The history of Appian of Alexandria in two parts : the first consisting of the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Illyrian, Spanish, & Hannibalick wars, the second containing five books of the civil wars of Rome / made English by J.D.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME. (Book 2)

In Five BOOKS. (Book 2)

PART II.

BOOK I.

The Argument of this Book.

I. A Short Recital of the several Dissentions and Civil Wars of the Ro∣mans, and the division of this History. II. Gracchus attempts pas∣sing the Law about Lands, wherein all the people are concerned; some for the Law, and some against it. III. It is at last passed. IV. Gracchus there∣upon is slain. V. Flaccus, Carbo, and young Gracchus would notwith∣standing

put in execution: Scipio the African opposes it, and is found dead. VI. Young Gracchus and Flaccus pursue their enterprise, and declaring against the Senate, are at length slain. VII. The Enterprise of Apu∣leius and Glaucia against Metellus, who is banished. VIII. Apuleius and Glaucia slain, and Metellus recalled from Exile. IX. The beginning of the War against the Allies, and the death of Drusus. X. The Tyranny of the Roman Knights, occasioned by the Revolt of the Roman Allies, who at first prosper in their Attempts. XI. The Romans subdue them, and put an end to the War. XII. Sedition of Usurers ••ithin the City. XIII. The beginning of the War betwixt Marius and Sylla; and the entrance of Sylla and Q. Pompey Con••uls, in Arms into the City. XIV. Orders imposed by the Consuls in the City: the death of Sulpitius: flight of Marius, and death of Q. Pompey. XV. Cinna being Consul strives to pass a Law in favour of the new Citizens, but is driven from the City, and deposed from his Consulate, whom Merula succeeds. XVI. Cinna and Marius besiege the City. XVII. They enter it, and make a dreadful Slaughter. XVIII. Syl∣la after his Victory over Mithridates, returns towards Italy, writes to the Se∣nate; an Accommodation is debated; and Cinna preparing for War is slain. XIX. Sylla arrives at Brundusium, makes his preparations, as the Consuls do likewise. XX. Many Victories of Sylla's, who comes to Rome, where he is well received. XXI. Sylla again takes the Field, continues his Victories, and at last being Master of Rome, after the taking of Praeneste and Norba, War ceases in Italy. XXII. The cruelty exercised by Sylla over his Enemies in the City. XXIII. He makes himself perpetual Dictator, and reigns like a Tyrant. XXIV. He lays down the Dictatorship, retires into the Country, his Death and Funerals. XXV. The War of Sertorius, his and Perpenna's death. XXVI. The War of Spartacus.

THe Roman People often fell into Dissentions with the Senate, upon the account of the Publication of Laws, the Abolition of Debts, the Division of Lands, and the Election of Ma∣gistrates, but yet they came not to Blows; for these Diffe∣rences were decided by the ways of Justice, because both Orders bore to each other a mutual respect; so that though the people of∣ten saw themselves already armed against some Foreign Enemy, yet they abused not that power to make any Sedition. And then when they drew up to the* 1.1 Mount, which therefore is called Sacred, they restrained them∣selves from committing any extraordinary violence, contenting themselves only to create for the maintenance of their Rights a new Magistrate, whom they called Tribune of the people. The creation of this Office was designed only to counterpoise the Power of the Consuls, whose Election then depended only on the Senates, and to keep them from exercising the whole authority in the Administration of their Republique: yet this bred abundance of Hate and Quarrels amonst these Magistrates, the one seeing themselves supported by the Senate, and the other by the favour of the people; and each party thought themselves robbed of that which was ad∣ded to the other. These same Contentions were the cause that Marcus Coriolanus, being condemn'd without any desert of his, went into Banish∣ment among the Volsces, and soon after made War upon his Country; and this was the first Civil Division wherein Arms were made use of, and which only began by a Fugitive: yet after this they never bore Arms in the As∣sembliess nor began any Massacre of their Fellow Citizens, till such time as Tiberius Gracchus raised a Sedition, wherein he perished, and with him

some others, who being fled to the Capitol, were slain near the Temple. But after this Sacrilege, the Seditions were almost continual; the people mutinying upon the least occasion, the Assassins ran up and down the Ci∣ty, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, Persons of Quality were slain, either in some Temple, or in the Assembly, or in the Palace, and that by order of the Tribunes, Praetors, Consuls, or other Su∣perior Powers; insomuch that these Reciprocal Offences increased by little and little the contempt of Justice and the Laws. This infection at last spreading it self through all parts, open Conspiracies were made against the Common-wealth, great Armies brought into the Field, sometimes those had been banished and condemned, attempting some Novelties, and some∣times the principal men of the City fighting among themselves, as well without as within for the Government of the State. There were likewise some powerful and ambitious Citizens who aspired to the Government, ei∣ther by keeping the Command of Armies entrusted to them by the people, or levying fresh Soldiers by their own authority, to defend themselves, as they said, against their Enemies: but under pretence of making War a∣gainst their Enemies, they made War against their Country, each party striving who should first seise upon the City; so that whilst they treated each other as Enemies, all places were filled with Assassinations, Proscri∣ptions, Banishments, Executions and Tortures. In short, there was no cruelty left uncommitted, especially then when about fifty years after the death of Gracchus, one of the Factions driving away one mischief with a∣nother, became absolute Master of the Common-wealth, and for some time governed it alone under the Title of Dictator, a certain Magistrate among the Romans whom they never created but in extreme danger, for six Months only, and whose use seemed to be abolished when Sylla obtained that Dignity by force. Nevertheless, though all men believed that he was created Dictator to perpetuity, yet having glutted himself, as one may say, with power, he deposed himself; and certainly he was the first (at least that ever I could gain knowledge of) that was so bold as to change a Tyranny for a private life. He added to this action a discourse no less worthy of me∣mory. He declared he was ready to give an account of his Administration to whoever should demand it; and some time after came and walked in the place in the habit of a private man, in the face of all the world, from whence he returned to his House without having received the least affront from any person; so much was that respect to the Sovereign Authority he had possessed, engrafted in the minds of men, whether that they were a∣stonished at his laying of it down, or that they were ashamed to demand an account of that man who offered himself to give it, or that they thought it an inhumanity to hate that Power, how tyrannical soever it were, that was joyned with the publick good. Thus the Seditions ceased for a time, Sylla having applyed Remedies to the present Distempers, but they were only fallen asleep; for they awakened again, and continued till such time as Iulius Caesar after having for some years made War in Gaul, would not dismiss his Army, though the Senate decreed it; saying, it was not the Se∣nates desire, but Pompey's, who being at present at the Head of the Army in Italy, and his Enemy, had designed to reduce him under his power as well as others. Yet he proposed these Conditions of Accommodation, that either both should keep their Armies, or that Pompey, disarming as well as he, should live like a private man under the authority of the Laws. But not obtaining either the one or the other, he departed from Gaul, marched against Pompey and his Country, entred the City, drove thence his Enemy,

overtook him in Thessaly, defeated him in a memorable Battel, and pursued him as far as Egypt. Finding Pompey slain by the Egyptians, he returned to Rome, after having settled the Egyptian Affairs, and settled their * 1.2 Kings in that Kingdom; so that beholding himself secure by the death of so powerful an Enemy, the mightiness of whose Actions had gained him the Title of Great; and no person having thenceforth the boldness to op∣pose his will, he was created perpetual Dictator the next after Sylla. And now again the Seditious were quieted, till such time as Brutus and Cassius, either out of envy to his Power, or out of a desire they had to settle again the Common-wealth in it's ancient form, slew in open Senate this man, so che∣rished by the people, and so knowing in the Art of Reigning. He was so generally lamented, that they sought out for his Murderers, to put them to death, that they solemnized his Funerals in the publick place, and there where they had burnt his Body, erected a Temple, and offered Sacrifices to him as a God. But now the Civil Discords began again, and in a short time grew to that height, that they were followed by the Murders, Pro∣scriptions and Banishments of many as well of the Order of Senators as Knights, the Faction interchangeably delivering up the Enemies of one a∣nother; so that to gain their own satisfaction, they spared neither Friends nor their own Brothers, so much were men hurried on by their passion to the prejudice of natural Piety. At last by a horrible boldness the Roman Empire, as if it had been the Stock of some private Citizen, was divided between Anthony, Lepidus, and he who at first was called Octavius, but af∣terwards took the name of Caesar, having been adopted by his Uncle. Af∣ter this division they made War on each other, as it was but just they should, and Caesar more prudent and politick than the other, first despoiled Lepidus of Africa, which had fallen to this share. And in conclusion, after the Vi∣ctory of Actium, which he gained over Anthony, drove him out of all the Provinces, extending from Syria to the Adriatick Gulf. The whole world astonished at these prodigious Successes, he made himself likewise Master of Egypt, the most ancient and richest Kingdom possessed by any of the Successors of Alexander, which only was wanting to complete the Roman Empire to that height we now behold it. That done, he was placed a∣mong the number of the Gods, whilst he was yet living, and beheld it; and being called Augustus by the people, he assumed an authority over his Country, and the subjected Nations, greater than ever was attributed to his Father Caius, not so much as in the least appearance asking the votes of the people: so that having secured his power by length of time, always happy, and feared by all the world, he left his Successors capable of sustain∣ing the weight of that great Empire, and the Sovereign Power being re∣united in a single person, Concordance once more took place of Sedition. This will be the subject of this work, which will contain the wonderful Adventures of these People who aimed at Honour and Dominion through all sorts of Calamities: and I shall write it the more willingly, because I am obliged to treat of all these things before I write the Affairs of Egypt, which are but a consequence of them; for those divisions wherein Cleopa∣tra took the part of Anthony, were the cause of the Reduction of Egypt under the Roman Empire. And that I may settle some order in so great a confusion of things, I will first speak of what passed from the Gracchi to Sylla's time, then what was done until the death of Caius Caesar, the follow∣ing Books shall treat of the Wars of the Triumvirs with the Roman Peo∣ple, and against one another, until the last and greatest of these Misfor∣tunes; I mean the Battle fought by Caesar at Actium against Anthony

and Cleopatra, where I intend to begin the History of Egypt.

The Romans, as they now subdued one, and then another of the people [ II] of Italy were accustomed to make seisure of a part of their Lands, to which they sent Colonies, or otherwise gave Cities already built, to be inhabited by their own Nation. These Colonies were placed in the conquered Pro∣vinces in the nature of Garrisons, and they either set out by shares to these new Inhabitants such Lands as were fit for Tillage, or otherwise sold them to them, or let them out to Farm. As for the unprofitable ground (as War often makes places desert) it not being qualified to bear a part in the Di∣vidend, it was proclaimed and given to the first that made offer to manure it, on condition to pay an annual Tribute, the fifth part of the increase of Trees, and the Tithe of the Corn, with an Impost upon all sorts of Cattel, as well Flocks as Herds. Thus strove they to preserve the Italian Nation, esteemed very laborious, that they might always have in a readiness Sol∣diers of their own people to serve them upon occasion; but the success proved contrary to their expectations; for the rich undertaking at first the unprofitable or desert Lands, and by prescription of time, not only assuring to themselves the possession of them, but likewise joyning to them the Di∣vidend of their poor Neighbours, either by force, or by money, became possessed not of Villages, but of whole Countries, which their Slaves im∣proved and manured for them, that they might not take Freemen from the profession of Arms. Thus they receiving vast Revenues, and their Slaves still multiplying, because they were not obliged to go to War: the most powerful among them grew prodigiously rich, and the Country was filled with Slaves, whereas there remained but very few of the Italian Nation, and those few too were oppressed with poverty, by reason of the continual Expeditions, in which they were forced to bear Arms, and the cruel Exactions of the Tax-gatherers: and if at any time they had some respite from their Sufferings, then Idleness corrupted them, having no Land of their own to manure, nor finding any work from others, by reason of the multitude of Slaves. This extremity troubled and perplexed both the Se∣nate and People of Rome, who with grief beheld that they could not as heretofore, upon any sudden occasion, draw together a considerable Force of Italians, and they began to fear their Government unsecure, by reason of the Countries being filled with such multitudes of Slaves. They sought long time for a remedy to these inconveniencies; for they neither judged it easie, nor indeed just to dislodge men, after so long a possession, from those Lands where they had habituated themselves, and been at great ex∣pence. In conclusion, after much debate the Tribunes made a Law where∣by all persons were prohibited from keeping more than five hundred Acres of Land, one hundred Head of Cattle, and five hundred Sheep; and be∣sides, they designed a certain number of free people to have the oversight of the Tillage, and care of the Corn. This Law was confirmed by solemn Oaths, and punishments decreed against the infringers of it: it was design∣ed likewise, that all those Lands possessed by any above the proportion pre∣scribed by the Law, should be equally distributed among the poor, but neither Oaths nor Law prevailed. Those who appeared most zealous in the observation of it, underhand made Contracts, conveying over their advance to their Friends, and others publickly laughed at it, till such time as Tiberius Gracchus of Noble Race, covetous of Glory, very eloquent, and well known in the City for all these qualities, having obtained the Dignity of Tribune, made a grave speech in favour of the Italian People, much

lamenting that a Nation so warlike, and allyed to the Roman People, should be reduced to so small numbers, and to such an oppressive poverty, that there scarce appeared any remedy, but that they must be utterly ex∣tinct. Then he declared against the vast numbers of Slaves, useless in War, and treacherous to their Masters, a fresh example of which he re∣lated of the Slaves, rebelling against their Patrons in Sicily, where the Slaves being grown numerous by reason of their being employed in Hus∣bandry, had raised such a War against the Romans, as was not suppressed without much danger, and many bloody Engagements. This Speech did the work, and gained a new publication of the Law concerning Lands, whereby it was forbid any one to be possessed of more than five hundred Acres, adding to it, that the Children of the Family might be possessed of two hundred and fifty; and that after reduction made, the remaining Land should be divided among the poor by Triumvirs, who were to be changed every year, which sorely grieved the rich men, who durst no more attempt any thing against the Law, nor for the future buy other mens proportions; for Gracchus, to prevent frauds, had by the same Law for∣bid all such kind of Contracts, which occasioned, that in every corner might be seen people got together, reproaching the poor with the pains they had taken in manuring their Ground, and the charge they had been at in building, crying out, that it was not just to make them lose, not only their Lands, but likewise the money they had payed to their Neigbours, and withal deprive them of the Sepulchres of their Predecessors, interred in those grounds left to them by Succession. Others demanded the resto∣ring of their Wives Dowry, which they had thus employed, or that their Children might have leave to enjoy those Farms they had settled upon them at their Marriage: others again shewed the Contracts and Statutes they had entred into, taking up moneys at great interests to purchase those Lands. In a word, all places were filled with murmuring and complaint. On the other side, were heard the lamentings of the poor, that from rich, that they once were, now they had reduced them to extreme poverty: nay, even to despair, having nothing left to feed their Children, they re∣counted the many Expeditions wherein they had served the Common-wealth, to the end, they might maintain themselves in the possession of these Lands, and vowed never to serve more, if they were not restored to what belonged to them. They likewise accused the rich men, that they disdained to employ them in their Tillage, but rather made choice of Slaves their Enemies, faithless people, and useless in War. During these re∣proaches, and mutual laments, the contagion of this Distemper spread it it self among the Colonies, the Municipal Cities, and in all places where Lands were possessed by what Title soever: every one feared to lose, and there as well as in the City the multitude was divided into two parties, and each relying on the number of their Faction, stirred them up against the other; and all people being concerned in the execution of this Law: one party disposing themselves to hinder it, and the other being ready to at∣tempt any thing to maintain it, mens minds were strangely inclined to Se∣dition. So neither one nor the other party resolving to yield, they waited only the day appointed for the passing the Law in the Assembly.

[ III] Gracchus's Design was not so much to relieve the poverty of particular men, as to repeople the Country, because he believed it the interest of the Common-wealth, and that hereupon depended the fortune of all Italy: nor doubted he of the success of the Enterprise, though it were as difficult

as it was important. When the Assembly was met, after having a long time discoursed the business in Question, he asked the Auditors, if they believed it not just, that what belonged to the Publick should be shared a∣mong the People, if a Citizen were not to be preferred befor a Slave, if a Soldier were no more serviceable to the State than a Ploughman, and if a natural Inhabitant were not more affectionate to the Common-wealth than a Stranger: and without insisting long upon these comparisons, as absurd, he began to discourse of the hopes and fears of the City. That the Romans had conqueeed many Countries, and been in hopes to extend their Con∣quests to the most distant Climates: but that as things now stood, there was cause enough to doubt whether they should be able to complete the Conquest of the rest, with that small number of Soldiers wherewith Italy was peopled, or should not rather lose their own Country, by reason of the weakness of their Armies, and the powerfulness of their Enemies, and withal exaggerating the Glory and Riches on one side, and the danger and fear on the other; he exhorted the rich men to consider with themselves if it were not much more to the purpose willingly to quit to the unfortunate poor who had great charge of Children the possession of some Lands, out of hopes of those great advantages might thereby accrue, than to neglect things of most import, by disputing Trifles. That besides five hundred Acres of good Land well secured, and for those had Children, half as much for every Head, was no contemptible recompence of their past Ser∣vices. After having largely discoursed on this subject; and the minds of the poor people, and of all such as suffered themselves to be rather led by reason than passion remaining suspended, he gave command to the Serjean•• to read the Law, when M. Octavius his Colleague, who was suborned by the rich men to prevent the passing of the Law, imposed silence upon the Serjeant. Whereupon Gracchus publickly reproaching him, adjourned the Assembly till the morrow; when having caused some Armed Men to be there, as if by force he would have constrained Octavius to yield to him, whether he would or no; he with threats commanded the Serjeant to read the Law, and Octavius on the contrary forbad him. Whereupon the Col∣leagues quarrelling, and it being impossible to read the Law by reason of the Tumult, the most Considerate of the Assembly besought the Tribunes to re∣fer the Difference to the Senate's judgment. Gracchus consented; and out of hopes that this Law would displease no reasonable man, went straight to the Palace; but not being received there with so great applause as among the Vulgar; nay, on the contrary, having reviling words cast at him by the Rich Men, he returns to the Assembly, and promises that on the morrow he would gather their Voices both concerning the Law, and the dismission of his Colleague, who opposed the good of the People. He accordingly did it: And as Octavius presented himself unconcerned, he first put it to the Vote concerning him, The first Tribe having given their Vote against O∣ctavius, Gracchus turned to him, and desired him to desist from his Enter∣prize; but seeing him obstinate, he persisted to demand the advice of the rest; for at this time there were five and thirty, of which seventeen all in a fury having voted with the first, if the eighteenth were joyned with them the Law became ratified. Wherefore Gracchus once more publickly be∣sought his Colleague, now upon the very point of being deposed, not so stubbornly to disturb a Work so holy and so beneficial to all Italians, nor a∣ny more oppose a thing which the people so ardently desired, the Execution whereof his Office of Tribune obliged him to; and in fine, not to suffer him∣self to be deposed. After which Entreaties he called the Gods to witness,

that it was with regret he thus acted against the honour of his Colleague: but then seeing nothing would perswade him, he began again to gather the Votes. Thus Octavius being deprived of his Office and Charge, and reti∣red out of the Assembly, they substituted Mummius in his stead; and at the same time the Law was ratifyed. They created Triumvirs for dividing the Land, Gracchus himself, Caius his Brother, and Appius Claudius his Fa∣ther in Law; for the people were fearful the Law might remain without Execution, unless he that made it and his Alliance had the Support of it in their own hands.

[ IV] As for Gracchus, ravished with joy that this Law had passed, he was carried back by the people to his House, as if he had been the restorer not of one City or one people, but of all the Nations of Italy. After which the victorious Party went into the Countries from whence they were come to this contention; and the other in despair for being overcome, staid still in the City, publickly declaring that Gracchus should repent, as soon as he was out of employment, the daring to violate an authority so holy and sa∣cred, and be the mover of such a Sedition in Italy. Summer being alrea∣dy come, the time of the Assembly for the Creation of Tribunes drew nigh, and it was very likely the rich men would so contrive it, that the dignity might fall upon Gracchus's enemies, which somewhat terrified him, and fearful lest any thing might pass in the Assembly to his prejudice, he did his endeavours to recal the people out of the Country. But all people being now employed in their Tillage, as is usual in Harvest; and the day of As∣sembly approaching, he was forced to have recourse to the people of the City; and with kindnesses and submissions solicite every one in particular, to continue him in the Tribuneship, in acknowledgment of the dangers to which he had exposed himself for their service. When it came to the Vote, Gracchus had those of the two first Tribes: Whereupon the rich men cryed out, that it was not allowed by Law to continue the same dignity in the same Person: and Rubrius, Tribune of the people, whom Lot made President of the Assembly, making a demur upon it, Mummius the Succes∣sor of Octavius, obliged him to resign his place, and suffer him to gather the Votes; but the rest of the Tribunes maintained that Lots ought again to be drawn for the Preheminence, and that Rubrius Resignation could not be made, but in equal favour of all the Tribunes. In this Contest Gracchus seeing his Party the weakest, adjourned the Assembly till the morrow; and finding his Affairs grow desperate, before he was dismissed of his Charge, he spent the rest of that day in the place in mourning, having his Son with him, whom he recommended to all he met, as foreseeing himself likely to perish by the violence of his Enemies. The Rabble moved to compassion for the man, and withal judging that there must be no more talk of Equali∣ty between them and the other Citizens, but they must resolve to suffer the Tyrannick Rule of the Rich if they forsook their Protector in the danger he was in for their sakes, they carryed him to his house in the evening, and wished him to be couragious next morning. Hereupon he took heart; and assembling before it was day those of his Faction, gives them a word in case there should be occasion to fight, and so seizes on the Capitol and place of Assembly. The rich men, by the joyning of some Tribunes with them, having hindred Votes to be taken about his Continuation, he gave to his Party the Signal agreed upon between them: whereupon they rose with great clamour, and straightway fell to blows; some gathering about his Person as his Guards, and others tucking up their Robes, snatching the Rods

out of the Lictors hands, and untying them, drave all the rich Men out of the Assembly with many blows and wounds; in so much, that the Tri∣bunes affrighted fled, and the Priests shut up the Temple. The terror of those who ran flying up and down, filled all the City with disorder and un∣certain rumors. Some said Gracchus had taken the Tribuneship from his Colleagues; which seemed the more credible, because none of them ap∣peared in publick: And others, that without expecting the people's Votes, he had created himself Tribune. Mean while the Senate assembled in the Temple of Faith. And surely it is to me a wonder, that neither now nor afterwards it entred into the thoughts of any of the Fathers, to propose the saving way of a Dictator, so often tryed in the like Commotions. After a short Consultation they ascended the Capitol, led by Cornelius Scipio Nasi∣ca, High Priest; who having cryed aloud, that all who loved the safety of the Commonwealth should follow him, cast one of the Skirts of his Robe over his shoulder and over his head; whether for a sign to assemble the mul∣titude, or to give them Signal of Battel, or to testifie his respect to the Gods, in concealing from them the design he had in his heart. Being come to the Capitol, and Gracchus people having made way for that great Man at the head of the Senate; those that followed him snatcht the Clubs out of their Enemies hands; and getting pieces of Forms which they broke, or any thing that might serve for offence, they fell upon the others with so much fury, that they drove the greatest part of them down the Precipices, and slew Gracchus himself near the Temple Gates before the Statues of their Kings, with a great number of his followers; whose bodies were in the night cast into Tyber. Thus ended Gracchus, Son to a Father that had been twice Consul; and to Cornelia, Daughter to Scipio the Affrican. He was slain being Tribune, and in the Capitol, serving his Country but with too much violence. And this Riot, the most infamous we have upon Record, was committed in the sacred place where Magistrates are chosen. His death wrought two different effects in men's minds; some rejoyced, and others mourned, for many lamented not less their own condition than his; calling the present State not the Republick, but the Insolence of the victori∣ous Party; whilst others, believing they had nothing more to fear, found themselves at the top of their wishes. All this happened in the time of that War, when Aristonicus fought with the people of Rome for the Empire of Asia.

After Gracchus death, Appius being likewise deceased, Fulvius Flaccus [ V] and Papirius Carbo, together with the young Gracchus, undertook to cause the Law about Lands to be put in Execution. And when the ancient Pos∣sessors stood off what they could to hinder the Arpentage or Division of Lands, they caused Proclamation to be made, that whosoever would might summon them before them, which gave Rise to numberless difficult Law-Suits; for all contiguous Lands that either had been sold or divided, fell into dispute, to know how they were sold or divided: no Writing of Sale ap∣pearing, and many having lost the Possession of what was let out to them by Division; and besides, whatever did appear done by contract, was very doubtful. And moreover, in making a general Survey, in order to a new Division, some who had sowed or otherwise improved their Farms, were transplanted to a corner that at present lay Fallow; and others from Arable, to a Wast, Clay or Marshy Ground. For from the first, there had been no very exact Division made of the Lands gained from the Enemy. And be∣cause it was enacted that Lands so set out should be tilled by the Possessors,

some that were more diligent had advanced upon their Neighbours, and so confounded the Bounds: Besides, time having changed the face of places, it was no easie matter to discover the Incroachments of the rich Men, though they were very great. In a word, by the often change of Dwellings, all things were in confusion and disorder. The Italians, tired with their Law-Suits, and feeling themselves oppressed with the Execution of Judgments; that they might be no longer subject to these Injustices, besought Cornelius Scipio the African to undertake their Protection. They had served him so well in many occasions of War, that he could not refuse them his Assistance: He therefore went to the Senate; where at first dash he struck not directly at the Law for fear to offend the people; but having touched somewhat up∣on the difficulty of the Affair, he moved that the cognizance of such Causes as should happen might be taken from the Tribunes as Men suspected, and others be sent in their stead. His Opinion being found very just, the Senate confirmed it by Decree; and gave the Commission to Tuditanus, then Consul. But he having undertaken a business which he found very difficult, taking for a pretence the War of Illyria, went into that Province; and no man longer acknowledging the Triumvirs for Judges, all matters were at a stand. This lost Scipio in the hearts of the Common People; who believed that this Man, for whose sake they had often offended the prime Men of the City, and without consideration of the Law, twice made Consul; now served the Ita∣lian Allies to their prejudice. Which coming to the knowledge of Scipio's Enemies, they ran up and down the Streets, exclaiming that he was resolved to abolish the Law by Arms, and by the Massacre of the Citizens; and thus they terrified the multitude. In short, Scipio being one evening retired into his Chamber, with Table-Books to write, during the night, an Oration he was to make to the Assembly, was found dead without the appearance of a∣ny Wound: Whether he were poysoned by Cornelia, the Mother of the Gracchi (who feared lest this Law should be abrogated) having for an Ac∣complice Sempronia her Daughter, Scipio's Wife; who being ugly and bar∣ren, was neither beloved, nor loved him: Or whether (as some believed) he gave himself this death, because he saw he could not perform what he promised. Though there be others say that his Slaves under Torment con∣fessed that some unknown men they had let in at the back door, had strangl∣ed him; and that they durst not discover the Murther, because they knew the people hating Scipio, rejoyced at his death. Thus died that man, so ser∣viceable to the Roman Empire, for whom no publick Funerals were celebra∣ted; so much did present Indignation transcend the power of those Acknow∣ledgments the people owed to his past Services. And this gave occasion of encrease to the Seditions about the Law concerning Lands.

[ VI] Mean while the Division of Lands was delayed by reason of several In∣treagues practised by those in Possession: And some were of opinion that the Freedom of the City should be given to all those Allies principally con∣cerned, to make them by that favour quit all other pretences. The Italians were herewith well content; and much rather would have chose the Free∣dom offered, than the new Division they demanded. Fulvius Flaccus, now Consul, and likewise Triumvir for the Execution of the Law, stood stiffly to this Proposition. But the Senate could not endure that the Subjects of Rome should be made equal to her Citizens: So there it stopped to the great displeasure of those people, troubled to see their hopes frustrate. Matters standing thus; Caius, Brother to the Elder Gracchus, and heretofore his Col∣league in the Triumvirate, offered himself very seasonably to be Tribune.

He had layen still some time after his Brother's death, contemned by the Fa∣thers; against whom he could not defend his Authority. But having put himself in the number of those who stood for the Tribuneship, he carried it roundly to the general satisfaction of the people; and forthwith began to put in practice all ways possible to revenge himself of the Senate: For he made a Law, that every Month a certain quantity of Wheat should be deli∣vered to the people by head, at the publick Expence. This had never be∣fore been practised. So that having suddainly gained the people by this new Establishment; and withal, being supported by Fulvius Flaccus, he was again chosen Tribune for the Year following. For it was already en∣acted by an express Law, that if it were necessary for a Tribune to be conti∣nued in order to the perfecting of something begun, he ought to be prefer∣red before any of the Competitors in the next Assembly. This Dignity be∣ing then prolonged to him for the following Year, and the people already engaged to him for the fore-cited favour, he cast about, how to gratifie the Knights the next Order after the Supreme, and proposed the Transferring to this Order, the Cognizance of all Concussion, publick Extortion, or e∣vil Management of Offices and Charges; reproaching them with the fresh Examples of Aurelius, Cotta, Salinator and Manlius Aquilius, Conqueror of Asia: All which being accused of mis-employing the publick Treasure, had been cleared by the Corruption of their Judges; which was likewise attest∣ed by the Deputies of the Provinces still in the City, and loudly complain∣ing of the Injustice done them. The Senators were so ashamed to hear these discourses, that they never opposed the publick Decree; so that the cogni∣zance of those Crimes was consigned over to the Knights: And it is repor∣ted that at the ratifying this Law Gracchus was heard say, That the power of the Senate was throughly quashed. And indeed the consequences proved the saying true: for another Order being henceforward Judges, both of the Affairs of the City, and of Italy; nay, even of the Senators themselves: whether the Question were concerning a Pecuniary Fine, or Condemning to Banishment or Infamy, the whole power seemed to be in the hands of the Knights, and the Senate reduced to depend on them. Besides, the Or∣der of the Knights contributing to the Election of the Tribunes of the people, and the Tribunes being ready to return them kindness for kindness, the Se∣nate began to be started; and there wanted very little but by overturning the whole Frame of the Commonwealth, the Knights had had all the Au∣thority in effect, leaving the Senate only the Honour and Shew: For some time after not only this Supreme Order was submitted to the Knights, but the Senators daily received Injustices from their Judges; who tickled with the sweetness of the profit they had now tasted, abused their Power with all sorts of infamy and disorder. They suborned Accusers against the Rich; and entring into a Cabal, eluded those Laws made against corrupt Judges, or with scorn contemned them. Hence came it, that because no account was required of their Proceedings, a new Sedition was raised, because of Judiciary Laws, which proved not less than others, and likewise lasted some time. Gracchus likewise set on work the Levelling, Paving and Repairing the High ways of all Italy, wherein he employed Multitudes of people liv∣ing only by Day-labour; whom by this means he perfectly gained to at∣tempt any thing for his Service. He founded several Colonies; and obli∣ged the Latines to demand a Right of Freedom of the City; alledging it was an unworthy thing for the Senate to hinder what people, their Allies, desired with so much passion; and at last he gave to other Allies a Right to give in their Votes, contrary to ancient Custom, because he hoped to make

use of them in the Publication of Laws he designed to prefer. This more allarmed the Senate than all had passed before. Wherefore after a Consul∣tation the Consuls published their Defences, forbidding all persons not ha∣ving Right to vote to stay in the City, or to come within the* 1.3 fifth Stone. They likewise drew in Livius Drusus to oppose all Laws proposed by Grac∣chus his Colleague, without giving any reason of his Opposition before the people; which liberty they likewise gave to all Opposers whatsoever. Last∣ly, to sweeten the Multitude, they granted them twelve Colonies; which Concession so charmed their minds, that they began to disgust the new Laws. So that Gracchus frustrated of the people; and Fulvius Flaccus, a Consular, who had been made Gracchus his Colleague, went over for the same reason into Africa; where by reason of the fertility of the Soyl, a Colony was ap∣pointed to be established, and Inhabitants expresly sent thither, that the Ci∣ty being disburthened, the Senate might in some measure be delivered from popular Seditions. The Tribunes set out the place of their Habitation a∣mong the Ruins of Carthage; without consideration that Scipio, when he demolished it, had decreed it to remain eternally desert, with Imprecations against all those who should attempt to rebuild it. They likewise made ac∣count to bring over six thousand Inhabitants more than were appointed by Ordinance of the Senate, to gain so much the more the people's good grace. From thence they returned to Rome, with design to gather together from all parts of Italy those six thousand persons destined for Carthage. But those who stayed in Africa, to lay the first Foundations to that Colony; having writ to the City that the Wolves had tore away the Mark set by the Tribunes, the Augurs declared it Sacrilege to send Inhabitants thither, and the Senate published an Assembly to consult of the Abrogation of the Law in what re∣lated to that Colony. Whereupon Gracchus and Fulvius having likewise lost this hope, ran like mad men through the Streets, crying out that the Prodigy of the Wolves was a lye of the Senate's. The most resolute of the people took their parts; and armed, they came to the Capitol, where the Tribes were in Convocation to give their Votes, touching the Colony. Af∣ter the people were assembled, and Fulvius had begun to speak, Gracchus, who to that end had ordered his people to follow, attempted to go up to the Temple of Iupiter; but being hindred by those who knew he had some ill design, he returned no more into the Assembly, but retreated into the Porch, waiting an opportunity to engage the adverse Party. Mean while a certain man of the people called Attilius, who sacrificed under the same Porch, see∣ing him moved, went to accost him: and whether knowing any thing, or having some suspition, or else only by way of entertainment, besought him to have compassion of his Country: Whereupon seeming troubled as if he had been discovered; and looking awry upon the man, one of his followers, without receiving any Command, or staying for a Signal; but judging by his Master's Countenance that it was time to strike, and that by beginning first, he would be the more obliged to him; drew his Sword, and run Atti∣lius into the Belly. Whereupon, a great cry being raised, when the dead body was seen upon the Pavement, all the people were affrighted, and eve∣ry man fled from the Temple as fast as he could. Gracchus went into the Assembly, to give an account of this Action; but when none would hear his Justification, but all looked upon him as impious and irreligious. Flaccus and he, troubled to have lost the opportunity of executing their design, went to their several Homes, whither others of the same Faction retired to them. The rest of the people, as it happens in a publick Tumult, being about mid∣night got together in Arms in the place, Opimius, one of the Consuls, who

was left in the City, at break of day places Guards in the Capital, gives or∣der to call together the Senate, and himself seizes on the Temple of Castor ano Pollux, which stood in the heart of the City; that he might be in readi∣ness, whatever should happen. Things disposed in this order, the Senate sent to summon Gracchus and Flaccus, to come and give an account of their Actions: but they having betaken themselves to Arms, hastned to seize on the Mount Aventine; hoping if they made themselves Masters of that place, the Senate would not refuse some conditions of Peace. They endeavoured likewise to raise the Slaves under promise of Liberty, but in vain. So they fortifyed themselves in Diana's Temple with those people they had; from whence they sent Quintus the Son of Flaccus to the Senate, to treat of an Accommodation. Answer was given, they should lay down their Arms and come themselves, and then they should be heard; but that upon any o∣ther terms they should send no more. But Quintus again returning, contra∣ry to this Declaration made him by the Senate, Opimius no more considering him as a Deputy, commands him to be Arrested, and at the same instant gave Order to march against Gracchus; who fled over the wooden Bridge, to the other side of Tiber, into a certain Thicket, followed only by one Slave; to whom, because he would not fall alive into his Enemies hands, he presented his throat. Flaccus escaped into a Shop of one of his Friends, where his Pursuers lost him; but because they knew not which House he was run into, they threatned to burn the whole Street: Whereupon, he who had received him not having the heart to deliver him up himself, gave notice to another, who discovered him. So he was taken, and slain upon the place. The two heads were brought to Opimius, who pa••ed for them their weight in Gold. Their Houses were pillaged by the people, and their Fellow-Confederates strangled in the Prison by the Consul's Order. As for Quintus the Son of Flaccus, they gave him leave to chuse his death. After which, the usual Ceremonies for purging the City, polluted by these Mas∣sacres, were performed; and by Decree of the Senate, the Temple of Concord was built in the place.

The second Sedition of the Gracchi ending in this manner, soon after a [ VII] Law was made, by which it was permitted to any to sell their Lands, con∣trary to the defence made by the elder Gracchus; so that the Poor were soon thrust out by the Rich of all that they possessed in the Country, either by Power or Money; till such time as Spurius Borius absolutely abolished the Law of Lands; leaving the Country in possession of the ancient Masters, on condition of paying a Tribute to the People, and the Money arising thereby to be divided by head; which was a great comfort to the Poor, and a Re∣medy against unpeopling the Country. Thus Gracchus Laws, very advan∣tagious to the Commonwealth if they could have been executed, being once shaken, another Tribune of the People took off the Tribute; so that there remained nothing to the poor People. Hence proceeded it that the Country became depopulated, Soldiers grew scarce, the Revenue of the Roman People diminished, Military Establishments were reduced, the Laws lost their Authority, ano Men ceased to do Justice. And this was fif∣teen years after the Publication of the Law concerning Lands. About the same time the Consul Scipio caused the Theatre begun by L. Cassius, to be demolished, though almost brought to perfection, (whether he thought it might breed new matter of Sedition, or whether he thought it not for the Commonwealths good to accustom the People to the Grecians Voluptuous∣ness.) And the Censor Q. Cecilius Metellus did all he could to expel Glaucia

and Apuleius Saturninus, who had been Tribune, out of the Senate, for their debauched life; but his Colleague opposing it, he could not succeed in the Attempt. For this reason Apuleius, to revenge this Affront of Metellus, once more demanded the Tribuneship; and took the opportunity when Glaucia, then Praetor, presided in the Assembly. Notwithstanding, Noni∣us, of Noble Race, having with bloody Reproaches declaimed against Apu∣leius and Glaucia, was designed Tribune. But they fearing lest he having obtained that Dignity, should handle them roughly, broke up the Assembly; and presently slipped after him a Troop of Murtherers, who reached him as he was escaping into a certain House, and slew him. And because this Mur∣ther struck all the World both with horrour and compassion, those of Glau∣cia's Faction being got very early in the morning about him in the place of the Assembly, before the people were come, gave the Tribuneship to Apu∣leius: So no more Inquest was made after Nonius death, none daring to ac∣cuse the Tribune of such a Riot. Metellus was likewise sent into Banishment by a Cabal of his Enemies, upheld by Marius, now the sixth time Consul, who bare him a private Grudge. And this was the Trap they layd for him: Apuleius made a Law touching the Division of Lands in the Province of the Gauls, out of which Marius had lately driven the Cimbrians; so that now it was under dependence of the Romans, and not of the Gauls: By this Law it was enacted, that if the People passed it, the Senate should ap∣prove it in ten days, and by Oath oblige themselves to stand to it; and who∣soever would not swear, to be expelled the Senate, with twenty Talents Fine. Thus an opportunity of Revenge presented of it self; for there was not any likelihood that many of the Senators, but especially Metellus, Noble minded as he was, would endure to be forced to swear. Apuleius appointed a day of Assembly; and mean time sent Messengers from himself, to give notice to the Tribes in the Country, in whom he had great confidence, be∣cause the greater part of them had born Arms under Marius. This Law which seemed made in favour of the Allies, was not very pleasing to the Ro∣man People. So that no Order was kept in this Assembly; and whosoever stood up against it, was thrown headlong down by Apuleius. Hereupon the People of the City began to cry out that they heard thunder, as often as which happens, it is Sacrilege to enact any thing. But when Apuleius Par∣ty gave not yet over their Violences, the Citizens trussing up their Gowns, and seizing on the Arms of all they met, dispersed the Country-men; who, notwithstanding, being recalled by Apuleius, Rallyed, and returning to the Charge with Clubs likewise in their hands, made such a bustle, that at length the Law past. That done, Marius assembled the Senate to consult about the Oath demanded from the Senators; and because he knew Metellus con∣stant and steady in his Resolutions, he spoke his opinion first, and assured them he would never willingly swear; Metellus did the like: and the rest of the Senate praising both one and the other, the Consul dismissed the As∣sembly: but on the fifth day, the time prescribed by the Law to swear on, Marius having about ten of the Clock assembled the Senate in great haste, told them he was afraid of the People, eager for the Execution of the Law; but that he had found a device to secure them: That they ought to swear to that Law so far as it was legitimate; with which the Country People, whom they had most cause to apprehend, being satisfied, would be gone; and then it would be very easie to make it appear to be no Law, being published by force, and whilst it thundred, contrary to the Customs of their Ance∣stors. And having thus said, without staying to ask any one's opinion, or so much as giving time to think of it; whilst all kept silence through fear

and surprize, he rises up and goes to the Temple of Saturn▪ where the Trea∣surers of the Exchequer were to swear them; and first of all himself and Friends oblige themselves by Oath to the Observation of the Law. All the rest of the Senators, every one in fear for himself, swore likewise, save only Metellus, who remained stedfast and fearless in his Resolution. So Apuleius next morning caused in Usher to lay hold of him, to make him go out of the Palace; and when the other Tribunes of the People commanded the Usher to let him go, he ran to the Country Men, and told them they could have no Lands, nor would the Law be of force unless Metellus were driven out of the City. In so much that it was decreed in the Assembly of the people that he should be banished, and that the Consuls should forbid him Fire and Water; and they allowed one day to the Senate, to consider of the matter. The Ci∣tizens enraged at this Action, assembled with Arms under their Gowns, to conduct him through the City. But he thanking them for their good will, with all the Civilities imaginable, told them he would never suffer his Coun∣try to run any hazard for his sake. Then Apuleius published the Ordinance for his Banishment, which Marius soon confirmed by Decree. And thus this man, esteemed by all the World, went into Exile.

After this Apuleius was again nominated Tribune of the people for the [ VIII] third year, and they chose for his Colleague one, who most said, was a Fu∣gitive Slave, and who boasted himself to be Son to the elder Gracchus, for whom all the rabble gave their votes with much eagerness, out of the re∣spect they had to the said Gracchus. After this, was held an Assembly for the election of Consuls, where Anthony, by general consent of all the world was nominated to this Dignity. 'Twas not yet known who of Glau∣cia or Memmius that strove for it, should be his Colleague; but because Memmius was of much the better House, Glaucia and Apuleius fearful he should carry it, caused him to be set upon in the very assembly of the People, by certain Murtherers, who in the face of the whole world slew him with Clubs; so that by reason of this disorder, the Assembly broke up, after ha∣ving beheld the violation of all that respect due to the authority of the Laws, to Justice, to Men and to God. On the morrow the people incensed with the horrour of the Action, gathered together to punish it in the person of A∣puleius, but he assisted by great numbers of the Country people, whom he had caused to come of purpose, and taking along with him Glaucia and C. Sanfeius Quaestor went to seise the Capitol. The Senate declares them Enemies, and Marius with regret arms against them; but so few people, and so slowly, that the people tired with his delays, cut the Pipes which carried water to the Temple, till Sanfeius no longer able to endure thirst, gave advice to fire the Capitol, but Glaucia and Apuleius, out of the confi∣dence they had in Marius, yielded first, and Sanfeius after them: but when the people cryed out with one voice to put them presently to death, the Consul shut them up in the Palace, under pretence to punish them by form of Justice: the multitude thinking it a Fiction, climbing up on the Roof of the Palace, and pulling off the covering, never left throwing down Tyles on the Heads of those within, till the Quaestor, Tribune and Praetor lost their lives, having yet on the Habits and Badges of their Magi∣stracy. All the rest of their party perished likewise in the same tumult, and among others, the Tribune who said he was Son to Gracchus on the first day of his Tribuneship. No person could any longer promise himself to preserve his liberty, there was now only the shadow of a Common-wealth, no regard being had to Laws or Dignity, or Magistracy, since the holy

and sacred power of the Tribunes, which was established to oppose Riots and Murders, and to protect the people, was become polluted with the crimes of those which exercised it, and violated by the outrages which they received from others. After they were thus rid of the Tribunes, all the Senate and People of Rome began to demand the repeal of Metellus, save only P. Furius, whose Father was but a Freed-man, who opposed it with boldness, and would never be moved from this opposition, though Metellus the Son of him banished, besought him on his Knees, with tears in his Eyes, which was the cause that this Son whom all men saw in that condition, so worthy of compassion, got the Sirname of Pious, and that C. Canuleius the Tribune, offended at Furius his obstinacy, undertook to cause him to be condemned to death by the people, and pleaded his ac∣cusation so vehemently, that without hearing the Accused's defence, the incensed multitude tore him in pieces: so ordinary it was now grown, day∣ly to commit some new murder, in the place designed to do justice: at length they agreed to Metellus's return; and it is said, that when he entred the City, the whole day was not sufficient to receive the Complements of those went to meet him at the Gate. Thus the stirs made by Apuleius in Rome, were the third in order after those Tempests raised under the Tri∣buneship of the two Gracchi.

[ IX] Mean while began the Social War, by the conspiracy of all the Nations of Italy, which not being foreseen, and increasing prodigiously in a short time, put some stop to Domestick Seditions, by the fresh terrour it brought. After it was ended, other flames of Division were kindled between the chief Heads of the Common-wealth, which were not quenched by making new Laws, or raising sudden tumults; for they charged each other at the Head of mighty Armies. I have especially thought fit to insert this War in this History, as well because it took birth from a popular tumult, as be∣cause it was followed by another Dissention, much more pernicious to the Common-wealth than any of the former. It began then in this manner, Fulvius Flaccus being Consul, was the first that ever blew up the desires of Freedom in the minds of the Allies, out of hopes to be no longer subject to the Romans. but to share with them the Honours and Dignities of the City; and because he was obstinate in this proposition, the Senate sent him to a certain War, where the time of his Consulate being expired, he came to demand the Tribuneship, and prevailed so, that they gave him young Gracchus for his Colleague. Both one and the other being slain for making Laws of that kind in favour of the Italians, as we have already related, the spirits of the Allies were imbittered more and more, incensed, that they were treated rather like Vassals than Allies, and that Fulvius and Gracchus had perished so miserably, for declaring themselves their Protectors. Af∣ter them Livius Drusus Tribune of the People, of Noble Race, upon the request of the Allies, promised, to pass the Law they desired, touching the right of Freedom: for it was all they longed for, having no other way to become Masters as well as the others, to whom now they were but Subjects. Mean while, the Tribune, to gain the favour of the People, settled many Colonies in Italy and Sicily, in pursuance of an an∣cient Decree which had till that time lain dormant. He undertook like∣wise to reconcile the Senate and Knights, mightily imbroiled about the cognizance of crimes of concussion assigned to the Knights. He could not openly restore it to the Senators, wherefore he devised this stratagem, whereby he thought to content both one and the other. The number of

the Senators not amounting to above three hundred, by reason of all the past Seditions, he made a Law, ordaining the taking a like number of Knights of the worthiest men to fill up the Senate, and that all these toge∣ther should for the future chuse Judges, before whom all that were suspect∣ed of Corruption or Concussion, should appear to give account of their Actions; for that mischief was now so common, that men forbore to ac∣count it a crime, so boundless was impudence grown. But this design suc∣ceeded quite contrary to his imaginations; for the Senators thought it strange, that in a moment so many Knights should be mounted with them to the supreme Order, who probably seeing themselves raised to a new Dignity, would never well accord with the ancient Standers. And the Knights, who had tasted of profit and power, feared, (and that surely with reason) lest by this means all the authority should be restored to the Senate, to their detriment. Besides, it raised a jealousie between the Knights them∣selves; for no man could resolve to yield that to another (as more worthy) which he thought himself well deserved; and most certain it is, no one could be preferred, but with the Envy and Hate of all the rest. But no∣thing disturbed them more than the Prosecutions which ought to be recom∣ced against those who had suffered themselves to be corrupted by Bribes, the practice of which seemed quite abrogated. So that though the two Orders were at no good accord among themselves, yet they agreed in this point, equally to hate Drusus; and there were none but the People satisfied with him, and that because of the Colonies. For the Allies themselves, though the Tribune had done all these things with design to serve them, had an aversion to the Law of Colonies, because if the Lands were not divided, the rich men seised them partly by force, and partly by cunning, framing Intreagu••s with their Neigbours to enlarge their own bounds, by driving them from their proper Inheritances. The contagion of these Disorders had spread it self even to* 1.4 Hetruria and* 1.5 Umbria, whose people whom the Consuls had caused to come into the City, (in appearance to oppose the publication of the Law, but indeed to rid themselves of Drusus) cryed out publickly, that they waited for the Assembly, which being come to the Tribunes knowledge, he went very seldom abroad in publick, but held his ordinary audiences at his House in a kind of a dark Gallery, where one Evening, as he dismissed the multitude, he cryed out he was wounded, and at the same instant falling, was found struck in the Thigh, and a Shooe∣makers Knife in the Wound. Thus Drusus as well as others was slain in his Tribuneship.

The Knights were not wanting to draw advantages against their Ene∣mies, [ X] out of Drusus his Designs, and to find out matter of Calumny, and to this effect they perswaded Q. Valerius Tribune of the People to make a Law, declaring all such Criminals, who openly or underhand favoured the Allies, in their design to enter into the Government of the Republick, out of hopes soon to expose to their Accusers the Head Men of the City, to become the Judges of this crime▪ so odious to all Citizens, to destroy their Enemies, and make themselves almighty; wherefore when the other Tribunes opposed the publication of this Law, the Knights all drew their Swords, and presenting the points to the Throats of the Opposers, made them pass it by force. That done, they presently suborned Accusers against the most considerable of the Senate. Bestia, one of the first accused, would not come at their Summons, but went of himself into exile, rather than submit him∣self to the power of his Enemies. Cotta, called next to judgment after him,

appeared, but after he had given a brave account of the Employments he had undergone in the Republick, and declared against the Knights, he left the City without staying for their Sentence. Mummius sirnamed the Achaick, after having been fooled by his Judges, who promised to absolve him, was banished to Delos, where he ended his days. This mischief falling upon the worthiest and best men, the People began to be afflicted to see them∣selves in so short time robbed of the presence of so many great persons, and the Allies when they knew of Drusus's Death, and the cause of the Ba∣nishment of so many illustrious men, thought it was no longer time to suffer their Protectors to be so unworthily treated; and seeing no other way to suc∣ceed in their hopes, resolved to revolt against the Roman People, and to make War upon them with all their power. To this purpose they sent se∣cret Deputations to each other, signed an Union, and gave reciprocal Ho∣stages, of all which they had but late notice in the City, now wholly bu∣sied in trials and tumults. At last when they had advice of it, they sent into all corners the properest people they could find out, to discover the truth of this news, under pretence of doing something else; one of which e∣spying a Child of Ascoly in another City, whither he had been sent for Ho∣stage, advised Servilius thereof, who governed as Proconsul in those Quarters: from whence we may gather that even from those times the Countries of Italy were distributed to Proconsuls, a custom which many ages after the Emperour Adrian revived, though not to last long after his death. Servilius came forthwith to Ascoly, when the Inhabitants happen∣ed to celebrate a Solemn Festival, where whilst he thought to frighten them with his threats, when they perceived the League was discovered, they slew him, and with him Fonteius his Lieutenant. After having begun with them they spared no Roman, but put all to the Sword, and plundered their Goods. Thus they proceeded to an open Revolt, and all the Neigh∣bouring People took Arms, the Marsians, the Pelignians, the Vestins and the Marucians, who were followed by the* 1.6 Picenians, the Ferentins, the Hirpins, the Pompeians, the Venusines, the Apulians, the* 1.7 Lucanians and the* 1.8 Samnites, all Nations long time Enemies to the Roman Name. And in short, all the people from the River* 1.9 Liris, which I believe is at this day called Literva, to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf, as well within Land, as on the Sea-Coasts. Their Deputies going to Rome to complain that the right of Freedom was not granted them, though by their assi∣stances and Services they had highly contributed to the increase of the Em∣pire. The Senate answered them very roughly, that when they were re∣turned to their duty, they would hear their Deputations, but otherwise they would give them no audience; so fallen from all hopes, they prepared for War, raised Forces, and set out a hundred thousand men as well Horse as Foot. The Roman Army was not less numerous, comprizing those Al∣lies continued faithful to them: Sext. Iulius Caesar and P. Rutilius Lapus Consuls, commanded for the Romans; for this Intestine War was thought so important, that they put them both in Commission. They began to keep Guards at the Gates for the security of the City, and likewise of the Neighbours; for since these Novelties were sent on foot, they knew not whom to trust. There was great likelyhood of division, even in the City it self. To the Consuls they appointed Lieutenants, the greatest men of the Age, A. Rabirius, Cn. Pompey Father to him gained the Sirname of Great, Q. Cepio, C. Perpenna, C. Marius, Valerius Messala, A. Sextus Cae∣sar, P. Lentulus his Brother, T. Didius, Licinius Crassus, Cornelius Sylla and Marcus Marcellus. To each they assigned his Quarter with the authority

of Proconsul, and from time to time sent them Recruits, so dangerous did this War appear: as for the Allies, besides particular Captains chosen by every City, they gave command to T. Afranius, P. Ventridius, M. Egna∣tius, Q. Popedius, C. Papius, M. Lamponius, C. Iudacilius, Hirius Asinius, and Vetius Cato who likewise divided the Forces among them, and took e∣very one his portion to make Head against the Roman Forces. There hap∣pened several Defeats on both sides, which I will succincty relate. Vetius Cato killed two thousand of Sextus Iulius his Men, and forced him to shut himself up in Isernia, (which remained firm to the Roman Alliance) with the remainder of his Forces, of whom L. Acilius and L. Scipio got thence in Slaves Habit, the rest pressed with hunger, yielded at discretion. Marius Egnatius took Venafra by treason, and cut in pieces two Roman Cohorts. P. Presenteius encountring Perpenna with ten thousand Men, put him to flight with the slaughter of four thousand, and taking most of the others Arms, who threw them away to hasten their Flight. Wherefore the Consul Rutilius took the Command from Perpenna, and gave the re∣mainder of his Army to C. Marius; M. Lamponius engaging Licinius Cras∣sus, killed eight hundred of his men upon the place, and pursued the rest fighting, as far as* 1.10 Grumentum; C. Papius possessed himself of Nola, which was delivered up, and made offer to two thousand Romans that were there in Garrison, to receive them into his Army if they would joyn party with him, which they accepted all, save the Officers, whom he put in prison where they died by Famine. The same took Stabia, Minterna and Salerna, which were a Colony of the Romans, and gave employment in his Army to all the Inhabitants of those Towns, and likewise to their Slaves, after which, having spoiled all the Country of Nocera, the Neighbouring Cities yielded to him for fear of the spoil, and sent him ten thousand Footmen, and one thousand Horse, which he had demanded of them, with which Recruits he went and besieged Acerra: Sextus Caesar came with ten thou∣sand Gaul Foot, and the Numidian Horse, and encamped near unto Papius, who, to debauch the Numidians from the Roman Party, took Oxinta Son of Iugurtha, formerly King of Numidia, out of the Prisons of Venusa, where he was kept, caused him to be cloathed in Purple, and to shew him∣self to his Subjects; insomuch that the Consul perceiving that some of the Numidians were dayly running away to their King, sent the rest into Afri∣ca, as suspected, After this, Papius was so rash as to attempt to force the Roman Camp, and was already pulling down the Palisade, when a great Body of Horse sallying out of the Postern Gate, charged him, and slew six thousand of his men. However, this Victory prevented not the Consul's quitting that Post, and marching elsewhere with his Army. In Povilla the Canusians together with the Venusians and several other People, yielded to Iudacilius, and those who would not submit he subdued by force, slew all the Noble Romans, that he found, and made the Citizens and Slaves serve in his Army. Mean while the other Consul Rutilius, together with C. Ma∣rius, having built two Bridges over the Liris, not far distant from each o∣ther, with intent to pass over their Armies, Vetius Cato, who was encamp∣ed on the other side with his Army directly opposite to Marius his Bridge, to dispute their passage, laid by night an ambush in a Valley near Rutilius his Bridge; and after having let him (heedless as he did) pass, on a sud∣den fell upon him with his Ambush, who cut in pieces great numbers of the Romans, and drove multitudes into the River. The Consul himself was wounded in the Head, and sometime after died. But when Marius, who was still at the lower Bridge, understood the misfortune by the number of

Bodies brought down by the Current, he presently passed with all his Ar∣my, and forced the Enemy's Camp, which had but a slender Guard; so that Cato was forced to stay that night on the place where he had gained the Victory, and on the morrow to march away for want of Provisions. The Bodies of the slain Consul and other Persons of Quality, which were no small number, being carried to the City to give them Burial, occasioned an universal sadness in Men's minds which was not soon shook off, so grieved they were to behold the loss of so many Citizens. Wherefore the Senate upon Consultation enacted, that hereafter the Bodies of all such as died in Battel should be buried in the same place where they were slain, lest the sight of them should daunt the Courages of others, and dishearten men from going to the War. Of which as soon as the Enemies had advice, they made a like Ordinance. No person succeeded Rutilius in the Consulate for the re∣mainder of the year, Caesar not having leisure to go to the City to hold the Assembly: What remained of his Army was divided between C. Marius and Q. Cepion. But Cepion suffered himself to be deceived by Q. Popedius, who Commanded a Body of the Enemy's Forces. He came to him as a Run∣away, bringing along with him as Hostages two young Slaves, clad in the * 1.11 Robe worn by the Sons of Persons Free and Noble; and the better to gain his Confidence, brought him some Bars or Pigs of Lead, covered with Gold and Silver. After which, he perswaded him to go and charge the Enemy's Army, whither he would conduct him, and that instantly, while there was no one to command them. So he placed himself at the head of Cepion's For∣ces: and when he was come to the place where he had laid his Ambush, he put on his Horse towards a rising Ground, as if he would discover where the Enemies were, and from thence gave the Signal to his Men; who falling upon Cepion's, slew him with many others; those that escaped were by the Senate's Order joyned with Marius. About the same time Sextus Caesar, whose Army was composed of thirty thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, having marched among certain difficult Streits, was unexpected∣ly fallen upon by Marius Egnatius; who drove him into a Valley, and for∣ced him to run away in his Litter (because he was sick) towards a certain Ri∣ver, passable only by one Bridge; where, after having lost the greatest part of his Army, and the Remainder at every step throwing away their Arms, with much difficulty he at length secured himself in Theana. He ar∣med again as well as he could those men he had left; and with a Recruit sent him, took the Field to go and relieve Acerra, which Papius still besieged; where encamping near the Besiegers, they lay a long time without eithers daring to assault the other.

[ XII] For Caius Marius, he bravely repulsed the Marsians who came to en∣gage him, and gave them chase to the very Hedges of their Vineyards; which seeing they had clambered over with much difficulty, he would pur∣sue them no farther. But Sylla, who was encamped on the other side the Vineyards, encountring the Flyers, slew likewise a great number of them. So that that day the Marsians lost six thousand Men, besides great quantity of Arms, which the Victors got. Yet this Victory did but the more increase the fierceness of the Marsians. They gathered new Forces, and had the boldness to come and offer Battel to the Romans; who, for fear of being o∣verpowered, kept within their Trenches: For this Nation is very Warlike▪ and as report goes, never lost the Day before; and indeed to this very day never any triumphed in Rome over the Marsians, or without the Marsians. On another side of the Country about Mount Falernus, Iudacilius, T. Afra••nius

and P. Ventidius, with all their Forces joyned together, engaged the Army of Cn. Pompey; routed him, and pursued him to the very Gates of Firmo, where he shut himself up: And leaving Afranius to besiege the Ci∣ty, the other two went each a several way about other Affairs. Pompey presently gave new Arms to such as were preserved from the Defeat, but he durst not adventure a Shock till such time as a fresh Army being come to him, he caused Sulpitius to take a Compass by unfrequented ways, and gain the Backs of the Enemy; giving him Orders to fall on in the Rear, whilst he charged them in Front. They fought so well on both sides, that the Vi∣ctory remained a long time in equal Ballance; but when the Enemies saw their Camp burning, which Sulpitius had set on fire, and that Afranius was slain upon the place, their hearts failed them, and they fled away in dis∣order; and as many as could, escaped to Ascoly. Pompey forthwith be∣sieged the Town; which Iudacilius, who was a Native of it (fearing for his Country) strove to succour with eight Cohorts. He gave advice hereof to the Besieged, with Orders to make a Sally upon the Besiegers so soon as they should discover him coming at a distance, that the Enemy might not know on which side to defend themselves: But the Inhabitants were so cowardly, that they never stirred foot; which yet hindred not Iudacilius from forcing a Passage through his Enemies, and with as many as could fol∣low him entring the place, where he reproached them with their Cowar∣dice and Disobedience. After which, despairing of the safety of his Fel∣low-Citizens, he caused all his Enemies to be slain, as well out of former hate as because of the fault lately committed in despising his Orders, and giving by their Example occasion to others to do the like. Then he caused a Pile to be raised in the Temple; upon which setting up a Bed, after ha∣ving been very merry at a Feast, to which he invited his Friends, he took a draught of Poyson; and laying himself upon the Bed, desired them to se•• fire to the Pile, and so died, that he might not survive his Country. Mean while the time of Sex. Caesar's Consulate was expired, but the Senate pro∣longed his Command for the year following, with the Authority of Consul. As soon as he had his new Commission, he fell upon twenty thousand of his Enemies as they discamped; killed eight thousand upon the place, and car∣ried off the Field an infinite number of Bucklers which the rest that fled had left. But his Sickness having forced him to stay some time about Ascoly, at length carried him off; and according to his desire, C. Bebius succeeded in his Charge. Whilst these things passed on the Coast of the Ionian Sea, on the other side the Hetrurians and the Umbrians with some of their Neighbou∣ring People, drawn on by the Example of others, inclined to a Revolt. It was soon known at Rome, and the advice of it put them in new fears: Wherefore the Senate, apprehensive of seeing themselves encompassed by Enemies on all sides, caused the Coasts between Cuma and the City to be guarded by new Forces, in which for want of men, they entertained the Freed Men, a thing never before done; and granted to those Allies who had continued faithful the Freedom of their City, which was the only thing in the World they desired. This Decree being published by all the People a∣bout Hetruria, was received with general satisfaction. By this Act of Grace they engaged more firmly the true Friends of the people of Rome, setled in their duty such as were wavering, and made the Enemy more mild, in hopes of the same favour. They distributed not these new Citizens into the Tribes, which were already five and thirty, for fear they should out-number the old ones; but they formed new Tribes, wherein they were put by Decuries; so that they gave last of all their Voices, which were often

superfluous, because the five and thirty Ancient were more than half the number of the Tribes. This design was not at first observed; or perhaps the Allies contenting themselves at present herewith, demanded no more. Notwithstanding, being afterwards considered, it gave fresh occasion to Tu∣mults. The people above the Coasts of the Ionian Sea, who yet knew not that the Hetrurians had changed their minds, had sent fifteen thousand Men to their Assistance, whom they had ordered to march through all the by ways imaginable. Cn. Pompey, lately made Consul, surprized them, kil∣led about five thousand of them, and the rest dispersed, endeavouring to recover their Countries through rough and craggy ways, and in all the Ri∣gors of a sharp Winter; having nothing but Acorns to eat, perished almost all with Cold and Hunger. During the same Winter Portius Cato, Col∣league to Pompey, going to War upon the Marsians, was slain. After which L. Cluentius, to brave Sylla, who lay encamped on the Pompeian Hills, went and encamped within three Furlongs of him: And Sylla, not able to brook the affront, without staying for those that were gone to Fo∣rage, went out and charged him; but he was beaten and forced to retreat. The Foragers being returned, he once more fell on, put Cluentius hard to it, and forced him to remove his Camp further off; whither there com∣ing to him a Recruit of Gauls, he returned once more to try the For∣tune of the Field. As the two Armies were drawn up; a Gaul of very large Stature advanced, and dared any Roman to a single Combat; but he being slain by a very small Numidian, struck all the rest of the Gauls into such a Panick, that they turned their backs; ••nd by the disorder of their Flight, caused all the rest of Cluentius Army to do the like, and fly by the way to∣wards Nola. Sylla pursued them so eagerly, that he slew thirty thousand of them by the way; and because they would not open more than one of the Gates of Nola, to let them in, the Inhabitants fearing lest the Enemy should press in with them, there were twenty thousand more slain under the Walls; among whom was Cluentius, performing to the last all the Offices of a brave and gallant Leader. The General going, marched against the Hirtians, and began to besiege* 1.12 Equilania. Whereupon, the Inhabitants expecting the Assistance of the Lucanians, who were to come the same day, demanded time to consider about their Surrendry. He who knew their Cunning, gave them an hours time; during which he caused to be brought great quantity of Bavins of Vine-twigs to the Foot of the Wall, which was only of Beams of Timber; and the hour being past, set fire to them. So they surrendring only for fear, he gave the Plunder of the Town to the Soldiers as if it had been taken by Storm; which Example made other Cities of the Hirpins wil∣lingly submit themselves to the Romans. Those being yielded, he carried the War to the* 1.13 Samnites; not by those Avenues which were guarded by Mutilus their Chief, but by fetching a Compass through Ways by which they never thought an Enemy could come. So that falling in among them, at unawares, he slew great numbers, the rest flying every way they best could; and Mutilus himself being wounded, escaping with very few into Is••rnia. Sylla, after having pillaged the Camp, marched to* 1.14 Boviana, where was held an Assembly of the Rebel People; where because there were three Forts, whilst the Inhabitants thought only of defending them∣selves from him, he caused some Cohorts to march about, with Order to strom each of these Forts on the other side, and signifie to him by the smoak when they were Masters of them: Which succeeding happily, he approach∣ed the Walls; and after three hours Assault, took the Town. This was what past under Sylla's Conduct during this War; after which he went to

Rome, to demand the Consulate. As for Cn. Pompey, he reduced the Mar∣sians, the Marcinians and the Vestins. On the other side C. Cosconius, Pre∣tor, burnt* 1.15 Salapia after having taken it by force, reduced Cannes under the Obedience of the Romans; and having besieged* 1.16 Canusa, which the Sam∣nites came to relieve, after a stout and rugged Fight; with great loss of men on both sides, he was repulsed, and forced to retire into Cuma: But he soon got a Revenge; for as the Army of the Samnites lay only parted from the Roman by a River, Trebatius their General sent to Cosconius, that he should either pass the River, and he would retire; or that he should retire, and him∣self would pass the River, that they might come to a Battel. Cosconius chose rather to retire; and as soon as Trebatius was passed, defeated him; pursuing his routed Men to the River side, where most of them were drowned: So that the Enemy lost fifteen thousand men, and the rest with Trebatius escaped into Canusa. Cosconius after this Victory, went to spoil the Countries of Larinate, Venusa and Pouilla; and assaulting the Pediculi, in two days became Master of all the Nation, who came and submitted them∣selves. His Successor Cecilius Metellus, to whom he delivered up the Army, defeated those of Pouilla in a Battel, where Popedius, one of the Authors of the Rebellion, being killed, the Remainder of his Forces came by Bands to submit to the Conqueror. Thus the War of the Allies continued with much heat until in the end all Italy obtained the Right of free Citizens of Rome, save only the Lucanians and the Samnites; who notwithstanding, soon after were admitted as well as the rest, and distributed by Tribes, as we have said before, for fear they should have more Votes than the ancient Citizens, be∣ing indeed more numerous.

About the same time there arose another Tumult in the City about Debts, for some exacted the Interest of money lent with more rigor than was per∣mitted by the ancient Laws. For it seems the Romans, as well as the Greeks, abhorred Usury as a Trade ruinous to the Poor, and an occasion of Law-Suits and Enmities. The Persians themselves had no better opinion of it; and made the difference but very small between the practice of it, and cheating and lying▪ Notwithstanding, because Usury was now permitted by a Custom introduced some years past, the Creditors had some Right to demand it, but the Debtors delayed Payment under pretence of Wars and Tumults: Some there were likewise, that seeing themselves oppressed by the Usurers, threatned to have them condemned in a Fine. Asellio the Pretor, Judge of these matters, did all he could to compose all Differences; but not being able to compass it, he left them to the Law, after having explained to the other Judges, as in a difficult matter, what was Right, and what was Custom. Whereupon the Usurers, who could not endure mention should be made of the old Laws; got rid of the Pretor in this manner: One day, as he sacrificed in the Temple of Castor, surrounded with a great Croud of people, as is ordinary, some one having thrown a Stone at him he set down the Cup, and began to ••ly towards the Temple of Vesta; but being preven∣ted by others who stopt his passage, he ran into a Tavern to hide himself, where they cut his throat. In this Confusion many who thought he had e∣scaped into the Cloister of the Vestals, pursuing him with too much heat of passion, ran into those places where men cannot enter without Sacrilege. Thus was Asellio the Praetor killed in exercising his Office, clad in the holy Habit of Cloth of Gold, worn only on solemn Festivals, about two of the Clock, in the middle of the place, and offering a Sacrifice. The Senate cau∣sed to be published by sound of Trumpet, that they would give to whoever should discover the Authors of this Murder a Reward in Money, if a Free

Man, his Liberty, if a Slave, and Pardon, if one of the Accomplices: Yet they could never gain any intelligence of it; for the Usurers took a course to stifle even the Memory of this Riot, which we may likewise reckon a∣mong the Tumults of the City. It was followed by those Differences which happened between the Chiefs of the Factions, who as in open War assailed each other with formed Armies, each proposing no less price of his Victo∣ry than his Country, of which he pretended to become Master. It was im∣mediately after the War of the Allies that these Dissentions took Birth, and thus they began.

[ XIII] After that Mithridates King of Pontus, and other Countries had seized on Bythinia, Phrygia, and the neighbouring Asia, as we have said in one of our former Books; Sylla, then Consul, obtained for his part of the Govern∣ment the Province of Asia, with Commission for the War against Mithri∣dates. Before his departure from the City, Marius, who thought there would be more profit than danger in this War; and besides, spurred for∣ward with a desire to Command; engaged by a World of Promises P. Sul∣pitius, Tribune of the People, to serve him in this Affair; and at the same time put the new Citizens in hopes to raise them to an Equality with the old ones in their Votes, and cause them to be distributed among the ancient Tribes. By doing them this kindness, he laboured for himself; of which, though he made no shew, yet was it only for his own ends he sought their favour. Sulpitius presently made a Law, which if it had passed, had given Marius the whole Authority in the Commonwealth, so much would the New Citizens have out-voted the Old by reason of their numbers. The old ones who perceived it, opposed it with all their might; and at last, upon this difference they grew to so much heat, as to come to handy Strokes and Stones. The mischiefs increasing, the Consuls fearing lest in the Assembly, which was nigh at hand, they should come to the last Extremities, ordained Feasts for several days like to the solemn ones, with intent to prolong the time of the Assembly, and the danger wherewith the City was threatned: But Sulpitius, without having regard to the Feasts, gave order to those of his Faction to meet forthwith upon the place, with Arms under their Gowns, to make use of upon occasion, even against the Consuls themselves: And prepared in this manner, he began to declare against these Feasts, as unlaw∣ful; commanding Sylla and Q. Pompey to revoke them at that very moment, that the People might pass their Suffrages concerning the Laws. This dis∣course raised a great Tumult; Swords were drawn as before was agreed on, and the Points presented to the Consuls, who would not yet give way to it, till such time as Pompey luckily and nimbly getting away, Sylla withdrew un∣der pretence to go and consider of it. Mean while Pompey, Son to the Con∣sul, and Son in Law to Sylla, for having spoken something (I know not what) too freely, was slain by Sulpitius Faction; and Sylla returning in a small time after, revoked the Feasts; and at the same instant went away for Capua, where his Army lay, with design to march from thence into Asia, against Mithridates; for as yet he knew not the Plot laid against him. The Feasts being revoked, and Sylla gone, Sulpitius passed the Law about which so much stir had been made; and withal, instead of Sylla, gave Commission to Marius to make War against Mithridates. Sylla having advice hereof, resolved to defend his Commission with Arms: And to this end draws together his Sol∣diers, who hoped as well as he every man to do his own business in this Ex∣pidition against Mithridates; and judged if Marius went he would employ others. After having recounted to them all the causes of Complaint he had

against Marius and Sulpitius, without explaining himself farther (for he durst not openly declare himself in this matter) he exhorted them to be in a readiness to receive his Commands. They who knew his design, and feared to lose the Booty of the Asian Expedition, discover'd to him what he kept se∣cret; and besought him to take courage, and lead them to the City. He received this discourse with infinite joy, and forthwith caused six Legions to march; whose Officers not daring to resolve to bear Arms against their Country, drew off, to present themselves at Rome; so that there remained not in this Army any Person of Quality but the Questor. Upon advice of this brought to the City, Deputies were sent to meet him, to demand of him, for what reason he came thus armed into his Country: To whom he answered, that it was with intent to deliver it from Tyranny. He made the same Answer to all those whom they sent one after another. Yet in the end, he promised, that if the Senate would assemble in the Field of Mars, and cause Marius and Sulpitius to be there, he would come likewise, and do all things that should be agreed on by all the World. As he drew nearer, his Colleague Pompey came to meet him; and having applauded his Action, promised his Assistance. As for Marius and Sulpitius, who had not had time enough to prepare themselves, they sent other Deputies in the Senate's name, who proposed to him not to advance nearer the City than the fifth Stone till this Affair were more fully considered of. The Consuls, who dis∣covered the Cheat, granted the Deputies what they demanded; but scarce∣ly were they gone but they followed them, and siesed on the Celimontane Gate, and the Contiguous Wall with one Legion; Pompey commanding a∣nother, siesed on the Little Hill, the third gained the Wooden Bridge, and the fourth drew up in Battel before the Wall, whilst Sylla entred the City in a fighting Posture. He was recieved as an Enemy, for at first they with∣stood him with hurling of Darts out of their Windows; but when he had threatned those in the Houses to set fire to the next Streets, they threw no more. Marius and Sulpitius, and the rest of their Faction, having present∣ly armed themselves, encountred them in the place called the Esquiline; where was fought the first Battel ever seen in the City between two Contrary Parties; not in disorder, as formerly in their Tumults; but in open War, with Ensigns displayed, and Trumpets sounding: For their Animosities had urged things to these Extremities, because no person had endeavoured to ap∣ply a Remedy in the beginning. Sylla's Party had at first the worst of it, and began to give ground; when himself took an Ensign, and ran to carry it into the Gross of his Enemies. Then the Soldiers, either out of respect they bore their General, or fear of that Infamy wherewith those are brand∣ed that forsake their Colours, quitted all thoughts of Flight, and returned to the Charge. There was brought to them likewise from the Camp another Body of fresh Men, and another was sent about by the way of the Suburra, to charge their Enemies in the Rear. Whereupon Marius Soldiers, who, already tired, defended themselves but faintly against fresh Men; and who besides, feared lest they should inclose them behind, invited those Citizens who still fought from their Houses to come down to them, and pronounced Liberty to such Slaves as would come to their Assistance. But when they saw that no one stirred to help them they lost all hope, and went out of the City, and with them all the Persons of Quality of their Party. Sylla being gone into the Via Sacra, (or the Holy Way) where the Soldiers had the bold∣ness to take something by force, he caused them to be punished in the sight of all the people: And after having placed Courts of Guard through all the principal places in the City, he divided with his Colleague the labour of that

night, which they spent without any sleeping, still going from Quarter to Quarter to take care lest the Citizens should receive some injury from the victorious Soldier.

