∣tation.

When the Moors have reapt their corn, they tread it out with Oxen, Camels, &c, & winnow it upon the place where it grows, and then set the chaff on fire; In which particulars they are an excellent Comment upon the like, reflected upon

in Sacred Writ. Instead of Granaries, they have Caves brick'd or wrought with stone, call'd Matamóras, in which they reposite their Corn, where it is preserv'd from the Worm, and other Enemies. The Straw they chop and keep for their H••rses, for although there be abundance of Herbage, yet no part thereof is cured and preserved for a Winter store of Hay, which I impute to the Moors sloth, ra∣ther than the needlesness of such a Pro∣vision.

After I had taken this Survey of what appeared upon the Earth by Nature, or its Improver, Husbandry, I found suf∣ficient Instigations, both by Curiosity and Reason, to dive into its Entrals, which I have been told are in many pla∣ces as rich as the best Oars can make them. And of this Truth there have appeared large Specimens, about Tituan, Alcazàr, Ghebèr, &c. And the reason why the Moors pursue not so advantage∣ous a Temptation, may be charg'd upon their Ignorance, Idleness, or Fear; as in another place I may have occasion to demonstrate. The Commodities of this Countrey bearing the name of Mercán∣til,

are chiefly Honey, Wax, Hides, Ma∣rokins or Córdavans, Dates, Almonds; course Twine, Mats of a curious Straw and Workmanship, Mantles, Alheìcks, and in some places great store of Salt-Peter. As for the Fabulous abundance of Gold reported to be found in Barba∣ry, I leave its Legend to the Poets.

CHAP. II.

Of the Beasts in Barbary, tame and wild.

THe Survey now passeth one Stair higher, from Vegetable to Sensible Creatures, whereof Barbary has no less plenty, than of Grass to maintain them, but looking into their Flocks and Herds, I found the latter more numerous, yet not to that quantity as report inform'd me. And enquiring why the Moors were more for the Stall, than the Fold; they replyed, That Cows yielded them more constant relief than Sheep, and were more ready to furnish out both their Ta∣bles

and Purses. Their Horses are both few and mean, and for the most part much inferiour to those of other Nati∣ons, which at first created my wonder, because of the great repute the Barbary Horses had obtain'd in most European Countries. But they have a peculiar Cast of Barbs able to maintain this Re∣nown, which the Moors carefully pre∣serve, never imploying them in low and base Offices, but keep them only for the Saddle and Military Service. And to the great ease of their Horses, the Moors have store of Camels for their sorest Drudgeries. Now the Camel is a Crea∣ture of strange Bulk and humour, whose Diet is mean and incredibly little, for they will Travel great Journeys under heavy Loads, without further allowance than the tops of Thistles, or any mean Herbage. Nor are they less abstemious in their Bevarage, than Meat; being so patient of Thirst, that they will Travel four days without touching Water, and then at one Drinking take in as much as will serve them as many Days more. The Moor from Observation hath this gene∣ral Rule concerning Camels; viz. That

those which when young drink much and often, are of a degenerate Linage, and will never prove serviceable.

There is a Presumption, that the Ca∣mels engender backward, but Ali Mulùd, an Ancient and Inquisitive Moor, would often swear by the Hairs of his Chin (an Oath that he had learn'd in the time of his being a Slave in Spain) that he had much enquired after the manner of the Camels Copulation, but could meet with no certain Information therein; for (said he) these Creatures are strange∣ly bashful in their Embraces, which makes them very secret in the time of their Amours; and to retire, if possible, even from their Keepers Eye. At the season of their Coition, both Sexes are very furious, and like their Moresco Ma∣sters, they never forget to revenge the Injuries done them at that time. I was told by an Alarb, who had no Tempta∣tion to abuse my Credulity in such an unconcerning Story, that the Mácho, or Male Camel, generated with the Female when she is asleep, and that the Female brings forth in a kind of negligent slum∣ber. But I leave the curious Inquisitors

of Nature to discover the frailties of this Story, and pass on to remark the docile gentleness of the Camel, which is evi∣dent in their submission, kneeling to be loaden and unloaden at their Drivers pleasure. And we find it reported in the History of Beasts, Jonson. Hist. Quadrup. That Camels have been taught to dance exact Measures, which is no more strange, than the Ballétto di Caválli, that not long since graced the Nuptials of a Duke of Florence.

But intending no Zoography, I pass from this and other Tame Quadrupeds, to observe that Barbary hath all sorts of Beasts that are called Wild: Lions, Leopards, Wolves, Foxes, &c with great plenty of Jackals, so much famed for Catoring for the Lyon: They usu∣ally hunt in Packs, opening with a shril yelping noise, and are described to be Mungrel Creatures, of an equivocal Generation, deriving rapaciousness from the Wolf their Sire, and cunning from the Fox their Dam; they are very ra∣venous, eating Carrion, digging up dead Bodies, and will feed upon that which a genuine Fox will not daign to tast.

Wild Boars are no rarity in this Dio∣cess, which the Moors hunt and kill in a Manly Pastime, they being no way sub∣servient to the Trencher, because all sorts of Swines Flesh is forbidden Meat by their Law. But their Slaves, that are Christians, have permission to dress and eat them, and know from Experience that they are very wholesom and strong Food.

But I shall surcease to Travel further among these inhospitable Salvages, with whose descriptions Natural Histories are so largely replenished, and therefore I will shut up this Chapter with this gene∣ral Remark, That Barbary hath variety of all sorts of Beasts, Birds and Serpents; the Land affording Habitations most suit∣able to such unsociable Beings.

CHAP. III.

The Division of the Inhabitants, different manner of living, their Genius, their entertainment of Foreign Ministers.

THe Family of Noah (saith the Jewish Antiquary Flav. Joseph.) being jealous of a second Deluge, durst not descend to Cultivate the Plains, but dwelt upon the tallest Mountains: till at length, Sem ventured to Inhabit the Valleys; where they lived in a Cluster, and seemed suspicious of the Divine Command, bidding them disperse and over-spread the Earth: fearing that this might be a Design to scatter them that they might the more easily be destroyed, for which reason they long time kept to∣gether in a close Neighborhood. Out of which story nothing is needful here to be collected, but that Mountains have ever proved the Refuges of the Distres∣sed, and the People that Inhabited them

valued for their Antiquity above the rest of the Land. Of which truth, Barba∣ry yields a pregnant instance in the divi∣sion of her Inhabitants, of which there are two sorts known among them, by the usual Names of Alárbes and Barabárs.

The Alárbes are usually by the Euro∣peans stil'd Mountaineers, from the place of their greatest residence. And these think themselves the Elder Natives, and therefore of the better House. They are not altogether so Civiliz'd as the o∣ther, but live more rudely and rovingly, shifting from Mountain to Mountain ac∣cording to their Exigences, never con∣fining their rambling humors to any set∣led Mansion. They live in Haimas or Tents, made of a course brownish Cloth, which the Women work and weave of the Bark of Palmito's mingled with Goats hair; and these Itinerary Habitations they remove from one place to another, in obedience to their fickle Humors and cogent Necessities. Robbery is their Master-piece and best Livelyhood; and in this Estate they much glory, as coming so near the condition of Muley Mahu∣méds first Votaries. About an Age past

they were very numerous, but the late Civil Wars have made great abatements of their Musters.

The other sort of Moors are vulgarly called Barabàrs, but by a Dialect Bré∣bers: These have fixed Dwellings, and live in Neighborhood; and finding Con∣versation to be useful and safe, affording Comfort and Profit, they are combin'd into Aldéa's, or Villages, where their Cottages are so disposed, that there is not any considerable disproportion a∣mong them in respect of their distance from the Giemma, or Church.

Over these Barabàrs are Subordinate Governors or Almocadens, to whom they pay a dutiful Observance. Their Vocation is Tillage and Grazing; and live much after the condition of the La∣baradóres in Spain, the Paisants in France, and the Boors in Flanders. The Barabàrs of late are grown more nume∣rous than the Alárbes, and for several Years have inhabited both the Moun∣tains and Campaigns. But albeit they have taken the Hills from the Alárbes, yet they have left them the reproach of Robbery, though they themselves are no Novices in that Mystery.

But notwithstanding their different Mode of living, they unite in the gene∣ral Character of Body and Humour: For they are all of a large Stature, strong Constitution, stately Carriage, and dif∣fering in Complexion according to their conversing with the Sun and Air. Those whom for distinction I must call the Gentry, are according to their Rules of Chivalry well skill'd in managing of the Horse, and dextrous at the Lance, for they scorn all toyl that is not Military, and account no Employment so noble as that of a Souldier. They agree like∣wise in Humour, for both are Jealous and Revengeful. Their Jealousie is pal∣pable in their Carriage towards their Wives, whom they keep in great Subje∣ction and Retirement, which makes A∣dultery a Stranger to their Beds: Nor can it reasonably be otherwise, seeing that the Wife is fully assur'd that the ve∣ry attempt to pilfer a Pleasure, if dis∣cover'd, will cost her her Life. They are likewise implacable in their hatred, and impatient till they have avenged an Injury; for they are taught by their Pro∣phet, That Revenge is a Virtue. But

leaving these Passions to the justification of the Moresco Law and Customs, the Moors are guilty of a censorious Suspi∣cion towards Strangers, which hath no colour to be excused. This I first ob∣served in their carriage toward Don Die∣go de Palma, a Cavalier of the Habit of St. James, who being sent to Comple∣ment Gaylan from his Catholick Majesty, and chanceing to smile at the Moors De∣portment, as not answering the starch'd∣ness of his own Nation; the Moors, who were very circumspect in observing eve∣ry tittle of the Don's Deportment, were so sagacious as to find in this casual Smile a derision of their Courtship, which they left not unrevenged in intrigueing his Errand. Now it is observable, that the Moors are very morose and abstemious in point of Laughter, esteeming those who are much thereunto addicted, to be scornful and foolish.

And now having promised to give an account of the Moresco manner of re∣ceiving Publick Ministers, and finding that they have no solemn & fixed Rites; I conceive the description of their en∣tertaining the Spanish Envoy, may serve

for a Specimen of their Carriage toward all Persons of the like Character: which take as follows.

The Envoy Don Diego Felippe de Pal∣ma, having from Ceuta (a Spanish Gari∣son on the Barbary-coast) advised Cidi el Hader Ben Ali Gaylan, that he was come from the Crown of Spain on a Message to his Excellency (that was Gaylans Ti∣tle) and desired to know when and where he should have permission and se∣curity to deliver it: Gaylan returned him answer, concerning the set Day and Place for the Don's Reception, which was according to our stile, the tenth of September, in the One thousand six hun∣dred sixty third Year of Grace, and at a place equally distant from Ceuta and Ti∣tuan: where, to grace the Entrata, Gay∣lan appointed a Parade of the best Horse of his own Cavíla, and committed them to the Conduct of his Brother Cidi Tobib Ebn Ali, who march'd with them from Arzíla to Tituàn, whither according to appointment, Gaylans Father-in-law, Almocadèm of the Cavíla of Angerà, had sent his Sons with about sixty of their Cousens, to joyn with Tobib, who with

many more went to receive the Envoy at the prefixed time and place: Where the Moors, having paid him their Greetings, they all March'd in this order.

In the first Troop came the two Sons of the Almocadèm of Angerà, with about sixty of their Kindred, all bravely mount∣ed, and according to their Gallantry, richly accoutred: These in several Rings exercis'd the Lance with laudable Agi∣lity, the Musick of Tituàn still playing before them.

In the next rank came Cidi Tobit, at∣tended with about fifty Horse, maintain∣ing a very slow march, as if they intend∣ed to revie or deride the Spanish Gravi∣ty. Next to them rode the Envoy, Don Diego Felippe de Palma del Habito de San∣jago, with a single Trumpet sounding be∣fore him: Next came led six stately Hor∣ses trapt in blew Cloth: after them four∣teen Mules loaden with Trunks; and in the last place rode the Governor of Ti∣tuàn, with the Alárbes Musick tinkling before him, and attended with a large & well ordered Train. Vast multitudes were flockt thither, having no other bu∣siness but to gaze, being Strangers to such a Procession.

In this order was Don Diego conduct∣ed to his Lodgings in Tituàn, where he courteously received the Christians that came to give him the Parabien to Barba∣ry, and declar'd a great readiness to serve my Camrade and my self, whom he knew had no other concern in those Parts, but securely to travel and view the Countrey. After two days refresh∣ment at the Moors charge, the Don be∣gan his march toward Arzíla, but first caused the Horses to be richly trapt, and led in State through the Streets of Titu∣àn; which being done, they came into a Plain a little out of the Town, where the People made a spacious Circle, in which the Moresco Cavalleres shewed their active Horsemanship, and dexte∣rous darting of the Lance; after which, about fifty Negros and Alárbes began a Dance, which they performed with plea∣sant variety of Gesture, and strange A∣gility.

These Desports being finished, the Envoy advanceth his Journey, and found the ways crowded with Spectators, invi∣ted thither by Gaylan's Politick Friends, who designed that the People might take

notice of the Honor done to Cidi El Ha∣der, and that his Friendship was sought by one of the greatest of Christian Mo∣narchs. But there were many that came not so much to be Spectators, as to reap the fruit of a common Report, that the Don would cast great store of Realito's among the poorer Moors. But their hopes were deceived in the rumour of the Spa∣niards Bounty, who did not herein de∣generate from the Nature of his Nation, which has ever been noted for a back∣wardness to such insignificant Profusi∣ons. The Envoy being safely arrived at Arzíla, he was lodged in an Apartment of Gaylan's Place (pardon the Word) where I leave him to lodge, and eat, if possible, worse then he did at home.

The business and design of this Em∣bassy, met with diversity of Conjectures: by some it was supposed that Don Diego was sent to sollicit larger Priviledges for the Spanish Garrisons on the Barbarian Coast. Others concluded that the Duke of Medina Celi, envious at the Earl of Tiveot's successes against the Moors, and his Truce concluded with Gaylan, caused this Messenger (a Creature of his own)

to be sent with Instructions, to interrupt and disturb the new Correspondence and Amity betwixt Tanger and El Hader. But to find out the Riddle, I ploughed with one of their own Heifers, having employed a Moor versed in publick Af∣fairs, (and recommended to me by that great Lover of the English, Cidi Abdel∣erim Nacsis, then chief Governor of Ti∣tuan) who from the Spaniard's inquisi∣tiveness after the state and condition of Tanger, the number of the Souldiers, the quantity of the constant Guards, the heighth and strength of the Walls, the situation and number of the Guns ready mounted, &c. with his Design in a Mo∣resco habit to take a narrow view of the whole place (which in Gaylan's company within few days after he performed) fil∣led us with Jealousies that some mischief was purposed against Tanger. And it is very certain, That the fore-mentioned Duke had an evil Eye upon the Immortal Tiveot, for the Renowned Victories which under the most Christian King he atchieved against his Nations Interest in the Low Countries, which aged Choler he found highly inflam'd by the Victories

gain'd by that indefatigable Captain over his Moresco Neighbors, which instigated the Dukes spleen not so much against Tanger, as its Restorer Tiveot, who be∣ing at this time in England, took the ad∣vantage of his absence to disgrace him (if any such thing had been possible) with his new Confederate Gaylan. And ac∣quiescing in this account of the Embassy, I pursue my Province in setting down the exact account of the present Customs of the Moors.

CHAP. IV.

The Moresco Compellations, Re∣verence to Superiors, Complexi∣on and Conversation of the Women, pious manner of saluta∣tion and Stile.

I Have not found any Nation so rude and Barbarous, as to be utterly de∣void of all Rites of Civility and Respect:

for some tokens of honor & kindness, some terms of distance & familiarity are used by the most uncultivated. And the Moors though they are very sparing in Comple∣ments, yet they use both words & gestures of Respect. Towards all superiours they indifferently use the Compellative Cidi, which is as extensive as [Sir;] To wo∣men of better quality they use Lala, sig∣nifying as largely as Madam doth now in England. And as to their outward demonstrations of Respect, there is little variation; for a grave inclination of the body, with a putting the right hand first to the heart, next to the forehead, and then kissing the two foremost fingers laid a cross the lips, is the exactest manner of saluteing the Grandees; whose hand, knee, or bottome of the Vest is kissed by the Vulgar. Those that are familiar, and of equal rank, at their first meeting strike hands, but shake not, & then lift them up & lay them to their breasts. And their greetings are in the second person singular, useing [Thou] to all from the slave to the King: wherein they observe the Eastern Custom. But in their addres∣ses to their Prince no people can testify

more signal tokens of Humbleness & Pi∣ety, for at the entrance into the Royal presence, they bow their bodies to the ground, saying, Sálam Allíg Allá En∣sorúck Mulèy, Peace be to thee, God preserve King Fuláno; & these words & gestures are devoutly repeated at every pace they advance toward the King. And if any come with petitions they kisse, the earth when they present them to his roy∣al perusal. The like Reverences are dis∣charged when they depart the Presence. But I pass on to view the female Moors, who if preserv'd from the injuries of the Sun & weather, are generally well comple∣xion'd full bodied, & of good symmetry. Those that live in great Towns, together with the wealthier sort in the Country, are enclin'd to paleness, which may be imputed to their sedentariness, or want of motion; for they seldom stir abroad, ex∣cept it be to visit the Sepulchers of their deceased friends in devotion, to pray for their felicity, and in the night time to the Baths for health and cleanli∣ness. As to their Friday-meetings I shall speak of it in another Chapter. They never step without the threshold but so

closely vail'd, that no part is visible but an eye. In the state of Matrimony their principal studie is to please their hus∣bands, to whom they are taught by their Alcoran to bear a dutiful observancy, and to omit no art that may render them de∣lightful to their conversation. Those hus∣bands that are able, allow their wives Ne∣gra's or black-women, to doe all the ser∣vile offices in the Family; but yet there is no quality that sits idle; for the cheif of the Moresco Dames imploy their time in some thrifty huswifry. And this pre∣vents that custom of expensive gossippings, with which in some Nations so many wives are debauched, and husbands beg∣gar'd. And yet the married women want not their friendly conversations, for they visit one anothers houses in token of good neighbourhood, but without the com∣pany of their husbands; no male though he be never so much a relative, can be ad∣mitted into their society. And to prevent it, she that makes the visit first, sends to know whether the husband be at home if the answer be negative, then without further ceremony she goes straight to her Gossips apartment, where she is enter∣tain'd

with a liberality that never injures her husband; who if returning home in the interim of the visit, is careful to give no interruption, but upon notice quickly departs the house; yet they give such signals that he has bin there, as are easily perceived by the Visitant, who thereupon shortens the Visit, otherwise it common∣ly lasts a whole day. But these being offices that are seldome in their returns, may justly be pardon'd in their length.

But foreseeing that I shall in another place have occasion to speak again of the Moresco women, I surcease to enlarge the paragraph that here concerns them, aud therefore proceed to view the pious forms used by the Moors in their saluta∣tions and Letters.

And indeed there is none that has had any intimacy with the Moors in this particular, but he might observe a great appearance of Piety in all their custo∣mary expressions. And this I learn'd both from the discourse and practise of those with whom I journy'd, who at their setting out in the morning, would with zeal and humility look up to hea∣ven, and in a low voice say, Bismillah,

that is, in the name of God; which is al∣so done at the beginning of any labour or travail. By which they intend that nothing ought to be enterprised, but in the power and hope of the divine favour and help. And when the work or jour∣ney is finished they say, Ham der illah, Thanks be unto God; in which words they deny all ascriptions of success to themselves. When they meet one ano∣ther upon the road, &c. their greetings at large is this thanksgiving, El ham dil∣lah al salam tiqsi. i. e. God be praised that I see thee well: but in passing by one another the Salutation is usually this prayer, if there be no more but one, Salam alleq, if more than one, Salam al∣leq cum, Peace be with thee, or you. At the hearing of one another sneez, they say, Era hanig allah, Dios tenga V. M. en sumano. God be your keeper. When one Moor goes to see another at his house, the first that receives him saith, Mar bába, or welcom, which if repeated thrice, is an undoubted marke that they are glad to see him; which kind re∣ception he requites with saying, Allah ellah miq i. e. God pay▪ you.

And the like air and genius of Devoti∣on and Piety is observable in those let∣ters that the Moors write in their own language; a tast whereof you have in these two ensuing, translated out of Mo∣resco.

In the name of God Gracious & Merciful, whose Blessing be upon our Lord Ma∣homed & his Fa∣mily. To the Mighty, honourable, Glo∣rious, and most Excellent Lord and Governour of Tanger the Earle Tiveot.

GOd perpetuate your Excellencies Ho∣nour and Glory, and vouchsafe your perseverance in Grandeur and Felicity. Happiness unto you with the odours of a glorious Name, shall continually breath out their fragrancies, and let God con∣tinue and prosper both you and your estate

agreable to your wishes.

Furthermore, to advise us of your a∣bundant love, and especially generosity, there came to us the worthy Gentlemen your servants in their Ship, with the honourable Commanders of it, the Con∣sul and the Captain, and they behaved themselves amongst us like Men, touching your Command which they observed, and accomplished our desires according as we expected in the going forth of our men, they returning home to us in health and safety, so that we now reenjoy their com∣pany according to the best of our wishes. And let God in our stead largly reward and recompence you, who have so highly obliged us herein.

Your Messengers staid with us for some days, till we had performed some of their desires, so that we sent along with them two excellent horses and of the best sort that hath been in our time, one whereof was for our own Riding, and the other is of the same breed; likewise forty good choise beasts, both Bulls and Cows, and a flock of about fourscore sheep, as a present to your Excellency, which out of your Grace ••nd favour, you would vouchsafe to ac∣cept

from us. For the deserts and Me∣rits of your Honour, God alone can recom∣pence.

We gave also to your Legates two spe∣cial horses and a few Cattle as the time permitted, and they likewise bought some horses as the time served, and then de∣parted from us well contented. But we are alwaies with you in that inviolable love and friendship, which neither distance of place, nor length of time shall ever dis∣solve. And as for our Country Barbary (blessed be God) all of it that is loyal and in obedience to us, whether Moun∣taines, Plaines, or Citiès, you have free passage into in love and friendship, to converse and trade as you please, and to manage all your affaires. And this will be of great advantage unto us, if it please God we live, and the General take the Castle of the Port Town, and thè Reb∣bels return wholy to their obedience, and then you shall not apologise for us, or ex∣cuse us in any service we can doe you. But we request you to excuse us at present, as to the rest of your desires, being assured that we cease not to encounter and fight those enemies which have broken Covenant with

us, that so they may shortly (if God please) return to their Allegiance.

And we intreat you to graunt our Ser∣vants, the Inhabitants of the Port, your best assistance in what ever they shall have need of your help and supply. And what∣soever of our Consorts shall come to you, we beseech you not to be wanting in your Care towards them.

But the most earnest and important bu∣siness which concerns us to mention to you is, for a great ship to lye at the Port betweeen us and the enemy, on purpose to cut off all re∣lief by shipping from the Enemie, and pray let it be hastened with its fraught, pro∣vision and all other necessaries. This is our chief business which we entreat you to accomplish, according to our desires. And any of the Ships that shall come to this Port, shall drive away whatsoever Merchant ships they find there, and seise their goods. For the only thing we are wanting in, and in need of assistance, is this business of the Merchants. Thus we have given you the full of our desires in what we have written. And let God accom∣plish all your desires. Farewell,

Written the third day of the week be∣ing

the twenty fifth of the month Dul∣hevil the last month of the 1073. year of the Hegira.

The Servant of God who trusteth in him Abdal∣la ebn Mahamed ebn Abebeker, of blessed memory.

The Superscription, To the chief of the Nobles Lord and Governour of Tanger the Earle Tiveot whom God pre∣serve.

Another Letter.

IN the name of God the Greatest of all Great ones, whom we worship and serve and none other.

To the most excellent Count Tiveot Cap∣tain General of Tanger, the Just and Va∣liant, greeting and desiring that he may have health and Prosperity which we va∣lue much.

We receiv'd the Servants of your Ex∣cellency in our Countrey, for whom we have done what we are able, and have comman∣ded our Vassels to guard them to Tanger. The Present made us by your Excellen∣cy we kindly receive. God augment your Honour and Happiness.

In all that is required at our Hand, Let it be upon our head, that we serve you with much willingness, Being that we are made Friends we esteem your Friendship much. My Son and Couzins Greet your Excellency, desiring God that you may have health.

Subscribed

Almo∣cadem Cassian Shat.

This Shat, is Father to one of Gay∣lan's Wives, numerous in alliances, and reported to be an Andalusian, on of the race of the Moors banisht Spain; He hath hereditary to his Family, the command of Angera, which is a large Cavíla ad∣joyning unto Tanger. And having lodg∣ed at this Grandee's house, I may from our entertainment there be able to give you an account of the Moors hospitality, which differs not in the fashion, however it may vary in the stuff.

CHAP. V.

The Moresco Entertainment, fashi∣on of Travelling, Hospitals, Diet, Reverence to Corn, for∣bidden Meats.

IN the Year of Salvation, 1663. Sept. the sixth, at the going down of the Sun, we came to an Aldéa called Angerà, at the utmost Bounds of a Mountain of that name; where we repair'd to the House of Cidi Cassian Shat, whom we found sitting at his Door, environ'd with about twenty aged Moors of the Neigh∣borhood. Alighting from our Horses, we deliver'd our Segúra or Letters of safe Conduct, to the Old Man; who when he had perused, return'd them with a grave Nod, the testimony of his Approbation, and the signal of our Wel∣come. This done, we were called to a little upper Room, which we could not enter till we had put off our Shoos at the Threshold; not for Religion, but

Cleanliness, and not to prevent our un∣hallowing of the Floor, but defiling the Carpets wherewith it was curiously spread. At the upper end of the Room was laid a Velvit Cushion, as large as those we use in our Pulpits, and it deno∣ted the most Honourable part of the Room. After we had reposed about an hour, there was brought in a little oval Table, about twenty Inches high, which was covered with a long piece of narrow Linnen; and this served for Diaper. For the Moors, by their Law, are forbidden such superfluous Utensils as Napkins, Knives, Spoons, &c. Their Religion lay∣ing down this general Maxim, That meer Necessaries are to be provided for: which caused a precise Moor to refuse to drink out of my Dish, when he could sup Wa∣ter enough out of the hollow of his Hand. But this straitness has of late Years begun to be enlarged, and the pro∣hibition is interpreted to reach no far∣ther then their Church-men, and chief Ministers of Justice; so that those who are able to provide handsome Furniture for their Tables, have a Dispensation, which they seem not prone to make use

of, if the humour of the rest may be de∣vined by that of this Grandee: At whose House the Table was adorned as before, and for Supper there was placed upon it an Earthen Pot full of Mutton, Beef, Cabage, Raisins, Potato's, Berengénas, &c. all boyled together, and extream∣ly hot with Dimicuto and Garlick, which is their immutable Sawce. This hodge∣podge was in imitation of the Spanish Olla Podrida, excepting that it wanted Bacon, an Ingredient so indispensible to the Spanish Olla, that there can be none without it, which occasion'd this Proverb, No Sermon without St. Austin, nor Olla without Bacon: Ny Sermòn sin Agostino, ny Olla sin locino. But to pro∣ceed in our Bill of Fare: our next Course was a single Pullet cloven down the Bel∣ly, with the four Quarters spread out at large, by a way of Cookery peculiar to the Moors. And these two Dishes, with store of good Bread, made up the Feast. Our Drink was strong Wine newly brought from the Press, which stood by us in a great stone Jar, with a sort of wooden Ladle in it, out of which we drunk. Our posture was laying round

about the Table, according to the cu∣stom of the Countrey. Our company was the second Son of this Family, a debo∣nair Gentile Person. Having supp'd, and solaced our selves with muddy Be∣verage and Moresco Music, we all compo∣sed our selves to sleep: About twenty were allotted to Lodge in this small Chamber, whereof two were Christians, three Jews, and the rest Moors: every one made his Bed of what he wore, which made our English Constitutions to wish for the Morning, which no sooner ap∣peared but we quitted our Lodging, lea∣ving our Entertainer sans adieu, not tar∣rying to return thanks for his Hospitali∣ty; which could incur no displeasure, as conforming to the stile of the Countrey. And this Breviate of Cidi Cassian's hospi∣table House-keeping, is an Essay of the rest, for the Moors have all one fashion of living, and their Houses, Diet, and Ap∣parel vary not, but in the matter.

Now that which makes Journying in Barbary so full of Fatigue, is the want of Houses of Publick Entertainment (like the Venta's and Posáda's in Spain; the Caborets and Hostelries in France;

and Inns in England) whereby the Tra∣vellers are constrain'd to carry their Pro∣visions with them. The Moors usual Vi∣aticum are Raisins, parch'd Beans, Ony∣ons, Garlick, and store of Bread. They rely upon the Fountains for their Drink, which are kept in great decency and cleanlyness: at every Fountain there be∣ing a Dish made of Cork, fastned with a string, out of which Man and Beast drink for refreshment. Many of these Foun∣tains are provided with a large smooth Stone, whereon the Moor, after he has perform'd his preparative Washing, ce∣lebrates his Salla, or Orisons. And the Bigots that live near these Fountains, e∣very day repair thither to pay their Bi∣gotage, or Superstitious Devotions.