[ XIV] Next day in the Morning they called an Assembly of the people, where they bemoaned the deplorable estate of the Common-wealth, abandoned for long time to the passion of Seditious People, saying, they had been con∣strained to do what they had done; and that it was their advice, that for the future nothing should be brought to the people, without having been first debated in the Senate; and that to that purpose the ancient custom which they had abrogated should be revived. They proposed likewise the holding no more Assemblies for the creation of Officers by Tribes, but by Centuries, according to the institution of Servius Tullius. That thus the first deliberation of Affairs depending on the Senate, and being no longer committed to the suffrage of the people, who having nothing to lose, feared nothing, violence would give place, and good order be established, nor would there remain any more matter for Sedition. Having by this means and many others retrenched the authority of the Tribunes, which was mounted even to excess, because the Body of the Senate was in a man∣ner despised, by reason of the ••mall number of the Senators, they added to them three hundred of the greatest and most worthy men of all the Ci∣ty: but before all other things they cancelled as void and contrary to the Laws all that Sulpitius had done since the Feasts ordained by the Consuls. Thus from Tumults they came to Murders, and from Murders to Wars; and never before did any Roman Army enter their Country to commit acts of Hostility: but after this time all the Differences that happened be∣tween their Citizens, were determined by Arms: sometimes one party be∣came Masters of the City, sometimes the other, which yet was no hinder∣ance, that in the mean time other places were not besieged and sack'd, or that they felt not elsewhere those calamities usually attendant upon War: for in summ, there was no longer any Honour or Conscience, Love to the Common-wealth or their Country, which they violated not by number∣less Crimes. After all this, Sulpitius Tribune of the People, Marius who had been six times Consul, his Son, P. Cethegus, Iunius Brutus, Cn. and Q. Granius, P. Albinovanus. M. Lectorius and other Senators, to the num∣ber of twelve, who were gone out of the City, accused to be the Authors of Sedition, and to have called the Slaves to liberty, were declared Ene∣mies to the Roman People, with permission to the first that met them, to kill them unpunished, or to bring them to the Consuls; besides which they confiscated their Goods, and sent Men into all parts to search for them, some of which found Sulpitius, and slew him. As for Marias, he escaped without Usher, or without so much as a Servant to Minturnum, where, as he slept in a Room into which there came not a spark of light, the Magistrate of the City fearing the Decree of the Roman People, whilst on the other side he himself could not resolve to kill a man who had been six times Con∣sul, and done such great things, gave it in commission to a certain Gaul he met by chance, whom he furnished with a Sword to that purpose. But this man (as report goes) drawing near Marius's Bed in the dark, grew fearful, because he imagined he saw a flame dart out of his eyes; and when he raising himself up, cryed out, Darest thou kill Caius Marius? The Gaul astonished, fled hastily out of the Chamber, roaring with a loud voice, that he could not kill Marius. Whereupon the Magistrate, who before with much inward trouble had resolved upon the action, was now touched

with a sense of Religion; besides, he remembred the presage which when Marius was yet an Infant, promised him the seventh Consulship. For 'tis said there fell upon his Bosom seven Eaglets, whereupon the Divines fore∣told, that he should seven times obtain supreme Honour. Those of Min∣turnium seriously weighing this, and judging what had happened to the Gaul, came from above, forthwith led Marius out of the Town to a place where he might be in greater safety, who knowing that Sylla's Horsemen sought after him, left that place, and went towards the Sea-side through By-ways, till he found a small Cabbin, into which he entred, and laid him∣self down among the Leaves to repose himself a little; he had not lain there long, but he heard a noise which made him creep closer under the leaves, but then the noise increasing, he leaped into a Fisher-boat which lay there by chance, out of which he put an old Fellow that was the Master of it, and then cutting the Boat-rope which fastened it, and hoisting Sail left himself to Fortune, he was carried to a certain Isle where he saw by accident pass by a Ship in which he knew some of his Friends, with whom he went into Africa, yet he could not land, being hindred by Sextus Governour of that Province, because of his being declared Enemy; so he was forced to spend that Winter on the Numidian Sea. The news whereof being come to Cethegus, Granius, Albinovanus, Lectorius, and those others condemned by the same Judgment, and who leaving the City with Marius the Son had taken Sanctuary in the Court of Mandrestal King of Numidia, they em∣barqued and came to Marius, being themselves likewise jealous lest that King should deliver them to the Enemy. They wanted neither good will nor courage to assault their Country after Sylla's example, but because they had yet no Army they waited only an opportunity. Mean while, Sylla, who was the first ever made himself Master of the City by Arms, contenting himself with being revenged on his Enemies, without doing any violence to the other Citizens, sent his Army before to Capua, and resumed the charge of Consul. But the Faction of the Fugitives, and principally the rich, with some well monied women no longer standing in fear of Arms, desired the return of their Citizens; so that they spared neither pains nor cost, nor the attempting the lives of the Consuls themselves; for they thought their design would never take effect so long as they lived. As for Sylla, he might be safe in the midst of that Army granted him by the Se∣nate to make War upon Mithridates, who would not forsake him, though his Consulate were expired; but for Pompey his Colleague he was in great danger, so the people took compassion of him, and gave him the Govern∣ment of Italy with the Army then commanded by Cn. Pompey. This mightily troubled Cneus, yet when Quintus was come to the Army, and on the morrow began to exercise his Command, the other submitted to him as a private man; but a short time after all the Soldiery being crowded about the Consul, under pretence of hearing what he said, he was slain, and up∣on the action every one flying a several way, Cn. came in, feigning to be mightily troubled, as at a Villany committed against all Right and Justice. However, his anger lasted not long, but he presently resumed the Com∣mand of the Army. When the Consuls death was known in the City, Syl∣la began to be fearful of himself, and after walked not the Streets without a good company of Friends, who deserted him not by night, but not staying long after, he departed for Capua, and thence took his march towards Asia.

After this, the Friends of those Banished, supported by the authority of [ XV]

Cinna, Successor to Sylla in the Dignity of Consul, began to let the new Citizens know the design Marius had to mingle them among the ancient Tribes, to the intent, that not giving their Votes last, they might have as much power in the Common-wealth as others, which was the first cause of Marius and the other Exiles return. The ancient Citizens opposed it all they could, upheld by Octavius the other Consul, while Cinna stood for the new, suspected to have been corrupted by three hundred Talents he had received. Now those of Cinna's Party came to the place armed with Swords under their Gowns, where with loud cries they began to demand their being mixed among the other Tribes, but the best part of the people came in like manner armed about Octavius, who attended in his House, what would be the issue of this Tumult. They brought him word, that the greatest part of the Tribunes opposing the Demand, the new Citizens had with Swords driven them from the* 1.17 Rostrum, upon report of which he hastens by the Via Sacra, followed by a good company of men of Valour, and like a Torrent falls in upon the Assembly, passes over the Bodies of those that first encountred him, disperses the multitude, and after having terrified the contrary Party, returns to the Temple of Castor and Pollux, without doing any more, for his Colleagues sake, to whom he bore respect. But those which followed him without staying for his command, threw themselves upon the new Citizens, and after the killing of many pursued the rest to the City Gates. Cinna, who confident in the multitudes of the Countrymen, had promised himself Victory when he perceived courage had made the lesser number victorious, he ran through the City, and call∣ed the Slaves to liberty; but when he saw no person joyn with him, he went out to the Neighbouring Cities to whom the Right of Freedom had been granted, as† 1.18 Tibur, Praeneste, and others as far as Nola; and after ha∣ving solicited them to revolt, began to raise money to defray the Expence of the War. Whilst he made preparation for the execution of his Designs, C. Milonius, Q. Sertorius, and another C. Marius Senators of the same Faction came to him. But the Senate declared Cinna, for having forsaken the Common-wealth in imminent danger and called the Slaves to Liberty, to have forfeited his Freedom of the City, and Dignity of Consul, and substituted in his stead L. Merula then Priest of Iupiter, who is the only Priest that goes continually with a Mitre; for the others wear it only when they sacrifice. Mean while, Cinna went his way towards Capua, where lay another Army for the Roman People, being arrived he laboured all he could to gain the good will of the Officers and* 1.19 Tribunes, and such Sena∣tors as were there, going to this purpose to the Assembly in the habit of a private man, without Rods, and tears in his eyes, he spake to them in this manner:

The Oration of Cinna.

YOu behold me here, (Gentlemen) despoiled of an Honour I received from you. The People gave it me by their Votes; and yet the Senate have de∣prived me of it, without asking the consent of the People. Though this Affront be done to my person, I complain less of my own interest than yours: for to what purpose now should we court the favour of the Tribes? In what can you be ser∣viceable to us? or to what end are your Assemblies or your Votes, since they can cancel what you do; and you your selves so easily change your minds?

After having spoke thus to provoke them to anger, and made many complaints of the misery of his condition, he rent his Robe, and leaping from the Tribunal, threw himself upon the ground, where he lay extend∣ed a long time, till out of pure compassion they raised him up, returned him into the Tribunal-Seat, and having restored him the Rods in Quality of Consul, desired him to take heart, and lead them where-ever he had occasion for their Service. He accepted their offers, and improving the opportunity, received the Oath of Officers and Soldiers. Being in this manner confirmed, he went through the Cities of the Allies, exciting them as the causers of his present calamity, and for that reason drew from each good sums of money. There were likewise many principal men of the City, which came to joyn with him, only because it troubled them at any time to see the Common-wealth at quiet. Whilst Cinna was thus wholly employed in making his preparations, the Consuls Octavius and Merula, fortified the City, raised Engines on the Walls, and levied Sol∣diers as well among those Allies continued faithful to them, as among the Gauls; they likewise gave order to Cn. Pompey, who was with an Army on the Ionian Sea, to come speedily to the relief of his Country, which he forthwith did, and encamped before the Collatine Gate.

Cinna coming about the same time, pitched his Camp very near, and as [ XVI] soon as Marius had notice of it he came with the companions of his Banish∣ment, and landed in Etruria, whither about five hundred of his Friends out of the City went to meet him. He appeared in a slovenly dress, his Beard and Hair long, untrimmed and unkembed, to beget the more com∣passion: thus went he from City to City, talking of his Fights and Victo∣ries against the Cimbrians, and (which they hearkened to with more de∣light) promising them to employ his utmost power and credit to procure the passing of the Law in favour of the new Citizens. Having by these means assembled six thousand Etrurians, he comes and joyns with Cinna, who was joyful to have this great man his companion in the War. All the Forces of that Faction being come up, they encamped in three Camps on the Banks of the Tiber, Cinna and Carbo directly against the City, Sertorius above it, and Marius to the Sea-ward: they likewise made Bridges over the River to cut off the City from Provisions. Marius took Ostia by storm, which he pillaged, and Cinna took Rimini, whither he sent part of his Forces, that no relief might come to the Besieged from the Province of Gaul. Mean while, the Consuls were extremely disquieted, because they still stood in need of an Army; and since they could not re∣call Sylla, who was already gon over into Asia, they sent to Metellus em∣ployed in the Remains of the Social War against the Samnites, to put an end to that Affair upon the best conditions he could, and come to relieve his besieged Country; but whilst he delayed granting their Demands, Ma∣rius having advice of it, prevented him, and promised them all they desired: so the Samnites took Marius's Party. He had likewise intelligence in the City with Appius Claudius the Tribune, who had the command of the Guard at the Ianicula, who in the acknowledgment of favour formerly received from Marius, opened him one morning the Gate, and gave him entrance into the City, whither Cinna came likewise with him, but they were soon repulsed by Octavius and Pompey, who came speedily in. Soon after fell many Thunderbolts into Pompeys Camp, which slew sundry per∣sons of Quality, and among the rest the Proconsul himself. And now that Marius had taken order that no Provision could come to the City neither by

the River nor by Sea, he assaulted the Neighbouring Cities, where lay the Granaries of the Roman People: He took by Stratagem Antium,* 2.1 Aricia, * 2.2 Lanuvia, and several others; and became Master of some by Treason. So that having now likewise cut them off from Provision to the Land-ward, he was so bold as to design going to Rome by the Appian Way, before the Be∣sieged could get any Provision from elsewhere; and to this end he with Cu∣ma, Carbo and Sertorius went and encamped at the* 2.3 twelfth Stone from the City. Octavius, Crassus and Metellus went and encamped right against them on the Alban Hill, to oppose their Enterprises; and though they were the stronger both in the Valour of their Soldiers and their Number, yet they would not engage them, not thinking it convenient to commit the safety of their Country to the hazard of one sole Battel. But when Cinna had sent Cryers about the City, to proclaim that he gave liberty to all Slaves that would come list themselves in his Service, and that they saw they went away by whole Bands; the Senate fearing lest by too long want of Victuals the People should grow mad, changed their mind, and sent Deputies to Cinna, to treat of Peace. He first of all demanded if they came to him as Consul, or as a private Person; but they finding themselves perplexed with this Question, could answer nothing, and so returned: Soon after a great multi∣tude of Free Persons left the City, and came and yielded to Cinna; some for fear of Famine, and others as having no Aversion to his Party, and find∣ing the Occasion favourable. Wherefore now, no more fearing any thing, he advanced with his Forces, and came and encamped within Flight-shot of the Walls, which put Octavius Party into great perplexity: Besides, they durst no more attempt any thing, seeing continually Run-aways and Messen∣gers going and coming from one side to the other. Mean while the Senate knew not what to resolve on; they looked upon it as an unworthy thing to depose Merula, whom they had made Consul in the place of Cinna; a man who was Priest to Iupiter, and never deserved any Reproach: Yet in the end they were constrained to send Deputies to Cinna, to treat with him for Peace, and to Complement him in the Quality of Consul. They were not to propose him any Conditions, but only to request him to swear he would not slay any in the City: He would not take an Oath in those terms; How∣ever, he gave his Word, that by his good will, or by his consent, there should not be a Person put to death in the City; and sent word to Octavius, who was entred the City by the Gate on the other side, that he should depart, lest something might happen to him which he could not prevent. He gave this Answer to the Deputies, seated in the Tribunal like a Consul. But Ma∣rius, who stood up by him, kept silence; and by the sternness of his Looks made it sufficiently appear what a Slaughter he did intend. After this Word given, the Senate having recalled Cinna and Marius (for they well perceived this last was the Author, and that the other did but subscribe) Marius an∣swered in a scoffing manner, that it was not lawful for banished Men to re∣turn into the City: So the Tribunes of the People immediately cancelled the Sentence of Banishment, given against him and the rest, under the Consu∣late of Sylla.

[ XVII] Thus they were received into Rome with a publick Consternation, and presently they began to plunder the Goods of all such as seemed but any way enclined to the contrary Party, without any persons forbidding them. Cinna and Marius had upon Oath promised Security to Octavius. The Divines as∣sured him he need fear nothing, yet his Friends advised him to leave the City; but he answering them that he would never forsake his Country, especially

as long as he was Consul, retired to the Ianiculum, with the most Conside∣rable of the City, and a part of the Army, mounting the Tribunal habited like a Consul, and accompanied by Lictors with Rods and Axes. And just when Censorinus was coming with his Horse-Men, and that his Friends yet offered him a Horse to make his Escape on, he vouchsafed not to stir, but ex∣pected his death with an admirable Constancy. Censorinus carried his head to Cinna, who caused it to be fixed on the Tribunal for Orations; and this was the first Consul's head that ever was fixed there. Soon after the heads of others, who dyed in this raging fury, were likewise exposed as Spectacles in the same place: And this horrible Custom endured long after in all Mas∣sacres committed at Rome between the Enemy Factions. Every one of the Victors sought out his Enemy to destroy him; no person was defended from the cruelty of these Murtherers neither by the Dignity of Senator, nor that of Knight; and as many Senators as they killed, they brought their heads to the Tribunal. There was no longer any respect either towards Gods or Men; and after having committed such dreadful Crimes, they sought to sa∣tisfie themselves with Spectacles yet more shameful, cutting off the heads of the Slain, and making a show of their misfortune, whether to strike terror into, or to give a Criminal satisfaction to the eyes of the Vulgar. Among those that perished, the two Iulius's, C. and Lucius; Serranus, Cousin to Lu∣cius; P. Lentulus, C. Numitorius, and M. Bebius, were found dead in the Streets. Crassus flying, killed his Son, for fear he should fall into the hands of those pursued him, from whom himself could not escape. M. Anthony, the Orator, escaped to a certain Farm-House, where the Farmer gave him a Retreat, and kept him some time concealed; but the Farmer's Servant, be∣cause of this Guest, going to the Tavern for Wine oftner than he was wont; the Vintner enquiring the reason, he privately told him; who, as soon as he had given him his Wine, gave present advice to Marius. Upon the News of it Marius was so transported with joy, that he would have come himself to have been his Executioner; but his Friends disswading him, he sent a Tri∣bune with Soldiers. Anthony discoursed them with so good a Grace, and perswaded them with so many Reasons, that he gain••d their Compassion; till such time as the Tribune, who had stayed below, wondring at this delay, came himself into the Chamber; and whilst he was yet talking, thrust his Sword into his Belly; and cutting off his head, sent it to Marius. Cornutus being hid under the Tiles, was saved by the Cunning of his Slaves; who having found a dead Body, cast it on a Pile; and when they saw those that came to search for him, putting fire to it, said, they burnt the Body of their Master, who was strangled. Q. Acharius waited an opportunity till Marius went to the Capitol to sacrifice, out of hopes that out of Religion to the place he would grant him Pardon: But as he was coming to do his Reve∣rence to Marius; as soon as he perceived him, he commanded his People forthwith to cut his Throat, and that in the very Temple; and his Head ser∣ved for a Spectacle as well as that of the Orator Anthony, and so many other Pretorians and Consulars. Nor was it permitted to give Sepulture to their Bodies, the conquering Party would have them exposed to be devoured by Dogs and Fowls of the Air. The Seditious themselves did, unpunished, kill one another at every turn. Some they drove from their House, others they spoiled of their Goods, others deprived of their Dignities, Sylla's Laws they cancelled, slew his Friends; and after having pulled down his House, and confiscated his Goods, declared him Enemy of the State. They sought like∣wise for his Wife and Children, to put them to death; and they escaped but very narrowly. Thus was the City oppressed with all sort of Mischiefs and

Calamities. At length, after so many Executions of Persons without Con∣demnation, they thought it convenient under pretence of observing Forms of Justice, to bring Merula, the Priest of Iupiter, to his Tryal; and to that end suborned Accusers. He was not guilty of any Crime; but Cinna hated him, because he had been named his Successor, though it was never his seek∣ing. At the same time they gave a Summons to Lutatius Catulus, who had been Colleague with Marius in the Cimbrian War, and was obliged to him for saving his life; but forgetting that good turn, had been his cruel Per∣secutor during his Banishment. They appointed Guards, which they per∣ceived not, to watch their Motions, till the day assigned; which being come, they were called four several times by the Usher, with the Interval of some hours between each Call: And when they should have come to have plead∣ed their Cause, Word was brought that Merula had cut his own Veins; having writ one Tablet, which he left, that he had first laid aside the Mitre, for it is Sacrilege for a Priest to die with the Mitre on. As for Catulus, he had shut himself up in a close Room, newly plaistered over, and still moist; where causing Charcoal to be kindled, he voluntarily smothered himself. What remains concerns the Slaves called to Liberty by Cinna, and now ser∣ving in the Militia; they broke open House, carrying away all they found, and killing the first they met; and some of them were found abusing their own Masters. He had tryed several ways to correct them; but seeing he lost his labour, he caused them all one night, as they slept, to be encompas∣sed by the Gaul Infantry, who cut them in pieces. Thus were they punish∣ed for their Perfidiousness, as they deserved. The Consuls named for the year following were Cinna for the Second Time, and Marius for his Seventh; so that in spite of his Banishment and Proscription, the Augury of the seven Eaglets was accomplished. But whilst he was contriving ways to ruin Sylla, he was carried away by a Distemper in the first Month of his seventh Consu∣late. Cinna caused Valerius Flaccus to be substituted in his place, whom he sent into Asia; where he dying, he took Carbo for his Colleague.

[ XVIII] Mean while Sylla hastning his Return, to be revenged upon his Enemies; after (having in a short time vanquished Mithridates (as we have before re∣lated) killed one hundred and sixty thousand Men in less than three Years; re-conquered Greece, Macedon, Ionia and Asia, and the other Countries which Mithridates had siesed upon; despoiled that King of his Fleet, and reduced him to the Kingdom of his Predecessors) he begun his Journey to∣wards Italy with an Army that loved him, accustomed to Labour, and height∣ned with the happy Success of his Arms. He had likewise store of Ships and Money; and was, in short, in a Power capable of undertaking the greatest things; so that his Enemies began to be terrified: And for fear of him Carbo and Cinna sent Men through all Italy, to raise Money and Soldiers, and lay up Stores of Corn for their Service in the Depending War. They endeavoured likewise to engage on their side all Persons of Riches and Autho∣rity, and to gain the People, particularly the new Citizens; perswading them they had not fallen into the present danger, but for espousing their In∣terests. They fitted out a Fleet, and gave Orders to guard the Coasts with Ships they had caused to be brought from Sicily. In short, they forgot no∣thing that could be done to make speedy Preparations for their Defence a∣gainst such an Allarm. As for Sylla, he wrote to the Senate a Letter full of Anger; wherein after having made an Enumeration of all the Labours he had undergone for the Commonwealth; in Numidia against Iugurtha, Que∣stor; in the Cimbrian War, Lieutenant; in Cilicia, Pretor; and in the

War with the Allies, Consul; besides those great things he came from do∣ing against Mithridates: Amplifying each Action in particular, and princi∣pally, the great number of Provinces he had reconquered from Mithridates, and reduced under the obedience of the Roman People: But above all, he put a value upon the Obligation they had to him, for having been the Re∣fuge of those Roman Citizens driven from the City by the violence of Cinna, and for having comforted and assisted them in their Calamities and Distres∣ses. Adding that for a full Acknowledgment of so many good deeds his E∣nemies had proscribed and set a price upon his Head, demolished his House, killed his Friends, and driven away his Wife and Children, who with much difficulty escaped to him; but he should now suddainly be in the City, where he would revenge both private and publick Injuries, and punish the Authors of these Disorders, which notwithstanding, he did not impute to any of the Citizens, either Ancient or New. This Letter read in the Senate struck a terror into all the World; wherefore they sent to him Deputies to ••econcile him with his Enemies; with Order to tell him, that if he desired any Secu∣rity, the Senate would become bound for what they agreed on, provided he would forthwith declare his Intentions. And in the mean time they forbad Cinna from making any new Levies, until Sylla had returned an Answer. Hereupon Cinna said, that he would put all his Concerns into the hands of the Senate. But scarce were the Deputies gone, but he designed himself with his Colleague Consuls for the following Year, that he might not be obliged to return to the City to hold the Assembly. That done, they both left Rome; and coasting all Italy, enrolled some Legions, and sent over se∣veral Troops, one after another, to Dalmatia, with which they pretended to go and meet Sylla. The first arrived safely at those Ports where they de∣signed landing, but those who embarked afterwards were by Storms cast back on the Coast of Italy: where the Soldiers coming again to their Homes, protested that never by their good will would they bear Arms against their Citizens: Which coming to the knowledge of others that were ready to de∣part, they refused to pass into Dalmatia. Cinna enraged at this Refusal, gave them order to come to the Assembly, thinking to oblige them to obey by force of threats. They came thither as angry as he; not sticking to say, that if they were too much pressed upon, they knew how to defend them∣selves. But as he was going away, the Lictor, who marched before to make way for him, having pushed one of them to that purpose, a certain Soldier returned him a Blow; whereupon, the Consul commanding the Soldier to be arrested, a great noise suddainly arose, which was followed by throwing of Stones; and some that stood next to Cinna drawing their Swords, ran him through and through. Cinna thus slain in his Consulate, Carbo caused those Troops carried over into Dalmatia, to be brought back; and so doubtful he was what to do in this Conjuncture, that he durst not re∣turn to the City, though the Tribunes of the People had summoned him to come, to the end he might in a lawful Assembly substitute another Con∣sul in the place of him that was slain. At last however, when they threat∣ned to reduce him to the Rank of private Men, he went and appeared at the day appointed for the Nomination of a Consul; but because the Birds gave ill Omens of that day, he adjourned the Assembly to a farther day, on which the Thunder falling on the Temples of Luna and Ceres, the Augurs were the occasion that the Nomination of a Consul was deferred till after the Sol∣stice, and that till then Carbo remained singly in that Dignity. Mean while Sylla had returned in Answer to the Senate's Deputation, That he would not contract Friendship with Men blackned with such horrible Crimes.

However he would not hinder the People of Rome from giving them secu∣rity, but there would be much more for those who would joyn with him, being Master of an Army affectionate to his interests. This word alone was sufficient to make them believe he was resolved to keep his Command, and that he had a design to seise on the absolute Dominion; for he demand∣ed likewise that they should entirely restore his first Dignity, his Goods, his Priesthoods: and in short, all the Honours that he had; and indeed he had sent with the Deputies of the Senate some to demand all these things, but when they heard at Brundusium that Cinna was dead, and the Common-wealth in trouble, they returned to find Sylla without proceeding farther.

[ XIX] Upon this report brought to him, he left Pyraeum with five Italian Le∣gions, six thousand Horse, and the Auxiliary Forces of Macedon and Pelo∣ponnesus, which amounted to about sixty thousand Men: from Pyraeum he came to Patras, from whence he passed over to Brundusium on a Fleet of six hundred Ships. He was received into the Port without any contra∣diction; and in acknowledgment of that seasonable kindness, he granted to the City an exemption from all kind of Imposts for the future, which they enjoy to this day. That done, he set forward with all his Forces, and by the way met with Metellus Pius, who some years before had com∣manded the Body of an Army in the War with the Allies; but not being willing to return to the City, for fear of Cinna and Marius, was retired in∣to * 2.4 Liguria expecting some change. Now therefore he came to offer Sylla what Forces he had, having still the Title of Proconsul; for when once that Honour is attained, it lasts till he enjoys it returns to his Country. Some time after Cn. Pompey, who afterwards gained the Title of Great, Son of that Pompey who was killed with a Thunderbolt, came to him like∣wise. In former appearance he was no Friend to Sylla, but now he made him lay aside all suspicion of him, by bringing with him a Legion out of the Country of† 2.5 Picene, where he was well beloved in memory of his Father's name, he raised two other Voluntier Legions soon after; and a∣mong all those that took Sylla's Party none did him more important Ser∣vice: and though yet very young, Sylla had so high a value for him, that whoever arrived he was the only person for whom he rose up from his Seat; that he sent him into Africa to put an end to the Remains of the War, quell Carbo's Party, and reestablish Hyempsal in his Kingdom, who had been driven out by the Numidians; and that for the Actions he there did, he granted him the Honour of Triumph, though he had not yet arrived to the age prescribed by the Laws, and was then but a plain Knight. In so much, that after so fair beginnings, being advanced in age as well as repu∣tation, he was sent against Sertorius in Spain, and afterwards to the King∣dom of Pontus against Mithridates. Cethegus likewise came to meet Sylla, though he had been the greatest Enemy he had, and was therefore banish∣ed with Cinna and Marius, but now he presented himself before Sylla in the condition of a Suppliant, offering him to serve him in all he should be pleased to employ him. Thus beholding himself fortified with a great number of Soldiers and store of illustrious Friends whom he made his Lieutenants, he placed himself at the Head of his Army with Metellus, both being Proconsuls; for Sylla going to the War against Mithridates in Quality of Proconsul, had not yet quitted that Dignity, though Cinna had declared him Enemy to the State. He mortally hated those that had offend∣ed him, but he kept his hatred close, for which reason those which re∣mained in the City knowing his temper, were sorely terrified. They had

not forgot what passed the first time he entred in Arms, they knew he was incensed at the Sentences given against him, they saw his House pulled down, his Goods confiscate, his Friends killed, and his Family in flight, who very hardly escaped; and therefore thought they must resolve to overcome, or utterly to perish, so that in this common fear they threw themselves into the Consuls Party, and began to fetch from all parts of Italy Soldiers, Pro∣visions and Money with all the diligence necessary in extreme danger. The Consuls C. Norbanus and L. Scipio, and with them Carbo Consul the year precedi••g (who hated Sylla as much as the others, but feared him more, out of a remorse for the injuries he had done him) after having levyed Soldiers throughout all Italy, took the Field with each his Body of an Army. They had at first but two hundred and fifty Men in each Cohort, but soon after they found many more; for all people had a far greater inclination for the Consuls than for Sylla, because Sylla seemed to come against the City like an Enemy, whilst the Consuls fought for their Country: but this was only in appearance, for in truth they laboured only for themselves. Besides the vulgar sensible they were sharers in the fault, were carried on to defend it by the same fear, and no person was ignorant that Sylla had not simply the thought of chastising, reforming, or striking terrour, but that he me∣ditated upon Sackings, Burnings, Massacres, and in a word, the general ruine of the City. And surely, they were not deceived: all places they soon found sacked and filled with slaughter by the continual Fights, in which there perished sometimes ten thousand, sometimes twenty thousand in one only Engagement, and at once in and about the City fifty thousand, where yet the Conquerour forgot no cruelty he could exercise on the Remainder as well in general as particular, till in the end he reduced the Roman Em∣pire under his Dominion, and disposed of it at pleasure. They received from on High presages of these miseries by a great number of Prodigies, Ghosts presented themselves to an infinite many people throughout all Italy, as well alone as in company; they set themselves to examine ancient Ora∣cles, where they still found matter of greater fear and distraction: a Mule engendred, a Woman was delivered of a Serpent, a great Earthquake o∣verthrew some Temples in the City. And though the Senate and People of Rome keep constant watch against such Accidents, the Capitol built by the Kings above four hundred years before was set on fire, none could tell how. And indeed these were all Signs which threatened Italy with Mur∣ders and Desolations, and the Roman People with Servitude, and that Change which was to happen in the Common-wealth. The beginning of this War, accounting from the time that Sylla landed at Brundusium, hap∣pened in the hundred seventy fourth Olympiad. The Actions of it were much greater, than the time of its continuance long; for each party run∣ning with fury to the ruine of the other, the losses they sustained were so much the greater and more quick; yet it lasted three years, till such time as Sylla made himself Master of the State; and even after Sylla's death it yet continued a long time in Spain. There was through all Italy many Fights and Skirmishes, Sieges and other Exploits of War in great number, and very remarkable, as well in Pitch'd Battels as in Rencounters. We will only relate those Actions are most considerable, and best worthy me∣mory, and that the most succinctly we can.

The first Battel fought was about Canusa between the Consul Norbanus [ XX] and the Proconsuls, wherein the Consul lost six thousand men, and those of the other Party only seventy, but they had many wounded, and Nor∣banus

retreated to Capua. After which, the Proconsuls being encamped near Theana, L. Scipio led against them another Army, more disposed to Peace than War, which being observed by the Chiefs of the contrary Par∣ty, they sent Deputies to the Consul to treat of an Accommodation, not that they hoped to succeed, or that they stood in need of it, but with de∣sign to sow Dissention among Troops not very fiercely set on, as indeed it happened; for Scipio, after having received Hostages, went into the ad∣jacent Fields to confer with the others, whom he found there likewise, They were but three of a side, so that it was not known what passed in the Conference, save only that they remained of accord, that Sertorius by the Consul's order should go and find his Colleague to communicate with him, and that while they staid for an answer, there should be a Cessation of Arms. But Sertorius having seised upon Suessa that held for Sylla, and he making complaint to Scipio, whether he had consented to it, or knew not what to answer, surprised as he was with the unexpected news, he resigned up the Hostagesto Sylla; whereupon the Army offended at the Action Sertorius had so unseasonably done, and at the redelivery of the Hostages, began to blame the Consuls, and caused Sylla to be privately informed, that if he would draw a little nearer, they would all come over to him. This com∣position made, the Consul found himself so forsaken, that he knew not what to resolve, he was taken alone in his Tent by Sylla's Men, having no body with him out Lucius, his Son. But certainly it seems to me a thing un∣worthy of a General not to have the foresight to perceive so great a Con∣spiracy of a whole Army. Sylla not being able, whatever he could plead to them, to make the Consul or his Son take his part, dismissed them both without any injury done; and at the same time sent other Deputies to Ca∣pua, to treat the peace with Norbanus, whether he indeed feared, seeing the most part of Italy took the Consuls part, or whether he laid the same snares for him he had done for Scipio; but seeing no one came to him, nor that any answer was returned him (for it's probable the Consul took care not to give his Army occasion of like scandal) he took the Field to march against Norbanus, wasting all the Country as he went; Norbanus on the other side did the like, and Carbo went before to th•• City, to declare Me∣tellus and all the other Senators who were joyned to Sylla, Enemies to the Senate and People of Rome. 'Twas at this time that the Capitol took fire, about which ran divers reports, some accused Carbo, others suspected the Consuls, others said Sylla had caused it to be done. But it being hard to discover the truth of so uncertain a thing, we will leave it in its incertain∣ty. For Sertorius, who sometime before had obtained the Government of Spain, after having taken Suessa, he went into his Province, where refusal being made him of quitting the Command, the Roman Armies had enough to suffer. Mean while the Consuls Forces increased dayly by the great num∣ber of Soldiers that came from the farthest parts of Italy and Gaul, about the Po: and Sylla on his side did not sleep, he continually sent Messengers to all the People of Italy to draw them to his Party, either by inclination, or fear, or money, or by the power of promises, insomuch that the rest of the Summer was consumed in these Affairs. In the beginning of the next year were named for Consuls Papirius Carbo for the second time, and Marius Son to the Brother of the illustrious Marius, of but seven and twenty years old; and because in this Season the Colds were too great, each Party drew into Garrisons, but as soon as the Spring was come on, there was ••ought by the River Esis between Metellus and Carmus Lieutenant to Carbo, a very fierce Battel, which lasted from Morning to Night,

wherein the Lieutenant being defeated, with a great loss of Men, the Neighbouring Places that held for the Romans yielded to Metellus: but Carbo having reached Metellus, besieged him till such time as understanding that his Colleague had been defeated in a great Battel near* 2.6 Praeneste, he brought off his Forces to Rimini, pursued by Pompey, who sorely galled his Rear-Guard. Now the defeat of Praeneste was thus, Sylla having s••ised on† 2.7 Setia, Marius drew thither with his Forces, then falling off by little and little, when he came to Sacriport he drew up in order of Battel; Sylla having done the like, they fought bravely, till Marius's Left Wing begin∣ning to stagger, five Cohorts and two Squadrons, who had turned their backs of set purpose, threw down their Colours, and went all and yielded to Sylla; which was the sole occasion of the Rout; for all the rest presently took their flight towards Praeneste, Sylla still following them close at the Heels. The Praenestines let the first that presented themselves enter, but because the Enemy was so close in the Rear of them, they shut their Gates, and drew up Marius over the Wall with Ropes; and now there was a great Slaughter before the Walls, and many Prisoners taken, among which all that were found to be Samnites were by Sylla's command cut in pieces, as obstinate Enemies of the Roman Name. About the same time Metellus defeated another Army of Carbo's, five Cohorts having come over to his Party in the heat of the Fight, which much advanced the Victory. Pom∣pey likewise beat Marius about Siena, and took and sacked the City. As for Sylla, after having shut up Marius in Praeneste, he caused the place to be encompassed with a very large Circumvallation, which he gave in charge to Lucretius Offella, that he might take the Consul by Famine, there being no necessity of Fighting. He seeing his Affairs desperate, and unwilling his Enemies should survive him, wrote to Brutus Praetor of the City, that he should call the Senate upon any other pretence, and then cause Antistius, the other Carbo, with Lucius Domitius and Mutius Scaevola the High Priests to be slain. The two first according to Marius's order were killed in the Senate by Murderers sent thither, Domitius flying, was slain at the Door, and Scaevola at some distance from the Palace. Their Bodies were cast into the River; for the custom was now grown ripe, not to suffer Burial to be given to those were slain, Mean time, Sylla drew off his Forces towards Rome by several ways, with order to seise on the Gates, and if they were repulsed to retire to Ostia, which way soever they marched the terrour of their Arms made the Cities receive them, and Rome it self shut not her Gates; for the Citizens were straitened with Famine, and already ac∣customed no more with stubborness to resist Calamities at hand. As soon as Sylla had this intelligence he immediately advanced, and drawing up his Army in Battalia in the Field of Mars before the Gate, entred the City, where not finding one of the contrary Faction, he forthwith confiscated their Goods, and publickly sold them; and assembling the people, com∣plained, that he had been forced by the malice of his Enemies to come to these Extremities, exhorting the Citizens to take courage, with promise they should in a few days behold the end of their miseries, and the re-esta∣blishment of the Common-wealth.

After having applyed some remedies to the most pressing Distempers, [ XXI] and left a Garrison in the City, he marched towards* 2.8 Clusa, where there was yet a Remain of War not to be neglected. Whilst he was at Rome some Celtiberian Horse sent from the Praetors of Spain were joyned with the Consul's Army, which occasioned a Fight betwixt the Horsemen near the

River Glanis, where Sylla's Horsemen had the better, he killed about five hundred of the Enemy, and two hundred and seventy Celtiberians came over to his side; all the rest Carbo caused to be cut in pieces, either to re∣venge the treachery of their Countrymen, or for fear his Men should fol∣low their example. At the very instant of this Victory, Sylla's Party fight∣ing against their Enemies about Saturnia, defeated them; and Metellus go∣ing by Sea to the Borders of Ravenna, reduced under his obedience the Country of the Uritanians, which is a vast Champain very fruitful in Corn. Another Body of Sylla's Men entring by night into Naples by treason put all to the Sword (save a few that escaped by flight) and made themselves Masters of all those People's Galleys. As for what passed at Clusa, Sylla fought a whole day together against Carbo, and the Field was so resolutely maintained, that only night parted them, Victory inclining neither to one side nor the other. But in the Country of Spoletto Pompey and Crassus both Lieutenants to Sylla cut in pieces about three thousand of Carbo's Men, and kept Carinas, who commanded them, blocked up, till Carbo sent another Army to relieve him, of whose March Sylla having intelligence, crossed their way, and charged so briskly, that he left about two thousand in the place. but yet Carinas taking the opportunity of a dark and rainy night, escaped from the Besiegers hands, who though they knew it well enough, yet let him pass because of the cruel weather. The same Carbo, to rescue his Colleague Marius besieged in Praeneste, and ready to perish with Famine, sent Marcius with eight Legions, whom Pompey, that lay in ambush for him, so vigo∣rously assaulted, that he slew the greatest part, and forced the rest to retreat to a rising ground, where he invested them; but Marcius causing great Fires to be kindled, to make the Enemy believe he still was there, marched off closely in the dark, but his Army imputing to him the fault committed in falling into the Ambuscade, mutinyed, and whether he would or no took their march towards Rimini, where the greatest part disbanding themselves, went home; so that Marius had but seven Cohorts left, with which after all these misfortunes he went to find out Carbo. After this M. Lamponius, Pontus Telesinus and Gutta of Capua being upon their March with seventy thousand Men, as well Lucanians as Samnites, to go and disengage Marius; Sylla seised of a certain Strait, by which only they could pass to go to Praeneste, so that they were forced to return without doing any thing. And now the Consul falling from all hopes of being re∣lieved, caused a Fort to be raised in a spacious place between the City and Trenches, whither he brought Engines, and drew together all his Forces with intention to make Lucretius retire, and open himself a passage by Sal∣ly: but after divers continued endeavours for many days he shut himself up again within the Walls of Praeneste. About the same time Carbo and Norbanus after a long hard March perceived themselves towards Evening to be near Metellus his Camp, and though there were but an hour more of daylight, and that they saw all about the Vineyards lay very thick, yet they drew up their Army in Battalia with more passion than prudence. They thought to fright Metellus by this surprize, but both time and place being disadvantageous to them, they fell one upon another, and were so cruelly defeated, that they left six thousand upon the place, six thousand yielded to Metellus, and the rest fled every man his way, so that a thou∣sand only retreated in order to Arezzo. Upon the news of this defeat a Le∣gion of Lucanians commanded by Albinovanus, joyned with Metellus's Party, and that in despite, as it were, of their General, who yet not lo∣sing courage, went to find out Norbanus; and yet after all this, having un∣derhand

treated with Sylla, upon condition to do some memorable service, he invited Norbanus to a Treat with his Lieutenants C. Apustius and Flavius Fimbria Brother to that Fimbria who killed himself in Asia, together with all the Officers of Carbo's Party, who being all met save only Norbanus, he caused them to be slain in the midst of the Feast, and yielded himself to Sylla. After this Treachery Norbanus hearing that Rimini because of this accident, and of some Armies that lay nigh to it had likewise fallen off to Sylla's Party, and believing (as it generally happens to all men in declining fortune) that he could no longer confide in the friendship of any man, em∣barqued on a Vessel belonging to a private man, and got safe to Rhodes, whither Sylla having sent to demand him, whilst the Rhodians were con∣sulting about it he slew himself in the midst of the place: Carbo yet sent two Legions under the command of Damasippus to Praeneste, to raise that Siege with all speed possible, but they could no more than the others force Sylla's Men posted in the Strait. Beside all this, all the Cisalpine Gauls yielded to Metellus; and Lucullus encountring another Army of Carbo's near Placentia, gained the Victory; so that this General after so many losses, though he had still thirty thousand Men about Clusa, the two Legions with Damasippus, and two others commanded by Carinas and Marcius, be∣sides a great number of Samnites continually engaging with Sylla's Men to drive them from the Strait where they were posted, lost all hopes, and fled to Africa with his Friends, in which he certainly committed a great weak∣ness to leave Italy being Consul, as if after having lost it, he could make himself Master of Africa. The Army which he left at Clusa engaging with Pompey, after the loss of twenty thousand Men, dispersed, and every man returned home. As for Carinas, Marcius and Damasippus having joyn∣ed Forces they marched towards the Strait of which we have so often spoke, hoping with the assistance of the Samnites to come to a good issue, but not succeeding better than others before them, they advanced towards Rome, which they thought might easily be taken, wanting both Men and Provi∣sion, and went and pitched their Camp upon the Alban Hill at the* 2.9 tenth Stone. But now Sylla, who was afraid for the City, caused the Vanguard of his Horse to advance first to retard the Enemies March, and himself following with the rest of his Forces by great journies arrived about noon at the Colline Gate, and went and encamped near the Temple of Venus. The Enemies were likewise encamped on the Skirts of the City, so that though the Sun were declining, the two Armies came to a Pitched Battel, Sylla's Right Wing had the better of it, but his Left Wing being over-born, fled towards the Gates, where the old men that were upon the Walls seeing that the Conquerors and Conquered ran pell-mell together, let fall the Portcullis, which by it's fall crushed in pieces many Soldiers, and likewise some Senators. Then the greater Party forced through fear and necessity turned head upon the Enemies, and having continued the Fight all night cut in pieces a great number, among whom were found Tel••sinus and Al∣banus. Their Camp was taken, and Lamponius, Lucanius, Marcius, Cari∣nas and all those Officers of Carbo's side that escaped took their flight seve∣ral ways. The number of the dead on both sides was adjudged to amount to fifty thousand, and that of the Prisoners more than eight thousand: of which the greatest part being Samnites, Sylla caused them all to be slain by his Bowmen. On the morrow, Marcius and Carinas being taken in their flight, Sylla pardoned them not, though his Fellow Citizens, but causing their Heads to be cut off, sent them to Lucretius to be carried about the Walls of Praeneste. When the Besieged saw them, and understood that all

Carbo's Forces were lost, that Norbanus was fled from Italy; and in a word, that the City it self was in Sylla's power, they yielded up the place. Marius run into a Mine to hide, but there soon after slew himself. His Head was carried to Sylla, who set it up before the Tribunal for Orations, with some Railleries about the Consuls Age, who ought to have exercised himself at the Oar before he took the Helm. Lucretius become Master of Praeneste, found there many Senators; some of which he caused to be slain, others he put in Prison, till Sylla coming upon the place, put them likewise to death: For the Soldiers, he caused them to march into the Field unarm∣ed; and after having picked out some that had served him, he divided the others into three Bands; the Romans were set in one place, the Samnites in another, and the Praenestines in a third: Then he caused the Romans to be told by Cryers, that they had deserved death, but however he pardoned them; the rest were all slain, only the Women and Children were saved; and the City, which was one of the richest of those times, was plundered. Praeneste being treated in this manner, yet the City of Norba held out stout∣ly till such time as Emilius Lepidus getting in one night by Treason, the Inhabitants mad with rage and despight, found a way to die; some by their own Swords, others mutually killed each other, others died by strangling, and some, after having shut fast the Doors of their houses, set fire to them; which inflamed by a suddain Wind, at once devoured them and all that should have been the Soldiers Prey. The taking of Norba put an end to this War, which had been the occasion of so many miseries to both sides, and by Fire and Sword to all Italy. And now, the better to se∣cure the Victorious Party, Sylla's Lieutenants went through all the Towns, and placed Garrisons in such as were suspected; and Pompey had Commis∣sion to go and pursue the Remainder of the War in Africa against Carbo, and in Sicily against those still held his Party.

[ XXII] Sylla now become Master of Rome, called an Assembly of the People; where having spoken haughtily of his Actions, and said a great many things to strike terror into the People, he concluded his Discourse with saying he would make the people's condition better than it was, so they would obey him, but he would pardon none of his Enemies; on the contrary, there should be no Punishment nor Calamity which he would not make them un∣dergo: And since Scipio had broke his Word with him, would likewise do all he could to destroy those had favoured the contrary Party, without sparing Pretors, Quaestors or Tribunes. The Assembly was scarce broke up, but he pro∣scribed forty Senators and sixteen hundred Knights; for it is said that he was the first Inventor of the Proscription of Heads, and the first that proposed Rewards to Murderers and Discoverers of those Unfortunate Wretches that hid themselves, and decreed Penalties against those who discovered them not. Some time after he added likewise other Senators to the num∣ber of the Proscribed; some of which were slain before they heard any thing of it, in whatsoever place they were found; in the Streets, in their Houses, in the Temples. They hanged several whom they came and threw dead at Sylla's feet; they dragged along others, set their feet upon their Throats, whilst at all these horrible Spectacles no one durst say a word. Some they drove from the City, despoiled others of their Goods: And those sent into the Country to search for them that fled, ran up and down every where, searched in every hole, and murdered as many as they could find. The Allies who had obeyed the Orders of Carbo, Norbanus or Mari∣us, or their Lieutenants, fared no better; all places were filled with Massa∣cres,

Plundring and Banishment. Throughout all Italy they set themselves to inform of these things, as of greate crimes, to be severely punished, who had born Arms, commanded Troops, furnished Money, or done any Service against Sylla, though it were but giving Counsel to his Enemies; so that Men accused their Hosts, their Friends, their Creditors and their Debtors. Some were made criminal for only having given some relief to those of the contrary Faction, and some for but travelling upon the Road with them. But above all, the rich Men were in greatest danger. After the Accusations against particular Persons were over, Sylla undertook to punish whole Bodies of People, which he did in divers manners; he demo∣lished the Forts and rased the Walls of some, layed great Fines upon others, tormented others with cruel Exactions, transplanted others to another Country, that he might give their Lands to his Soldiers who had served him in the War; to the end, that they being planted in the most commodious places of Italy, might reduce all people under his Obedience; which fixed the Soldiery to his Interest for the whole Course of their life: For they knew they could not maintain themselves in those Inheritances, unless all that Syl∣la had done stood good; and therefore were always ready to maintain his Authority, even after his death. Whilst these things passed in Italy, Carbo, who had escaped out of Africa into Sicily, with many Persons of Quality, was taken flying from thence to Corcyra by people sent after him by Pompey, with Orders to kill all the rest, without permitting them to see him; but for Carbo, though he had been three times Consul, he suffered him to lie bound at his feet; where, after he had said a thousand cruel things, he caused him to be put to death, and sent his head to Sylla. After he had thus treated his Ene∣mies to his hearts content, so that there remained none of the contrary Fa∣ction but Sertorius, and he a great way off, he sent Metellus into Spain a∣gainst him, and began to dispose of the Affairs of the City at his pleasure. There being now no regard to the Laws, or Votes, or any of the ancient Formalities; all people hiding themselves for fear, or at least holding their peace, the People and Senate of Rome ratifyed all that Sylla had done, as well in his Charge of Consul as in the Quality of Pro-Consul; and caused to be erected for him in the place for Orations a guilt Statue on Horse-back, with this Inscription.

To CORNELIUS SYLLA, Emperor the Happy.

For his Flatterers called him happy, because of the continual Success of his Arms against his Enemies; and it was only Flattery gave him that Sir∣name. I my self found in certain Memoirs, that in the same Sessions of the Senate, they gave him the Title of THE GRACIOUS; which I the easier believe because himself afterwards took the name of FOELIX, not much different in signification from that of GRACIOUS. There was likewise found an Oracle which confirmed him in the Resolution of underta∣king all these things; and ran thus,

Believe, brave Roman, Venus guides thy Fate, Knowing thee sprung from Great Aeneas Line: By mighty Actions then advance thy State, Sure of Assistance from the Powers Divine. But let not Gods their Favours cast away; Delphian Apollo waits for Gifts of thine. And when War brings thee to Mount Taurus, pay A Golden Axe to Carian, Venus Shrine.

However it were or whoever it was that wrote either of these two Epi∣thites on his Statue, in my Opinion good Raillery might be made of either. But they stopped not here to gain the good Grace of the Conqueror; they sent to that place an Axe with a Crown of Gold, and put on it this In∣scription.

Great Venus, let this Gift Acceptance meet, Which Sylla, head of Rome, lays at thy Feet, Dreaming he saw thee ready for the Fight: Provoke his Soldiers to maintain his Right.

Being then in Effect King or Tyrant, since he mounted not to this Supreme Power by the consent of the People, or the Authority of the Senate, but by force; yet standing in need of some pretence, that he might seem lawfully elected, he made use of this Artifice.

[ XXIII] Formerly in Rome the most vertuous were Kings; and when any King di∣ed, the Senators by turns from five days to five days presided over the Go∣vernment of the Commonwealth, till such time as another, elected by the Votes of the people, succeeded in the Kingdom; and this Five Days-Magi∣strate was called Inter-rex. Afterwards when the Republick was governed by Consuls, instead of Kings; only those Consuls going out of Office, had Right to call an Assembly for the naming new; and if by any Accident they happened to be wanting, they created an Inter-rex to preside in the Assem∣bly. According to this custom Sylla took the occasion now there were no Consuls in the Commonwealth, Carbo being cut off in Sicily, and Marius in Praeneste; and retiring for some time out of the City, sent word to the Senate, they should create an Inter-rex. The Senate having received his Orders, gave that Dignity to Valerius Flaccus; hoping that by this means they should soon have an Assembly for the Election of new Consuls. But Sylla writ to Flaccus, to acquaint the Senate from him, that the present E∣state of Affairs required they should name a Dictator; not for a certain time, as the ancient Custom which had lasted four hundred years required; but till the Affairs of the City, of Italy, and of the whole Empire, which till now had been shaken with continual Wars, were settled and put in better order. There is no doubt this new Proposition meant only himself, and in∣deed he was not shy in shewing the desired it; for in the end of the Letter he wrote, that if the Fathers thought good, he offered himself to render that Service to the Commonwealth. When this Letter was read in the City, the Senate and people of Rome were grievously perplexed: They saw now they must no more hope for a lawful Assembly, and that they were no lon∣ger Masters; wherefore under the Mask of an Assembly, they willingly accepted of this false Appearance of Liberty granted them, and created

Sylla Tyrant, with an absolute Power for as long time as he pleased; for formerly the Dictatorship was a bounded Tyranny, for a certain time of short continuance: But having taken away these Bounds, there wanted no∣thing to make it an accomplished Tyranny. Yet they gave him a more ho∣nest name; saying, that he was created Dictator to make such Laws as he should judge profitable to the Commonwealth, and to apply necessary Or∣ders. Thus the People of Rome, who had been under the Dominion of Kings about a hundred Olympiads; and almost as long under Popular Go∣vernment, where Consuls presided, and changed every Year; returned under a Form of Royalty in the Seventy fifth Olympiad of the Greeks: there was now no fighting at the Olympick Games, nor any other Exercise but running: For Sylla, after the War with Mithridates was ended, and the Intestine Disorders appeased, sent for all the Combatants, and whate∣ver else could give any pleasure to the City, under pretence to recreate the people, wearied with so many Toyls. And that he might not seem to in∣croach upon the ancient form of Government, he permitted the People to chuse Consuls. They gave that Dignity to M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobel∣la, but he, in Quality of Dictator, reigned absolutely, even over the Con∣suls themselves; for they carried before him four and twenty Axes, as they did before the other Dictators, and as formerly before the Kings; and he always went encompassed with Guards: Besides, he cancelled Laws, and made new ones. Among others he made one, by which he enacted, that none for the future should receive the Office of Praetor till he had been Quaestor, nor be Consul till he had been Praetor, nor obtain one Dignity twice until ten years after he had exercised it. As for the Tribuneship, he so en••eebled it, that it seemed quite under foot; making a Law, by which it was enacted, that after being Tribune, no Man should be admitted to any other Dignity; so that no Person either of Quality, or desirous of Honour, would accept that Charge. Yet it is not positively certain whether it was he that transferred it from the People's Choice to the Senate's, as it is at pre∣sent. However it were, seeing the Senators reduced to a small number by reason of the Tumults and Wars, he added three hundred, whom he took from the principal Cavaliers; yet not till having first demanded the Suf∣frage of the Assembly for each of them. He augmented likewise the num∣ber of the People with all the Slaves of the Proscripts, whom he found well made, and in the Flower of their Age, to the number of ten thousand; first giving them their Liberty, then the Right of Freedom, with the name of Cornelians, as their Benefactor. Thus he had always ten thousand Citi∣zens ready at the first beck. And to make himself Creatures throughout all Italy, he divided, as hath been said, among twenty three Legions great Parcels of Land, part Publick, and part confiscated from the Cities who fa∣voured the contrary Party. But he was so terrible hasty and cholerick upon the least occasion, that he caused Lucretius Offella, who took Praeneste, and gave the last stroke to the War, to be slain in the midst of the place, because being only of the Order of Knights, and having never past the Degrees of Quaestor or Praetor, against the new Law, he stood for the Consulate, con∣trary to the Dictator's mind, and in despight of those warnings he had gi∣ven him to desist the pursuit of it; grounding himself upon this, that he had served him well in his War. After this Action, he thus spoke in full Assembly.

The Oration of Sylla.

KNow, Gentlemen, and take my Word for it, that Lucretius was slain by my Order, because he would not do what I commanded him. Then he added this Fable; A Labourer troubled with Lice that bit him as he wrought, twice interrupted his Work, to search his Shirt; but finding they bit still, he pulls off his Shirt, and throws it into the Fire. This I tell you, that the Vanquish∣ed may be advised, lest Fire be the Punishment of their third Relapse.

So that having terrified them by this discourse, he rendred them ever af∣ter absolutely submissive to his Will and Command. After this he tri∣umphed for the Victory obtained against Mithridates; and in time of Tri∣umph all men having liberty to say what they please, there were some gibe∣ing People that called his Government a disavowed Royalty; because, though he was King in effect, yet he would not take the Title: Others, on the contrary, called it by its proper name, that is to say, a manifest Tyran∣ny. This City being fallen into this sad degree of Misery by the Civil War, and Italy in like manner: The Provinces were not exempt, some having been ruined either by the Pyrates or by Mithridates, or by Sylla; others almost undone by new Imposts, after the Publick Treasure had been exhau∣sted by the continual Seditions. For all Nations, all Kings in Amity, all Cities; not only those T••ib••tary, but likewise the Allies, and those that for Services done the State had been made free: In a Word, all that depen∣ded on the Roman Empire, were constrained to pay Tribute, and submit to the Will of Sylla; in so much that some places, to which by solemn Treaties they had granted Ports and Lands, were not exempt. We have elsewhere spoke of a certain Alexander, Son to another Alexander, King of Egypt; who being bred up in the Isle of Coos, the Inhabitants delivered him to Mi∣thridates: Now this Alexander flying for Refuge to Sylla, and gaining his favour, he gave him to Alexandria for their King, under pretence that there were no more Males of the Royal Line, and that the Daughters of the ••lood-Royal could not marry, unless to one of their Kin; and indeed, out of hope to draw good store of Money out of so rich a Kingdom. But when this new King, upheld by Sylla's Favour, began to reign too insolent∣ly, the Alexand••ia••s drew him out of his Palace on the nineteenth day of his Reign and slew him in the midst of the Place for Exercises; so much boldness they still had, either because of their vast Riches, or because they were ignorant of the Calamities of other Nations, of which they had no ex∣perience.

[ XXIV] The Year following Sylla, though Dictator, permitted the making of Consuls, to represent some Form of a Commonwealth; and was himself Coll••••gue with Me••ellus Pi••s; From whence perhaps that Custom took Bir••h▪ which is to this day practised by the Roman Emperors; who have the power to create Consuls at their pleasure, to take that Honour to them∣selves, and think it a fine thing to joyn the Consulship to the Sovereign Au∣thority. The Year following, the People, to ••latter Sylla, having offered him the Consulate, he would not accept it, but gave that Dignity to Servi∣lius

Isaurius and Claudi••s P••lcher. And for his part, not long after he de∣posed himself voluntarily from his Dictatorship, without any Man's propo∣sing it to him: Which certainly appears to me a thing worthy of all Admi∣ration, that this man, the most powerful of the Age he lived in, should of his own accord quit so great an Empire; not to his Son, as Ptolemy in E∣gypt, Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, and Seleucus in Syria; but in favour of those over whom he had exercised an insupportoble Tyranny, and indeed it seems quite contrary to Reason; for why so much Toyl and Labour? Why expose himself to so many dangers, to raise him to this high Authori∣ty? Only to lay it down by his own Free Will. And I wonder no less at this; that Rome being still peopled, after having lost more than a hundred thousand Men in this War, of whom ninety were Senators of the contra∣ry faction, fifteen Consulars, two thousand six hundred Knights, com∣prizing those banished of that Order, whose Goods had been confisca∣ted, and many of their Bodies left without Burial. Sylla, notwithstand∣ing finding himself in Security both at home and abroad; without fearing those whose Forts he had demolished, whose Walls he had thrown down, whose Goods he had pillaged, whose Immunities he had deprived them of, returns of himself to the Condition of a Private Man, such was his Bold∣ness or his good Fortune. It is said, that when he deposed himself from his Dictatorship, in the middle of the place he cryed aloud, that he was ready to render an Account of his Actions to any one that demanded it•• and at the same time sending away his Lictors with their Axes, dismissed his Guards, and walked yet a long time with some few of his friends only, before all the Multitude, astonished at this Change as at a prodigy. In the Evening he returned to his house, none presenting themselves to com∣plain against him; save one young Fellow, who not being hindred by any, had the Impudence to revile him with words: And he who had poured out his Anger against so great men, and against whole Cities, suffered with patience the reproaches of this Correction, by saying as he went in∣to his house, either by natural Foresight or Inspiration from above; This Boy will be the occasion, that if any after me obtains the like Dignity, they will never lay it down. The Event of which Prediction soon after happened: For Caesar mounted to a like Estate, would not descend. Sylla then immo∣derate (at least in my Opinion) in all he desired, being by the favour of Fortune, from a private man become a Monarch; would from a Mo∣narch become a private man, and spend the rest of his life in the Coun∣try. So retiring to an Estate near Cuma, he divertized himself with Fish∣ing and Hunting, not that he was weary of a private life in the City, or need be troubled for want of Armies to Command, if he had a desire to undertake any thing, for he was yet young and vigorous, and had throughout all Italy about Sixscore Thousand Men bred up in Fighting under his Banners, and who possessed Lands and great Estates by his Li∣berality; besides the Ten Thousand Cornelians of the City fixed to his In∣terest, with those of his Faction who all together hated and feared by the contrary Party, and could no way hope to avoid the revenge of those mischiefs they had done to others, but by his preservation. But I believe that finding himself glutted with Wars, and Dominion, and City Affairs, he began to love a Country life. After that he had laid down the Sove∣raign Power, the people seeing themselves delivered from Tyranny, and from the fear wherein they lived, suffered themselves by little and little to be carried on to new seditious, matter to which was furnished by the Con∣suls themselves, Catulus one of them was of Sylla's faction, and his Colleague

Emilius Lepidus on the contrary party, they mortally hated each other•• and from the beginning of their Consulate, so little concord was perceived between them then, that no man doubted but their division would cause new miseries in the Common-wealth. Mean while Sylla retired in his soli∣tude, dream'd one night that Destiny called him; wherefore as soon as it was light he rose, and after having told his Friends his Dream, that day made his Will, which was no sooner sealed, but the Fever seised him, so that the night following was the last of his life. His death immediately gave occasion of new troubles; for one side were of opinion, that his Bo∣dy should be carried in Funeral Pomp through Italy, and so being brought to the City, they should give him Burial in the place at the publick Ex∣pence: which Lepidus and those of his Faction opposed: however Catulus and Sylla's Party carried it. So his Body was brought through Italy upon a Litter all covered with Gold, and adorned with Royal Ornaments, before which marched at the sound of a great many Trumpets Men carrying Axes and other Ensigns of the Dictatorship: the Light Horse, and Men at Arms armed Cap-a-pee followed next all about the Litter, which was followed by his Lieutenants and Tribunes in Arms, all following each other in their Order and Degree to honour his Funerals. The People likewise ran in from all parts in such vast numbers, that never were such crowds seen; but when the Corps entred the City, the Pomp augmented much, before were carried above two thousand Crowns of Gold, which the Cities and Legions which he had commanded, and his own particular Friends had caused to be made to present him with: besides there were many other Magnificencies not to be expressed; and because there was some reason to fear for the great concourse of Soldiery which were in the City, endea∣vours were used to bring things in order. The Corps then being conduct∣ed by the Priests and Vestals, each in their degree, after them marched all the Senate with the Officers, adorned with marks of their Dignity, next a Troop of Roman Knights, and at last a multitude of Soldiers that had served under him; for upon the report of his death they made all the haste they could to come to his Funerals, with gilt Ensigns and Bucklers inlaid with Silver, as the fashion is at this day. There were likewise between di∣stance and distance Trumpets that sounded some mournful air. There was nothing heard but fortunate acclamations of the Senate, Knights, Soldiers and People. Some lamented Sylla, others feared him yet, though dead, and the present spectacle did not terrifie them less than the remembrance of his past actions; so that his Friends and Enemies remained of accord in this, that to the last day of his life he was useful to the one, and dreadful to the other: his Corps being set down in the place for Orations, the most elo∣quent Orator of the Age, mounting the Tribunal, made his Funeral Ora∣ration, because his Son Faustus was not yet of age to pay him that Office. After the Oration, some of the strongest Senators took the Litter upon their Shoulders, and carried it to the Field of Mars, where they had been accustomed to give Rights of Sepulture to none but Kings, and whilst the Corps burnt, the Knights and all the Soldiery kept marching round about the Pile.

[ XXV] Scarce were Sylla's Funeral Ceremonies finished, but the Consuls, as they returned began to quarrel with each other, and the people of the City were divided in their favour. Lepidus, to curry favour with the people of Italy, having said, That he would restore them the Lands Sylla had taken away; whereupon the Senate, who feared them both, obliged them to

promise upon oath they would not take up Arms. Mean while, Lepidus, to whom Gallia Cisalpina fell, in dividing the Provinces, staid till after the Assembly for election of Magistrates, as if the year of his Consulate being past, he had been discharged from his Oath, and free to make War upon Sylla's Party. But his Designs being known to all the world, the Fathers sent him command to return to the City, and he knowing the cause of his revocation, sets forward with all his Forces, with a resolution to enter Rome with them, which being forbid him, he causes his command to be proclaimed in the City for all those of his Party to take up Arms. Catulus on his part does the like, so there was a Battel fought between them, a lit∣tle distance from the Field of Mars. Lepidus was defeated, and forced to fly into Sardinia, where he died of Sickness; and his Army, after having troubled and over-run some places of Italy, mouldred away by little and little, what remained of it was carried by Perpenna to Sertorins into Spain, who being the only General remaining of all Sylla's Enemies, made yet eight years War upon the Romans; they had a vast trouble to put an end to this War, having not only the Spaniards to deal with, but likewise their own Citizens under the conduct of Sertorius, who having obtained the Government of that Province in the time he commanded Carbo's Forces a∣gainst Sylla, had retired into Spain in Quality of Praetor, after having taken Su••ssa during the Truce. This Government was disputed with him by those that commanded, for they were of Sylla's Party, but he having joyned with those Forces he led out of Italy some Auxiliaries of the Celtiberians drove them out, and Metellus himself being by Sylla sent against him, he defended himself generously. At length his valour having gained him a fair reputation, he formed a Council of three hundred of his Friends, which he called a Se∣nate, in derision to that at Rome. Sylla being dead, and some time after him Lepidus, Sertorius recruited with the Forces brought him by Perpenna, thought himself in a condition to mar••h into Italy, and possibly he had done it, if the Senate, who were fearful of it, had not sent Pompey with a new Army to joyn the first: Pompey was yet but a young man, but already in high esteem for those brave things he had done under Sylla in Africa, and likewise in Italy: so he undertook this Expedition with great courage, and to pass the Alpes after the example of Hannibal, he made a new way be∣tween the Springs of the Po and the Rhosne, which are separated one from the other only by some small Mountains, from whence these two Rivers go to discharge themselves in two different Seas, the Rhosne into the Tyrhene Sea, taking its course through the Transalpine Gaul, and Po into the bot∣tom of the Adriatick Gulf, gliding along the Cisalpine Gaul. As soon as he got to Spain he lost a Legion, which he had sent to convoy his Foragers Beasts of Loading, and Boys; nor could he hinder Sertorius from taking and pillaging the Town of Aurona in the sight of him. In the taking of this Town a certain Woman, exceeding the ordinary strength of her Sex, with her Fingers thrust out the eyes of a man that would have ravished her, which coming to Sertorius's knowledge, he put the whole Cohort to death, though they were all Romans, because they had already committed the like crimes. Hereupon, Winter being come, the two Armies separated; but at the beginning of the Spring they again took the Field. Metellus and Pompey setting forth from the Pyraenean Hills where they kept their Win∣ter Quarters, and S••rtorius and Perpenna from* 3.1 Lusitania, they met near Sucrona, and gave Battel; where as they were hotly engaged, there not be∣ing a Cloud to be seen just before, on a sudden the Air was full of Thun∣der and Lightning, which would have passed for a Prodigy with some o∣ther

Armies; but these being all old Soldiers minded it not, nor did it hin∣der them from making a great Butchery on one side and the other: Me∣tellus having defeated Perpenna, pillaged his Camp; but on the other Wing Sertorius having wounded Pompey on the Thigh with a Javelin, routed him, so that it is incertain which side had the better. Sertorius had a tame white Hind which had used to go at liberty in the Fields, she having been some days wanting, he counted it an ill presage, and as long as he thought her lost, would not fight with the Enemy, who scoffed at him; but seeing her come running to him, he took the Field, and rejoycing at her return as a good Augur, began himself the Skirmish. Short time after there was another great Battel fought near† 3.2 Sagunt••m, which lasted from Morning to Evening, without advantage on one part or the other: but at last Pom∣pey was fain to yield, after having lost six thousand Men, and Sertorius three thousand; and for Metellus, he likewise cut in pieces five thousand of Per∣penna's Men. The next day Sertorius taking along with him a great num∣ber of Barbarians, went in the Evening to assault Metellus his Camp, who doubted of no such thing; and he had certainly forced it, if Pompey bring∣ing timely relief had not put him by his Enterprise. Mean while, the Summer being slipped away, both Armies parted, and went to their Win∣ter Quarters. The year following, which agrees with the hundred se∣venty sixth Olympiad, the Roman Empire encreased two Provinces by the last Testament of two Kings, Nicomedes having left to the Romans Bythi∣nia, and Ptolemy sirnamed Apion, of the Race of the Lagides, the Province of Cyrene: but they had likewise great Wars; in Spain this we are now speaking of; in the East with Mithridates; over all the Sea with the Py∣rates; about Crete with the Inhabitants of the Island, and in Italy against the Gladiators, who rose all upon a sudden, and gave them a great deal of trouble. Though they had so many Affairs upon their Hands, yet they for∣bore not to send to the Army they had in Spain two Legions, which being arrived, Metellus and Pompey came down from the Pyraenean Mountains; and Sertorius and Perpenna left Portugal to go meet them; when they drew near, a great number of Sertorius's Soldiers went and yielded to Metellus, which so angred Sertorius, that he treated many others with great cruelty, and by his ill conduct got the hate of all the rest. But the greatest com∣plaint his Army made against him, was, that instead of Romans he had ta∣ken Celtiberians for his Guard, and chose rather to trust his person with Strangers than those of his own Nation. They could not endure to be ac∣cused of infidelity, though they bore Arms under an Enemy of the Roman People; and that which troubled them the more, was, that he, for whose sake they had been perfidious to their Country, would not trust them; be∣sides they thought it very unjust, that they should be punished for Runa∣ways, they who had kept constant to their duty. Moreover, this gave oc∣casion to the Celtiberians to tell them upon all occasions, that they doubted of their fidelity. However, Sertorius was not quite forsaken, the Soldiers standing in need of such a General; for indeed there was not any in this age more successful, nor that better understood War: wherefore the Celtibe∣rians because of his activity and diligence, called him Hannibal, whom they esteemed the most hardy and most prudent General of all the Earth. Upon these wavering inclinations of Sertor••us's Army, Metellus went day∣ly out in parties, and never returned without bringing in whole Troops of Prisoners: and Pompey besieging Palenza had undermined the Walls, so that they were only supported by Stanchions of Timber; but Sertorius coming on, he was forced to raise his Siege, and the besiegers having set

fire to the Stanchions, retreated with Metellus. Sertorius having repaired that part of the Wall that was fallen, set himself to pursue the Enemies, and overtook them on the Borders of Calagyra, and slew three thousand Men, and this was all passed in Spain this year. In the beginning of the next the Roman Generals finding themselves the stronger, assailed without fear those Cities that held on Sertorius's Party, whose Affairs were now in an ill condition, and their first successes having heightened their courage, they made great progress, yet there was no set Battel; but having conti∣nued the War till the next year, they began to despise Sertorius in such man∣ner, that they wasted all his Province. For when he saw fortune had turn∣ed her back to him he gave ground too, and abandoned himself in such manner to the pleasure of Wine and Women, that he never afterwards en∣gaged the Enemy but he was beaten. He grew likewise extremely chole∣rick, his passion took fire on the least suspicion, punishing with cruelty, and confiding in no man; so that Perpenna, who after Lepidus's Death was come of his own accord to joyn him with considerable Forces, began to fear, and having suborned ten Soldiers, took a resolution to destroy him, but the conspiracy was discovered, some of the Conspirators punished with death, and others escaped by flight, Perpenna was so fortunate beyond his own hopes, as not to be comprised in the accusation, which hastened so much the more the loss of Sertorius; for seeing he never went unguarded, he invited him to a Feast, where, after having made him drunk, and his Guards too, he executed his enterprise. The Soldiers at the first knowledge of it detest∣ed the Parricide, and changed into good will all the hatred they bore Ser∣torius, as ordinarily all anger is appeased by the death of him from whom we believe we have received an offence, they now stood no longer in fear of him, and compassion recalled into their minds the memory of his virtue: besides, they considered the danger to which they were now exposed to, Perpenna was despised by them as a vulgar man; whereas they believed, that on Sertorius's valour only depended the safety of the whole Army. In this general hate of Perpenna the Barbarians were most violent, especially the Portugals, for whom the dead General had always a particular esteem. But when after opening his Will they found his Murderer amongst his Heirs, it is scarce possible to believe, how much it added to their horrour of this Villany, committed upon the person, not only of his General, but likewise of his Friend and Benefactor. And possibly they had done him some violence, if he had not appeased them, some with gifts, and some with promises, and killed some with his own hands to strike terrour into o∣thers. He went likewise from City to City, making Orations to the peo∣ple; and to gain their good Will set at liberty those Sertorius had laid in Irons, and returned the Hostages he had taken from the Spaniards. These good deeds sweetened in some measure the minds of men; so that they o∣beyed him in quality of Praetor, and Successor to Sertorius; but yet they were not quite appeased: for as soon as he saw himself settled, he grew extraordinary cruel, killing three Roman Gentlemen had fled to him for Refuge, and putting to death his Brother's Son. After Sertorius's death, Metellus withdrew to the other side of Spain, thinking there was no dan∣ger in leaving Pompey alone to deal with Perpenna. They several times en∣gaged, and for divers days skirmished together to try their Men, but the two Armies stirred not till on the tenth day, when they had a Battel: both one Party and the other thinking it convenient to come to an end of the bu∣siness; for Pomp••y slighted Perpenna, whom he thought no great Captain; and Perpenna fearing lest his men would not long continue in good order and

duty, made as much haste as he could to try the fortune of Arms. The Fight was not long, Pompey having to deal with an ordinary Captain, and an Army weak and discontented, soon got the advantage: so that scarce any Stand being made, Perpenna took his flight in disorder, and fearing to fall either into his Enemies, or his own mens hands, he hid himself in a Thicket, from whence he was pulled out by some Horsemen that found him. The Soldiers began to revile him, calling him the Murderer of Sertorius; and he began to cry out aloud, that he had many things to discover to Pom∣pey, touching the Seditions of the City, whether it were true, or only an invention to make them carry him alive before Pompey. But Pompey com∣manded them to dispatch him before he saw him; for fear left if he told them any new thing it might occasion fresh calamities in the City; and surely he did prudently; and all men praised his discretion. Thus the death of Sertorius put an end to the Wars of Spain, which certainly had lasted longer, and not been so easily determined, had he longer lived.