They usually shut up their Journey at the going down of the Sun; and if there be an Aldéa or Village at hand, they turn thither for House-room, and lodge com∣monly in a Cotage, as mean as that wherein Ovid's aged Couple entertain'd the Pilgrim Gods. But if it be Summer, or the Weather fair, then they repair to some shady Tree, under whose prote∣••tion they sleep and eat. If the place

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be suspected for bad Neighbors, the Tra∣vellers watch by turns, and do the like in places that are troubled with wild Beasts.

When I said that the Moors have no Houses of Accommodation, it was with exception of the Almamóra's, or Cham∣bers maintain'd by the Revenues of the Church, built on purpose to receive Strangers of any Perswasion. These Houses afford nothing but room to Lodge in; but if it happen that Travellers are in want of meat, the Villagers are ready to supply them. The Alfaqúi, or Priest of the place, hath Inspection and Super∣intendency of these Hospitals. The Moors have likewise peculiar Places, re∣sembling the Infirmatories or Lazaret∣to's in other Nations, for those that fall sick in their Journeys, whom they treat with a laudable Care, till they either re∣cover or dye: And if the infirm dye, not leaving wherewith to bury him, there is care taken for his Funeral, and a Mu∣láto, or some baser Moor, is appointed to beg the Alms of the place to defray the Expence of the Strangers Interment. In these Almamóra's, the Stranger is per∣mitted

to stay till the Weather and his Health dispose him for his Journey: but they repine at his abode, when it is not urged by necessity.

In later Years, every Town of Tras∣fick hath erected a sort of Inns, called Alfandách, which affords nothing but House-room for Man and Beast, the Mar∣ket yielding Provision for both. Those that farm these Fandáchs, cannot exact above a Blankil a Night both for Man and Beast, which is in sterling Money about two pence. The Horses Lodging costing equally with his Riders.

These Fandáchs were at first built by the wealthier sort of Moors, who dying in a pious humour, gave them to the Gi∣ámma or Church, to hallow, say the Mo∣resco Rabbies, the filthy lucre raised by their employment. However, the Gi∣ámma has its Revenues greatly augment∣ed by such Donations. And whatever was the Design of their Institution, we find them of late under a great Degene∣racy, being little better then Tipling Shops, where the Moors Quaff the Fruit of the Vine. But that which herein most raised my Admiration, was to see the In∣comes

of these Fandáchs, appropriated to the maintenance of the Alfaqúi's or Priests, and that that Holy Order, ha∣ving the disposal of such Houses, should not see them under a more regular admi∣nistration.

But to go from these Publick Houses to view the Moors in their private Roofs, I find them in their Caresses frugal, with∣out Parsimoniousness, and placing no Character of good House-keeping in a∣bundance of Viands. They have two dishes in singular esteem, the chief where∣of ••nscussòn, which is made of Water and Flower, or grated Bread, boyled into a Consistence, into which they put Butter, or any Kitchin-stuff: And this they eat without Spoons; for when it is ready, every one that is admitted to taste it, dives into it with his hand, and dance∣ing it in his Fist, till it be shap'd into a Ball and cool'd, then casts it into his Mouth. The other dish is known by the name of Pillów, vulgarly pronounced Pl••w, and it is the same with that which I said has so near a resemblance with the Spanish Olla Podrida. Besides these two Dishes, the Moors of a better allay make

their Breakfasts of Bonuélo's, or small Loaves boyled in Oyl, which they eat with Sugar, or Honey.

The Countrey Moors feed much on Milk, which they are by their Law for∣bidden to taste, if it has been touch'd by a Dog. They have store of Cheese, but very course and homely. And as for their Butter, we may suspect their clean∣liness in making it; for they Churn it in a Sheep or Goat skin, dressed or fit∣ted for that office, which they shake be∣tween their Hands.

But not much delighted with their Dary-house, I leave it to observe their Reverence to Bread and Corn, which is both great and general, for from the Throne to the Plough, if any see a crum of the one, or a grain of the other cast out, or scatter'd, he stoops to take it up, kisseth it, puts it to his Fore-head, and looking up, saith, Dill an, It is from God; and then gives it to the first Crea∣ture that will eat it.

CHAP. VI.

Of the Moresco Giamma's, or Churches: their Foundation, Consecration, manner of Stru∣cture, Subordination.

ALL Religions in their first model and Constitution have had some less intelligible Articles and things of a remoter signification, mingled with their easier Doctrin's, and more obvious Institutions. And there has ever bin found a Catholique agreement, not on∣ly in the main Article of the Deity, but also in some solemne manner of his wor∣ship. Upon which consideration there were ritual circumstances established, for the more decent celebration of Re∣ligious Ministers. In the number of which ritual Circumstances, I esteem a dedicate place, Separate Time, solemne Actions, Prescript Forms, and above all a distinct Order of Persons, by whom the Exteriot Religion is to be officiated, and to whom for the Power & Sacredness of their Function there have ever bin de∣creed

convenient Observances and Re∣venues. How determinate the Alchoran is in these particulars, falls not within the compass of these remarkes, but it is evident to those that attentively read it, that the Author thereof seems not in a∣ny thing to be definitive. But what ever the mind was of that Impostor concern∣ing the mentioned Rites, we find his Sectaries have in all their Dominions made Provision for Solemnity in their Worship. Being guided thereunto ei∣ther by the more lasting and regular Principles of Reason, or in imitation of some people of an other Perswasion, which they esteem'd Wise and Delibe∣rate. Nor can Mahumed be blamed for not leaving Decretals in the Rights of worship, because their nature is of so great an indifferency, that no Religion doth acknowledge them to be determi∣ned in every particular by any Law, meriting, or usurping, the title Divine: neither is there any thing in themselves to make them originally necessary.

And therefore without enquiring in∣to the Motives by which the Moors or o∣thers have been induced to the usage of

the Accessories of Religion, I only ob∣serve that the Moors are not therein de∣fective; having Churches, Priests, Times, Revenues, &c. appropriate to the Di∣vine Adoration.

I shall begin with their Giámma's, Moschs or Churches in which this Coun∣trey abounds, and to which the Moors perform a great Reverence and libera∣lity, never suffering them to be pro∣fan'd, nor to want a competent stock to keep them in repaires. The manner observ'd in the erection of a new Gi∣ámma is orderly and laudable, which is thus: When a considerable Number of People have agreed and resolved to settle together in neighborhood, they seek out a piece of ground convenient for their purpose, which by mutual con∣sent is divided, every family being al∣lowed sufficient Room, whereof to rear an habitation. This done their next care is to set apart a spot of Earth for the foundation of their Giámma, with great regard that it have no consi∣derable inequality of distance from their several habitations. After they have thus fram'd their Designe, the Giámma

is first built, to which Holy work all a∣ges, sexes, and qualities of persons con∣tribute their labours Gratis, every one valuing it for a peculiar felicity and ho∣nour to have his hands and shoulders wearied in such a sacred imployment. The fabrick or Giámma being finish'd, they dedicate it to no Patronage but the Publique Worship, nor use any other ceremony of consecration, but only choose one that is able to read the Al∣coran, whom they accompany to the new Giámma, where some parcel of their Law is read, and their Sallà's, or offices perform'd, and from that time it is ac∣counted a Holy place. And the Giámma being thus raised to its full Stature, eve∣ry family begins a Cotage for it self, and when they are built, they seek for an Alfaqui, or Priest, to Officiate in their new Church, with whom they a∣gree for a yearly Pension.

But we must restrain this custome of building Churches to the Barabárs who have fixed Mansions; for the Alárbs who retain no place of constant habitation, have for their Giámma a large Tent standing exactly in the middle of their

dwelling-Tents, whither they resort at Canonical hours to their Orisons, in which they are comformable to the o∣ther Moors.

The Giámma's doe all agree in the fashion of structure; being all long and generally narrow, not running into Iles, nor branching into Chappels and Quires. Their situation is East and West, without any windows at all, nor have their Giámma's doores but on the North-side. [They are without the too easie accommodations of seats, Pews, or ben∣ches:] the floor of the Giámma is hand∣somely matted, and so are the walls a∣bout two foot high. If the roof be large and weighty it is supported with pillars, among which hang the lamps, which are kept burning all the night.

Every Giámma has a turret, on whose top is placed a Crescent, or half Moon (a Mahumedan Cognizance) from this Turret the Almudén, or Sexton, with a loud voice invites the People to Prayers, which supplies the forbidden use of Bells. The Moors keep their Giámma's in a very Reverend decency, never per∣mitting any dilapidations. None are

vouchsafed to enter them but the Males of their own Religion, which makes it dangerous for Christians or Jews to look within them; yet if this happens they think not the Holy place to be thereby any way desecrated. But this signal respect to their Churches, renders not their Devotions elsewhere perfor∣m'd, to be invalid; yet if possible they never faile to be at their Giámm's, attri∣buting much to the Statary prayers made in the Church.

In greater Towns there are many Giámma's: in Tituàn fifteen, in Alcázar more, in Arzíla, five, and in Fez seven hundred. Among which there is a sub∣ordination, for the Giámma Gheber, or Great Giámma, being the Cathedral, or Mother-Church, commands the rest, and is the Cure of the Alcalib, or Chief-Priest. To the Giamma Gheber all the other Giámma's conforme in the houre of publique offices, and though all the rest are hung with Lamps, yet this has one of a peculiar shape and quantity, called Ettouria, or the Master-Lamp, in testimony of the Chutche's Prelacy.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Moresco Priests, their edu∣cation, Orders, Office, Reve∣rence of the Priest, Revenue, the Almudén, Penalties for absence from the Giámma's.

THe Moors have at this day no Schools of Science, like the Eu∣ropean Universities and Colledges; which may be a main reason of their Growing stupidity and Barbarism; for the want either of leisure, or lack of op∣portunity to study Arts and Sciences, because their whole time is spent in gaining whereon to live, through a deficiency whereof the politest Nations will soon degenerate into ignorance and rusticity. As for the Colledge call'd Amarodóch in Fez (whose structure cost King Aba Henen 480000 Crowns, and which has been so amply celebra∣ted for the Concinnity of its building, delightfulness of scituation, carved roof,

Mosaic Arches and brazen gates) it is now wholly destitute of Students. And if the Moors were not carefull to keep up great store of Petty Schooles, they would soon decay and fall into a total illiterature. In these Petty Scholes the Alfáqui, or Priest, takes in the first rudi∣ments of his Learning, without any pos∣sibility of climbing higher than to write and read; and if a Youth be found to∣wardly and capacious, and bearing a good affection to the Priesthood, when he has arriv'd to the first forme in the School, he is removed thence, and placed with one of the best learned Alfàqui's in the Town, or Cavíla where the School is kept. And this new Tutor instructs his Pupil to read the Alcoran with perspicu∣ity, and to understand the principal points it containes: The Tutor likewise informes him of all the Rites of the Gi∣ámma, which being both few and easy, are quickly obtain'd; and when the Schollar is deem'd competent both for age and Learning to be a Priest, then his Institutor call's two or three Al∣fáquis more to examine the Candidate, who being found deserving, they grant

him Testimonials of his willingness and abilities to be an Alfáqui: And this is all the education and Orders, which I could observe to be bestowed upon their Priests. But it is very remarkable, that among the Moors none are admitted to this Holy Dignity, but such as are of a competent age, and marryed; for the former they render this reason, a No∣vice ought not to be admitted to the Priesthood; but I conceive that their jea∣lousie, with which they are notoriously gifted, is the fittest account can be gi∣ven of the later.

The Moors suffer no Giámma to be vacant, because they esteem an Alfáqui to be altogether necessary to exteri∣or Religion; and that Common Persons, or the Laity, performing the solemn offices of Religion, doth make them com∣mon. For Holy Rites are no more to be dispensed by all, than the secular Laws; and though all men have common Interest both in Religion & the Laws, yet all cannot be Administers of either. And upon this consideration, that in the Combinations and Communions of men Religion cannot subsist, without some

to guide, officiate, and prescribe the ministeries thereof, the Moors are dili∣gent to provide an Alfáqui for every Gi∣ámma, that there may be no vacancy, nor omission in the service.

To the Alfáqui the Lay-Moors pay a signal Reverence, giving him the more honourable hand, and place. They plough his ground, dress his vineyard, reap his Corn, &c. to the end that by no secular cares he may be interrupted in his Function; And by this I am guided to look into the office of the Alfáqui, which is first, to preserve the Giámma in decency, and to provide that the stru∣cture be not dilapsed, & that the Lamps and matts be duely supplyed. But the Priest never puts his hand to any ser∣vile work, having those under him upon whom all the drudgery is discharged.

The second part of the Alfáqui's of∣fice is, to inspect the Institution of the children; to which purpose he hath u∣sually under him, one that is fit for the toyle, and reserves to himself no more but the examination of the Childrens proficiency, which he doth once a week; and those whom he finds remiss, receive

his Correction, but the diligent, the marks of his approbation. They have no free Schools, but pay a weekly salary to those whom the Alfáqui doth appoint to teach, for none can be a School-Ma∣ster without his Licence and approof.

His next care is to take notice who absent themselves from the Giámma, having power at his own discretion to punish whomsoever he observes to be therein delinquent. He is very vigilant to assist the sick, whom dying he accom∣panies to the Grave. If there happen a∣ny disagreement among the Neighbours, the Alfáqui mediates a reconcilement, but if the Quarrel exceeds ill language, and be concerning Meum and Tuum, he is not permitted to intermeddle.

If the Alfáqui dislike his Cure, he hath liberty of removall, being not confin'd to any Parochial Giámma above a year, and he seldome contracts for a longer space. And for that time he is the Su∣perintendent of the Mosch, out of whose Rents he defraies all the Charges for Reparations, &c. takeing the surplu∣sage for himselfe.

And now the remarke passeth to the

Revenues of the Giámma, which chiefly arise from the Donatives of the dead. In some places the Incoms are very large, in all comfortable; for the Moors ex∣ercise a great benevolence to places de∣dicated to Religion: whereby they re∣proach many stiled Christians, who cast aside the least sheaf for the Tenth, and who are so far from enlarging the Church∣es Patrimony, that they are ready to devour the pitiful Remainder that she still enjoyes.