[ XXVI] About the same time Spartacus a Thracian by Nation, who had former∣ly born Arms in the Roman Militia, and was now a Captive in Capua to serve as a Gladiator, perswaded about seventy of his Comrades to fight rather for their own liberty, than to please the spectators, and breaking Prison he gave them such Arms as he took from Passengers, and went and posted himself on Mount Vesuvius. Store of fugitive Slaves, and likewise some free peo∣ple of the Country flocking to him upon the news of his Revolt, he receiv∣ed them, and began to make Incursions and Robberies in the Neighbour∣ing Places, he made Oenomaus and Crixus two Gladiators his Lieutenants, and because he equally divided the Prey among his Companions, in a short time he gathered together so great Forces, that first Varinius Glaber and then P. Valerius being sent against him not with formed Bodies, but such men as they could get together as they passed along, were beaten: for the Roman People esteemed these only a concourse of Thieves, and not worth the name of a War. Spartacus in the Fight took Varinius's Horse, and there mist little but that the Gladiator had taken the Pretor. After these Victories such multitudes came in to him, that he soon beheld seventy thou∣sand Men under his Command. He then set himself to provide Arms, and to make great Preparations; so that the Consuls were sent against him with two Legions, one of which engaging with Crixus near Mount* 3.3 Gorganus, the Gladiator was killed with thirty thousand of his Men, scarce a third part of his Army escaping: Spartacus having taken his March by the A∣ventine to gain the Alpes, and thence pass into Gaul, one of the Consuls got before him to stop his passage, and the other Consul followed him at the Heels. He fell upon them one after the other, and made them give ground, and indeed put them to flight, in which the Vanquisher having taken three hundred Roman Prisoners, he cut their Throats, and offered them in sacrifice to Crixus's Ghost, his forces being afterwards swelled to sixscore thousand Men, he marched directly towards the City, and to make the quicker way, caused all the Baggages to be burnt, his Prisoners mur∣dered, and his Beasts of Loading slain. Upon the way several Runaways offered themselves to him, but he would accept of none. And when the Consuls to stop his March, engaged him once more in the Country of† 3.4 Pi∣cene, he defeated them with a great loss of their Men. However, he changed his design of going to the City, because he found himself too weak, his Army not being sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for War: for he was not aided by any Commonalty; and all his Forces were com∣posed

of fugitive Slaves and Runnagate People. He went therefore and seised upon the Mountains, and likewise of the City of Turine, and caused Proclamation to be made, that he forbid all sorts of Merchants to bring any Gold or Silver into the Camp, and all Soldiers to keep any: so with what they had they bought Iron and Copper, without doing any wrong to those which brought it; and by this means they got together abundance of Ma∣terials, with which they fixed themselves up Arms of all sorts. Mean while they went dayly out a skirmishing, and having once more encoun∣tred the Romans, gained the Victory, together with a good store of Spoil and Booty. It was now three years that this formidable War had lasted, which only for having contemned it at first, because of the meanness of the Authors of it, was so prodigiously augmented, and withal the ancient Ro∣man Valour was so bastardifed, that when the Assembly was held for naming of Praetors, there was none found that demanded that Dignity, till Lici∣nius Crassus a man of Quality, and mighty rich, resolved to accept of the Pretorship offered; and with six other Legions marched against Spartacus, there were joyned to him the other two Legions which the Consuls had, but he first decimated them as a punishment of those shameful losses they had suffered: though some say, that going to assault the Enemies with all the Legions together, and being beaten by their fault, he then decimated them without considering the great number of Men, amounting to no less than four thousand by which he weakened his Army. However it were, after having managed so his Affairs, that his own men were more afraid of him, than of the Enemy: ten thousand of Spartacus's Army being en∣camped severally, he fell suddenly upon them, and made so great a slaugh∣ter, that scarce a third part escaped into the Gross, commanded by their Captain. Soon after he undertook Spartacus himself, defeated him, and drove him to the Sea side, where, as he laid a design to get over into Sicily, to hinder him, he shut him up with a Circumvallation he drew round his Camp, with a Ditch and Palisade. Spartacus seeing himself invested, en∣deavoured to break his way out, to get into the Country of the * Samnites, but Crassus made him turn in again, after having killed him six thousand Men in a Morning, and as many in the Evening, with the lose of only three of his own, and seven wounded, so much did the recent memory of their chastisement contribute to the Victory. After which Spartacus, who ex∣pected some Horse which were to come to him from elsewhere, durst no more engage with all his Forces, but contented himself to incommode the Besiegers with frequent sallies, which he made sometimes on one side, and sometimes on another, and with throwing flaming Faggots into the Ditch, to burn the Palisade, and hinder the Work. Mean while he caused one of the Roman Prisoners to be hanged up in the middle of the Place be∣tween his Camp and Crassus's Trenches, to let his men know what they were to trust to, if they did not gain the Victory. The news of this cruelty coming to the City, moved their spirits to indignation, that a War should last so long against Gladiators. So that judging the Remains of it were not despiseable, they gave order to Pompey, newly returned from Spain, to go thither. But Crassus fearing lest Pompey should carry away all the Glory of the end of this War, did all that he could possible to draw Spartacus quick∣ly to a Fight. On the other side, Spartacus, who thought it not convenient to stay Pompey's coming, sent to demand peace from Crassus, which being refused him as a thing unworthy the Grandeur of Rome, and some Horse being come to him, he resolved to try the fortune of a Battel, and having with all his Army froced the Circumvallation, he took his way towards

Brundusium, pursued by Crassus: but when he understood that Lucullus re∣turning to Rome after his Victory against Mithridates, was landed, he lost all hopes of Retreat, and drew his Forces (which were yet numerous) in∣to Battalia. The Fight was very fierce, Crassus having to deal with so many thousand desperate people, till such time as Spartacus wounded in the Thigh with a Javelin; fell upon his Knees, where still he defended himself for a while, covered with his Buckler, but at last was killed with all that were fighting about him, all the rest were presently routed, and there was so great a Butchery, that the dead could hardly be counted, nor could they find the body of Spartacus. The Romans lost scarce a thousand men. Those that remained of Spartacus's Men fled to the Mountains, whither Crassus ha∣ving followed them, to give the last stroke to the Victory, they formed of what were left forty Battalions, and in that posture yet defended themselves valiantly, till they were all killed, save six thousand, who were afterwards hanged along the way between Capua and Rome. Crassus having done all this in six Mouths, thought now he yielded nothing to Pompey in Glory, and kept his Army as well as he. They both demanded the Consulate, Crassus having passed the charge of Pretor according to Sylla's Law, whereas Pom∣pey had neither been Pretor nor so much as Questor, and not above four and thirty years old, but he promised the Tribunes to re-establish their an∣cient power. Thus these two Generals designed Consuls, did not dismiss their Armies, but kept them near the City, and shewed their reasons for it, Pompey that he waited for Metellus, who ought to triumph at his return from Spain; and Crassus that Pompey ought first to dismiss his Forces. Now the people seeing this difference tended to new Dissentions, and that the Ci∣ty was besieged by two Armies, besought the Consuls who were eminent∣ly feated in the view of all in the great place, to be reconciled, at first both the one and the other rejected their Prayers; but when the Divines told them that the City was threatened with great miseries if the Consuls did not agree, the people weeping, and casting themselves upon their Knees, re∣newed the same entreaties, for they had not yet lost the memory of those miseries caused by the Dissentions of Sylla and Marius. Hereupon Crassus beginning first to be moved, rises from his Seat, and goes to present his hand to his Colleague, as a sign of reconciliation: the other rising likewise went to meet him, and having joyned hands, all the people made acclamations of joy, wishing them all happiness; so that before the Assembly broke up, both Consuls dismissed their Armies. Thus was the Common-wealth hap∣pily delivered from the fear of a Civil War. And this happened sixty years after the death of Tiberius Gracchus the first mover of Seditions.

The End of the First Book of the Second Part.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME.

PART II.

BOOK II.

The Argument of this Book.

I. CAtiline's Conspiracy. II. Caesar returned from Spain, renounces the Triumph, and obtains the Consulate by the means of Crassus and Pom∣pey. III. During his Consulate he endeavours to get the favour of the People and Knights, and obtains the Government of Gaul. IV. Cicero banished

by Clodius, and recalled by the favour of Pompey▪ V. Pompey underhand foments the Disorders of the Commonwealth, to oblige the Citizens to create him Dictator: Milo kills Clodius, and Pompey created Consul without a Colleague. VI. Pompey, Sole Consul, issues out Warrants against those that had any way abused their Charges. VII. Caesar demands the Consulate, which Pompey secretly opposes. VIII. Curio declares for Caesar against Pompey; but at last in s••ight of Curio, the Senate gives Power to Pom∣pey to Arm against Caesar. IX. Curio▪ Anthony and Cassius, Tribunes, go to Caesar; who receives them as Friends. X. Caesar passing the Rubicon, strikes a general terrour into Rome. XI. Pompey leaves Rome, goes to Capua, the Consuls and most of the Senate follow him: He carries over his Forces to Dyrrhachium, which he makes his Seat of War. XII. Caesar comes to Rome; thence goes to Spain, to make War with Petreius and A∣franius. XIII. Curio goes to Africa, is defeated and slain. XIV, Caesar appeases a Mutiny of his Army at Placen••ia, and prepares to pass into Epire. XV. Pompey having made his Preparations, makes a Speech to his Army, and sends Garrisons into Thessaly. XVI. Caesar, after encouraging those Forces he finds at Brundusium, goes over Sea in Winter, and takes some places. XVII. Caesar endeavouring to seize Dyrrhachium, is prevented by Pompey. XVIII. Caesar endeavouring to come over Sea himself to fetch the Remainder of his Forces out of Italy, being driven ••ack by Storm, sends Posthumus in his stead. XIX. Anthony being landed with the rest of Cae∣sar's Forces in Dalmatia, some light Skirmishes happen. XX. Pompey gains a great Victory over Caesar. XXI. Caesar retreats with his Army into Thessaly, and encamps about Pharsalia. XXII. Pompey hopes to overcome him by Famine, without fighting. XXIII. At length he yields to give him Battel. XXIV. Number of the Forces on both sides. XXV. Pompey and Caesar encourage their Armies. XXVI. They draw into Battel, and give Orders. XXVII. The Battel of Pharsalia. XXVIII. Pompey e∣scapes into Egypt, where he is murdered. XXIX. Caesar follows, revenges his death, and thence goes against Pharnaces in Asia. XXX. He returns to the City; where after appeasing his mutinous Soldiers, he resolves on his Expedition into Africa. XXXI. He defeats Scipio, and the rest of Pom∣pey's Party. XXXII. The death of Cato at Utica, and the end of the A∣frican War. XXXIII. Caesar returns to the City, triumphs, and rewards his Soldiers. XXXIV. He goes into Spain, and puts an end to the whole War. XXXV. He returns to the City, where he takes on him the Sovereign Authority. XXXVI. Lays a Design of War against the Parthians, and is thereupon slain in the Senate. XXXVII. Brutus and Cassius retire to the Capitol. XXXVIII. They treat an Accommodation with Lepidus and An∣thony. XXXIX. Question put in the Senate, if they ought to be justified; which Anthony with much Artifice opposes. XL. He comes to the place of Orations, where the People applaud him; he speaks against Brutus and Cas∣sius in open Senate. XLI. Piso about to produce Caesar's Will: Brutus and Cassius endeavour to justifie their Action. XLII. They descend from the Capitol, but are forced to leave the City: Caesar's Funeral Honours celebra∣ted. XLIII. His Elegy, and Comparison between him and Alexander.

THe Dominion of Sylla, and all those things which passed after∣wards [ I] in Spain under the Conduct of Sertorius and Perpenna▪ were followed by divers Commotions, till the Civil War of Caesar and Pompey, which ended by the death of Pompey; after which Caesar himself was slain in the Senate, as may be seen in this Second Book of the Civil Wars. Now when Pompey had cleared all the Seas of Pyrates, than whom a greater Number was never seen in the Memory of Man; brought to his end Mithridates King of Pontus, and re∣duced his Kingdom and those other Countries he had conquered into what Form he pleased. Caeser was yet but a very young Man; he was Eloquent, Capable of great things, Hardy, Presumptuous, Ambitious beyond his Power; and being yet but Aedile and Praetor, was run prodigiously in debt to gain the favour of the People, which is usually given to the most prodi∣gal. Catiline now likewise appeared at Rome, being of one of the best Fa∣milies of the City, but of no sound Wisdom; and besides, of an ill Reputa∣tion, being suspected to have committed a Parricide on his own Son, that he might espouse Aurelia Oristilla, whom he was in Love with, and who would not contract Marriage with him as long as he had Children. He was with all this, a great Friend of Sylla's, and very affectionate to his Party. Being fallen into Poverty by his ambitious Profuseness, and yet considerable among many powerful Persons, as well Men as Women, he set himself to demand the Consulate, as a Step to raise him to the Tyranny: But he fell from his hopes; most Men having conceived an ill Opinion of him, because they perceived him affect an Authority not fit to be suffered in a Free City. Being then refused the Consulate, which was given to Cicero, a Man well spoken of, and very eloquent, he began to mock at the Suffrages of the People who had chosen this Consul, whom out of Raillery he called New Man (for they had got a custom to give that name to those who rendred themselves Illustrious, not by the Glory of their Ancestors, but their own proper Vertue) and because that he was not born in the City, they said that he was an Inmate, like those that lie in hired Lodgings. After that time he medled no more with the Government of the Commonwealth; judging that it exposes Men to Trouble and Envy, and sets them not a Round high∣er towards mounting to the Tyranny. Notwithstanding, he drew great Summs of Money from many of those Women, who, weary of their Hus∣bands, hoped to get rid of them if any Change happened in the State: and with some Senators, a quantity of Roman Knights, Plebeians, Slaves, nay, very Strangers, formed a Conspiracy to seize on the Commonwealth: But his greatest Confidents in this Affair were Cornelius Lentulus and Cethe∣gus, at that present Proetors of the City. He sent likewise throughout all Italy people to solicite those who being enriched in Sylla's time, had ill spent what they had ill got, and would be very well content to reach at such ano∣ther Fortune. He sent C. Manlius to Fesulae, and others to the Marches of Ancona, and into Pouilla, secretly to levy Soldiers. The first advice of all these secret Preparations was given to Cicero by Fulvia, a Woman of Qua∣lity, with whom Q. Curius (one of the Conspirators, expelled the Senate for his scandalous life) was deeply in Love: He boasted to his Mistress, that in a short time she should see him a great Lord. Already the noise of the Attempts of those who had been sent throughout all Italy increased, when the Consul set Guards in the City, and sent certain Persons of Quality to the suspected Places. But Catiline, though no one durst yet arrest him,

because the business was not absolutely discovered, was fearful lest Delay should increase the Suspition; and hoping that the greatest diligence would be most advantageous to him, sent Money before to Fesulae, gave Order to the Conspirators to kill Cicero, and be night to set fire on divers Quarters of the City; and he causing Rods and Axes to be bore before him as a Pro-Consul, and raising Soldiers all the way he passed, goes to find out Caius Manlius, with design to fall upon the City as soon as it should be set on fire with all the Forces he could get together. As for Lentulus, after having given to the Conspirators every one his Quarter, Cethegus and he agreed that as soon as they should have advice that Catiline was arrived at Fesulae, they should go with Daggers under their Robes very early in the morning to Cicero's House, where by reason of their Offices they might without diffi∣culty get entrance; and drawing him into a private place under pretence of some secret Conference, stab him. That at the same time* 3.5 Lucius Sextus should assemble the People, and accuse Cicero, that being fearful by Nature, and suspitious without cause, he unseasonably and to ill purpose troubled the City; and that the night following with a Band of Conspirators they should set fire in twelve places, pillage the City, and kill all the honest people they met with. Whilst Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius and Cassius, who were the Heads of the Conspiracy, formed these Designs, and waited only for Op∣portunity to execute them, the Deputies of the† 3.6 Allobroges being come to Rome to complain of their Magistrates, were drawn into this Conspiracy out of hopes they would cause the Gauls to rise against the Republick. Len∣tidus being about to send them to Catiline, accompanied with Vulturtius of Crotona, who carried Letters without Superscription: The Allobroges, ir∣resolute what they had to do, discoursed the matter with Fabius Sanga, Pro∣tector of their City; for it is the custom of the Provincials, that each Nati∣on hath his Protector at Rome. Cicero having received this advice from Sanga, gave Order to arrest the Deputies as they were upon their Return, and with them Vulturtius; who being brought into full Senate, confessed all that they had negotiated with Lentulus, and attested that they had often heard him say, that the Destinies had promised the Dominion of the City to three Cornelius's; of which Cinna and Sylla had been the two first, and he should be the third. Hereupon the Senate degraded Lentulus of his Dig∣nity of Senator, and Cicero went to cause the Conspirators to be arrested; whom having placed under sure Guards in the Praetors Houses, he returned to the Senate to deliberate. Mean while the knowledge of this Affair not being yet publick, a great Tumult was raised about the Palace; and all the Accomplices of the Conspirators took the Alarm; in so much, that the Slaves and Freed Men of Lentulus and Cethegus having raised a great number of Artisans, used their endeavours to break open the Back Doors of the Praetors, to take thence their Masters by force: Which being told Cicero, he came hastily out of the Senate; and having placed Courts of Guard eve∣ry where, returns and presses the Senate to give their Judgments. The first whose Advice was demanded was Sillanus, designed Consul; for it is the Custom to being to demand Opinions by those nominated to that Dig∣nity, because, as I imagine, the Execution of the Senate's Decrees regard∣ing, them, they ought to utter their mind with more Circumspection and Prudence. His Advice was, the Conspirators should be punished with death; in which many others followed him. Nero speaking in his trun, was of opinion they should for some time be kept Prisoners, till Catiline was defeated, and they more fully informed of the matter; which was also the Opinion of C. Caesar, who was in some kind suspected as if a Partner in their

designs, or at least to have had knowledge of them: of which however, the Consul spoke not a word; not daring to cope with a Man so beloved of the People. He added to Nero's advice, that they should be distributed in the Cities of Italy, such as Cicero should chuse; and after the War was fi∣nished, be called to Judgment; for it was not reasonable to condemn Persons of that Quality, without granting them a formal Tryal. This seemed just, and many returned to this Opinion, till Cato openly declaring his suspition of Caesar, and the Consul fearing that the night following a multitude of Conspirators which were now in the Palace, and in fear for themselves, should attempt some desperate Action, brought back the greatest part of the Senators to the Opinion, that the Conspirators being taken in a Flagrant Of∣fence, ought to suffer without being allowed the Formality of a Process. In so much, that before the Senate rose, Cicero himself caused the Accused to be brought from the particular Houses where they were guarded, to the Prison; where, without the knowledge of the People, he caused the Sen∣tence of death to be executed in his presence; then going to the place, at∣tested to all the World, they were no longer among the Living. Hereupon the rest of the Conspirators dispersed, every one contenting himself that he had escaped; and the City was that day delivered from great Inquietude. Catiline had already assembled twenty thousand men, about the fourth part of which were armed; with which he took his March towards Gaul, where he hoped to compleat his Preparations: But Anthony, the other Consul, o∣vertaking him near the Alps, defeated him without much pains; for as he had laid this Design with little Prudence, so he as imprudently managed it, and was forced to fight before he was prepared. Notwithstanding, most true it is, that neither Catiline nor any of those Persons of Quality with him would fly, but were all slain fighting in the midst of their Enemies. The death of Catiline was the end of this Conspiracy, from which Cicero's Pru∣dence secured the Commonwealth: So that being before known only for his Eloquence, he in this Occasion made himself famous for his Actions; and no Person doubted but he had saved his Country from the Ruin where∣with it was threatned. Wherefore publick thanks were given him: and af∣ter many Acclamations, Cato saluting him, called him The Father of his Country: Which is indeed an Appellation so glorious, that Cicero having been the first to whom it was given for his Merit, it is the Custom to this day to honour only such Emperors with it as are worthy: For as soon as any come to the Monarchy they joyn not this Title with their other Sirnames, nor is it granted but by a publick Decree, and as a Testimony of accom∣plished Vertue.

As for Caesar, being ready to go for Spain, the Government of which he [ II] had obtained, he was arrested by his Creditors, whom he could not pay, having dreined himself by Ambitious Expences; and he was heard at that time to say, that he wanted* 3.7 two Millions and five hundred Thousand De∣niers to be worth nothing. He agreed with them as well as he could; and being entred into his Government, he amused not himself to go from City to City to hear talk of Affairs, or to administer Justice; such things had no Correspondency with the Greatness of his Designs: But he began to raise Soldiers, and to make War with the rest of the People of Spain; whom af∣ter having plundred their Territories, he made Tributary to the Romans: In so much, that having sent a great Summ of Money to the Treasury, the Senate granted him the Honour of Triumph. As they were making in the Suburbs Magnificent Preparation for his Entry, the day designed for the

Election of Consuls drawing nigh, of necessity those who demanded that Dignity must be present; and it was not permitted after entring the City without Pomp, to make another Entry in Triumph. He had a long time passionately desired the Consulate, and the things necessary for his Triumph were not yet ready: Wherefore he presented a Request to the Senate, that he might have permission to demand that Dignity by his Friends, which he knew had been granted others, though it were forbid by the Law. The last day being come whereon those that pretend to the Consulate must give in their Names, and Cato continually opposing Caesar's Request, he renoun∣ced his Triumph, entred into the City, and made his Declaration, expect∣ing the day of the Assembly. Mean time Pompey, Illustrious and Power∣ful, because of the great Actions he had done against Mithridates, deman∣ded of the Senate the Ratification of many things he had granted to Kings, Tetrarchs and Cities, which many opposed out of the Envy they bore this Great Man: But especially Lucullus; who being recalled out of Asia when he had quite weakned the Forces of that King, having left the same Pompey that War easie to terminate, vaunted that the Honour of that Victory be∣longed to him; and had drawn Crassus to his side. Pompey vexed that his De∣signs were opposed, makes Alliance with Caesar, promising him upon Oath that he would serve him to get the Consulship; and soon after by Caesar's means Crassus was reconciled to Pompey. Thus these three great Men served one another, to obtain what they desired▪ And the Historian Varro, who writ a Book of their Union, calls it the Three-headed Conspiracy. Wherefore the Senate beginning to suspect their Power, gave to Caesar, L. Bibulus his Enemy for his Colleague; between whom there soon happened such a dif∣ference as made them take up Arms, one agaist the other.

[ III] But Caesar knowing the Art of Dissembling, made in full Senate an Ora∣tion to Bibulus upon the Subject of Concord, as if he would prevent their Dissentions from causing any Inconveniency to the Commonwealth. Now, whilst it seemed in all outward appearance that he endeavoured seriously for Peace, and that the other, who doubted nothing, stood not upon his Guard, all on a suddain he comes to the Senate accompanied with a great Multitude of People, and proposes a Law in favour of the Poor: He distributed Lands to them; gave to them that were Fathers of three Children Campania, the most fertile Territory belonging to Italy; and by this means got the Love and favour of the People, for there were twenty thousand found under that Qualification. And when many of the Senate opposed the Publication of these Laws, he withdrew from the Palace, as if not able to endure their In∣justice; and all that Year there was no more Session of the Senate. But he went to the place for Orations; and mounting the Tribunal, demanded of Pompey and Crassus, who still assisted him, if those Laws did not to them seem reasonable, and after having received their approbation, demanded the suffrages of the people, who came to that Assembly with Arms under their Gowns. As for the Fathers (for the Senate could not Assemble but by the order of both Consuls) they held some private meetings in Bibulus house, but all that did nothing against the Power and Interest of Caesar, yet they ceased not to provoke Bibulus to oppose the Laws of his Col∣league, whatever should happen by it: That it might rather be said he was overcome by the Malice of another, than by his own remiss∣ness. He ventured therefore upon the place one day as Caesar was ma∣king an Oration to the people, and a Tumult arising about some words they had together, they came to blows. Bibulus his Rods were broken,

and some Tribunes that took his part wounded, but he without being daunted, presented his naked Neck to Caesar's Faction, with these words; If I cannot perswade my Colleague what is just, I will at least by my death make him Criminal and Execrable. However, his Friends pulled him thence, and caused him to enter the Temple of Iupiter Stator, which is nigh the place. Then Cato being strong and vigorous, overthrew all those stood in his way, got up into an eminent place, and began to speak; but those of Cae∣sar's Party drew him out of the place: which yet made him not give over; for he returned again by another way, crying out continually against Cae∣sar; till being again carried away by force, the Consul got the Laws past. The People having sworn to observe them, they would have the Senators take the same Oath; which some by Cato's perswasion having refused to do, he proposed to the People, to declare Criminal whoever would not swear: And this Declaration being passed, they all took the Oath for fear; even the Tribunes themselves, who had opposed in vain, since the Law was rati∣fied. Mean while a certain man of the People called Vetius ran into the middle of the place, crying out he was sent by Bibulus, Cicero and Cato, to kill Caesar and Pompey; and that Dagger was to that purpose put in his hand by Posthumius, Lictor to Bibulus. Though this matter were much suspect∣ed, Caesar made use of it to embitter the Multitude, and referred the Infor∣mation till the next day; but Vetius was the night following killed in Pri∣son. This Accident admitted of divers Interpretations; but Caesar cast the fault on some who had a sense of their being guilty; and managed things so, that the People permitted him to take Guards, to secure him from such At∣tempts as might be made upon his Person. And now Bibulus quitted abso∣lutely the Government of the Commonwealth, and remained in his house as a private Person all the Remainder of his Consulate. But his Colleague seeing himself Master of all, without troubling himself to make any Infor∣mation about Vetius business, laboured to make more Laws in favour of the People; and according to his promise, made all that Pompey had done to be approved. In these times the Knights, who were the middle Order, be∣tween the Senate and the People; powerful, both by reason of their pro∣per Riches, and the Profits which they made of the Imposts which they far∣med from the People, highly courted Caesar; in so much, that supported by his favour, they presented their Request to the Senate for an Abatement of the Rent of their Farms: And when the Fathers demurred upon, and withstood it, without taking notice of their Oppositions, by the sole consent of the People he abated them a third part. Whereupon the Knights ha∣ving received a greater favour than they demanded or durst hope for, cry∣ed up to the Skies him from whom they had received it: And now Caesar grew stronger than he was before in the favour of the People, for by this only benefit he gained a great number of interessed Persons to sustain his Dignity. Besides all this, to gain so much the more the good Grace of the Citizens, he gave them often the Divertisements of Shows and Chases; by which he ran in debt every where, much beyond what he was worth, eve∣ry day surpassing himself in the Magnificence of his Gifts, and the Profuse∣ness of his Largesses. At last he brought Matters so about, that they gave him the Government of the Gauls, as well on this side as beyond the Moun∣tains, for five Years, with fonr Legions. After having obtained it, know∣ing that he must be a long time absent from the City, and that Envy has more power than Favour, he gave his Daughter in Marriage to Pompey; not but that they were already very good Friends, but he was fearful left the too great Success of his Arms might stir up Envy even in a Friend. More∣over,

he designed for Consuls the Year following the stoutest of his Faction, A. Gabinius, one of his greatest Confidents; and L. Piso, his Father in Law, with whom he had lately Allyed himself (Cato perpetually crying out that these Marriages tended to a Tyranny) and for Tribunes of the People he nominated Vatinius and Clodius Pulcher. This Clodius was infamous for having slipped into the Sacrifices of the good Goddess, where none but Women ought to enter: in which place he had layed a Blemish upon the Chastity of Caesar's own Wife; who yet never expressed any Resentment, because this Man was beloved by the People; but however he repudiated his Wife, there were some who afterwards made him come to a Tryal as a Prophaner of Sacred Things. Cicero pleaded his Accusation, and Caesar himself was called in as a Witness; but he deposed nothing against him: On the contrary, he advanced him to this Office of Tribune in hate to Cicero, who frequently used to blame the Union of* 3.8 these three Men, as tending to the Ruin of the Publick Liberty. Nor thought he much to pardon one of his Enemies the Affront he had received, so he might be revenged of ano∣ther, who had only offended him in suspecting he had an ill Design; so much was his Ambition more violent than his Love. And yet there is some appearance that Caesar received the first Obligation from Clodius, who served him with all his Credit and Interest when he demanded the Government of the Gauls. However it were, this is what passed in Caesar's Consulate; which being expired, he went into the Province in Quality of Pro-Consul.

[ IV] After his departure from the City, Clodius caused Cicero to be called to Judgment, for having contrary to Law put to death Cethegus and Lentulus before they were condemned. But he bore this Accusation with as much Cowardice, as he had shewed Courage in the Noble Action he did; for he went through the Streets with his Beard grown, his Hair unkembed, clad in a sad Colour, and begging of every one he met to assist him, he was not ashamed to be importunate with People that were utterly unknown to him; in so much, that having no regard to Decency, whilst he would have mo∣ved Compassion, he made himself ridiculous; and that Man who all his life had managed others Affairs with so much Courage, suffered himself to fall into the Excess of Fear in his own Cause. It is reported, the like hap∣pened to Demosthenes in Athens; and that Orator who had so bravely defended so many accused, being accused himself, chose rather to fly than to defend himself before the Judges. In like manner Cicero seeing that Clodius, whom he followed through the Streets in the posture of a Suppliant, derided his Prayers and Submissions, and reviled him with words, lost all hope, and resolved to go into a Voluntary Exile, whither many of his Friends follow∣ed him, the Senate having given him Letters of Recommendation to all Kings and Sovereigns where he designed to make his Retreat. Whereup∣on Clodius demolished his Houses as well in the City as the Country; and became so fierce and arrogant, that he esteemed himself equal to Pompey, the most powerful Man of that time in the City. Wherefore Pompey made an Agreement with Milo his Colleague, a Man of Enterprize; to whom he promised the Consulate, to serve him against Clodius, and obliged him to propose to the People the Return of Cicero; believing that being retur∣ned, he could talk no more of the present Estate of the Commonwealth, that he would have in mind the benefit newly received, and be always rea∣dy to oppose the designs of Clodius. Thus Cicero banished by Pompey's means, was by the favour of the same Pompey again recalled to his Country, about

sixteen Months after his departure, and his Houses both in City and Coun∣try were rebuilt at the Publick Charge. When he returned there went such a Concourse to meet him at the Gates, that the whole Day was scarce e∣nough for their Complements; which happened also to Demosthenes, when after his Exile he was received into Athens. Mean while Caesar, glorious for the great things he had done in Gaul and Brittany (as we have said, speaking of the Affairs of Gaul) and loaden with vast Riches, repassed into Cisalpine Gaul, that he might a little refresh his Army, wearied with conti∣nual War. As soon as he was arrived there, and that he had sent store of Silver to a great many Persons in the City, the Officers of the Common∣wealth for that Year, together with all the other Governors of Provinces, and Generals of other Armies, came to salute him; so that there was some∣times sixscore Rods about his Person. There came likewise more than two hundred Senators; some to thank him for Favours received, some to get Money of him, or something else of that kind. For now he alone could do all things, having so many Forces at his Service, and so much Money in his Coffers; and besides, he was always ready to oblige all the World. Pom∣pey and Crassus, the Companions of his Power, being come as well as others to see him, they consulted together about their Affairs; and agreed, that Pompey and Crassus should take the Consulate, and should prolong to Caesar the Government of Gaul for other five Years; after which they parted. At the time for Election of Consuls, Domitius Aenobarbus standing up Com∣petitor with Pompey, and the day of Nomination being come, they came both before Day to the place where the Assembly is held; and after some sharp words, fell to blows. In the Tumult he that carried the Light before Domitius received a Wound with a Sword, upon which all his People fled, and he with much hazard escaped to his House: Pompey's Robe was also brought home bloody; so much danger did they both run in this sudden Broil. Crassus and Pompey having obtained the Consulate, gave Caesar, ac∣cording to their promise, the Government of Gaul for five Years longer, and between themselves they divided the Provinces and the Armies. Pom∣pey had the Governments of Spain and Africa, whither he sent Friends to command in his place, and he stayed in the City: And Syria, with all the Neighbouring Countries remained to Crassus; for his Head run upon a War against the Parthians, as a thing easie, and which would yield no less Glory than Profit. But when he left the City to go towards it, there hap∣pened a great many ill Presages: The Tribunes of the People forbad him to go to make War against the Parthians, from whom the People of Rome ne∣ver received any Cause of Complaint: And because he did not forbear at their defence, they cursed him with publick Execrations; in contempt of which having passed farther, he perished in the Enemy's Country, with all his Army, together with a Son he had of the same name; for of a hundred thousand Men he lead thither, scarce ten thousand escaped into Syria. But we have spoke of this Defeat in what we have already writ of the Affairs of Parthia.

The People about this time being oppressed with Famine, gave to Pom∣pey [ V] the Superintendence of Provisions; and as he had done before in the Pyratick War, so now he named twenty Senators for his Lieutenants in this Employ: By sending of whom into the several Provinces, he in a short time filled the City with great abundance of all things necessary to the Life of Man; which much augmented his Glory and Power. At the same time Iulia, Pompey's Wife, dyed great with Child, and by her death left all the

City in Alarm, for fear left the Alliance between Caesar and Pompey being exterminate, they should not e'er long take up Arms against each other; for now for a long time there had been nothing but Disorder and Confusion in the Commonwealth. No Dignities were attained to but by Factions, or by Gifts, or by Criminal Service, and sometimes by blows of Stones and strokes of Swords. No man was ashamed to buy Votes, for the People sold them in open Assembly. In short, there was one, who, to obtain an Office in the Commonwealth; spent* 3.9 eight hundred Talents. Besides, the yearly Consuls now made had no hopes to make War or to command Armies; being excluded by the Management and Workings of the three sworn Friends. III men enriched themselves with publick Mo∣neys, or by taking Bribes from those they designed for their Successor; wherefore no honest Man would put in for an Office; in so much that in this Disorder the Commonwealth was eight Months without Officers. Pompey set his hand to all this, that they might be obliged to chuse a Dictator; and it was openly talked already in the Companies, that there was no other Re∣medy for the Present Distempers, than by giving the Sovereign Authority to some Person of Probity and Power. This Discourse could mean no o∣ther than Pompey, who commanded great Armies, and seemed affectio∣nate to the Publick Good, respectful to the Senate, modest, prudent and de∣sirable by all Men for his Courtesie, whether true or feigned. Pompey ap∣peared by his words, not to be at all rejoyced with the Opinion the Citizens had of him; nay, he seemed to be troubled at it: but yet he did all that was possible secretly to advance the Execution of his Designs. He fomen∣ted the Disorders of the Commonwealth by leaving it without Magistrates: And though Milo, who was now Tribune, had served him in the reducing of Clodius, yet he hindred him from demanding the Consulate; still tem∣porizing, till Milo, vexed to see himself so deceived, left the City, and re∣tired to Lavinia, the place of his Birth: That City is reported to be the first built by Aeneas in Italy, nineteen Miles from Rome. As he was going, Clodius on Horse-back was by chance returning out of the Country, to the City: they met about Bovilles, and passed by without saluting each other; but a Servant of Milo's, whether he had received Command to do it, or that of his own accord he would rid his Master of an Enemy, fell upon Clo∣dius, and with his Sword, cut him into the Head that he fell: His Groom carried him into the next Inn, whither Milo with all his Followers hasting to him, in the uncertainty he was in, whether he were yet dead, or that there was some life left in him, thrust him into the Belly; protesting, that what had before passed was without his order or consent, but he willingly finished a Crime, for which he knew he must answer. The People astonished with the report of this Accident, spent all that night in the place in Arms; and when it was day, the Body was brought before the Tribunal for Orations: Soon after it was taken up by some Tribunes his Friends, assisted by the Multitude: Who, whether it were to honour this Man of the Senatorian Order, or to shame the Senate, who by their negligence seemed to favour such Actions, carried him into the Palace; where some of the most violent of them, breaking down the Benches, made a Pile; and setting fire to it, burnt not only the Body, but likewise the Palace and some Private Houses adjoyning. As for Milo, he still had so much boldness, that the fear he stood in of being punished for such an Assassinate was much less than his in∣dignation to see so much Honour payed to the Memory of Clodius. There∣fore taking in his Train great numbers of Country People, together with his own Houshold: And having gained the People by Largesses, and cor∣rupted

M. Cecilius, Tribune, with Money, he came to the City full of Con∣fidence. As soon as he appeared, Cecilius arrested him in the midst of the Street, and led him as it were by force into the place where those who had received his Presents were assembled, under pretence of making him an∣swer for his Action. The Tribune seemed to be so enraged against him, that he would not grant him any time to prepare himself for his Defence: But indeed he pressed the business out of hopes that Milo being acquitted by this Judgment, might not be obliged to answer before other Judges. Milo having at first declared that this Death was not premeditated, for had he a∣ny such design he would never have taken his Wife and whole Family along with him to execute it, spent the rest of his time in Invectives against Clodi∣us, who he would have pass for a debauched Cast-away, and the Head of those Debauchees who, in burning his Body, had burnt the Palace. Before he had finished his Speech, the other Tribunes of the People and the Citi∣zens who had not been corrupted by his Presents, came running into the place, from whence Cecilius and Milo withdrew disguised like Slaves; yet they failed not to make a great Slaughter, making no distinction between Milo's Friends and others; but charged indifferently on the Citizens and those that were none; especially on those were best clad, or had about them any rich Ornaments which they had a mind to; for there being no Form of a Commonwealth, in the first Tumult that happened every Man gave him∣self over to Rage and Passion. And because in this Occasion numbers of Slaves had taken Arms against People that had none, they set themselves to rob, and run into Houses to see what they could catch, under pretence to seek for Milo's Friends. Thus some Days passed in these Disorders, where∣in Fire and Stones, and all other Instruments of Fury and Rage were made use of. Mean while the Senate affrighted, assembled in the Palace, and cast their eyes on Pompey, as if they designed him presently Dictator; and indeed there appeared no other Remedy for the Miseries wherewith the Commonwealth was oppressed. But Cato disswaded the Fathers, and brought them to his Opinion, to make him Consul without a Colleague; so that he might have the Power of a Dictator, disposing all things alone, but was subject to be called to an Account of his Administration, according to ancient Custom. Being then the first that ever was created Consul alone, Governor of two great Provinces, General of an Army, and powerful in Treasure; he obtained the Sovereign Authority in the Commonwealth by the Advice of Cato himself; who gave him his Vote for fear he should hin∣der his Voyage to Cyprus, whither he was to go to reduce that Kingdom into the Form of a Province. Clodius had got it so decreed, to revenge himself of Ptolemy, King of that Island; who, out of Covetousness, had contribu∣ted but two Talents to redeem him from Pyrates when he was formerly taken. And Cato, when he went, had not much trouble to settle the Af∣fairs of Cyprus; for as soon as the King had advice of the Decree of the Se∣nate and People of Rome, he threw all his Treasure into the Sea, and killed himself.

At first Entrance into his Charge Pompey brought to a Tryal all those who [ VI] stood accused of any Crime, particularly of Corruption or Ill Administra∣tion in their Offices; for this he thought the Original of all Publick Mise∣ries; and that having purged that Humour, the Commonwealth would soon recover its former Vigour. He therefore made a Law, by which leave was given to demand an Account of all those who had exercised any Office from the time that he was first made Consul, to his present Consulate. Now

this space of time being almost twenty years, comprised likewise the Con∣sulate of Caesar, and those of his Party had some suspicion that it was done to affront him; for why run so far back? they remonstrated therefore to Pompey, that it was more convenient to provide against present Evils, than to go to rip up old fores, and put to pain so many considerable persons, a∣mong whom they named Caesar himself. He seemed to take it amiss they had alledged Caesar, as not being suspected with any of those crimes; not∣withstanding he reduced the time to begin from his second Consulate, but he would not utterly suppress the Law, saying, that the punishment of these crimes was of great importance towards the re-establishment of a perfect good order in the Common-wealth. After this Law was ratified, great number of Processes were formed, and that the Judges might be free from all fear, himself sate President, attended by a strong Guard of Soldiers. The first condemned in their absence were Milo for the death of Clodius, Gabinius convicted to have violated Humane and Divine Right, by entring armed into Egypt without the order of the Senate, and against the prohibition of the Sibyls; with Hypsaeus, Memmius, Sextus, and many o∣thers for having bought their Offices. As for Scaurus, when many people tumultuously entreated for him, Pompey caused the Usher with a loud voice to tell them they should expect the sentence of the Judges; and because notwithstanding they continued to make a great broil with the Accusers. Pompey's Soldiers fell upon and killed some of them; so after silence made, Scaurus was condemned to Banishment; and for Gabinius, besides Banish∣ment his Goods were confiscate. The Senate after having given praises to Pompey, augmented his Forces with two Legions, and extended his autho∣rity over all the Provinces of the Empire. Some days after, the Law of Pompey promising impunity to whoever would accuse another: Memmius one of the condemned summoned to Judgment L. Scipio Father-in-law to Pompey, and guilty of the same crime: upon which, Pompey having chan∣ged habit: imitated him; and Memmius, after having complained of the ill orders in the Common-wealth, let fall his suit.

[ VII] And now as if the time of his Dictatorship were expired, Pompey made Scipio his Colleague for the rest of his Consulate. Notwithstanding he laboured hard for those were to succeed him in that Dignity, keeping the same power he had before, and disposing alone of all things in the City; for the Senate had so great an affection for him, that Caesar grew jea∣lous. And indeed in his Consulate he had not at all considered that su∣preme Order, whereas Pompey in a little time had restored the languishing Common-wealth, without disobliging any of the Senators, unless where his Office forced him to it: but though the banished men from all parts gathered themselves about Caesar, giving him counsel to have a care of Pom∣pey's Law, of which he was the principal object; he seemed not to believe any thing of it, and comforting them in their misfortunes, still spoke of Pompey with applause. However, he obliged the Tribunes to pass an Or∣dinance by which he had leave to make a demand of the Consulate the se∣cond time, though absent, the which was granted him by the consent of Pompey himself yet Consul. But doubting the Senate owed him no good will, and fearing if he descended to the condition of a private man, his E∣nemies would treat him but ill, he contrived all ways possible, that he might not quit his Army till he was designed Consul; wherefore he demanded of the Senate the continuation of his Commission for some time, at least in the hither Gaul, if he could not obtain it in both. Marcellus, who succeeded

Pompey, opposed it; whereupon Caesar told him that brought him the news, This here shall gain it: clapping his hand on the Hilt of his Sword. He had formerly founded the new Coma under the Alpes, and given to the City the Privileges of the Latine Cities, that is to say, whoever had been Ma∣gistrate a whole year together was by right a Freeman of Rome, which gave another occasion to Marcellus to shew his spite; for finding at Rome an Inhabitant of Coma, who the year before had exercised the Magistracy, and was therefore reputed a Citizen of Rome; to affront Caesar, he caused him to be beaten with Rods (a punishment they never make a Roman Ci∣tizen suffer, what ever his crime be) and treating him as a Stranger, bid him go find out Caesar and shew him the print of his stripes. So arrogant was this man; nay, so far did malice transport him, that he would have sent Successors to Caesar before the time of his Commission was expired; but Pompey, whether he thought it dishonourable for him to suffer it, or that he seemed to be Caesar's Friend, would not let that brave man who had so well served his Country receive an affront for so short a time. Besides, none doubted but at the time limited he must return to the condition of private persons; wherefore they designed Consuls for the approaching year Emilius Paulus, and Clodius Marcellus Nephew to that Marcellus we were speaking of. And the Dignity of the Tribune of the People was given to Curio a man in favour with the multitude, and withal very eloquent. These were three declared Enemies to Caesar, of whom Clodius would ne∣ver be drawn to his Party what ever money he offered him; Paulus by means of* 3.10 fifteen hundred Talents was wrought upon so as not to be against him; and Curio, who was almost ruined with his debts, gave himself wholly up to him for somewhat a greater sum. Paulus with his money built a most magnificent Palace, which is still to be seen, called by his own name, and is one of the most beautiful Works of the City. Curio, that he might not appear to pass all of a sudden to the contrary Party, proposed a Law for the reparation of the High-ways, of which he demanded a Com∣mission for five years, he had no thoughts of gaining it, but only sought an occasion of Rupture with those of Pompey's Party, who he knew would not fail to oppose it; in which he was not deceived.

Clodius then spoke of sending Successors to Caesar, because the time of his [ VIII] Commission was past; whereupon Paulus kept silence: Curio, who seemed concerned for neither Party, applauded Cladius's motions; but he added, that Pompey ought likewise to quit his Provinces, and dismiss his Armies, and thus the Common-wealth delivered from all fear, would be in perfect liberty. And when several alledged that not to be just, Pompey's time not being expired, Curio began to cry out aloud, and proclaim to all, that they ought not to send Successors to Caesar, if Pompey did not likewise quit his Governments, and that they being one jealous of another, the City would never be in peace, but by taking the command from both. He said all these things because he knew Pompey would keep his Provinces and his Ar∣mies; and perceived well that the people had an aversion for him, because of the Law he had made against Largesses and Bribes; wherefore the peo∣ple, who thought this opinion generous, highly praised Curio, who only for the defence of the publick liberty, did not stick to oppose himself to the hatred of both of them; so that sometimes they brought him to his House with universal applauses, strewing Flowers in his way as he passed, who like a couragious Wrestler durst engage in a Combat so hard and adventu∣rous; for nothing was accounted more daring than to oppose Pompey:

yet at this time he was not in the City, being sick and gone to take the Country Air, from whence he wrote to the Senate: his Letter began with praising Caesar for his noble Actions; then he proceeded to amplifie what he had done himself, and that the third Consulate being offered him, toge∣ther with the Provinces and Armies, he had not accepted of all these things, only to settle a better order in the Common-wealth: But, said he, what I have accepted almost against my will, I will willingly resign to those that would resume them, without expecting till the time limited by the Command be past. This Letter was writ with much artifice to perswade all the world of Pompey's integrity, and make Caesar at the same time odious, who even af∣ter the time of his power expired▪ would not lay down Arms. Being re∣turned to the City, he talked after the same manner, nay, promising at present to depose himself, and saying, that Caesar his Friend and Ally would not think it hard to do the like; and that it was easie to believe, that after long and laborious Wars against the most warlike people of the world, and having so far extended the Dominion of his Country, he would be content to pass the rest of his life in Honours, in Sacrifices, and in Repose, of which he stood in need. He said not all this but with design to hasten the sending Successors to Caesar, whilst he contented himself to promise. But Curio discovering his cunning, told him, it was not enough to make promises if they were not presently executed, that Caesar ought not to disarm unless he disarmed also; and that it was neither advantageous for him to foment private enmities By this authority; nor for the Common-wealth, that so great power should be in one man's hands; whereas being divided between two, one would curb the pride of the other, if he attempted any thing a∣gainst the Senate and People of Rome. He pursued his Discourse, decla∣ming against Pompey, saying, that he aimed at Sowereign Power, and if the fear of Caesar could not keep him within bounds of Duty, he would ne∣ver be kept in; and therefore it was his advice, that if they would not o∣bey the authority of the Senate, they should declare them both Enemies, and raise Forces to make War upon them. Curio deceived all the world by uttering this his judgment, and quite cancelled the opinion, that ever he had been corrupted by Caesar's Gift; but Pompey grew angry, and after having severely threatened him, retired in discontent to a House he had in the Suburbs, that the Senate began to enter into distrust both of the one and the other. However, they esteemed Pompey more affectionate to the publick good; for they had not yet forgot the odious Consulate of Caesar. There were likewise some who seriously believed, that the City could not be secure if Pompey first dismissed his Forces, because his Rival puffed up with the success of his Arms was abroad extremely powerful. Curia thwarted that opinion, by saying, that on the contrary they had need of Caesar to reduce the other. But seeing they could not follow his advice, he dismissed the Senate without any thing resolved on; for the Tribunes of the People have power to do it, which gave cause to Pompey to repent his having re-established the authority of the Tribunes which Sylla had almost utterly qualified. Yet it was agreed in the Senate befor they parted, that Pompey and Caesar should each send a Legin into Syria, to defend that Province, which might be invaded after the loss sustained in Parthia. That being re∣solved on, Pompey, pursuing his old cunning, sent to redemand of Caesar a Legion he had lent him when Triturins and Cotta his Lieutenants were defeated; whereupon Caesar gave every Soldier* 3.11 two hundred and fifty Drachms, and sent them to the City with another of his own; but because danger appeared towards Syria, they passed their Winter Quarters at Capua.

Those that led them sowed a great many ill reports of Caesar, and assured Pompey, that Caesar's Army tired with long labour, and willing to see their Country, would without any difficulty submit themselves to him so soon as he should pass the Alpes; which they either said to deceive Pompey, or out of ignorance; for Caesar had none but good and faithful Soldiers, whether it were that being accustomed to War they loved it, or that led by interest, they were fixed to him, by those profits which ordinarily attend Victories, together with the liberality of their General. Indeed he gave profusely to them to prepare them to the execution of his Designs, of which they were not ignorant, nor therefore became they less affectionate to him; but Pom∣pey giving credit to the reports brought him, neither made any Levies of Men, nor any other preparations capable to sustain so great a War. To proceed, when they next in Senate debated this Affair, and that the Fathers spoke their opinion one after the other, the Consul by a wile having de∣manded them apart if they were of the opinion to take away Pompey's Command, many were of a contrary mind, and after asking if they thought it convenient to send a Successor to Caesar, they all agreed to it: But Curio then asking anew if they would not that both should dismiss their Forces, there was but two and twenty contradicted it; and three hundred and seven∣ty all affectionate to the publick good, followed Curio's judgment: where∣upon the Consul dismissing the Assembly, cryed out, Well then, take Caesar for your Master. Soon after a false rumour coming that Caesar had passed the Alpes, and was marching directly to the City, all the World was allarm'd, and the Consuls proposed to the Senate to send for the Legions were at Capua, to employ against him as an Enemy of the State. Where∣upon Curio saying that the news was false, the Consul grew angry, and said, Since in consulting of Affairs with all the Senate, I am hindred from provi∣ding for the safety of the Common-welth, I will provide alone according to the power which I have. After which, going out of the City with his Colleague, and presenting a Sword to Pompey: We order you, said he, my Colleague and I to march against Caesar, and fight for your Country, and to that purpose we give you that Army is at Capua, or in any other place of Italy with power to raise Forces at your discretion. He declared he would obey them, because it was their command, but adding withal these words, If no better Expedient can be found. Which he did craftily to perswade them of the sincerity of his intentions.

Though Curio had no farther power in the Administration of the Com∣mon-wealth, [ IX] a Tribune not being permitted to go out of the circuit of the Walls, yet he deplored in all Assemblies of the People the present state of Affairs, and was so bold as to demand is full Senate, that all People should be forbid enrolling themselves in the Forces levyed by Pompey: but seeing he laboured in vain, and lost all hopes of being able to serve his Friend, the time of his Tribuneship being almost past, and likewise growing fearful for himself, he departed on a sudden to go and find out Caesar, who being lately returned from England, had crossed that* 3.12 Gaul which is bounded by the Rhine, and passed the Alpes with five thousand Foot and three hundred Horse: He met him on the way to Revenna, which is the Frontier of Ita∣ly, and the last Town of his Government, where he received Curio with all possible testimonies of good will; and after having thanked him for the services he had done him, desired his counsel in what he had to do. Curio advised him to send as speedily as he could for his Forces, and lead them to the City; but Caesar chose rather first to try some way of Accommodation,

wherefore he writ to his Friends that they should endeavour to obtain of the Senate, that he might only keep two Legions with the Government of the hither Gaul and Illyria, till such time as he was named Consul, and that he would deliver up, to whoever they should send for Successor, all the rest of the Province, and all the remainder of his Forces. Pompey was content with the proposition; but because the Consuls opposed it, Caesar writ to the Senate a Letter, which Curio, having rode* 3.13 three thousand and three hun∣dred Furlongs in three days, gave to the new Consuls as they entred the Palace the first day of the year. In the beginning he spoke in advanta∣geous terms of the great things that he had done; then he protested that he was ready to quit his command, so Pompey would do this same, but if Pompey kept it, he would keep it too, and should suddenly be in the City to revenge the outrages done as well to him as to his Country. When they heard these last words, they all cryed out that he declared War by this Let∣ter, and immediately nominated for his Successor L. Domitius, who de∣parted soon after with four thousand Men new levied: and because Anthony and Cassius, Tribunes of the People, were of Curio's mind, the Senate grew so much the hotter against him, and giving Pompey's Army the name of the Army of the Common-wealth, declared that of Caesar Enemy to their Country. And at last Marcellus and Lentulus Consuls ordered those Tri∣bunes to go out of the Senate, for fear lest without having regard to their Dignity, though sacred, they should be evilly treated. Then Anthony leaping from his Seat in Choler, invoked with great cries the faith of men and God, and lamented that an authority which had hitherto been held sacred was no longer in security, and that they shamefully drove from the Senate those who proposed saving advice, as if they had been guilty of Murder, or some other crime. Afte having said these words, he departed in a fury, foretelling, as if he had been a Divine, the Wars, Proscriptions, Banishments and Confiscations wherewith the City was threatened, and making horrible imprecations against those who were the cause of all their miseries. Curio and Cassius withdrew likewise with him (for Pompey's Sol∣diers were already come to environ the Palace) and they departed all three together in the Habit of Slaves upon hired Horses, and so got to Caesar. He shewed them in the condition they were to his Soldiers, to enrage them the more, telling them, that after all their great services they were declared Enemies to their Country, and that those great men had been shamefully driven out of the Senate, because they had only said a word in their de∣fence.

[ X] The War being thus declared on both sides, the Senate, who believed that the Army out of Gaul could not come in a long time to Caesar, and that with so few Forces as he had he would not take the Field, gave order to Pompey to send for out of Thessaly thirteen thousand Men that were of the old Soldiers, and to enrol men in pay of the most warlike Nations circum∣ad••acent, with power to take money out of the Treasury to defray the ex∣pence of the War; and in case the publick money should fail, there were several private men would advance it, till such time as it could be levyed upon the Cities of Italy, which they laboured to do with much haste and rigour. For Caesar's part he had sent people to bring his Army, but being accustomed to succeed more by diligence, striking a terrour and hardiness, than any mighty preparations, he resolved to begin this great War with his five thousand Men, and seise of some places of Italy, were com∣modious for him: first he sent before to Rimini some Centurions and

Men who were to enter the City as Passengers, and then all of a sudden to seise on that City (the first that offers it self coming from Gaul) and him∣self in the Evening going out as if he had found himself ill after a Feast, leaves his Friends, and mounting in a Chariot drove himself the same way, followed at a distance by his Cavalry; when he came to the Banks of Rubi∣con he stopped some time, looking upon the water, and thinking of the ca∣lamities he went about to be the cause of, if he passed that River in Arms. At length turning to those of his Train; My Friends, said he, if I pass not this River immediately, it will be to me the beginning of all misfortunes; and if I do pass it, I go to make a world of people miserable: and therewithal as if he had been pressed forward by some Divinity, he drave into the stream, and crossing it, cries with a loud voice; The Lot is cast. From whence continuing on his way with speed, he seised on Rimini by break of day, and all in an instant places Garrisons in all the good places of that Country, which he reduced either by force or favour. Mean while, as it happens in these unexpected Allarms, the whole Country was filled with people flying, the Countrymen forsaking their Habitations, and nothing was to be heard but Cries, and Lamentations, and Groans, yet no man knew from whence this disorder came, but all imagined that Caesar was upon them with all his Forces. The Consuls receiving the news, gave not Pompey, who perfectly understood War, leisure to prepare himself, and take his own time, they began to press him to be gone out of the City, and make Levies of Forces in Italy, as if Rome had been in immediate danger of being taken and plun∣dered. And the Senate surprised with so unlooked for an irruption, were terrified, and began to repent they had not accepted those reasonable con∣ditions offered by Caesar; but this was not, till fear had opened their eyes, and led them back from Partiality to Reason; for now men talked of a great many Prodigies and extraordinary Signs which had appeared in the Heavens, that it had rained Blood in many places, that in others the Statues of the Gods had sweat, that many Temples had been struck with Thun∣derbolts, that a Mule had engendred, besides an infinite of other things which seemed to foretel the change of the present state, and the ruine of the Common-wealth, so as it should never be re-established; wherefore they made Vows and Prayers as in a publick Consternation. And the peo∣ple remembring again the miseries they had suffered because of the Dis∣sentions of Sylla and Marius, cryed out, that they ought to take away the Command as well from Caesar as from Pompey, since that was the only means to prevent a War: Cicero himself was of opinion that Deputies should be sent to Caesar to treat an Accommodation, but the Consuls abso∣lutely opposed it. Favonius quipping at Pompey because of a word he had once said with too much arrogance, Bid him stamp on the ground with his Foot, and see if any armed Men would rise. To which Pompey answered, You will want none so you will follow me, and are not troubled to leave the City, and Italy it self if there be occasion: for people of courage, said he, do not make liberty consist in the possession of Lands and Houses, they cannot want in any place they come to; and if they lose not their courage, will soon recover their Houses and Lands.

After having said these words, and protested he would hold him for an [ XI] Enemy, that out of fear to lose what he possessed, deserted the Common-wealth in extreme danger, he went out of the Palace, and soon after out of the City, to joyn the Army that was at Capua. The Consuls followed him presently, but the other Senators weighted it a little longer, and spent all the

night in the Palace, without resolving any thing▪ and at length as soon as it was break of day the greater part followed the same way after Pompey. Mean time, Caesar having reached at Corfinium L. Domitius, whom they had sent for his Successor with four thousand Men; of which he had alrea∣dy lost a part, he besieged him in the City, from whence endeavouring to escape, the Inhabitants stopped him at the Gate, and brought him to Cae∣sar, to whom the Remainder of his Forces yielded themselves; he received them kindly, that he might draw others by their example, and without doing any wrong to Domitius, he suffered him to go whither he pleased, with all his Equipage, hoping by this courtesie to oblige him to take his Party, yet without hindring him from going to find out Pompey. These things being done in such an instant, Pompey on the other side marches from Capua to Nucera, and from Nucera to Brundusium, that he might from thence pass to Epire, where he designed to establish the Seat of the War, he writ to all Provinces, and those that commanded them, to Kings them∣selves, to Sovereigns, and particular Cities, that with all convenient speed they should send him what Forces they could supply him with, in which every one laboured with all his power. He had his own particular Army in Spain, ready to march at his first command, and for those Legions he had with him he gave one part of them to the Consuls, whom he sent before into Epire, they embarquing at the same time at Brundusium, hap∣pily crossed the Gulf, and landed at Dyrrachium, which some by mistake think to be Epidamnum; for Epidamnus King of the Barbarians, who in∣habited those Countries, built near the Sea the City to which he gave his own name; and Dyrrachus his Grand-son by his Daughter, whom they said was begot by Neptune, added to this City a Port which they call Dyrrachi∣um. This Dyrrachus being in War with his Brother Hercules, returning from Erythrea, assisted him on condition to have a part of the Country for his reward. Hence comes it that the Dyrrachians call him their Founder, as having part in the Lands which they possessed, not that they disavow Dyrrachus, but they are well pleased out of vanity to derive their original from a God, rather than a Man. 'Tis reported, that in the Fight Hercules ignorantly slew Ionius the Son of Dyrrachus, and after having payed him all Funeral Honours, threw the Body into the Sea, which from him was called Ionian. Some Phrygians having deserted their Country, seised afterwards on this, and on the City it self, where they remained a long time, till after them the like was done by the Taulantieni, who are a people of Illyria; and again by the Liburnians another Nation of Illyria who used to rob their Neighbours in very swift Brigantines, which the Romans after∣wards making use of, called Liburnicks. The Dyrrachians chased away by the Liburnians, having called to their assistance the Corcyrians, power∣ful by Sea, drove out again the Liburnians, and received into their City part of the Inhabitants of Corcyra, to whom in all likelyhood they gave ha∣bitation in the Port; and because the name of Dyrrachium was thought a name of ill Augury, they called it Epidammun, after the name of the City which stands at a good distance from the Sea: and so Thucydides calls it, though to this day the old name carries it, and it be called* 3.14 Dyrrachium▪ The Consuls were already arrived, when Pompey led the rest of his Forces to Brundusium, expecting the return of the Fleet to transport them; and Caesar coming thither to besiege him, he hindred his forming a Siege till such time as the Fleet arriving in the Evening, he embarqued, leaving only to defend the Walls a party of his best Soldiers, who mounting the same night on those Ships he had left for them; and having the Wind favourable, soon

reached•• the other. Thus all Pompey's Forces left Italy, and passed over in to Epire with their General.

Caesar hereupon found himself at a stand, he knew not on which side to [ XII] turn himself, or where he should to his most advantage begin the War. He saw that from all parts Forces came to Pompey, and he was fearful lest the Army of old Soldiers he left in Spain, should fall into the rea•• of him, if he went to pursue those that seem'd to fly from him. In the end he re∣solved to march first of all for Spain, and having drawn off five Bodies of Armies, left one at Brundasium, another at* 3.15 Hydrunto, another at Taren∣tum for the Guard of Italy; he sent Q. Valerius with another to seise on Sardinia, because it was fruitful in Corn; and Asinius Pollia went by his, orders with another into Sicily, where Cata commanded. At his first coming Cato asking him if it were by Decree of the Senate, or Ordinance of the People, that he thus entred armed into a Province of which another was Governour, he made him only this short answer; He that is now Ma∣ster of Italy sent me hither. To which Cato having replyed, That for the good of the Province he forbore to revenge the affront till another time, embarqued himself for Corcyra, to go and seek out Pompey. As for Caesar himself having drawn off some Forces towards the City, he came thither, and finding the people affrighted with the miseries they had undergone in Sylla's time, he reassured them, exhorting them to have better hopes, ma∣king them fair promises, and justifying his clemency to his Enemies by the example of Domitius, who being fallen under his power, he had sent away with all his Equipage, not doing him the least displeasure. After which he broke open the Treasury, and notwithstanding the opposition made by Metellus Tribune of the People, whom he threatened to kill if he gave not over, carried away that Treasure which no man till then durst touch. Some say it was put there during the invasion of the Gauls, with publick execra∣tions on whoever durst be so bold as to touch it, unless it were to make War upon the same Gauls: but Caesar said he delivered the Common-wealth from those imprecations when he conquered the Gauls; and so there w••s no more danger on that side. He gave to Emilius Lepidus the Government of the City, and to Marc. Anthony the Command of all the Forces of Ita∣ly, and of Italy it self. As for the other Provinces he nominated Curi•• Suc∣cessor to Ca••o in Sicily; to Quintus Valerius he gave the Government of Sar∣dinia, to C. Antonius that of Illyria, to Licinius Crassus the Cisalpine Gaul. He likewise gave order for the speedy fitting out two Fleets for the Guards of the Ionian and Hetrurian Seas, of one of which he made Hortensius Ad∣miral, and of the other Dolabella. Having thus sufficiently fortified Italy against any attempts Pompey might make, he advanced towards Spain, where being arrived he set upon Petreius and Afranius Pompey's Lieute∣nants, over whom he at first got no advantage, being encamped near the Enemy about* 3.16 Ilerd•• in a high place surrounded with Rocks, whither he could not cause any Corn of Forage to be brought him, but over the Bridges of the River Segre, the River swelling on a sudden with the Winter Rains, broke down the Bridges, so that those who were gone to guard the Carriages that were to come to Caesar's Camp, not being able to repass the River by reason of this accident, were all cut in pieces by Petreius's Men; and Caesar himself with the rest of the Army were hardly put to it, to pass over the rest of their Winter, being to fight against Famine, ill Weather, and the Enemy, who in a manner held them besieged. But Summer being come, Afranius and Petreius retreating into the farther Spain to joyn ano∣ther

Army newly set on Foot, Caesar got before and crossed them in their March, continually intrenching himself in their way, and gaining the Passages. One Evening part of their Army being advanced with design to chuse a place proper to encamp in, found themselves invested; so that see∣ing no way to escape the Soldiers, by lifting up their Bucklers made a sign that they yielded. But Caesar, to gain his Enemies by clemency, sent them to Afranius, without stopping one, or suffering a Dart to be thrown at them, which occasioned that there was continual entercourse between the two Camps, and in common discourse the•• began to talk of an accommo∣dation; for already were Afranius and many of the Officers of opinion, that they should quit Spain to Caesar, so he would grant them a safe retreat to Pompey, when Petreius running through the Army began to cry out a∣gainst this proposition, and to kill with his own hand all such of the con∣trary Party as he found in his Camp, and this in so great madness, that he run his Sword into the Body of one of his own Tribunes who would have stopped him in this fury; whereby the Soldiers enraged at this cruelty did but the more esteem the clemency of Caesar. It happened by chance that he cut off their way to go to water, which put Petreius and Afranius into a necessity of demanding a Conference between the two Armies. It was a∣greed that they should quit Spain, on condition that he would conduct them to the River Var, and from thence would permit them to retreat to Pom∣pey. When they were arrived at the Banks of that River, he caused all the Romans and Italians they had in the Army to be drawn together, and spoke to them in this manner:

The Oration of Caesar.

YOu know, my Enemies, (for you will understand me best by that name) that I did no injury to those who were sent before to mark out a place to encamp in, they yielding to discretion: nor to your selves when I had reduced you to want of water; though Petreius finding a Party of my Men on the other side the Segre cut them all in pieces: if you think your selves obliged to any ac∣knowledgments for these kindnesses, pray make report of them to all Pompey's Soldiers.

After having said these words, he suffered them in all saftety to pass the River, and made Q. Cassius his Lieutenant in Spain.

[ XIII] At the same time Actius Varus commanding Pompey's Forces in Africa assisted by Iuba King of Mauritania in favour of their amity and alliance: Curio had a design to go make War upon him, and passed out of Sicily with two of Caesar's Legions upon twelve long Ships, and some other Ships of Burthen: being landed at Utica he put to flight some Numidians in a small Engagement of Horse; and thereupon suffered his Army drawn up in Bat∣talia to proclaim him Emperour. This was an Honour which formerly Soldiers gave to their Generals as a Testimony of their Valour, and which the Generals accepted after having done some exploit in War: but at pre∣sent, as far as I can understand, this acclamation is made to none but who had slain ten thousand of their Enemies. But to proceed, whilst Curio was yet

upon the Sea, the Africans imaginining that he would come and post him∣self in that place which is called the Camp of Scipio, as pretending to the same Glory which that General had gained in Africa, poisoned all the wa∣ters thereabouts; and in effect they were not deceived, for Curio coming to encamp there, a Sickness spread through his Army. As soon as the Soldiers had drunk of the water, their sight grew dim, then they were seised with a great drowsiness, which was followed by vomiting, and at last by Convul∣sions; wherefore he transported his Camp near to Utica with great labour, making his sick Army march over Marishes of so great extent. But when he heard of Caesar's Victories in Spain, he took heart, and engaged the Ene∣my in a very strait place, where after a fierce Encounter the Enemy had six hundred killed, besides many more wounded, and Curio lost only one Man. Mean while, as Iuba came on with his Forces, false intelligence was brought to Curio, that the King was returned from the River Bagrada, which was not far off, to repulse his Neighbours, who had made an ir∣ruption into his Kingdom, and had only left Saburra with some few Forces: Curio believed it, and in the greatest heats of Summer, and about three hours in the day made his Army march towards Saburra, through ways full of Sand and Dirt, and no Water; for all Streams were dryed up by the heat of the Summer; and the King himself with Saburra were seised of the River; whereupon Curio fallen from his hopes, made a swift retreat to∣wards the Mountains, equally incommoded with heat, thirst and weari∣ness. The Enemies having observed it, passed the River, and drew up their Army in Battalia, and he was so imprudent as to come down into the Plain with his Forces, tyred as they were, and bring them to fight. The Numidian Horse having invested him, he sustained them for some time, by giving ground, yet keeping his Battalions close, but seeing the Enemy con∣tinued their charge, he once more regained the Mountains: Pollio fled in a good hour to the Camp near Utica, for fear lest Varus taking the oppor∣tunity should make some disorder; and Curio again rashly renewing the Fight was killed, and all those with him; so that after Pollio not one re∣turned to Utica. After this ill success of Curio's rashness near Bagrada, the Enemies cut off his Head, which they carried to King Iuba: and when the news was brought to the Army which he had left near Utica, Flamma who commanded the Ships got off to Sea with his Fleet before any of the Land Soldiers could embarque; so that Pollio was forced to get into a Boat to go and entreat some Merchants which were about to enter the Port of Utica, to bring their Ships close to shore without the City, and take in his Soldiers. His prayers were so urgent, that some of them in the night came near the Beach, but the Soldiers thronged so fast into them, that some of them sunk to the bottom, and those who got out to Sea were thrown over-board by the Mariners for the Money they had about them. Those who stayed be∣hind at Utica fared not a whit better; for next morning yielding themselves to Varus, Iuba coming thither, made them all be set upon the Walls, and saying they were part of his Spoils, caused them to be slain with Darts, not∣withstanding all the entreaties of Varus to save their lives. Thus two Ro∣man Legions going into Africa under the conduct of Curio perished with all their Horse, light armed Foot and Baggage: and Iuba thinking he had done Pompey a great piece of service returned into his Kingdom.

About the same time Anthony was defeated by Dolobella one of Pompey's [ XIV] Lieutenants in Illyria; and another Army of Caesar's that was at Placentia mutinyed against their Officers, under pretence that they spun out the War

in length, and that they payed not the Soldiers the thirty Minas* 4.1 a Head, which Caesar had promised them at Brundusium. As soon as he had advice of it, he hastened from Marsellia to Placentia, where finding the Soldiers still disorderly, he spake to them in this manner:

The Oration of Caesar.

YOu know my usual diligence, and see well, that the length of time where∣of you complain proceeds only from our Enemies flight, whom we can∣not yet overtake; and yet notwithstanding, you who have enriched your selves in Gaul, serving under me, and are engaged to me not for a part of this War, but till it shall be quite finished, forsake me in the height of the business, you mu∣tiny against your Officers, and would command those you ought to obey; where∣fore being a testimony to my self of the affection I have always born you, I will treat you according to Petteius's Law, and decimate the ninth Legion because they have been the first Mutiniers.

At these words all the Legion began to weep, and the Tribunes threw themselves on their Knees to beg their pardon. At last Caesar after some de∣nyals suffered himself to be overcome, and pardoned the whole Legion, save only six and twenty Soldiers, who appeared to be the Ring-leaders of the Mutiny, of whom yet he put only twelve to death, to whom the Dice proved unlucky; and it being made evident, that one of these twelve was absent at the time of the Mutiny, Caesar in his stead condemned to death the Centurion who had impeached him. The Mutiny of Placentia thus ap∣peased, he returned to the City, which he struck with a general fear; and without staying for a Sessions of the Senate, or the suffrage of any one Ma∣gistrate, created himself Dictator; but either thinking this supreme De∣gree of Honour might expose him to envy, or possibly judging it superflu∣ous, eleven days after (as some say) he designed himself Consul with Servilius Isauricus, and made Govenours of Provinces, or changed those already in Command as he pleased. To M. Lepidus he gave Spain; to A. Albinius Sicily; to Sextus Peducaeus Sardinia; and to Decimus Brutus the new Province of Gaul. He likewise distributed Corn to the People, then much straitened with Famine; and at the request of the same people con∣sented to the return of the Exiles, except only of Milo. But when they demanded a Release of their Debts, into which they had been forced to run by reason of the Wars and Tumults, it being impossible for them to pay, because the inheritances they might otherwise sell to clear themselves were now valued at nothing, he absolutely refused it; yet he created Cen∣sors to put a value on things to be sold, and ordered that the Creditors should take them as ready Money, and in part of so much of their Debts as they should be valued at. That done, about the depth of Winter he sent Commissaries of War to all his Armies, to bring them to the Ren∣dezvous he had appointed at Brundusium; and departed from a City in the Month of December, without staying for the first day of the next year, as his Quality of Conful obliged him. The people went out in great crowds to attend him, both to pay him that Honour, and to beg of him to make a reconciliation with Pompey (for it was mre than likely that which soever

of the two got the Victory would become Master of the Common-wealth) and he by great journies went on towards Brundusium.

Pompey on the other side without any intermission caused Ships to be [ XV] built, Forces to be raised, Money to be gathered in; and having taken for∣ty of Caesar's Ships in the* 5.1 Superiour Sea, waited for his passing over. Mean while he continually employed his Soldiers in some exercise, where himself was still present, and in person began any work even beyond what his age seemed to give leave to, which gained him all Mens Hearts, who throng∣ed in from all parts as to some Spectacle to see his Exercises. Caesar's Forces were composed of ten Legions: and for Pompey, he had five Legions which went over out of Italy with their Horse, two of which remained of Cras∣sus's Forces which he had led against the Parthians, and some part of those who went into Egypt under Gabinius, all amounting to eleven Legions of Italians, and about seven thousand Horse, besides the Auxiliary Troops of Ionia, Macedon, Peloponnesus, Boeotia, the Archers of Crete, and the Slingers of Thrace; he had likewise some Gaul and Galatian Horse, and Comagenians sent him by Antiochus, Cilicians, Cappadocians, and some Soldiers of Armenia the less, Pamphylia, and Pisidia. He designed not to make use of all these Strangers to bear Arms, but destined the greatest part of them to labour in the Trenches and other Works, wherein he would not employ the Italians, that he might not divert them from the Exercise of Arms. These were his Land Forces; for the Sea he had six hundred long Ships fitted and armed for War, a hundred of which besides Seamen were filled with Roman Soldiers, on whom was the chiefest relyance, besides a great many Ships of Burthen which carried his Ammunition and Provi∣sions; the Command of all this Fleet was committed to several Vice-Ad∣mirals, over all whom M. Bibulus was Admiral. Things thus prepared, he caused all the Senators and Knights he had with him to assemble toge∣ther, and at the Head of his Army thus spake to them:

The Oration of Pompey.