Muley Mahumed, in his third Com∣mandment, enjoynes his Musalmim Li∣berality, and Alms-deeds, which pro∣ceeding from goods honestly gotten are according to the Alcoran meritorious of Paradise. He likwise prefers private Almes before the publick, and declares the Devil to be an inplacable enemy a∣gainst this expression of mercy. And in∣deed there are many such pious do∣ctrines in the Alcoran, but they are but as so many good eares of corn in a good field of Tares, or as so many single grains lost in a heap of chaff: it having been the subtilty of the old Serpent in all a∣ges, to guild over his poysonous Pills,

and to blend Truth with falshood, that the latter might be embrac'd for the sake of the former. Besides it is an ancient mistake to think, that Truth and falshood are of too great a contrariety and di∣stance to mingle and concorporate; which makes many when they have found some truth in Doctrine, to conclude no falshood to be joyned with it. And those truths which are dispersed up and down in Mahumed's Law, being evident to its Professors, make them credulous of the whole system. And though they are zealous for all the precepts, yet for none more than that which concernes Alms-deeds; for they have their Asho∣ràh which is an Anniversary Festival, whereat they bestow a certain quanti∣ty of their Substance upon the Poore. But the greatest Bounties are towards the Giámma, to which every one at his death leaves a Portion of his estate, by which method the Giámma has conside∣rable endowments, which are under a continual improvement, and made ca∣pable of no manner of Alienation.

To every Giámma there belongs an Al∣mudèn, or a kind of Sexton, whose of∣fice

is to call the people to Church at the houres of prayer; which he doth from the top of the Turret (mention'd a∣bove) crying with a voice articulate and loud, Illáh Ghebèr, God is the great; and sometimes, Lailláh La Mahumèd Re∣súl allá. There is but one God, and Ma∣humed the Messenger of God. And these words the Almudèn pronounceth at e∣very corner of the Turret, beginning at the East, and ending at the point that looks toward Mecha; by which they si∣gnify, that all the corners of the world should look towards Mecha in worship∣ing the Deity, that is be Mahumedans.

The next office of the Almudèn is, to open the doores of the Giámma, to trim the Lamps, and keep the matts in repair and cleanliness. He also informes the Alfáqui, who hath an inherent power to punish those who can show no good reason of their absence.

But the penalty is very tolerable, be∣ing no more than five or six pounds of Cuscussòw, which the offender brings to the Giámma, where it is eaten by the Priest and the Assembly. None are found to offend therein through contempt, or

wilfulness, nor yet through the pursu∣ance of their pleasures; for there is so strict an observance of the Church-ser∣vice, that the husband will leave the socie∣ty of his wife to be there, if he hears the Almudèn speaking the Invitatory. The last branch of the Almuden's office is to dis∣miss the people, which he doth at the end of the Salla, or Orisons, in the same words that he called them together. And now before I close up this chapter, I cannot, speaking of their Ecclesiastique penance, but observe that the Moors have no such thing as excommunication, so that they are for no crime debarr'd the Giámma; but on the contrary the grea∣test mulct inflicted by the Priest is for their absence, above three times in twen∣ty four hours, from that Holy Place.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Moresco set-times of Pray∣er. The preparation, Entrance into, and deportment in the Gi∣ámma. Church-Musick.

THe Moor's season of Prayers re∣turns five times in twenty four hours, or a Natural day; The first is, Alowilíc Sbah, and comes about Noone; The second they call Allahiric Luli, which is about three a clock in the after∣noon; The third Ateltháh Asèr, at the going down of the Sun; The fourth A∣larbèe Ashá, a little within night; The last, Alhamsáh Magnib, which is in win∣ter a little before day. At every assem∣bling the Prayers are the same, except that at the Allahiríc Luli they repeat the La illa Ghehèr but thrice. The Moors esteem the prayers made in the Giámma to be of the greatest efficacy, and there∣fore all endeavour to performe them there, but those who cannot repair thi∣ther, doe discharge this duty, where

the solemn houres find them

In their addresses to these Holy cele∣brations the Moors use great tokens of reverence, being very punctual in fitting themselves for the Giámma. Their ge∣neral preparative consists in washing; which is such a necessary right, that without its observation it is impossible to be of their Religion. And it is no∣torious to all acquainted with the Ma∣humedan Institutes, that Washing is a great part of that Law; nor need this create any man's wonder, seeing that all the Musalmim of the Alcoran use washing in a mystic signification of in∣ternal purity, and that the soul receives the benefit of their corporeal Lavors. None among them returne from natural evacuations, but they wash the parts li∣able to defilement, nor will any who is a Virtuoso in the Ceremomies, eat with unwasht handes: which at first I Inter∣preted a mere Civil Cleanliness, because they use no knives, &c. but tear their viands in pieces with their fingers, but upon farther scrutiny I perceiv'd it to be reckon'd by the superstitiosi a∣mong the Actions of Religion.

In places where they have hot Bathes (which are in few places wanting) they use them after concubinate, and all im∣provident pollutions; but their greatest exactness in washing, is at their going to prayer. Then every part where nature disburdens her excretions, is warily cleansed, and the other parts also which are more egregiously obnoxious to pollu∣tion. If any Moor after he has washt at home, in his way to the Giámma chance but to belch, he dares not enter the Holy r••of of untill he has us'd the lo∣tion. And therefore in the foundation of a Giámma, great care is taken that it may stand near some spring, or recepta∣cle of water, that those who come to the Church, may be provided with that element in case of any contingent de∣filement, without the trouble of return∣ing home to wash.

When they come to the door of the Giámma, every one puts off his shooes at the threshold, and then enters with a slow pace, erect body, and eyes bash∣fully looking towards Heaven: in this posture they advance directly to the southside of the Giámma, and they al∣ways

make their prayers toward that point, because in all their devotions they are commanded to make them toward Mecha. While they are in the Giámma none dare openly to yawne, Cough, walk, discourse, spit, scratch his head or face, but if any has need but to wipe his lipps, he doth it unseen, covering his counte∣nance with his Alheìc, which is a loose garment generally worn by the Moors.

And by these Reverences in their Carriage toward Holy places and Per∣formances, they are taught to upbraid the Christians, whose behaviours at sa∣cred solemnities some of the Moors have observ'd to be of a far different character. And this I learned from a Moor who had unluckily been in England to make the animadversion, with whome when I dis∣cours'd about this point, he told me with anger and indignation in his looks, that it was a shame to see women, Dogs, and dirty shooes, brought into a place sacred to God's worship, and that men should walk and discourse in a Mosch, as in a publick Borsa or Exchange, and that they should have Chaires there to sit in with as much lascivious ease, as at

home: which with other actions of the like irreverence he zealously repeated to reproach the Christian. And indeed I was not furnisht with arguments to (nor could in conscience) excuse any considerable part of his Animadversion: only I told him; That as for the exclu∣sion of Women from the publick offices of the Mosch, it was a doctrine of the Al∣coran, grounded upou conceits of imper∣fection peculiar to that sex, which are not so far to be own'd, as for them to ex∣clude the females from the meanes of their chiefest felicity. Besides this ex∣communion of women, was an Article of Interest and Policy, and which Mahu∣med adopted into his Religion on pur∣pose to complease the Jew, who at this day begins his publick Prayer with a thanksgiving to God, que no le hizo mu∣ger, that he did not make him a woman, a creature not allowed to serve him in the Synagogue, & that seeing we wanted reasons which moved the Moors to this practice, we could incurr no scandal by its rejection. As for his objecting our bringing Dogs into the Church, I told him it was an uncomely and irreverend per∣mission

& wholly abhorr'd by knowing. Christians; that there was a Provision made against it, and that it had been his ill hap to look into a Church, where the Sanction in that particular met with a remiss execution. Next, as to our ha∣ving seates in the Mosch (for I was to speak in his own dialect) and to sit at some parts of Divine service, Custom and innocent convenience were all that any one could pretend to hollow it. But as for walking in the Church in time of Divine Service, or therein at any time to discourse of secular con∣cernments, that it was only the pra∣ctise of profane and ill disciplin'd minds, the miscarriage of the rude, contrary to the Rule, and a certain ar∣gument of a relaxed Discipline and neg∣ligent Superintendent.

Pudet haec opprobria—.

But I return to the Giámma, whither the Alfáqui comes not till a considerable number of the People are assembled; who in the Priests absence spend their time in a devout repetition of the Sal∣lah,

a Word that signifies the whole Form of their Prayers. And when the Alfáqui is come, he advanceth straight to the South-side of the Mosch, and the People fall orderly into ranks behind him. Upon this the Priest begins the Prayer in a Voice moderately elevated, which the People humbly repeat after him. At the pronouncing of Illah El Gheber, that is, God is the great, they all use an Elevation both of Hands and Eyes to Heaven: at the name of Mecha, they all kiss the Ground; but when they mention Muley Mahumed, and the Mer∣cies he procures them, they fall prostrate, and upon the sudden, in a kind of Ra∣pture, reassume an erect. When the Priest hath repeated la illah Mahumed Resul Allah four times, the Almuden dis∣misseth the People. And when they leave the Giamma, the Alfáqui goes first, as a token of his Prelacy above the Peo∣ple. Their Salláh or Service is very short, for if it took up any considerable time, the frequency of its return would take up most of their leisure, and there∣by be a sensible impediment to their Temporal Vocations.

In the closure of this Chapter, I thought to have spoken something of the Moresco Musick in the Mosch, but this I found to be a delightful piece of Devo∣tion, wherein they seem to be very igno∣rant. I have been told, that in former time they had in every Giámma some Lay-persons, that understood the Ca∣dences of the Alcoran, and which could sing it in its Original Metre, which must needs be very harsh Harmony, if any at all, in regard of the incapacity that is in the Alcoran Language to fall into Syl∣labical Measures and Tuneable Propor∣tions. Besides, the Moors have very harsh and sawing Voices, as they will have cause to observe who have had their Ears grated with their Amorous Son∣nets, in which all are wont to express their sweetest and best moving Accents.

CHAP. IX.

Of the Moresco Church Govern∣ment. The Alcalib, or High-Priest. The Instruction of the VVomen. Forms of Prayer. Charms composed by the Mara∣bitós or Marabouts. Sabbaoth, its Institution, Celebration.

SOme have laid it down for a great Reach in Muley Mahumed, that he reserv'd the Church-Government to himself and his Successors: Which is still visible in the Grand Seignior and the Sophi; for albeit the one hath a Mufti, and the other a Mustard-Dini to inspect the Ecclesiastick Affairs, and to be as the Oracular Interpreters of the Mahu∣medan Law, yet their Election is incom∣municably in themselves. And albeit that these Principal Church-men are had in so great esteem with their Princes, that their Decisions are scarce ever con∣tradicted

by them, yet when their De∣terminations are not consistent with the Interest of the Publick, these great O∣racles are dismist, and others introduc'd, who are not so scrupulous in their Sen∣tences. By which it is evident, that the Mahumedan Princes are in effect the Heads of the Church, and chief Expo∣sitors of Religion. But not much of this can be observed in the Moors Church-Government, who have in every Cavíla (or County) an Alcalib, or High-Priest, in whose nomination the secular Power doth not at all interpose, for he is cho∣sen out of, and by the Alfaqùis, over whom he is invested with a Power, where∣by he is enabled to Depose, or otherwise Chastise the Offending Clergy. Imme∣diately upon this Arch-Priests Election, he is possess'd of the Giámma Gheber, or Great Church: Wherein upon every Friday he Expounds some Text of the Alchoran, unto which Exercise he always goes accompanyed with the chief Per∣sonages of the Neighborhood. And being enter'd the Church, he immediatly as∣cends the Albambár (which is a Bench a∣bout five steps from the Ground) with a

tall Staff in his Hand, wherewith he of∣ten beats upon the Bench to express his Zeal, and to awaken the People to a more signal attention to what he then delivers. This Discourse, Homily, Ex∣position, or Sermon, exceeds not an hour and a quarter in length, and is deliver'd exactly by heart. And when it is end∣ed, the Almuden dissolves the Congrega∣tion, and the Alcalib returns to his House accompanyed with the chief of the place, and in his passage he receives the custom∣ary Tokens of respect from the People. And whatever some Cursory Review of this Countrey tell us of the other Priests making Sermons to the People, yet ha∣ving with some diligence made enquiry into this particular, I found that the Of∣fice of Preaching was peculiar to the Al∣calib, or Chief-Priest, and that no Ser∣mons were celebrated at any other Church, but at the Giámma Gheber (that which I may English the Cathedral.) This eminent Church-man is seldom seen in Publick, but at this Exercise; for to make himself the more Reverenced he affects retirement, spending his hours in the study of the Alchoran, and in resol∣ving

such Cases as the Layity present him, who esteem his Resolutions infalli∣ble. And this, with a careful Inspection into the deportment of the Inferior Clergy, doth constitute the Office and Government of the Alcalib. As for his Revenues, they are suitable to his con∣dition: and as to his Life, it is austere and reserv'd, he affecting a peculiar Gra∣vity in all his carriage. Every Alcalib has his distinct Diocess, out of which he has no power, so that the Alcalib of Beni-Arós hath nothing to do in Minkél, for every one is absolute in his own Ca∣víla.

At the publick Instructions of the Gi∣ámma, none are present but the Males, for the Women, as I said, are denyed admission into the Assembly, yet are not wholy destitute of the means of being taught Religion: for upon every Friday they repair to the House of the Alfaquí, where his Wife is bound to Instruct them: But her Lectures usually concern good Houswifry, and how they should demean themselves to their Husbands, in Obedience and Submission, and to live in Peace with their Fellow-wives. All

the while the Women are at the Priests House, he is not to return home, nor stir out of the Giámma, but hath his Meat brought him thither. But for what reason the Priest should be under this re∣straint, I leave any one to imagine, who has heard of the Moresco Jealousie. But now in case the Priest has no Wife, who seldom wants four; or that by any In∣disposition she is not able to perform this Office, then it is discharged by some aged Matron of the place: and for a fur∣ther supplement of the Womens being debarr'd of the Giámma, their Husbands repeat unto them such Lessons as they have heard there. And this is all that on this account I could observe of the Moors Women.

Muley Mahumed styled Prayer the Key of Paradise, and the Pillar of Religion, that he might the better recommend its practice to his Converts, who generally maintain so careful a performance of this Duty, that no secular business can detain them from, nor any thing divert them at their Devotion. I once endeavor'd to collect their Prayers into an Order, the better to take a distinct view of this Pil∣lar

of their Religion, but I found them reduced to no certain Form extracted out of the Alcoran, but were a Collecti∣on of some incoherent Sentences mag∣nifying the Power and Mercy of God. Their first Prayer, or rather their Creed, is that which the Almuden Proclaims with a loud voice, when he calls the People to the Mosch; as there is but one God, and Mahumed his Messenger: and this admits of no variation. The second Prayer is the first Chapter of the Alcoran, where∣in there is some difference according to Translations (in which the Alcoran hath been very unhappy) but those which I have seen in Latin, Spanish, and French, agree in this Traduction of the Cha∣pter.