THe Athenians (Gentlemen) formerly deserted the Walls of their City, when they fought in the defence of their Liberty, because they thought the Men composed the City, and not the Buildings, by which means they soon recovered them, and in a short time after built them much more beautiful than before. Our Predecessors likewise went out of Rome, when the Gauls like a Tor∣rent invaded them, and Camillus returning with them from Ardea, regained it in the same condition they had left it. In a word, those that are wise think their Country every where, where they can preserve their liberty. These exam∣ples and the hopes of a like success have obliged us to come hither, not to for∣sake our Country, but the better to prepare our selves to defend it▪ and to re∣venge it's cause upon him, who having a long time designed to oppress it, is be∣come Master of it by their means whom he hath with gifts corrupted. He, I say, who being by you declared Enemy to the Common-wealth, hath by his audacious Enter∣prises invaded the authority of the Senate and Roman People, and given the government of your Provinces to those of his Faction, to some that of the City, and to others that of Italy. Iudge after this, what violence and cruelty he will forbear to exercise towards his Country, if we be so unhappy to let our selves be

overcome. He, who commits such insolencies in the beginning of a War where∣of he fears the event, and whilst he is liable to receive the punishment of his Crimes, which is what we ought to wish and hope to see by the Divine Assistance; for he hath in his Party none but Wretches corrupted by the Money he hath drawn out of our Province of Gaul, who chose rather to be his Slaves than to live e∣qually with other Citizens: for my part I never was wanting, nor shall not be wanting to expose my self to all sorts of Dangers; I offer my self to perform the Function of General or Soldier; and if I yet have the same good fortune and the same experience which hitherto have made me every where victorious, I beseech the Gods they may prove advantageous to my Country, and that I may not be less happy now when the Dispute is whether I shall prevent it's being op∣pressed, than when I extended the Bounds of its Empire. We have reason to have confidence in the protection of the Gods, and in the Iustice of our Cause: for never can any be more just and honest to whoever loves his Country and the Common-wealth. Besides those great preparations we have made both by Sea and Land, and the Forces will come in to us from all parts as soon as the War is begun, is sufficient to encourage us; for all the Levant Nations as far as those bordering on the Euxine Sea, whether Greeks or Barbarians, are of our side, and all the Kings of those people who are either the Romans Friends or Allies or mine, will send us Soldiers, Arms, Provisions, and all things necessary. Let us go then, and give to our Country the assistance it merits, which your Virtue exacts from you, and my good Fortune demands from me; but remember al∣ways Caesar's Pride, and with readiness to obey my Orders.

Pompey's last words were followed by a general acclamation of the whole Army, Senators and other persons of Quality, who all desired him to lead them whither he thought fit. But he considering that it was the very worst season of the year; and besides, imagining that Caesar impeded in the City the creation of Consuls, would not attempt to cross a Sea usually tempestu∣ous, before the end of Winter, gave order to those commanded the Sea Forces to guard the passage, and sent his Army into Garrisons in Thessaly and Macedon; so little foresight had he of what might happen.

[ XVI] As for Caesar he departed, as we have said, in the Month of December for Brundusium, that by this unlooked for diligence he might startle the Enemy, and finding neither Provisions nor Military Preparations, nor indeed those Men he hoped to find, he assembled those were there; and thus spoke to them:

The Oration of Caesar.

THough we are now (Fellow Soldiers) in the depth of Winter, and that other Troops that ought to have been here are not yet come, nor such Pre∣parations made as I expected, yet I am so firmly perswaded, that diligence has been the principal thing has given me success in all my Undertakings, and so much assured of your Generosity, that nothing can retard the resolution I have taken to pass over into Epire. Wherefore let us leave here our Baggage and Servants, that the Ships not being over-pesterd may with more conveniency car∣ry us, and we cross the Sea without being perceived by our Enemies, let us oppose

our good Fortune to the bad Weather; and if our numbers be but small, let our courage supply that defect, let us furnish out our wants at the Enemies Ex∣pence. All those things they have in such abundance will be ours as soon as we are landed, and we shall fall on the braver when we know we have no hopes but in Victory. Let us go then and make our selves Masters of their Munitions, of their Provisions, of their Baggage, of their Servants, whilst the cold shuts them up in their Houses, and Pompey thinks I am spending the Winter in the City in the pomps of the Consulate, and in Sacrifices. Your selves know how much sudden surprises are advantageous in War. I will perform a brave ex∣ploit only by going before, ordering things necessary, and preparing a secure re∣treat for those are to follow us. I could heartily wish you were already on board, that the time I waste in talking might be spent in sailing; so great an earnest∣ness I have to let Pompey see me whilst he thinks I am amusing my self in exer∣cising the Consulate in the City. Though I am sure of your good will, yet I ex∣pect your answer.

All the Soldiers cryed out he should lead them whither he pleased: as soon as he descended from the place whence he had spoke to them, he caused five Legions and six hundred chosen Horse to march towards the Sea, who being embarqued, rode at Anchor, because of a Storm that happened, as is usual in the Month of December. The contrary Winds (do what they could) stayed them till the first day of the following year, when two Le∣gions more coming to Caesar, he caused them to embark on the Ships of Bur∣then; for he had left those few long Ships he had for the Guard of Sicily and Sardinia. They they set sail all together; and the whole Fleet being carried by the Storm to the Ceraunian Rocks, there landed them, and went immediately back to fetch the rest of the Army. Caesar with those he had marched towards Orica, but because the ways were rought and narrow he was often forced to file off; so that had there been any suspicion of his March, it might easily have been prevented, because of the cragginess of the ways. At length having about break of day with much labour got to∣gether all his Army, he presented himself before the City, where he that commanded, by consent of the Inhabitants, who thought it not convenient to shut the Gates against a Roman Consul, brought him the Keys, and af∣terwards continued on his Party in the same Quality of Governour of that place. Lucretius and Minutius who were on the other side of Orica with eighteen long Ships to guard the Ships of Burthen which carried Corn to Pompey, hearing of this Surrender, sunk the Ships and Corn to the bottom, and fled to Dyrrachium. From Orica Caesar hastened to Apollonia, where the Inhabitants having opened the Gates, Tiberius the Governour left the City.

Caesar after these fortunate Beginnings, drew together his Forces, and let [ XVII] them know how by the means of his diligence and the favour of Fortune he had surmounted the Difficulties of the Season, crossed a great Extent of Sea, with Ships, taken Orica and Apollonia without fighting, and already (as he had foretold) gained from the Enemy what things they wanted, even before Pompey had knowledge of it. But if now we can, said he, make our selves Masters of Dyrrachium, where Pompey's Magazines both of Munition and Provision are, all that he with so much Cost and Pains has been storing up toge∣ther will become your Recompence. Having said these words, he went right to the City, continuing his March Night and Day by long and difficult

ways. Pompey receiving advice hereof, advances from Macedonia to pre∣vent him, causing all along as he passed, trees to be cut down, Bridges broken, and all Provisions to be burnt, to retard Caesar's March if he should come that way; for he thought (as indeed it was true) the preserving of his Stores was of no small importance. The Soldiers of both Armies were so eager to gain Dyrrachium first, that if in any place they saw at a distance either the dust raised by their Fellows, or Fire, or Smoak, they presently imagined it was the Enemy, and run as if they had been to run a race; they gave themselves neither time to eat, nor to sleep, but with Shouts and Hollas encouraged one another, pressing their companions for∣ward to follow the Guides, which in the night carried Torches before them, and which sometimes caused great tumults, and as often Allarms as if the Enemy had been upon them; some quite tired threw away their Bag∣gage, and others privately withdrawing out of the Body, stopped in the Valleys to take a little repose which they stood in need of, and preferred be∣fore the fear or danger they might be in of their Enemies. Yet in the end of this Contention between the two Parties, Pompey got first to Dyrrachium, and encamped near the Walls, he sent presently his Fleet to Orica, which returned under his obedience, and after caused the Sea to be guarded with more diligence than before. Caesar pitched his Camp directly against him, on the other side of the River Alora, which parted the two Armies, where yet there happened some Horse Skirmishes, now one Party and then ano∣ther passing the River, but neither would engage with all their Forces, be∣cause Pompey thought good first to exercise his Forces that were newly le∣vyed, and Caesar expected those that were to come from Brundusium. He thought if they stayed till Spring, and then should come over with Ships of Burthen (and he had no other) they could no way be secured, Pompey having such a number of Galleys to defend the passage; but if they em∣barqued during Winter, they might slip by their Enemies, who now lay harboured in the Islands, or if they were engaged, might open themselves a passage by the violence of the Winds, and the Bulk of their Vessels, wherefore he did all he could to hasten their coming.

[ XVIII] And therefore out of impatience that the rest of his Army came not from Brundusium, he resolved himself to go privately over, thinking they would sooner follow him than any other; wherefore without discovering his design to any one, he sent three of his Slaves to a River not above twelve Furlongs distant, to secure some very light Boat, and a good Pilot, as if he had an intention to send him upon some design, and feigning himself ill, rose from Table where he desired his Friends to continue, and taking the habit of a private man, mounting his Chariot, came to the Boat as Caesar's Messenger. He had given orders to his Slaves to command the Mariners what they had to do, whilst he kept himself concealed under coverlids and the darkness of the night. Though the wind were contrary, and very ra∣ging, the Slaves made the Pilot put off, bidding him be of courage, and make use of his time to escape the Enemy, who were not far from them, they laboured so hard, that by force of Oars they got the Mouth of the Ri∣ver, where the Waves of the Sea beating against the stream of the River, the Pilot (who on the other side was afraid of falling into the Enemies hands) did all was possible for man to do, till seeing they gained nothing, and the Seamen not able to pull any longer he left the Helm. Then the Consul discovering his Head, cryed out, Courage, Pilot, fear no storm, for thou carriest Caesar and his fortune. Whereupon the Pilot and his crew a∣stonished

at these words, redoubling their force passed the Mouth of the River, got out to Sea; but because the Winds and the Waves still drove them towards the Lee shore in spite of all their endeavours, and day approaching, the Mariners fearing to be discovered by the Enemy, Caesar angry at fortune that envyed him, suffered the Pilate to ragain the River, and the Boat presently running afore the Wind, came to the place from whence they set out: Caesar's Friends admired at his boldness, others blamed him for having done an action more proper for a private Soldier than a General; and he seeing his design had not succeded, and that it was impossible for him to pass over without being known, sent Posthumius in his place. He first had charge to tell Gabinius that he should presently em∣bark the Army, and bring it to him; and if he refused, then to address himself to Anthony, and at last to Calenus, and if none of these three had spirit enough to execute these orders, he had a Letter for the Army in gene∣ral, by which the Soldiers were exhorted to come over and follow Post∣humius, landing at any place they could, without regarding the Ships; for he had more need of Men than Ships, so much confidence had he in for∣tune, indeed more than in prudence.

Pompey then judging he ought no longer to delay, drew out his Army [ XIX] in Battalia, and caused them to advance against Caesar; but two of his Sol∣diers being entred into the River to sound the Ford, and one of Caesar's Men having slain them both, he took this as an ill presage, and led back his Forces into the Camp, though many lamented the loss of so fair an occa∣sion. As for the Forces at Brundusium, Gabinius refusing to follow the or∣ders brought by Posthumius, with all that would follow him, went the way of Illyria by Land, taking such long Marches, that his Men being quite tired, the Inhabitants of the Country cut them all in pieces, for which Caesar could not yet be revenged, being engaged in affairs of more impor∣tance. Anthony shipped away the rest, and having the Wind right aft, passed in sight of Apollonia with a merry Gale; but about Noon the Wind beginning to slacken, they were discovered by twenty of Pompey's Galleys▪ who made up towards them, they were fearful lest the Stems of the long Ships running on board them should pierce through and sink them; how∣ever, they were preparing to fight, every Man laying hold of his Sling, his Javelin, or Arms of the like nature: when on a sudden there sprung up a fresher gale than the former; so that Anthony setting his low Sails, went ••pooning away before, whilst the others not able to bear Sail, were tossed too and fro, where the Winds and Waves pleased, and at length driven in∣to the Narrows, and cast upon Lee shores where there were neither Port nor Harbour. Thus Anthony safely recovered the Port of Nymphaeum without losing more than two Ships, which unfortunately running upon the Flats were taken by the Enemies. Caesar having now with him all his Forces as well as Pompey, they pitched their Camps in sight of each other, upon eminencies where each entrenched themselves, raising out Forts, which were often attacqued by one Party and the other, one General still striving to block up the others Army, and cut them off from Provisions, so that there happened many Skirmishes. In this new mode of making War, as Caesar's Men one day proved the weaker in a Fort assailed by the Enemy, a Centurion called Sceva, famous before for many gallant actions, being wounded in an eye, leaped from the Rampart, and making a sign with his hand for silence, as if he had something to say, he called to one of the Centurions of the contrary Party, a Man of Reputation, to whom he

said, Save the life of one of thy own quality, save the life of thy Friend, send some body to lead me by the hand thus wounded as I am. Whereupon two Sol∣diers stepping in to receive him as a Runaway, he slew one before he su∣spected the deceit, and knocked the other down. He did this action out of pure despair he was in of being able to defend the place; but it succeeded better than he imagined; for this happy success so raised the courage of his Companions, that they repulsed the Enemy, and remained Masters of the Fort. Minutius who commanded had a great share in the Glory as well as in the danger of this Assault; for 'tis said his Buckler was six and twenty times pierced through, and he was wounded in the eye as well as Sceva; so Caesar honoured them both with many Military Recompences. Mean time, he had formed intelligence in Dyrrachium, and upon hopes the place would be delivered to him, he came with a small company to the Gate which is near the Temple of Diana; but his design being discovered, came off again without doing any thing. The same Winter Scipio, Father-in-law to Pom∣pey, bringing him another Army out of Syria, was set upon in Macedon by C. Calvisius, whom he defeated, and slew him a whole Legion, fourscore Soldiers only escaping. There came now no more Provisions to Caesar by Sea, Pompey being the stronger, wherefore the Soldiers were forced to make Bread of a certain kind of Herbs, pieces of which being by some Runaways brought to Pompey, thinking it would be to him a joyful present: instead of rejoycing at it, What sort of Beasts, said he, have we to deal with? Caesar now pinched with necessity drew together his Forces, resolv∣ing to engage Pompey whether he would or no; but Pompey being now pos∣sessed of several good Forts, kept close in his Trenches, which so much troubled, Caesar, that he undertook a work almost impossible, and scarcely credible, which was to inclose all the Forts Pompey had, with a Trench drawn from the Sea, judging that though his design took not effect, he should gain the reputation of a man capable of great things; for this Trench must have been* 7.1 twelve hundred Furlongs in length. Pompey on his part drew Lines and Trenches directly opposite to Caesar's Works: thus one eluded the Enterprises of the other.

[ XX] At length there happened a great Fight between them, wherein Pompey bravely repulsing Caesar's Men, and having put them to flight, pursued them to their very Camp. Many Colours they took, and had taken the Eagle of a Legion, if the Standard-bearer who carried it had not thrown it with all his force into the Trenches, that he might preserve it for Caesar; for the Roman Soldiery have a great respect for their Standards: Caesar with other Companies came to the relief of those that fled, but so terrified were these too, that as soon as they beheld Pompey at a distance, though they were near the Camp, it was not possible for Caesar to stop them, nor to make them go in again, nor so much as to hearken to him, the Soldiers fled away in dis∣order without shame, without reason, or without any thing to oblige them to it: Caesar might well run up and down, and with reproaches shew them, that Pompey was yet a great way off. This hindred them not from throw∣ing down their Arms, and flying, or else standing still silent and immove∣able, fixing their eyes upon the ground with shame and confusion, so great was that panick fear had possesed them. There was an Ensign who, as his General would have stopped him, presented him the point of his Jave∣lin, but he was upon the spot punished by the Guards as he deserved. Those who escaped into the Camp were so cast down, that they kept no Guard at the Gates, nor lined the Rampire, but the Trenches were left without any to defend them. All men believed that Pompey might have thrown himself

into the Camp with the Flyers, and so have made an end of the War, if Labienus, (for God would have it so) had not perswaded him rather to pursue those he had routed, then march up to the Trenches; him therefore he believed, whether it were that he was not in such haste as to make an end of all at once, or that seeing the Camp defenceless, he feared some Ambuscade, or else being victorious, scorn'd that little advantage. Going therefore to charge those were still abroad, he made yet a great Slaughter, so that in two Engagements in one day he gained twenty eight Colours, and twice lost the opportunity of ruining his Enemy beyond redress. And Caesar himself stuck not to say that that day the War had been ended, had his Enemy known how to make use of his Victory.

Pompey after this glorious Success, wrote largely of it to the Kings and [ XXI] Commonalties; and conceived hopes that in a short time Caesar's Army, ei∣ther oppressed by Famine or terrified with this Disgrace, would yield them∣selves to him; especially the Tribunes, fearful of being punished for a fault they knew themselves guilty of. But they and all the Soldiers touched with Repentance as by Divine Inspiration, confessed themselves Criminals; and afflicted themselves the more, that their General spoke kindly to them, and granted them Pardon before they asked it: They would not forgive them∣selves; but with a wonderful Change, desired, as a Punishment of their Fault, they might be decimated, according to the custom of their Ance∣stors; but he would by no means admit it; which encreased their shame the more, that they should be guilty of such Cowardize in prejudice of the best Man of the World, and who most deserved their Faith and their Ser∣vices. They besought him that at least he would punish the Ensigns, who had been the Cause of this Rout; for in flying they had only followed their Colours: and seeing Caesar could not resolve to do that, but with much ado would consent to the Punishment of a few, his Moderation begot in the minds of the Soldiers a General Joy. They began all with one voice to cry out that he should lead them against the Enemy, that by gaining a new Vi∣ctory they might wipe away their Infamy; and in the sight of their Gene∣ral they swore by whole Companies one to the other, never to return from the Fight but Victorious. Wherefore his Friends advised him to take the Army at their Words, and make tryal of them upon this height of Repen∣tance, before their Zeal grew cooler: But he answered them before all the Multitude, that he would chuse a time more proper to shew them the Enemy; exhorting them then to remember the good Will they now pro∣tested: and in private he told his Confidents, that it was convenient to let that fear, which so late a loss had imprinted, be worn a little out of the minds of the Soldiery; and by temporizing, let the fierceness of his Ene∣mies, heightned by their late Victory, be likewise a little cooled. He con∣fessed withal he had committed a great fault in coming to encamp so near Dyrrachium, where Pompey had all things in abundance; whereas if he had drawn himself farther off, they might have met with equal Difficulties. After having discoursed in this manner, he came to Apollonia, and from thence privately by Night took his March towards Thessaly; and on the way, coming to a little City called Gomphes, that refused to open their Gates, he took it by Storm, and gave the Plunder to his Soldiers; who ha∣ving long endured Scarcity, fed now beyond measure, and filled themselves with Wine; especially the* 7.2 Almains, whose Drunkenness made them ridi∣culous to all the rest: So that here again in all appearance, Pompey lost a fair occasion of Victory by not pursuing an Enemy he despised; but lying

still, whilst in seven days March he got into Thessaly, and encamped near Pharsalia. It is reported there happened at Gomphes a thing very memo∣rable, that in an Apothecary's Shop there were found twenty Old Men, all People of Quality, lying groveling upon the Ground, with Caps by them, in the posture of Drunken Men, dead without any Wound; and another sitting in a Chair, who, acting the Physitian, had presented the Cups to the rest.

[ XXII] After Caesar's Departure, Pompey held a Council of his Friends; where Affranius Advice was, that he should employ the Sea-Forces, in which they were the stronger, to pursue Caesar now flying and necessitous, and to incommode him what they could, whilst Pompey with the Land-Army past speedily into Italy, which favoured their Party, and where the other had no Forces; and placing good Garrisons both in Gaul and Spain without stir∣ring from home, settle the Seat of the War in the Capital City of the King∣dom. But this Advice, though perfectly good, was not followed; they chose rather to believe those who maintained that Caesar's Army would soon by Famine be forced to yield to them; or if that happened not, yet after the Success of Dirrachium, it was no great Task to give Perfection to that Victory; that besides, it would be a shame to let Caesar fly without pursu∣ing him, or to let it be said that the Vanquished and the Vanquisher fled each their several ways. Pompey therefore moved by these Arguments, but principally out of Consideration of the Eastern Nation, and of Lucius Sci∣pio, lest any disgrace should happen to him in Macedon; and besides this, assuring himself upon the Alacrity of his Soldiers, who ardently desired to fight, followed Caesar: And as well as he encamped near Pharsalia, at a∣bout thirty Furlongs distance from him, Provisions were brought to him from all Parts; for he had before fortifyed the Passages, the Havens and the Forts; so that he had continual Supplies by Land, and every Wind brought him some by Sea. But Caesar had no more than what he daily with much difficulty sent out to forage for; yet, for all that, none of his Men forsook him: On the contrary, as if they had been animated by some Di∣vine Spirit, they testifyed an incredible earnestness to fight. They conside∣red that being all Veterans, trained to War for ten Years together, and ha∣ving to deal only with Raw Soldiers, they should prove the stronger; but if the War were spun out in length, and they forced to labour in Trenches and other Works, Age already growing upon them, the consuming more time would be to their disadvantage: Wherefore they desired no longer de∣lay; thinking it better to try the Fortune of Arms, than to fight longer a∣gainst Hunger and Famine. On the other side, Pompey, who knew all these things, judged there might be danger in coming to an Engagement, and committing himself to the hazard of a Battel with experienced Men, whom Despair had made capable of attempting any thing; and who were besides commanded by Caesar, the most fortunate General of the World: But that he might more securely and with more facility defear them, streitned as they were, and already weakned with want of all things, the Country where they lay not being over fertile, and they having no Sea-Port, nor so much as a Ship to escape in: He therefore resolved, and surely with a great deal of Prudence, not to fight; but vanquish his half-starved Enemies by starving them more. But having with him a great number of Senators of the same Quality with himself, the Choice of all the Roman Knights, and many Kings and Potentates, they all exhorted him to give Battel; some out of Ignorance, others having in their Heads the Victory at Dirrachium, o∣thers

relying upon the great number of their Forces, in which they had the advantage; and some, who, weary of the War, chose rather to hazard Victory at one push, than attend it from good Conduct. They shewed him Caesar provoking him to fight, and always drawn out in Battel. But he turned that Example against themselves; and told them, Caesar did that, be∣ing forced to it by Famine, and that he ought the rather to lie quiet, the more Caesar was streitned for want of Provisions.

And yet at last, seeing all the Army, puffed up with the last Victory, de∣sired [ XXIII] to fight; and that many Persons of Quality reproached him that he loved to command, and that he spun out the War with design to maintain himself so much the longer above so many People his Equals; that they cal∣led him King and Agamemnon, because Agamemnon had likewise comman∣ded Kings during the War; he was constrained to forego the Resolution he had taken. And now Fortune, which had not been over-favourable to him in many other Accidents of this War, forsook him quite. He grew fainter and slower than ordinarily he used to be; and prepared for this Fight much against his Will, to his Ruin, and the Loss of those who counselled him to it. Caesar had that Night sent out two Legions to go fetch in Corn; for praising Pompey for temporizing, and believing he would continue to do so, he en∣deavoured nothing more than the bringing Provisions to his Camp from all sides: But when he had a little notice that his Enemy was disposed to give Battel, he was very joyful, conjecturing him forced to it by the head-strong humour of his Soldiers; and causing those two Legions sent out for Forrage, speedily to return, he gave all his Men Order to be in a readiness: About Midnight he sacrificed to Mars and Venus his Mother (for it is said, that the Family of the Iulii had their Original as well as Name from Iulus, Son to Aeneas) and withal, made a Vow to build a Temple in the City in Honour of that Goddess. After the Sacrifice, there having appeared a stream of Lightning, which extended it self from Caesar's Camp over that of Pompey's: Those of this Party promised themselves a bright and glorious Victory; but Caesar interpreted it to his advantage; saying, he was going with one blow to extinguish all the Glory and Power of Pompey. As Pompey sacrificed the same Night, the Victims escaping, could not be retaken, a Swarm of Bees came and set upon the Altars: There was raised a little before Day in Pom∣pey's Army a Panick Terror; which yet himself going from Quarter to Quarter, appeased, and after slept soundly; and when his Friends waked him, told them, he dreamed he was dedicating a Temple in the City to Ve∣nus the Victorious: His Familiars and his Soldiers, who had heard nothing of Caesar's Vow, rejoyced mightily at it, they believed the Advantage cer∣tainly theirs, and began to despise the Enemy, and do things more by im∣pulse of Passion than Reason; in so much, that some crowned their Tents with Laurel, which is the Token of Victory, and made their Slaves pre∣pare Magnificent Feasts: Nay, some there were who disputed among them∣selves for Caesar's High Priesthood. Pompey, who had great experience in what related to War, had an aversion for all these things; but he let not his Anger break forth, for it would have been a trouble to him, neither did he now think it secure to reprove People who loved rather to command than obey, and who by their Importunity had forced him to actagainst his Judg∣ment. So stupifyed was now this Great Man, who had ever before been so happy; whether he were troubled that his Counsel was slighted, being so perfectly good, and that he was constrained to hazard the safety of so many Men, together with his own Glory, which never yet had any like it;

or whether his Genius presenting to him his approaching Misfortune, appa∣led him, being just at the point of losing in one moment so great and sublime an Authority. However, at length having said to his Friends, that who∣ever gained the Victory that day, would be the Commencement of infinite Calamities to the Roman People, he began to draw up his Army in Battel: from whence some making reflexion on these words which on a suddain heat escaped him, have believed that if he had been Victorious, he would have made himself Master of the Commonwealth.

[ XXIV] Now, to give an Account of the number of the Forces on both Parts, without having recourse to that Multitude of Authors, who so ill agree in this Point, I will follow the gravest of the Romans; who report exactly the number of the Italians, as the principal Force of the Army, and make little mention of the Auxiliaries, whom indeed they had but little consideration of. Caesar had about two and twenty thousand Men, of whom about a thousand were Horse; and Pompey had half as many more, of whom a∣bout seven thousand were Horse: So that most credible Authors say, that there were about seventy thousand Italians in both Armies; those who are most modest say, sixty thousand; and those who are boldest, four hundred thousand; of whom some say Pompey's made more than half, others that Caesar's were but one third; so difficult it is, exactly to know the truth. But however it were, both the one and the other Party placed their chief Rely∣ance on those of that Nation: Not but that Caesar had good Auxiliary For∣ces; he had French Cavalry, and a great number of Transalpine Gauls, and Grecian Light Armed Foot of the Acarnanians, Etolians and Dolopes. But Pompey had a great multitude of all the Oriental Nations, as well Horse as Foot; out of Greece, the Lacedemonians with their Kings, the other Pelo∣ponnesians and Boeotians; and even the Athenians came to this War. Though both Parties had caused it to be proclaimed by the publick Cryer, that all Persons were forbid touching them, being Priests to Ceres, the Inventor of Laws; yet would they come to bear Arms, that they might have the Ho∣nour to fight for the Roman Empire. After the Greeks, came Troops of almost all Nations lying upon the Sea-Coasts of the Levant Seas; from Thrace, from the Hellespont, from Bithynia, Phrygia, Ionia, Lydia, Pamphi∣lia, Pisidia, Paphlagonia, Cilicia, Syria, Phaenicia, Iudaea, Arabia, Cyprus, Rhodes; with Slingers from Crete, and all the other Isles. There were like∣wife Kings and Sovereigns with their Forces: Deiotarus, Tetrarch of Gal∣lograecia; and Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia; Taxiles lead the Armenians from this side the Euphrates; and Megabates, Lieutenant of King Artabasus, those from beyond that River; besides several little Sovereigns that brought what Forces they had. They say likewife, that Cleopatra and her Brother, yet a Child, sent sixty Gallies; whose Forces were not at the Fight no more than those of the rest of the Fleet, who lay doing nothing at Corcyra. And most certain it is that Pompey was not so prudent as he ought to have been, in not making good use of his Naval Forces; in which he was so strong, that he might always have hindred the bringing from any place Provisions to his Enemy; but chusing rather to fight on Land against Men hardened to La∣bour, and accustomed to Victory: But it is apparent that the Victory at Dyrrachium made him slacken his Care, and that nothing could have been more advantageous to Caesar than that loss; for Pompey's Soldiers, grown proud with that Success, would no longer obey; and marched against their Enemies hand over head. But decreed it was▪ he should commit this fault, to give Birth to that Empire which extends it self so far over the Nations of the Earth.

The Armies being disposed and ready to fight, the two Generals by words [ XXV] endeavoured to encourage their Men: And Pompey spoke to his in this manner.

The Oration of Pompey.

AT length, Soldiers, you are put in a posture to fight, rather by comman∣ding me, than doing what I command: For whereas I was resolved to de∣stroy Caesar by temporizing, you would needs fight him. Since you, therefore, are the Enactors of this Battel, and the Arbiters of it, shew what you are to those Enemies you so far surpass in number: Despise them as young and vigorous Conquerors should the Vanquished, surcharged with Age and tired with Labour. Besides, your advantage over them lies not only in your Preparations and Forces, but in the Testimony of your own Consciences, and in the Iustice of your Cause; since we fight for Liberty, for our Country, for the Laws, for Glory, for so many Senators, and so many Roman Knights, against a Man who aims at Dominion by his Thefts and Robberies. Let us go on then in good hopes whither your Courage leads you, and remember the Day of Dyrrachium, when we put to flight the same Enemy; and what a great number of Colours you in one day brought away your Prize.

Caesar, in like manner, encouraged his Men in words to this purpose.

The Oration of Caesar.

THe most difficult part of our Labours is now at an end, Fellow Soldiers, we are no more to fight with Hunger and Want, we have now only Men to deal with; aud this day will put an end to all, provided you do but remember the promise you made me at Dyrrachium, and in what manner you swore to one ano∣ther in my presence, never to return from the Fight without Victory. These are the Men we are come to seek from as far as the Pillars of Hercules; those who durst not stand us, but fled before us out of Italy; these, who, after we had fought ten Years together for the Glory of our Country, after that we had gained a multi∣tude of Victories, and added to the Roman Empire four hundred Nations in Spain, Gaul and Brittany; would have deprived us of the Honours due to us, of the Triumphs and other Recompences our Services merited. In a word, these whom I could never move, neither by the Iustice of my Right, nor by the Favours I have done them; for you know how many of them I have set free without doing them the least injury, in hopes they would do things reasonable for me. Remem∣ber then their Injustice; and if ever you did believe I had any kindness or good will for you, if you, if you have ever experienced my Liberality or received my Largesses, let this Day's Actions make good your Acknowledgments. It is no hard matter for Old Soldiers to overcome Hot-headed Young sters, unskilled in the Mystery; and who like Children, come to the business in disorder, and despising their Gene∣ral: for I am certainly assured he himself leads them trembling, and sore against his mind to this Battel; for seeing his Fortune grow old, he is himself grown slothful and stupid, and does not so much command as obey the Command of others.

Hitherto I have yet spoke to you only concerning the Italians; for the Strangers, I would not have you trouble your selves, nor account them for any thing; nor would I have you go to charge the Slaves of Syria, Lydia and Phrygia, only born for Flight and Servitude: I know it certainly, and you shall see it, that Pom∣pey will not give them any place in his Battel. Engage therefore only the Itali∣ans; and if the Strangers come to run after you like Dogs, when you have routed the Italians, spare them as your Allies; but put all the Strangers to the Sword, to strike a terror in others. But first of all, to perswade me that you remember your promise, and that you desire to die or overcome, as you go out of the Camp I com∣mand you, that your selves pull up the Palissade, and fill up the Trench, that we may have no hopes left but in Victory: And that the Enemies seeing we have no more a Camp, may understand that of necessity we must lodge in theirs.

[ XXVI] After having thus spoke to his Soldiers, he left two thousand of the old∣est for Guard of the Baggage; and the rest, as they came out of the Camp, pulled up the Pallissade and filled up the Ditch with as little noise as might be: Which being told to Pompey by some who thought they prepared themselves for Flight; he knowing their Confidence, began to sigh, that he must fight against fierce Beasts, whom he might have defeated by Famine; which is the only way to reduce Beasts. But now there was no going back; for as the Proverb says, The Knife was at his Throat. Wherefore, leaving four thousand Legionary Soldiers for the Guard of the Camp, he caused the rest to march in Battalia between Pharsalia and the River Enipeus; where Caesar planted himself directly opposite to him: So that the Front of both Battels was composed of the Legions, in three Bodies, at some distance one from the other; whose Flanks were covered with two Wings of Horse, among whom were mixed Archeres and Slingers. The Legions, in whom both Parties placed their chief Hope, being ranged in this Order, they brought on the Strangers, more for Shew than Service. Pompey had a great number of divers Languages, out of which he drew apart the Macedonians, Peloponnesians, Boeotians and Athenians, as more accustomed to keep their Ranks with silence, and placed them near his Legions; and for the others, Caesar had conjectured he drew them into a Body apart, with Orders to en∣viron the Enemy as soon as the Battel was begun, and to do what they could to break in and plunder Caesar's Camp, whose Works he had seen thrown down. Scipio, Father in Law to Pompey, was in the middle of the Battel, L. Domitius on the Left Wing, Lentulus on the Right, and Affranius stayed for Guard of the Camp. In Caesar's Army Sylla, Anthony and Cn. Domitius commanded; and he, according to his custom, chose his place at the Head of the Tenth Legion: Which the Enemies having observed, they opposed against him all their best Horse; that being the stronger in number, they might inclose him. Caesar, on the contrary, knowing their design, drew off a Body of three thousand Men of the best of his Foot to releive him upon occasion; and commanded, that as soon as they saw the Enemy come to in∣vest him, they should charge them with their Piles, aiming chiefly at the Face; for young and unexperienced People who put value on their Beauty, would be fearful to receive any Wound might render them deformed. And now the Generals went through the Ranks to give necessary Orders, exhor∣ting them to shew their Courage, and giving them the Word for that day; which on Caesar's side was, Venus the Victorious; and on Pompey's, Hercules the Invincible. Thus standing in Battalia, they for a long time kept silence on both sides; each Party keeping his Ground, and expecting when the

other should begin the Fight. For they were moved with Compassion to see the greatest number of Forces that had ever before been seen together of the Italian Nation, and all Chosen Men, about to expose themselves to the Hazard and Uncertainty of a Battel, for the Interest and Passion of two Ro∣mans, envious of each other: And as the Danger approached, the Ambiti∣on wherewith they had hitherto been blinded, began to remit, and give place to Fear. Reason having chased away the furious Appetite of Glory, began to represent to them the greatness and the Cause of the Disgrace wherein they might fall. That two Men disputed for the Preheminence with con∣tempt of their Lives, and yet neither could promise to himself the living in the meanest Degree, unless he got the Victory: And that for their Diffe∣rence such numbers of brave Men were about to hazard their utter Destru∣ction. It came likewife into their Minds, that having so lately been Friends and Allies, and endeavoured to render each other mutual Service for the Support of their Grandeur, they should now draw Swords one against ano∣ther, and oblige to be Followeres in their criminal Passion so many Generals and Officers, among whom nothing but Concord ought to have been main∣tained, being of the same City, and some of them Brethren; for so they were, having engaged themselves unawares, as in two different Parties of so many thousand Men of the same Notion, many extraordinary things must necessarily happen. Thus the two Generals making these reflecrtions, were touched with remorse; and because this Day was to make one of them the first or the last of all Men, they could not easily resolve to begin a Fight, the Success whereof was so soubtful. Some report, that both of them shed tears.

The Day was now well advanced, whilst both Parties thus stood viewing [ XXVII] one another, and the Legions stood firm, without moving from their places; till Pompey perceiving that the Strangers, wearied with the delay, kept their Ranks but ill; fearing lest by their Example the others might take the liber∣ty to do the same before the Battel began, commanded first to sound the Charge; which Caesar on the other side immediately scconded. And now the Soldiers, heartned by the sound of the Trumpets, and the presence of their Officers; who going through the Ranks, encouraged them to do well, began to march one againsts the other with an incredible Vehemence; yet with deep silence, like People who had often been upon the same Occasions. When they came within a Dart's Flight the Light-Armed Foot gave the first Discharge, and then the Horse fell on; where after having given great E∣vidences of their Valour on both sides, Pompey's had the Advantage, as be∣ing more numerous; and went about to invest the Tenth Legion. Where∣upon Caesar gave a Sign to his Reserve appointed for that purpose to advance, which at an instant they did, throwing their Piles at the Faces of the Horse-men; who, not able to bear the Brunt of these desperate Men, nor endure that they should pierce their Cheeks and thrust out their Eyes, fled away in disorder: Which gave Opportunity to Caesar's Horse, who before were fear∣ful to be environed, to charge Pompey's Legions in Flank, where they lay naked, being deserted by the Horse-men. Pompey advised of it, gave Or∣der to his Foot not to advance farther, nor to assail the Enemy, nor to throw any Pile; but presenting their Points to those came at them, to fight stand∣ing their Ground. Some have praised this way of fighting invented by Pompey, as advantageous to those that are like to be inclosed: But Caesar dis∣approves it in his Commentaries; because, in casting the Pile the blow is more violent, and the motion gives life to the Courage of the Soldier, which

grows cold and faint by standing still; besides, that it is more easie to over∣turn those are only planted like Stakes, which now happened; for after Cae∣sar's Horse had charged upon the Flank, Pompey's Right Wing, which lay naked, and stood still whilst they poured upon them at distance whole Showers of Darts: The tenth Legion came up close to them in Front; and finding them in Disorder, made them give Ground; which was the begin∣ning of the Victory. In other places they fought with divers Success, and every where made a great Slaughter; yet in a Fight of so many Legions there was not heard the least Cry, either of the Wounded, or of those that fell, save only the last dying Gasps and Groans of them who gave up the Ghost in the same place where they had fought. The Strangers, Specta∣tors of so many noble Actions, were astonished to see Soldiers so resolutely keep their Ranks; in so much, that surprized with their height of Bravery as at a Miracle, they durst not so much as attempt Caesar's Camp, defended only by a few Old People; but stood like Stocks, or Men that had lost their Senses. But when they saw Pompey's Right Wing, pressed hard by Caesar, begin to recoil, yet still fighting in the same manner, they set a running all towards the Camp, crying out, they had lost the Day; and after having pul∣led down and plundered the Tents of their own Party, fled every Man which way they best could. The noise of this Rout made the other Legions give Ground, first in good Order, an•• defending themselves the best they might; but at last, charged home by the Enemy, who now found himself the stron∣ger, they likewise betook themselves to Flight. And now Caesar, to pre∣vent their Rallying, and to make an end at once, not only of this Battel, but of the whole War, did an Action of great Prudence in causing it to be pro∣claimed throughout his whole Camp, that they should spare the Citizen, and put the Stranger to the Sword; for at the same time the Vanquishers pursuing the Vanquished, bid them stay there in safety: And the Proclamati∣on of those Orders having passed from hand to hand through both Armies, that Saying, Stay there in Safety, served as a word to Pompey's Men, to make themselves be known; and that the easier, because being all Italians, they wore the same Habit, and spoke the same Language. Thus Caesar's Soldi∣ers, passing by their Country-men, sell upon the Strangers; of whom they made a mighty Slaughter, they not being in any posture of defence. Pom∣pey beholding his Men fly, lost his Courage, retreating by little and little in∣to his Camp; and being entred his Tent, sat still a great while without say∣ing a word, like to Ajax Telamon; to whom, as it is said, something like this happened at the time of the Trojan War. But few of his Men returned in∣to the Camp, because it having been told them at the time of the Defeat, that they should stay there in safety; and their Enemies having done them no violence, they were dispersed by Companies on one side and on the o∣ther. Towards the Evening Caesar going through all his Army, began to entreat the Soldiers not to think of any repose, till they had taken Pompey's Camp; telling them, that if they suffered the Enemy to rally, they were only victorious for a day; whereas by making themselves Masters of the Camp, they made their Victory perfect, and gave the last Stroke to the Work: Wherefore, stretching out his hands like those that supplicate, he began himself to advance that way before them all. Though they were ex∣tremely tired, yet Caesar's Discourse and Authority gave them new strength, besides their present good Foutune, and the hopes they had to force the Trenches, which they thought a thing very important; and there is no su∣rer Remedy against Weariness than Hope: So they stormed the Pallissade with scorn of those that defended it. When Pompey was told of it, he at length

broke his profound Silence with these words; And how! Into our very Camp. And presently changing Habit, mounted on Horse-back; and accompanied by four of his Friends, rid all Night full Speed, and at Break of Day came to Larissa. Caesar, as he had foretold when he was drawing out his Army, lodged in Pompey's Camp, supped with Meat they had made ready for him, and the whole Army was feasted at the Enemy's Charge. As for the Dead on both sides, as well Romans as Allies, (for the number of the Strangers was so great it was hard to count them; besides, none took the pains) Caesar lost thirty Centurions, and two hundred Legionary Soldiers; or according to the Account of others, twelve hundred: And on Pompey's side theredy∣ed ten Senators, among whom was L. Domitius who had been sent into Gaul, Successor to Caesar; and about forty Roman Knights of the best Fami∣lies of the City; for the Soldiery, those who set down the greatest number say five and twenty thousand: But Asinius Pollio one of Caesar's Captains who commanded in this Battel, writes in his Commentaries, that there were not above six thousand slain. Such was the success of the famous Bat∣tel of Pharsalia. Among those who did best, they give the first place to Caesar, the second place to the same Caesar, with the Tenth Legion, by the Consent of all the World; and the third Honour is due to the Centurion Crastinus, whom Caesar, as he went out of the Camp, having asken, what hopes he had of the Battel? replyed with a loud voice; We will over come, Caesar; and thou shall this day praise me, either alive or dead. And indeed, all the Army bare witness, that they had seen him run like a Fury through the Bottalions, and do Actions almost incredible. His Body being found a∣mong the Dead, Caesar adorned it with Military Rewards; and in that man∣ner caused it to be be buried apart, with a Magnificent Tomb, near the com∣mon Sepulture of others.

Pompey departing immediately from Larissa, came to the Sea; and going [ XXVIII] first into a little Boat, met by chance with a Ship, and got to Mitylene: where taking with him Cornelia, and lading his Equipage upon four Gal∣leys come to him from Rhodes and Tyre, he would go neither to Corcira, nor to Africa, where he had another Army and a Powerful Fleet; but chose rather the way of the East towards the King of the Parthians, by whose Assi∣stance he hoped to recover all he had lost. He told his Design to no one, till being ready to land in Cilicid, he discovered it to his Friends; but they ad∣vised him not to trust the Parthian, against whom Crassus had so lately to ve∣ry ill purpose made War, and was still puffed up with Victory he had gain∣ed against the Romans: Besides, it was not safe to carry among Barbarians a beautiful Woman like Cornelia, who was moreover, Crassus Widdow: They therefore proposed to him either Egypt or King Iuba; the later they thought not of sufficient Reputation, but all counselled his Retreat into E∣gypt. They alledged that it was not far off, that it was a Powerful King∣dom, an Excellent Country, where he would want neither Shipping nor Provisions, nor Money; and whose Kings, though yet but Minors, were obliged to serve him, because of the good Offices he had done their Father. So by those Reasons he was perswaded to bend his Course towards Egypt. There was at present a Division in the Royal Family; Cleopatra, who before reigned joyntly with her Brother Ptolemy, being driven out, now raised Forces about Syria; and Ptolemy her Brother was encamped near Mount Cassia, on the Frontiers of Egypt, to hinder her Re-entry into the Kingdom. It happened that the Wind drove Pompey into that place; who seeing so great an Army on the Shore, stopped; and because he judged, as it proved

true, that the King was there, he sent one to give him advice of the Cause of his coming, and to remember him of his Friendship with his Father. He was yet but thirteen Years of Age; and had for Overseers Achillas in what concerned Affairs of War, and Photinus the Eunuch for the Treasury: Those began to consult betwixt them what they should do in this Conjun∣cture; and having called to counsel with them Theodatus the Rhetorician, School-Master to the Infant King. He proposed to them an execrable Ad∣vice; which was, to cut off Pompey, to gain the favour of Caesar: Which be∣ing resolved on, under pretence that in that place the Sea was full of Shoals, so that greater Vessels could not approach, they sent him a wretched Boat, in which there were some Officers of the Royal House, and with them a certain Roman Soldier called* 9.1 Sempronius, who now bore Arms in Egypt, but had formerly served under Pompey. He presented him his hand on the Part of Ptolemy; inviting him to enter, and go with him to his Friend, who waited for him. Mean while the Army was drawn up in Battel on the Sea Shore; in the midst of which appeared the King, clad in his Royal Robes, as if to do Honour to his Guest. Though Pompey had already some cause to distrust, considering this Army in Battel, the pittifulness of the Boat, that the King came not in Person to meet him, nor sent any Person of Quality; yet he went into the Skiff, repeating to himself these Lines of Sophocles.

To Tyrants Courts, the Valiant and the Brave; Though free they enter, soon become their Slave.

When he saw that after he was got some distance from his Ships no Per∣son spoke to him, his suspition increased. Wherefore, either knowing Sempronius for a Roman, or a Soldier that had served under him, or conje∣cturing it because he only stood up, according to the Discipline of the Ro∣mans, which permits not Soldiers to sit before their General; he said, tur∣ning towards him, Surely I have known you, Fellow Soldier: Which Sempro∣nius having acknowledged, as soon as he turned away, he gave him the first blow, which was followed by many others that took away his Life. His Wife and Friends seeing afar off this Murther, began to cry out; and lifting up their hands to Heaven, imploring the Gods Revengers of violated Hospi∣tality, with all speed took their Flight. Photinus's People cut off Pompey's Head, which he kept to present to Caesar when he should arrive in Egypt, out of hopes of a great Reward; but he revenged this Murther as became him. Some one having found the Trunk of his Body, buried it upon the Sea-Shore, raising over it a little Tomb; upon which some other wrote this In∣scription;

Scarce should a Temple to hold that suffice, Which huddled in a little Sand, here lies.

This Sepulchre being in process of time quite covered over with Sand, the Emperour Adrian visiting that Country, caused it in these our times to be sought for; and after having found it with the Copper Images which the Inhabitants of these Coasts had dedicated to Pompey, which were fallen with age in the ruines of a Temple, he caused the Rubbi•••• to be removed, made the Sepulchre visible, and set up the Images. Thus ended this great Man his days, after having fortunately put an end to many Wars of great Im∣portance, and augmented the Roman Empire, by which he got the Title of Great. Never before had he been vanquished, and from his very youth

began to be happy in all his undertakings; for from the three and twentieth to the eight and fiftieth year of his age, he had in effect the power of a King, though he took upon him only the quality of a private Citizen, be∣cause of the dispute for preheminence between him and Caesar.

Lucius Scipio his Father-in-law, and all the rest of the persons of Quality [ XXIX] that escaped from the Battel of Pharsalia, retired to Corcyra, where they had of purpose left Cato with other Forces and three hundred Galleys. There having divided the Fleet among Pompey's chief Friends, Cassius sailed towards Pontus to engage Pharnaces to take up Arms against Caesar; Scipio and Cato went into Africa, relying upon those Forces Varus had, and the assistance they hoped for from Iuba King of the Moors. And Pompey's El∣dest Son, with Labienus Scapula and another part of the Army, went by great Journeys to Spain, with design to draw that Province to their Party, to raise other Forces of Spaniards, Celtiberians, and even of Slaves, and to make the greatest Preparations they possibly could; so great were yet the Wrecks of Pompey's Power, which by a prodigious blindness he deserted and fled. The Soldiers in Africa offered Cato the chief Command; but he refused it, because there were there present Lieutenants of Consular Quali∣ty, and he had never arrived to higher Dignity in the City than the Charge of Pretor. Wherefore L. Scipio being chosen General of that Army, he laboured likewise in these Quarters to encrease and exercise his Forces; so that there were raised at the same time two powerful Armies against Caesar; one in Africa, and the other in Spain. He for his part stayed at Pharsalia but two days after the Victory, that he might sacrifice to the Gods in the Field of the Battel, and suffer the Soldiers take some repose, tired with the Toil of that Great Day. He likewise granted Liberty to the Thessalians, who had served him faithfully upon this Occasion: And the Athenians coming to demand his Pardon, he forgave them with these words; How often must the Glory of your Predecessors with-hold you from falling down those Precipices whither your own faults lead you? The third day he marched towards the East, whither he understood Pompey was fled: As he passed the Hellespont upon little Boats for want of Ships, in the middle of the Strait Cassius (in his way to Pharnaces) suddainly comes up with a great number of Gallies; and though he might with so many Bottoms have easily defeated his Enemy, who was infinitely the weaker; yet such was the prodigious good Fortune of Caesar, that the other was so extremely surprized, thinking he was come of purpose to meet him, that of his own accord he yielded himself into his Hands, demanded Pardon, and delivered up to him the Fleet; so powerful was the Opinion only of Caesar's continual Happiness, for I can find out no o∣ther Cause; and am of Opinion, that in all the Dangers he ever encoun∣tred, his good Fortune never served him to better purpose than now, when Cassius, a Warlike Man, having seventy Gallies, meeting him by chance so ill prepared, durst not attempt to fight him; and yet, after he had setled himself in the Supreme Power in the City, he who out of a Cowardly faint-heartedness yielded to him in his Passage, killed him in the height of his Prosperities; which proves the more, that Cassius, terrifyed in that manner, yielded only to the Fortune that advanced Caesar. Thus escaping beyond his Hopes, as soon as he was landed, the Ionians, Etolians, and other Nations inhabiting that great Peninsula, which is called Asia Minor, sent Deputies to him, to crave his Pardon; which he granted: And understanding that Pompey was gone towards Egypt, he sailed towards Rhodes; whence, with∣out staying for his Army, whom he had ordered to rendezvouz in this Island,

he embarked on Cassius his Gallies, and those of Rhodes, with those Forces he had, and towards the Evening went to Sea: He told no body whither he designed, but only gave Order to the Pylates to follow the Admiral's Light by Night, and the Flag by Day. And when he was in the Main Sea, he commanded the Master of his Galley to stear towards Alexandria; where he arrived the third Day after. The King's Tutors, who were still about Mount Cassia, came forthwith to receive him: And having at his Arrival but few People about him, he remained for some time without doing any thing. In the mean time he civilly received all such as visited him, walked often about the City under pretence of being pleased to view it, went often to Philosophy Schools; where standing, he would hear the Professors: and by this manner of living, he gained the Favour and Esteem of all the People of Alexandria: But when his Army was arrived he put to death Achillas and Photinus, for their Villany committed on the Person of Pompey; and Theo∣dotus then escaping him, Cassius after finding him in Asia, caused to be hanged. The Alexandrians hereupon taking Arms, and the King's Army coming to oppose Caesar, they fought in several Engagements with divers Success, as well about the Palace as the adjoyning Shores; so that once Caesar, pressed hard upon by the Enemy, threw himself into the Sea, and escaped them by swimming; and his Coat-Armour falling into the Egyptians hands, they hung it up in the place appointed for Trophies. But in the end, in the last Battel, fought near the Nile, where the King was in Person, Caesar remain∣ed Conqueror. He spent nine Months in all these Affairs, till such time as he setled Cleopatra in the Kingdom of Egypt instead of her Brother, and made a Progress with her upon the Nile, followed by four hundred Vessels, to see the Country, or perhaps being in love with that Woman; but we will speak of those things in writing the Affairs of Egypt. When they would have presented to him Pompey's Head, he would not see it; and com∣manded it should be interred in the Suburbs, where he consecrated a Chap∣pel to the Goddess Nemesis, which in our time, when the Emperor Trajan made cruel War upon them, the Jews pulled down; the demolishing it be∣ing of importance to them. Caesar having done these things in Egypt, cau∣sed his Army to march with little noise through Syria, against Pharnaces, who had already been successful in many Occasions; he had seized upon some places depending on the Romans; he had defeated Domitius, Caesar's Lieu∣tenant, in a Set Battel; and puffed up with this Success, had sacked the Ci∣ty of Amisa in the Kingdom of Pontus, and publickly sold one part of the Inhabitants, and made Eunuchs of all who had not obtained the Age of Pu∣berty: But frightned at Caesar's coming, and repenting of what he had done; when he was come within two hundred Furlongs of him, he sent to him Ambassadors to treat of Peace; with Orders to present him with a Crown of Gold, and very impertinently to offer him the Daughter of their King in Marriage. When he had heard the Occasion of their coming, he made his Army march; and amusing the Ambassadors with words, advan∣ces up to Pharnaces Camp; where beginning to cry out, Shall not Parricide now be immediately punished, he leaped on Horse-back, and with the first Shout put the Enemy to Flight, and made a great Slaughter without any of his Army's drawing their Swords, save only a thousand Horse that first fol∣lowed him when he began the Charge. Some Historians report that he should now say; O! how happy was Pompey, to have gained such Reputation, with the Title of GREAT, for having to deal with such People in the Mi∣thridatick War. And concerning this Victory he wrote to the City; I came, I saw, I overcame. As for Pharnaces, he was content to retire into the King∣dom

of Bosphorus, which Pompey left him; and Caesar had not now leisure to pursue him, or lose time in these letter Affairs, being called elsewhere by so many more important Wars; wherefore he directed his Course towards Italy, taking up all along as he marched through Asia the Tribute-Money, which much troubled the Commissioners, who had raised it upon the People with a thousand Cruelties, as we have said in writing the Affairs of Asia.

Understanding by Letters that he received from Rome, that the City was [ XXX] extremely tormented with new Seditions; and that Anthony, General of his Horse, had with the Army seized upon the Great Place; he left the Affairs of Asia, to make all speed thither. His Presence forthwith appeased the Tumult of the City, but there was another raised against himself: The Soldiers required to be payed what was promised them at Pharsalia, for ha∣ving exposed their Lives; and that they might be dismissed, having served the time appointed by the Laws. He caused them in Excuse to be told, that the Victory of Pharsalia was not yet perfect, because War still continued in Africa: but as soon as that was ended, he would perform his Promise, and give them over and above a thousand Drams a Head. They with arro∣gance replyed, that they stood not in need of Promises, but of ready Mo∣ney; so that Crispus Salustus, who was sent to them, was fain to save his Life by Flight. Upon report hereof made to Caesar, he drew Anthony's Le∣gion, which had been left for the Guard of the City, about his House, and to the Guard of the Gates, left the Mutineers should in their fury begin to plunder Private Houses. And himself, contrary to the Advice of all his Friends, who counselled him not to expose himself to the fury of an Incensed Multitude; with a signal Audacity of Mind, as they were in the Field of Mars, came suddainly upon them: And mounting on a place where he might be seen by all the Mutining Companies, they ran to him, not yet ap∣peased, but without Arms; and saluting him, called him Emperor, accor∣ding to Custom. He commanding them to tell him what it was they desi∣red, they durst not speak of Money, because he surprized them with his Presence; but out of the hopes they were in, that he yet standing in need of the Army to make an end of the Remainder of the War, would (if they desired to be dismissed) himself speak of the Gift he had promised them, con∣tented themselves to cry out all with one Voice, that they intreated him to discharge them: To which, without any delay, he made answer, That he granted their Request; and seeing them so much the more astonished at this Answer, as they least of any thing expected it, and that they stood in a pro∣found silence, he added; I will, notwithstanding, give you all that I have pro∣mised you as soon as I have triumphed with others. This word filled their ve∣ry Soul with Shame and Jealousie; considering what an Infamy it would be for them, if after having deserted their General under pretence of being weary of the War, new Soldiers should follow his Triumphant Chariot: Besides, they should deprive themselves of the Booty they might get in the African War, and render themselves odious both to Caesar and the contrary Party. And making these reflections, they a long time kept silence, hoping Caesar would at last grant them something more, and change his Mind, be∣cause of the pressing necessity. But he continuing silent as well as they; and when his Friends besought him to say something more to them, and not leave in suspence People that had served him so well, as he began to speak to them, calling them Gentlemen, and not Fellow Soldiers, which is a sign he looked upon them as discharged, they could not endure to be treated in that manner, but interrupted him; and by their Cries testifying their Re∣pentance,

besought him to permit them to stay still in his Service; and be∣cause he refused them, and descended from the Tribunal, they redoubled their Cries, intreating him to stay and punish their fault. Hereupon he stopped a good while, as if he had been in pain what to resolve on; and at length remounting the Tribunal, told them he would not punish a Man; but however, he was sorely troubled that the tenth Legion, whom he had always preferred before the others, had begun this Mutiny: And to them he added, I give you your Discharge, and will pay you what I promised you as soon as I return from Africa: And at the end of the War I will give you Lands, not as Sylla did; taking them from others, or mixing the Usurpers among those are spoiled of them, to nourish perpetual Enmity between them; but I will divide amongst you the Publick Lands, my own particular Inheritances; and if those be not enough, I will buy more with my Money. Whereupon, all the rest with Shouts and Acclamations applauded him, but the tenth Legion was quite cast down, believing they should never regain Caesar's favour; wherefore they besought him to decimate them, according to the Custom of their An∣cestors. Till he, unwilling to afflict them any farther, because he percei∣ved their Repentance serious, pardoned them as well as the rest; and short∣ly after departed to go for Africa.

[ XXXI] From Rhegium, passing over to Messina, he came to Lylibaeum; and un∣standing that Cato with the Fleet and part of the Land Forces had the Guard of Utica, where lay all the stores of the contrary Party, and where fate a form of Senate, composed of three hundred persons, who had for some time given orders in what concerned the War, and that L. Scipio their General and the most considerable of the Party were at Adrumetum with the rest of the Army, he went to land. There he had advice that Scipio was gone to meet with King Iuba, wherefore he took the opportunity of his absence, and drew up his Army before the Enemies Camp. Labienus and Petreius Scipio's Lieutenants▪ accepted the defiance and vigorously beat back Caesar's Men, driving them before them with contempt, till Labienus's Horse wounded in the Belly, having reversed and thrown him down, his Esquires carried him out of the Fight, and Petreius contenting himself with having tried the courage of his Soldiers, believing he could overcome whenever he pleased, caused the Retreat to be sounded, saying to those about him, We must not deprive Scipio our General of the honour of beating them himself. Thus fortune shewed it self once more powerful for Caesar; for his Enemies cooling in the midst of the Victory, let the whole fruit of it escape out of their Hands. 'Tis said Caesar only stood his ground, all the rest fled, and that with his own hand he was bringing back the Standard of a Legion to the Front of the Battalia, when Petreius drew off into his Camp, in which Caesar willingly imitated him. This was the success of the first Engage∣ment Caesar met with in Africa. Some time after a rumour was spread, that Scipio was coming with eight Legions, twenty thousand Horse, of which the most part were Lybians, a great number of Targetiers, and thirty E∣lephants, and together with him King Iuba at the Head of thirty thousand Footmen, twenty thousand Numidian Horse, store of Darters, and besides all, sixty Elephants. The Soldiers were still disheartened with their late disgrace, and the Enemy now seemed to them very formidable, both by rea∣son of the number and valour of the Numidian Horse, besides they had not been used to fight against Elephants, But when afterwards they under∣stood that Bocchus another King of the Moors had seised upon Cirta, the Re∣sidence of King Iuba, so that recalled by domestick Danger he had made a

speedy return into his Kingdom with his Army, leaving only with Scipio the thirty Elephants, they took such heart, that the fifth Legion desired they might be placed before the Elephants, and having obtained it, began the Victory by the defeat of those Beasts, wherefore to this day they carry an Elephant painted in their Colours; the Fight was for a long time stifly maintained on both sides, till in the end Caesar remained victorious. Scipio's Camp was taken and pillaged, Night prevented the further pursuit of those that fled, of whom every one shifted for himself as he best could, and Sci∣pio quitting all went away with Afranius by Sea in twelve open Boats. Thus this Army composed of fourscore thousand fighting Men, the most part old Soldiers, encouraged by the success of the first Fight were utterly defeated in this one Battel, which augmented much the Glory of Caesar by the con∣fession of his Enemies themselves, who attributed this Defeat more to his good Fortune than their own remisness; but they slattered themselves, for this misfortune arrived only by the fault of their Commanders, who had not the prudence to spin out this war in length, whereby they might have reduced Caesar (engaged in a strange Country) to want of Provisions; and besides in not pursuing to the upshot their first Victory.

Three days after the defeat, news thereof coming to Utica, and Caesar fol∣lowing [ XXXII] it at the heels, all men disposed themselves to flight, Cato hindred no Man, nay, he gave Ships to all such persons of quality as asked him, but for himself he stood firm; and when those of Utica promised to entreat Caesar for him before they did for themselves, he told them smiling he stood not in need of any Intercessors, and Caesar knew it well. Afterwards having put together what Money and Papers he had, he sealed them up, and disposed them in the hands of the Magi∣strates of Utica, towards the Evening he bathed and supped, sitting as he at other times used, since Pompey's death; he altered not a jot of his manner of living, but was served after his accustomed manner, and dis∣coursed familiarly with his Servants. He talked of those that were gone, if they had a good Wind, how far they might be off, and if they believed that when Caesar came to morrow they would be got out of sight. When he was going to Bed he let nothing extraordinary escape him, only he em∣braced his Son with somewhat more tenderness, but not finding his Sword near his Bed according to custom, he cryed out he was betrayed by his own Domesticks, who had not left him wherewith to defend himself, if his E∣nemies assailed him by night; and when they besought him not to make any attempt upon his life, but to repose without his Sword, he told them to oblige them to believe him: If I had a mind to die, could not I knock my Head against this Wall, or strangle my self with the Cloaths that I wear, or throw my self headlong down, or stifle my self with stopping my Breath? With these words and some others he perswaded them to lay his Sword in its place, that done, he desired there might be brought him that Book Plato writ concerning the Soul, which he read quite over, and when he thought those who kept Guard at his door slept, he thrust his Sword into his Belly. His Entrails coming out at the wound, some groan heard by those at the door, obliged them to run in with Chyrurgions, who put his Entrails a∣gain still warm as they were into his Body, sowed up the wound, and after having laid to it a Plaister, and rolled it up, his Senses being come to him, he feigned to repent himself of the fault he had committed, thanked them that they had helped him, and told them that now he stood in need of some repose; but after they were gone, carrying with them his Sword, and

had shut the Door that nothing might disturb his rest, whilst they thought he slept he got off by little and little the R••ller and Sewing of the Wound, and pulling out his Entrails, tore them with his Fingers and Nails, and so died in the fiftieth year of his age. He was esteemed the gravest and most firm in his resolution of all men living, who judged not of what was just and honest by what the people practised, but by strong and generous rea∣sons. He espoused Martia the Daughter of Philip, who had never before been married, he loved her dearly, and had Children by her, and yet in favour of the Friendship he bore to Hortensius, who had no Children, and passionately desired to have one, he resigned her over to him till such time as his Friend had a Son, and then took her home again, as if he had only lent her: such was Cato. Those of Utica celebrated for him Magnificent Funerals; and Caesar hearing the news of his death, said, Cato envyed the Glory I might have got by doing a noble Action. And yet when Cicero wrote a Book in praise of his death, and called it Cato, Caesar wrote another, and called his Book Anticato. When Iuba and Petreius had heard what had happened, and saw that they had neither hopes of flight or safety, they slew each other with their Swords in a Chamber where they had eat toge∣ther. Caesar made the Kingdom of Mauritania tributary, and gave the Government to Crispus Salustus. He pardoned those of Utica together with Cato's Son, and finding in that City a Daughter of Pompey's with two Chil∣dren, he sent her to her Brother without doing her the least unkindness. But he put to death all he could find of those three hundred which they called a Senate. As for Lucius Scipio General of the defeated Army the Waves cast him into the Enemies Fleet, from whence seeing no way to e∣scape, he run his Sword through his Body, and threw himself into the Sea. Thus Caesar ended the War in Africa.

[ XXXIV] Being returned to the City he entred Triumphant over four several Na∣tions. The first Triumph was over the Gauls, many of whose people he had subdued and brought under the Roman Empire, and reduced to obe∣dience those that were revolted. The second over Pharnaces. The third over the Africans that had taken up Arms for Scipio, wherein was led Ca∣ptive the Son of King Iuba, yet a Child who afterwards became an Histo∣rian. And the fourth, of the Egyptians defeated in a Fight by Water on the Nile, but this Triumph was placed between the Gaul and the Pontick. Though he triumphed not over the Romans because they were his Fellow Citizens, which had been no Glory to him, and a shame to the Roman People, yet in the pomp were carried Pictures of all those Defeats, and the Pourtraictures of the Men, save only Pompey's, which he durst not shew because of the grief all men had for his loss, yet fresh in memory: yet the people forbore not shedding tears for his misfortune, especially when they knew L. Scipio General of a Roman Army, with his Breast wounded with his own hand, precipitating himself into the Sea, and saw Petreius perish in the Dining Room, and Cato tearing out his Bowels like a fierce Beast; for Achillas and Photinus the sight of them was as pleasing as the flight of Pharnaces, which made all the world laugh. 'Tis said that in these Tri∣umphs they carried sixty thousand Talents and a half of Silver Money, with two thousand eight hundred twenty two Crowns of Gold, weighing twen∣ty thousand four hundred and fourteen Pounds. He distributed to every Soldier five thousand Attick Drams, to every Captain double, to the Co∣lonels and Captains of Horse four times as much, and to all the people a Mina by the Head; besides he exhibited divers pleasant Spectacles, Horse-racing,

Musick, Combats on Foot of a thousand against a thousand, on Horseback of two hundred against two hundred, and another Fight of Horse and Foot together, he made likewise twenty Elephants fight against twenty, he represented likewise a Sea-Fight, wherein were four thousand Rowers, and a thousand fighting Men on a side. He likewise caused a Temple to be built to Venus, according to the vow he had made before the Battel of Pharsalia, and near to that Temple built a publick Hall for the Roman People, not to use Traffick in, but for the pleading of Causes, and to render justice, and learn how to render it, in like manner as there are many in Persia, and by the Goddess side he caused to be set up the Statue of Cleopatra, which is to be seen to this day. And lastly, having taken the number of the people, he found them one half less than they were at the beginning of the War, so much had the Differences which had happened between these two Men weakened the Common-wealth.

For himself being made the fourth time Consul, he undertook the Ex∣pedition [ XXXIV] of Spain against the young Pompey, which was a Remain of the Civil War, he had not reason to slight; for all those people of Quality that had escaped out of Africa got thither, and the Wracks of the Pharsali∣an and African Defeats were here assembled, besides the assistance of the most warlike Nations of Spain and Celtiberia, and a great number of Slaves that followed Pompey's Army, who having been four years exercised to the War, offered to serve him if he would try the fortune of a Battel. This was the cause of Pompey's overthrow; for that without delay he would go meet Caesar, though the old Captains whom the Battels of Pharsalia and Africa had made wiser, counselled him to prolong the War, being the only means to ruine his Enemy, who could not subsist in a Country where he had no con∣veniencies; for Caesar was come in seven and twenty days, counting from the day he left the City, and with store of Baggage had performed a wonderful Journey. Besides his Army never shewed less resolution out of the thoughts possessed them, that they were to deal with a multitude of War-like Enemies, and whom despair would make attempt any thing, which was the reason Caesar made no haste to engage till Pompey provoking him to Battel, reproached him with faintheartedness, which not able to endure, he drew up his Army in Battel before Cordona, and that day he likewise gave Venus for his Word, as Piety was that of Pompey's. When the Ar∣mies were going to close, Caesar seeing his Men go on but coldly, and seem to be afraid, invoked all the Gods, beseeching them with hands lifted up to Heaven, not to let the lustre of so many glorious Actions be darkened in one day, and running through the Ranks, encouraged his Soldiers, taking off his Head-piece that he might be the better known. But do what he could he could not raise their Spirits, till snatching a Buckler out of a Sol∣diers hand, he said to the Tribunes were about him, This shall be the last day of my life, and of your engagement to the War. And at the same time made furiously towards the Enemy: he had scarce advanced ten foot but he had above two hundred Darts thrown at him, some of which he avoided by bending his Body, and others received on his Buckler, when the Tribunes run with emulation to get about him, and the whole Army thereupon charging with all their fury, they fought all day with divers advantage, and at length towards the Evening the Victory fell to Caesar, and 'tis report∣ed, that hereupon he was heard say these words, That he had often fought for Victory, but that now he had fought for life. After the Defeat, Pompey's Men flying into Cordona, Caesar, to prevent their escape thither, lest they

should rally and renew the Fight, caused the place to be invested by the Ar∣my, where his Soldiers being so tired they could not work in the Circum∣vallation, heaped up together the Bodies and Armour of the slain, which they kept piled up with their javelins stuck into the ground, and lay all night under that kind of Rampire. Next Morning the City was taken. Of Pompey's Captains Scapula getting up on a Pile of Wood burnt himself; the Heads of Varus, Labienus, and other persons of Quality were brought to Caesar. As for Pompey he fled from the Battel with a hundred and fifty Horse, bending his course towards Cartea where his Fleet lay, he entred the Port in a Litter, and in the habit of a private Man. But seeing the Sea∣men had likewise lost all hopes, he threw himself into a little Boat, in which as he was going out to Sea, his Foot tangling in the Cordage, one of his people going to cut the Rope, by mischance cut his Heel, so that to cure his wound he was forced to go ashore at a small Village, where hearing that Caesar's Horsemen were coming, he took his flight through a Country cover∣ed with Thorns and Briars, which added to his wound, so that being tired, and sitting down at last under a Tree, he was found by those gave him chase▪ and slain, generously defending himself, his Head was carried to Caesar, who caused it to be buried. Thus was this War ended by one only Fight, contrary to the opinion of all the world. Those who escaped from this De∣feat, went to Pompey's younger Brother, sirnamed Sextus, but he only made War like a Rover, hiding himself, and flying from place to place.

[ XXXV] As for Caesar; having now put an end to all the Civil Wars, he returned to Rome more powerful and glorious than ever any had been before him; wherefore all imaginable Honours were done him to gain his favour. All the Tribes, all the Nations and all the Kingdoms allyed and Friends to the Roman People made Sacrifices, Shews and Offerings in every Temple, and in every publick place, his Statues were every where to be seen set up in di∣vers fashions, some adorned with Oaken Crowns, as having saved his Country, like those wherewith the Citizens formerly honoured those who saved their lives, likewise by publick Decree they gave him the Titles of Fa∣ther of his Country, perpetual Dictator, Consul for ten years, and of Ho∣ly and Sacred; and it was enacted, that he should administer Justice seated on a Throne of Ivory, or of Gold, that he should wear the Triumphal Robe at Sacrifices, that on those days whereon he had gained his principal Victories publick Feasts and Prayers should be made, and that e∣very five years the Priests and Vestals should offer up Vows for his safety; that those who entred into office should swear not to oppose any of his Or∣ders, and in Honour of his Birth-day they changed the name of the Month which they called Quintilis, and named it Iuly. It was decreed likewise by an Act of the Senate, that Temples should be built to him as to a God, and among others one in common to him and Clemency, where their Statues stood hand in hand. Thus by publick Vows they requested his Clemency, whose Dominion they stood in aw of, some likewise there were who would have called him King, but he forbid it with threats, signifying his a∣version for a name which could not but be unhappy after the execrations ful∣minated by the Ancients against that Dignity, he likewise dismissed from about his person the* 9.2 Pretorian Cohorts, of which he had made use du∣ring the War, and contented himself with the publick Officers. As he gave audience, thus attended in the place, the Senate led by the Consuls with the ordinary pomp came to present him those Edicts before spoken of, he gave them every one his hand, but when they came in a Body rose not

from his Seat, and suffered them to stand, which gave subject of discourse to them who accused him of aiming at the Royalty. After having accept∣ed all the other Honours, save only the Consulate for ten years, he designed himself Consul for the next year with Anthony General of his Horse, and gave Anthony for his Successor in the charge of his Horse, Lepidus, then Governour of Spain who had his Lieutenants in that Province. He recalled all Exiles except those who were banished for some great crime, and par∣doned all those of the contrary Faction, even many who had born Arms a∣gainst him. At the same time he gave to some Offices for a year, to o∣thers Governments of Provinces, or Armies to command, which gave the people occasion to hope that he would restore the Government of the Com∣mon-wealth as Sylla had done, who was mounted to the same power; but those hopes appeared to be ill founded. After all this, one of those who would confirm the rumour spread abroad concerning the Royalty, having put upon the Head of one of his Statues a Wreath of Lawrel, interlaced with white Ribbands, and the Tribunes of the People Marull••s and Ca∣setius having informed themselves of, discovered and imprisoned the Au∣thor of the Action, believing thereby to oblige Caesar, who seemed to take amiss the speaking of the name of King, he approved their proceedings, and when in the Assembly some saluting him gave him the Title of King, perceiving the people shed tears, he pleasantly reproved them, by saying, I am not King, but Caesar, as if they had mistaken one name for another; but when Marullus issued out process against those had called him by that name, and caused them to be brought before him by the Ushers as Cri∣minals, he could not brook it, but complained to the S••nate of Marullus and his Colleagues, who out of malice gave him the reputation of affect∣ing the Tyranny, adding they were worthy of death, but he would be sa∣tisfied that they were deprived of their Offices, and the quality of Senators. This action confirmed the opinion of all the world, that he was glad to be called so, that he might prove by degrees the minds of the people, and at last mount to the Monarchy; for it was a crime to have called him a King, and besides the Office of the Tribunes was hallowed and inviolable, by Oath of the Ancients, and by old Laws, and besides they stayed not till the time of their Magistracy (which approached) was expired, which heightened the indignation of all good Men. And as soon as he perceived it, he repented himself to have exercised his power with too much rigour, as soon as he beheld himself in peace, and as some say, gave orders to his Friends to govern themselves with prudence, because his Enemies had already an occasion to do him hurt; whereupon they asking him if he would not have the Spanish Cohorts continually about his person, he answered that no∣thing could be more miserable than to be perpetually guarded, nor any con∣dition of life be more uneasie: yet all this hindered not the endeavours of those who would have had him take the Title of King. And as he was Spectator at the Lupercal Ceremonies seated upon a Throne of Gold in the place for Orations, Anthony his Colleague in the Consulate, running about the City naked, and anointed with Oil (as is the custom for the Priests of those Ceremonies) ascended the place where he sate, and plant∣ed a Diadem on his Head. He laid it down as soon as he saw how few people applauded the Spectacle; Anthony put it on once more, and he took it off the second time. The people looked upon this Debate with silence, impatient to see what would be the issue; but when they at last perceiv∣ed Caesar remained Master, the place was filled with Acclamations and Prayers for his Prosperity.

[ XXXVI] After this, whether he lost all hopes, or that he grew weary of the pur∣suit, he quite gave over this design to avoid all envy, and that he might leave the City, which he began to grow jealous of, because of his Ene∣mies, or else for the better preservation of his health, never more afflicted with the Falling Sickness and sudden Convulsions than when he lay idle, he resolved upon a far distant Expedition against the Getes and the Parthians. The Getes being a people hardened to labour, warlike and almost border∣ing upon the Roman Empire, he resolved to prevent their attempts: and for the Parthians he designed to revenge the Murder of Crassus, which they had committed contrary to their Treaties. He therefore sent before six∣teen Legions and ten thousand Horse which had passed the Adriatick Gulf, and forthwith a rumour was spread, that there was an Oracle of the Si∣byls which declared that the Parthians could not be subdued by the Romans, unless they were commanded by a King. This made some talk publickly that in what concerned the Romans they might all call him Dictator or Em∣perour or some other softer name than that of King, but in regard of other Nations taxed under the Roman Empire, there needed no scruple be made at the giving him that Title. He having still refused it, hastened all he could to get out of the City where many envied him. But four days before the day appointed for his departure he was slain by his Enemies in the Pa∣lace, either out of malice to see him raised to such supreme felicity and height of Command, or else (as themselves said) out of a desire to re∣store the Common-wealth to its first Estate; for they feared after having overcome these other Nations nothing could hinder him from making him∣self King: yet as it appears to me it was only for the name sake they at∣tempted all things; for in the thing it self there is no difference between Dictator and King. There were two Chiefs of this Conspiracy, the Son of that Brutus whom Sylla put to death, M. Brutus Cepio who came for re∣fuge to Caesar himself after the Battel of Pharsalia, and C. Cassius who yielded to him the Galleys in the Hellespont, both of Pompey's Party, and with them was joyned one of Caesar's most intimate Friends Decimus Bru∣tus Albinus. He had always treated them honourably, and with great con∣fidence, and when he was going to the War in Africa, had given them Armies, and the Government of the Gauls, to Decimus Brutus of the Transalpine, and to M. Brutus of the Cisalpine: Brutus and Cassius were at this time designed Praetors, and were in difference for a jurisdiction, which among the Citizens is accounted the most honourable of all others, whether they contended out of ambition, or only feigned to do it, lest their Conspiracy should be perceived: Caesar was Arbitrator between them, and, as 'tis said, he acknowledged to his Friends that Cassius had reason, but yet he would favour Brutus, so much he loved and honoured him, for all men believed he was his Son, because he visited Servilia Cato's Sister at the time she grew with Child of Brutus, wherefore 'tis likewise said, that in the Battel of Pharsalia he gave express order to his Captains to have a great a care as possibly they could of Brutus's life. However, whether he were ingrateful, or knew nothing of it, or did not believe it, or that he thought his Mother's incontinence a dishonou••, whether love of liberty made him prefer his Country before his own Father, or being of the anci∣ent race of the Bruti who had expelled the Kings, and now pricked for∣ward by the reproaches of the people, who on the Statues of the old Brutus, and on this Praetor's Tribunal had secretly written such words as these, Bru∣tus thou sufferest thy self to be corrupted with gifts. Brutus thou art dead,

would to God thou wert now alive; either thy Successors degenerate, or thou hast not begot them. He, I say, young as he was, chafed by these and such like things, engaged himself in this Enterprize as an Act worthy his Prede∣cessors.

The Discourses concerning the Royalty were not then quite extinct, when just as they were going to the Senate Cassius took Brutus by the hand, and said, What shall we do if Caesar's Flatterers propose to make him King? To which Brutus answered, that He would not be at the Senate. Whereupon, the other again demanded, What if they summon ••s as Pretors, what shall we do then, my Friend? I will, said he, defend my Country, even till death. Whereupon, Cassius embracing him, said; And what Persons of Quality will you take for Companions in so brave an Attempt? Do you think there are none but Tavern-People and Artificers that put Writings on your Tribunal? Know that they are the Prime Men of the City, who expect from other Pretors only Plays and Shews; but require their Liberty from you, as the Work of your Pre∣decessors. Thus they discovered to each other what they had long had in their thoughts; and began to try their own Friends, and some of Caesar's, according as they knew them capable of good things. They engaged in their Design the two Brothers, Cecilius and Bucolianus, Rubrius Rex, Q. Li∣garius, M. Spurius, Servilius Galba, Sextius Naso, Pontius Aquila: And of Caesar's Friends they drew to their Conspiracy Decimus, of whom I have already spoken; Caius Casca, Trebonius, Attilius Cimber, Minutius and Ba∣sillus. When they thought they had Companions enough, for it was not convenient to communicate this Design to all the World, they gave their Words one to another without either Oath or Sacrifice, and yet no one chan∣ged his mind, or ever discovered the Plot. There was nothing now want∣ing but choice of time and place. The time urged, for within four days Caesar was to depart and take Guards. For the place, they thought the Pa∣lace most convenient; for they concluded that all the Senators, though they were not made privy to it, yet, seeing the Action, would joyfully joyn with them; which, as it is said, happened at the death of Romulus, after having changed the Regal Power into Tyranny. Wherefore this Attempt would have the same Success with that; especially, being not privily executed, but in the Palace, and for the Good of the Commonwealth. That they needed not to fear any thing from Caesar's Army, being all composed of Roman People; in conclusion, that the Authors of this great Action doing it pub∣lickly, could expect nothing but Reward. Having all decreed the Palace for the place of Execution, there were divers Opinions concerning the man∣ner of doing it; some being of Opinion they should likewise make away Anthony, Caesar's Colleague, the most powerful of his Friends, and well be∣loved of the Soldiery. But Brutus opposed that; saying, That it was only by killing Caesar, who was as a King, that they ought to seek for the Glory of destroying Tyrants; and that if they killed his Friends too, Men would im∣pute the Action to private Enmity, and the Faction of Pompey. This Ad∣vice prevailing, they only expected the assembling of the Senate. Now the day before Caesar being invited to sup with Lepidus, carried along with him Decimus Brutus Albinus: and during Supper the Question being propo∣sed what Death was best for Man; some desiring one kind, and some ano∣ther, he alone preferred the suddainest and most unexpected. Thus divi∣ning for himself, they fell to discourse of the Morrows Affairs. In the Mor∣ning finding himself somewhat out of Order with the Night's Debauch, and his Wife Calphurnia having been frightned with dismal Dreams, she advi∣sed him not to go abroad; and in many Sacrifices he made, there were

none but affrightful Tokens: He therefore gave order to Anthony to dismiss the Senate. But Decimus Brutus perswading him that it was more conveni∣ent he went himself, to avoid the Opinion might be conceived, he did it out of Pride or Scorn, he went to dismiss them himself, coming to the Palace in his Litter. There were at present Plays in Pompey's Theatre, and almost all the Senators were at the Windows of the Neighbouring Houses, as is the Custom in the time of Spectacles. The same Morning the Pretors, Brutus and Cassius, gave Audience to those made Suit for it, with great tranquillity, in a Gallery before the Theatre. But when they had heard what happened to Caesar in the Sacrifices, and that therefore they deferred the Senate, they were much troubled. One of those that stood there having taken Casca by the hand, told him; You kept it close from me that am your Friend but Brutus has told me all. Whereupon Casca pricked in Conscience, began to tremble; but the other continuing with a smile; Where then will you raise the Money to come to the Edility? Casca gave him an Account. Brutus and Cassius them∣selves being talking together, one of the Senators, called Popilius Laena, drawing them aside, said; I pray God what you have in your hearts may suc∣ceed happily, but it is fit you make haste. At which they were so surprized, that they gave him no Answer. At the same time that Caesar went to the Palace in his Litter, one of his Domesticks who had understood something of the Conspiracy, came to find Calphurnia; but without saying any thing else to her but that he must speak with Caesar about Affairs of importance, he stayed expecting his Return from the Senate, because he did not know all the Particulars: His Host of Gnidus called Artemidorus running to the Palace to give him notice of it, came just at the moment of his being killed; ano∣ther, as he sacrificed before the Gate of the Senate-House, gave him a Note of all the Conspiracy; but he going in without reading it, it was after his death found in his hands. As he came out of his Litter, Laena, the same who before had spoken to Cassius, came to him, and entertained him a long time in private; which struck a Damp into the Chiefs of the Conspiracy, the more because their Conference was long: They already began to make signs to one another, that they must now kill him before he arrested them; but in the Sequel of the Discourse, observing Laena to use rather the Gesture of a Suppliant than an Accuser, they deferred it; till in the end, seeing him return thanks to Caesar, they took Courage. It is the Custom of the Chief Magistrates entring the Palace, first to consult the Divines; and here as well as in the former Sacrifices, Caesar's first Victim was found without a heart, or as some say without the Chief of the Entrails. The Divine here∣upon telling him it was a mortal Sign, he replyed laughing, that when he went to fight against Pompey in Spain he had seen the like: and the other having replyed, that then likewise he had run hazard of losing his Life; but that at present the Entrails threatned him with greater danger. He com∣manded they should sacrifice another Victim, which fore-boding nothing but ill; he fearing to seem tedious to the Senate, and being pressed by his Enemies, whom he thought to be his Friends, without considering the dan∣ger, entred the Palace; for it was of necessity that the Misfortune to befall him, should befal. They left Trebonius at the Gate to stop Anthony under pretence of discoursing some Business with him; and as soon as Caesar was seated, the other Conspirators surrounded him according to Custom, as Friends, having each his Dagger concealed. At the same time Attilius Cimber standing before him, began to intreat him to grant the Return of his Brother who was in Exile; and upon his Refusal, under pretence of beg∣ging it with more humility, he took him by the Robe; and drawing it to

him, hung about his Neck, crying out, Why do you delay, my Friends. Thereupon Casca first of all reaching over his Head, thought to strike his Dagger into his Throat, but wounded him only in the Breast. Caesar hav∣ing disengaged himself from Cimber, and caught hold of Casca's hand, leap∣ed from his Seat, and threw himself upon Casca with a wonderful force; but being at Handy Gripes with him, another struck his Dagger into his Side, Cassius gave him a Wound in the Face, Brutus struck him quite through the Thigh, Bucolianus wounded him behind the Head; and he like one en∣raged, and roaring like a Savage Beast, turned sometimes to one and some∣times to another; till strength failing him after the Wound received from Brutus, he threw the Skirt of his Robe over his Face, and suffered himself gently to fall before Pompey's Statue. They forbore not to give him many Stabs after he was down, so that there were three and twenty Wounds found in his Body. And those that slew him were so eager, that some of them through vehemence, without thinking of it, wounded each other.

After this Murder committed in a Hallowed Place, and on a Sacred Per∣son, [ XXXVII] all the Assembly took their Flight, both within the Palace, and without in the City. In the Croud there were several Senators wounded, and some killed: There were slain likewise other Citizens and Strangers; not with design, but without knowing the Authors, as happens in a publick Tumult; for the Gladiators, who were armed in the Morning to give Divertisement to the People, ran from the Theatre to the Senators Houses; the Spectators affrighted, dispersed as fast as their Legs would carry them, the Commo∣dities exposed to Sale were made Plunder of, the Gates were shut, and ma∣ny got upon the Roofs of their Houses to secure themselves from Violence. Anthony fortifyed himself in his House, judging they had a design upon his Life as well as upon Caesar's: And Lepidus, General of the Horse, hearing upon the place what had passed, made haste to the Island in the River, where he had a Legion; which he drew into the Field of Mars, that he might be in readiness to execute the Orders of Anthony; for he yielded to him, both in the Quality of Caesar's Friend and Consul. The Soldiers would very willingly have revenged Caesar's death so basely murdered, but that they feared the Senate, who favoured the Murderers, and expected the Is∣sue of things. Caesar had no Soldiery with him, for he loved not Guards; but contented himself with Ushers: Besides, he was accompanied with a great number of People of the Robe, and whole Troops of as well Citizens as Strangers, with Freed Men and Slaves, followed him from his House to the Palace; but in a moment all these Crouds were vanished, there remained with him only three unhappy Slaves; who putting him in his Litter, and taking it upon their Shoulders, carried him, who but a little before was Ma∣ster both of Sea and Land. The Conspirators after the Execution had a mind to have said something in the Senate; but no body staying to hear them, they twisted their Robes about their left Arms instead of Bucklers, and with thier bloody Daggers in their Hands, ran through the Streets, crying out, they had slain the King and the Tyrant; causing to march before them a Man carrying a Cap on the Head of a Pike, which is the Badge of Liberty: they exhorted likewise the People to the restoring the Commonwealth; putting them in mind of the first Brutus, and the Oath wherein he had en∣gaged the Citizens, and with them their Posterity. There were several o∣thers who were not of the Conspiracy, who took Daggers, and went with them through the City; of the number of which were Lentulus Spinther, Favonius, Aquinius, Dolobella, Murius and Petiscus; who, instead of the

Honour they expected, received the same Punishment with those had been guilty; but none of the People joyned with them, which begot in them both trouble and fear. As for the senate, though all the Senators who knew not of the Plot had in the Tumult taken their Flight, yet they hoped well from them, either because they were Kindred or Friends to most of that Or∣der, or because they knew they themselves had an aversion for the Tyranny; but they had an ill Opinion of the People, and of Caesar's Soldiers, of whom there were great numbers in the City; some newly dismissed, to whom he had given Lands; others distributed by Colonies some time before, who were returned to follow him: They were likewise fearful of Lepidus, be∣cause he was Master of the Legion of the City; and doubted lest Anthony, against the Authority of the Senate, should engage the People to destroy them. Things being in this posture, they with the Gladiators seized the Capitol; where in their first Consultation it was agreed that they should tempt the People with Gifts; for they hoped that some of the People begin∣ning to praise the Action, others would follow their Example out of love to Liberty, and desire the restore the Commonwealth; and they imagined that the Roman People were still the same as they had heard tell they were in the time of first Brutus, who drave out the Kings: but they considered not that they des••red two things contradictory, that the same People should love Liberty, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••mselves be corrupted with Gifts; the last of which was much easier to be hoped for in a Commonwealth long since depraved, for the Multitude of the City was mixed with all sorts of Strangers; the Freed Men lived equal to the other Citizens, the Slave was habited like his Master, and except the Habit of the Senators, one Fashion was used indifferently a∣mong all the rest. Moreover, because of the Corn distributed to the Poor in the City only, all Loyterers, Beggars, and People unskilful in their Pro∣fessions throughout all Italy flocked the Rome: Besides, there were great num∣bers of disbanded Soldiers who returned not as formerly every one to his Country; but expecting to be sent to possess the Houses and Lands of others, quartered together by Bands in Temples and Galleries, under only one Co∣lours and one Captain, who was to be their Conductor to their Colony. These People, after having sold all that they had, to be the lighter to march, were ready to do any thing for Money: So that the Conspirators had no great difficulty to gather together a multitude in the place. But though they were payed for it, they durst not praise the Action out of the respect they bore to the Glory of Caesar, and the fear they stood in of the Contrary Party; but as if they had in view the Publick Good, they cryed out for Peace, and demanded it of the Magistrates; and by this means they laboured for the se∣curity of the Conspirators, Peace not being to be had without an Act of Ob∣livion. Thereupon Cinna, allyed to Caesar, and then Pretor, joyns with them: And advancing into the midst of them contrary to the expectation of all the World, threw off his Praetor's Robe, despising it as being given him by a Tyrant: After which he began to declaim against Caesar, calling him Tyrant, and those who had slain him Tyrannicides; highly praising their Action, as parallel to what their Predecessors had done; and at the same time commanding they should bring from the Capitol those brave People who had so well served the Commonwealth, to the end to give them those Rewards they had merited. But whatever Command Cinna gave, this Troop seeing, the People who had not been corrupted were not there, would not let them be brought, but contented themselves to continue their Cries in demanding Peace. But when Dolobella, a Young Man of great Re∣putation, whom Caesar ready to depart, had designed Consul for the rest of

the Year, being come with his Purple and the Badges of the Consulate, and had spoke after Cinna violently and with indignation against the Author of his Dignity, pleading hard for the Pardon of a Crime of which he said he would himself have been Partaker of, and proposing (as some say) to conse∣crate that Day as the Day of the Foundation of their City. Then this As∣sembly of Mercenary People took Courage, seeing a Pretor and a Consul seemed to Authorize them, and they sent to tell the Conspirators they should come down from the Temple. They were glad to hear what Dolobella had done, believing they had now at need found a Consul young, vigorous, and of a good Family, to oppose against Anthony.

Yet only Cassius and Brutus came down, the Hand of the last all bloody [ XXXVIII] with a Wound he had received from the former when they stabbed Caesar. Being come to the Assembly, neither one nor the other said any thing mean or low; they praised each other for what they had done, as if it had been an Action of Honour by consent of all the World: They declared that upon it depended the Prosperity of the City, which was this day made happy; gave a glorious Testimony of the Prudence of Decimus Brutus, who had ve∣ry opportunely called to them the Gladiators, exhorted the People to imi∣tate their Predecessors, who drove out their Kings that had not made them∣selves Kings by force as Caesar had, but were lawfully elected; and advised them to send for Pompey, the Son of the great Pompey, Defender of the Commonwealth, against whom Caesar's Party yet made War in Spain; and that they should order the Return of Caesetius and Marullus, Tribunes of the People, whom Caesar had interdicted their Offices, and sent into Banishment, where they still remained. Having spoken to this purpose, they again went up to the Capitol, for they durst not confide in this Multitude. But their Servants and Relations being already permitted to go and come to and from the Temple, they chose some whom they deputed to Lepidus and Anthony, to entreat them to make Peace, to maintain Liberty, and secure their Coun∣try from the Miseries attend on Discord. To obtain this, the Deputies praised not the Action (for they durst not, speaking to Caesar's Friends) but they said, that in their judgments it ought to be born with; that those had done it were worthy of Pardon, having undertaken it not out of any hate they bore him, but love to their Country. That the Condition of the City was deplorable, if being almost depopulated by the Seditions wherewith it had a long time been afflicted, they would not spare those few good Citizens left. That it was extremely unjust to run the Commonwealth in hazard of utter Ruin for particular Enmities; and that instead of laying hold of this Occasion to gratifie their Hatred, they ought to sacrifice to the good of the Estate all the Offences they might possibly have received. An∣thony and Lepidus wanted not Will to revenge Caesar's death, but they were fearful of the Kindred and Friends of the Conspirators, and the Affection the Senate bore them; and above all, of Decimus Brutus. who with an Ar∣my held the Neighbouring Gaul, of which Caesar had given him the Govern∣ment: Wherefore they thought it more expedient to wait for a more favou∣rable Opportunity, and in the mean time try all ways they could to draw Decimus Army, already well wearied, to their Party. So Anthony answe∣red them in these Terms.

The Oration of Anthony.

IT is no particular Hate makes us act, but only the blackness af the Action: Besides, having promised to Caesar upon Oath we would guard him, or re∣venge all Attempts should be made against his Person, Religion requires, that those who are sullied with the Crime of his Death should be driven from among us; and that we should rather live few and innocent, than draw upon our selves a Curse by leaving this Attempt unpunished. Notwithstanding, since you desire it, let us assemble in the Palace; and what shall be resolved by a common Deliberation for the good of the City, let it be executed.

Having made them this Answer, they thanked them, and returned with great hopes all things would succeed to their satisfaction, for they promised themselves the Senate would heartily espouse their Interest. But Anthony commanded to Magistrates to keep Watch by Night in the City, and to take by turns their Seat in the Tribunal as in Broad Day; having to that purpose given Orders to kindle Fires in all the Streets. The Friends of the Conspira∣tors ran all Night from House to House to solicite the Senators to be favou∣rable to them, and to watch for the Good of their Country. On the other side, the Chiefs of the Soldiers destined for the Colonies ran up and down also, making strange threats if they did not send them to the Lands already given them, and those that were farther promised them. Moreover, the Citizens who would not be corrupted, hearing of the small number of the Conspirators, took heart; and calling to mind the ex∣cellent Qualities of Caesar, could not agree with the others. The same Night Caesar's Treasure and Writings were brought to Anthony's, either at Calphur∣nia's desire for their greater security, or that Anthony commanded it. As soon as it was Day, the Senate was called by Order of the Consul in the Temple of* 10.1 The Earth, which was near to his House; for the durst not go to the Palace because it was under the Capitol, whither the Conspirator were retired with the Gladiators; nor would trouble the City by making the Ar∣my enter, which yet Lepidus brought in. At Break of Day came with the other Senators to the Temple of The Earth Cinna, having resumed the same Habit which the Day before he had cast away, as given him by a Tyrant: Some of the Citizens who had born Arms under Caesar perceiving him, enra∣ged that he who was his Kins-man had been the first who had blemished his Reputation by a malicious Speech, began to throw Stones at him; and ha∣ving forced him to shelter himself in a certain House, brought Wood round about it to burn him in it, if Lepidus, coming in with the Army, had no•• hindred it; which raised the Spirits of Caesar's Party, and appalled the Mer∣cenaries and Conspirators.

[ XXXIX] In the Senate all dis-interessed Persons condemned the Action, but the greater part took divers ways to oblige the Conspirators; and were of Opini∣on that before any thing else were done, they should come and take their places in the Assembly, having acted fairly, to the end, that from Accused, they might become Judges: Which Anthony did not oppose, knowing well there was no likelihood of their coming, as indeed they did not. To try

then the inclination of the Senate, some with vehemence praised the Acti∣on, giving to those had done it the Title of Tyrannicides, and voting them rewards; others without speaking of reward, which indeed they them∣selves demanded not, were of advice only thanks should be given them, as having done by it good service to the Common-wealth, and others quite cutting off the Complements, said, that what they had done was pardon∣able. Thus they argued, to see on which side the Senate leaned, that they might better propose the rest. Thereupon the honestest and best men ha∣ving detested the Assassinate as an execrable crime, yet said, that they would not hinder, but in consideration of the Families of the Guilty, which were of the best of the City; they should be granted impunity, but they could never suffer them to be honoured, as having well served the State: others on the contrary said, they ought to be granted all other things, with the se∣curity of their persons. Some one having thereupon said, that the Honour done to them would defame Caesar: another replyed, that they should ra∣ther consider the living than the dead; whereupon another resolutely af∣firming that they must declare Caesar Tyrant, or give them their lives out of pure Grace, all the rest holding to this point required the question to be put what judgment they were to make of Caesar. After having first every man swore they would sincerely speak their thoughts, without respect to former Oaths, which necessity had forced from them; for since he became Ma∣ster of the Common-wealth they had lost their liberty, and only spoke in fear, lest they should perish like Pompey and a thousand others. Anthony, who observed them conceived presently their imaginations, and judging that in this matter many true things might be said that would cumber and perplex him, thought it best to divert them from this design, by making them believe they acted against themselves; wherefore knowing that the greatest part of those who talked in this manner had received their Patents and Commissions for Magistracies, and Government of Armies from Cae∣sar himself; (for being designed upon very long Expedition, he had di∣sposed of all dignities for five years) he commanded silence as Consul, and then spoke to this effect:

The Oration of Anthony.

IT's necessary those who purpose to advise any thing concerning Caesar, should know, that if he have governed the Common-wealth as a lawful Magi∣strate, all he has done ought to be approved: but if he have reigned as a Tyrant, his Body is to be thrown into the common Sewer, and all he has done revoked. Now (to say all in a word) the whole Universe is concerned in what he has enacted: nay, some things he has done, which though we would, it were not possible for us to disannul, which I will let you fully understand in the sequel of this discourse. At present I will only in the first place put the question to you concerning things that are in our power, and which concern our selves alone, from whence you may give an easie conjecture what order is to be observed in Af∣fairs of more difficulty. Almost all of us here present have exercised or do exer∣cise Offices, to which we have been nominated by Caesar; and some there are de∣signed by himself to possess them for the future; for you know that he has for five years disposed of all the annual Dignities of the City, the Governments of Provinces, and Command of Armies, if you will all voluntarily lay them down,

that is in your power, therefore let us first of all consult of that, and then I will speak what remains.

Having by these words let them know, that they ought rather to think of themselves than of Caesar, he was silent, and at the same time they all began to cry out with one voice, rising up from their Seats, That there was no necessity of giving the people the trouble of calling new Assemblies, for the nomination of Magistrates, and that it was much better, every one should hold the Dignities they had already accepted. Many were the more vehement in this, because they could promise themselves nothing from the Assembly, being under age, among whom the Consul Dolobella him∣self was the principal, for being yet but five and twenty years of age, he could not obtain the Consulate without violating the Laws. So the prece∣dent inclinations of the day were changed in a moment, many crying out aloud that it would be a shameful thing, if to favour Murderers, and ren∣der their impunity more glorious, Magistrates should be deprived of their Dignities: others on the contrary endeavoured to perswade Dolobella and the rest, that they might hope for all things from the people, who would name them to the same Dignities, and that there would be no change of the persons designed, but only the form of Assemblies lawfully held, instead of those overawed by the tyranny, besides it would be more honourable for them not to be esteemed less worthy those Honours, after the restoring the Common-wealth, than under the Monarchy. As soon as they heard these Discourses, some Praetors deposed their Ornaments, and the marks of their Dignities on the Benches of the Authors of this opinion, in hopes to receive them more legitimately with the others, but the greater part being doubt∣ful of the snare, believed, if they once let go what they had in their hands, they should never catch it again.

[ XL] Mean while Anthony and Lipidus went out of the Senate into the place where some were assembled, and demanded their presence; when they saw them coming from above, they began to cry out in confusion, and af∣ter, with much trouble, they were silenced, one of them, whether of his own motion, or suborned, cryed out, that they should prevent the Cities falling into the like calamities which they had formerly suffered. Then Anthony opening his Robe, shewed his Corslet underneath to incense the multitude as if the life of the Consul himself were not secure without Arms. Thereupon some crying out, that the crime ought to be punished, and others demanding pardon for the guilty, and peace: he said to these, As for peace, we will consider of the ways to make it so that it may last; for it is very hard to find securities for it, since the Oaths made to Caesar, and those with execrations against those that violated them, were in vain. Then turning him∣self to those required vengeance for this Murder, having praised them as the more religious observers of Faith and Piety, he added these words, I would put my self at the head of you, and first of all my self cry the same thing if I were not Consul, but my charge obliges me to do not so much what is just, as what is advantageous to the Common-wealth; for so it is ordained by all those in the Palace, though that has been the loss of Caesar, who pardoning those he had overcome in favour of the publick Good, has been murdered by themselves. After these artificial Discourses made by Anthony to each Party, those who were for revenging the Murder, would have Lepidus undertake to execute the vengeance; and when he began to speak to them, the multitude who

were too far off, cryed out, that he should come down unto the middle of the place, that the people might more easily hear him; whereupon think∣ing there might be some change in the minds of the people, he came to the Tribunal for Orations, where with tears in his eyes, he before all the world deplored the misfortune arrived to Caesar; and in the end added, I was ye∣sterday with Caesar in this very place, where today I am forced to demand your o∣pinion of his death, what would you have me do! To which many crying out, Let him be revenged. The Mercenaries on the contrary cryed out, Peace. To whom he answered, We would with all our hearts; but what peace can we make? or upon what Oaths can it be secured, since there are none so sacred by which we have not sworn to Caesar, and yet they have all been violated by those whom we thought good Men? Then turning to the others; Our Caesar (said he) is dead, that person truly sacred, that adorable Man, and we are fearful his death will cause some great misfortune to the Common-wealth, but the Fa∣thers will consider of it, and the most part of them are of advice to take order in it. Whereupon they began again to cry, Do you alone do that. I would, said he, and can alone undertake it, but it is not sufficient that you and I would or do un∣dertake it alone. Upon these artificial contests, the Mercenaries knowing him inflamed with ambition, praised him, and offered him the High Priest∣hood of Caesar, which he listened to with much joy, and told them, Re∣member what you offer me another time if you thing me worthy of it. The hopes he conceived of this Priesthood having given him the boldness to ask with more instance for peace, he told them, Though reason and Iustice for∣bid it, I will do what you desire. After which words he returned with speed to the Palace, where in the interim Dolobella had shamefully consumed all that time in endeavouring to have himself confirmed in the Consulate. An∣thony who expected what the people would do, beheld that with derision; and because there was great difference of opinion, contented himself to be a Spectator; in the end seeing the people were not heated with all these things, he resolved to consent to the impunity of the Conspirators, because indeed he saw himself constrained to it, yet dissembling the necessity, he let them understand, that in sparing their lives he did them a great favour; and as to what concerned Caesar, he undertook to cause all he had done to be ratified and confirmed by Decree. So Commanding silence he began to speak in this manner:

The Oration of Anthony.

WHilst you debated, Gentlemen, about the crime committed by our Citi∣zens, I gave you nothing of my opinion, and when you put it to the question, and took votes concerning Caesar, I proposed you but one thing of all he had done, which extremely perplexed you, and not without reason, for if we lay down our charges, we tacitly confess that we and so many great men are unworthy. Let us now consider the other things, which it is not easie to express. In so great a number of Cities, Provinces, Kings and Potentates (for almost all the people which Caesar has subdued by his valour and his Forces from the East to the West have received his Laws, and are obliged to his liberality and favour.) Can you believe any of them will suffer what they possess to be taken away, at any less rate than blowing up the Flames of War in all parts? you who think it it convenient to save wicked men because the Common-wealth is weak

and impotent. I will not speak of people far distant, whom fear hath hitherto kept within the bounds of duty. Regard not only our Neighbours, but those who dwell among us in Italy, those old Soldiers who have received from Caesar the re∣ward of those Victories for which they exposed their lives. They are still in Bodies, and armed, and there are many thousands of them in the City: what think you they would do, if what was given be taken from them? Will they wait for other Colonies and other Lands? You may conjecture by what you saw last night; for as you went through the City to solicite for the guilty, you know how they threatened you: think you they will stand quietly, and see Caesar's Body unworthily dragg••d, and thrown into the common Sewer (for the Laws enact that Tyrants should be so treated) do you think it would not move them who have fought under him? or that they can hope you will let them enjoy the rewards of those Victories they have gained against the Gauls and Britains, whilst with the extremest of infamy you treat him from whom they hold them? What will the people of Rome? what will all the people of Italy do? will you not draw upon your won heads the hatred and indignation of men and gods, if you condemn to that punishment him who has extended the bounds of your Empire from the Ocean to Nations before unknown? Will not all the world say we are unjust Iudges, if we decree rewards for those, who in the Palace, in a hallowed place, in full Senate, being Senators themselves, murdered a Consul, a sacred person, and defame him, who for his Virtue his very Enemies have in venera∣tion: wherefore let me counsel you not to think of these things, which are neither just nor possible; and as my opinion I declare it, that we ought to ratifie all that Caesar has done and ordained, and not approve the action of those who slew him; for that is neither just nor reasonable, and cannot be done with cancelling all he had done; notwithstanding if you think good, let their lives be saved out of pure grace for the sake of their Kindred and Friends, upon condition they acknow∣ledge the obligation.

After these words of Antonies, there was great contest in the Senate, and in the end it was agreed by the consent of all the Senatours, that there should be no prosecution of Caesar's death, and that all that he had done should be approved for the good of the Publick, which words were added by the Conspirators Friends for their greater security. Anthony himself not con∣tradicting it, as if he approved it, rather for the common Quiet than out of Justice. Hereupon those possessed of Charges, began to demand men∣tion should be made of them as well as of the publick interest, and they confirmed in their Dignities, to which Anthony likewise consented, letting the Fathers know he did it for fear, and to this Decree was added another, concerning the Colonies.

[ XLI] The Senate being risen, some gathered about L. Piso in whose hands Caesar had deposited his last Will and Testament, to desire him not to pro∣duce it, nor to make any publick Funerals, lest that should occasion new Tumults, which when they could not obtain, they threatened to summon him to Judgment, because he thereby frustrated the Publick of a great estate which ought to be brought to the Treasury, and something they said concerning Tyranny, whereupon Piso called out as loud as he could, be∣seeching the Consuls to reassemble the Senate, who were not yet separated, and then he told them:

The Oration of Piso.

THose who boast they have slain a Tyrant, treat us like Tyrants them∣selves, and we have many instead of one,. They forbid us the burying of a High Priest, they threaten those entrusted with his Will, they say his Goods ought to be confiscated, as if he had been a Tyrant, they would have what he has done ratified as far as it respects them; but where it concerns himself they would disannul it; and 'tis not Brutus and Cassius who do this, but those who stirred them up to commit this murder. Do you consult concerning his Funerals; and for his Will I will take care, and never abuse the trust reposed in me, unless some one kill me too.

These words raised a Tumult and Indignation, especially in the minds of those who hoped to have some advantage to themselves by the Will. It was therefore agreed the Will should be published, and publick Funerals solemnized; and so the Senate parted. Brutus and Cassius understanding what had passed, sent to invite the people to come up to the Capitol, where a great multitude being assembled, Brutus spoke in these terms:

The Oration of Brutus.

IF we speak to you now here, who spoke to you yesterday in the place, 'tis not that we have taken refuge as in a Temple; for we are not Criminals, nor as in a Fortress; we deliver our selves into your hands, but what unlooked for happened to Cinna against all reason, has forced us to retire, and because our Enemies calumniously accuse us, of having violated our Faith, and troubled the Peace. I shall be well pleased to plead our cause before you: you I say with whom we hope for the future to confer about all the affairs of the Common-wealth. After that Caesar upon his return from Gaul entred armed into his Country, and Pompey who loved the Common-wealth had been treated as you all know, and after a great multitude of good Citizens retired into Africa and Spain were perished, the tyranny being established, he would, and not without reason, for his own security have us swear to forget what was passed, and if he would have con∣strained us to promise upon oath not only to blot out of our remembrance the inju∣ries we had received, but likewise to live under him in perpetual servitude, what would not then those have done who sought our destruction? But I believe for my part there is not true Roman who would not chuse rather to die an hundred times than oblige himself by oath to servitude. If then Caesar attempted nothing a∣gainst our liberty, we are perjured; but if he has left to us neither the disposition of Offices in the City, nor of Governments of Provinces, nor Command of Ar∣mies, nor Colonies, nor any other Honours, but that Caesar alone disposed all these things without so much as speaking a word to the Senate, or asking the con∣sent of the people, where is that liberty of which we had not so much as the hopes left? for could we think he would be weary of our servitude, or would imitate Sylla, who after being revenged of his Enemies, restored to you the administra∣tion of the Common-wealth, he who undertaking so long an Expedition, antici∣pated

for five years the assembly for election of Magistrates? What shall I say of the Tribunes of the people, Caesctius and Marullus? did he not shameful∣ly drive away those Magistrates holy and inviolable? The Laws and Oath of our Fathers permit not the Tribunes of the people to be brought to judgment so long as they are in Office, but Caesar has judged them, has banished them; who then, he or we, have violated the reverence due to persons holy and sacred? un∣less possibly Caesar was hallowed and inviolable, he whom by violence, after the op∣pression of his Country and the death of so many great Men, we honoured with that Title, and the power of the Tribunes be not hallowed and inviolable, after that our Fathers when the Common-wealth was free, voluntarily swore them so, and pronounced execrations against their posterity if they violated it. Whither was the wealth and riches of the Empire brought? to whom did the Receivers give their Accounts? who broke up the Treasury against our will? who laid hands on a Fond never any before durst touch? and who threatened a Tribune with death that opposed it? But say they upon what Oaths can we be assured the peace now to be made shall not be violated? I will answer them, that if no person by a a Tyrant, there needs no Oaths, and our Predecessors never took any. But if a∣ny one aspire to the Tyranny the Romans ought not to observe either Faith or Religion with Tyrants. We tell you all these things in the midst of our present danger, and will never cease to speak them for the publick Good; for when Cae∣sar conferred on me all imaginable Honours, I always preferred my Country be∣fore my own proper Glory. They slander us about the Colonies to incense you; but if there be any here who have taken possession of Lands already assigned to them, or are ready to go, let them do me the favour to make themselves known to me.

Thereupon many having made a Sign.

You have done well, (said he) to come hither with the other Citizens; and surely it is but just that you do participate, and so are willing to participate equal∣ly of the Honours of the City, you testifie likewise the affection you bear your Country. The Roman People gave you to Caesar to bear Arms in Gaul and Britain, having served him well you have merited Honours and Military Re∣wards; but he after having exacted an Oath from you, led you whether you would or no, both against the City, and against the most eminent Citizens in Africa; possibly you are ashamed to demand a salary for the services you have done in these last Wars; but because neither envy, time, nor oblivion can blot out those noble Actions you did in Gual and Britain, you are sure to receive those rewards the people of Rome do customarily give their Soldiers. But they for that end never robbed innocent people, nor divided others Goods to those that served them; but when they had overcome their Enemies, seised not of all their Country, but a part of their Lands, whither they sent the Veterans to inhabit, and to keep the subdued people in awe; and if the conquered Country were not sufficient, they added some of the Publicks Lands, or bought with the publick Money. Thus the People of Rome formerly gave Lands without doing injury to any person. But Sylla and Caesar hawing seised the Soveraign Power by violence and Arms, and standing in need of Guards and Armies against their Country, have not sent you every one to his own dwelling, nor bought you Lands, nor divided among you those they have conquered, nor given the ancient possessors some Money to comfort them, though they had such store which they either took out of the Trea∣sury, or received for Confiscations. But they send you into Italy it self, where they had received no offence, ravishing away from the ancient Possessors (like Thieves, and not like Conquerours) their Lands, their Houses, their Sepulchres,

their Temples, of which we deprive not vanquished Strangers, contenting our selves with the Tenth of their Fruits. But they have divided among you the Lands of your own Nation, who have born Arms with you under Caesar himself against the Gauls, and offered Vows for the happy Success of the Expedition; and against these they have led you, marching in Battel, with Ensigns displayed, as to a War: And indeed you cannot live in Peace, nor abide in Safety with those who have been forced to give up their Lands; for he that is driven out and despoiled of his Estate studies your Destruction, and only waits an opportunity. So the Principal Designs of the Tyrants was not that you should have Lands, for that they might have done by other ways; but that having always Enemies ready to fall upon you, you might be firm Props to their Power, to which your Fortunes were fast bound, since Tyrants have no Guards more faithful than the Companions of of their Crimes and their Fears; and to these, Good Gods! they have given the name of Colonies; that is indeed, the Oppression of our Compatriots, and the Ru∣in of an insinite of innocent Persons, whom with design they have made your Ene∣mies for their private Advantage. For our parts, to whom those that at present govern the Commonwealth say, they will give us our Lives out of pure Grace, our intention is, and always shall be, that you be confirmed in the Possession of your Lands. We take God to witness, that as you do enjoy them you shall enjoy them, and that no Person shall take them from you; neither Brutus nor Cassius, nor all them have hazarded their Lives for your Liberty. There is yet in this business one Difficulty, to which we will apply a Remedy which shall secure your Peace with your Compatriots, and which you shall understand with joy. We will give Order as soon as may be that the Ancient Possessors shall be payed the Purchase of their Lands out of the Publick Moneys, that you for the future may possess them, not only without Contradiction, but likewise with Security of your Persons.

All the World, both during the Assembly, and after they were all with∣drawn, [ XLII] approved what Brutus said as perfectly just; and admired these Men, so undaunted and so zealous for their Country. Thus having gained the Affection of the People, the Affair was adjourned till the Morrow. As soon as ever it was Day the Consul published the Assembly, where the Decre•• of the Senate was read; whereupon Cicero made an Excellent Discourse in praise of the Amnesty, which the People hearkened to with pleasure, and forthwith demanded that those retired to the Capitol might come down; but they refused to come till they gave them Hostages: so they sent Anthony's and Lepidus Children. Their Arrival raised a General Acclamation and Ap∣plause: and when the Consuls would have spoke something, the People would not hear them before they were reconciled, and had embraced each other: which was done, but begot int he Consuls great fears and jealousies that those Men would for the future have more Power in the City than they. After this, Caesar's Will being brought, the People would have it immedi∣ately read: Where they found that he had adopted for his Son Octavius, born of his Sisters Daughter; given this Gardens to the People, and left to e∣very Roman Citizen seventy five Attick Drams. Hereupon the People en∣tred into Fury, understanding that he whom they had but now treated as a Tyrant, had an Affection for his Country: But above all, they looked upon it as a thing worthy of Compassion to consider that Decimus Brutus, one of his Murderers, was nominated his Heir by Substitution; for it is the custom of the Romans to nominate a second Heir in case the first cannot be. It struck all the World with horror, that Decimus, the substituted Heir of Caesar, had attempted his life. But after that Piso had caused the Body to be brought to the Place, there ran to guard it a great number of Persons in Arms; who

with an Extraordinary Magnificence, and General Acclamation, placed it be∣fore the Tribunal. Then the Lamentations and Tears were universal. The Soldiers made a great noise with their Arms, and by little and little the whole World began to repent them of the Amnesty. Anthony perceiving that, lost not the Opportunity: And because he was obliged by the Duty of his Office to make his Funeral Oration as he was a Consul, being Consul him∣self, and is Friend and Kins-man, (for there was an Alliance between them) with his usual Artifices he spoke in this manner.

The Oration of Anthony.

IT is not just, Gentlemen, that I alone should undertake the Funeral-Praises of this Great Man; it were fitter his Country did declare them: Therefore I will only with the Voice of the Republick, and not my own, make Recital of those Honours which whilst he was living the Senate and People of Rome conferred upon him for his Virtue.

Having said these words, he began with a sad and sorrowful Countenance the Recital of Caesar's Glorious Titles; pronouncing every thing distinctly, and stopping more particularly at those whereby they had made him more than Man, by the Qualities of Sacred and Inviolable, Father of his Coun∣try, Benefactor, Prince, and many others which till that time had never been given to any Person. At every word turning himself towards the Body, and animating his Speech by his Gesture; and when he pronounced any one of those Titles, adding some intermingled Terms of Grief and Indignation: as when he recited the Decree of the Senate, calling him Father of his Country. See there, said he, the Testimony of your Acknowledgments. And in pronouncing these words, Holy, Sacred, Inviolable, and the Refuge of the Miserable, he added; Never any that fled to him for Refuge, perished; but he himself is murdered, though made Holy and Sacred by our Decrees, without ha∣ving exacted those Qualities from us, or even desired them; and surely we are in a shameful Slavery if we give those Titles to unworthy Persons that never ask them from us. But, Oh, faithful Citizens! you purge your selves well from this Reproach by the Honours you now pay his Memory. After this, reciting the Act of the Oath, by which they were all obliged to guard the Person of Caesar, and to employ all their Forces so, that if any attempted his Person, whoever exposed not his Life for his Defence should be execrable, he raised his Voice; and extending his Hands towards the Capitol: Oh Jupiter! Protector of my Country! said he, behold me here ready to revenge, as I have sworn: and since it is a thing resolved by the Iudgment of all good Men, I beseech thee, with all other Gods to be favourable to me. A Tumult hereupon arising among the Se∣nators, who believed these words to be manifestly addressed to them. An∣thony to appease them changed his Discourse, and said: But Gentlemen, this Accident must rather be attributed to some God, than to Men; and we ought ra∣ther to provide against the present Necessities than speak of things past, since we are threatned with extreme Misery for the future, and are upon the Point of fal∣ling again into our Antient Seditions, and the seeing all the Nobility of the City perish. Let us them conduct this Sacred Person among the Gods, solemnly in mournful Elegies singing his Praises. After having said these words, he

tucked up his Robe as if he had been possessed with some Spirit; and gird∣ing it about him that he might have his Hands more at liberty, he went and placed himself near the Bed where the Corps, lay, upon an Eminent Place; and opening the Curtain, and looking in, he began to sing his Praises, as of a Celestial Divinity: And the better to make him be believed to be of that Race, he lifted his hands to Heaven; reciting even to the loss of breath, his Wars, his Combats, his Victories, the Nations he had subdued, the Spoils he had brought away; speaking of every thing as a Miracle; and crying out many times, Thou alone art he who hast returned Victorious from so many Fights; Thou alone art he who hast revenged the Country of the Injuries done her for three hundred Years together; and constrained People till then indomitable, who alone took and burnt the City, to ask Pardon on their Knees. Having said these things and many more as of a Divine Person, he lored his Voice; and in a mournful Tone, with Tears in his Eyes, lamented the unworthy Death of his Friend, begging he might redeem his Life with his own; and at length abandoning himself to Grief, he was so far transported as to discover the Bo∣dy of Caesar, and to shew at the top of a Pike his Robe, pierced with the stabs he had received, and all stained with his Blood. And now the People joyned their Lamentations with his, and Compassion was soon converted in∣to Choler; for when the Consul ceasing to speak, they began the mournful Airs, after the manner of the Countrey singing his great Actions, and after that his deplorable death, and as if Caesar himself had called by name those on whom he had heaped his Favours after having been his Enemies, they heard these words which seemed addressed to the Conspirators; Must I then Life unto my Murderers give. The People hereupon entred into fury, con∣sidering that all the Conspirators, except Decimus Brutus, had been of Pom∣pey's Party; and that Caesar, instead of revenging himself upon them, had given them Dignities, Governments of Provinces, and Armies to com∣mand; and that after that they had conspired against him, and with them Decimus Brutus, whom he had loved so well to make him his Heir. The multitude being in this sort moved, and already prepared for Violence, some one raised up from the Bed the Image of Caesar made in Wax, for the Body could not be seen being layed within the Bed; but the Image turning upon a Machine, was visible to all the World, and every Man might observe three and twenty Wounds, as well on the Body as the Face. At this sad Spectacle the People giving themselves over to tears, encompassed the place where Cae∣sar had been slain, and set it on fire; seeking every where for the Murde∣rers, who were retired. Anger and Grief so far transporting the Multitude, that some meeting Cinna Tribune of the People, whom for name sake they took for Cinna the Pretor, who had declaimed against Caesar, he in vain told them that they were mistaken, for they tore him in so many pieces, that the least part of him could not be found to give Sepulture to. After this they carried Fire to burn the Houses of the Conspirators, but the Resistance of the Domesticks and the Prayers of the Neighbours prevented them; yet not without threats that they would return again in Arms. On the Morrow the Conspirators privately departed the City, and the People returned to the bed where Caesar lay, carrying it to the Capitol to bury it in the Temple before the Gods, as already consecrated; but the Priests opposing it, they brought it back to the place, and upon the same Ground where formerly stood the Palace of the Kings, gathering together all the Wood they could, and with the Seats of the place and of all the neighbouring places, raising a magnificent Pile, they thereon placed the Body; and some one having cast upon it Crowns and other Military Presents, they set fire to it, and about it

the People spent all the Night: They forthwith erected an Altar, and at present there is a Temple where Caesar is adored as a God; for after that O∣ctavius, his Adopted Son, who changed his Name into that of Caesar, had (following his steps) taken upon him the Government of the State, he migh∣tily strengthened and augmented that Monarchy of which he had laid the Foundations, which endures to this day; and to pay him all possible Ho∣nours, ranked him in the number of the Gods. From this Example it is, that to this day the People give the Title of Gods to their Emperors after their death (if they have neither been Trants, nor manifestly guilty of great Crimes) they who formerly would not suffer them to take the name of King whilst living.

[ XLIII] Thus fell Caesar on the Day which the Romans call the* 15.1 Ides of March: an Augur had told him, that day would be fatal to him, but he laughed at it, and the very same morning told him jesting, The Ides of March are come: to which the other without surprize made answer, But not yet gone. Yet the great Assurance of the Augur, nor many other Presages could not hinder him from going to the Assembly; where he was murdered in the fifty sixth Year of his Age: Happy in all things, Magnificent; and with just reason comparable to Alexander; for they were both beyond measure Ambitious, Warlike, ready in the Execution of what they had resolved▪ and hardy in Dangers: they spared not their Bodies and in War relyed not so much up∣on their Conduct, as upon their Bravery and good Fortune. The one went a long journey in a Countrey without Water to go to Hammon, happily cros∣sed over the bottom of the Pamphilian Gulf, the Sea being retired, as if his Genius had locked up the Waters: As another time marching in the Cham∣pian, it caused it to cease from raining. Navigated an unknown Sea: Be∣ing in the Indies, first scaled the Walls of a City, and leaped down alone in∣to the midst of his Enemies, receiving thirteen Wounds; was always Vi∣ctorious; and whatever War he was engaged in, he ended it in one or two Battels. In Europe he subdued many Barbarous People, and reduced them under his Obedience; together with the Grecians, a fierce People, and Lo∣vers of Liberty, who never before obeyed any Person but Philip; who com∣manded them for some time under the Honourable Title of General of the Greeks. He carried his Arms almost through all Asia with an incredible Celerity. And to comprize in a word the Happiness and Power of Alexan∣der, all the Countries he saw he conquered; and as he was designing to con∣quer the rest, he died. As for Caesar, passing the Ionian Sea in the midst of Winter, he found it calm as well as the British Ocean, which he passed with∣out any knowledge of it, in a time when his Pilots, driven by Storm against the English Rocks, lost their Ships: Another time embarking alone by Night in a little Boat, and rowing against the Waves, he commanded the Pilot to hoist Sail, and rather to consider the Fortune of Caesar than the Sea. He threw himself more than once all alone into the midst of his Enemies, when his Men were all struck with Panick Fear: and is the only General of the Romans that ever fought thirty times in Pitch'd Battel against the Gauls, and subdued in Gaul forty Nations, before so dreadful to the Romans, that in the Law dispensing with Priests and Old Men from going to the War, the Wars against the Gauls are excepted, and the Priests and Old Men obli∣ged to bear Arms. Before Alexandria, seeing himself alone inclosed upon a Bridge, he laid down his Purple, threw himself into the Sea; and pursued by his Enemies, swam a long time under Water, only by Intervals lifting up his head to take breath; till coming near his Ships, he held up his hands, was

known, and so saved. For the Civil Wars, which he either undertook out of Fear (as himself says) or out of Ambition, he had to deal with the greatest Generals of the Age, fighting at the Head of many great Armies; not Bar∣barians, but Romans, encouraged by their former Actions, and by their good Fortune: yet he defeated them all; and not one of them, but he ruined in a Fight or two. But we cannot say of him as of Alexander, that he was never overcome; for he suffered once a great loss against the Gauls, under the Conduct of Triturius and Cotta, his Lieutenants: In Spain his Army was so near blocked up by Petreius and Afranius, that he wanted but little of be∣ing besieged: At Dyrrhachium and in Africa they turned their Backs; and in Spain, against the young Pompey, the fled. But for Caesar himself, he was always undaunted; and whatever War he engaged in, came off in the end Victorious: and the Roman Empire which now extends it self by Sea and Land, from the Euphrates, to the Atlantick Ocean, was brought under his Power; partly by his Valour, and partly by his Clemency. He setled himself much better than Sylla, and governed himself with more moderati∣on; for being King in effect in spite of all the World, he took not that name. At last, making his Preparations for other Wars, he was surprized by death as well as Alexander. Their Armies were also alike; for the Soldiers of both were chearful in Fight and hardy, but stubborn and mutinous when over∣wrought with Labour. The Deaths of both of them were equally mourned and lamented by their Armies, who attributed to them Divine Honours. They were both well made in Body, and of Noble Aspects: both descended from Iupiter; one by Eacus and Hercules, and the other by Anchises and Venus. Though they were inflexible when resisted, they were easle to par∣don and be reconciled, and likewise to do good to such as they had vanquish∣ed; contenting themselves with the Victory. Hitherto the Comparison is just, save only that their Beginnings were not equal; for Alexander began with the Quality of a King, in which he had been before instructed by his Father Philip: but Caesar was only a Private Man; and though he were of an Illustrious Race, yet his Fortunes were much incumbred. They both despised the Presages that threatned them, without injuring those Divines foretold their death: and almost the same Signs happened to them, and a like Event; for in the Sacrifices made by one and the other twice, they found not the Chief of the Entrails of the Victims; the first time they were only threatned with great Danger: Alexander's happened when besieging the Oxidrakes, being mounted first upon the Wall, and the too great weight breaking the Ladders behind him, he beheld himself deserted by his Men, and threw himself into the midst of his Enemies; where having received ma∣ny Wounds on his Breast, and a great blow on the Neck, he was ready to die; when the Macedonians touched with shame, broke open the Gates, and relieved him. The like happened to Caesar in Spain, in the Fight be∣tween him and young Pompey; where, seeing his Men went on trembling, he advanced betwixt the two Armies, received two hundred Darts on his Buckler; till such time as Fear having given place to Shame, all the Army ran in, and secured him from the Danger. Thus the first Entrails without the Chief threatned only Danger of Death, but the Second were a certain Pre∣sage of Death it self. Pythagoras the Divine after having sacrificed, said to Appollodorus, who feared Alexander and Ephestion, that he need fear no∣thing, for they both should shortly die. Ephestion dying some time after, Appollodorus doubting lest there might be some Conspiracy formed against the King, gave him notice of the Prediction:: He only laughed at it; and informing himself of Pythagoras what those Presages meant, he told him it

was a Sign of Death; whereupon he again laughed, praising Appollodorus's love, and the Divine's freedom. As for Caesar, the last time he went to the Senate, as we have said a little before, the same Presage presenting, he said smiling, he had seen the like in Spain: to which the Augur answering, that he was then in danger, but now the Sign was mortal, he yielded in some mea∣sure to that Advice, and offered another Sacrifice; but tired with the length of the Ceremonies, entred the Palace, and perished. There happened to Alexander the same thing; for when he returned from the Indies to Babylon with his Army, being come nigh the City, the Chaldeans counselled him to defer his Entry; to whom having given this Verse for Answer,

Who promises most Good's the best Divine,

they besought him at least, that he would not let his Army enter with their Faces to the West; but would fetch a Compass, that in entring they might see the Rising Sun and the City. It is said, he would have obeyed them in this; but in marching about he met with a Marshy Ground, which made him slight the second as well as the first Advice, so that he entred the City with his Face to the West. Some time after embarking upon the Euphrates, and going down to the River Pallacota, which receives the Euphrates, and carries its Waters into Marshes and Pools which might happen to drown all Assyria, he resolved to make a Dam; and it is said, that going down the Ri∣ver he laughed at the Chaldeans, because he had gone into Babylon and come out of it again in a Boat without any harm: But Death attended him at his Return from this Voyage. Caesar's Raillery with the Augur, who told him the Ides of March were fatal to him, was much alike; he answered him jearing, the Ides were come, and yet he was killed the same day. So that herein there was great agreement between them, both in the Presages they received from the Divines without being offended, their Raillery, and the Event of the Prediction. They were likewise great Lovers of the Sciences, as well of their own Country as Strangers. Alexander conferred with the Brachmen, who are esteemed the most subtil and sagacious of the Indians, as the Magi are of the Persians. Caesar did the like with the Egyptians when he re-established Cleopatra in her Kingdom, which occasioned him when the Peace was made to reform many things amongst the Romans; and that af∣ter the Example of the Egyptians, he regulated the Year by the Course of the Sun, which before was governed by the Moon; and so till then were unequal, by reason of the Intercalary Days. It happened to him likewise, that not one of those who conspired his Death escaped, but were all punish∣ed as they deserved by his Son, and as the Murderers of Philip were by Ale∣xander; but in what manner, we shall relate in the following Books.

The End of the Second Book of the Civil Wars of Rome.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME.

PART II.

BOOK III.

The Argument of this Book.

I. ANthony causes Amatius who gave himself out to be the Son of Marius to be s••ain, which begets him the ill will of the People; whereupon the Senate appoint him Guards. II. Brutus and Cassius settle their Affairs, and leave the City: Dolobella and Anthony get the Governments of Syria

and Macedonia to their prejudice. III. Octavius adopted by Caesar comes to Rome, and goes to visit Anthony. IV. His Speech, and Anthony's Answer. V. Caesar finding Anthony not well disposed to him, labours to gain the hearts of the People. Dolobella goes into Syria, and puts to death Trebonius. VI. Caesar and Anthony reconciled by the mediation of the Soldiery. VII. Anthony having in prejudice of the reconciliation disob∣liged Caesar, the Officers of his Guards, declare their resentment of it. VIII. Anthony's Answer to them, and the second reconciliation between him and Caesar. IX. A third Breach between Caesar and Anthony: four Mace∣donian Legions come to Brundusium for Anthony, and Caesar raises Forces. X. Anthony's four Legions mutiny against him, and after being appeased, two of them come over to Caesar. XI. Preparations on one side and the o∣ther. XII. Anthony being tacitly declared Enemy, Cicero gives reasons for it. XIII. Piso makes an Oration in favour of Anthony. XIV. An∣thony declared Enemy, and an Army decreed to Brutus and Cassius, which discontents Caesar, yet he lends a part of his Forces to the Consuls to help them to raise the S••ege of Modena, where Anthony had inclosed Decimus Brutus. XV. After several Engagements before Modena, Anthony rai∣ses his Siege, and marches over the Alpes. XVI. Caesar will not see Deci∣mus: and Pansa at the point of death discovers to Caesar the Senates inten∣tion to ruine him. XVII. Cassius and Brutus grow powerful in Syria and Macedon. XVIII. Caesar does all he can to oblige Anthony to a reconcilia∣tion: and in the mean time the Senate nominates Commissioners to call An∣thony to account. XIX. Anthony joyns with Lepidus, which terrifies the Senate. XX. Caesar by his Soldiers demands the Consulate, which being re∣fused, he marches towards Rome, at which the Senate are so affrighted, that they grant it him. XXI. The Senate repenting of their grant, and prepa∣ring for defence, Caes••r comes to Rome, where he is well received, and ob∣tains the Consulate. XXII. Caesar being Consul condemns the Conspirators, reconciles himself with Anthony; and Decimus Brutus is slain in Gaul, and his Head brought to Anthony.

[ I] CAesar the most worthy to reign of all men that ever had lived a∣mong the Romans being in this manner slain by his Enemies, the People celebrated his Funerals. But because all those who any way contributed to his dearh were punished, we shall in this and the Book next following treat of the manner how the principal Heads of this Conspiracy perished, and after that conclude the History of these Civil Wars. Anthony having lost the good will of the Se∣nate by ministring occasion to the people to violate the indemnity at Caesar's Funeral Pomp, and being the cause of their running to set on fire the Hou∣ses of the Conspirators, regained their good esteem by an action which had respect to the publick Good. There was one Amasius who falsly giving himself out to be the Son of Marius, had taken his name, and only in con∣sideration of his reporting him to be his Father, was beloved of the People; for by that supposition they thought him a Kinsman of Caesar's; and indeed he appeared extremely afflicted for his death, erected an Altar in the place where he was burnt, and attended by a Troop of Hectors terrified the Conspirators, of whom the greatest part having left the City, those to whom Caesar had given Governments retired likewise. Decimus Brutus to that Gaul neighbouring upon Italy; Trebonius into Asia, and Tullius Cimber into Bithynia. As for Cassius and Brutus, to whom the Senate bore great

affection, they had been designed by Caesar to command the year following, Cassius in Syria, and Brutus in Macedonia, and at present were Praetors in the City. In the present juncture of Affairs they laboured to gain the Soldiers designed for the Colonies, by permitting them among other things to sell their shares, which the Law prohibited them till after twenty years posses∣sion. It was reported that Amatius had a design against their lives, and waited only for an opportunity to execute it, which being told to Anthony, he according to the authority he had by virtue of his charge caused him to be arrested, and with an extraordinary boldness put him to death without any tryal. The Senate were amazed at it, as a violent action, not permit∣ted by their Laws: however, they suffered it, because they saw no other way of security for Cassius and Brutus; but the companions of Amatius and the rest of the people affected with grief for him, and enraged against An∣thony, that he durst in that manner treat a person whom they loved, think∣ing they ought not to dissemble it, but gathering together in the place be∣gan to cry out, and rail against Anthony, requiring the Magistrates to con∣secrate Amatius his Altar, and perform the first Sacrifices to Caesar. And when Anthony's Soldiers would have driven them thence, they grew more tumultuous, making greater noise than before; some of them shewing the Basis from whence they had taken Caesar's Statues, and one of them cryed out he could likewise shew them the Shop where they were melting down, they presently followed him, and finding it as he said, set fire to the House. Another Party of Anthony's people coming to quench it, some of those Mutineers were slain, and some taken, of whom the Slaves were hanged, and the rest thrown headlong down the Rocks. The Tumult being ap∣peased, that affection people bore to Anthony converted into hatred. On the contrary the Senate were well satisfied; for without this, the Conspi∣rators had not been in security of their persons. But when Anthony pro∣posed to the Fathers the return of Sextus Pompey (Son of that great Pom∣pey lamented by all men, against whom Caesar's Party yet made War in Spain) and to give him out of the Treasury fifty Millions of Attick Drams, in recompence of the Goods of his Father which had been confiscate, and to make him Admiral as his Father had been, with power to dispose of all the Roman Fleet as he should think fit; all the Senators were astonished, approved his proposition, and spent the rest of that day in praises of him; for no man had ever appeared so affectionate to the publick Good as the great Pompey, nor had been so universally lamented, and `twas because Brutus and Cassius had followed him, that all men still honoured them. Where∣fore Cicero without ceasing praised Anthony, and the Senate who were not ignorant that he was hated by the people, permitted him to chuse as a Guard of his person as many as he pleased of the old Soldiers then in the City. He, whether he had before provided for it, or that he gladly made use of the pre∣senting occasion, took such Guards as amounted to six thousand persons; nor did he enlist private Soldiers; for he thought at a pinch he could easily find them elsewhere, but all experienced Officers, whose affection he had gained in the time they had served under Caesar, and the most considerable of these he had made choice of for Tribunes, to whom he shewed Honour and Respect, making them partakers in all things fit to be communicated. The Senate began to grow jealous of his Guards, whether because of their great numbers, or because they were all chosen Men, and advised him to re∣duce them to a certain number to avoid envy, which he promised to do as soon as the Tumults of the people were appeased. Moreover the Senate and people having approved all that Caesar had done and decreed of this,

Anthony had the Register, which when Caesar had thoughts of departing on his designed Expedition he had left with him, with great numbers of Re∣quests, on which he had yet made no Order; so that Faberius, Caesar's Se∣cretary, being perfectly at his Devotion, he added many things in favour of several persons, gave Gratuities to Cities, Potentates, and to his own Guards, as if done by Caesar's Order, whereas they owed the obligation only to Anthony: he likewise by the same means placed many persons in the degree of Senators, and performed great quantity of other matters at the Senates request, that he might lessen the aversion they had to his Guards: such was Anthony's Conduct.

[ II] As for Brutus and Cassius (seeing the people and the old Soldiers continu∣ed their animosities against them, and imagining some other might be found to make an attempt upon their lives, as well as Amatius, and being besides sensible of Anthony's malice, who now having nothing to stand in fear of, being so well guarded, hindred the re-establishment of the Com∣mon-wealth) they began to provide for their own safety▪ besides the firm relyance they had in Decimus Brutus who was at hand with three Legions, they wrote to Trebonius in Asia, and to Tullius in Bithynia, to raise Money with as much secresie as they could, and gave order to secure the Soldiery to them, whilst they put themselves in a readiness to take possession of those Governments Caesar had commissionated them for. But because their due time for departure was not yet come, they judging it indecent to go take possession of their Provinces before the time of executing their Charges in the City was expired, and yet had rather spend the rest of the year as private persons, than exercising the Office of Praetors, whilst neither their persons were secure, nor they honoured according to their deserts. The Senate, knowing their thoughts, gave them Commission to cause Corn to be brought from all parts into the City, till the time limited for their going into their Provinces, which they did, that Brutus and Cassius might not seem to flie, so great care had they of the reputation of those two Men, for whose sake especially they favoured the Party of the Conspirators. After that the Praetors were gone out of the City to execute their Commission, Anthony being thenceforth the only powerful Man, could heartily have wished the Command of a Province with an Army, and especially cast his eyes upon Syria; but understanding he should increase the jealousie con∣ceived of him, if he demanded it for himself, and that on the other side the Senate had gained Dolobella his Colleague, with whom he had no fair understanding, to oppose all his designs, he perswaded Dolobella, who was young and ambitious, to demand Syria, to the prejudice of Cassius, toge∣ther with the Army destined to War upon the Parthians, and not address himself for the obtaining it to the Senate (for that would prove to no pur∣pose) but to the people by way of Decree. He gladly embracing the motion, presently makes his proposition to the people: whereupon the Se∣nate complaining, that he attempted against what Caesar had decreed; he answered, That Caesar had not decreed to any person the Commission of the War against the Parthians; that Cassius to whom he had given Syria had first thwarted his Decree, by permitting the Soldiers to whom he had given Lands to dwell on, to sell them without staying the twenty years as∣signed by the Law, that however it would be dishonourable for him if Dolo∣bella should not be preferred before Cassius in the Government of Syria. Hereupon the Senate suborned Asprenas Tribune of the People to break up the Assembly, under pretence of some evil Augury, hoping that Anthony,

who was Consul and Augur, and whom they believed yet an Enemy to Dolobella, would joyn with the Tribune: but as soon as he declared that there were unhappy presages (which belonged to anothers Office to do) Anthony said that he was a knave, and exhorted the Tribes to give their Votes on Dolobella's proposition. Thus he obtained the Government of Syria, with Commission to make War upon the Parthians with the Legions designed by Caesar to that purpose, and those already marched into Mace∣donia, and thus at last they came to know that Anthony and his Colleague understood each other. Dolobella having obtained these things from the people, Anthony demanded Macedon from the Senate, knowing well that after the grant of Syria to the other, Macedon, where there was no Army, would not be refused him. So he obtained it to the discontent of most, and general wonder of all the Fathers, that he had suffered the Army which was in that Province to be given to Dolobella, who however they were much better satisfied should have the dispose of it than Anthony. Hereupon they took occasion to demand of Anthony other Provinces for Brutus and Cassius, which he assented to, and gave them Cyrene and Crete, or as some say both those were given to Cassius, and Bithynia to Brutus. Thus went Affairs within the City.

Now Octavius Nephew of Caesar, as descended from his Sister, had been [ III] by his Uncle created General of the Horse for one year, after he had made that Dignity annual, to the intent that many of his Friends might enjoy it one after the other. But because he was yet too young, he had sent him to Apollonia a City situate on the Coasts of the Ionian Sea, to study and learn the Art of War, till such time as he should take him along with him against the Parthians. In the mean time several Cornets of Horse that were in Macedon came by turns to attend him, that he might be the better instruct∣ed by exercising them, and there came likewise very often Tribunes and o∣ther Officers to pay their respects to him in quality of Caesar's Kinsman, and he receiving all Men with great kindness, respect and civility, gained to himself the hearts of the whole Army. He had been now six Months at Apollonia, when one Evening news was brought him that Coesar had been slain in full Senate by his most intimate Friends, who had at that time great power in the City, and because there was none that could give him any far∣ther account, fear seized upon him, not knowing whether the Senate had contributed to the action, or whether it were a conspiracy of particular Men, whether those guilty of it were punished, or whether they were yet living, or lastly, whether the people had declared for them or no. Here∣upon his Roman Friends gave him advice to retire to the Army in Macedon for his security, where, if he understood it an attempt of particular per∣sons, he might take heart and revenge Caesar, and some Officers there were, offered to be his Guides, and serve him as Guards in the way. But his Mo∣ther and Philip his Father-in-law wrote to him not to be too presumptuous, that he should undertake nothing rashly, but remember that Caesar after ha∣ving overcome all his Enemies was slain by those Friends he had most confi∣dence in, that a private condition, at least for some time would best secure him, but that however he should return to Rome accompanyed with some of his faithful Friends. To them he gave credence, and without knowing what had happened since Caesar's death, bid adieu to the Officers of the Ar∣my, and passed the Sea. He would not land at Brundusium (because not being sure of that Garrison, he was wary of falling into his Enemies hands) but at another little City not far distant from Brundusium called

Lupia, where he sojourned some time. There receiving Letters which con∣tained the particulars of the Assassinate, of the sorrow wherewith the people had resented it, of his Will, and the Decree of the Senate, his Friends were of opinion, that he would be obliged so much the more to stand in fear of Caesar's Enemies being his Son and Heir, and therefore ex∣horted him to refuse the Inheritance and Adoption, but he judging it would be an infamy for him not to revenge Caesar, marched towards Brun∣dusium, having sent some of his people before to discover if any of the As∣sassines were there in Ambuscade. But when the Garrison of the City coming forth to meet him, had received him as Caesar's Son, he took heart, sacrificed to the Gods, and forthwith caused himself to be called Caesar. `Tis the Roman custom to take with the name of their Family the name of their adoptive Father, but he quite changed his, and instead of Octavius the Son of Octavius, would be called Caesar the Son of Caesar. As soon as he had taken this name, the people flocked in from all parts to complement him, not only his Father's Friends, Freed Men and Slaves, but likewise the Soldiers who convoyed Provisions and Money to the Army in Macedo∣nia, or which brought to Brundusium Tribute and other Monies levyed in the Provinces. Being therefore encouraged by the concourse of so vast a Multitude, by the glorious name of Caesar, and by the affection all Men professed to bear him, he took his way towards the City with a considera∣ble Train, which dayly like a Torrent grew greater. So that now he no more feared open force, but took so much the more care to secure himself from secret ambushes, because he knew not the greatest part of those that accompanied him. As for the Cities, there were some had no great affecti∣on for him, but the Veterans or old Soldiers to whom Caesar had lately given Lands ran from the Colonies to offer themselves to this young Captain. They deplored the death of their Benefactor, declared against Anthony who had let so horrid a crime go unpunished, and protested they would be the revengers of it, if he would please to head them. He praised them, ex∣horted them to preserve this good will of theirs to another Season, and so sent them home. Being come near to Terracina about* 15.2 four hundred Fur∣longs from Rome, news was brought him, that the Consuls had taken from Brutus and Cassius the Governments of Syria and Macedon, instead of which, and to comfort them they had given them two lesser, to wit, Cyrene and the Island of Crete; that some Exiles were returned to the City; that they had sent for Pompey, made some Senators according to Caesar's Memoirs, with many other matters. When he was arrived at Rome he found his Mo∣ther and Father-in-law and all those who had any care of his Affairs in great fear and trouble, because of the Senates aversion for Caesar, the Decree past for discharging the Murderers from crim••, and the pride of Anthony now grown powerful in the City, who had neither gone himself nor sent out any to meet the Son of Caesar. He quieted their trouble by telling them he would go himself to Anthony as the younger to the elder, and as a private person to a Consul, that he would pay his respects to the Senate as he was obliged in duty, that as for the Decree it passed in a time when no Man opposed it, but now that one was found to prosecute, the people would reach forth a strong hand, the Senate would give life to the authority of the Laws, the immortal Gods would sustain the justice of his cause, and perhaps Anthony himself would be concerned for it. As for his part he could not refuse the Inheritance and Adoption, without doing injury to Caesar's me∣mory, and injustice to the Roman People, in not paying what had been left them by his Will, that he had much rather not only hazard himself, but

suffer death it self, than after having been made choice of by Caesar before all other persons in the World, shew himself unworthy of that Great Man's Choice. Then turning to his Mother, he pronounced those words of A∣chilles to Thetis.

Oh! let me die, or let my Vengeance yield Some Satisfaction for my Friend thus kill'd.

He added, that this Discourse had given Immortality to Achilles, especi∣ally being pursued to Effects; and that for his part Caesar had not only been his Friend but his Father, his Comrade but his Captain; who had not been slain in fair War, but wretchedly massacred in full Senate. Hereupon his Mother changing her fear into joy, embraced him as alone worthy to be Son to Caesar; and with many powerful expressions exhorted him to execute his Resolutions. However, she advised him rather to employ Policy and Pati∣ence, than open Violence. Caesar having praised her Counsel, and promi∣sed to follow it, towards the Evening dismissed his Friends, giving them or∣der to meet him next Morning early upon the place with as much Company as they could bring. There he comes up to Caius, Anthony's Brother, Pre∣tor of the City, and declared to him that he accepted the Adoption; for it was the Custom among the Romans to have Adoptions authorized by the Pretors. After having caused his Declaration to be registred, he went off from the place, to go seek out Anthony, who was then at Pompey's Gardens, which Caesar had given to him. They let him wait a good while at the Gate, which made him suspect that Anthony had no kindness for him; but at last being entred, there passed nothing but civil and obliging words from one to the other: And when Caesar was to discourse of the Business about which he came, he spoke in this manner.

The Oration of Caesar.