In the Name of God, Gracious and Mer∣ciful, King of the Day of Judgment: thou art He whom we adore: it is from Thee that we require help: guide us in the right way, in the way of those with whom Thou art pleased, against whom Thou art not angry, and we shall not go astray. This Prayer is repeated with the former, af∣ter the same manner as the Papists re∣peat their Pater noster with the Ave Ma∣ria:

For the Moors have their Tesserae Precariae, or their Beads, wherewith they number their Prayers. And the whole Corona or Rosary consists of nine∣ty eight, which the Devoti, or Religi∣ously affected, carry always about them. They have a Custom to repeat often to∣gether the first Words of the Prayer, which they conclude to be a great act of Charity, as supplying by this Repetition the defaults of such as are remiss in this duty.

In the Name of God, Merciful and Gra∣cious, is the Proeme of every Chapter in the Alcoran, and were the first Words that Mahumed is said to have spoken when he came out of his Epileptick Fits, which he made the People believe were Trances. And with the same Words the Mahumedan Doctors begin all their Discourses, and the Letters written in Moresco Language, if the Pen-men are precise, are likewise introduced in the same Form. There is a Learned Man, that tells of a Prayer among the Mahu∣medans, which is called, The Prayer of Jesus the Son of Mary, ending thus, And let not such an one bear rule over me, that

will have no pity upon me, for thy mercy sake, O thou most merciful. But having diligently enquired, I could not find that the present Moors have any such Le∣tany in their Uses. There are few who are able to read, that want Manuals of Private Devotions, which are composed by the Morabito's or Morabouts, and are indeed rather to be termed Charms, then Prayers. Now these Morabito's or Mo∣rabouts, are a sort of Alárbes which are skilled, or so pretend to be, in the Law of Mahumed, severe in their Conversa∣tion, bearing a great ostentation of San∣ctity, pretending to Prophesie, or Pre∣dictions. They compose all sorts of Charms, to which the Moor is so addict∣ed, that he has one for every occasion: I have seen a whole Book thereof, con∣taining some for the Child-bearing Wo∣men, to facilitate their Travel; some for the Passenger, to guide him in the way; some for the Soldier; and one for the Horse, which is much in the Ser∣vice of the Saddle: This they hang un∣der the Beasts Neck, and believe that it keeps him from being blind, or dim∣sighted. They have likewise Spells to

keep their Cattel healthy, and make them fruitfnl, all compos'd by the Mo∣rabouts and Priests; the latter, of late, being much given to this sort of Compo∣sures.

And now from these short Notices of the Giámma and its Appendages, I pass to speak of the Moresco Sabbaoth. That the fifth day of the Week, is the Weekly Festival of the Mahumedans, to distin∣guish them from the Jew, who keeps the sixth according to our account, and from the Christian who observes the se∣venth, is known unto every one that knows any thing of this subject. About the Institution of this Sabbaoth, varie∣ty of Opinions may be met with: For some derive its Original from the vene∣ration Mahumed bore to the New Moon, which is said to have appeared on Fri∣day, the same day he began his Impo∣sture; and in memory of so happy an abodement, he set apart this for Solemn Worship. There is another Conjecture which fetcheth its Institution from some Heathen Rites paid on this day to Ve∣nus, whose name Friday bears. But there is little ground of this Opinion,

further then it may well suit with the Genius of Mahumedism, to have a day Sacred to the Goddess of Carnality. But that Opinion herein seems best to agree with the Chronicles of Mahumed, which makes his escape from the Conspiracy of the Nobles of Mecha, to have been the occasion of this Sabbaoth, from which deliverance the Mahumedan Hegi∣ra had its Original and Name. And in this Mahumed undoubtedly imitated the Ancient Christians, who took their Ae∣ra's from some notable Persecutions. But whatever was the Original of this Sabbaoth, I observ'd that it has no great marks of Reverence above other days: for on it the Moors go to Plough, hold their Markets, open Shops, and omit little of their Ordinaries, so that I must retract my calling of it a Sabbaoth.

They indeed on this day have an Ex∣position at the Giámma Gheber, and on it they put on their whitest Alheics, dress their Locks, and are seen in their best Accoutrements. The Women likewise on this day visit the Sepulchres, and and strew the Graves of their deceased Friends with green Boughes and Herbs.

And this is all that I have been able to remark upon this subject.

CHAP. X.

Of the Moresco Judicatory, chief Minister of Justice, Rule and manner of Process, Testimony upon Oath, Recovery of Debts, Punishment of forgers of Wri∣tings.

THe Moors have no Judicatories, or Publick Houses where they assem∣ble about Judicial Controversies; nei∣ther have they any Mercenary Advo∣cates, or profess'd Lawyers, but all is decided by an Alcaddée, who is appoint∣ed by the Supreme Ruler to be the Mi∣nister of Justice in the Cavíla, and Town where he lives. Now every Cavíla hath a peculiar Alcaddée, from whom they cannot Appeal to any other but Alcaddé Gheber, or the chief of these Justices,

who is appointed to receive such Ap∣peals, and is in constant attendance up∣on the King, or chief Governor. But it is not permitted to use these Appeals, except in Causes which are supposed to be too difficult for the Decision of the Local Alcaddées; and when the matter is of that Importance that the Parties are unwilling to acquiesce in the solita∣ry Sentence of one single Alcaddée.

These Justitiaries take no state of re∣tirement, nor do they weary out the poor Clients with tedious Attendances, but to signifie the facility of access, and their readiness to relieve and succor the Oppressed, these Alcaddées sit in the Gates of the City, or some open and Publick place, to hear and determine all Cases that are brought before them. And albeit that this manner of doing Ju∣stice be conformable to the Custom of the greatest and best Antiquity, as also very significative of open & clear deal∣ing; yet the Moor renders another rea∣son thereof, and that it is to avoid all Suspicion and Jealousie of corrupt Car∣riage in the Alcaddée with the Female Plaintiffs that sollicit him for Divorces.

Every one of these Local Alcaddées has two Assessors, who in abstruser Pleas assist him with their Counsels: But the chief Employment of these Sides∣men, is to Copy out the Sentences of the Alcaddée, and to draw up all the Contracts that come to be confirm'd by him; for there is no bargain esteem'd Legal and Authentick, till it be certifi∣ed under the Hand and Seal of the To∣pical Alcaddée.

The Moors, as all other Mahumedans, acknowledge the Alcoran to be the Im∣mutable Rule both of Civil Justice and Religion, and therefore according to the Letter and Interpretation thereof, the Alcaddée frames all his Definitions and Judgements. Here's no Intreaguing the Plea with Resolutions, Cases, Pre∣sidents, Reports, Moth-eaten Statutes, &c. But every thing is determin'd ac∣cording to the fresh Circumstances of the Fact, and the Proof of what is al∣ledg'd. The Testimony of two Men, if they are of known sobriety, is suffi∣cient to make good the Allegation; but there must be twelve to ratifie it, if their Conversation be suspected: for the

Moors believe, that amongst twelve Men as much honesty may be met with, as will equal what can be found in any two. If any Alfaquí or Priest be introduced to give evidence to the depending Contest▪ his bare Affirmative or Negative deposi∣tion is of validity to put a period to the Dispute, and the Alcaddée supersedes all Enquiry, when the Priest hath declared the state of the Cause. And in this, as in all other Instances, they give a Reve∣rend Estimation to their Priests, whose Presence secures the Civil Disquisitions a great Veneration with the Many.

In taking the Testimony of a Moore upon Oath, the Servant of the Alcaddée carries the Deponent to the Giámma or Mosch, where in the presence of the Al∣caddée he swears by that holy place, that he will declare all what he knowes con∣cerning the matter, to which he is to give Evidence. But oaths are never ad∣ministred to any in another man's Case, but such as are suspected Persons, and they are usually numbred among the Rogues, and faithless, who have no Credit without them; Besides it is ne∣ver permitted for a man to swear in his

own Case, but for want of Witnesses, or when the Accusation is of that na∣ture, that the Impeached cannot other∣wise Receive Purgation. As for the Christian, and Jew, they are suffer'd to give Testimony according to the Rites and Customs of their own Religions, but the Moors, are not forward to put them upon this Tryal, as doubting that fear of Punishment, should tempt them to perjury, and those who are thereun∣to accessory (according to the Moresco Principle) are involv'd in the Guilt.

In Pleas of Debt, it is required that the Reality of the Debt be first manifest, which being done before the Alcaddée, he signifies it to the Almocadèm of the Ca∣víla where the Debtor lives, who upon his Signification, commandes a present payment to be made; but if the Debtor refuse or be unable, to give the Cre∣ditor Satisfaction, the Almocadém Re∣mits him to the Alháb's, or Prison (which is alwaies near the Almocadéms house) where he stayes till bayled thence by sufficient Sureties, or Personally payes the debt.

And to secure their Courts of Justice

from interfering, or clashing oue with another, the Alcaddée of one Cavíla may not intermeddle with any thing that is transacted in an other, but eve∣ry one moves orderly in his own Sphere, and confines his proceedings within the Punctual Limits of his Assigned Ju∣risdiction. And that herein there might be no Collusion, Covin, or Imposture, every Alcaddée has his Privy Seal, where∣with he firmes the contract, or other things that pass under his hand. And the Seal is usually engraven with the name of the Alcaddée, and Place of his Office. And yet notwithstanding this care to prevent, they have the Villany of forging deeds, which is done by some skill'd in the Al∣caddé's office. But upon detection he that produces the forged Paper is immediatly imprison'd, and remaines without hope of enlargement, till he declares the For∣ger, and after that the Alcaddée puts up∣on him a pecuniary Mulct; but he deall's much more severly with the Principal in his Forgery, who for the first Convi∣ction receives a sharp repremend from the Alcaddée, and after that the Almo∣cadém is order'd to burn his house; but

if he be found to repeat his offence, the Forger dyes without mercy; which just rigor secures them from the mischiefs of counterfit writings to the prejudice of anothers Right. So that this is a Villa∣ny through the whole world condignly punished; and by our own Laws, a se∣cond forgery of Deeds concerning ano∣thers Land after a former Conviction, is Felony.

CHAP. XI.

The Moresco punishments of For∣nication, Adultery, Thievery, Retaliation, Murder, Bribery, Ʋsury, Alcadée's Revenue, Opi∣nion of the Jews.

IN the Moresco Catalogue of Crimes, Adultery and Fornication, are found in the first Comma, whose difference in the Moors Opinion may be collected from their Penalties. For Adultery, it

is allways Capital, insomuch that with∣out regard of any Eminence or Quality, the Convict thereof is certainly ston'd to Death, which is done with most notorious Circumstances. For first the day of Execution is published, then the Criminal is brought to the Calvary, where bury'd up to the navel in a Mat Móra, or a pit digged for that purpose, every one present casts one stone, and no more, at him, saying, this is for thy filthy transgression of the Law; but if the Adulterous be Persons of Condi∣tion, their Friends have Licence to dis∣patch them privily, to prevent the o∣pen reproach to their family.

In the punishing Fornication they are less Rigorous, as finding the mis∣chief thereof not to be of so large a de∣rivation, as that of Adultery. And if the Persons convict of this Unchastity are in the state of Coelibate, they are on∣ly Chastis'd with Scourges: but if either be married, or under matrimonial con∣tract, Death is the certain penance. But the Moors are no less solemn in whip∣ping the Fornicator, than in Stoning the Adulterer. For on Friday, after

the Arch-Priest has ended his Lecture, the Offender, if a man, is placed at the great door of the Giàmma Guebèr, or Ca∣thedral Church, naked down to the mid∣dle, and in the presence of the Congre∣gation receives an hundred stripes on his back from an Officer appointed for that Purpose, who has a certain number of Blankéles (or Moresco twopences,) for his Service; the Moors as they passe by the chastised, use these deprecatory words, Allah Iffecni min had El ham. i. e. God de∣liver me from this wicked fellow. The woman who hath been partner in the filthiness, suffers her punishment in the night, when she is whipt through the streets, but with more severity than the man, because the Moors suppose the Fe∣male to be of a predominant allure∣ment in such unclean commixtures.

The Moors who live in a Roaving condition are much addicted to Thieve∣ry, against which the Alcaddée proceeds by these steps of punishment; for the first Theft the Convict is publickly whipt in the Alsóuck or Market; for the second, he looseth his hand; for the third theft he may truly be said to dye

without mercy. For the Moors observe Caligula's Severity in making the Of∣fender exquisitely sensible of his death, which they inflict. Against the day of the Theif's Execution, the Youth of the Place are advertis'd to prepare their Instruments of blood, which are little dry Canes, made in the fashion of darts, accurately sharp pointed, these they hurle at the naked body of the Malefa∣ctor, till his whole skin be struck ther∣with full of holes, and when they find him sinking under the torture, they dragg and hang him up by the heels up∣on a gate, or the like, where he breaths out his last in torments, and being dead he is loathsomly exposed to the birds of prey.

In bodily injuries they observe the law of Retaliation, as an Eye for an Eye, a tooth for a tooth, &c. but it is in the power of the maimed party to Receive a pecuniary reparation, or without any satisfaction to remit the wrong; but this is not permitted til the matter hath been tryed before the Alcaddée, and the hurt party publickly declared, that he is wil∣ling either freely to forgive the injury,

or to accept so much money in full Re∣paire.

And however the Municipal Laws of some Countreys put a vast difference between murder and man-slaughter, as appeares in their defin'd punish∣ments, yet in Barbary all homicide, or killing of a man by a man, is Capitall.

And the Moors have herein two con∣cessions. The one is to Licence the next kindred of the slain, to take money for his blood of him that spilt it. The o∣ther to permit the Relations of the mur∣dered to kill the murderer, without a∣ny judicial proceedure, if he be not al∣ready in safe custody; which is no more then a pursuance of that Position, Re∣venge is no sinne. Of this there happen∣ed a famous Instance, not many months before I left Barbary, an account where∣of, as it was given me by my old freind Cidi Alli Mulud Ben Ali, take as follows.

A Moor of Targa not far from Tituàn having his Brother treacherously mur∣der'd by one of the Voisinage, under∣took to pursue the fugitive murderer, with designe to avenge his Relations blood, and coming to Alcazer Gheber,

he was inform'd that the Person he sought for had some days before been there, and that he had put on a Pilgrims habit, with full resolution to pay a holy jour∣ny to Mechà; upon which the Pursuer put on the like habit, and in prosecu∣tion of his design purposed to per∣forme the same pilgrimage; bnt being come to Morocco, he overtook & lodg'd with the murderer in the Pilgrims hos∣pital, where early the next morning he slew him; whereupon being apprehen∣ded and examin'd upon the fresh cir∣cumstances of the fact, he produced a Certificate under the hand of the Alcad∣dée of the place where he liv'd, that his Brother was slain, and that he had un∣dertaken to avenge his death, the mur∣derer being fled, and likewise answered them, that that was the Homicide whom he had killed, whereupon he was set at liberty, and the Corps left to his dis∣posal, to which giving a decent Inter∣ment, he returned home to receive the praises of his Gallantry.