MY Father (for the Affection Caesar had for you, and your Acknow∣ledgments, oblige me to call you so.) I applaud what you have done for him, and shall ever own the Obligation: But pray give my Grief the liberty to tell you, that there are some things I cannot approve. Whilst Caesar was murdered you was not there, for his Murderers had stopped you at the Gate; otherwise you had either saved his life, or perished with him: but if your loss were inevitable, I am glad that you were not there. After this, when some endeavoured to decree Rewards to the Murderers, as if they had slain a Tyrant, you generously opposed it; for which, like∣wise, I am infinitely obliged to you. Though certain it is they had also resolved to make a Riddance of you; not as the future Revenger of Caesar's death (which we believe) but (as they say) for fear there should remain af∣ter him a Successor in the Tyranny. Though after the Action these People who said they had slain a Tyrant, being sensible they were guilty of Mur∣der, fled to the Capitol; either as Criminals to seek for Refuge in a Sa∣cred Place, or as Enemies to seize upon the Fortress. How then could they obtain an Amnesty, and a Decree forbidding any Prosecution of Ju∣stice for this Action, unless by corrupting with Money some of the Senate and People? But being Consul, you ought to have taken care on which

Part was the Plurality of Voices; and presiding in the Senate, had you vo∣ted against them, you had carried it, and reduced to your Opinion those who had been deceived. On the Contrary, you delivered to the Murde∣rers some of your own House in Hostage, and sent them to them into the Capitol; but I will think you were constrained to it by those that were suborned. Then when after that Noble Funeral-Oration you made, the Will being read, the People who yet had Caesar fresh in memory, carry∣ing Fire to burn his Murderers Houses, though then forbearing it in fa∣vour of their Neighbours; when on the Morrow they twice returned to Arms, why did not you assist them? Why did not you head them with Sword and Torch in your Hand? Why did you not do Justice your self? Did you expect other Judgment against Publick Criminals? You the Friend of Caesar, you Consul, you Anthony, you who could make use of the Power of your Office to put to death* 16.1 Marius, have let Murderers escape: Nay, have suffered some of them to retire into the Provinces, whose Go∣vernments they must needs unjustly hold, having massacred him from whom they held them. It is true, that being Consuls, you and Dolobella, you have done well to take from them Syria and Macedon; and certainly I had been much obliged to you for it, had you not at the same time gran∣ted them Cyrene and Crete; giving Governments to Fugitives, to fortifie themselves against me. Is it not likewise by your consent that Decimus, one of the Murderers of my Father, as well as the rest, holds the hither Gaul? You may tell me perhaps it is by Decree of the Senate; but you have approved it, you sat as President; you, who more than any Man else, ought to have opposed it, even for your proper Interest. Well might you, in favour of them, assent to their Indempnity and Impunity; but to give them Governments and Dignities is to do an injury to Caesar, and make a scorn of your self. Grief makes me say things disproportionate to my Age, and to the respect I bear you: But I speak to the most assured of Caesar's Friends; to him whom he advanced in Honours and Dignities, and who possibly had at this present been his adopted Son, had he known you could have resolved with your self to pass from the Race of Hercules, to that of Aeneas; that was his only doubt when he thought of making choice of a Successor. I beseech you therefore, Anthony, by those Gods that preside over Friendship, by Caesar's self, that you would yet change something of what you have done, for you may do it if you will; or at least, that you will aid me in revenging my Father's death, with the assi∣stance of the People, and of all those who yet persevere in the affection they once bore him. If you have any fear of those people, or of the Se∣nate, I only desire you would not oppose my designs. As for any thing else, you know the state of my Affairs. That I am obliged to pay the people what my Father left them, and that speedily, left the benefit being delay∣ed, remain without acknowledgment; and that I become the occasion that those who ought to be sent to the Colonies stay longer in the City. Where∣fore I desire, that of all that was carried to your House, to be the better secured after my Father's death, the richest and most pretious things may be yours; I only demand that Silver Money he had raised for those Wars he was preparing to make, that I may pay those Legacies he left to the People; and I shall content my self at present if you furnish me with so much as is necessary to pay three hundred thousand Men what is due to them by the Head. I would entreat you if I durst, to lend me wherewith∣all to pay the rest, or be my Security for taking it up at Interest out of the Treasury, till such time as the Goods left by this Succession are sold, in which I shall labour Might and Main.

Anthony astonished at the freedom taken by this Young Man, and at that noble confidence, which he did not expect from a person of his age: And being offended that he had treated him with no more respect; but especially that he had demanded back the Money; answered him in these terms.

The Oration of Anthony.

MY Son, if Caesar with his Succession and his Name had likewise left you the Empire, you have reason to demand of me an Account of the Administration of Publick Affairs, and it is but just that I should give it you; but the Roman People having never given the Sovereign Power to any Person by Succession, not to the Kings themselves, whom they have expelled, and bound themselves by Oath never more to suffer them (a thing which the Conspirators reproach your Father with, saying, they have slain a King, and not a Magistrate) there is therefore no necessity I should give you an Account of what concerns the Publick, and I likewise discharge you of all Obligations you are willing to be bound in to me, for I have done nothing for your sake, and have only had in prospect the Pub∣lick Good in all my Actions, except only one, whereby I have rendred a signal Service both to Caesar and to you: For if for my own security, and to avoid Envy, I had permitted them to decree Rewards to the Conspira∣rators, as having slain a Tyrant, Caesar had been declared a Tyrant, to whom neither Respect nor Honour was due; for the Roman Laws require that Tyrant's Bodies be cast into the Draught, their Memory abolished, and their Goods confiscate. Out of a fear lest this might happen, I strove hard for Caesar, to preserve his Glory immortal, and to cause his Funerals to be publickly solemnized. I feared neither danger nor envy, though I had to deal with violent people, accustomed to Murthers, and who (as you know) had already conspired against me; and that the Senate were incli∣ned to mischief against your Father, because he had usurped the Sovereign Authority over that Body. Yet I chose rather to run all these hazards, and should rather have undergone all manner of misfortunes, than have suffe∣red that Caesar, the Greatest of Men, and the most happy in many things, and whom I esteemed the most worthy of Glory of any Man of this Age, should have been deprived of Honour and Sepulture. The Dangers to which I have exposed my self have gained you all that Caesar possessed; his Family, his Name, his Dignities, his Goods; and surely you ought rather to thank me, than blame my Conduct, if I have yielded to some thing to content the Senate, or given recompence to those to whom it was due, or done whatsoever it were for any reason I thought necessary; old as I am, and you yet but a young Man. But this shall suffice as to that matter. As for what you would object that I aspire to the Dominion, I have no such thoughts, though I do not think my self unworthy; nor is it any insup∣portable thing to me to be left out of Caesar's Will, contenting my self to be descended of a Race that derives its Original from Hercules. As for the Money you talk of borrowing out of the Treasury to serve your own Occasions, I believe that you do but jest; unless, as it is probable, you have not heard that your Father left the Treasury empty; and that since

he made himself Master of the Empire, all the publick Moneys that were before carried thither, were after carried to his House, where among his Goods they will be found when we shall decree a Search to be made for them; which will be done without giving any offence to the dead Caesar: Or were he living, he would not refuse to give an Account of his Admini∣stration, as it is but just he should. Be••ides, many private Persons pre∣tend a Right to those Goods, and will not quit them to you without Tryal. Nor was there so much Silver brought to my House as you imagine, nor have I any of it left; for it was all divided, as being a Tyrant's Mony, a∣mong the Magistrates and chief Men of the City, except only Dolobella and my Brethren. And if you should chance to find out any, you will not if you be wise, give it to the people; but employ it to appease such as may dammage you: and if they themselves be wise, they will send away the people to the Colonies: For the People, as you may have lately learnt out of Greek Books, are a thing of no stability, but ever floating to and fro like Waves of the Sea, as it has often happened in our Republick; where the People, after having raised up to the Skies those that courted their Fa∣vour, afterwards brought them on their Knees.

[ V] Caesar angred at these words, for the most part injurious, retired, invoking oft times his Father, and calling him by his name. Suddainly after he put to Sale the Goods come to him by this Succession, and exhorted the People to assist him in the good design he had for them against Anthony his Ene∣my, who openly opposed him; and against the Senate, who had decreed Inquisition to be made for Publick Moneys. Many persons began to fear Caesar, as young as he was, because of his Father's Liberality to the Soldiers and People, whose affections he was now absolutely gaining by the Distribu∣tion he was about to make; so that most judged he would not long continue in the Condition of a private Person: But they feared much more lest An∣thony coming to an Accommodation with this Young Man, full of Glory and Riches, should seize on the Sovereign Power as well as Caesar. In the mean time they were well satisfied to see them at this discord, because one served now as an obstacle to another's designs; and by the Inquisition after Publick Moneys, of which they believed a great part would be found in Caesar's Cof∣fers, his Heir would become poor, and the Treasury rich. Dayly likewise were Processes formed about the Lands possessed by Caesar; some demanding them as their particular Right, others pretending they belonged to the Publick, as being confiscated from proscribed or banished Persons. Anthony or Dolobel∣la, his Colleague, were Judges, of most part of these; and if some happened to be tryed before other Judges, Caesar was as hardly used out of favour to Anthony, though he produced Authentick Contracts of the Purchase made by his Father; and likewise pleaded the last Decree of the Senate, by which all that Caesar had done was ratified. They affronted him likewise by a thou∣sand Insolencies out of the presence of the Judges; from which Pedius and Pinarius, to whom Caesar had likewise by Will left part of the Inheritance, were not exempt. Upon complaint made to Anthony of the Outrages they, as well as Caesar, suffered; shewing him the Decree of the Senate; and tel∣ling him, that if there were some Lands unjustly usurped by Caesar, they were ready to pay the value of them; but that it was just all the rest Caesar had done should be allowed. He answered, that possibly the Decree meant not any thing at present in question, and that the very words in which it was expressed ought be interpreted according to the Senate's intention,

who having the Indempnity only in view, would not touch upon what was past; not that they approved it, nor in consideration of death; but because it was then expedient to act so, and necessary to appease the people. That it was not equal to have more consideration of the words of a Decree, than of the mind of the Judges; and to deny Audience to so many Citizens whom the Civil Wars had spoiled of their Goods, and those of their Predecessors; in favour of a young Man, who now beholding himself richer than his con∣dition could make him hope to be, employed not his Riches in Liberalities; but in making of Creatures to bring to effect his ambitious designs. Ne∣vertheless, for what concerned them when they should receive from Caesar what part of the Inheritance belonged to them, he would maintain them in it. After this Answer of Anthony's, Caesar's Coheirs desired their shares of the Inheritance, for fear of losing them by reason of the many Suits com∣menced; not for their sakes, but Caesar's: However, soon after they again restored it into his hands. After this, the time of the Plays wherewith Bru∣tus, as Pretor, ought to divert and delight the Citizens, drawing nigh, Caius, Brother to Anthony, his Colleague, who administred that Charge in his ab∣sence, had taken care of them; and to that purpose made magnificent Pre∣parations, out of hopes that the People charmed by those Spectacles, should vote Brutus and his Companions Return. Caesar on his part, the better to gain the multitude, still as he received any Moneys by the Sale of the Goods of the Inheritance, put it into the hands of the chief Men of the Tribes, to distribute to such as first demanded it: And going to all places where these Sales were made, gave order to the publick Cryers to appraise all at less than it was worth, because of the uncertain success of the Law-Suits, and that he might dispatch paying what he ought by his Father's Will. These cour∣ses increased the People's affection to him, and they were moved to compas∣sion for the unjust Persecutions under which he suffered. But when they saw that besides the Goods of this Succession, he likewise exposed to Sale his own Patrimony, with all that he had elsewhere, and with that his Mother's Lands, those of Philip, and Pedius and Pinarius shares too; and all this to furnish him for the payment of Legacies; as if he could not raise Money e∣nough by selling Caesar's Goods, by reason of his Enemies Lets and Vexati∣ons. Then the People, perswaded that this Liberality proceeded from him∣self, and not from the first Caesar, adored this young Man; applauding his Patience and Generosity, and protesting they would not much longer suffer Anthony's Insolence: And in truth they evidenced it at those Spectacles that Brutus exhibited at such vast Expence; for when some, bribed to that pur∣pose, cryed out that Brutus and Cassius should be recalled, and that the rest of the Spectators seemed inclined to pity them, a great number of the People running on in a Croud, made the Plays to cease till such time as those who demanded their Return were silent. So that Caesar having made Brutus and Cassius lose the hopes of their Return by means of their Plays, they resolved to seize by force of Syria and Macedon, to which they had been appointed by the Senate, before Anthony and Dolobella. That young Consul being hereof advertized, speedily advances towards Syria by the way of Asia, through which he passed to gather in the Money of that Province. But An∣thony judging he should have occasion of Forces, and not being ignorant that the Army of Macedon was composed of excellent Troops; that they were six Legions, store of Archers and Light-armed Foot, besides the Horse, and all Provisions necessary; and that this Army ought to be commanded by Dolobella, to whom the Senate had given Commission for the Parthian War, to which Caesar had designed it, he began to cast about how to make himself

Master of it, the rather because of the nearness of places; for it was but crossing the Ionian Sea, to bring it forthwith into Italy. At the same time a report was raised, that the Getes hearing of Caesar's death made Inroads into Macedon, and spoiled the Province, which gave Anthony an oppor∣tunity of demanding the Army of the Senate, to chastise the Getes against whom Caesar had intention to employ them before he proceeded on his Ex∣pedition against Parthia, where at present all things were quiet. The Senate slighted not the report, but sent People into the Province to enquire into the truth; and Anthony, utterly to remove all fear and all suspicion that might be had of him, made a Law whereby all persons were forbid, be it upon what occasion soever it would, to propose the creating a Dictator, or to accept of the Dictatorship, and that whoever acted contrary to this Law, might freely and with impunity be by any one slain. Thus having deceiv∣ed the Fathers, and promised by a Treaty made with Dolobella's Friends, that he would give him one Legion, he was chosen General of the Army of Macedon, and forthwith gave Directions to his Brother Caius to make all speed to the Army with the Ordinance of the Senate. Mean while, those who had been sent into Macedon to inform themselves of the report spread abroad, being returned, said they had seen no Getes, but added (whether it were so indeed, or that they were suborned to it by Anthony) that there was reason to fear, that if the Army were drawn out of the Province, that they would make Inroads. Whilst these things passed at Rome, Brutus and Cassius made Levies of Men and Moneys, and Trebanius who commanded in Asia fortified those Cities for them. He would not suf∣fer Dolobella to enter into Pergamus, nor into Smyrna, but only gave him a place without the Walls of Smyrna as to a Consul. He, incensed at this re∣fusal, attempted to force the City, wherein not succeeding, Trebonius pro∣mised to give him entrance into Ephesus, and commanded his people to fol∣low the Consul at some distance, but they seeing him depart towards the Dusk of the Evening, thinking there was nothing more to fear, leaving a few of their companions to follow him, returned to Smyrna. Dolobella laid an ambush for this small company, cut them in pieces, and the same night finding Smyrna defenceless, scaled the Walls, Trebonius surprised in his Bed, began to beg the Soldiers to carry him before the Consul, to whom he said he would go without constraint. But one of the Centurions mock∣ing, told him; Thou mayst go, but thou must leave thy Head; for we have no orders to carry thee to the Consul, but to bring him thy Head: And so in good earnest cut off his Head, which Dolobella as soon as it was day caused to be placed over the Tribunal, where the Pretor was wont to give audience. The Soldiers and the Pedees mad against him, because he was a Partner in the Conspiracy, and had entertained Anthony with discourse at the Gate of the Palace, whilst they slew Caesar within, used a thousand indignities to the rest of his Body, playing with his Head as with a Bowl, which they trowl∣ed to one another upon the Pavement, till it was all in pieces. And this was the first of the Conspirators that was punished.

[ VI] Now Anthony had a design to bring the Army of Macedon into Italy, but not finding a pretence to do it, he demanded of the Senate, that in∣stead of Macedon they would give him the Cisalpine Gaul, where at present Decimus Brutus Albinus commanded, besides he remembred that Caesar parted from this Province when he began that War wherein he van∣quished Pompey. But now when they saw he would march the Army into Gaul, and not into Italy, the Fathers judging he asked this Province only

to serve himself against them, began to make discovery of his ill intentions, and to repent that they had granted Macedon: nay, some of them wrote particularly to Decimus, that he should fortifie himself in his Province, and make new Levies of what Men and Money he could, left Anthony should do him any violence, so much they feared and hated him together. Anthony therefore refused by the Senate, resolved to carry the Province by a De∣cree of the People, as formerly Caesar had done the same, and Dolobella lately Syria, and the more to terrifie the Senate, he sent order to his Bro∣ther Caius forthwith to pass over the Army to Brundusium. Mean while the Aedile Crotonius making preparation for the Plays, which he would give to delight the people, Caesar caused a Chair of Gold and a Crown to be placed for his Father, a thing granted by the Decree of the Senate, to be done in all Plays to perpetuity. Upon which the Aedile having said that he would not permit that Honour to Caesar in Plays he exhibited at his own charges, he summoned him before Anthony in quality of Consul, and the Consul saying he would propose the business to the Senate, he angrily an∣swered, Propose it then, but in the mean time I will place the Chair there as the Decree permits. Anthony incensed with this answer, not only forbid him to do it at this time, but in some Plays afterwards which Caesar himself ex∣hibited in Honour of Venus, according to his Father's Institution when he dedicated to her a Temple in the place and the place it self. This action of Anthony's begat him the publick hate, as not proceeding so much from en∣vy to the young Caesar, as ingratitude to his Father: wherefore Caesar fol∣lowed by a multitude of people as his Guards, went through the City, stirring up against Anthony all those who had received benefits from his Fa∣ther, or born Arms under him, beseeching them not to suffer him to be af∣fronted in that manner, nor permit Anthony to do so great an injury to their General and Benefactor, but that they would at least labour for themselves, for could they be secure of enjoying any thing Caesar had given them if him∣self were deprived of Honours had been granted by Decree of the Se••••te? And when he came into any great place of the City, he might be heard cry out with a loud voice; Why am not I the only cause (Anthony) that thou declarest against Caesar, and in recompence of so many Benefits received by thee, returnest on him such violent outrages. Discharge, I beg thee, thy rage on me alone; but touch not his Goods till the Citizens are payed what he by will left them. After that, take the rest; for as for my part, though I be poor, I shall be but too well contented to be Heir to the Glory of my Father, and of his liberality to his Citizens, provided it may not be unprofitable to them. Upon this discourse the whole multitude drew together, and cryed out publickly against Anthony. Whereupon Anthony having uttered some bitter threats against Caesar, and what he threatened coming to publick knowledge, Mens minds were the more inflamed against him; insomuch that the very Officers of his Guards who had born Arms under Caesar, and who were at present in great esteem with the Consul, besought him to be no more so vigorous, both for their sakes and his own proper interest, he having himself had command underCaesar, and being obliged to him for his fortune. Anthony acknowledging that what they said was true, and besides considering that he stood in need of Cae∣sar's credit with the people to obtain the Government of Gaul, yielded to their Remonstrance, swearing that he was not ingrateful towards Caesar, and that he had manifested this change of affection to no other end, but that a young Man a little too haughty for his age, and who bore no respect either to Ancients or Magistrates should somewhat stand corrected; for

that in good truth he had need of correction, but yet for the Prayers sake they had made him, he would lay aside all animosity and resume his former inclinations, provided Caesar would for the future be more moderate. The Tribunes satisfied with this answer, engaged them to an Enterview, where after some complaints of of one another they were reconciled.

[ VII] Soon after, Anthony preferred the Decree touching the Government of Gaul. The Senate were afraid, and took a resolution to hinder it, if the Consul demanded their approbation, and to oppose it by means of the Tri∣bunes, if without speaking to the Senate he sought to have it ratifyed by the people. Nay, there were some Senators of opinion to set that Province at liberty, so formidable seemed it to them, because lying so near Rome. An∣thony on the other side reproached them that they had given that Province to Decimus one of Caesar's Murderers, and yet made a difficulty of trusting him with it, because he had not murdered him that conquered it, and brought it under their obedience, by which he accused them of openly al∣lowing the action. The day for approbation of the Decree being come, the Senate had given orders that the Votes should be taken by the Tribes, but those of Anthony's Party having assembled the people before day, call∣ed them of purpose by Centuries▪ Though the multitude had an aversion for Anthony, yet forbore they not now to favour him for Caesar's sake, who was present at the assembly soliciting for him out of fear, left Decimus one of those who slew his Father should command with an Army in so commo∣dious a Province, and likewise to gratifie Anthony with whom he was new∣ly reconciled, and from whom in his turn he expected some favour. In short, the Tribunes of the People not at all opposing it, for Anthony had gained them, the Decree was ratifyed, and the Consul having now a plau∣sible pretence caused the Army to pass over into Italy. At length one of the Tribunes being dead, and Caesar soliciting for Flaminius who made suit for this Dignity; the people imagining that he did indeed desire it for him∣self, but durst not ask it because he was too young, would needs by Vote declare him Tribune: on the other side, the Senate envyed him this increase of Honour, as fearing left being made Tribune he should summon before the people those who had slain his Father. Whereupon Anthony violating the Friendship he had newly sworn to Caesar, or in favour of the Senate, whom he would fain appease, because they were offended at the De∣cree of the People concerning Gaul, issued a Decree of the Consul, where∣by he prohibited Caesar from conserring Liberalities upon any person contra∣ry to Law, upon pain of punishment. This Decree which made appear Anthony's ingratitude to Caesar, and which was injurious both to the young Caesar and the people, stirred up the minds of the multitude, and it was ve∣ry likely, that at the Assembly to be called, some tumult would happen, so that Anthony himself was afraid, and contenting himself with the num∣ber of the Tribunes already in the City, prevented the assembling of the People. As for Caesar, seeing that Anthony declared openly against him, he dispatched people throughout the colonies that he had established, to let them know the wrong he suffered, and to sound their inclinations. He sent likewise some of his Confidents to Anthony's Army, mixed among those who had the Convoy of Provisions, giving them orders to do their utmost to draw the bravest to his side, and privily to drop Libels among the Sol∣diers. Whilst Caesar was thus employed, the same Officers of Anthony's Guards before mentioned laying hold on the occasion spoke to him in this manner:

The Oration of the Officers of Anthony's Guards.

We have a certain knowledge that Caesar's Murderers hate us as much as him, us and all those who under his command have extended the bounds of the Roman Empire, and yet dayly employ all their power to extend them; that we are exposed to their Ambushes, and that the Senate favours them. Nevertheless, after their being chased hence by the People we have re∣gained courage, seeing Caesar was not destitute of Friends, who still remembred his Benefits, and preserved their acknowledgments. But above all, we are as∣sured of the Friendship between you, and of your experience in War, being the greatest Captain of the Age next him, and the most capable to command. But because our Enemies springing up afresh, endeavour to seise upon Syria and Ma∣cedon, and make Levies of Men and Money to wage War upon us, because the Senate causes Decimus to prepare againsh you, and that in the mean all your thoughts and cares are employed in the differences you have with the young Cae∣sar we fear, and not without reason, that in the War now threatening us, nay▪ which indeed we have upon us, there happen not some division amongst us, which may cause our Enemies to succeed in their Enterprises. Wherefore we intreat you, that in acknowledgments of Caesar's Favours and Benefits, for the common security of all us, against whom you have never yet had cause of complaint, and likewise for your own interest, you assist Casar to take vengeance of the Murder∣ers of his Father, whilst it is in your power to do it, he will be therewith content, and you will afterwards live without trouble, and we discharged of our fears for you, and for our selves.

To this Discourse Anthony made Answer. [ VIII]

Anthony's Answer to the Officers of his Guards.

You know with what passion I always loved Caesar as long as he lived, and that there were no dangers to which I exposed not my self to Preserve his Authority. You know it, I say, you who followed him e∣very where, and were present at all his Action: and I grant there is no need of Witness to prove that his Affection and Esteem forme lasted to his very end. His Murderers having perfect knowledge of all this, had once resolved to have dispatched me at the same time, believing whilst I remained alive they could never perfectly accomplish their design; and he that diverted them from these thoughts did it not for my sake, but to give a fairer Gloss to their crime, that it might be thought they designed not so much to revenge themselves of many Enemies, as to kill one Ty∣rant. Who then would think after so many obligations as I have receiv∣ed

from Caesar, I should range my self on his Enemies Party, or that I should willingly pardon his death to those who attempted my own life, as the young Caesar imagines? How then after Indemnity did they obtain Governments? for you impute to me this fault which the Senate com∣mitted. Hearken a little how it happened: Caesar being slain in full Se∣nate, fear seised all the world, and my self more than any one, because I was his Friend, and yet knew not exactly whether there were a Conspi∣racy, or who were the Conspirators. The People were in tumult, the Murderers had gained the Capitol with the Gladiators, and suffered no one to enter, the Senate favoured them, which to this day they do, and were ready to decree them rewards, as having slain a Tyrant, which if it had come to pass, we must have all resolved to perish as that Tyrants Friends. in the midst of all this turmoil, fear and trouble, 'tis no won∣der if I lost my Judgment: however, if you weigh the extremity in which I was with what I have done, you will find I neither wanted bold∣ness in the midst of danger, nor policy when there was a necessity to dis∣semble. The main thing in this Affair, and on which depended all the rest, was the prevention of their decreeing rewards to the Murderers, in which I so obstinately held out, that at last I carried it in despite of the Senate and all the Conspirators, yet not without running the hazard of losing my life; for I judged, that if I only obtained that Caesar were not declared Tyrant, we were all in safety. But whereas our Enemies and the Senate feared on their side, that if Caesar were not declared Tyrant, pro∣cess might issue out against those that slew him, and therefore would stand stifly to the having it done, I consented that the Amnesty might be granted to them, but not the Rewards; nor had I done it, but that I might obtain on my part what I desired, and which was of no small im∣portance. That the name of Caesar, dearer to me than all things in the world, might not be abolished; that his Goods might not be confiscate: that that adoption which makes this young man so insolent, might not be cancelled: that his Will might be ratified: that his Body might be ho∣noured with Funerals worthy a King: that the Honours decreed him might endure to perpetuity: that all that he had done might be approved; and that his Son, and we his Friends, his Captains and his Soldiers might be secured in our persons, and honoured by all the World, instead of that infamy wherewith we were threatened. Do you believe after all this, that in lieu of the Amnesty to which I gave my hand, the Senate granted me a small matter; or do you think they would have granted it if I had not consented to the Amnesty? And though this exchange had been sincerely made, what had I lost by really granting the Murderers a pardon of their crime, thereby to render Caesar's Glory immortal, and put our lives in security: yet was not that my intention. I did but only defer their punishment; for as soon as I obtained of the Senate what I de∣sired, and that the Murderers were freed from their inquietude, I took courage, and abrogated the Amnesty, not by sentence of the Senate, nor by decree of the People (for that could not be done) but by a popular blaze, which underhand I kindled, by causing Caesar's Body to be brought into the place, under pretence of celebrating his Funerals, and there by opening his wounds, and shewing his Robe pierced through, and bloody, to excite compassion in the multitude, praising his Virtues, and particu∣larly the love he had for his Country, and in short, Mourning for him, as dead, yet invoking him as a God: for what I said, and what I did, so in∣censed the multitude, that not considering the Amnesty, they took fire,

and carrying it to our Enemies Houses, drove them out of Rome. This was done in spite of the Senate, and they testified their resentment of it, by accusing me of courting the popular favour, by sending the Murder∣ers into the Provinces, Brutus and Cassius into Syria and Macedon, where they had great Armies: nor did they let them stay out the time they ought to have done, but advanced it by a feigned Commission they gave them of sending Corn to the City. Hereupon I found my self surprised with a new fear, and not having any Army whereof I could dispose, I was afraid lest we unarmed should be assailed by so many armed Men, be∣sides I had some suspicion of my Colleague, with whom I had no right understanding, and whom I might very well believe an Accomplice in the Conspiracy, being come to the City the day that it was executed. In this troublesome Conjuncture I thought it a matter of importance to disarm our Enemies, and to seise on their Arms, to which end I caused Amatius to be put to death, and recalledPompey, that by this means I might oblige the Senate to take my part: yet not being thereby fully as∣sured, I perswaded Dolobella to demand Syria not from the Senate, but from the people, and I upheld him in this Enterprise, that from a Friend to the Conspirators, as he now was, he might become their Enemy; and that after my Colleague had obtained Syria, the Senate might be a∣shamed to deny me Macedon, which however they had not granted me by reason of the Army that was then in that Province, if they had not before given that same Army to Dolobella, who besides the Government of Syria had got the Commission to make War against the Parthians: nor had they consented to the taking away Syria and Macedon from Cassius and Brutus, if for their security other Governments had not been pro∣vided them, instead of those whereof they were dispossessd. It was therefore necessary and must be done, but pray observe what comparison there is between those Provinces taken from them, and those wherewith they were recompensed. Cyrene and Crete were assigned them, so unfur∣nished of Forces, that they themselves have despised them, and endea∣voured to seise by force of those taken from them. Thus the Command of the Army is passed from the Enemy to Dolobella by my policy, and by fair exchange; for no person having yet taken up Arms, we must follow the Laws. After this, the Enemies having set on foot another Army, I had occasion for the Legions of Macedon, but to get them wanted op∣portunity, whereupon a report was spread, that the Getes had in a ho∣stile manner invaded the Province, which not being altogether believed, some were sent to enquire the certainty. During which time I caused an Ordinance to be published, by which it was forbid to speak of a Dictator, to make any proposition tending to it, or so much as to accept of the Dictatorship; whereby the Senate, perswaded of my good intentions, gave me the Command of the Army; so that at present I find my self strong enough to defend my self against my Enemies, not only against those already declared, as Caesar imagines, but against a multitude of o∣thers more powerful, who will not yet discover themselves. Having put my Affairs into this Kingdom, I had yet left sticking (as I may say) in my very Ribs one of Caesar's Murderers, to wit, Decimus Brutus, who commanded a great Army in a very commodious Province; and because I knew him capable of Action, that I might remove him thence by some fair pretence, I made an offer in the Senate to give him Macedon in recom∣pence, after having drawn thence the Legions. The Senate opposing it upon some mistrust they had of my designs, and many of that Body having

writ many things as you know to Decimus, be sides that they were ready to stir up against me the Consuls, for the next year I took a resolution to speak no more of it to the Senate, but to demand this Province from the People, and to make the Macedonian Army pass over to Brundusium, to employ them in things necessary, and I hope yet by the assistance of the Gods to make use of them to the advantage of my Affairs when oc∣casion requires. Thus from the fear wherein we formerly were, we have reached that security we desired, and a condition to strike terrour into our Enemies, though when we first took up Arms many declared for them; yet now you see they repent of their sentences given in my favour, that they use all their endeavours to deprive me of the Government of Gaul granted me by the People. You know they continually write to Decimus, that they solicite the Consuls to cancel by sentence the Decree which gives me that Province. But for my part, resting assured on the assistance of the Gods, Protectors of my Country, on the sincerity of my intentions, and on your valour which made Caesar every where victo∣rious, I will employ all my soul and all my strength to revenge him. It was necessary, Fellow Soldiers, till now to keep these things secret; but since you ought to have share in all my Actions, and all my Designs, I am content to discover them to you, and you may communicate them to all those tied by the same interest, except only toCaesar, whose ingra∣titude I have already made proof of.

Anthony's officers become firmly perswaded by these words, that all the artifices he had made use of to deceive the Senate, proceeded only from the passion he had to destroy the Murderers. However, they prevailed with him to reconcile himself with Caesar, which he did in the Capitol.

[ IX] Some time after Anthony caused to be brought into an Assembly of his Friends some of his Guards, as if Caesar would have treated with them to murder him, whether it were a calumny, of whether he believed it indeed, or whether (having intelligence that Caesar had sent some People amongst his Troops) he imagined it was to make an attempt upon his life. The ru∣mour of this attempt was spread through the whole City, and raised a mighty Tumult, and the People were filled with great indignation; for some persons sounding more deeply into the business, saw well that Antho∣ny, though he was an Enemy to Caesar, yet was useful to him, because the Conspirators feared him, who, if he had been dead had been capable of enterprising any thing, especially supported as they were by the Senate, and this was the judgment of the wiser sort. But with the greather part of the multitude who beheld Caesar every day suffering a thousand wrongs it was no hard matter to believe the calumny, and they adjudged it an exe∣crable sign to make an attempt upon the person of a Consul. Upon the noise of it Caesar ran through all the Streets like a mad man, crying out, that on the contrary it was a plot laid by Anthony himself to rob him of the good opinion of the People, by whose favour he had hitherto subsisted. He went to Anthony's own Gates, crying the same thing, attesting the Gods, and making imprecations on himself, and requiring them to issue out his Process: and when no person came out of the House, I will, said he, make thy own Friends Iudges. And therewithal endeavoured to enter, but re∣pulsed, he began to complain, revile, and grow angry against those who hindred his entrance, telling them 'twas for fear he should convince Anthony

of calumny, and so retiring immediately, he protested before all the Peo∣ple, that if any mischief happened to him, it ought to be attributed to no∣thing else but the perfidiousness of Anthony. These words pronounced with vehemence changed the minds of the Multitude, and many began to repent themselves of the opinion they had entertained of him. Though some were doubtful which of the two to credit; and others affirmed 'twas all but a plot laid between themselves in the Temple where they were re∣conciled, that by a seeming Feud they might better surprise their Enemies: whilst others again said, that it was Anthony's invention only, that under this pretence he might encrease his Guards, and turn away the old Soldiers hearts from Caesar. At the same time intelligence was privately given to Caesar, that both the Army arrived at Brundusium and the old Soldiers di∣stributed into Colonies were incensed against Anthony, because he delayed the revenging of Caesar's death, which they offered to employ all their power to effect, and that upon this occasion the Consul was gone to Brun∣dusium, which obliged Caesar, who was fearful lest his Enemy returning to Rome which and Army might oppress him defenceless as he was, to take store of Money, and go into Campania to engage in his service those Colonies there settled by his Father. First Galatia, and then Silia situate on both sides of Capua gave him their word: and by advancing five hundred Drams to each Soldier he raised about ten thousand Men, who were not so well furnished as was requisite for the War, nor enrolled in Companies and Regiments, but marched all under one Standard as his Guards. And whereas those in the City were frightned before with the thoughts of An∣thony's return with an Army, hearing of Ceasar's coming at the Head of a∣nother; some were now afraid of both, others again were well satisfied with the imagination they might employ Caesar to defend them against An∣thony; and others again who had been witnesses of their reconciliation in the Capitol, believed all but a fiction, and that they were agreed together to joyn Forces, to the end, Anthony might seise on the Sovereign Authority, and Caesar revenge the death of his Father. In the heart of this Allarm, Carnutius Tribune of the People, Enemy to Anthony, and friend to Caesar, went out to meet his Friend, and understanding his intentions, came and assured the People that Caesar had took up Arms against none but Anthony his declared Enemy, and that to secure themselves from Anthony's Tyranny it was requisite to joyn with Caesar, the rather because in that Conjuncture they had no other Army. After this Remonstrance he caused Caesar, who had lodgd the night before in the Temple of Mars, fifteen Furlongs from Rome, to advance into the City, where, as soon as he was entred, he went and possessed himself of the Temple of Castor and Pollux, about which all the old Soldiers gathered together with their Swords under their Coats. There Carnutius having first made an invective againg Anthony in full As∣sembly, Caesar proceeded to put them in remembrance of his Father's Vir∣tues, and the injuries which himself had received from Anthony, to defend himself from which, and to secure his own person, he had been necessitated to raise an Army, which he promised to employ for his Countrys service wherever there should be an occasion, and particularly against Anthony, who was at present in Arms. After there Discourfes the People being re∣tired, the Soldiers, whose design of coming thither had been only the re∣conciliation of Caesar and Anthony, or at utmost to defend Caesar, and re∣venge the death of his Father, were amazed at his promising their service against Anthony, who had formerly been their General, and was at present Consul; whereupon some desired leave to return home, under pretence of

fetching their Arms, because they could ill do Service with other Arms than those they had been used to; others spoke openly what they thought. Caesar seeing the matter succeeded quite contrary to his expectation, was somewhat startled: Yet hoping to gain them rather by fair means than force, he granted what they desired; sending some home to fetch their Arms, and dismissing others without any condition. Though this Acci∣dent infinitely troubled him, he kept all to himself; and instead of seeming concerned at it, thanking them for the Assistance they had given him, made them a Present of more Money, promising to be more liberal for the future; because if any Accident happened which might oblige him to make use of an Army, he had rather confide in them as his Father's Friends, than em∣ploy other Soldiers. This Carriage might, one would think, have won them; and yet of ten thousand that they were, only one thousand, or as o∣thers say, three thousand (for the number is not certain) stayed with him, and all the rest went their way. However, some, after considering the toil of the Plough, and the Profits they had received, and what they hoped for the future, as Vulgar Spirits are subject to Change, they repented them∣selves; and laying hold of the plausible pretence of being only come home to fetch their Arms, of their own mere motion they all returned armed to Caesar; who having taken more Money with him, was gone to Ravenna and the neighbouring places; where he incessantly listed Men, daily increasing his Forces: whose Rendezvouz he appointed at Aresia.* 19.1

[ X] Mean time of the five Legions that were in Macedon, four were come to the Consul, who angred that he had so long delayed revenging Caesar's death, brought him without any Acclamations to the Tribunal, as if before all o∣ther things they would be satisfied in the reasons of this delay. He offended at their silence, could not forbear reproaching them of ingratitude, in not considering how much more advantagious it was for them to bear Arms in Italy, than against the Parthians. He complained likewise that they had not brought him those Disturbers of the Peace which that young Giddy∣brains (for so he called Caesar) had sent amongst them; whom, however, he himself should find out: That as for his Army, he was going to lead them into the happy Province of Gaul, the Government of which he had obtain∣ed, and would give to every Soldier one hundred Drams. They all burst out a laughing at the meanness of this promise; at which he appearing of∣fended, the Tumult increased, and all began to leave him. Whereupon, rising up himself, he only said these words, You shall learn to obey. And hereupon he after gave Command to the Tribunes to bring him the Roll of the Mutineers (for in the Roman Armies every Soldier is enrolled in his Or∣der) that he might decimate them according to Military Discipline. How∣ever, he punished not every tenth Man, but only put a part of them to death, thinking to terrifie them a little; though by this Action he raised more their anger than their fear. Caesar's people whom he had sent to corrupt the Le∣gions, observing this discontent in the Army, began afresh to scatter abroad their Libels, by which they displayed to the Soldiers the Cruelty and Ava∣rice of Anthony; and withal, representing to them the Clemency of the first Caesar, invited them to make tryal of the Liberality of the young Man. And though the Consul proposed great Rewards to those who discovered them, and threatned with exemplary Punishment such as harbored them, he could get no advice who they were; which infinitely troubled him, as doubting the whole Army had intelligence with them. Soon after upon the report brought him of Caesar's proceedings in the Colonies and at Rome, he

was more concerned, and came forth once more to speak to the Soldiers. He said, It troubled him that he had been forced to punish some, though it had been fewer than Military Discipline required, and that they knew well that An∣thony was neither covetous nor cruel. But, said he, let us talk no more of A∣versions, or Faults, or Punishments; we will forget all that is past. And as for the hundred Drams a Head I promised you, I would not have you think I meant it as a Donative, that were below the Fortune of Anthony; you shall re∣ceive that only as an Earnest of my Favour at our first Meeting, but remember that both now and hereafter I desire you would obey me according to the Roman Law of War. After having made an end of speaking he gave them not any thing more, lest he should seem to prejudice his Quality of General by yiel∣ding too much to his Army; And they likewise acquiesced in the promises he made them, either as repenting of what they had done, or out of fear; yet he changed their Officers, either because they had encouraged the Muti∣ny, or out of some suspition he had of them: But as for the Soldiers, he treated them afterwards more favourably in all occasions they had to petiti∣on him. He caused them to march along the Sea-Coasts towards Rimini one after another; but for himself, having chosen out the properest and brisk∣est Men he could find among all the Legions, and formed them into a* 19.2 Re∣giment of Guards; he took his way towards Rome, from thence intending to go meet the Legions. Being come nigh to Rome he quartered his Horse in the Suburbs, and with his Foot entred the City in a posture as if he had an Enemy to engage; causing them to keep Guard about his House, and giv∣ing the Word, and dividing the Watches as if he had been in the Field. Soon after having summoned a Senate to make his Complaint of Caesar's En∣terprizes, News was brought him to the Palace Gate that one of the four Legions, called the Legion of Mars, was revolted to that young Captain. Whereupon, being at a stand, and perplexed in mind, another Messenger came to tell him that the fourth Legion had followed the Martial▪ Which ti∣dings put him into such a fright, that only entring the Palace as though he had called together the Fathers for some other reasons, he said little to them, but speedily going out of the City, marched directly towards Alba, to en∣deavour to regain those that had deserted his Party; but seeing they shot at him from the Walls, he sent five hundred Drams a Man to the rest; and brought those Forces he had, with all his Train of Munition ordinarily used in War, to Tivoli, for the War was already declared, Decimus having refu∣sed to part with Gaul.

He had not been long at Tivoli, but almost all the Senate, a great part of [ XI] the Knights, and many of the most considerable of the People came to com∣plement and give him Testimonies of their Good Will. And as there he was administring the Oath to the Soldiers he had with him, and likewise to the Veterans, a great number of which were come voluntarily to joyn with him, they of their own accord swore with the rest, and promised him Fide∣lity; so that it seemed a wonder where those Men were who a little before had so fiercely declaimed against him in the presence of Caesar. Thus An∣thony magnificently accompanied, advanced towards Rimini, a City scitu∣ate on the Entrance into Gaul. Besides his new Levies, he had three Mace∣donian Legions (for the fifth was now arrived) and a great number of Vete∣rans, whom he esteemed as much again as his new Soldiers. So that he found his Strength to consist in four Legions, all tryed Men, with their Horse and Light-armed Foot; without reckoning the Regiment of Guards, and the Soldiers newly entertained. Besides, Lepidus was in Spain with

four Legions, Asinius Pollio with two, and Plancus in the Transalpine Gaul with three; all which would in all appearance side with Anthony. As for Caesar, his Force consisted of those two Legions revolted from Anthony, one of the new Soldiers, and two of Veterans, which would not have been compleat, had he not filled them up with New. Having rendezvouzed them at Alba, he gave advice thereof to the Senate, who extremely rejoyced at it; so that now again it was hard to find out the Men that had accompanied Anthony. Not but that they were troubled that these Legions had not rather yielded to themselves than to Caesar. However, after having applauded their Good Will, and that of the other Legions, they promised that as soon as the new Magistrates were entred upon their Charge they would employ them in such things as should be effectually for the Good of the Republick. Now it was apparent their hopes were to employ these Forces against Anthony, having no other particular Army, nor having power to raise one without the Au∣thority of the Consuls; wherefore they temporized till such time as the new Officers were entred upon the Management of Affairs. Mean time Caesar's Soldiers offered him Axes and Lictors; beseeching him to take the Title of Propretor, and command them in that Quality, because they were accusto∣med to pay their Obedience to Magistrates. He much applauded them for the Honour they would have conferred on him, but remitted the matter to the Senate's discretion. Nor could all the Entreaties they made him prevail with him to consent, but so far as that they might send Deputies to Rome a∣bout it; telling them, The Senate will of themselves the more willingly confer upon me this Dignity when they shall hear that you offered it me, and I would not accept it. At length, though with much difficulty, he prevailed over them. And when the Officers complained to him that it was a kind of de∣spising them, he gave them these reasons for his Conduct. The Senate de∣clares on my side, not out of any kindness to me, but because they are afraid of Anthony, and have at present no Army; they only wait till Anthony be defea∣ted, and that the Murderers of my Father, who are Kindred and Friends to most of the Senate, have drawn together their Forces; which being so easie to be perceived, I dissemble a Submission to them, and it is requisite they should pre∣serve that Opinion of me: But should I usurp the Title of Magistrate, they would accuse me of Treason and Violence, whilst governing my self with modesty, they will perhaps of their own motion give it me for fear lest I should accept it from you. Having spoken in this manner, he went to see the two revolted Legions exercise; who performed one against the other all that could be practised in a Fight, except killing, in such an excellent manner, that Caesar was infinitely pleased with the sight of it; and taking thence occasion to ex∣ercise his Liberality, he gave once more to every Soldier five hundred Drams, with promise that in case there was a necessity of their engaging in Fight, and he gained the Victory, he would give them each five thousand; by which Bounty he engaged them to attempt any thing for his Service.

[ XII] Mean time Anthony being marched into Gaul, had sent his Commands to Decimus to go for Macedon, according to the Decree of the People, and for his own safety. Whereupon Decimus sent him the Senate's Letters, and Word withal, that Decimus ought no less obedience to the Orders of the Se∣nate, than did Anthony to the Decrees of the People. And when Anthony had fixed a day, on which if he departed not the Province he would treat him as an Enemy, Decimus desired him to prolong that time, for fear lest before that himself might be declared Enemy of his Country. After this, though Anthony might easily have defeated Decimus his Army, which now

kept the Field, yet he chose rather to go about to the Cities, not any of which refused him their Gates. Whereupon Decimus, afraid lest he should find none to give him entrance, feigned to have received Orders from the Senate to return with his Army to Rome, and took his March towards Italy. All the Cities in his way received him as only pretending to pass through; but when he came to Modena, a Noble City, he shut the Gates, seized on the Stores of the Inhabitants for Provisions for his Army, killed and salted up all the Baggage Horse for the same use in case the length of the Siege op∣pressed him: And now become Master of a great number of Gladiators, and three Legions; one of which were New Levied Men, and the other two having served formerly under him, very affectionate to him, he in that Post expected Anthony; who presently came in great rage before the place, and began to work in the Circumvallation of it. Decimus being in this man∣ner besieged, the very first day of the next Year the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, after the usual Sacrifices, assembled the Senate in the same Temple, to consult about the Affairs with Anthony. There Cicero and those of his Cabal advised the declaring him an Enemy to his Country, for that he had seized by force, and in despight of the Senate, of Gaul, to the end he might fortifie himself against his Country; and for having drawn into Italy that Army they had given him Command of against the Thracians. They added, that he aspired to Supreme Dominion after Cesar; having been pub∣lickly attended through the City by Soldiers as Guards of his Body, having fortifyed his House like a Cittadel; and in summ, behaved himself in many things with more Pride and Insolence than became a Magistrate, whose Power was to continue but a Year. But L. Piso, one of the most conside∣rable Citizens of Rome, who had Charge of Anthony's Affairs in his absence, with others, Friends to him or Anthony, or else seriously thinking what they spoke; said, That they ought first to Cite him to stand to a Tryal, and not condemn a Roman Citizen without a Hearing. Besides, that it would be a shameful thing to declare that Man Enemy to his Country to day, who had yesterday been Consul; especially after such publick Applauses of so many several Persons, and even of Cicero himself. Thus the Senate spent that day in debate, without concluding any thing. The next Morning the Fathers assembled very early in the Palace, where Ciecro's Party proved the strong∣er; so that Anthony was upon the point of being declared Enemy by Decree, if Salvius, Tribune of the People, had not hindred, and put a stop to the Af∣fair; for among these Officers, he whose Voice opposes carries it. Cicero's Party fretted at these Proceedings, bitterly reviled him; and running to the place to stir up the Multitude against him, assigned him to give in the Reasons of his Opposition before the People. He went without any fear; but the Senate hindred him out of a doubt left he should pervert the People by putting them in mind of Anthony. For the Fathers knew well they con∣demned an Illustrious Person without bringing him to a Tryal; and that the Province, for the Usurpation of which they condemned him, had been gi∣ven him by the People: Only their fear for the Conspirators made them bear ill Will to Anthony, who had frustrated the Indempnity granted them by the Senate; and for this reason they had joyned with the young Caesar against him: To which Caesar, who perceived their intentions, had easily consented, being willing first to get rid of Anthony. But though the Senate were thus animated against him, they delayed giving Judgment because of the Opposition of the Tribune. Notwithstanding, a Sentence passed by which they approved the Action of Decimus, in not delivering up Gaul to Anthony: To which they added, that joyntly with Hirtius and Pansa, Caesar

should command the Forces he already had; that a Statue of Gold should be erected for him; that for the future he should have a Voice among Per∣sons of Consular Degree, and have Right to demand the Consulate ten Years before the time prescribed by the Laws; and that the Donative Caesar had promised to the two Legions revolted from Anthony if they gained the Vi∣ctory, should be payed out of the publick Treasury. These things thus a∣greed on, the Senate broke up as if Anthony had in effect been declared E∣nemy, and that the Tribune could find nothing more to say on the morrow. But Anthony's Mother, Wife and Son (yet very young) with their Friends and Domesticks, run about all night to the Houses of the Senators, to solicite them in his behalf. And Day being come, they plucked them by the Robe as they passed along to the Senate; and all together in mourning Habit, as the Fathers entred the Palace, cast themselves at their Feet before the Gate, weeping and lamenting like despairing Persons. So that these sad Objects and this suddain Change had already stirred up a Sence of Pity in the Breasts of most of the Judges; when Cicero fearing the Success of the Affair, spoke to them in this manner.

The Oration of Cicero.

We passed yesterday what we had to decree in the Case of Anthony; for by declaring his Enemies worthy of Honour and Recompence, we have ta∣citely declared him Enemy to his Country. As for Salvius, who alone opposes, it follows, that either he is wiser than us all, or that he does it out of Friendship, or else understands not the present state of Affairs. Now it were a shameful thing to have all of us together thought to have less Wisdom than one single Man, and it would prove dishonourable to Salvius to prefer a private Friendship before pub∣lick Good; we are then to believe that he knows not the state of Affairs: but he ought not to give credit to his own Iudgment before that of so many Consuls, Pre∣tors, Tribunes, his Colleagues, and all the rest of the Senators; who being so nu∣merous, and so great Men both for Age and Experience, known Anthony better than Salvius can do; for in all Iudgments, that Sentence that is carried by most Voices ought to be esteemed most just. However, if he still have a desire to hear now the Reasons of our Iudgment, I will repeat the principal of them in few words. Anthony has seized himself of our Treasure after the death of Caesar: Having obtained from us the Government of Macedon, he is marched into Gaul without the Senate's Order: We gave him an Army to oppose the Thracians, and he, instead of employing it against them, has brought it into Italy against our selves: And has done things by his own Authority after having, to put a Cheat upon us, asked our consent, and been denyed it by the Iudgment of all the World. Being at Brundusium he took a Regiment of Guards like a King, and has been publickly attended by his Soldiers through the City, placed Guards about his House, and given them the Word, as in time of War: He had likewise ordered the rest of his Forces hither; and was putting himself in a posture of doing with more ve∣hemence than the first Caesar the same things that he had done. But being pre∣vented by the young Caesar, who had another Army, he was afraid, and went to possess himself of Gaul, as on a Province convenient for his designs; from whence Caesar fell into Italy, and made himself Master of us and the Republick. To these ends it is he terrifies the Soldiers with his Cruelty, to make them obedient to whatever he has a mind to; to this end he decimated not Mutineers nor Run-a-ways,

on whom only the Law admits that Punishment to be inflicted, and which few Commanders have done but in dangerous Wars and in extreme necessity; whilst he for a fit of laughter puts Citizens to death, not the Guilty, but the Un∣fortunate. This Cruelty has occasioned those who could escape to leave him (and yesterday you decreed them Recompence as for a good Action) and those who are yet stayed with him do it for fear, and now by his Orders plunder your Province, and besiege your Army and your Pretor, to whom you have written that he should stay in the Province; and Anthony will have him thence. Why do we not then with Alacrity declare Anthony our Enemy, who already makes War upon us? But this is what the Tribune will not know, till such time as he has defeated Decimus, and made himself Master, together with that great Province which lies so near us, of Decimus his Army; with hopes thereby more easily to oppress us. Then perhaps the Tribune will consent that he should be declared Enemy; but he would have us stay till he be too powerful for us.

Cicero having spoken in this manner, his Friends began to make such a noise, that it was impossible for any to be heard that would answer him, till Piso rose up; out of respect to whom, not only the rest of the Senators, but even Cicero's Party kept silence, and then he declared himself in these terms.

The Oration of Piso.

THe Laws (Conscript Fathers) require that the Accused should hear his Ac∣cusation [ XIII] impleaded before him; and after having made answer, expect his Sentence: This is what Cicero, that mighty Accuser, cannot deny me. Where∣fore, since he has not accused Anthony of any thing while he was present, but would now value himself upon this opportunity of his absence to blacken him with a mul∣titude of Crimes, I present my self to make appear the falsity of his Accusations; which I hope to do in few words. In the first place he says that after Caesar's death, Anthony seized upon the publick Moneys; but the Laws have ordained particular Punishments for Thieves, but never declared them Enemies to their Country. Besides, Brutus having slain Caesar accused him in a publick Assem∣bly of the People of having wasted the Publick Treasure, and drained dry the Ex∣chequer. Some time after Anthony ordered an Inquisition to be made; you ap∣proved his Ordinance, and promised the tenth Penny to the Discoverers; and we submit our selves to pay double if any one can convict Anthony of having been a Partner in that Crime. So much for what concerns the Publick Moneys. As for the Government of Gaul, it is true you did not give it to Anthony; but he obtained it by Decree of the People in the presence of Cicero, as others obtained other Provinces, and as Caesar himself obtained the same. It is ordered by the same Decree, that if Decimus refuse to part with Gaul, Anthony may have li∣berty to constrain him by force; and to employ to that end the Army designed a∣gainst the Thracians, provided they made no attempt on Macedon. But Cicero accounts not Decimus an Enemy, who is in Arms against the Ordinance of the People; and yet would have Anthony be so, whom the People ordered to make this War. So that blaming the Decree, he blames the Authors; but he ought ra∣ther then to have disswaded them, than now revile them having given his consent to it; he ought rather to have prevented the giving that Government to Deci∣mus

whom the People had chased hence as a Murderer, than deprive Anthony whom they had gratified. In summ, it is some imprudence to oppose the Ordinan∣ces of the People in such a perillous time, without remembring that in the begin∣ning of the Commonwealth they were Iudges of these things, and declared Friends of Enemies whom they thought worthy; for by the Ancient Laws the People were the sole Arbiters of Peace and War. And there is no doubt but had they a Head, they would reassume this Authority, and absolutely deprive us of it. But Anthony has put to death his Soldiers; he has acted according to the Power given him by your Commission: Nor did there ever General give account of such matters to any Man; for the Legislators never thought it for the Commonwealth's Advantage, that a General should own his Soldiers for Iudges of his Actions: Besides, nothing is more dangerous in an Army than Soldiers Contempt of their Comman∣der, which has proved the destruction of many in the midst of Victory. Besides, none of the Kindred of the decimated either have or do yet complain, and yet Ci∣cero accuses him of Man-slaughter; and not content with the usual Punishment of that Crime, treats him as a publick Enemy: Yet constantly affirms he has un∣dergone strange affronts from his Soldiers, in that two Legions whom you com∣manded to obey him, deserted him contrary to the Law of War; not to yield them∣selves to you, but to Caesar. Notwithstanding all which, Cicero thinks their Action good, and yesterday advised they might be rewarded at the Expence of the Publick. God grant the Example may not one day prove dreadful: but however it be, Cicero's Heat and Animosity has carried him to a manifest Contradiction; for he at once accuses Anthony of aspiring to the Tyranny, and of ill treating his Soldiers: And certain it is, that those who pretend to usurp the Sovereign Power, instead of ill treating Military Men, do all they can to gain their favour. However, since he has had the confidence to impose this Calumny upon Anthony, that following Caesar's steps, he aimed at the Tyranny, let us examine all his A∣ctions particularly. Has he put any one to death without due Process, as Tyrants use to do; he, who is himself in danger of being condemned without being heard? Has he chased out of the City, or calumniously accused any Person before you? And is there any appearance he that has done no private Wrong, should attempt Publick? But pray Cicero, when was this done? Was it when he published the Indempnity; or when he proposed the recalling the Son of your Pompey, and making good to him his Father's Estate out of the Publick Moneys? or when he caused to be arrested and put to death the false Marius, who troubled our Peace; for which he was praised by all the Senate? (and, my Lords of the Senate, this is the only Action Cicero durst not blame, because you applauded it.) Or, in fine, was it when he passed that Decree, by which it is prohibited to make Dictators? For this is the Summ of all his Management of Publick Affairs during the two Months which after Caesar's death he stayed in the City; during which the People sometimes sought for the Murderers to put them to death, and you your selves were often in fear and trouble of what might arrive; had he then been an ill Citi∣zen, could he ever expect a Conjuncture more favourable to his Designs? But he never abused that Power and Charge of the Consulship: How so? Has not he [ XII] alone governed the Commonwealth, Dolobella being gone for Syria? Kept he not armed Men about him for his security, which you your selves appointed? Kept he not a Guard by Night in the City, even about his own House; which yet was only done to warrant him from the Ambushes of his Enemies? Had he not a fair apportunity upon the death of Caesar his Friend, his Benefactor, beloved by all the People? And did there not one yet fairer present it self when he entertai∣ned Guards to defend his life against those Murderers that attempted his, though he never put to death or banished one of them; yet still he pardoned them so far as in civility he could, nor ever hindred the giving of them Governments. These

(Conscript Fathers) are the great Crimes, the manifest Crimes wherewith Cicero accuses him. Nor is he content to make Anthony's Actions only pass for Crimes. He divines, and says, he had designed to bring his Army into the City, but that he was afraid of Caesar, who had already with another Army possessed it. How comes he then who had only designed it to be an Enemy to his Country, whilst he that had really done it, and does in a manner still hold us besieged, is none? Or why did not he come if he had designed it, unless being at the Head of thirty thou∣sand well disciplined Men, he were afraid of three thousand disordered an disar∣med, which were then with Caesar; and who were only come to reconcile them to∣gether, and left him as soon as they knew he would employ them in a War? Or if he durst not come with thirty thousand Men, how happened he to come afterwards accompanied only with a thousand; With whom, when he went from Rome to Ti∣voli, how many of us did attend him? How many swore Fidelity to him without being required? And what Applause did Cicero himself give him? In short, had he designed any thing against his Country, why left he with us those Hostages yet at this Palace Gate, his Mother, his Wife, and his Son; who are at present weeping for fear, not of the Accusations brought against him, but of the power of his Enemies? Thus much I thought convenient, to make you understand the Innocence of Anthony, and the Inconstancy of Cicero: and have now nothing more to say, but to exhort all good Men not to offend the People, nor do Injustice to Anthony, for fear of such trouble as may ensue to the City, the Commonwealth being yet so weakly established, that it is ready to relapse into its first disorders, if not timely relieved. However, it is my opinion, that we secure to our selves Forces for the Defence of the City before any Attempt be made upon us from a∣broad. Then you may take order for such things as are necessary, and decree what you judge convenient, when it shall be in your power to put those Decrees in Exe∣cution. But how is this to be done? You need only leave to Anthony the Province given him by the People; and after having recalled Decimus with his three Legions hither, send him to Maccdon, and keep his Army. And if those two Legions revolted from Anthony, have submitted to us, as Cicero affirms, let us withdraw them from Caesar, and order their Return to the City. Thus ha∣ving five Legions at our dispose, we may issue what Orders we think requisite with∣out courting the grace or favour of any Man. This I speak to those who listen to me without envy or hatred. As for those who suffer themselves to be transported by their Passions and particular Animosities, I exhort them not to give too rash Iudgment against Great Men, and Commanders of great Armies, lest we force them to make War upon us: Let them remember Marcus Coriolanus, or rather what so lately happened to us in the Person of Caesar, who likewise commanded an Army. He offered us reasonable Conditions; yet we by rashly declaring him Enemy, forced him indeed to become his Country's Foe. Let them likewise consi∣der the interest of the People; who having been so lately enraged against Caesar's Murderers, may well think themselves despised when we give those their Provin∣ces; and praising Decimus, who would not submit to their Decree, declare An∣thony Enemy, because he from them required the Government of Gaul. In short, I exhort all honest minded Men to reduce others to reason, and do be∣seech the Consuls and Tribunes to appear more affectionate in providing against those Evils wherewith the Commonwealth is threatned.

Thus spake Piso for Anthony; and doubtless, his reproaching of Cicero [ XIV] and the terror he imprinted in Men's minds were the cause he was not de∣clared Enemy. However, he could not prevail with them to leave him the Government of Gaul, for the Kindred and Friends of the Conspirators

prevented it. They feared left Anthony being at Peace, might reconcile himself with Caesar, to revenge the death of his Father; and therefore did all they could to foment their Division. It was therefore decreed to offer him Macedon instead of Gaul; and as for the other Orders of the Senate, the Fathers either over-reached or designing it, gave Commission to Cicero to put them in writing, and send them to him. He drew them up after his own fancy in these Terms: That Anthony should forthwith raise his Siege before Modena, foregoing Gaul to Decimus, at a limited day repass the Rubicon, which divides Gaul from Italy, and submit himself to the Autho∣rity of the Senate. Cicero sent these Commands in this spiteful manner to Anthony, contrary to the Senate's intention: Yet did he it not out of any particular hate, but seemed dictated by Fortune, which had determined to change the Face of the Republick, and to ruin Cicero. And this happened at the same time that the Remains of Trebonius Body were brought to the City; and that the Senate understanding how infamously he had been trea∣ted, forthwith declared Dolobella Enemy to his Country. The Commissi∣oners sent to Anthony, ashamed to have brought him so insolent a Com∣mand, delivered it into his hands without saying a word. At sight of it he fell into a rage, and uttered many violent expressions against the Senate, but especially aginst Cicero: That it amazed him that Caesar, who had done such mighty Services for the Roman Empire, should be esteemed a Tyrant and a King; and that Men should not have the same opinion of Cicero, who having been made Prisoner of War by Caesar, and by him released without any dammage or affront, preferred now his Murderers before his Friends. He who hated Decimus whilst he was Caesar's Friend; now he is become his Murderer, favours the same Decimus who had received the Government of Gaul from the same Caesar, and declares him Enemy who held it of the People.

The Oration of Anthony.

THe Senate having given me some Legions (said he) Cicero decrees Rewards to the Revolters, and corrupts those stand firm in their duty; whereby he wrongs not me so much as he does Military Discipline. He granted the Amnesty to Murderer, to which I consented for the sake of two Men I respected, and de∣clares Anthony and Dolobella Enemies for holding what has been granted them; for no other reason is there: And if I would quite Gaul, I should no lon∣ger be either Enemy to my Country, or Affector of Tyranny. But I protest to o∣verthrow that Indempnity, with which they will not rest content.

Anthony having vented many such passionate things, wrote in Answer to the Senate, that he submitted to their Authority for the Affection he bore his Country: But as for Cicero, who had himself composed the Order sent him, he answered him in these Terms: The People having by their Decree given me the Government of Gaul, have likewise given me leave if Decimus would not yield it up, to force him to it; and in his Person to punish all the rest of the Murderers; and by his death purge the Senate of a Crime of which they are par∣takers because Cicero abets it. Upon report made to the Senate of what An∣thony had said and writ, they at that very instant not only declared him Ene∣my,

but his Army likewise, if they immediately left him not: And to Mar∣cus Brutus they gave Macedonia and Illyria, with the Forces yet remaining in those Provinces, till such time as the Commonwealth were setled. He had already a particular Army, besides some Forces he had received from Apuleius: He had likewise some Shipping, as well Galleys as Vessels of Burthen; about sixteen thousand Talents of Silver, and a great quantity of Arms found at Demetriade, where Caesar had long before layed up his Stores: of which the Senate had by Decree given him the Disposition, with power to employ what he judged necessary for the good of his Country. They likewise conferred on Cassius the Government of Syria, with Commission to make War upon Dolobella, and Command to all the Provinces depending on the Roman Empire, from the Ionian Sea to the East, to obey the Orders of Brutus and Cassius. Thus in a short time without much labour their Par∣ty grew prodigiously powerful. This News coming to Caesar's ear strange∣ly perplexed him: He thought the Amnesty granted by the Fathers had some colour of humanity and compassion to their Relations and Peers in Dignity; that those lesser Governments given them were only for their se∣curity: And he observed that only to maintain Decimus in Gaul, they accu∣sed Anthony of aspiring to the Tyranny, and by the same invention engaged himself to take the contrary Party. But when he saw they had declared Dolobella Enemy for destroying one of those who had slain his Father; that they had given Brutus and Cassius absolute power in many great Pro∣vinces, and several Armies, with vast Summs of Money, and power to raise more among all they commanded beyond the Ionian Sea, he no longer doubted but it was their design to ruin Caesar's Party, and re-••stablish that of Pompey. He likewise now plainly perceived, that by their Cunning they had made the Young Man of him; that they had given him a Statue, with the Right of Precedency, and Quality of a Pro-Pretor, but that in∣deed they had stripped him of his Army; for where the Consuls command together, the Pretor is nothing. In short, that having only given Rewards to the Legions that deserted Anthony, it was a scorn of the rest of his Army; and in the conclusion the War must needs turn to his dishonour, the Senate only serving their own ends upon him till they were rid of Anthony. Upon these thoughts which he discovered to none, he sacrificed as it is usual to do upon the Entrance into any Charge; and that done, spoke thus to his Army. I believe (Fellow Soldiers) that it is from you I hold that Office which I this day receive, and as the Effects of your former Offer; for the Senate had not given it me but that you desired it: Wherefore know, that to you I owe the whole Obligation, and will testifie it abundantly if the Gods favour my designs. These obliging words he spoke to gain the Hearts of the Soldiery. As for the Consuls, Pansa went to raise Forces in some Corners of Italy, and Hirtius came to Caesar to make Division of their Forces. He had received private Orders from the Senate to demand for his Portion those two Legions that had deserted Anthony, knowing them to be the most considerable part of the Army; which Caesar yielding to, after the Division made they went to take up their Winter Quarters together. Towards the end of Winter De∣cimus being sorely oppressed with Famine, Hirtius and Caesar marched sud∣dainly to Modena, to raise the Siege; but finding Anthony too well intren∣ched, they durst not attempt forcing the Lines till Pansa were come up to them. There happened mean while some Horse-Skirmishes, in which An∣thony, though much stronger in Cavalry, got not much advantage by rea∣son of the many Brooks that crossed the Country. Affairs being in this posture at Modena, Cicero, because of the Consul's absence, strove to gain

the people of the City by frequent Assemblies, making provision of Arms, which the Artificers furnished gratis, and raising Monies, in the levying which, he made Anthony's Friends pay excessive Contributions; yet they payed them without grumbling, for fear of exposing themselves to Ca∣lumny, till such time as Pub. Ventidius, who had been an Officer under Caesar, and was now Anthony's Friend, no longer able to endure the perse∣cution, went to Caesar's Colonies, where he was known, and raised two Legions for Anthony, with which he marched towards the City, design∣ing to seise upon Cicero. He put all into such a fright, that many sent a∣way their Wives and Children, as if they had been in utter despair, and Cicero himself retired; which Ventidius having notice of, advanced towards Modena to joyn with Anthony, but his way being cut off by Hirtius and Caesar, he turned into the Country of* 22.1 Picenum, where he raised another Legion, waiting to see which way Affairs would go.

[ XV] Now Pansa drawing nigh to Modena, Hirtius and Caesar sent Carsuleius to meet him with Caesar's Regiment of Guards, and the Legions of Mars, to secure his passage through the Straits. Anthony had forbore to seise on them, lest thereby he might put a stop to his great design, which was to come to a Battel; wherefore not expecting any great effects from his Horse in a Marshy Plain full of Ditches; as soon as he had notice of Carsuleiu's March, he placed two of his best Legions in ambush in the Marishes, on each side of a narrow Causway, over which the Enemies were to pass, Carsuleius having crossed the Straits by night, and in the Morning early the Legion of Mars with five Cohorts being entred upon the Causway, on which there was not a Man stirring, looking upon the Marishes on both sides of them, they perceived the Bushes to wag, which gave them some su∣spicion, and soon after the brightness of the Shields and Helmets dazling their eyes, they forthwith beheld Anthony's Regiment of Guards coming to charge them. The Legionary Soldiers perceiving themselves surrounded, so that they could not make their retreat, obliged the new Soldiers to stand Spectators of the Fight, without engaging, lest their want of experience should breed disorder in the Bustle; and to Anthony's Guards they opposed Caesar's, for themselves they divided into two Bodies, one commanded by Pansa, the other by Carsuleius, and thus parted, went each into his side of the Marish: so that in the two Marishes were fought two Battels, so near, that nothing but the Causway hindred the one from seeing what the other did, besides the third which was fought by the Guards on the Causway it self. Anthony's Soldiers burnt with a desire of revenging themselves on the Legions as Traytors and Runaways; and the Martials were no less eager to have satisfaction for the injury they had done them in suffering their Com∣panions to be put to death at Brundusium, and knowing well that in them consisted the principal force of both Armies, they hoped by this one Fight to put an end to the War. The one Party were incited by the shame it would prove to them, being two Legions, to be worsted by one; and the other spurred on by the hopes of the Glory they should obtain, if, being but one Legion, they defeated two. Thus pressed forward by mutual hate, and considering more their own Honour than their Generals Interest, they fought for themselves: and being all old Soldiers they began not the Fight with a shout to frighten their Enemy, nor in the heat of the Fight did any let drop a word, whether he fell or overcame, and not having by reason of the Ditches in the Marish any room either to wheel or gain ground, they kept firm footing without making any retreat, so that griping one the o∣ther

like Wrestlers, they struck not a blow but did it's execution, the ground was covered with wounded and dying persons, not crying out, or groaning for grief of their wounds, but sighing that they could do no more: as soon as one fell, another supplyed his place: there was no need of advi∣sing or encouraging them, for by reason of their long experience every man was his own Captain; and when they found themselves quite tired like Wrestlers in the Gymnick Games they stood staring on each other to gain a little Breath, and then fell on afresh, to the great astonishment of the young Soldiers, to see them do such brave things, and with so much stedfastness keep their Ranks, in so profound a silence. At length having done on all parts Acts more than humane, Caesar's Guards were all cut in pieces, as for the Legion of Mars, that part commanded by Carsuleius, gave some ground to the Legion that opposed them, yet not with dishonour, but by little and little, making a fair retreat. Those who fought under Pansa were in like manner oppressed by their Opponents, yet so as they couragiously defend∣ed themselves, till such time as the Consul receiving a wound with a Pile in the Thigh, was carried off the Field to Bolonia. Then they began to re∣tire by little and little, and after that somewhat faster, almost flying out∣right; which as soon as the young Soldiers observed, they took their flight in disorder towards an Entrenchment which the Quaestor Torquatus had caused to be raised to serve in case of necessity. Here whilst the rest were yet fighting, these young Soldiers shut up themselves in a strange fright and confusion, though they were Italians as well as the Martialists; so much does Exercise and Discipline more than Birth contribute to the ma∣king Men valiant. The Martialists would not enter the Intrenchment for fear of blasting their Glory, but went and planted themselves at some di∣stance thence, where, wearied as they were, they stood expecting a fresh Charge, resolved to defend themselves to the last gasp; whereupon An∣thony judging it would be too hard a task to vanquish them, turned upon the new raised Forces, of whom he made a horrible Slaughter. Hirtius, who was in the Confines of Modena, about sixty Furlongs from the place where this Battel was fought, hearing the news, made all the speed he could thither with the other revolted Legion, and as towards Evening Anthony's Men were returning singing for the Victory, he surprised them in disorder, with his Legion fresh, and in a posture of fighting; they drew into the best order of Battel they could, and again acted wonders, but at length quite tired they gave ground, yet the greatest part of them were left upon the place. Hirtius would not pursue the others, for fear of engaging himself in the Marishes, besides, night came on, so he caused the Retreat to be sounded. The whole Marish was covered with Arms, dead, dying and wounded Men, and some that were fallen among the rest only out of pure weariness, wherefore Anthony's Cavalry spent the night in gathering up the Wracks of their Party, causing some to mount on their led Horses, others to get up behind them, and perswading others to take hold of their Horse tail to help them in marching, that they might the sooner get off. And Anthony being after so brave a Fight defeated by Hirtius, went and lodged at a Village near the Field of Battel, called the Market of the Gauls, whore there was no Intrenchment: on either side near half the Army was lost, with all Caesar's Regiment of Guards. Hirtius lost few, and on the morrow they all retired into their Camps before Modena. Anthony after this loss resolved not to fight, though the Enemy should provoke him, but to weary them with frequent Skirmishes, till such time as Decimus oppres∣sed with Famine should be constrained to yield. Hirtius and Caesar on the

contrary were the more eager to engage, and because they could not draw Anthony to a Battel, they raised their Camp to go on the other side of Mo∣dena, where the Trenches were weaker by reason of the situation of the place, resolving to force the Lines, and so gain an entrance into the City. Anthony sent forth his Horse only, against which likewise they sent only theirs, and held on the March with the rest of the Army: insomuch that Anthony fearing to lose Modena, drew out against them two Legions whom they made a halt for, and so had a Battel as they desired. Thereupon An∣thony sent for his other Forces, but by reason they expected not this Al∣larm, and were quartered at some distance from the place of Battel, they could not come so suddenly but that the Enemy had first gained a Victory. Hirtius in person entred Anthony's Camp, and bravely fighting before the Generals Tent, was slain, Caesar coming in brought off his Body, and made himself Master of the Camp; but being soon beat out again by Anthony, they each stood all night in Arms. Anthony having now again received this Defeat, held at the same time a Council of his Friends, who were of o∣pinion that he should continue the Siege, without fighting, the loss being almost equal, Hirtius being slain, and Pansa being wounded, himself the stronger in Horse, and Modena in such want of all things, that it could not long subsist without surrendring; and surely this counsel he ought to have followed, but Fate hindred it. He was fearful lest Caesar should throw himself into the City, as he had attempted to do the day before; or else ha∣ving conveniency for all Engines thereabout, should besiege himself, and so make his Horse useless. Then, said he, Lepidus and Plancus will despise me, as a man lost beyond repair; but if I raise my Siege, Ventidius will forth∣with bring us three Legions from the Country of Picenum, and Lepidus and Plancus will come joyn with us numerous Forces. And in short, after having thus spoken, this Man, hitherto fearless in all dangers, presently departs from before Modena, and takes his March towards the Alpes.

[ XVI] The Siege being raised, Decimus began to fear Caesar, for the Army be∣ing no longer commanded by the Consuls, he thought him his Enemy, wherefore before it was day he caused to break down the Bridge, and di∣spatched some to Caesar, to acknowledge the obligation he had to him for his deliverance, and to intreat him to come on the other side the River, where in the presence of all the Inhabitants, he would convince him that he was engaged in the Conspiracy more by misfortune than by fault. Cae∣sar having hearkened to those who brought this message, answered in an∣ger: That he desired him not to own any obligation to him; for he came not to serve him, but to make War upon Anthony the Enemy of his Country: that na∣ture forbad his seeing or speaking to him; however, he was safe so long as he pleased them who commanded at Rome. This answer being brought to Deci∣mus, he went to the River side; and after having called Caesar by his name, he read with a loud voice the Decree of the Senate which gave him the Government of Gaul, forbidding him to pass the River, or enter into his Province without the Consuls, nor so much as to pursue Anthony any far∣ther; for that himself was strong enough to defeat him. Though Caesar saw well that Decimus durst not have talked to boldly to him, had he not been inspired by the Senate, since that he could with one sole command of his reduce him under his power, which yet he would not do, but going to Bolonia where Pansa was, he wrote to the Senate how all things passed, as Pansa also particularly did. Cicero read Pansa's Letters in a full Assembly of the People; and those from Caesar in the Senate only, where he caused

to be ordained fifty days Feast for Anthony's Defeat, though so many were never ordained in any War, no not for any Victory gained from the Gauls. He farther advised, that since Pansa was thought irrecoverable; though he were yet living, they should give Decimus command of the Consul's Army, with Commission himself alone to prosecute the War a∣gainst Anthony; and that publick Prayers should be made for the prospe∣rity of his Arms, so much was Cicero transported against Anthony; besides which they confirmed the gift of five thousand Drams a Head, promised to the Legions that had quitted Anthony, payable out of the Moneys of the Treasury, after the Victory, (as if it had been already gained) and per∣mitted them hereafter upon Holy-days to wear Crowns of Olive-branches. In this Decree not so much as mention was made of Caesar's name, so much they already contemned him, out of a belief they had Anthony could never make Head again, having to this purpose writ to Lepidus, Plancus and Asi∣nius, who were at no great distance to complete his ruine. Whilst those things passed at Rome, Pansa ready to die of his wound at Bolonia, calling for Caesar, spoke to him in this manner:

The Speech of Pansa, being ready to die, to Caesar.

I Loved your Father as my self, but after his death could not possibly re∣venge him, nor oppose my self to the judgment of the most, to whose authori∣ty you have likewise prudently submitted your self, though you had an Army. As at first they feared nothing more than you and Anthony, who had so great an affection to your Father, so they were well satisfied with your Division, hoping you would destroy one the other; and when they saw you Master of an Army, they flattered you as a young Man, with specious Honours, which had nothing in them but shew; but after they had examples of your Gallantry and Mode∣ration, by the refusal of those Honours offered you by your Army, they were start∣led, and gave you a power equal to us, that they might by this means draw out of your disposal two excellent Legions, out of hopes that one of you being de∣feated, the other which remained would not be•• considerable: and thus Caesar's Party being ruined, Pompey's might be re-established. This was the substance of their thoughts. As for Hirtius and my self we had followed their order till we could have abated the pride of Anthony; but after having overcome him, designed to reconcile him with you, that we might pay to Caesar's memory this testimony of our Friendship and Acknowledgments, by acting what might be most advantageous to his Party. It was not convenient till now to impart this design to you; but now since Anthony is defeated, Hirtius dead, and I a dying, I thought at time to discover it to you. I demand not that after my death you should think your self obliged to me; but since your Actions make it known that you are born under fortunate Stars, I tell it you, that you may bethink your self what you have to do, and that you may know what Hirtius and I designed to do for you, and what we have been constrained to do against you. It is therefore just to restore to you that Army you gave up to us; and I now restore it to you. As for the new raised Forces, if you can gain them to serve you, I will give them to you: but if either the Soldiers are too fearful of the Senate, because their Officers have in charge to observe us; or that you think you either may be blamed, or stand in no need of them, Torquatus our Treasurer shall take them in charge.

After having said these words, and delivered over the new Forces to the Treasurer or Quaestor, he died. The Quaestor by the Senates order delivered them over to Decimus, Caesar solemnized magnificent Funerals for Hirtius and Pansa, and sent their Bodies with pomp to Rome to be buried.

[ XVII] At the same time that this was done in Italy, things passed thus in Syria and Macedon, C. Caesar passing through Syria, and having already in his thoughts the War against Parthia, had left in this Province a Legion which he had given in charge to Cecilius Bassus, as Lieutenant to Sextus Iulius his Kinsman, yet very young, and who going to take his pleasure in the Coun∣try, made his Soldiers accompany him against all decency and order, Bassus having one day reproved him, he reviled him; and at another time having sent for Bassus, because he came not so soon as he expected, he gave order to bring him by force. This Command having raised a Tumult, Blows ensued, and the Soldiers no longer able to endure Iulius his Insolence, slew him with their Javelins. They at that very moment repented the act, being afraid of Caesar; wherefore they immediately swore one to another, that if pardon and security for their persons were denyed them, they would defend each other to the death; they likewise forced Bassus to be of the Conspiracy; and having raised another Legion, exercised them according to the Roman Discipline. Thus write some concerning Bassus. But Libo saith, that having born Arms under Pompey, after his death he retired in∣to Tyre, where he remained some time as a private Man, and where at last by his Money gaining some Legionary Soldiers, he prevailed with them after they had slain Sextus to chuse him for their Captain. However it were, Sextus Murcus haing been sent by Caesar against them, was repulsed, till such time as he called to his assistance Minutius Crispus with three Legions brought by him out of Bithynia, where he commanded. These had now blocked up those two Legions, when Cassius coming unexpectedly received them forthwith into his Service; and at the same time those six Legions that besieged them, voluntarily submitting to him, acknowledged him for Proconsul; for, as we have said before, the Senate had ordained by Decree that all the Soldiers of those Provinces should obey Cassius and Brutus, some time before Dolobella had sent Allienus into Aegypt, from whence he was leading back four Legions, the Remains of the Defeats of Pompey and Crassus, or of those which remained in the Service of Cleopatra when Cae∣sar left Aegypt. Cassius surprising him in Palestine, forced him to take his Party; for he durst not resist eight Legions with four; so that Cassius beheld himself, beyond all imagination, Master of twelve Legions, be∣sieged and forced Dolobella, who returning out of Asia with two Legions, was received as a Friend into the City of Laodicea; news, which the Senate received with joy. As for what concerned Macedon, Caius, Brother to Anthony, disputed that Government against Brutus with one only Legion; and because he was not equal in numbers to Brutus, he laid an ambush for him, which Brutus escaping, laid another in his turn, wherein Caius fall∣ing with all his People, he did them no displeasure; but on the contrary, commanded his Soldiers to salute them, and though they would neither return nor accept the Salute, yet he let them go without any farther inju∣ry. After which, taking a turn with his Army by other ways, he surpri∣sed them again among the Straits, where instead of falling on, he a second

time saluted them: whereupon admiring this Man's goodness and clemency to his Fellow Citizens, they returned the Salute, and joyned with him, Caius likewise embraced his Party, and Brutus treated him with much Ho∣nour, till after being convicted of having several times solicited the Army to revolt, he put him to death. Thus Brutus had raised his Forces to six Legions, besides two that by praising the Macedonians he raised in Macedon, whom he learn'd to exercise according to the Discipline of the Ro∣mans.

Thus went Affairs in Syria and Macedon. Mean while in Italy, Caesar be∣ing [ XVIII] offended, that in prejudice of him the Command of the Army against Anthony was given to Decimus, dissembling his discontent, demanded the Honour of Triumph, and being disdainfully refused by the Senate, as a thing disconsonant with his age, and fearing, that after Anthony were ab∣solutely defeated, they would treat him more scornfully, he designed a reconciliation with him, according to the advice given him by the dying Pansa. To bring this about he treated favourably all the Prisoners he had in his Army, as well Officers as Soldiers, received into his service such as were willing to be entertained, and sent away the rest, that he might not appear to have an irreconcileable hatred. After which encamping near Ventidius, Anthony's Friend, who had only three Legions, he was content to fright him; but making no hostile attempt, gave him either free leave to joyn with him, or go in safety to find out his General, on condition that he would tell him from him, that he knew not what was good both for the one and t'other, which Ventidius accepting, marched forward to find out Anthony. Another of his Captains called Decius, who had been taken Prisoner before Modena, remaining still with Caesar, who held him in good esteem he was permitted to return to Anthony if he desired it, and the Captain asking him what thoughts he had of Anthony; he made answer, he had already given sufficient testimonies of them to persons capable to judge of Affairs, and for others 'twas in vain to give any more. After ha∣ving done these things which might easily make appear his inclinations to Anthony, he writ to Lepidus and Asinius, directly complaining against the affronts he had received from the Senate, by what they had done in strength∣ning against him the Murderers of his Father, that they for their parts might have reason to fear, lest in favour of Pompey's Faction they should one after another persecute them, as now they did Anthony, who through imprudence and want of foresight was fallen into misfortune: wherefore he counselled them to seem in appearance to submit to the Senate, but really to unite themselves one to the other for their common security, whilst yet it was in their power, and to reprove Anthony for the fault by him com∣mitted in not doing it. In short, that they ought to imitate the Legionary Soldiers, who disband not as soon as the War is done, for fear of exposing themselves to the Ambushes of their Enemies, and had rather be all toge∣ther led to some Colony, than return every Man to his own Country. Mean while▪ Sickness seised on the Army which had been shut up with Decimus in Modena, the most part of the Soldiers glutting themselves too much af∣ter so long a Famine, surfeited, and the new raised Men for want of Exer∣cise were not fit for service: yet Plancus being joyned to them with what force he had, Decimus wrote to the Senate, that Anthony not well digesting what he had already tasted of the War, hid himself, but that at length he would fall into his hands. 'Tis incredible how Pompey's Party were re∣joyced

at this news: they made loud outcryes that now their Country had indeed recovered their Liberty, and every one offered Sacrifices, and ten Commissioners were nominated to take account of Anthony's Administra∣tion, which was only a pretence to cancel all that Caesar had ordained; for Anthony had done nothing, or very little of himself, acting always accord∣ing to Caesar's Memoirs. The Fathers knew it well enough, but having al∣ready in some occasion given judgment without any respect to Caesar's do∣ings, they thought at this time absolutely to annul all that ever he had done or decreed, to which end the ten Commissioners presently published an Ordinance, by which all persons that had received any thing from An∣thony, were injoyned to bring it in, in writing, under pain of exemplary punishment. At length some of Pompey's Party demanded the Consulate for the rest of the year, in the places of Hirtius and Pansa. And Caesar had a great desire to it, he solicited not the Senate about it, but wrote to Cicero, praying him to endeavour that they might be Colleagues in the Dignity, and that he would leave to him the Administration of all Affairs, as being most capable, by reason of his long experience, and would con∣tent himself with the Quality, that he might with more Honour lay down Arms, having before to that end demanded Triumph. Cicero who loved Command, was tickled with this proposition. He therefore told the Fa∣thers, that having understood they consulted an Accommodation between the Governours of the Province, his advice was, that they should by some good Office appease a Man they had offended, and who was at the Head of a powerful Army, that for his part he thought it better, that before the age allowed by the Laws, they should nominate him to a charge to be exercised in the City, than behold him in the Field at the Head of an Army, capable to revenge himself: nevertheless, that he might act nothing contrary to the authority of the Senate, he exhorted them to give him for Colleague some aged and prudent person to serve as a Guide to his youth. The whole Senate laughed at Cicero's ambition, but above all, the Kindred of the Con∣spirators opposed him, out of the fear they had, lest if Caesar obtained the Consulate, he should study revenge; insomuch that the Assembly was no more summoned, because a lawful one could not be called for sundry reasons.

[ XIX] Mean while Anthony having crossed the Alpes by consent of Culeo, who guarded the passage by order of Lepidus, came and lodged his Army on a River side by him, without fortifying his Camp; but as one Friend sits down by another there several times their People went and came from one to the other, Anthony put Lepidus in mind of their Friendship, of what he had done for him, and advised to beware lest all those who had been of Caesar's Party were not oppressed one after another, and Lepidus excused him∣self upon the Orders of the Senate, which commanded him to make War, though it would trouble him to come to extremities with him. But Lepidus his Soldiers, whether they had a respect for Anthony, or else perceived some Ne∣gotiations, or otherwise took delight to see that unfortified Camp, mixed with those of Anthony, at first privately, and at last publickly, as going to see their Countrymen, and sometime Comrades: in vain did their Officers forbid it. And to the end they might more easily converse together, they made a Bridge of Boats over the River; and the tenth Legion which had formerly been commanded by Anthony; carried him from Lepidus his Camp all things necessary. Laterensis one of the most considerable Senators

perceiving it, gave notice to Lepidus, and when he would believe nothing of it, desired him to divide his Army, and send one part ot any place where he might feign employment for them, and others elsewhere, thereby to try the faith or perfidiousness of his Soldiers. Thereupon he drew his Forces into three Bodies, and commanded them to depart by night to go and con∣voy the Quaestors, who were not far off. But they about the third Watch arming themselves as for a March, seised on the Trenches, and went and opened the Gates to Anthony. He run directly to the Generals Tent, led by Lepidus's Soldiers, crying out, that he should make peace, and pardon his miserable Fellow Citizens. Upon the noise hereof he leaps out of Bed, and quite unready runs to meet them, promising to do what they would have him, and embracing Anthony, craved pardon for what he had been forced to do. Nay, some say he fell on his Knees to Anthony: but that he was so base and cowardly, all Authors do not affirm: and in my opinion it seems scarce credible, for he had as yet committed no act of Hostility a∣gainst Anthony, which might occasion him to be so fearful. Thus Anthony became more powerful and more formidable to his Enemies than ever he had been before; for besides the Forces brought from Modena, among which he had exeellent Horse, Ventidius had by the way joyned with him with other three Legions, and now Lepidus with seven more, furnished with light armed Foot, Horse, and a considerable train, all which went in Lepidus's name; but indeed Anthony was Master of them. This news having reached the City, wrought in a moment a wonderful change. Those who despised him before now feared him, and they who feared before, be∣gan now to take heart, with scorn they tore down the Ordinances of the Commissaries, fixed in the publick places, and prorogued to a farther time the Assembly for election of Consuls. The Senate most heavily per∣plexed with fear, lest Caesar should make an Accommodation with Anthony, deputed two of their Body, Lucius and Pansa to Brutus and Cassius, to assist them in what they could, under pretence of overlooking the Estate of Greece: of the three Legions Sextus had in Africa they sent for two over, and gave the other to Cornificius, who commanded in a part of that Pro∣vince, and was firm to the Senates interests, though the Senate were jea∣lous of these Forces, which they knew well had served under Caesar: but necessity forced the Fathers to this, as well as most shamefully to give Cae∣sar joynt Command with Decimus of the War against Anthony, because they were afraid he should joyn with Anthony.

But Caesar did all he could to incense his Soldiers against the Senate, as [ XX] well for the injuries himself had received, as because they were sent upon a second Expedition, without being payed the five thousand Drams a Head, due for the first; insomuch that upon his advice to send Deputies to Rome to demand that Money, they gave Commission to their Centurions. The Senate knew well he had set them on, and therefore said they would give an answer by other Commissioners of their own. And indeed they sent them with orders to address themselves to Anthony's two Legions, without speaking to Caesar, and to advise them not to place their hopes upon one man alone, but rather rely on the power of the Senate, which was immor∣tal, and to march over to Decimus, where they should find the rest of their Money; for to the end they might the more easily speak to them, they had brought half the Money, and deputed ten Commissioners to distribute it, without so much as naming Caesar for the Eleventh: but the Legions re∣fusing

to hear the Deputies, unless Caesar were present, they went away without doing any thing. Hereupon Caesar thinking it no longer fit to delay, or to declare his mind by others, assembled the Army to speak to them himself, where after having related all the injustices of the Senate, he told them that all was done tended only to the ruine of Caesar's Party one after another, that they should beware of fighting for their Enemies, or suffer∣ing themselves to be engaged in endless Wars, wherein they employed them only, that they might perish in Fight, or be ruined by Seditions, which was the reason why after they had all served together at Modena, they offered reward only to two Legions, that they might raise a jealousoe and division amongst them.

The Oration of Caesar to his Army.

YOu know, (said he) why they have of late made War upon Anthony, in what manner those of Pompey's Faction have in the city treated such as have received kindnesses from my Father; and pray judge after that whe∣ther they will let you enjoy the Lands and Money he gave you, or can there be any security for my person, so long as the Kindred of the Murderers are so powerful in the Senate. As for my part I will endure with patience whatever can happen to me; for 'tis a Glory for me to suffer for my Father; but I am troubled for your concerns, you that for my interest and my Father's Honour dayly expose your selves to so many dangers: you had an evidence I had then no ambition, when I refused the Office of Pretor offered by you; but now there is but one only way to preserve us all. It is by your means I may obtain the Consulate, then will be confirmed to you the benefits received from my Father, then will be given you Colonies and other rewards due to you; and I will pro∣ceed in judgment against the Murderers, and dispense with you from going to any other Wars.

These Words were attended with a general Acclamation of the whole Army, who presently deputed their Centurions to Rome, to demand the Consulate for Caesar. The Senate objecting that he was not of age, re∣quired by Law, they answered (as they were prepared) that Corvinus was formerly created Consul as young as he, and Scipio after him, who as young as they were had both done signal service for their Country. They alledged likewise the fresher examples of Pompey and Dolobella; besides that a Decree had already passed permitting the same Caesar to demand the Consulate ten years before the appointed age. Whilst the Centurions re∣solutely offered these reasons, some of the Senators offended at the freedom of their speech, interrupted them, by saying they talked too high for Peo∣ple of their Quality, which being reported to the Army, so highly incensed the Soldiers, that they desired to be led directly to the City, where them∣selves holding the Assembly they would make Caesar's Son Consul, to whom at the same instant they gave a thousand praises. Caesar seeing them thus disposed, presently drawing together his Army, raises the Camp with

eight Legions, good Horse, and all other things necessary, passes the Rubi∣con that divides Gaul from Italy, from whence formerly his Father had be∣gun the Civil War. There he divides his Army into two Bodies, leaving one in the Rear to follow him at leisure, and at the Head of the other who were all chosen Men, marching by great journies directly towards Rome, that he might surprise his Enemies before they could be prepared. Having advice by the way, that upon the same Road Commissioners sent by the Se∣nate with the Soldiers Money were coming to meet him, he was jealous lest any of his Men might be tempted by this reward, wherefore he private∣ly sent Scouts towards them, who so terrified them, that away they fled with their Money. The news of his approach filled all the City with Tu∣mult and Terrour; some run through the Streets in disorder, others car∣ried away their Wives, Children, and choicest Goods into the Country, or to the strongest places of the City. For it not being certainly known if he only demanded the Consulate, upon the rumour that he came in a hostile manner at the Head of an angry Army, every thing appeared dreadful to them. Especially in the Senate the consternation was great, because they had not at present any Army to defend them. Some (as it happens ever in like Allarms) accused others, either that they had injuriously taken from him the Legions they had given him to make War upon Anthony, or that they had denyed him the Triumph due to him, or that out of envy to him, when they sent the ten Commissioners to pay the Army, they had not so much as named him for the eleventh, or that they had not payed the Money promised the Soldiers, either not in time, or at least not in full, and thereby had given them cause to revolt. But that which they most of all blamed, was the disobliging Caesar in an ill Conjuncture, Brutus and Cassius being at a great distance, and as yet but meanly prepared, and Anthony and Lepidus both at hand, and ready to fall upon the City, who, if they entertained but the thoughts of making an Accommodation with Caesar, might complete its ruine. Cicero himself, who appeared most officious in all other matters, now shewed not his Head: insomuch that in a moment the face of all things was so utterly changed, that instead of two thousand five hundred Drams offered to every Soldier, it was ordered by Decree of the Senate, that five thousand should be payed them, not for two Legions only, but for eight, of which Caesar himself should have the distribution, and the ten Commissioners. As for Caesar, though he were absent, they gave him the Consulate, and dispatched away Commissioners post to carry him the news of it.

But scarcely were they got out of the City when the Senate repented, [ XXI] most of them began to cry out, that it was a shame they should so coward∣ly suffer themselves to be trod under foot, and suffer the setting up of a new Tyranny without shedding of Blood, or should accustom pretenders to the Consulate to demand it with Arms in their hands, and Soldiers to command their Country. That therefore they ought presently to arm, and oppose the authority of the Laws to those who offered them violence; and if they repented them not (as it was not credible they would) endure a Siege, expecting the coming of Plancus and Decimus to relieve the City, and in the mean time fight to the last gasp, rather than submit to servitude without defending themselves. They alledged hereupon example of things which their Predecessors had undertaken, executed, and suffered, to main∣tain their Liberty; and when they saw the two Legions they had sent for

out of Africa arrive at the Port that very day, they thought the Gods con∣cern'd themselves in their defence; insomuch that they confirmed themselves in their repentance, and Cicero beginning to appear, the Decree was abso∣lutely changed. They made a Roll of all the youth capable to bear Arms, to joyn with the two Legions newly come from Africa, a thousand Horse, and another Legion which Pansa had left them, they gave Quarters to all these Troops, one part guarded the Ianiculum with the Riches there stored up, another the Bridge over Tiber, under the Command of the Pretors of the City, and others kept within the Port Boats and Vessels laden with Money, ready, if necessity required, to flie towards the River, and gain the Sea, making these preparations with a countenance of defending them∣selves, they hoped Caesar might take his turn to be in fear, or that they should perswade him to come, and demand the Consulate without bringing his Army, or that at last they should repulse him by force, and that the question being the preservation of common liberty, all contrary Parties might unite. But when after having made a long search both publickly and privately for Caesar's Mother and Sister, and not finding them, their fears returned, beholding themselves robbed of such mighty Hostages, it being unlikely that those of Caesar's Party would joyn with them in the common defence, who had so well concealed his best Friends. Whilst C••esar was yet in conference with the Deputies, came other to tell him, that the Se∣nate had changed their resolution; so that the first returned loaden with shame and confusion, and he with an Army incensed at these proceedings, marched towards the City, troubled for his Mother and his Sister, and fearful lest any mischief should befal them. He sent before some Horsemen to assure the People, who trembled for fear; and to the great astonishment of all the world came and encamped over against Mount Quirinal, whilst none durst either oppose or hinder him. At his arrival likewise a sudden change arose in the minds of Men, the Nobility went in throngs to do him reverence, and the People ran by whole companies to welcome the Sol∣diers, who for their parts committed no more disorders, than in time of the profoundest peace. On the morrow leaving his Army in that place, he set forward towards Rome with an indifferent Train, which increased in∣finitely as he went, by the concourse of multitudes of persons, who came from all parts to complement him, and to pay him all the testimonies of respect and submission possible. His Mother and Sister who had taken Sanctuary among the Vestals, received him with extreme joy in the Temple of that Goddess; and the three Legions that were in the City, without taking notice of their Officers, sent their Deputies, and submitted themselves to him, and after them the Officers themselves made their composition, and swore fidelity to them, save only Cornutus, who slew himself. Cicero understanding how things went by the intermission of Cae∣sar's Friends, had leave to see him, who made an Oration to him, prai∣sing him that he demanded the Consulate, concerning which he had be∣fore made a proposition to the Fathers, to all which he in Raillery an∣swered, That he was the last of his Friends that came to see him. The night following a rumour was raised, that the Legion of Mars, together with the fourth were coming towards the City to seise it by suprise, which the Pretors and Senate too easily believed: and though Caesar's Army was all at hand, they imagined that they alone with the principal Citizens could for some time make resistance till other Forces from elsewhere might come to their relief: so that very night they sent away Acilius Crassus to go and raise Men in the Country of Picenum, and gave order to Apuleius one of

the Tribunes to go through the City, and declare this news to the People; and at the same instant assembled themselves in the Palace, where Cicero received them at the Gate; but when the report proved false, fled away in his Litter out of the City: Caesar laughed at their weakness, and caused his Army to advance into the Campus Martius, yet offered no affront to the Pretors, not so much as to Crassus, who was going to raise Men against him, though brought to him disguised in the Habit of a Slave, but freely pardoned all, that he might beget in the Citizens an opinion of his Cle∣mency. In the mean time he caused to be brought to him all the publick Treasure that was in the Ianiculum, or elsewhere, of which according to Decree of the Senate passed before by the advice of Cicero, he distributed to each Soldier two thousand five hundred Drams, promising to be ac∣countable for the rest, and that done he went out of the City, expecting till the day for election of Consuls.

In conclusion, he was nominated to that Dignity, and with him (ac∣cording to his desire) Quintus Pedius, who had given him his part of the Inheritance left by Caesar. He entred Rome as Consul, and offered the Sa∣crifices accustomary upon such occasions, during which there appeared o∣ver the City twelve Vultures, in like manner, as it is said, there appeared to Romulus when he founded it. After having performed these Sacrifices, he declared himself Son of Caesar in the Assembly of the Tribes, that he might confirm his Adoption by the People; for the People are divided into Tribes in Rome, in the same manner as the Phratrians among the Greeks. Now this formality observed in the Adoptions of those who have no Fa∣ther, gives them the same advantages and the same right that natural Children have in respect to the Kindred and* 24.1 Freed Men of their Fa∣thers; wherefore because Caesar besides the great Wealth he left, had ma∣ny Freed Men very rich, I am of the mind, that the Son not content with his first Adoption, thought the second necessary. He revoked likewise the Decree by which Dolobella was declared Enemy, and permitted all persons whatsoever to become parties against those who were guilty of his Father's Murder. There presently appeared great numbers of Cae∣sar's Friends, who formed their accusations not only against those who had an immediate hand in the Action, but likewise against many who were privy to the plot, but were not in Rome when it was executed, nor were otherwise guilty, than in not discovering it. Having all been pub∣lickly summoned to appear on the same day, they were condemned by default, Caesar sitting in Judgment, and not one of the Judges arguing for their Discharge, except one of the most considerable, to whom no∣thing was said at present, but not long after he was proscribed with many others. About the same time one of the Pretors of the City named Quintus Gallius, Brother of Marcus Gallius, who was with Antho∣ny, having obtained from Caesar the Government of Africa, and after standing convict of an Attempt against the life of his Benefactor, was de∣posed from his Charge, by his Brethren in Office, the People plundered his House, and the Senate condemned him to death. However, Caesar commanded him to go and find out his Brother, and he embarquing himself to that purpose, was never seen more. After these Exploits Caesar's whole thoughts were employed in reconciling himself with Antho∣ny, because he certainly knew that Brutus and Cassius had twenty Legions,

so that standing in need of him, he went out of the City, and by small Journies marched towards the Ionian Sea, that he might find out how the Senate stood affected. For in the absence of Caesar, Pe∣dius advised the Fathers to an Accommodation with Anthony and Le∣pidus before the Animosities that were between the Parties became ir∣reconcileable. They saw well such an Accommodation was neither for theirs, nor their Countries Advantage, and that by it Caesar only aim'd at strengthening himself against Cassius and Brutus: yet they beheld themselves in a necessity to consent; wherefore they repeal∣ed the Decrees by which Anthony and Lepidus with their Armies had been declared Enemies, and sent them assurances of their good will. Caesar wrote Letters of Congratulation to the Senate, and sent to Anthony, that if he stood in need of his Arms against Decimus, he was ready to serve him: and Anthony returned Answer, tha•• he made War against Decimus as a Traytor to Caesar, and against Plancus as an Enemy to Anthony; and therefore if he pleased, he would joyn Forces with him. After the mutual sending and recepti∣on of the Letters, as Anthony pursued Decimus, Asinius Pollio came and joyned with him with two Legions, and by his intercession Plancus reconciled with Anthony brought him three more; so that he became mighty powerful. As for Decimus he still had ten Legions, four where∣of composed of experienced Soldiers, were yet sick after the Famine they had undergone in Modena, and six were newly levyed, neither trained, nor inured to hardship; wherefore thinking it imprudence to bring them to action, he resolved to retreat to Brutus in Macedon, and took his March not by the Cisalpine Gaul, but by Ravenna or Aquileia, and yet at last because Caesar was to come into those Quar∣ters, he attempted a longer and more incommodious March by going over the Rhine to cross a Country inhabited by Barbarians. The difficulty of this unknown way at first sight so affrighted his new For∣ces, that they left him, and submitted to Caesar, and not long after the four old Legions went over to Anthony, with all the rest of his Forces, except only the French Horse designed for his Life Guard. Reduced to this small number, he gave license to all that had yet a mind to depart, making them some present of Money, and with three hundred Horse only came to the Banks of the Rhine, but by reason of the difficulty of passing the River, they by little and little forsook him, except only ten, with whom, habited after the fashion of the Gauls, and speaking their language, he began again to travel, and without fetching so great a compass, took the Road to Aquileia, where he thought he might pass unknown, because of his slender Train. In the way being taken by Thieves, and bound, he asked them how they called the Lord of that Country; and when he understood it was Camillus, for whom he had done some services, he intreated them to carry him before him. When Camillus saw him, he received him with much civility before the People, sharply reproving those that brought him bound, that through ignorance they had affronted so great a Man, but in private he gave advice to Anthony, who had so much com∣passion of his fortune, that he would not see him. However, he sent to Camillus for his Head, which after having viewed, he gave to some of his People to be buried. Thus ended Decimus, who had been Ge∣neral of the Horse to Caesar, Governour of the Transalpine Gaul under

him, designed by him for Consul the year following, and with it provided of the Government of the Cisalpine Gaul. He was the se∣cond that perished for murdering Caesar. And about the same time Minutius Basilius, who was likewise of the Conspiracy, was slain by his Slaves for making some of them Eunuchs by way of punish∣ment.

The End of the Third Book of the Civil Wars of Rome.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME.

PART II.

BOOK IV.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THe Author's Design in this Book: The Accommodation of Caesar, An∣thony and Lepidus. II. Dismal Presages of future Miseri••••: Pe∣dius begins the Proscriptions; and Caesar, Anthony and Lepidus are named Triumvirs. III. A Copy of the Edict of Proscription. IV. The general

Cruelties committed in the Execution of it. V. Many Particularities of such as suffered. VI. The Triumph of Lepidus: Proscription of the Women, and Hortensia's Oration for her Sex. VII. Particulars of several escaped the Proscription. VIII. Defeat of Cornificius, Lelius and Ventidius in Lybia, by Sextus Caesar's Lieutenants. IX. Cassius besieges and takes Do∣lobella in Laodicea, and does many other things in Syria. X. Cassius a∣bout to besiege Rhodes, Archelaus endeavours to disswade him. XI. Cassius answers him, and besieges and takes Rhodes. XII. Brutus besieges the Xan∣tiens, and takes the City. XIII. After which Patara yields to him; and Murcus, who sides with him, is besieged by Anthony near Brundusium. XIV. Sex. Pompey coming into Sicily, fights at Sea against Salvidienus with equal Advantage. XV. Murcus and Domitius AEnobarbus sieze on the Passage of the Ionian Sea; and Ciditius and Norbanus, Lieutenants to Caesar and Anthony, march by Land against Cassius and Brutus. XVI. Brutus and Cassius having drawn together their Army; Cassius makes an Oration to them. XVII. Brutus and Cassius go and encamp near Phi∣lippi. XVIII. Anthony and Caesar encamp hard by them; they engage; Brutus gets the better, but Cassius is worsted. XIX. The Death of Cassius: Murcus and Aenobarbus defeat Domitius Calvinus. XX. Brutus Speech to his Army, to oblige them to temporize; and Anthony's, to encourage his to the Battel. XXI. Brutus's Army force him to fight. XXII. The Battel: Brutus defeated. XXIII. The Death of Brutus: Praises of Brutus and Cassius; and End of this Book.

HAving in the former Book declared how two of Caesar's Mur∣derers [ I] perished in their Governments; to wit, Trebonius in Asia, and Decimus in Gaul; in this we shall set forth how Brutus and Cassius, the principal Authors of the Conspiracy, were punished. Men, that were Masters of all the Provin∣ces from Syria to Macedon, who commanded mighty Armies both by Sea and Land; having more than twenty Legions, great number of Shipping, and abundance of Money. And this was done at a time when Proscripti∣ptions were dreadful at Rome; and that as many proscribed Persons as could be found were miserably put to death. So that the like had never been seen or known among all the Tumults and Wars of the Grecians, nor yet a∣mong those of the Romans, if you except the time of Sylla, who was the first proscribed his Enemies: for Marius only slew such as fell into his Hands; whereas Sylla not only permitted any that would to slay those he had pro∣scribed, but proposed Rewards to the Murderers, and decreed Punishments against any durst give succour to a proscribed Person. But of all those things we have discoursed in writing what passed in the time of Marius and Sylla; let us proceed to our order of History.

Caesar being reconciled to Anthony, it was determined to have a Confe∣rence together. The place designed for it was near Modena, in a little flat Island of the River Labinia: whither they came with each five Legions; which taking their Stands on each side the River, the two Generals, accom∣panied only by three hundred Men each, advanced to the Bridges that went over the Streams. Lepidus, who was before gone into the Island to see that there were no Ambuscade, having made them the Signal by shewing his Coat-Armor, they left all their Train at the Bridges; and advancing on to the highest part of the Island, they three sat down; Caesar in the middle, be∣cause of his Quality of Consul. After two whole Days Conference they

came to this Result: That Caesar should for the rest of the Year quit the Con∣sulate to Ventidius: That to put a stop to the Civil Wars there should be created a new Office, which Anthony, Lepidus and Caesar should exercise joyntly for five Years, with the same Power as the Consuls (for they would not make use of the name of Dictator, perhaps because of the Law Anthony had so lately made to abolish the Dictatorship.) That as soon as they had taken Possession of this new Dignity, they should design for five Years the Annual Officers of the City. That the Provinces should be parted among them: Anthony should have all the Gauls, except only that confining upon the Pyrenean Mountains, called Antient Gaul; which, together with Spain, should remain to Lepidus; and that Caesar should take Africa, with Sicily, Sardinia, and all the other adjacent Isles. In this Division of the Ro∣man Empire among themselves, they forbore sharing the other Provinces, because Brutus and Cassius yet held them. They agreed therefore together, that Anthony and Caesar should make War upon them: That Lepidus, de∣signed Consul for the Year following, should remain in the City, that he might provide them of all things necessary; and should govern Spain by his Lieutenants: That of the ten Legions that composed his Army, he should keep three for the Defence of the City, and give three to Caesar and four to Anthony; by which means each of them would have twenty Legi∣ons. And that they might encourage the Soldiers, besides the Recompence usually referred till after the Victory, and other Donatives; they assigned them for Colonies eighteen of the best Cities of Italy, as well for the beau∣ty of the Buildings, as Fertility and Riches of the adjacent Soil, whose Hou∣ses and Fields they set out amongst them, as it is usual to divide a conquered Country. The chief of these were Capua, Rhegium, Venosa, Beneventum, Luceria, Rimini. Thus was the best part of Italy destined a Recompence to the Soldiers. They resolved likewise that before all things else they would rid themselves of their particular Enemies, lest they should be a hindrance to their Designs when they were gone out of the City. These things being all agreed to, and put in writing, Caesar as Consul, read them publickly be∣fore all the Forces (except only that concerning the Proscriptions, which he kept secret) who received them all with a general Acclamation; and forth∣with both Armies saluted each other in token of Reconciliation.

[ II] Mean while many dreadful Prodigies appeared at Rome. All the Dogs of the City howled like Wolves, which is accounted an unhappy Presage. The Wolves, which do not usually come into Cities, came now into the Great Place. An Ox spoke with a Man's voice. A Child spoke as soon as it was born. The Statues of the Gods sweated, some Water, and some Blood. The cries of Men, clattering of Arms, and running of Horses were heard; yet not seen. Many frightful Signs appeared about the Sun. It rained Stones. Thunder fell upon several Temples, and some of the ve∣ry images of the Gods were stricken. Hereupon the Senate sent for Di∣vines out of Tuscany; the eldest of which told them, that the Royalty should be re-established, and they all Slaves but only He: and therewith stopping his Mouth, held his Breath so long, till he fell down dead in the place. This Triumvirate then after their Agreement made, began to contrive among themselves the Roll of the Proscribed; wherein they inserted all those whose too great power they were jealous of, and all their particular Ene∣mies; abandoning their own Friends and Relations to one another, so they might by that means be revenged on those they hated. And this they did, not only at present, but even afterwards; for they proscribed an infinite

number one after another, either out of some old Grudge, or some light•• Of∣fence, or for being Friends▪ to their Enemies, or Enemies to their Friends or because they were rich. And indeed they stood in need of store of Money for the War, Brutus and Cassius having received abundance from the T••i∣butes of Asia, besides what those Kings and Potentates furnished them with; whereas these had none to receive, but only out of Europe and Italy, already drained dry by Exactions and Wars. In so much, that to raise Money, there was no Person to the most miserable of the People, without excepting the very Women, who suffered not a thousand Violences from the Tax-Ga∣therers, if they were but informed they had any thing. There were some likewise proscribed for the beauty of their Houses or Gardens. In short, the Roll of the Proscribed, with Confiscation of Goods, amounted to three hundred Senators, and two thousand Roman Knights; among whom some were Brethren and Uncles to the Triumvirs, and Officers that had served in their Armies for having displeased the Generals or their Lieutenants. They deferred the rest of the Proscription till such time as they came to the City; and in the mean time resolved to begin the Execution by twelve (or as some say) by seventeen of the Principal, among whom was Cicero. To this pur∣pose they sent some of their People, who forthwith slew four whom they found either at their Tables or in the Streets. The others were sought for in Temples and Houses; in so much, that all that Night there was a great Tumult: People running up and down the City with such cryings and howlings, as if the Enemy had been in the midst of them; for hearing of some being taken, and not knowing of any Person yet proscribed, every Man thought the next he met sought for him. So that in a general Despair some disposed themselves to set fire, either to their own Houses, or the Publick Buildings, that before they died they might do something worthy of Memory: And they had done it if the Consul Pedius, running about to all parts, had not exhorted them to be in good hopes, and to expect till Day gave better knowledge of the Cause of the Disorder. Morning being come, without staying for the Triumvirs Orders, he proscribed those se∣venteen Men as the only Authors of Intestine Mischiefs, and the only Men condemned; promising Security to all others, because he knew not what had been agreed upon; and after dyed of a Distemper caused by the too much labour undergone that Night. Three days following arrived one af∣ter another, Caesar, Anthony and Lepidus, each with his Regiment of Guards and one Legion; and immediately the City was filled with armed Men, and Courts of Guards placed in the most convenient Stations. Then were the People assembled, and Publius Titius the Tribune proposed the Law for Creation of the Triumvirate; to which he nominated Lepidus, Anthony and Caesar to govern the Commonwealth for five Years, with the same Power the Consuls had (this is what the Greeks call Harmostates, and the Lacedemonians Reformers) and without giving the People time to delibe∣rate, or to appoint a Day for holding another Assembly, the Law was at that instant ratified. The Night following besides the seventeen before there were found one hundred and thirty more, whose Names were fixed up in divers places of the City; soon after one hundred and fifty others were added; and at last the Roll was dayly augmented with names of new∣ly condemned People, or of those who had been slain by mistake, that they might not be thought to be killed without Cause. Those likewise who kil∣led any proscribed Persons were commanded to bring their Heads to the Triumvirs; and to this purpose Rewards were decreed them, to the Free Men Money, and to Slaves Freedom and Money. Nothing was barred

against those that sought for them, because it was forbid under the like pain, either to receive them, or conceal them, or deny entrance into the House to any that sought after them, with a like Reward to any gave In∣formation of all these things.

The Ordinance for Proscription was conceived in these Terms.

MARCUS LEPIDUS, MARCUS ANTONIUS AND OCTAVIUS AUGUSTUS Deputed for the Reformation & Re-Establishent Of the COMMONVVEALTH, To the PEOPLE of ROME.

IF by an extraordinary Infidelity wicked Men who had re∣ceived [ III] Pardon had not become Enemies to their Benefa∣ctors so far as to attempt against their Lives, and that they had not murdered Caesar; who after having reduced them under his Power, saved them, honoured them with his Friendship, and loaded them with Honours, Favours and Dignities; we had not been forced to come to Extre∣mities to revenge our selves of the Injuries they have done us, in declaring us Enemies to our Country. But now that after so many Ambushes laid for us, and the Murder committed on the Person of Caesar, we are bound to believe that their Malice cannot be overcome by fair means, we have chose rather to prevent our Enemies, than to wait till they destroy us. Wherefore, whoever shall consider in what manner they have

treated Caesar, with the Injuries that we have suffered, will not find in our proceed∣ing either Passion, Injustice or Cruelty. Since Caesar their General, their High Priest, who had subdued Nations ever before formidable to the Roman People: Had first of all crossed an unknown Sea beyond the Columns of Hercules, and ope∣ned to the Romans away to a New World; has been murdered in a Sacred Place, in the midst of the Palace, in the sight of the Gods, basely stabbed with three and twenty Wounds of Daggers, by people whose lives he had saved after having made them Prisoners at War: Nay, some of which he had by Testament made his Heirs. Whilst instead of punishing this Attempt, others transported by the same hatred, have made them Governors of Provinces; or else abusing their Power, have seized upon the Revenues of the Commonwealth, raised Arms a∣gainst us; calling to their Assistance Barbarians, perpetual Enemies to this Em∣pire; and burning, sacking and rasing some Cities under our Obedience, that would not submit to theirs; and forcing others by threats and terror to take Arms a∣gainst us and their Country. Some of these we have already punished, and by God's Assistance you shall see us punish others. But because after those great things we have done for the security of Spain, Gaul, and the Heart of the Re∣publick, there yet remains a troublesome Affair, which is the Expedition against Caesar's Murderers: To effect which we must cross the Sea; being ready, for the Service of the Publick, to carry our Arms into a remote Country, we cannot think it either secure or advantagious for us to leave behind us our Enemies, who will not fail to make their best use of our absence, and of the uncertain Success of War. There may likewise be danger in delay; wherefore we have resolved to de∣stroy them, since they have begun to persecute us by declaring us Enemies of our Country. And though neither respect to Gods, nor fear of Men restrained them from endeavouring to destroy with us so many thousand Citizens, yet will we not imitate them, nor offend any of the people; nay, nor so much as hold all those for Enemies who have took part against us, or have disobliged us. We will as∣sault no person because of his Riches and Dignities, nor put so many to death as did another who had the same power before us; and who having, as well as we, undertaken to remedy the Mischiefs caused by Civil War, deserved the Title of HAPPY, for the happy success of his Enterprizes; though it cannot be ima∣gined he could have so many Enemies as we three. We will therefore only pu∣nish such as are the most criminal, and most guilty of those Mischiefs the Com∣monwealth groans under; which will be no less advantagious to you than to our selves: for as long as our Dissentions last, it will be impossible for you, whilst things hang between two, not to suffer extraordinarily. Besides, it is conveni∣ent to satisfie the Soldiery offended, that without reason you have declared them Enemies. And though we could without notice punish those we think worthy of it, yet we think fit rather to proscribe than to surprize them; which indeed we do for your sakes, lest the Soldier's anger might transport him against those are un∣condemned, or to destroy others with those whose Names are fixed up in publick places. For these reasons we forbid all persons the receiving into their Houses a∣ny of those whose Names are inserted in the Roll of the Proscribed, or to conceal or send them to any place of security, or to furnish them with Money, under pain that all that shall be found convicted of having secured or relieved them, shall be put themselves into the number of the Proscribed, without hopes of Pardon. We ordain likewise those who have slain any of the Proscribed to bring to us their Heads; for each of which he shall be payed* 25.1 five and twenty thousand Attick Drams if he be a Free Person brings it; and if he be a Slave he shall receive* 25.2 ten thousand, with the same Liberty and Right of Burgessship his Ma∣ster enjoyed. We promise likewise the same Reward to all Informers; nor shall the Name of any receives it be recorded in our Registers, that is may remain se∣cret.

Such was the Ordinance of Proscription made by the Triumvirs. Lepi∣dus [ IV] proscribed the first, and his Brother Paulus was the first Proscript. An∣thony proscribed the second, and his Uncle Lucius was the second Proscript; because they had first given their Opinions when they were declared Ene∣mies of their Country. The third and fourth Proscripts, whose Names were put in another Table, were the two Consuls designed for the follow∣ing Year, Plotius, Brother of Plancus, and Quintus, Father in Law to Asi∣nus; who were not named with the first only because of their Prehemi∣nence, but to strike terror, and make Men lose all hopes of escaping. And indeed, Thoranius was found among the Proscribed; he who, as it is said, had been Caesar's Tutor. The Proscription being published, Guards were forthwith placed at the Gates; and all the Avenues of the City, at the Sea-Ports, and in the Marshes, and in all places where there was any likelihood an unhappy Man might shelter himself: Besides, Centurions were com∣manded abroad, to make search in the Country, which was done all at an instant; so that both within and without the City many persons dyed sud∣dainly of several kinds of Deaths. The Streets were filled with the sad Spe∣ctacle of Heads carrying to the Triumvirs, to receive the Reward; and e∣very step some Person of Quality endeavouring to save himself, was met shamefully disguised; some running down into Wells, and others into Pri∣vies; some hiding themselves in the tops of the Chimneys, or under the Tiles, where they durst not utter a sigh or groan; for they stood in more fear of their Wives, or Children, or Freed Men, or Slaves, or Debtors, or Neighbours that coveted some of their Goods, than of the Murderers them∣selves. All private Grudges were now discovered; and it was a strange change to see the prime Men of the Senate, Consulars, Pretors, Tribunes, or Pretenders to these Dignities cast themselves at the feet of their Slaves with tears in their eyes, begging and caressing them, calling them their Sa∣viors and Patrons; and which is most deplorable, not be able with all these submissions to obtain the least favour. The most pernicious Seditions and cruellest of Wars never had any thing in them so terrible as the Calamities wherewith the City was now affrighted; for in War and Tumult none but Enemies were feared, and Domesticks were confided in; whereas now Domesticks were more dreadful than Enemies, because having no cause to fear for themselves, as in War or Tumult, from Familiars they became of a suddain Persecutors; either out of a dissembled hate, or out of hope of Recompence publickly proposed, or because of some Silver or Gold hid in the House: So that no person found himself secure in his House, Servants being ordinarily more sensible of Profit than of the Affection they owe to their Masters; and though some might be found faithful and kind, yet they durst not assist a Proscript, nor conceal him, nor so much as stay with him, for fear of falling into the same misfortune. There was now much more danger than when the seventeen first proscribed were fallen upon; for then no person being publickly proscribed, when on a suddain they saw some killed, one Man defended another, for fear lest the same should happen to him. But after the Proscription was published, those comprized in it were presently forsaken by all the World; some that thought themselves secure, having their minds bent on Profit, sought them to deliver them to the Mur∣derers, that they might have the Reward; others pillaged the Houses of those that had been killed, and with the present gain comforted themselves against the Publick Misery. The most Prudent and Moderate surprized at a thing so extraordinary, stood like Men astonished, considering that, o∣ther

Cities turmoiled with Divisions were re-established by the Concord of their Citizens: Whereas the Romans, already afflicted with Civil Dis∣sentions, compleated their Ruin by this Reconciliation. Some were killed defending themselves; others, who thought themselves not condemned, without any defence: Some let themselves die with hunger, or hanged, or drowned themselves, or threw themselves headlong from the tops of Houses, or cast themselves into the Fire, or run to meet their Murderers: Others again sought to protract the time; and either hid themselves, or begged shamefully, or fled, or offered Money to save their Lives. Many likewise were slain contrary to the intention of the Triumvirs, either by mistake, or out of some particular grudge; but the Bodies of the Proscripts might be known from the others, because they wanted the Head, which was cut off, and carried before the Tribunal for Orations, where they pay∣ed the Reward. On the other side, wonderful Examples were to be seen of the Affection of Wives, Children, Brethren and Slaves; who found out a thousand inventions to save their Husbands, Fathers, Brethren or Ma∣sters; dyed with them when they were discovered, or killed themselves upon those Bodies they were not able to defend. Of those that escaped the Proscription, some, pursued by their ill fortune, perished by Shipwrack; others saved beyond all probability, came afterwards to exercise Dignities in the City, to have Command of Armies, and arrive at the Honour of Triumph. Such wonderful things were to be seen in those days which do not happen in an ordinary City, or in a small Kingdom; but in the Mistress of the world, as well by Sea as Land: Providence disposing it so to reduce things to that excellent order wherein you now see them. Not but that Rome felt the same miseries under Sylla, and before him under Marius; and we have in writing of them reported many Actions of Cruelty, even to the depriving their Enemies of Burial: But what passed under the Triumvirs made much more noise, because of the height of their Reputation; and particularly the Valour and Good Fortune of him, who having fixed the Foundations of this Empire, has left it to those of his Race and Name, even to this present. I will therefore relate what was now done most remarkable, and most cruel; which I can the easier do, because the length of time has not yet quite effaced the memory of these Actions. Yet I will not write all; for a common death, or the flight of some private Men, who after ob∣taining Pardon of the Triumvirs, returned and spent the rest of their Lives without appearing, seems not to me worthy being recorded: But I will re∣late some extraordinary Examples, that the Reader may be perswaded of the truth of what I have before said. Many Roman Authors have hereof wrote particular Books; out of which I have extracted what appeared most credible, to compose a Summary, which may well make the happiness of our Times be admired.

[ V] The Massacre unhappily began with the Magistracy, of whom the first slain was Salvius, Tribune of the People; though by the Laws the Tri∣bunes were holy and inviolable; and so powerful, that sometimes they have imprisoned Consuls. This Man when they were about to declare An∣thony Enemy opposed it, but afterwards he took part with Cicero. There∣fore when he knew the Triumvirs were agreed, and marched towards the City, he made a Feast for his Domesticks, as having now but a short time to live with them. The Soldiers entring the place where they were eat∣ing, all the people affrighted, began to rise up; but the Centurion comman∣ding them to keep their places, took Salvius by the Hair, drew him over

The Table, cut off his Head, and forbid the others from stirring; for if they made the least noise he would serve them in the same manner: At which they were so affrighted, that after the Centurion was gone they spent most part of the Night by the Body, without speaking a word.

After Salvius, was slain the Pretor Minutius. Upon notice brought him as he gave Audience in the place, that the Soldiers were coming towards him, he rose suddainly to seek out some place to shelter himself in: and ha∣ving changed Cloaths, went to hide himself in a Shop; but his People, and those that carried the Marks of his Dignity, whom he commanded to leave him, staying there some time out of a fear and affection they had for him, were the occasion, without designing it, that the Murderers did the more easily find him.

Annalis the other Pretor, as he solicited the People for his Son, who deman∣ded the Questors Office; his Friends and Lictors understanding that he was in the Roll of the Proscripts, all of a suddain left him: Whereupon he fled, and retired into a wretched House that one of his Creatures had in the Sub∣burbs; where, because the place was utterly contemptible, he was for a while secure; till such time as his own Son, having some doubt he was gone thither, shewed the way to the Executioners of the Proscription: In reward whereof the Triumvirs gave him his Father's Estate, and the Office of Ae∣dile, but he enjoyed not either long; for returning drunk from a Debauch, upon some reviling words given to the Soldiers who had killed his Father, they killed him too.

For Thoranius, who was not Pretor, but had been; he was Father to a wretchless Youth, who yet had a great deal of power over Anthony. He therefore entreated the Centurions to delay his death but so long till his Son had begged him of the Triumvir. To which they laughing, answered; He has already begged you, but it is in another manner. Which the Old Man hearing, prayed them but to give him so much time as to see his Daughter; and having seen her, forbad her from pretending any thing to his Estate, le••t her Brother should beg her likewise of Anthony. The end of this wic∣ked Son was no better than the others; for after having consumed his Pa∣trimony in all sorts of Debauchery, he was accused of Theft, and condem∣ned to Banishment.

As for Cicero, who had ruled in the Assemblies of the People after Caesar's death; he was proscribed, with his Son, his Brother, and all their Servants, Clients and Friends. He was embarked on a small Boat to make his Escape by Sea; but not able to endure the tossing of the Waves, he returned to a Mea∣dow that belonged to him near Capua; which upon occasion of writing this History, I would needs see. As he reposed himself, and that those that sought him were not far off (for of all the Proscripts, Anthony caused him to be sought with most diligence) a Flock of Crows flying over the place where he slept, waked him with their Cries, and began with their Beaks to pull the Covering from off him; till his Slaves thinking it an Advertise∣ment of the Gods, returned him into his Litter, and took their way towards the Sea, through the thickest of the Forest. Presently after several Soldi∣ers coming to that place one after another, and demanding of those they met if they had not seen Cicero, they all, out of the compassion they had for him, answered, that he was embarked, and was already a good way off at Sea: But a Shoo-maker called Cerdo, a Creature to Clodius, formerly a mortal Enemy to Cicero; having shewed the Centurion Laena, followed but by a few Soldiers, the way he had taken, he presently pursued him: Cicero was accompanied with more people disposed to defend him, than Laena had

with him to assault him. Wherefore having overtaken him, he made use of policy; and began to cry out as if he had called to other Centurions be∣hind him; Come on, Gentlemen, come on. Whereupon the people of the Proscript imagining that they were about to be over-pressed by numbers, grew fearful, and deserted him. Then Laena, though Cicero had formerly pleaded for him in a Cause wherein he overcame, drew his Head out of the Litter, and cut it, or rather hewed it off, at three blows; so unhardy he was. He likewise cut off the Hand wherewith he had writ the Orations, accusing Anthony of Tyranny; which after the example of Demosthenes, he called the Philippicks: And at the same instant dispatching away Expresses both by Sea and Land to carry, this pleasing News to Anthony, he himself followed them to Rome; where finding Anthony in the place, seated in the Tribunal, he shewed him at a distance the Head and Hand of Cicero. And he ravished with joy, put a Crown upon the Centurion's Head, and gave him for a Reward* 25.3 two hundred and fifty thousand Attick Drams; as ha∣ving freed him of the greatest of all his Enemies, and from whom he had received the highest injuries. His Head and Hand stood a long time for a Spectacle before the Tribunal, where he used to make his Orations: And more flocked now thither to see him, than did before to hear him. It is said likewise, that Anthony at a Collation caused the Head to be set upon the Table that he might contemplate it more at leisure, and satiate himself (as we may so say) with the view of it. Thus was Cicero slain; to this day in great Esteem for his Eloquence: And who, when he acted in the Quality of Consul, had done signal Services to his Country; yet after his death he was thus unworthily treated by his Enemies.

His Son was already escaped to Brutus in Greece, but his Brother and Nephew were unhappily taken by the Soldiers. The Father begged he might die before his Son, and the Son requested he might die before his Father; and they having promised to satisfie them both, took them apart, and slew them at the same instant.

But Egnatius and his Son embracing each other, died together; and their Heads being both struck off at one blow, the two Bodies kept still their hold of each other.

Balbus designing to escape with his Son by Sea, sent him before, think∣ing that by not going together they would not so easily be known; and him∣self soon after set forward to follow him at a distance: but some one, either out of malice or mistake, having told him that his Son was taken, he retur∣ned of his own accord to offer himself to the Excutioners, and his Son pe∣rished by Ship-wrack: So much did fortune contribute to the Calamities of these times.

Aruntius had a Son that could not resolve to fly without him; yet at length he prevailed so far as to perswade him, that being young, he ought to survive him. The Mother having been his Guide as far as the City Gates, returned speedily to give Burial to her Husband whom they had slain. And some days after hearing her Son was starved to death at Sea, she slew her self.

Hitherto we have proposed Examples of good and evil Children.

As for Brothers. Those two called Ligarii, proscribed together, lay hid in an Oven, till such time as being betrayed by their Slaves, one was slain at the same time; and the other who slipped from the Executioners, know∣ing his Brother was dead, cast himself from the Bridge into the River. Some Fisher-men that thought he fell in by mischance, and not designedly,

came in to save him; from which he defended himself some time by plung∣ing himself to the bottom of the Water: till such time as they pulling him out, do what he could, he told them; You do not save me, but lose your selves with a Proscript. Yet, say what he could, they were resolved to save his Life. But the Soldiers who had the Guard of the Bridge understanding he was a Proscript, came in and cut off his Head.

Of two other Brothers, one having cast himself headlong into the River, his Slave, after having sought the Body five days, at length found it; and in the condition he was, being hardly to be known, cut off his Head, and carried it to the Tribune to have the Reward. The other being hid in a Privy, was betrayed by another Slave; and because the Soldiers vouchsafed not to go down, they slew him with Javelins, drew him out; and in the condition he was cut off his Head without washing it.

Another seeing his Brother stopped, ran in; and without knowing that he likewise was proscribed, cryed out, Kill me first. Whereupon the Cen∣turion, who knew the order of the Roll, made answer; You ask but rea∣son, for your Name does indeed stand in the Roll before his: And therewith slew one after the other.

These are Examples of Brothers.

As for Wives. Ligarius his Wife had hid him; and went from time to time to see him, attended only by one Maid; who betraying him, she fol∣lowed those who carried away her Husband's Head, crying out; It is I that hid him, the Concealers are condemned to the same Punishment. And be∣cause no one would either kill or accuse her, she went and discovered her self to the Magistrates: who not judging her guilty for loving her Husband, she starved her self to death.

I have spoke of her in this place, because, having in vain endeavoured to save her Husbands Life, she would not survive him: for as for those whose Conjugal Affection had better success, we will reserve them to another place, when we are to speak of those escaped.

Here therefore we shall now only relate Examples of such as made wretched Attempts upon the Lives of their Husbands; among whom Septi∣mius Wife shall have the first place. It was a long time before that one of Anthony's Friends had abused her Husband's Bed: But she desiring rather to be his Wife than his Mistress, he prevailed so far by the Credit he had with Anthony, that Septimius was found among the number of the Pro∣scripts. He was advertized of it by her own self: And knowing nothing of the ••••••••onour of his House, disposed himself to Flight. But she, like a kind Wife, shut the Doors; and kept him very diligently, till the E∣xecutioners came to rid her of him; and the same day of her Husband's death espoused the other.

Salassius had escaped; but out of a belief the danger diminished, was so imprudent as to return by Night into the City. In the mean time his House was sold, and there remained in it of all his People none but the Porter, who was comprized in the Sale: So that he alone knowing him, made him come into his Lodge, promised to keep him close, and to feed him the best he could. He was no sooner entred but he sent for his Wife, who was lodged elsewhere: who professed a great passion to see her Husband; but excusing her self upon the fear of the Night, and the suspicion she had of the fidelity of her Servants, she said, she would not come till the Morrow.

As soon as it was Day she went to seek for Executioners, and the Porter went to find her to desire her to come: which was the occasion that Salassi∣us missing the Porter, began to fear some treachery; and got up to the top of the House to expect the event: whence beholding not the Porter, but Soldiers coming under his Wife's Conduct, he precipitated himself from top to bottom.

In like manner Fulvius having sought for refuge in the House of a certain Woman, who having been his Slave and Concubine, he made free and mar∣ried: for so many good turns she betrayed him, jealous that he had espou∣sed another woman. But I have said enough of wicked Women.

Statius the Samnite, who had performed many great Services for his Country in the War with the Allies: After which, by his worthy Acti∣ons, Riches and Birth, he was arrived to the Dignity of Roman Senator: being proscribed at the age of fourscore Years only for his Riches, caused his House to be ransacked by the People and his Slaves, who carried away what they could, the rest he himself threw into the Street; and barring his Doors, set fire to his House, wherein he was burnt with a good part of the City.

Capito having half opened the Door of his House, so that but one at a time could enter, slew with his own hands many of the Soldiers; till at last, over-powred by numbers, he was himself slain.

Vitulinus assembled about the Country of Regium great Forces, compo∣sed of proscribed Persons, and others who came to take Sanctuary under him, together with the Inhabitants of those eighteen Cities destined for the Soldiers Reward after the Victory; which made them desperate: And with these took the Field; where he cut in pieces all the Centurions he could meet with that were searching for Proscripts. But the Triumvirs having sent greater Forces against them, he, without losing heart, crossed over into Sicily, where Pompey then commanded, the Refuge of all such Pro∣scripts as could escape out of Italy. After which generously returning to renew this sort of War, being defeated in several Engagements, he em∣barked his Son, with other Proscripts, to send them before him to Messina; but his own Boat scarce reaching the middle of the Straits, till he was surrounded by Enemies, he there honourably dyed.

Naso having been betrayed by a Freed-man, by whom he had been abu∣sed, snatched the Sword out of one of the Soldiers hand; and after having slain the Traitor, offered them his own Throat.

A certain faithful Slave had left his Master hid in a Sepulchre, while he went to the Sea to hire a Boat. His Return happened to be just at the in∣stant that the Soldiers were murdering his Master; to whom, ••••••ing him ready to die, he cryed out, Stay a little, my dear Master: and at the same minute falling upon a Centurion, slew him first, and then himself; saying, Now Master, you have some cause of Comfort.

Lucius having two Freed-men, upon whose fidelity he relyed, gave them his Money to carry to the Sea, where he designed to embark: but they run∣ning away with what they were intrusted with, he returns; and condem∣ning himself to death, delivers himself up to the Murderers.

Labienus, who in the Proscription of Sylla had taken and destroyed ma∣ny, had been a Coward if he had not bravely born what he had made o∣thers suffer. Wherefore, coming out before the Gates of his House, he sat him down in a Chair, expecting some who would come and cut off his Head.

Cestius, who lay concealed in a Country-house with faithful Slaves, seeing armed Centurions daily pass by carrying of Heads, could not longer endure to live in that continual fear; but having commanded his Slaves to raise a Pile of Wood, and set fire to it, that they might tell those that passed they burnt the Body of Cestius, threw himself into it in good earnest.

Apomius was in a place of Security: But not able to accustom himself to such course Provisions as were brought him, went out to seek his death.

Another publickly waiting for the Executioners; because they came not soon enough, strangled himself before all the People.

Lucius, Father in Law of Asinius now Consul, having escaped by Sea; not able to endure the tossing of the Waves, threw himself over-board.

Sisinius being pursued by Soldiers; and crying out he was not proscrib∣ed, but they had a mind to destroy him for his Riches, was led to a place where the Names of the Proscripts were affixed, thrt he might see his own; which having read, they cut off his Head.

Aemilius not knowing himself was of the number of the Proscribed, and seeing another that fled, asked the Centurion who that Proscript was: Up∣on which the Centurion knowing him, replyed; Thou art one as well as he: and so slew them both.

Cilon and Decius being informed as they came out of the Palace, that their Names were in the Roll of the Proscripts; before any one set upon them, took their way towards the Gate so affrighted, that their Flight alone made them known to the Centurions, had the Guard of the Avenues.

Icilius, the same that in the Judgment of Brutus and Cassius, when Caesar sate President, when all the other Judges gave privately their Votes to con∣demn them, alone durst publickly argue for their Discharge, remembred not himself in this occasions of that great Generosity; for seeing a dead Bo∣dy carrying out of the City, he set to his Shoulder with the rest, that so he might gain a passage in favour of the Bier: But the Guards at the Gate perceiving there more people than were usually employed in that Office; yet without doubting of them, would only know if they did not carry a live Body instead of a dead: Which occasioned that Icilius being disowned by the rest, was known, and at the same time slain.

Varus being betrayed by one of his Freed-men, fled; and taking the way of the Mountains, got to the Marshes of Minturnum, where he hid himself to take a little repose. Mean time those of Minturnum coming by chance to seek for Thieves who often run thither for Shelter, seeing the Leaves of the Bushes shake, discovered him. So that being taken, and confessing himself to be a Thief, they condemned him to death: But seeing that they went to put him upon the Rack, to make him confess his Companions, he told them; I give you notice, my Masters, that I have been Consul, and am proscribed: in which Quality I am more considerable to those that now govern▪ that you ought not have the boldness either to torment or put me to death; for since my death is inevitable, I had rather die by my Equals. The Judges had much ado to believe him, and thought it only a Fiction, when a Centurion arriving, knew him, cut off his Head, and left the rest of his Body to the People of Minturnum.

Largus found in the Country by Soldiers that sought for another, they had pity of a Man fallen into their Hands unlooked for, and let him escape into the Woods; where being met and pursued by others, he run again to the first; crying out, Kill me, you that would have saved me; for I had ra∣ther you than others should have the Rewards. Thus dying, he made his ac∣knowledgments of their good will.

Rufus, who was Neighbour to Fulvia, Anthony's Wife, having a very fine House which formerly he had refused to sell her, though now he would gladly have given it her, was found among the number of the Proscripts. His Head being brought to Anthony, he said, it belonged not to him; and sent it to his Wife: who caused it not to be nailed up in the Publick Place, but before the same House.

Another having a House of Pleasure in the Country with a magnificent Garden, wherein was a deep and beautiful Grotto, which had been the cause of his Proscription. One day, as he was refreshing himself in his Grotto, one of his Slaves espying the Soldiers afar off, hid him in the obscu∣rest part of the Cave; and taking his Cloaths, presented himself to the Sol∣diers in such a frightful posture as if he indeed had been his Master: And certainly he might have passed for him, had not another of his Slaves disco∣vered the Deceit. Thus the Master being slain, the people incensed against the Traytor, never left importuning the Magistrates till he was hanged, and that the other had obtained his Liberty.

Aterius being likewise hid, one of his Slaves discovered him; and for it had his Liberty. But not content therewith when the Goods of the Pro∣script were publickly sold, and that the Children would have bought them, he not only out-bid them, but reviled them with words; which they seem∣ed not at all to resent, but still followed him every where with tears in their eyes, till such time as the people were so much incensed, that the Triumvirs condemning his Avarice, revoked his Liberty, and remitted him under the power of the Children of the Proscript.

One would have thought this Cruelty should have been exercised only upon persons grown, at least to full years; it extended it self even to Or∣phan Children, with intent to spoil them of their Riches. And one was killed as he went to School with his Master; who held the Child so strong∣ly embraced, they could not pull him out of his arms.

Another, called Attilius, had the same day taken the Robe Virile; and his Friends conducted him to the Temple, to offer Sacrifices, ordinary up∣on those occasions: when he was inserted in the Roll of the Proscripts, his Slaves and Friends all presently fled every one his way; and he remaining alone, forsaken of all his great Train, retired to his Mother; who was so frighted, that she refused him her House. So that not daring to apply him∣self to any other person after being so treated by a Mother, he fled to the top of a Mountain: whence Hunger forcing him to descend, he fell into the hands of one of those Thieves who steal Free Persons to make them Slaves. This Young Man, tenderly bred, and not able to undergo Labour and Hardship, escaped chained as he was, and recovered the publick Road; where presenting himself to the first Centurion passed by, he ended his life.

[ VI] Mean while Lepidus triumphed over the Spaniards; and to that purpose published an Ordinance drawn up to this effect. All Persons of what Degree soever are enjoyned to employ this day in Feasts, Sacrificing and Rejoycing, un∣der pain of Proscription. After that he mounted in Triumph to the Capitol, accompanied by all the most remarkable Persons of the City; chearful in appearance, but with Souls oppressed with Hate and Anger. As for the Goods of the Proscribed, they plundered their Houses, but they found few Purchasers of their Lands; for most Men were ashamed to add to their Misfortunes, and believed ill luck would attend themselves should they deal

in such Goods. Besides, there was no security for such as were known to have Money; and it was so dangerous to make new Acquisitions, that no Man was secure of what he held from his Ancestors. There were there∣fore none but very bold men that bought: and because they were but few, they had them for a small matter. So that the Triumvirs, who thought that the Moneys hereby raised would serve for the Expence of the War; found it to fall short* 25.4 two hundred Millions. They thereupon in the As∣sembly acquainted the People with their Wants, and proscribed fourteen hundred of the richest Women of the City; to whom they commanded to come and declare what Riches they had, to be employed in the Necessities of the State, as the Triumvirs thought convenient: and strictly forbidding, all Concealments whatsoever, or valuing things below their true Value, un∣der pain of Punishment; with promise of a Reward to any that should in∣form of such an Omission, whether Free Man or Slave. The Women, as soon as they had notice of it, having resolved to become Suitors to the Kin∣dred of the Triumvirs, to solicite them in their behalf, were favourably re∣ceived by Caesar's Sister, and Anthony's Mother; but Fulvia, his Wife, shut the Gate against them. They were so concerned at the Affront, that they came in a Body to the Place; and the People and Guards making way for them, they advanced to the Tribunal of the Triumvirs: where Hortensia, before prepared to that purpose, spoke to them in this manner, in the name of all the rest.

The Oration of Hortensia.

BEing obliged to make to you our Remonstrances, as we are Women, we had recourse to your Women; which surely was no more than what was decent: But having received from Fulvia an affront which even Decency and Good Man∣ners forbid her to put upon us, we are forced to come hither to speak for our selves. You have deprived us of our Fathers, our Children, our Husbands, and our Brothers, accused of the Crime of having offended you; if after that you spoil us of our Goods, you will reduce us to Extremities unbecoming our Birth, our Quality, and our Sex. If you perhaps say we have offended you as well as the Men, proscribe us in the same manner: But if none of you have been declared Enemy by the Women; if we have neither demolished your Houses, nor defeated your Armies, nor given your Dignities to others, nor hindred you from being preferred to Honours and Magistracies, why are we equally punished? Why do you exact Contributions from us, who pretend nothing to Dignities, nor Honours, nor Command of Armies, nor Government of the State, nor all those things for which you dispute among your selves with so much Heat and Obstinacy? But it is because you have War you inflict this on us: Was the World ever without War? And were Women ever made contribute to it, whom Nature dispenses with by the general Consent of all Nations upon Earth? I know well that in the time of our Ancestors, our Mothers derogating from the Privileges of their Sex, contribu∣ted to the Expence of the War; b••t it was but once, and in a time when the Ro∣man Empire and the City it self were in hazard of becoming a Prey to the Cartha∣ginians. This too they did voluntarily, and sold not for it either their Lands, or their Houses, or their Ioyntures; without which free Women cannot subsist. They were content to contribute those Movables which only served for Orna∣ment, not to be employed for any certain Use; nor after Rewards promised to

those that accused them, nor by constraint, but as much as they pleased. Should the Gauls or Parthians invade Italy, and we be demanded to defend our Country, we shall not be less generous than our Mothers; but think not that we will con∣tribute our Estates for Civil Wars, and to maintain one against another. In the War of Pompey nothing was demanded, neither did Marius nor Cinna exact any thing from us: no, nor Sylla himself though he had oppressed that Common∣wealth which you pretend to be the reestablishers of.

The Triumvirs were nettled at these words of Hortensia's, and thinking it strange, that where Men were silent, Women should dare to speak, and be so bold as to demand of the Magistrates an account of their Actions, and refuse to contribute Money to a War, to which Men payed their persons, commanded the Ushers to make them withdraw from the Tribunal; but the multitude beginning to cry out, the Ushers stopped, and the Triumvirs adjourned the business till the morrow. As soon as it was day, of fourteen hundred Proscripts they retrenched a thousand, and only taxed four hundred; and for the Men it was decreed, that whoever had more than one hundred thousand Drams ef∣fective; whether he was Citizen or Sojourner, Freed Man or Priest, of what Nation soever he was, without excepting person, should give in a Declaration of it, of which the fifteenth penny should be taken at interest, and one years Revenue towards the charge of the War, under pain of pu∣nishment to the Transgressors, and promise of reward to the Informers. Whilst these Ordinances were published at Rome, the Soldiers contemning their Officers, committed greater disorders in the Country, for the power and security of the Triumvirs depending upon them, they demanded ei∣ther the Houses, Lands, or confiscated Goods of the Proscripts; others would have rich persons to adopt them, others of their own Motion slew Men uncondemned, or plundered the Houses of private men, insomuch that the Triumvirs deputed one of the Consuls to chastise them, but he durst not touch the Soldiers, for fear of incensing them against himself, on∣ly took occasion to hang a few Slaves, who in Soldiers habit committed the same Violences.

[ VII] After having related the miseries of the Proscripts, I think it expedient to speak of those who escaped beyond their own hopes, or came after∣wards to Dignity in the City, such Examples not being unprofitable to the Reader, who from thence may learn not to lose courage in the worst of misfortunes. A great part of these who could get out of Italy made their retreat to Brutus and Cassius, and some to Cornificius, who likewise stood for the People in Africa, but the greatest part escaped into Sicily, which is nigh unto Italy, where Pompey took care to receive them, and did in this unhappy occasion great services to these miserable People; for in the first place he caused it to be published, that whoever would make their retreat to him, should be welcome, and that he would give to those who saved a Proscript, whether he were Freeman or Slave, double the reward which the Triumvirs promised to the Murderers. Then he appointed great numbers of Barques and other Vessels to go out and meet such as might be escaped to Sea, and his Gallys continually cruised along the Coasts, making Signals to all that passed, and receiving all such as would embarque on them, whom at their landing he in person received, furnished them with Cloaths and Necessaries, and to such as were worthy gave Command in his

Army by Sea or Land, and declared he would never come to an Accom∣modation with the Triumvirs, unless those who had fled for refuge to him were comprised in it. Thus he beneficially served his Country, and be∣sides the Glory derived from his Father, made himself illustrious by his own Virtue. Others that fled or hid themselves in Country Houses, or in Sepulchres, or in the City it self, lived miserably, and in perpetual fear, till the persecution was overpassed, which lasted a good time, during which were found wonderful examples of Friendship, of Wives for their Hus∣bands, of Children for their Parents, and even of Slaves to their Masters, of which we will relate the most memorable.

Paulus Brother to Lepidus being proscribed by himself, the Centurions had yet respect for him as he was their General's Brother, so that he re∣treated in safety to Brutus, and after Brutus's death to Miletum, from whence, though after the peace he were recalled, he vouchsafed not to come.

Lucius, Anthony's Uncle, was received into his Sister's House, who kept him a long time without concealing him, because the Centurions re∣spected her as Mother to their General; yet at last when they would have entred, she run to the place, and Anthony with his Colleagues being seated on the Tribunal, I accuse my self, Sir, (said she) that I have received and will receive Lucius into my House till such time as you put us both to death together, since the Proscripts and those that receive them are equally guilty. An∣thony answered her, that she was a good Sister, but an ill Mother, and that she either ought not now to save Lucius, or have hindred him before from declaring her Son Enemy; yet he took such order, that the Consul Plancus exempted him from punishment by a Decree of the People.

Messala, a young Man of noblest Birth, having made his escape to Bru∣tus, the Triumvirs, who feared him because of his Generosity, revoked his Proscription in these terms: Since the Kindred of Messala have attested to us that he was not in the City when Caesar was killed, we have decreed that he be erazed out of the Roll of the Proscripts. But he would not accept their kind∣ness: and yet after Brutus and Cassius were killed in Thrace, when the Army being yet in a good condition, and wanted neither Ships nor Money nor hopes, had chosen him General, he refused it; nay, on the contrary, perswaded the Soldiers to yield to fortune, and take part with Anthony. After which he was one of his particular Friends, till such time as affronted by Cleopatra. he withdrew to Caesar, who made him Consul in the room of Anthony after he was declared Enemy the second time. After which he served under Caesar at the Battel of Actium; and in conclusion Caesar having sent him against the revolted Gauls he defeated them, and deserved the Ho∣nour of Triumph.

Bibulus, who gained Anthony's favour at the same time with Messala, and was some time Admiral of his Fleet against Caesar, got at last the Go∣vernment of Syria, where he died.