But to return to the Alcaddée, whom I shall here only observe in his Revenue, and office; as to the former it is very

considerable, for he signs not a paper without a Fee; and as to the latter, it is very honourable, and careful, for all ci∣vil affaires pass through his hands, and he dayly sitts attending on all qualities of persons without varying his respect to any. If he be corrupt in his Charge, the Alcaddée Gueber, upon mature convi∣ction turns him out of Office, which is his extremest penalty.

But indeed the Ministers of Justice have no opportunity to be Collusive, as being free from the great allurement of dealing falsly, for Bribery is not known amongst them. Usury which (I promi∣sed to intimate in this Chapter) is tota∣ly forbidden by their Law, for Mahumed hath made it an irremissable sinne, and the Userer in as bad a condition as the Divell, leaving him neither will, nor hope to be saved.

Yet notwithstanding the severity of the Law, and the supposition of this Crime, the Moors have a Custom which much favours it; for he that bor∣rows mony of another wherewith to trafique and gain, gives the lender an e∣qual share of the Profits, and in case the

borrower lose the whole Principal, he is obliged to make it good to him that lends it, but if only part be lost, the re∣mainder is employ'd to regain it. And it is usual with the lender to forbear the Borrower, till he perceives him fraudu∣lent, Careless, or Unfortunate.

And because the sinne of Usury is so notorious among the Jews, the Moors believe that for it they are oppressed of God, and live Exiles from their own Ca∣naan. But it is easy to observe a sort of Antipathie between these people, not∣withstanding that they are conjoyned in neighbourhood, commerce, & in very many rites both civil and Religious. But the contempt is reciprocal, for if the Moor by way of Proverb say, As deceit∣ful as a Jew, the Jew repayes, as uvbe∣lieving as a Moor. And this enmity I remarked in a Barabár of my Acquain∣tance, who observing the Jews very much frequent my lodging, he very roundly reprov'd that Conversation, and angri∣ly told me, That the Jews were born to cheat both the Moor and the Chri∣stian, that he was assured that they were not descended of Adam, but that they

were breed of the bone of a dead beast, and when he conjectured my incredulity of his ridiculous Story, by my smiling thereat, he told me in angry zeal, that he would pledge his head for the truth of his Assertion; whereupon I demand∣ing what he conceived of those Jews who turned Moors, he answer'd, that there was such efficacy in their religion, that it made all those good who embraced it.

CHAP. XII.

The Moresco opinion of Marriage, manner of woeing, marriage-So∣lemnity, carrying home the Bride, Offering wedding-feast.

THat marriage is honorable among all men, if it were not a truth dropt from an inspired Pen, might be proved by Induction, and the oecumenical con∣sent of all Nations, which pretend to any setled Rites in Religion or Policy. As for Mahumed, he had matrimony in so peculiar an estimation, that he made it the second of his eight Precepts, and

enjoyn'd every Subject of his Law to marry in the Vigor of his Age, making the predominant end thereof, the Pro∣pagation and maintenance of his Sect. He likewise told them that chast celibate was impossible, and that those who pre∣tended to live therin, were justly to be suspected for unclean conversation. And hence perhaps it comes to pass, that the Moors (who are the Puritans in Mahumetism,) are so generally observant of this commandment; for few among them are found to live out of the state of Wedlock, if they are able to purchase a wife. But many are not very prone to take all the liberty in marrying indul∣ged them by their Prophet; for albeit he permits them plurality of wives, yet there are several families that for many ages have confin'd themselves to one: & I have met with those who abhor that filthy position father'd upon Muhumed, That the more they are spiritual, the more liberty and abilities they have to be car∣nal.

Unto the persons that are to be mar∣ried there is no conversation permitted till the Knot be tyed, so that both par∣ties

take one the other upon trust, and the man perchance never sees the wo∣man till they be brought to the bride-chamber; A custom that would be ve∣ry hardly disgested by the Utopians, who think it very unreasonable that a man should take a wife with less scru∣tiny than he doth his horse, and that he should bring one to be the perpetual partner of his life, with less informa∣tion than he doth a horse to his stable, which he may part with the next day.

But the Contriver of the New Atlan∣tis findes all these inconveniences avoi∣dable by the custom of Bensalem: where (saith he) neare every Town there is a couple of Pooles (which they call Adam and Eves Pooles;) in these it is permitted to one of the Friends of the man, another of the woman, to see them severally both naked. And the Moors have a custom not much differing from this of Bensalem, for upon the design of marriage two of the man's Female friends, who have lived long enough in wedlock to understand its Perquisites, are appointed to view the intended Bride, and to give the Suitor an account

of her bodily accomplishments, and de∣fects, which is exactly entered in the Contract, and if any infirmity be con∣cealed for which the husband afterward disliks her, he may put her away; and this makes them very cautious to omit nothing in the search or report; But there is no such examination passed up∣on the man, because he is dayly expo∣sed to a free Censure.

If this Inquisition be pass'd with sa∣tisfaction, then they proceed to frame the Articles of Marriage, which is al∣waies done by the nearest Freinds or Relations of the Parties to be contract∣ed. And when they have finished them, they are brought to the Alcaddée to be confirm'd under his hand and Seal; for unless the bargain be thus ratified, the woman in case of her husband's death, or her own divorce, cannot recover the Portion that was promised her, or ra∣ther the price that was to be pay'd for her by the man; For I suppose that few are ignorant of the Moresco Custom of buying their wives; When the Paper containing the Bargain has passed the Alcaddée, it is carried to the Alfaquì, who

having perused and declared his ap∣probation of its Contents, he bids the Man take home the Woman when he pleaseth to be his Wife; and this is all that is done by the Priest in this, ac∣cording to their Estimate.

And after this short dispatch of Woo∣ing, Contract, and Marriage, the Bride-Grooms next consultation is with his own convenience in order to fetch home his Bride: in which the warm Clime suffers him not to be tedious. But herein he is obliged to observe the ap∣pointed Times; for neither all Weeks in the Year, nor all Days in the Week, nor all hours in the Day, are free for this Solemnity. For the taking home the Bride is altogether prohibited du∣ring their Ramadàn, or Lent: The like, Prohibition reacheth unto the Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Fridays of every Week, and on the Canonical or Regular Days, the Afternoon and Evening are the ac∣customary Hours. At the time when Marriage is Celebrated, they use all pos∣sible significations of Joy and Hospita∣lity; and it is the Custom for the Friends of the Marryed to contribute something

to grace their Nuptials. Therefore if the Marryed Pair live both in the same Town, then at their set time the Bride∣groom goes attended with his nearest Kindred, who coming to the Lodgings of the Bride are not suffer'd to go in, but wait at the Door till the Negra's, which the Husband hath bought or bor∣rowed for that day, bring the Bride from her Chamber under a Canopy of Alhéicks, and place her in an Almaria, or close Chair (much resembling a Tub) which they cover with Scarfs and Ri∣bons. And in this manner she is born through the Streets by Christians that are Captives, and for want of these by Negra's, or by a meaner sort of Whites. When they begin their March from the Brides House to the Bridegrooms, the Musick, Colours, and Drums pass in the first rank; next to them go some anci∣ent Women, who have been a long space Marryed, all closely veil'd: immediate next after the Almaria, or Bride-Chair, march those who carry the Clothes and Presents of the Bride, which have been made her by her Friends, who follow immediatly after in a regular disposi∣tion.

When they are come to the Bride∣grooms, the Chair being lighted, the Negra's take out the Bride, and under a Canopy of Alheicks conduct her to her Apartment, where she is received by some aged Matrons, who instruct her in the important Offices of a good Wife, and the rules of that Relation, but they are wary of betraying any discouraging Severity, and therefore intermit their Documents by tasting the good Cheer provided for their Entertainment. While the Bride is thus caressing the Matrons, and receiving their Maternal Councels, the Bridegroom entertains his Com∣rades, Feasting them with the best Cus∣cussone, and brisk Wines, if their over scrupulousness debar them not the chearfulness of that Beverage. But the Bridegroom is not licensed for that time to drink freely of any strong Liquor, for Reasons not worth the mention∣ing.

In the interim of this Entertainment, the Batchellors make a kinde of Offer∣ing to their Wedded Companion; in which they observe this Method: The Bridegroom placeth himself upon a lit∣tle

low Seat, behind him stand two Ne∣gro's bending his Head moderatly back; then come the Batchelors, who cover the Bridegrooms Fore-head and Brow with Metacales (or single Coins of Gold) and Blankéles, according to their Af∣fection and Ability: and as they lay them on, the Negro's stroke them off in∣to a Basin set for that purpose in the Bridegrooms Lap, who all the while shuts his Eyes. The Negro's likewise call every one by name who Offer, say∣ing Fulano (or such an one) lays on so much, God enlarge his Life and Riches. And this continues till all the Batchelors have been at the Corban. About eight of the Clock the Company breaks up, with resolution to reassemble the next Morn; and when they are gone, the Bridegroom visits the Bride, whom he undresses with his own Hands, first ta∣king off her Ornaments, then untying her Drawers, and in every point pre∣pares her for his Bed; none being ad∣mitted to assist, or to be present at this Office. And this they say he doth, in signification that she is wholly and only at his disposal.

Some Conocido's or intimate Asso∣ciates of the Bridegroom, stay behind the rest of the Company to congratu∣late the first Pleasures of his Marriage. For about Mid-night he leaves his Bride to manifest unto his select Companions the evidences of her Virginity, by Tradi∣tional Arguments authentick with the Moors. This good News they all cele∣brate with increase of Jollity; and now they venture to warm the Bridegroom with his own Fires, and endeavour to return him to his Bride crown'd with his own Vine. But if she yield not these Testimonies of Virginity, it is in his power to put her to death, or other∣wise to dispose of her as he pleaseth. For they esteem that the most unpardon∣able sort of Cozenage, which takes a Mans self and his Money for that which is impossible to be made good. And those Women are accounted egregiously impudent, who conscious of their own Failures dare put themselves upon this adventure.

But if for this Injury he returns her to her Friends, she meets with that ri∣gour at their hands, which she might

easilier have undergone from her Hus∣band; for all her Cozens think them∣selves dishonored in the Debauchery of their Kins-woman, which they imagine cannot be expiated but either by death, or some more durable Purgatory. And by reason of this just Severity, the Mo∣resco Damsels are very cautious of their Behaviour, and scarce in half an Age hath any one been convict of this Delin∣quency; however, the Man is circum∣spect not to omit the Ordeal.

When the Bridegroom and Bride have refreshed themselves apart with their choice Companions, all are dismist till the next day; when the Festival is re∣assumed, and lasts a considerable time; the Wedding Feast of the poorest conti∣nuing a Week. And for this time the new Marryed Man has a priviledge to be absent from the Mosch without fear of mulct. Some Grandees are not seen a∣broad, from the day of their Wedding till they can shew the Pledge thereof in their Arms. But these are bound to have a Dispensation from the Alfachi for their absence from the Mosch, and to observe the Times of Prayer in their Chambers.

CHAP. XIII.

Of the Moresco Polygamy, Concu∣binage, Divorce, for what reasons, in what cases it is allowed.

THat the Muley Mahumed might the better complease the loose humors of his first Sectaries, he made his Reli∣gion to contain many carnal indulgen∣ces, denying nothing to Believers of his Doctrin, that had any sensible comply∣ance with their brutal affections. And of this we meet with an Example in his concession of Polygamie and concubi∣nage; for first he granted to every Pro∣fessor of his Religion the liberty of mar∣rying four wives; he likewise taught that they might take as many Concu∣bines as they were able to maintain, but in this also the more illuminated Moors confine themselves to one of their own Perswasion, esteeming Concubinate with Infidels (under which name all are com∣prized

that profess not Mahumatism) to be an unexorable uncleanness. As for Polygamy it is looked upon as a Di∣vine Institute, and when any object a∣gainst it, the Moors vindicate it by the frequent examples and universal cus∣tomes thereof, in the Patriarchs and worthies of the Hebrew world. And I could meet with none who asserted Plu∣rality of wives upon politick conside∣rations, as that it was coveinent for the propagation of the Empire, encrease of people, and enlargement of their Re∣ligion: but that it proceeded from God, was used by the Holiest of his Servants, and the oeconomy of the Old Law.

When the inconvenience of these Plu∣ralitie is objected, and that their Oeco∣nomicks cannot but be much disorder'd by reason of the inquietudes, and strifes that will inevitably arise among so many female corrivals for one man's affection; they tell you that this is a disease whose remedy is of a very easy procurement, by reason of that absolute Dominion, which the husband hath over his wives, whom, if they prove disagreeing, he con∣fines to their several apartments, with∣out

allowing them any further conversa∣tion among themselves, then that their society at meales affords them. And if this will not cure the unpeaceable hu∣mour, then Divorce proves an infalli∣ble Receit; of which give me leave to give this briefe account.

When the woman findes herself aggrie∣ved by her husband, or any of her fellow-wives, her only reparation and succour is to seek a divorce. And in this case she has liberty to address her self to the Al∣caddee, who has the sole power of dissolv∣ing, as well as of tying, the knot of ma∣trimony. And when the woman has de∣clard her condition, and spread before the Alcaddee the reasons upon which she grounds her desire of Divorce, the Al∣caddee presently sends for the husband, & examines him concerning the verity of the complaint brought against him by his wife, if he deny it, then the matter is decided by the voice of the Neighbours, but if the husband have a willingness to be quit of his wife, then he needs but confess that whereof he is accused, and the Alcaddee teares in pieces the Bill of their marriage which he had Confirm'd,

declares the Marriage void, and certifies the Divorce under his Seal; and from hence forward they are both at liberty for new nuptials. From which the wo∣man is bound to abstain till it be appa∣rent that she is not impregnate by her last husband, who is still obliged, to provide for the issue that she shall bring into the world five months after the Divorce. But if she cannot tarry so long, then the Alcabla, or Midwife, has her in Exa∣mination, who is bound to return a just & true report upon pain of being stoned to death. The Moors call the Divorce and widdows by the same word, and en∣joyn them the same Laws of second mar∣riage.

The chief causes of Divorce on the womans part or either disquiet and fro∣ward carriage to the Family, especially when she will not live in amicable socie∣ty with the Sharers of the same Bed: or when she is unpleasing to her conjugal embraces, or when she will not indure his familiarity with his women slaves. But if she be found guilty of adultery, the injurie is too great for Divorce to re∣pair and in this Case she is solely left to

the pleasure of her husband, who has Absolute power both to be her Judge and Executioner. And albeit the Moors are not sparing in the revenge of their kinreds death, yet they applaud the husband who kils their kinswomen, whom he has certainly found treache∣rous to his Bed.

The occasions of Divorce on the hus∣bands side are his refusal of paying his wife marital Due; or, some other sort of unkind deportment. But after all the wives complaints, the husband is at liberty to retain or put her away; and he may at any time divorce his wife in case he will make good the marriage Contract.

It is usually said, that the wives seek for Divorce when their husbands deal unnaturally with them; and albeit this is said to be done with a great deale of modesty, the crime being signified by the turning up of a Shooe, yet in Barba∣ry examples of this kind are very unu∣sual, for the Moors abhorre the villany, believing that it is not in man's Nature to be so preposterous; and that it was at first the malitious invention of

some vile and impudent Strumpet.

The Children which are begot before Divorce, follow not the woman, but are left to the husbands charge. And it is observable that the Moresco women sel∣dome prove unfruitful, for in a town of above twelve hundred married women, it was reckon'd for a great rarity that there was one dyed barren. But the wife, different from the Jewish custom, suffers no dishonour for her Sterility, and if the husband takes a second wife who proves also childless, the husband beares the imputation. Mahumed in the fourth Chap. of his Alcoran adviseth the husband whose wife is barren, to swear by her belly, and asserts it a means to make her Conceive. A devotion which as I have been told is still in use among the Alárbes, but quite worne out of fashion with the other Moors.

In the nursing of Children the mother abhors that unnatural pride of suckling them with other brests, while her own are sufficient for that affectionate ser∣vice. And to shew that there is some∣thing more than common kindness in this particular, the Empress her self is

obliged for the first seven days to give her child suck.

And now before I dismiss this re∣mark, I cannot but acquaint you with all the material ceremonies, of the se∣cond, third, and fourth marriages. E∣very former wife upon the introduction of another, lives seven days deprived of all manner of society with her husband, who for that time devotes himself en∣tirely to his last Bride; whom on the seventh day after marriage he solemnly brings into the acquaintance and fellow∣ship of his other wives, whose brows the last married is bound to kiss, and tells them that they are not to be angry that their Holy Law hath entitled her to a share in his affection as large as any of theirs. The husband likwise exhorts them all to reciprocal kindnesses, as∣suring them that without fraud, or any partiality, he intends to divide himself among them.

Now that which seemes most nearly to concern the wives, and proves the greatest and most incentive of their wrath is their husbands liberty of taking as many Concubines as he lists; which for

the most part are Blacks, the Moors doting much on that Spanish saying la Negra tiene, turmentina en ella. But those that keep Concubine slaves, are not permitted to associate with them in the night, and if any of them bear, their Patrons Children, she thereupon re∣ceives her liberty, and the Child is co∣heir with those begot in Wedlock.

CHAP. XIV.

Of the Moresco admission of Rene∣negados, Circumcision, Imposition of Names, Sur-names.

EVery Religion have had still some Rites appropriated to the admission of such as undertook its profession; and by which they were characterized and distinguished. Concerning this the Au∣thor of Mahumatism was much distract∣ed, not knowing what inaugurating ce∣remony to Ordain. His two assessors Sergius the Monk, and Abdalla the Jew, divided him with their opinions, while each pleaded for the character of his

forsaken Faith. But the wary Impostor (labouring to keep up the credit of his pretensions, in being sent, to be the re∣conciler of the Jewish and Christian Re∣ligion, and to compose a Law compre∣hending both) to comply with Sergius, who stood stifly for Baptism, he or∣dain'd daily washings to all those who be∣came Mahumetans, & ascribed thereunto no less efficacy than the cleansing of the Soule. And that he might not disgust Abdalla the Jew, he made Circumcision admissive of Proselytes into his Law. But did not institute it under any notion of absolute Necessity, and indispensibly re∣quired of all who undertook the Profes∣sion of his Religion, but made the want of it no impediment of future happiness. And therefore in the admittance of a Re∣negado, or the denyer of his first Reli∣gion, circumcision is not exacted of the Moors, for feare that the undergoing of such a painful Sacrament should de∣ter the Proselyte. But when any desires to be of their perswasion, they carry the new Musulman on horseback, in a kinde of triumph through the streets, & proclaims that such an one being turn'd Moor,

desires the assistance of their Prayers that he may not Apostatise.

But their male children are initiated by circumcision, and because the child may die before it can be circumcised, there∣fore the lack of this Write in such a case is concluded to be no hindrance of its enjoyment of Paradise. When the child is seven days old, the Moors give it a name, and the Father of it makes a feast. But the imposition of the Name is done in the publick assembly; for the Father at the evening-Sallah carries to the Church several dishes of Cuscussow, of which he sets one apart for the Priest, and the rest to be eaten up by the peo∣ple. And when the Prayers are ended, the congregation demand of the Father what he will call his Child, and if the Name he gives it be not satisfactory to the People, they decide it by lots what he shall be called, for every man here has a Vote in the Nameing of his Neigh∣bour's Child. And when they have a∣greed the point, all pray that the child may Live, prove Rich and Valiant, and understand the Alcoran; then they eate up the Cuscussow and depart. It is ob∣servable

that the Priest neither at the Nameing, nor circumcision of the child has any apppropriate office, of which I could finde no other reason, unless the Moors estimate of these Ceremonies, which they never reckon among the es∣sentials of Religion.

There are some who have asserted, that there is an inevitable time of circum∣cision among all the Mahumetans; But if they had lived in Barbary, they might have lessen'd the proposition, for the Moors circumcise their children when they please, being by Law not bound up to any particular day or hour. But it is generally grown into fashion, to circumcise at the Animadversary Feast called Mulud, kept in December in me∣mory of Muley Mahumed. And few or none defer the circumcision of their Males at the first Mulud after their nati∣vity. Now there is no person set apart for this office, but the child is circum∣cised by any that has a gentle and nim∣ble hand, to whom the parent gives a bountiful reward.

When the Sonnes arrive to a due ma∣turity, they are disposed of to Vocations,

among which the Sword is reckon'd the most honourable, as a Priviledge of Pri∣mogeniture belongs to the first born. The rest betake themselves to such Cal∣lings as best agree with their inclinati∣ons and Fathers fortunes. Many of the wealthier sort put their Sonnes to to be Talbyes, that in case they be re∣duced to want, they be in capacity to be received unto the Priesthood and be maintain'd by the Church.

The Moors have no surnames, which want they supply by adding to the Child's name, either the name of some remarkable time when it chanced to be born, as the Ramadan, Mulud, Ashora, and the like; or the name of the Fa∣ther by prefixing Ben, as Hader Ben Ab∣dalla: being the same with Thomas Fits Williams, &c. and the higher they de∣rive the pedegree by reckoning up their Ancestors, it is accounted the most ho∣nourable. And in this they follow the ancient custom, for to add to a man's proper name, the proper name of his Father by putting [Son] before it, was of old in stead of that, which we now call surnames: and in some parts

this is not yet worn quite out of use. Whether the names now given by the Moors, are significative of any Virtues desired or foretold by those that impose them, to be in the Children, hath not yet fal'n under my comprehension.

Curiosity tempting me in pursuance of this Note, to enquire into their child-births; I found that therein they obser∣ved a decency conformable to the best civilized People. For the pregnant Wife perceiving the approach of her pangs, call's for the Alcabla, or Mo∣ther, the same with our Midwife, to as∣sist her travailes, who never leaves her till the seventh day after her delivery, for so long she keeps her bed, and tar∣ries forty dayes before she associates with her husband. Who if he be scru∣pulous will not embrace his Wife from the time she appeares impregnate, till the last minute of the forty days after her delivery be accomplished.

CHAP. XV.

Of the Moresco Funeral Rites, Testaments, Mourning for the Dead, Esteem of Interment, Sepulchres, Places of Burial, &c.

THe Moors are very careful that no∣thing be wanting or disorderly in the Rites of Burial, wherein the survi∣ving Relations signifie great Sentiments of humanity and affection toward the deceased: whom when they understand that they are sick, they delay not to vi∣sit, on purpose to admonish them of their Faults, and to exhort them to look for∣ward to the great Pleasures of Paradise. The Priest never omits this good Office of assisting the sick; and I have been told, that there are certain Azaora's or parcels of the Alcoran, appointed to be read on this occasion to the Infirm, who if he die not while those Azaora's are thrice read over, it is an Omen of his

Recovery; but if the Agony be obser∣ved to increase in the time of Reading, they conclude that the Patient will not escape: which when the sick Man ob∣serves, and sees that in all probability his Distemper will terminate in Death, he begins an exact disposal of his Estate, whereof in the first place some part is be∣queath'd to the Parochial Church where he lives, and some small Legacies to the Alfachí and Almudén, and the rest he leaves to be divided by the Alcaddée a∣mong his Wives and Children: in which Distribution, a Son hath twice as much as a Daughter, and the Wives can claim no more then is set down in their Con∣tract of Marriage.

In signification of their love to the Dead, the near Kinred of both Sexes use Tokens very expressive of Sorrow: the Men testifie their Griefs by putting on their courser Alheícks, and not wear∣ing any thing that is very white about them, which at other times is a chief part of their bravery: for they account white to be no less a token of chearfulness then Innocency, and therefore account the wearing thereof very improper

for such sorrowful occasions. The Men likewise (that are of near Alliance to the Dead) cut not their Beards, but declare their pensiveness; they suffer a great neglect in all those Accoutrements, in which at other times they are very cu∣rious; and by a peculiar Fansie they have some Hairs hanging over their Eyes in token of a careless Sorrow. But this is done chiefly for such as come to un∣timely ends.

The Women are very loud and dolor∣ous in their Lamentations of the de∣parted, and they intermit not to howl over the Corps while it is in the House, which is not long, for as foon as the Breath is expired, the dead Body is washt with Sope and warm Water, by those of the same Sex with the departed. Then the Body is wrapt in white Linnen and laid in a Coffin (though a Coffin is but the lot of a few) on the right side, with the Face toward Mecha, in which posture it is also buryed. When the Corps is carryed out to Burial, the Priest goes next unto it, who coming to the Grave or Sepulchre, prays that the Sins of the Defunct may be remitted, and

that he may have a Portion in the pro∣mised Delights. Returning home from the Buryal, they have a Feast to comfort those of the Family who are not permit∣ted to dress any thing while the Corps are in the House: and this consolatory Feast is great or small, according to the condition of the Dead.

They account it a great unhappiness for one of their Faith to want a decent Interment; and therefore if any dye without an Estate sufficient to discharge his Funeral Expences, they supply it by a Neighborly Contribution. Those that are more Wealthy and Honorable have Sepulchres, which vary both in Materi∣als and Fashion: For some are built of rough Stone, others of course Marble, but the most of Brick: Some in form of a half Moon, others open upon Pillars; and some round and close, and to be enter'd by a Door. But the Vulgar lye in common Graves, cover'd with green Turf and Boughs. At the Feet and Head of those that are thus Buryed, they fix large Stones, in which are writ the Name of the Interr'd, with the Year of his Age and Hegira. As for Epitaphs,

they are quite worn out of request, yet they were in great estimation of old, as may be gather'd from that Collection which John Leo made thereof, and pre∣sented it to a Brother of a King of Fez.

Upon every Friday the Women repair to the Graves of their deceased Friends, whose deaths they bewail with a very loud and bitter Lamentation, recount∣ing the great Satisfaction and Pleasure which they once enjoy'd in their Socie∣ty. And because they believe that on every Friday the Soul returns to the Body, they spread the Graves with sweet Flowers and green Boughs on purpose to refresh it, and to adorn the Grave. But there are some Moors which hold this Rite for a Mystery in their Religion, and therefore pretend not to give any account of its usage. They have one thing in Buryal, observed no where else, which is not to bury another in the same Grave where one has been Interr'd be∣fore, and therefore they use certain Marks to secure them from mistakes.

It has been often told me, That the Moresco Women in their Weekly La∣mentations

of the dead, use to ask them what reason they had to dye, seeing that they enjoyed loving Friends, wanting none of the Comforts of this Life, &c. But I found this was an idle Story, and a Moor assured me that they had no such Custom, and that it could be the Calum∣ny of none but a deceitful Jew.

Neither is that other Story of more credit, which makes the Moors reserve a vacant Place in the Grave, to give the dead Carcass room to rise up and kneel before two pretty Angels, who come to confess the Departed concerning the great Points of the Law; namely, pay∣ing of Tythes, giving of Alms, and ob∣serving of Rámadon: for upon mature Enquiry, I was assur'd that the Moors had no such Article in their Creed.

The places of Burial that belong to great Towns, are in the Fields: but in the Country they are generally by the High-ways, which may be to put Pas∣sengers in mind of their Mortality. The Ground which is set apart for this Im∣ployment, is usually the Donative of some devout Person, or purchased with Legacies bequeath'd for that purpose.

And that there might be no fraud pra∣ctised in this Particular, both Alfachí and Alcáddee keep Registers of all such Donations, which are transmitted to Posterity. When the Ground is once devoted to this service, the Moors call it Blessed and Holy, and accounted its a∣lienation an unpardonable Wickedness. Neither the Christians, nor any of an∣other Religion, are permitted to tread within these Burial Places, unless they be their Slaves, whom they admit to any thing capable of service, and use as sore∣ly as their Dogs. These Slaves always wait upon the Women to the Sepulchres, but for no other intent then to carry their Flowers and Boughs, and to assist them therewith to dress the Graves.

There is no Aldéa or Village that has a Church, but it hath also a peculiar Burying Place, given or bought as hath been already mentioned.

CHAP. XVI.

Of the Moresco Ramadàn, its in∣stitution, moveableness, man∣ner of Celebration.

SOme have imagin'd that for twelve Years after the promulgation of the Mahumetan Law, the Sectaries thereof kept the same Fasts with the Jews: but Mahuméd being displeas'd with that re∣fractory People, and scorning to bor∣row any of their Institutions, command∣ed his Proselytes to abandon their Fasts, and appointed in their room the Moon Ramadan, to be kept in an Anniversary Abstinence. But others date this Lent from the second Year of Mahumeds Pro∣phesie, and that it fell out in the Month September, at which time the Alcoran is said to have been sent from Heaven. But it is not likely that the Fast was in me∣mory thereof, because so great a Bles∣sing (in the Mahumedans Estimation) de∣served to be kept in mind by a far dif∣ferent Memorial, great Mercies having

never been Celebrated with Penances and Corporeal Humiliations, but rather with Festival Expressions of Joy, and Actions significative of Exaltation.

The Ramadàn is moveable, and de∣pends on the appearance of the New Moon, which, if through the Cloudi∣ness of the Weather they cannot dis∣cern, they tarry till it may be presumed by the course of Nature that it is Chan∣ged. And those who are less Learned in the Lunar Mutations, continue the Fast for thirty days, being assured that in that Period the Moon must fulfil her course.

A Winter Ramadàn is very welcome to the Moors, because their Labors are not then so pressive, and better then to be endured, by reason of the coldness of the Season: and the Fast is not so affli∣ctive, because the Days are short, and the Nights long to Revel in.

Though this be the severest Precept in the Mahumedan Law, yet it is not without all capacities of Indulgence, for therein is had special Regard to the wayfaring and infirm, who have Licence to eat in the day time, with this Caution,

That at the end of their Journey, and upon their recovery from Sickness, they perform the full account of their Lent. As for the rest, they are enjoyned no more then a diurnal Abstinence, having the Night at liberty for all Fruitions they can procure, Wine onely excepted, which by those who at other times libe∣rally drink it, is for this Moon totally renounced. The breach of this First they punish with Stoning to death, and there is no necessity can Priviledge any (ex∣cept Travellers and ins•••••• Persons) to eat or drink till the Evening Star wit∣nesseth that the Day is shut in.

They make great Provision for this Ramadàn, wherewith they furnish out their Necturnal Festivals; and for this end, use a great Frugality before for some days.

They place a great Sanctity in this Fast, which yet to a Scrupulist scarce would seem to deserve that name, for the Day is usually past away in a loytering Slee∣piness, and the Night in Junketing: the one is at best but a drowzy Lent, and the other a Luxurious Carnival. Yet there is a devouter sort of Bygots, who spend

the Day in the Church and Devotion, and are very reserved in their Nightly Caresses, living for the whole Moon se∣perate from Women, where they super∣erogate, their Law no where exacting this Severity▪ for such was the Carnal Temper of their Prophet, that he thought it an Impossibility to live a whole day Continent. Both Sexes are bound to begin this Fast at the twelfth Year of their Age, and it is placed among the Articles necessarily requisite to the Con∣stitution of a perfect Mahumetan.

The last day of the Moon, the Moors spend in doleful Lamentations of their deceased Relations, and with their Yearly Commemoratives end the Fast.

CHAP. XVII.

The Moresco Feasts.

AT the end of their Lent, Mahumed instituted a Festival Solemnity, as hath been imagined in imitation of the Christians Ester. The Turks call it

Bairam; the Moors, El Ed Geer, or the Little Feast: Little, not in respect of its duration, but Expence; for it lasts three days, which equals it in length with any of the rest.

On the first day thereof they spread the Floor of their Giámma's with co∣loured Leather, and then entertain each other with Honey, sweet Butter, and Wafers. And according to the per∣formance of this Festival, they Divine, as the Egyptians by their Nilescope, the Blessings and Plenty of the descending Year.

About two Moneths after, the Moors have another Festival, by them called, El Ed Gueber, or the Great Feast, in respect of the Expences and Charges thereof. This Festival still commenceth with a Sermon, which the Alcalib or chief Priest makes concerning its Institution, with amplification of its Praises. Re∣turning home from the Sermon, the Moors fall to killing such Sheep as they have made choice of for their Entertain∣ment at this Solemnity, and there is not the meanest Fortune, but now has his Sheep which is killed, by cutting the

Throat thereof, with their Faces to∣wards Mecha, and Swearing by Alquiblá. This done, every Family takes the Heart and Appurtenances, and immediatly dress it with Saffron, red and black Pep∣per; then, with store of Bread, they bring it to their Parish Church (where every Quality knows his station) and eat it in Communion. Returning from this Ecclesiastick Ordinary, they pass the second and third Day in Eating and Drinking. This is also called the Mut∣ton Feast.

The next to this is their Ashorah, which lasts but one Day, and call'd a Feast of Fruits, nothing being then eat∣en but Dates, Figs, purched Corn, and all such natural Cates as their Substances can procure. This Festival is not held in Giámma's, but every Father of a Fa∣mily treats his Houshold under his own Roof. And the rich on this day give a Portion of their Estates to the Poor, who on the Morning of the Festival go from one Giámma to another, and re∣ceive the Yearly Alms, which are pro∣portionably divided amongst them. None cast into this Treasury who have not a

certain sum of Money in Possession; and he that has less then ten Metacáles (which something exceeds our Five shil∣ling Pieces) is exempt from this Corban.

At the receipt of these Alms, the Poor pray that God would increase the Givers store, and enable them to bestow more the next Ashoráh, telling them, That this fulfilling of the Law, is the best as∣surance of rendring their Petitions suc∣cessful.

Anseràh is another Moresco Festival, which lasts but a day; and with the An∣daluzian Moors bears the Name of Saint John Baptist's, or the Feast of the Chri∣stians. On this Festival, those who live within ten Leagues of the Sea come thi∣ther to wash themselves; and those who cannot, by reason of distance, repair to that great Monopoly of Waters, take Salt and throw it into the Fountains at home, and Bath themselves in that coun∣terfeit Ocean. This is exactly at Mid∣summer, and held in Commemoration of that great Blessing of Water. The Vi∣ands of this Feast exceed not their ordi∣nary Provisions, only they eat them with greater alacrity.

Mulud is the Yearly Feast for Circum∣cision, and continueth three days; on the first whereof, they make a Gátcha, or Hodge-podge of Flower, Water, Butter and Honey, and carry great quantities thereof to the Church, whi∣ther they invite one another, saying, Come, let us go to the Allamdillah, or to the Feast that is made to Mahumed for Gods sake: And when they have eaten of this homely Dish in the Church, they leave store thereof to be devoured by the Poor, and spend the two following days in good Neighborhood and plentiful Collations. This is their chiefest Feast, because at it their Males are Circumci∣sed, and may seem to have a reference to the old Whitsuntide among the Chri∣stians. But I forbear to swell these Re∣marks with such Conjectural References, which if I should enterprise, I might make all Mahumeds Institutions yield some probable Resemblances of those ancient Customs & Ordinances in usage among Jews and Christians; and shew, that this great Deceiver has confused both the Testaments into his Alcoran, la∣boring thereby to have his first Pretensi∣ons

made creditable, That he came to reconcile Jew and Christian unto the o∣bedience of one and the same Law.

These Moresco Festivals seem not so much Commemorative of received Mer∣cies, as relaxatives of Corporeal Labors, from which they are observed to have no other Divertisements. For Cards and Dice are utterly abhorr'd by the better Families, not only as forbidden by the Law, under the Infamous terms of Diabolical Inventions, but as obser∣ved to be occasions of many nocive Pas∣sions, engendring Debates, and Incen∣tives to Avarice: Besides, they are look'd upon as Effeminate and Trivial Enter∣tainments, fit onely for Sea-men, and Women; the former being much vers'd in this Idleness, though no such Asper∣sion can be cast on the latter.

CHAP. XVIII.

Of the Moresco Pastimes, Mu∣sick, Dancing, &c.

WHen the Moresco Gentry are dis∣posed to Sports, the Wild Boar fits them with a Manly Exercise, and af∣fords them both Pastime and Improve∣ment; and when in the failure of some Circumstance they are debarr'd this kind of Recreation, they supply it with their Lances in Lusory Skirmishes on Horse∣back, wherein their Dexterity cannot be too much admired.

But they are naturally uninclin'd to Sports, being very Saturnine, and loving the Extremes, either to sit still, or to be in robustious Motions. They spend much of their Time in a sort of drowzy Conference, but the sum of their Do∣mestick Entertainments, are their Wo∣men and their Chess-boards: All com∣municating in the former, but the latter is only the serious Pastime of the Vir∣tuoso's.

They use Vocal and Instrumental Mu∣sick, but in both are very serious and plain, devoid of Levity or Flourish. Their usual Instruments are the Rabèb and Ahlùd; the former resembles our Violin, but strung only with one great Cord of Hair; the other a Getar. In Fez they have Lutes, and those who will teach them well. The Alárbs have an Instrument call'd Zauphèn, like the bot∣tom of a Kettle, on which they Tinckle with a stick. The Tituanezes have a less Organ, and also use a sort of Tabor and Pipe when they march in the Field. So most Towns have their peculiar sorts of Musick. The singing part is per∣form'd by Negra's, not for any peculiar Excellency they are happy in, but be∣cause singing at publick Dances is look'd upon as Slavish.

In their Dances they permit no mix∣ture of Men with the marryed Women, which is granted to the Virgins, who up∣on some Solemnities Dance with the Batchelors; but so closely Veild, that not any part about them is seen naked. They act the Tune with their Hands and Head, and abhor as loose and lascivious,

Jigs, or high Dancing. Every Town and Cavíla have their own Dances, which are known by several Names. The Fes∣sians have a Dance called Estitati, which is used in Sally, Mekenèz, Alcazàr, &c. Those of the City of Morocco have one named Sholakebèr; and in the Cavíla's of Minchèl, Bemi-Wadres, &c. there is a Dance stiled Ismmaháh. It seldom happens that those of one Town know the Dances of another, therefore thofe who use this Divertisement, only know the Name and Mode of the Dance where they live.

Their set Times are their Weddings and Yearly Festivals, the Marryed dan∣cing on the Day, the Single in the Night.

CHAP. XVIII.

A Miscellaneous Chapter of the temper of the Air, Diseases, Medicine, Poysons, Education of Children, Apparel, &c.

BEfore I shut up these Tumultuary Remarks, I cannot but adde some

Miscellaneous Notes, occasionally col∣lected from Discourse and Observation, of whose Credit I have not many Argu∣ments to render me dubious. The first Notice concerns the Temperature of the Air in this Part of Barbary, wherein there is some Variation according to the Site of the Places. At Fez, the Air in Summer is more temperate then at Mo∣rocco. The Inhabitants of the latter for several Hours cannot endure the Heat a∣broad, and therefore for that time keep close within: But the People of the for∣mer are by no such Excess constrain'd to intermit their Labours. Albeit, as I have observed in other Countrys, much herein is to be imputed to Humor and Custom.

The Inland Country is hotter in Sum∣mer, and colder in Winter then the Ma∣ritine, which may easily be conceived, by considering what Neighborhood the one hath with the Sea, the other with the Mountains, which from December to the latter end of February are co∣vered with Snow; at the Resolution of which, such Rivers are caused, that in some places the Channels will yield

Water the whole Summer ensuing.

The Inhabitants live long, and are generally Healthy; the Diseases, when they happen, are Fluxes, after the Sea∣son of Fruits; and Calentures, when they immoderately Travel in the Sun. And what seems herein remarkable, the Winter (which Season consist of great Rains) is most mortal amongst them.

The Lues Venerea, or Foul Disease (which the Moors call Bubès) is incident to those who accompany with variety of Women: and though this may seem to confine that Distemper to those Moors, who live after a more rude and roving manner, yet it is no stranger to those of a more refin'd and setled Life, the Gran∣dees of late having herein exceeded the Paisants.

As to the Plague, they observe no set time of its return, the tenth and fifteenth Year of its coming being worn out of Remarks; and in this last Century it has hapned very seldom, but in no parts it doth rage more furi usly then in Bar∣bary: and when they are visited, the Inhabitants take little or no care to a∣void it, holding it to be inevitable.

In cure of Sicknesses, they use very plain Medicines, and whatever be the Disease, Cauterizing is first practised, which they do with no more Art or Cu∣riosity, then with a Knife red hot to gash and cut the place where the Pain lies. To cure the Head-ach, they take the Root Tauz Argent and Rosemary, burning them in an Earthen Pot, over which the Diseased holds his Head for the Fume; then binding the same in a Cloth about the Head, present ease is given. This Tauz Argent is a Root, much Celebrated for an excellent and lasting Perfume: there is great store thereof about Sally, which is white within, without duskish and streaked. The Moors use it in Air∣ing and Perfuming their Rooms, but the scent is much less durable then has been reported.

The People, when sick, cure them∣selves with Herbs, in whose Virtues the common People have a traditional know∣ledge. By this they supply the want of Apothecaries and Physitians, of which Profession none are found, except a few Mountebank ignorant Jews.

The Moors have an Herb called la Ha∣lis,

which mingled with Honey, they make up into Balls as big as Pistol Bul∣lets, and of these they swallow five or six at a time, which they find to procure Appetite, further Digestion, and to make Frolick, Amorous and Witty. O∣pium is much used by all sorts, rather for Dyet then Physick; and a Moor will sooner buy a Pill of Opium, then a Cake of Bread, if his stock be too little to buy both. And in many places they are so accustomed to this Stupefactive, that the want thereof proves fatal.

In former Times the People were so exquisite in mingling Poysons, that they had some would kill by smell: Of late they are acquainted only with two kinds, which they call Rahásh and Ze∣him. The former is either white or pale, and more quick in dispatching the Per∣son who takes it. But Zehim (signify∣ing any thing that is coutrary to the Pa∣lat or liking) is cured with incessant Spitting. As for that Poyson which once they had the Art to communicate in Let∣ters, to kill those who read them, they are thereof at present totally Igno∣rant.

Muley Mahumed having out of Politick Ends prohibited Printing, made thereby Writing of a more singular use and e∣steem; and the Moors of old were noted to be very excellent at the Pen, but now in this, as in all other Learning, they are much deficient of what they were for∣merly, for there are not many that ar∣rive to a higher Proficieney in Letters, then barely to Write and Read: To which end they have little Schools, where the Children are taught after this manner. The Moors having (as I said) no Printed Books, when their Children are sent to School, they take with them pieces of Boards, or Slats, on which the School-Master writes so many Letters of the Alphabet; and when the Child has learn'd their Names and Figures, the Master writes them a certain number more, and so proceeds till the Alphabet be ended: and then goes on to write some Periods of the Alcoran (for they teach no other Book) and continue this Method till the whole Alcoran be wrote over, which usually lasts four Years. When the Child has thus spelt it over, he begins to get it by heart, which costs

eight Years at the least; then the Child, if his Father be able, is taught a little Orthography. When the Child is come to certain Periods of the Alcoran, the Father is obliged to make him a Congra∣tulatory Present: and when he has learn'd the whole Alcoran, he is brought home to his Fathers House in Procession on Horse-back. As he Rides along, he holds a Table written with Mahumeds Law, whereon he continually fixeth his Eye, thereby signifying, That the Ho∣nor conferr'd upon him was for the care∣ful Reading of the Alcoran; and when the Youth, accompanyed with the Al∣faqùi, School-master, and School-fellows, hath visited all the Churches, they come to his Fathers House, where they are en∣tertain'd, and the Master rewarded for the care shewn in the Proficiency of his Scholar.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 2.1

  1625.
• * 4.1

  D. H. W••∣a••.