Acilius, who was dragged out of the City, having been delivered to the Soldiers by one of his Slaves, perswaded them by hopes of great gain to send some of their company to his Wife with the tokens he gave them. They going, she shewed them her Jewels, and told them she would give them all, on condition they would release him, which they promised to do, and though she doubted of their promise, yet her friendship to her Hus∣band was worthy not to be deceived, and the Soldiers hired a Boat for Aci∣lius, and sent him for Sicily.

Lentulus being watched by his Wife, for fear he should fly without her,

and he was unwilling she should hazard her self in the danger with him, e∣scaped secretly into Sicily, where being made Pretor, he wrote to her the happy success of his flight, and the Honour he had received from Pompey. When she knew where her Husband was, she stole from her vigilant Mo∣ther, and only with two Slaves and her self in the habit of a Servant came with much trouble and labour to Rhegium, from whence towards Evening she got passage to Messina; where having easily found the Pretor's House, she found Lentulus, not in the Equipage of a Pretor, but lying on the ground upon a Mattress, with untrimmed Hair and a slender Supper, all out of grief and impatience to see his Wife.

Apul••••us's Wife threatned to have him taken if he fled away alone; so that he was constrained to carry her along with him, which made none be suspicious of his flight, seeing him march publickly with his Wife, Men, and Maid-Servants. And Antius his Wife wrapped him in Coverlids, and made him be carried like a Pack to the Sea side, from whence he escaped into Sicily.

Reginus his Wife made her Husband by night go down the Privy, of which he smelt so strong next Morning, that the Soldiers loath to come near him, the next day she cloathed him like a Collier, giving him an Ass loaden with Charcoal to drive before him, and she at a finall distance went before in her Litter. One of the Soldiers that had the Guard of the Gate had some suspicion of the Litter, and would needs see what was in it. Re∣ginus, who was in fear for his Wife, came up praying the Soldier (as in passing) not to affront Women: and the Soldier having at first given him a surly answer as to a Collier, at last knowing him, for he had born Arms under him in Syria, said to him, Save your self without fearing any thing, my General, for it is yet reasonable that I call you so.

Copponius by means of his Wife, who had been chaste hitherto, got his pardon of Anthony; but she remedied one mischief by another.

Geta's Son made a Funeral Pile for his Father's Body, as if he had strang∣led himself, and sent to hide him at a Town he had lately purchased in the Country, where the old man, the better to disguise himself, clapped a Plaister on one eye: and after the Peace was concluded, found that for want of making use of his eye, he was indeed blind of it.

Oppius refusing to flie, because he was already old and infirm, his Son took him upon his Shoulders, carried him out of the City, and laboured so long, that sometimes leading, and sometimes carrying him, he brought him at last to Sicily, without any ones having the least suspicion, or doing them the least injury. Thus we paint Aeneas, respected by his Enemies themselves, for carrying his Father. The people afterwards gave the Ae∣dility to this young Man, out of respect to his Piety, and because his Fa∣ther's estate being confiscate, he had nothing to defray the expence of those Plays, the Artizans with one accord supplyed him gratis with whatever he wanted from each several Trade, and every Spectator cast what Money he pleased on the Stage, so that he became rich.

Arrianus likewise by Will ordered this Epitaph to be engraven on his Se∣pulchre:

Here lie the Ashes of a Proscript, whose Son not proscribed, concealed, accom∣panied in his flight, and saved from the Proscription.

There lived in these times two Metellus's, the Father and the Son, whereof the Father having command under Anthony at the Battel of Acti∣um,

was taken without being known, the Son siding with Caesar had Com∣mand under him in the same Battel. When Caesar being at Samos would needs see the Prisoners; this old Man was brought among the rest, his Hair long, and so filthy, that he was not to be known; but when they called him in his order of the Roll, the Son who was seated near Caesar, hearing the name of Metellus, leaped from his place, and ran with rears in his eyes to embrace his Father, whom he scarcely knew▪ and then re∣straining his tears, spoke thus to Caesar: He bore Arms against you; I have served you: he deserves punishment, I reward, I beseech you then either par∣don my Father in consideration of the services I have done you; or let me die with him for the offences he has committed against you. This Discourse mo∣ving all the Assembly to compassion, Caesar promised to give life to Metellus, though he had been his greatest Enemy, and that he could never by any of∣fers he made, oblige him to serve against Anthony.

The Slaves of Maricius were so faithful, and so fortunate as to keep him in the House all the time of the Proscription, insomuch that when the dan∣ger was over, he came out of his House, as if he came out of Banish∣ment.

Hirtius being escaped out of the City with his Slaves, went throughout Italy, releasing Prisoners, gathering together Fugitives, and at first plun∣dering small Towns, afterwards greater, till such time as he beheld him∣self at the Head of considerable Forces, and subdued the Brutians, but the Triumvirate sending against him a potent Army, he retreated with all his People to Pompey.

Restion thinking to flie alone, was privately followed by one of his Slaves born in his House, whom formerly he had used kindly, but since branded in his Face with a hot Iron for his Roguery. His Master as he was lying down in the Marches, seeing him come, was much affrighted, which the Slave observing, told him the Brand he had set in his Face touched him not so much as the memory of his former Benefits: and at the same time hiding him in a Cave, fed him by his labour in the best manner he could; and af∣terward perceiving the Soldiers who were not far from the Cave, and were coming thither upon suspicion some one might be there hid, he fell upon an old Man that passed by, slew him, and cut off his Head; where∣upon the Soldiers wondring at the action. and laying hold on him as a Mur∣derer, he told him: It is Restion my Master whom I have thus slain, to revenge these marks of Infamy; whereupon they presently took from him the Head, that they might have the reward, which, whilst they in vain went to seek at the City, he removed his Master thence, and got him a passage into Sicily.

Appius being in Bed in a small Country House, whither the Soldiers came to seek him, one of his Slaves pulled off his Cloaths, which making him put on, he lay down in the Bed as if he had been the Master, and was wil∣lingly slain for him, Appius standing by in the Habit of a Slave.

In the same manner Menemius being besieged by the Soldiers in his House, one of the Slaves went into his Litter, and caused himself to be carried out by some of his Comrades, who contributed to his design, and so was killed for his Master, who by that means escaped for Sicily.

A Freed Man of Iunius, called Philemon, who dwelt in a magnificent House, hid him in a publick Room in a strong Chest made to keep Writings or Plate, and fed him by night till the time of peace.

Another Freed Man to whom was committed the keeping of his Ma∣ster's Sepulchre, whose Son was likewise proscribed, kept there both Fa∣ther and Son.

Lucretius having wandered some time up and down the Fields with two faithful Slaves, was at last by hunger forced to return and see his Wife, causing himself to that end to be carried by the Slaves in his Litter as a sick Man, one of those that carried him having broke his Leg, he pursued his way, supporting himself upon the other. But when he came near to that Gate where his Father, proscribed by Sylla, was taken, and saw a compa∣ny of Soldiers coming towards him, his heart upon the omen of the place misgave him, and he went and hid himself in a Sepulchre. Certain Thieves used to rob Sepulchres, coming thither, he let himself be stripped. The Slave while his Master lay close was gone towards the Gate, where he waited for him, and when he came, covering him with some part of his Cloaths, carried him in that manner to his Wife. There was in his House a Room double floored, where she hid him, till by the intercession of his Friends he got pardon from the Triumvirs, and after peace was made, ob∣tained the Consulate.

Sergius remained some time hid in Anthony's own House, who at last ma∣naged Affairs so, by the means of the Consul Plancus, that his return was assented to; wherefore when Caesar and Anthony after fell at odds, when the Senate declared Anthony Enemy, Sergius was the only man that openly opposed it.

As for Pomponius, he took the Habit and Ensign of a Pretor, and having cloathed his Slaves like Ushers, went as a Pretor all the length of the City with his Litters, his Officers crowding close about him for fear he should be known by others; being got out of the Gates he mounted in one of the publick Coaches, and marching in this Equipage through Italy, was every where received as a Pretor deputed from the Triumvirs to make peace with Pompey, till such time as he passed into Sicily upon one of the publick Gal∣leys.

Apuleius and Aruntius acted the Centurions, armed their Slaves like Soldiers, and run about the City as if they had pursued some Proscripts. At length separating, they began to release Prisoners, and to gather toge∣ther Fugitives, till having levyed some Troops, each beheld himself with Ensigns, Arms, and a certain kind of Army; both one and the other strove to get the Sea side, and therefore came to encamp on certain eminencies in view of each other, one mightily afraid of the other. Morning coming on they took one the other for Enemies, came down from the Hills, and en∣gaged each other, till at length, knowing their errour, they threw down their Arms, and with tears embraced, casting this accident on fortune which had been cross to them in all things. After that they embarqued and made their retreat, Aruntius to Pompey, with whom he returned to the Ci∣ty, and Apulei••s to Brutus, whose Lieutenant he was in the Government of Bithynia, which after Brutus's death falling to Anthony, he permitted him to return to his House.

As soon as Ventidius was proscribed, one of his Freed Men bound him, as if it were to deliver him to the Executioners, the Night following he armed all his Slaves like Soldiers, and as if he had been Centurion brought forth his Patron, and managed his business with so much cunning, that cros∣sing in this manner all Italy as far as Sicily, they lodged often in the same Inn with other Centurions, under pretence of searching for Ventidius.

Another whom his Freed Man had hid in a Sepulchre, being struck with horrour at such a Lodging, went and hired a wretched Chamber next to one hired by a Soldier, where not able to endure to live in continual fear, he passed from infinite terrour to prodigious boldness, and causing himself to

be shaved, went and kept a School in Rome it self, till such time as peace was made.

Volusius being proscribed whilst he was Aedile, had a Friend, Priest to the Goddess Isis, who lent him a Linnen Robe that covered him to the very Heels, so that passing through the Country in the habit of a Priest to that Goddess, and every where performing the usual Ceremonies, he escaped to Pompey.

Sittius a Native of Cales, as he was very rich, so he had been at great ex∣pence in the service of his Countrymen, in acknowledging of which they took Arms in his defence, threatened his Slaves with death, if any ill hap∣pened to him, and permitted not the Soldiers to approach their Walls, till such time as the mischief diminishing, they sent to the Triumvirs, and ob∣tained from them that he might stay in his own Country, banished from a∣ny part of Italy. So Sittius became the only person of all mankind that e∣ver was in exile in his own Country.

Varro a Philosopher, Historian, Soldier, and General of great Reputa∣tion, was also proscribed, possibly for being so, as an Enemy to Monarchy. All his Friends were at strife who should have the Honour to secure him, Calenus carried it, and kept him in a Country House of his, where Anthony often divertised himself as he passed by; yet none, either of Varro's or Ca∣lenus's Slaves discovered him.

Virginius a fair spoken Man perswaded his Domesticks, that if they slew him for a small gain, which yet they were not sure of, they would be af∣flicted with eternal remorse of conscience; whereas on the contrary by sa∣ving his life they might expect immortal Glory, and hope for rewards greater and more certain; wherefore, as if they had been one of his companions, they followed him in his flight, wherein being known by the Soldiers, he talked to them in the same manner, he told them that there was no hate between them for which they should kill him, and that doing it only for Money, they might get more and more honestly if they would go with him to the Sea side, whither his Wife was to bring all he had. They believed him, and went along, and indeed his Wife had been there accord∣ing to agreement betwixt them, but Virginius staying too long, she believed, that coming there before her he was embarqued, and therefore embarqued to follow him, yet leaving a Slave on the Shore to give Virginius notice, if he were yet behind. The Slave seeing Virginius coming, ran to meet him, and shewed him the Vessel wherein his Wife was, not yet out of sight, and withal talked to him of his Wife, his Money, and the reason why she left him. The Soldiers were so absolutely perswa∣ded, that when Virginius entreated them either to stay till he could make his Wife return, or to embarque with him to go after her, and receive their Money, they entred with him into the Vessel, and themselves setting hand to the Oars brought him into Sicily, where after having received what he had promised them, they continued in his service till the time of the Peace.

Rebulus being in a Vessel that was to carry him for Sicily, the Pilot began to demand Money of him, threatning to discover him if he gave it him not, to whom Rebulus made a like answer, as Themistocles had done in his flight that he would have saved a Proscript for Money, insomuch that the Pilot affrighted with the answer, brought him speedily to Pompey.

Murcus was likewise proscribed because he had Command in Brutus's Army, and being taken after Brutus was defeated, he feigned himself a Slave: Barbula bought him, and because he saw him active, gave him the

Government of all his other Slaves, and withal made him his Cash-keeper. Murcus behaved himself in this Employment with more prudence than na∣ture ordinarily gives to Slaves, his Master hereupon had some suspicion of him, and exhorting him to courage, promised to secure him, though he were one of the Proscripts, which he constantly denyed, telling him out of his own invention his Name, his Family, and his former Masters. Barbula thereupon carried him to Rome, thinking if he were one of the Proscripts he would be loath to go: however he followed him; but some time after as Barbula was before one of the Consul's Gates, one of his Friends knowing Murcus in his Train in the Habit of a Slave gave him no∣tice of it, and he by the intercession of Agrippa desired his pardon of Caesar, who caused him to be crazed out of the Roll of the Proscripts, esteemed him afterwards as his Friend, and employed him not long after in the Battel of Actium against Anthony. Barbula served under Anthony, and fortune had ordered each of them his turn; for Barbula after Anthony's Defeat was taken prisoner, feigning himself a Slave, Murcus bought him as if he had not known him, and gave advice of it to Caesar, from whom he obtain∣ed power to return him like for like; and this conformity of fortune be∣tween them continued ever; for they were afterwards Colleagues in one of the highest Dignities of the City.

Some time after Lepidus reduced by Caesar to the condition of a private Man from a Sovereign, that he was constrained by a like necessity to sub∣mit to Balbinus, who escaping the Proscription returned with Pompey, and was now Consul, and thus it happened, Maecenas had accused Lepidus the Son, of a Conspiracy against Caesar, together with the Mother as an Ac∣complice; for Lepidus himself he de••pised as weak. The Son being sent to Caesar then at Actium, Maecenas caused it to be ordered, that if the Mother would be dispensed with from the toil of the Journey, she should give in such security as the Consul should approve, but none being found would be bound for her: Lepidus having often in vain presented himself before Balbinus's Gate, and sometimes too before the Tribunal, from whence the Officers had forced him to retire, had scarce the liberty at last to say these words: The accusers themselves are testimonies of my innocency, by saying I am no Abettor with my Wife and Son. 'Twas not I proscribed you, and at this day I am my self under the power of Proscribers; wherefore let me beg you to consider the instability of humane things, and to accept my security for my Wife, or send me prisoner along with her. Lepidus having thus spoke, Balbinus moved at this great change, discharged his Wife from the security de∣manded.

Cicero the Son of the Orator being sent into Greece by his Father, who foresaw the miseries that afterwards happened, retired first to Brutus, and afterwards to Pompey, and had both under one and the other very honoura∣ble Employments in the War. At last Caesar to make it appear he had not consented to his Father's death, made his Son first Pontifex or High Priest, some time after Consul, and in the end Proconsul of Syria: and then when Caesar after having defeated Anthony at Actium, wrote news of it to Rome: Cicero as Consul read it in full Assembly, and fixed a Copy before the Tri∣bunal for Orations, where formerly his Father's Head had been exposed.

Appi••s after having deposited what Goods he had in the hands of his Slaves, embarqued himself to go with them into Sicily. A Tempest a∣rising, the Slaves who were desirous to enrich themselves with his Money, perswaded him there was more security in the Boat, and prevailed with him to go into her. But fortune would that against all probability he was saved, and the Slaves all perished.

Publius,* 26.1 Questor to Brutus, who had been solicited by Anthony's Peo∣ple to betray his General, and was proscribed by the Triumvirate for not consenting, returned at last to Rome, and was beloved by Caesar to that de∣gree, that when Publius shewed him Pictures of Brutus in his House, he yet esteemed him the more. These are the most memorable accidents happen∣ed to some Proscripts who escaped the danger.

Whilst these things passed at Rome, all the rest of the Empire concern'd [ VIII] either for one or the other party was filled with Wars, especially in Africa, between Sextus and Cornificius, in Syria between Cassius and Dolobella, and in Sicily against Pompey, in which Actions many Cities were forced, as Lao∣dicea, Tharsus, Rhodes, Patara and Xant, not to speak of others less con∣siderable; the particulars whereof we will relate in the briefest method possible. The Romans divide Africa into two Provinces, of which, they call that the old which they conquered from the Carthaginians, and that whereof Caesar had newly despoiled King Iuba they call the new, that is Numidia. Sextius sent into this last in quality of Caesar's Lieutenant, gave Commands to Cornificius to surrender to him the old, because by the divi∣sion made among the Triumvirate all Africa belonged to Caesar: Cornificius made answer, that he knew nothing of any such Division, and could not without orders of the Senate quit the Government of a Province they had given him in charge, whereupon they declared War: Cornificius had an Ar∣my both better disciplin'd, and stronger in Men than Sextius, who having only light armed Foot made incursions into Cornificius's Government, and dayly drew some to his Party, till such time as Ventidius Lieutenant to Cornificius coming against him with more Forces than he had, besieged him, and Le∣lius the other Lieutenant of the same Cornificius entred into Sextius his Pro∣vince, and besieged Cirta. Mean time both Parties sent to demand alliance of King Arabion, and those they call Sittiens, for the reason we are going to re∣late. Sittius accused of crimes at Rome, not daring stand a trial, fled, and gathe∣ring together some Forces as well in Italy as Spain, went over into Africa. There happened then to be War between the African Kings, wherein Sittius taking sometimes one part, and sometimes another, and still carrying Victory to that side he joyned with, soon gained a fair reputation, and by exer∣cising his Army made it capable of great Attempts. He served likewise C. Caesar when he came to make War upon those who took part with Pompey, and slew Saburra Lieutenant to King Iuba, in acknowledgment of which services Caesar gave him the confiscation of Manasses's Estate, yet not all of it, but the better part. Manasses was Father of this Arabion, and for having assisted King Iuba, Caesar divided his Country between Sittius and Bocchus King of the Moors. Sittius distributed his part to his Soldiers, and Arabion went over into Spain to Pompey's Sons. After Caesar's death he re∣turned into Africa, from whence he continually sent fresh Troops of Afri∣cans to Sextus the Son of Pompey, who being returned from Spain well ex∣perienced, he drove out Bocchus, and got rid of Sittius by treason, and though he had an inclination for Pompey's Children, because of the good Offices he had received, yet would he no longer oblige himself to that Par∣ty which he saw forsaken by fortune, but chose rather to declare for Sex∣tius, by whose means he hoped to gain Caesar's favour, and the Sittians in consideration of his Father's kindness to them, did the same: Sextius en∣couraged by such a reinforcement went and charged Ventidius, routs his People, cuts the most part in pieces, and takes a great many Prisoners. News whereof being brought to Lelius, he raises the Siege of Cirta, and returns

to joyn with Cornificius. Sextius puffed up with this success, marches a∣gainst Cornificius, who lay near Utica with much greater Forces; and en∣camps close by him. There Lelius being commanded out with his Horse, to make discovery of the Posture of the Enemy, Sextius gives Order to A∣rabion to go charge him in Front with his Horse; and he with his Light-ar∣med Foot gains the Flank, whilst he thought to have to deal only with Horse. He charges him so home, that Lelius, before he received farther disgrace, fearing to be surrounded, and his Retreat cut off, goes and seizes upon an Eminence in the midst of the Campain; where Arabion in his Rear having slain many of his Horse-men, invests him. Cornificius seeing that, fallies out of the Camp with his best Troops: Sextius falls in his Rear: He faces about; and during the Fight, wherein he is hard put it, Arabion sends privately to his Camp people used to clamber up Rocks; who make them∣selves Masters of it. Roscius, who had the Guard of it, makes one of his people kill him. Cornificius tired out with fighting, not knowing his Camp was taken, hastes towards the Eminence to make good his Retreat to Lelius; but Arabion getting between him and his mark, he was cut in pieces. Le∣lius, who beheld all this from the place where he was, kills himself. The Army seeing their Commanders dead, made every Man the best way he could. The Proscripts that were with Cornificius fled, some to Sicily, others where best they might. Sextius gave to Arabion and the Sittians great quantity of Spoils; and pardoning the Cities, received them under the O∣bedience of Caesar. Thus ended the War in Lybia between Sextius and Cor∣nificius; which was thus short, as it seems, by reason of the heat of the Commanders.

[ IX] We will now speak of what was done by Brutus and Cassius, after having made some short Repetition of what has been said before, for the better un∣derstanding the whole. Caesar being slain, the Conspirators seized the Ca∣pitol; from whence they descended after the Senate had proclaimed the In∣dempnity. Afterward, the people moved for Caesar's death, took Fire∣brands from his Funeral-pile, and clapped them to the Houses of the Con∣spirators; which defending themselves from above, repulsed the multi∣tude, and soon after every one of them retired into the Governments which Caesar had given them. Cassius and Brutus exercised still the Office of Pre∣tors in the City, and had been designed Pro-Pretors by Caesar; Cassius of Syria, and Brutus of Macedon. But because the time appointed for their going to their Provinces was not yet come, and that without fear they could not stay in the City. The Senate sent them out honourably, under pretence of giving them the Superintendence of Provision, lest otherwise they should seem to have fled. After they were gone the Governments of Syria and Macedon were given by Decree to the Consuls, Anthony and Dolo∣bella, against the mind of most of the Senate; and yet in some manner to recompence Brutus and Cassius, they granted them Crete and Cyrene: But they despising these Governments because they were too small, began by Money to assure themselves of Forces, with intent to sieze upon Syria and Macedon. To this end they were labouring, when Trebonius being slain by Dolobella, and Decimus besieged in Gaul by Anthony, the Senate offended, declared Anthony and Dolobella Enemies, confirmed Brutus and Cassius in their first Governments, added Illyria to that of Brutus; and gave Com∣mand to all Governors, and all Soldiers of the Oriental provinces, to re∣ceive the Orders of Cassius and Brutus. After which Cassius, without consi∣dering Dolobella, advances to possess himself of Syria, with the Ensigns of

Command, together with twelve compleat Legions of Old Soldiers, who had served their Apprenticeship under Caesar. For Caesar having already in his thoughts the War against the Parthians, had left one in Syria under the Charge of Cecilius Bassus, as Lieutenant to Sextus Iulius, his Kinsman, yet very young: who roving about the Country to take his pleasure, used to carry his Legion along with him, contrary to all Decency: which when Bassus represented unto him, he reviled him. And another time when he sent for Bassus, because he came not immediately, he commanded to bring him by force: This Command raised a Tumult, and the Tumult a Scuffle, wherein the Soldiers no longer able to bear with Iulius insolence, slew him with their Javelins: But at the same instant they repented themselves, for they feared Caesar; wherefore they swore mutually to one another, that if he granted them not a Pardon for this Action, they would defend them∣selves to the death. They likewise forced Bassus to be of the Conspiracy; and raised another Legion, whom they exercised after the Roman way of Discipline. Sextus Marcus, sent by Caesar against them with three Legions, was repulsed; till such time as having called to his Assistance Minutius Cri∣spus, with three other Legions out of Bithynia, Bassus found himself be∣sieged by six Legions, when Cassius coming that way, Bassus Army volunta∣rily submitted to him, and soon after the six Legions commanded by Marcus and Minutius; whether they had an inclination for him, or else were wil∣ling to obey him in compliance with the Senate's Decree. Allienus sent some time before by Dolobella into Egypt, now brought thence four Legions of the Remains of Pompey's and Crassus Defeats; or of those which Caesar, at his departure from Egypt, had left in Cleopatra's Service. Cassius surpri∣zed him in Palestine, and forced to take part with him; for he durst not re∣sist eight Legions, having but four. Thus, beyond all expectation, he found himself Master of twelve Legions, besides a great number of Parthian Archers on Horse-back, who were come to offer themselves to him out of the great Esteem he had gained among them, when being Questor to Cras∣sus, they judged him more prudent than his General. Dolobella, since Tre∣bonius death, had stayed in Ionia; where he exacted great store of Money from the Cities, and prepared a Fleet of Ships which Livius Figulus hired from the Rhodians, Lycians, Pamphilians and Cilicians. So that having made these Preparations, he attempted to seize upon Syria; and to that purpose took his March by Land with two Legions, and gave order to Figu∣lus to follow him by Sea: But when he understood the State of Cassius his Power, he turned into Laodicea, a City affectionate to his Interests, and sci∣tuate on a Peninsula fortified to the Land; and whereof the Port was very commodious to enter with Provisions, or to go out again when ever they had a mind to set Sail. As soon as Cassius had notice hereof, that Dolobella might not escape him, he caused to be raised at the Neck of the Peninsula, which was two Furlongs over, a Bulwark of the same length, raised with Stones and other sorts of Materials, which he took from the Houses and Se∣pulchres that were in the Suburbs. He sent likewise to require Shipping from the Phenicians, Lycians and Rhodians; who all refused him: But though only the Sidonians sent theirs to him, he forbore not with them to assault Dolobella's Navy. There was in this Fight a great many Ships sunk of one side and the other; nevertheless, at last Dolobella got five, with all the Sea-men and Soldiers in them. Cassius sent afresh to demand Aid of those had refused him at first; and besides them, to Cleopatra, Queen of E∣gypt▪ and to Serapion, who commanded for her in Cyprus. The Tyrians, the Aradians and S••rapion (without the Queen's Order) sent him all they

had: But the Queen pretended that Egypt was afficted with Famine and Plague to excuse her self; though indeed, for the first Caesar's sake, she was concerned for Dolobella, had already sent him four Legions by Allienus, and had likewise at that present a Fleet in readiness to relieve him, which only stayed till the foul Weather Season was past. As for the Rhodians and Lycians, they made Answer, that they would serve neither Brutus nor Cassius in a Civil War; and that they had lent their Ships to Dolobella for passage only, not believing he would make use of them in War. After this Answer, Cassius, with those Forces he had, returned to give an Assault to Dolobella's Fleet; where the advantage was very doubtful at first, but at last Dolobella suffered some loss. At the same time the Bulwark being finished, they planted Batteries; and whilst they played at the Wall, Cassius laboured to corrupt the Guards: And not being able to gain Marsus, who commanded the Guard by Night, he prevailed with the Centurions that did it by Day; who, when Marsus was gone to his Repose, let in Cassius at many little Po∣sterns. The City being taken, Dolobella commanded one of his People to cut off his Head, and carry it to Cassius, to save his own: He obeyed in the first point, but after killed himself upon his Master's Body: Marsus like∣wise slew himself. Cassius took an Oath from Dolobella's Army, plundered the Temples and Treasuries of Laodicea, put to death the principal Inhabi∣tants, and taxed the rest in vast Summs; so that he reduced the City to ex∣treme necessity. From Laodicea, he took his March towards Egypt, upon the News that Cleopatra was going with a great Fleet to meet Caesar and Anthony. He hoped to hinder that Queen's Voyage, and to revenge him∣self of her: and indeed, he was very desirous to have siezed upon Egypt, then oppressed with Famine, and disfurnished of Men of War, Alienus ha∣ving lately drawn thence the four Legions. And it is probable something might have been done, but Brutus sent for Cassius in haste, because Caesar and Anthony had passed the Ionian Sea. Thus Cassius diverted from the Expedi∣tion of Egypt, of which he had great hopes, dismissed the Parthians with Rewards, and sent Ambassadors to their King, to demand a greater Succor; which arriving after the Defeat, over-run Syria and the Neighbouring Pro∣vinces, as far as Ionia, and so returned. After this, having left his Nephew in Syria with one Legion, he sent his Horse before into Cappadocia; surpri∣zed Ariobarzanes, under pretence that he had deserted Cassius, and defeated him; and brought to the General all his Treasures and Provisions which he had made ready for the War. Those of Tarsus being divided into two Fa∣ctions, the one had first received Cassius, and made him a Present of a Crown; the other some time after payed the same Honours to Dolobella; and both acted in the Name of the Community: So that by having receiv∣ed sometimes one and sometimes the other, they exposed their City to be punished by both for their Inconstancy; and at last Cassius, after Dolobella's death, taxed them in fifteen hundred Talents. They were already so poor, that they had not wherewithal to pay this Summ; but the Soldiers tormen∣ted them with a thousand Cruelties to make them find it: They sold first all the Publick Goods; then things consecrated, even to the Ornaments of the Temples, and the Offerings had been made: Which yet amounting not to the least part of the Summ, the Magistrates sold the Free Persons; first the Maids and Children, then the Women and Old Men, who yielded but little; and after all, the Young Men, many of which slew themselves. At last Cassi••s returning from Sy••ia, had compassion on their misery, and re∣mitted the Remainder of the Tax. These were the Calamities wherewith Tarsus and Laodicea were afflicted.

Cassi••s and Brutus consulting together what they were best to do; Brutus [ X] was of Opinion they should go into Macedon, and give Battel to the Ene∣mies, who had forty Legions; eight of which had already passed the Ioni∣an Sea. Cassius judged on the contrary; that the Enemy being so nume∣rous were not to be dreaded, seeing they would scatter of themselves for want of Provisions; and therefore, that it were better to begin the War with the Rhodians and Lycians, who held for the Enemies, and were very strong in Shipping, lest they should fall into their Rear whilst they were en∣gaged with Caesar and Anthony. This Opinion was followed; Brutus un∣dertook the Lycians, and Cassius those of Rhodes, where he had been educa∣ted, and had studied those Sciences taught in Greece. And because he had to deal with People very expert in Sea-Fights, he fitted up all the Ships he had, manned them both with Sea-Men and Soldiers, and exercised them at Mynda. As for the Rhodians, the most prudent of them were fearful to come to Extremities with the Romans; but the People made insolent with those Victories, which they remembred to have gained against People, to whom the Romans were no ways comparable, were very glad of it; and began to set in order three and thirty of the best Vessels they had. Howe∣ver, they sent Deputies to Cassius to desire him not to contemn Rhodes, which had always revenged it self on those that had despised them: Nor to violate the Treaties between the Romans and the Rhodians, by which they had promised not to bear Arms one against the other. That if he found fault with them for refusing their Ships, they would send Deputies to the Senate; and if the Senate ordered it, they would assist him with all their Forces. To this Cassius made Answer, that now it was no more time to make use of Words, but Arms: That as for those Treaties which obliged them not to bear Arms one against another, they had first violated them by assisting Dolob••lla against him: That the same Treaties contained likewise a Promise of assisting one the other; and that when Cassius demanded theirs, they mocked him with a pretence of sending Deputies to the Senate, now dispersed into all parts in their flight from those Tyrants had made them∣selves Lords of the City; Tyrants which he would punish as well as the Rhodians their Abettors, if they did not suddenly submit themselves. This Answer increased the fear of the Wise Men: But the People suffered them∣selves to be led by Alexander and Mnaseus; who encouraged them by put∣ting them in mind how Mithridates, and before him Demetrius, had in vain attempted Rhodes with far greater numbers of Shipping. Wherefore they made Alexander Prytane, which is the chief and most powerful Magistrate of the City; and Mnaseus they made Admiral. However, they again de∣puted to Cassius, Archelaus, under whom he had studied the Greek Learn∣ing; who, as one that had lived familiarly with him, taking him by the hand, spoke thus.

The Speech of Archelaus to Cassius.

WIll you that love the Greeks, ruin a Greek City; and that fight for Li∣berty, take it from Rhodes that is a Free City? Are you envious of the Glory of the Dorick Nation, which never yet was overcome; or have you forgot those Noble Stories you learnt at Rhodes, and at Rome it self? At Rhodes the mighty Actions the Rhodians, when assaulted in their City, have done against a number of Kings; and above all, against those were thought in∣vincible, Demetrius and Mithridates, for the Defence of that Liberty for which you say you are now in Arms? At Rome, the important Services we have done the Romans, especially against King Antiochus; the Monuments of which you may there behold engraven in Copper? This I say to oblige you to consi∣der our Nation, the Honour of our City, its good Fortune which never yet a∣bandoned it, its Affection to the Romans, and the Assistance it has offered them. But as to what may concern your self, Cassius; you ought particularly to bear some respect to a City wherein you have been educated, taught, cured of your Sick∣ness, and where you have a long time sojourned, and that even in my School; which makes me hope that the pains I have formerly took in instructing you, will not prove unprofitable to my Country, in dispensing her from engaging in a War with her Nursling and Scholar; wherein of two things, one must be inevitable; all the Rhodians must perish, or Cassius must be overcome. I will add a little Counsel to the Request I make you. In the important Affair wherein you are en∣gaged for the Publick Good, take the Gods for the Guide of all your Actions; those Gods by which you swore, when by Caesar's intermission we last renewed the Alliance between 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and after we had sworn mutually, gave hands in token of that Faith which ought to be kept, even to Enemies; but with much more reason to Friends, and those from whom we have received our Education. Besides, we ought not only to consider the Gods, but also take care to preserve our Reputation for the sake of Men; for those who violate Treaties are abhorred of all the World; and after having once broke it, neither Friends nor Enemies have any more Relyance on their Word.

[ XI] After these words the Old Man let not go his Hand, but wet it with his tears; which Cassius could not see without blushing: and yet at last he made this Answer.

Cassius's Answer to Archelaus.

IF you disswaded not the Rhodians from affronting me, you have affronted me your self; and if you told them your thoughts, because they did not believe you, I will revenge you. Now, it is manifest they have affronted me, first in re∣fusing that Assistance I demanded, in which they have despised me; Me that have been bred and educated in their City. Secondly, In preferring Dolobella before me, who was neither fed nor bred there: And what is yet more odious; whilst Brutus, and I, and all the rest of the Senators that fly from Tyranny, la∣bour

as you see to restore our Country to Liberty; and that Dolobella and others, whose Party you favour, oppress it. You, Gentlemen of Rhodes, that are such mighty Lovers of Liberty, you make a pretence that you will not concern your selves in our Civil Wars; though this be no Civil War, since we pretend not to the Sovereignty. It is a declared War against Tyrants, and the Republick de∣mands your Assistance; you decline it by desiring to be left in Liberty, under co∣lour that you have Alliance with the Romans, and yet have no compassion for so many Romans unjustly condemned to death, and proscribed, with Confiscation of their Goods; feigning that you expect the Orders of the Senate, now so oppres∣sed, that it is in no power of defending it self: Yet it is a long time since you re∣ceived those Orders by Decree, commanding all the Oriental Provinces to obey Brutus and I. As for you, Archelaus, you set a great value upon the Services the Rhodians have done us in the increase of our Empire, and of which you have received ample Recompence: But you say nothing to what you owe to our Assist∣ance, now that we fight for Liberty and the Safety of our Country; though the Dorians, had we never had any Commerce together, ought to gain the Romans Friendship, defend from Oppression the Roman Commonwealth. If without con∣sidering any of these Reasons, you stand upon the terms of Alliance made between us by Julius Caesar, the Founder of the Tyranny; it expresly says that the People of Rome and the People of Rhodes shall assist one the other in necessity. Assist therefore the Romans in the Extremity wherein they now are; Cassius sum∣mons you to it according to the terms of the Treaty: He is a Roman, and Commander over the Romans, authorized by Decree, which commands all the People of the East to receive his Orders: Brutus requires the Execution of the same Decree; and Pompey too, appointed by the Senate to the Superintendence of Sea Affairs. Add to these the Prayers of all the Senators who are escaped, part to Brutus and me, and part to Pompey; though by the Treaty the Rhodians are to help any single Roman that calls to them for Aid. But if you take not us either for Pretors, or so much as for Romans; but treat us like Strangers or Fugitives, or as the Tyrants call us, for condemned Men; you have indeed no Alliance with us, but with the People of Rome: But we Stran∣gers that are not comprehended in this Treaty, will make War upon you till you pay us an absolute Submission.

After this Answer Cassius dismissed Archelaus with much Civility: And after his Return Alexander and Mnaseus, the Commanders of the Rhodians went to Myndus with their three and thirty Ships, to out-brave Cassius; and it may be too, they had some hopes of Victory, the remembrance how they dealt with Mithridates near this place begetting thoughts in them that they might now likewise come off with success. The first day they were satisfied with shewing their skill at the Oar, and so returned to Gnidus: The next day they came again resolved to fall upon Cassius Fleet: The Ro∣mans wondring at their boldness, weighed, and went to meet them; and now they fought bravely on both sides. The Rhodians by nimble rowing hither and thither, with their lighter Vessels charged the Romans some∣times in the Bow, and sometimes on the Broad-side; but when the Romans ••ould grapple with them, they fought with them hand to hand, as if upon firm Ground. At last, Cassius having a greater number of Ships than the Enemy, surrounded them in that manner, that they could no more turn a∣bout in that nimble manner as before; but if charging the Romans a Head, they went presently off again, they must needs come to dammage, being closely blocked up: And the Rhodian Prows not being able to pierce the

strong built Roman Ships, whereas the Roman gave shrewd shocks when∣ever they joyned Board and Board to the lighter Rhodians. So that at last they had three Ships taken with all their Gang, and two sunk; the rest esca∣ped to Rhodes, but in an ill condition; and the Romans retreated to Myn∣dus, where they refitted several of their Ships that had come to dammage. Such was the Success of the Sea-fight between the Romans and Rhodians near Myndus; where Cassius was not in person, but beheld it from the top of a Hill. After he had refitted his Ships, he came to Loryma, a Fort stan∣ding upon the Continent, but by the Sea side, and belonging to the Rhodi∣ans. From hence he transported his Land Army, commanded by Fanius and Lentulus, upon Ships of Burthen into the Island; and himself with fourscore Galleys, went and anchored near the City, besieged now by Sea and Land; where he for some time remained without doing any thing, in hopes the Enemy would submit: But they charged him as fiercely as at first; and again with the loss of two Ships, found themselves invested on all sides. The Walls were immediately lined round with Soldiers, to de∣fend themselves from Fanius, who at the same time stormed the City by Land; and from Cassius, who approached with his Fleet and all things ne∣cessry for an Attack. For foreseeing he should stand in need of them, he had brought along Towers of Wood ready framed; which were soon set together and mounted. Thus Rhodes, after the ill success of two Fights, was beleagured by Sea and Land; unprepared to sustain a Storm, as is u∣sual in unexpected Surprizes; so that in all likelihood the Enemy would in a short time become Master of it, either by Force or Famine. The most prudent of the Inhabitants had no doubt of it; and were already capitula∣ting with Fanius and Lentulus, when they were all astonished to see Cassius with the choicest of his Forces in the midst of the City, without perceiving any Violence, or that he had made use of any Scaling Ladders. Many thought, and not without reason, that some of his Friends in the City had o∣pened him the Wickets to save it from Plunder, or before it should be forced yield for want of Provisions. Rhodes being thus taken, Cassius seated him∣self in a Tribunal, upon which was fixed a Spear, as if he had taken the Ci∣ty by Force: and having drawn up his Army to a stand, he published a Proclamation forbidding the Soldiers to plunder or commit any violence upon pain of death. After which he called by name about fifty of the Inha∣bitants of Rhodes, whom he put to death; and five and twenty others which absented themselves, he condemned to Banishment. In conclusion, he spoiled all the Temples, and all the Publick Places of all the Riches, and of all the Gold and Silver which he could find; and moreover, commanded every particular Person to bring in all he had at a prefixed day; with threats to put to death those that concealed any thing, and promise to re∣ward the Informer with the tenth Penny if he were Free, and with Liber∣ty if he were a Slave. At first many ventured upon Concealments, ima∣gining the threats would not be executed with severity; but when they saw the Reward given to the Informers, they grew fearful, and requested that the time might be prolonged; which being granted, some dug up their Money from under Ground, others drew it up out of Wells, others out of Sepulchres; so that they brought much greater quantities than be∣fore. To such calamity was the City of Rhodes reduced, in which Lucius Varus was left Governor. Cassius extraordinarily well satisfied to have ta∣ken it in so short a time, and to get withal so much Money, gave Command to all the other Provinces to pay him in ten Years Tribute; which was rea∣dily performed. Mean time a report was brought that Cleopatra with a

mighty Fleet, and great Warlike Preparations were at Sea to go joyn Caesar and Anthony: for having formerly underhand favoured their Party for old Caesar's sake, she now openly declared her self for the fear she stood in of Cassius. Wherefore he caused M••rcus to embark with the best Legion he had, and some Archers; and in sixty Ships sent him to Peloponnesus, giving him Order to post himself about Tenarus; from whence himself had taken off all the Cattel and other Provisions in the Peninsula.

We will now relate the Exploits of Brutus in Lycia: But here it will like∣wise [ XII] be necessary to look a little back, the better to revive the remembrance of things. After that he had received from Apuleius those Forces he had, with sixteen thousand Talents; and gathered in the Tributes of Asia, he came to Baeotia: Where the Senate having given him order to employ this Money for his present Necessities, with the Command of the Armies in Macedon and Illyria; Ventidius, his Predecessor in the Government of this last Province, delivered up to him three Legions, whereof the Illyrian Ar∣my was composed. He took at the same time one from Caius, Anthony's Brother, whom he found in his Government; and after raised four Legions more of new Troops. All which together, made eight Legions; among which were many of Caesar's Veterans, and great numbers of Macedonians, whom he caused to be exercised in the Roman Discipline: And all this without comprizing his Horse, which were in no small numbers; and his Light-armed Foot, and Archers. Whilst he was endeavouring to raise Men, and gather up Money, there appeared an Adventure to him from part of Thrace. A King of that Country being slain by his Enemies, Polemocratia his Widdow, who was fearful for her Son, came to Brutus; recommending her Infant to him, and delivering into his hands the Treasures of her dead Husband. He sent the Infant to the Cyzicenians, to take care of him till he had leisure to go and restore him to his Kingdom: But finding in those Treasures a prodigious quantity of Gold and Silver, he caused it to be coyn∣ed into Mony. When at the Conference with Cassius they had agreed to∣gether, that before all other things they would make War upon the Lycians and the Rhodians; he undertook to fall upon the Lycians, by the Siege of the City of Xanthus. The Inhabitants pulled down their Suburbs, lest Bru∣tus should lodge in them, or out of them furnish themselves with Materials for the Seige: And fortifying their City, defended themselves by the fa∣vour of a Ditch fifty Foot deep, and proportionably broad; in so much that those on either side could do each other no hurt, unless with Slings or Ar∣rows; for they stood as if parted by a deep River. Brutus resolving to fill this Ditch, caused Mantelets to be made to secure his Men's Approach, and divided the Work by night and day amongst the whole Army; beginning to labour in good earnest, causing Materials to be with all speed brought from far, and omitting no care or diligence necessary on such an occasion. In short, though at first it seemed likely that either the Enemies would hin∣der the Work; or, at least, that it would take up some Months time; yet it was finished in few days, and Brutus found himself at the Foot of the Wall; where he caused his Machines to be raised, and the Gates stormed by his Foot, continually releived by fresh Companies sent one after another. Yet for all this did the Besieged, though almost all tired out, and the most wounded, defend themselves as long as their Walls stood. There was al∣ready some Breaches made, and their Towers were all shattered; when Brutus▪ well foreseeing what would happen, gave over the Storm at the Gates, and caused his Men to retreat from the Assault. Whereupon, the

Inhabitants imagining this Retreat proceeded from the Negligence or Cowardise of the Besiegers, made a Sally by night upon their Enemies with Torches in their hands. The Romans, who expected them, running in up∣on them, they took their flight towards the Gates, which those that had the Guard of shut, for fear lest their Enemies should enter with them; so that there happened a great Slaughter. Some time after those that remain∣ed in the City sallyed out at Noon day; and having beaten off the Guards, fired all the Machines. The Gates being left open because of the misfor∣tune that happened before, there entred with the Inhabitants about two thousand Romans; and as the rest were thronging in after them, the Port∣cullis all on a suddain fell upon them; whether by order of the Xanthians, or that the Ropes that held them broke. Thus of the Romans that had en∣gaged themselves too far, some were lost, and the rest found themselves in∣closed, not being able to lift up the Portcullis for want of Cordage: so that knocked down from above by the Xanthians in those narrow Streets, they with much difficulty gained the Publick Place, which was not far off; where still extremely tormented with the Arrows shot at them: and ha∣ving neither Bows nor Arrows, they retreated into the Temple of Sarpe∣don, for fear of being at last over-pressed by the multitude. Mean while the Romans troubled, and fearful for those shut within the City, attempted all ways possible to relieve them: And Brutus went from Quarter to Quarter, to encourage his Soldiers; but they could not break open the Gates, almost covered over with Bars of Iron; and their Ladders and Towers of Wood were burnt. Notwithstanding, some applyed themselves to make new Ladders; others raised Perches, Forks and other pieces of Timber against the Walls to serve instead of Ladders; others fastned Iron Hooks upon Ropes, cast them over the Battlements; and when they catched hold, climb∣ed up by help of the Rope. The Oenandes, Neighbours and Enemies to the Xanthians; and therefore now serving under Brutus, began to scramble up the Rocks and Precipices, where the Romans with much pain followed them; and though many tumbled back, yet some gained the Wall, and o∣pened a little Gate, before which was a Palisade of very sharp Stakes; over which some of the bravest, assisted by those already within, passed: So that now being a considerable number, they attempted to break open a great Gate, which was not on the inside lined with Bars of Iron; to which effect those without laboured likewise. The Xanthians were at the same time fighting with those shut up in the Temple of Sarpedon, who made a great noise; which made those who both within and without were endeavouring to break open the Gate to make one great push for all; which effecting their business, they about Sun-set entred pell mell into the Town, shouting out as loud as they could, that those in the Temple might hear them. The City being taken, the Inhabitants retreated to their Houses; where they slew all those they loved best, who of themselves came to offer themselves up to death. Brutus hearing the cries and groans which this fury caused through∣out the City, thought the Soldiers had been plundering; and by Proclama∣tion forbad it: Bnt when he understood the true cause, he had compassion of People so fond of their Liberty, and sent to offer them Composition: but they with Darts and Arrows drove back those that came to speak with them; and after having slain all their Domesticks, and layd their Bodies upon Piles, they set them on fire; and then slaying themselves, they burnt with the rest. Brutus preserved from the flame all the Temples he could, and took Prisoners only a few Slaves, and about one hundred and fifty•• Virgins and Women who had no Men to kill them. And this was the third time

the Xanthians were destroyed for defence of their Liberty: for being be∣ing besieged by Harpalus the Median, Lieutenant to Cyrus, they chose ra∣ther to die than yield, and their City served them for a common Tomb; which Harpalus put not himself to the trouble to hinder. And under Ale∣xander, the Son of Philip, they fell under the like misfortune; refusing to submit to that Conqueror of so many Nations.

From Panthus, Brutus went down to Patara, which seemed to be the [ XIII] Port of the Xanthians; invested the City, summoned the Inhabitants to surrender, under the penalty of being treated like their Neighbours: And the better to perswade them, brought before them Prisoners of Xanthus; who making a Recital of their Misery, exhorted them to be wiser. The Patarans making no Answer, Brutus gave them the rest of that day to con∣sider of it, and retreated. The next morning he returned before the place; when the Inhabitants cryed out from the Walls, that they were rea∣dy to follow his Orders, and opened to him the Gates. Being entred, he neither put to death nor banished Person, but caused be brought to him all the Publick Mony of the City; and commanded likewise every particular person to bring in what he had, under the same Penalties and the same Re∣wards as Cassius, after the taking of Rhodes, had decreed to the Concealers and Informers: which was exercised so punctually, that there was not a Concealer, save one who was accused by his Slave. After this Traytor had shewed to the Centurion that was sent, the place where the Mony was hid, as they carried away all the Family before Brutus, the Master said not a word; but his Mother followed crying out, to save his life, that it was she that had hid it. Upon which the Slave, without being asked, say∣ing, that the Mother lyed, for that it was her Son himself had hid it▪ Bru∣tus praising the Son's silence and the Mother's affection to her Son, sent them away with their Mony without any Punishment; but for the Slave that would have destroyed both Master and Mistress, he caused him to be hanged. At the same time Lentulus sent to Andriac, which is a Port of the Myrians, broke the Chain which crossed over the Port; went up to Mira, which was surrendred to him by the Inhabitants; and after having taken their Mony, as was done at Patara, returned to Brutus: whither came the Lycian Deputies, promising him to serve him and assist him to the ut∣most of their power. He imposed on them a certain Tribute, sent back to Xanthus all the Free People, gave order to the Lycian People to meet him at Abydos; whither having sent his own Ships, he marched himself by Land, there to wait for Cassius, who was to come from Ionia, that they might together pass over to Sestos. Mean while Murcus, who had posted himself about Peloponnesus, with design to engage Queen Cleopatra's Fleet if she passed that way; understanding that she had been driven by Storms up∣on the Coasts of Lybia▪ and that some of her Wracks were brought as far as Lacedemon; she her self being surprized by Sickness, being forced to make her Retreat into Egypt; he, that he might not lose time, and do nothing with so great a number of Ships, crossed over to Brundusium; where he seiz∣ed upon the Island that makes a part of the Harbor; from whence he hin∣dred the Remainder of the Enemy's from being transported over into Ma∣cedon, or Provisions to be carried to those were there. But Anthony besieg∣ed him with those few long Ships he had; raising to this purpose Towers upon Rafts of Timber, whilst he made his Companies, one after another, go aboard the Ships of Burthen, and taking the opportunity of the Wind off Shore (for fear of being surprized in their passage by Murcus

Fleet) put out to Sea. Yet he found that this Seige would prove very pain∣ful; wherefore he called Caesar to his Assistance, who was now fighting with Pompey, on the Sicilian Sea for Sicily it self. But it is necessary that I say something of this Pompey, the youngest of the Children of the great Pompey.

[ XIV] After that his Brother was killed in Spain, Caesar despised him as a young Man, unexperienced and incapable of attempting any great matter: and indeed, he was retreated towards the Ocean, at the Head of a few High∣way-Men, with whom he rambled the Country, not known to be Pompey. But at last a greater number of Vagabonds joyning with him, seeing him∣self Commander of pretty considerable Forces; and declaring himself for Pompey's Son, all the Soldiers who had served under his Father or under his Brother, and had neither Employ nor certain Residence, came to him as to their General. Arabion likewise came from Africa after having been expelled his Father's Estates, as we have heretofore said. The name of Pompey soon spread it self through all Spain, the greatest of the Roman Pro∣vinces: And he shewed himself sometimes in one place, sometimes in ano∣ther; yet not daring to adventure a Battel with Caesar's Lieutenants. When all these things were known at Rome, C. Caesar sent Carinas and greater For∣ces to defeat Pompey: But he with his flying Army fell upon Carinas when least looked for, and then made his Retreat to places of Security; for he had already got some Towns, both small and great. Wherefore Caesar sent to succed Carinas, Asinius Pollio; who made no farther Advances than his Predecessor had done: And Caesar being dead, the Senate recalled Pom∣pey; who came thereupon to Marsilia, to attend what course the Affairs of the City would take. Afterwards the Superintendence of Sea-Affairs be∣ing given to him, with the same Power that formerly his Father had; in∣stead of returning to the City, he went and gathered together such Ship∣ping as he found in several Ports; and with a considerable Fleet set Sail from Spain. At the beginning of the Triumvate he landed in Sicily; where Bithynicus, who was Governor, refusing to surrender to him the Govern∣ment, he besieged him in the Isle; till such time as Hirtius and Phanius, Proscripts, who escaped, perswaded Bithynicus to yield to Pompey. Thus he soon beheld himself extremely powerful in Sicily; Master of a great number of Ships, of an Island commodious for Italy, and of a mighty Ar∣my; composed as well of the People he had at first, as those which the Proscripts brought him, Free Men and Slaves, or which came to him from those Cities of Italy decreed by the Triumvirs for a Reward of their Sol∣diers after the Victory; for the Inhabitants of those Cities abhorred nothing more than the name of that Victory. Wherefore, they secretly opposed it all they could possible; forsaking their Country, which they now held no more for their Country; and retreating to Pompey, who was their Neighbour, and now in the esteem of all the World. Besides, he had Sea-men, Africans and Spaniards, very expert Men; so that he wanted neither Officers, nor Soldiers, nor Ships, nor Mony. Caesar having notice of these things, sent away Salvidienus with his Fleet, to go drive Pompey out of Sici∣ly, as if it had been an easie thing; and himself followed with his Land-Army through Italy, to Rhegium, where he had ordered the Navy to meet him. But Pompey met Salvidienus with a great Fleet, and engaged him in the Entrance of the Streights, near Scylla. Pompey's Ships were the nimbl∣est, and his Sea-men the most skilful; whereas the Roman Vessels were heavy, and therefore not so yare in working: Besides, the Sea, which was

very boysterous in the place where they fought, was less troublesome to Pompey's Sea-men, who were used to it, than to Salvidienus's, who perhaps had never past that Strait; and therefore were not able to keep any sted∣dy course, for they could neither row nor stere. Towards Evening Salvi∣dienus first retreated, and Pompey drew off soon after. The loss of Ships was equal: Salvidienus refitted his Ships in a Port called Balara, nigh unto the place where they fought, and whither he at first retired; and Caesar be∣ing arrived in those Quarters, gave his promise to those of Rhegium and Vi∣bone, that he would except their Cities from the number of those which were to be given in reward to his Soldiers; which they were forely afraid of, because they lay so nigh the Strait of Sicily.

Thereupon, Anthony having sent in haste for him, he embarked for Brun∣dusium; [ XV] leaving Sicily on the Right Hand, and referring to another Season the reducing of that Island, and the War against Pompey. Murcus having intelligence of his coming, that he might not be surrounded by Caesar's and Anthony's Powers, at once quitted Brundusium, to go and watch in their pas∣sage for those Ships of Burthen that carried the Enemy's Army to Macedon. They were convoyed by Gallies; but the fair Wind contributed more to their Security than their Convoy. Murcus troubled to see his hopes frustra∣ted, watched once more to surprize them as they returned empty; but both then, and afterwards, when they were loaden again with more Forces, they escaped him with full Sails, till the whole Army, together with Caesar and Anthony, were got over. Though Murcus believed Fortune opposite to his designs, yet he stayed still in his Post to hinder, as much as in him lay, the transportation of Ammunitions, Provisions, or the new raised Forces. Thi∣ther, as to a convenient place, came to joyn Forces with him Domitius Ae∣nobarbus, sent by Cassius and Brutus with fifty other Ships, one Legion, and some Archers: For because the Enemy could have but small store of Provi∣sions elsewhere, they thought it a matter of importance to hinder the trans∣portation of any out of Italy: And indeed, Murcus and Aenobarbus with one hundred and thirty long Ships or Gallies, a great number of smaller Vessels, and a considerable Army, did very much annoy Caesar and Antho∣ny by guarding this Passage. Mean while Ceditius and Norbanus, whom the Triumvirs had sent before into Macedon with eight Legions; having from Macedon, advanced by way of the Mountains, towards Thrace; after fifteen hundred Furlongs March, were got beyond the Philippi's, and went and seized upon the Strait of Torpides and Salapaees, in the Estates of Ra∣scupolis, which were then the only known Passages from Europe to Asia. And this was the first stop that presented it self to Brutus and Cassius, who were crossed over from Abidos to Sestos. This Rascupolis and Rascus, his Brother, Princes of the Blood-Royal of Thrace, and Sovereigns of a certain Country, were of different Parties; and with a thousand Horse each, Ras∣cus held for Anthony, and Rascupolis for Brutus and Cassius. When there∣fore Cassius and Brutus informed themselves of the Ways, Rascupolis told them that the Ways of Aena and Maronia were the greatest Road, and the shortest and most ordinary Way to go to the Straits of Salapees, the pos∣sessed by the Enemies; and that to fetch a turn about the March would be thrice as long, and very difficult. Upon this Advice, they judging that the Enemy had not seized upon the Post, so much to cut off their passage, as that thereby they might have the greater conveniency of forraging and fetching Provisions out of Thrace than Macedon, they set forward on the way of Aena and Maronia, and from thence went to Lysimachia and Cardia,

which serve as Gates to the Neck of the Thracian Chersonesus, from whence the next day they came to the Black Gulf. Here they mustered their Ar∣mies, and found they had nineteen Legions, nine for Cassius, and eight for Brutus, which were not quite full, and two which they distributed into the others to make them complete, so that the whole amounted to about four∣score thousand Foot; as for Cavalry Brutus had four thousand Gaul and * 28.1 Lusitanian Horse, and two thousand Thracians, Illyrians, Parthians and Thessalians, and Cassius had two thousand Spaniards and Gauls, and four thousand Archers on Horseback, Arabians, Medes and Parthians, besides the Kings and Tetrarchs of the Galatians in Asia, who brought with them good store of Foot, and five thousand Horse. These were the Forces Bru∣tus and Cassius had at the Black Gulf, and with which they fought the Bat∣tel, the remainder of their Forces being employed upon other Affairs. The Army being here purged with the usual Ceremonies, they payed what they had promised to those who had not yet received it; for they had taken a course not to want Money, because indeed they stood in need of it, to gain by force of gifts the hearts of the Soldiers, and especially of the Vete∣rans who had born Arms under C. Caesar, for fear left at the fight or name of his Son they should change their minds. Besides they thought it conveni∣ent the Army should be spoke too; and at the same time caused to be e∣rected a great Tribunal, whereon the Generals with the Senators only being mounted, and all the Army as well their own Forces as the Auxiliaries, drawn round about them, they took great delight to view one another. The Commanders began to take heart, and to hope well in the great number of their Soldiers, and the Soldiers began to grow in love with their Commanders; for there is nothing unites hearts so much as common hopes. Now because there was a great noise made by so vast a multitude, silence was commanded by sound of the Trumpet, and then Cassius, who was the elder of the two, advancing somewhat out of his place, spoke in this manner:

The Oration of Cassius.

[ XVI] THat danger which is common to us, Fellow Soldiers, obliges us to be faithful one to another, besides that you are farther engaged by receiving the Donative we had promised you, which ought to beget a belief in you that we will keep our words with you for the future, and you ought to hope for a happy success of this War from your own va∣lour, from our Conduct, and from the Generosity of these great Men of the Senate, whom you see here sitting. We have as you well know great store of Munitions, Provisions, Arms, Money, Ships, and many Provinces and Kingdoms, which declare for us. Wherefore we need not make use of words to exhort to resolution and concord those whom com∣mon defence and interest obliges. As for the Calumnies which our two Enemies cast upon us, you know them, and 'tis that knowledge binds you so firmly to our Party: yet I shall be well content to give you this day an account of our Actions, that you may the more clearly understand, never was any War more honest and just than this we are now going up∣on. By serving with you under Caesar in many Wars, in some of which we likewise commanded, we contributed to his Greatness, and therefore

were always his Friends, that no Man may think we attempted his life out of any particular grudge. Peace being made, as he was Criminal, he ought to have been accused, not by us who were his Friends, and whom he had raised to Honours in the City, but by the Laws, and by the Com∣mon-wealth; but because neither the Laws, nor the Determinations of the Senate, nor the Decrees of the People were now any more of any account, but he had thrown down all those things instituted by our Fore∣fathers, when they expelled Kings, and swore never again to suffer the Regal Power, we being their Successors have prevented the violation of their Oath, we have diverted from our selves, and cast off from our own Heads those imprecations they pronounced, by not suffering one Man, though so much our Friend and Benefactor, to be longer Master of the Treasures and Forces of the Republick, or have the dispose of all Dignities and Governments, to the shame of the Senate and Roman Peo∣ple: or in short, change the Laws according to his fancy, usurping over the People and Senate and absolute power and Sovereign Authority; pos∣sibly in those times you did not make sufficient reflections on these things, but regarded only in him the quality of Generalissimo. But now you may better understand what I say, by what particularly concerns you; you are of the People, during War you obey your General, and in Peace have the right of giving your vote. The Senate first deliberates all mat∣ters, that you may not be deceived, but it is you, who in your Assemblies, either by Tribes or Centuries create Consuls, Tribunes of the People, Pretors, who give Sovereign Sentences, and decree to us either Rewards or Punishments, according as we have well or ill behaved our selves in our Charges. Thus for giving to every Man according to his desert, our Empire owes to you its felicity; and when you distribute honours to those deserve them, they have likewise to you a particular obligation. 'Twas by this very power you made Scipio Consul, to whom in testimony of his valour you gave the sirname of African, by this you created annual Tri∣bunes of the People, who had power to oppose the Senate, when it was necessary for your advantage. But what need I relate things, your selves so well know. Since Caesar made himself Master of the Common-wealth, you have not by your Votes nominated any Magistrate, neither Pretor, nor Consul, nor Tribune of the People, you have given no person a testi∣monial of his Virtue, nor have had the power to grant him any reward. In short, no person is obliged to you, neither for his Government, nor for Judgment given in his behalf; and what is yet more worthy of com∣passion, you have not been able to secure from outrage the Tribunes of the People, who are your particular Magistrates, and whom by your Decree you have declared sacred and inviolable. But those inviolable persons you have beheld infamously degraded from a sacred Dignity, devested of a sacred Habit, without any legal trial, by the command of a single person, and that for maintaining your rights, and declaring their indignation against those who would have given him the Title of King. The Senate suffered it with regret for your sakes only; for the Office of Tribune belongs to the People, and not to the Senate. But not having the power to accuse, or bring to judgment this Man, because of the great Armies whereof he made himself Master, to the prejudice of the Roman People, to whom they belonged, we applyed the only remedy left for the chasing away the Tyranny, by conspiring all together against his person; for it was requisite this Affair should be assented to by all honest Men, though it were executed but by a few. And immediately after the Action

the Senate declared it done by common deliberation, when they forth∣with proposed us rewards as for having slain a Tyrant. But Anthony op∣posing it under pretence of appeasing the tumult, and we our selves not desiring any greater reward than the service of our Country, they were not ordered because they would not defame Caesar, being content to have thrown down the Tyranny. However, they decreed a general Indemni∣ty, with prohibitions to all persons of prosecuting in form of Justice for the action done; and a small time after, because Anthony incensed the multitude against us by his Orations, the same Senate gave to us the greatest Provinces of the Empire, with the command of Armies, and an absolute power over all their Territories from the Ionian Sea to Syria; was it to punish us as Villains and Murderers, that they thus honoured us with the sacred Purple, with Rods and Axes? 'Twas for the same reasons they recalled from Banishment the young Pompey, who had no hand in the Conspiracy, but only was the Son of that great Pompey who first took up Arms for the Common-wealth, and did in some measure op∣pose the Tyranny, by concealing himself in Spain. That they ordered the value of his Father's Estate should be payed him out of the publick Monies: that they made him Admiral over all Seas, to the end, that having a love for the Common-wealth he might not be without com∣mand. After all these, can you desire more ample testimonies to incline you to a belief, that the Senate knew and approved our Action, unless possibly you expect they themselves should tell you so; but they will tell it you, and with telling it you reward your services, as soon as they shall have again attained the power of speaking, and giving rewards. For you know in what condition the Senators Affairs stand at present, they are proscribed without any form of Justice, their Goods are confiscated, and without hearing them speak they are slain in their Houses, in the Streets, in the Temples, by the Soldiers, by their Slaves, by their Enemies; they are dragged out of their Coverts, and hunted from place to place, that they may have no way to escape. We never were used to bring our E∣nemies Heads into the place, but only their Arms, and the Prows of their Ships: now they expose there the Heads of the Consuls, Pretors, Tri∣bunes of the People, Roman Knights, and reward those commit such Villanies. For 'tis a dreadful disorder. The enmities which have a long time layn hid, now declare themselves openly, and many of the Pro∣scripts perish by the private hatred of their Wives, Children, Freed Men and Slaves, so many cruelties has this Plague occasioned in the City, to which the Triumvirs gave the first examples, by proscribing their Bro∣thers, their Uncles and their Tutors. 'Tis said, that Rome formerly be∣came a Prize to the most Barbarous Nations upon earth; but the Gauls cut off no Heads, nor abused not dead Bodies, nor were troubled that their Enemies fled, or hid themselves: and we our selves in all the Cities we have taken, have neither acted, nor heard that ever were acted the least of those cruelties which are now acted, not in a vulgar City, but in the Mistress of the World, by Magistrates created to reform and restore the Common-wealth. Was ever the like committed by Tarquin, who only for acting a violence upon a Woman he loved, was driven out of Rome by our Fore-fathers, and for that sole Action the Royalty abolished? yet after all this, Citizens, we are treated as execrable persons by the Tri∣umvirs, who say they revenge the death of Caesar, by proscribing persons who were not in the City when he was slain, several of whom you see here, who were only proscribed for their Riches, or Birth, or affection

to the Common-wealth. Why was Pompey proscribed with us, he who was in Spain at the time of the action, unless it be because he is a Son to a Father that loved the Common-wealth; because the Senate recalled him and gave him the Admiralty, therefore the Triumvirs judged him wor∣thy of Proscription? Were the Women confederate in the Conspiracy, those whom they have taxed with such immense Contributions? Had the People committed any crime, for the punishment of which they had reason to command every Man that was worth above a hundred thousand Drams to make Declaration of it, under a penalty, if he failed. And yet with all these cruelties, all these exactions, they have not been able to raise Money to pay that Donative they promised to those Soldiers that serve them; whilst we that have done nothing but what is reasonable, have satisfied you the rewards we promised you, and have greater pre∣pared for you. The truth is because we have respect to Justice in all our actions, the Gods favour our Designs. The Gods (I say) after whose example you outht to consider humane Affairs, look upon your Fellow Citizens, under whose Command you have often fought, and who have with applause administred the Consulate, you see as well as we whither they have been forced to flie for Refuge, because they have been good Men, and Lovers of their Country. They embrace our Party, offer up Vows for the prosperity of our Arms, and will never decline our interests. Therefore have we proposed a greater and juster reward to those shall save them, then our Enemies promise to their Murderers. On the other side the Triumvirs imagine, that after having slain C. Caesar, because he alone usurped the Sovereign Power, we will suffer them to divide it a∣mongst them, instead of restoring the Government of the Common-wealth to the People, according to the establishment of our Predeces∣sors. But as our intentions are different in this War, theirs tending only to Dominion and Tyranny, as their Proscriptions have already made ap∣pear, and we having no other aim but the liberty of our Country, in which we shall content our selves to live equal with other Citizens, un∣der the authority of the Laws, there is no doubt but Gods and Men will esteem our Party the most just; and there's nothing in War gives better hopes than the justice of the cause. Nor let any one make a scruple that he has formerly served under Caesar; for he served not him but his Coun∣try: nor was it he gave you rewards, but the Common-wealth, in the same manner as you are not now the Army of Cassius or of Brutus, but the Army of the Romans: we are only your companions, and if we com∣mand you, it is only in the name of the Senate and People of Rome. Had our Enemies the same intentions with us, how easily might we all disarm with security, and surrender up to the Common-wealth their Ar∣mies, to be employed for the public Good, we would our selves become suppliants for it, if we thought they would accept of these conditions. but because they have no heart to do it, nor can hope to find security for ••hemselves, after their Proscriptions and other crimes they have com∣mi••ted; Let us go, Fellow Soldiers, let us go fight with courage and ••heerfulness for the Senate and People of Rome, and having no other end but Liberty.

Here all the Soldiers cryed with one voice;

Let us go whither you think fit to lead us.

And Cassius glad to see them so well disposed, as soon as silence was made, continued to speak in this manner:

May the Gods, who preside over just Wars, reward my Fellow Sol∣diers your Faith and Affection. As for that foresight your Generals, as they are Men, ought to have, observe but how much we are at this pre∣sent stronger than our Enemies: we are equal in number of Legions, though we have left Men in many places where we judged it necessary: we have far the greater number of Horse, Ships and Auxiliary Forces sent us from Kings and Nations, extending as far as the Medes and Par∣thians. Our Enemies can only assault us before, whereas we can like∣wise fall upon them behind, for we have Pompey in Sicily, and Murcus in the Ionian Sea, besides Aenobarbus has his Fleet well flesh'd with Seamen, with two Legions, and good store of Archers, who do sorely annoy them, whereas behind us, all is peaceable, both on Sea and Shore. As for Money, which some call Nerves of War, they have none at all, not being able to pay what they promised their Army, that brought in by Proscriptions not answering their expectations, for no honest Man would buy those Lands, the purchase of which would render him odious to all the world: and they can have none elsewhere, Italy being drained dry by Seditions, Exactions, and Proscriptions, whereas we have taken such effectual care, that we have it in such abundance, that we are able to give you another Donative; and the Provinces we have left behind us will suf∣ficiently supply us. As for Provision which occasions all the difficulty for the subsistance of great Armies, they can be supplyed only from Mace∣don, a Mountainous Country, or Thessaly, a Province of small extent, and that by Land with incredible labour, and if they pretend to have it brought from Africa, Lucania or Povilia, Pompey, Murcus or Aenobar∣bus will cut off their passage. For our parts we have already plenty, and more will dayly be brought by Sea from all the Islands, and all the Pro∣vinces between Thrace and the Euphrates easily, without the opposition of any person, we having no Enemy behind us. These are, Fellow Sol∣diers, the works of humane fore-sight, we expect the rest from you, and the Gods. For our parts, besides what you have already received, we will pay you what we have promised, and as we have already rewarded your fidelity with a Donative; so by God's assistance, after having gained the Victory, we will recompence you with something worthy your ser∣vices. And in the mean time, the more to encourage you, and because I see the whole Assembly disposed to do well, as soon as I descend from this Tribunal, we will give every Soldier fifteen hundred Italian Drams, to every Centurion five times as much, and to every Tribune propor∣tionable.

[ XVII] After having thus spake, and gained the hearts of the Army by Actions, by Words, and by Gifts, he dismissed the Assembly, which yet would not break up till after many Acclamations to Brutus and Cassius with promises of good service, immediately they dist••ibuted in ready Money what they had promised, gratifying with somewhat more, such as had signalized themselves upon any other occasions, and as they received their Money they sent them forward on their march towards Dorisca, whither in few days the General followed them. At the same time two living Eagles came and

pearched upon the Siver Eagles of the Standard-bearers, and pecking at them (as some say) and covering them with their Wings, there stayed. The Generals caused Food to be given them till the day before the Battel, when they fled away. After two days March on the Banks of the Black Gulf, the Army came to Aena, and from thence to Dorisca, and other Maritime Cities, as far as Mount Serria, which advances it self into the Sea, from thence the Army turned into the Land; and Tullius Cimber was com∣manded, with the Fleet, one Legion, and some Archers▪ to proceed on the way along the Coast. Now this Coast was formerly uninhabited, though the Land were excellent good, because the Thracians made no advantage of the conveniency of the Sea, nor so much as came near the Shore, for fear of Ships that passed by. Afterward the Chalcidians and other Greeks u∣sing the Sea, inhabited, tilled it, and settled a Trade, besides that many Thracians were well satisfied to change the Mountains for such a Residence, till such time as Philip the Son of Amyntas chasing away the Chalcidians and others, there remained no other marks of its ever being inhabited, save the pavements of some Temples. Tullius then coasting along this desert Shore, according to his Orders; when he came near the Straits of Salapeas he began to set out the Lines of a Camp, and to chuse out certain Caves in the Shore might serve to harbor his Ships, that Norbanus thinking it needless to guard both Passes, might quit them. And indeed part of what he had projected, happened; for as soon as Norbanus saw the Ships, fearful left he alone should not be able to defend the passage of Salapeas, he sent presently to Ceditius to quit that of Torpides, and come to his assistance, which he did, and thus Brutus and Cassius finding the strait of Torpides deserted, passed it. But the deceit being discovered, Norbanus, and Ceditius so well defended that of Salapeas, that Brutus's People not being able to force it were dis∣heartened, growing fearful lest at last they should be fo••ced to go that great way about, which at first they had declined, and withal return back all the ground they had gone; besides that Summer was far spent. Whilst they were in this trouble, Rascupolis to them, that he would find out a way be which in three days they should cros all the Mountains of Salapeas, which never any before had passed, by reason of the cragginess of the Rocks, want of Water, and the thickness of the Woods, but if they would resolve to carry Water with them, and cut a way through the Wood large enough for them to pass, they should march under covert without being seen by any Man, nay, not so much as by the very Birds, and on the fourth day should arrive at the River Arpessa, which falls into the Heber, from whence in one day they might reach Philippi, and so inclose their Enemies, that it would be impossible for them to escape. Though no advice could be proposed, in the execution whereof there could be more difficulty, yet this was fol∣lowed, the Soldiers being chiefly encouraged to it, by the hopes they had in so short a time, to behold so great a number of Enemies in their power. Lucius Bibulus having then together with Rascupolis taken upon him the charge of preparing the way, they caused one half of the Army to move, who, though it were with much labour and difficulty, marched on briskly and cheerfully, especially after those who were sent before to discover, brought word, that from the tops of the Hill they might see the River; but the fourth day the Soldiers spent with travel, and tormented with thirst, because the water brought with them failed, began to make reflection upon what had been told them (that it was but three days march ere they should find water) and to suspect some treason: not but they believed those who assured them they had seen the River, but they imagined they were led out

of the way, and therefore afflicted themselves, as thinking they were be∣trayed; and when Rascupolis came to encourage them, they railed and threw stones at him. At length Bibulus entreating them in the name of the Gods, to wait with patience the close of that day, towards the Even∣ing those that were in the Front perceived the River, whereupon with shouts of joy giving the word back, it soon reached those in the rear. Brutus and Cassius having advice that a part of their Army was happily passed, caused the rest to file off the same way, yet they could not conceal their march from the Enemy, nor did they inclose them as Rascupolis had made them hope. For Rascus his Brother having heard some shouts, grew suspicious, and going himself upon the scout, made a perfect discovery, with wonder that such mighty Forces had passed through a Country so dry, and where the Wood was so thick, that he scarce believed the very Beasts could have found a passage; and immediately giving notice hereof to Nor∣banus, he the same night deserted Salapeas, and with what People he had fled towards Amphipolis, insomuch, that in all the Armies nothing was so much spoke of as these two Thracians, of the one for having been Guide to the Army through such an unknown way; and of the other for discove∣ring it. Thus Brutus and Cassius's Forces by a wonderful Adventure came to Philippi, whither Cimber being likewise arrived, they had a general Ren∣dezvous. This City was formerly called Data, and before that* 29.1 Crenides, because of the many Springs about the Hill on which it is seated. Philip, who found this place convenient to make War upon the Thracians, fortified it, and called it by his name. On the North lie Woods, through which Rascupolis brought the Army: on the East are the Straits of Salapeas and Torpides: and on the West vast places which reach as far as the Cities of Murcina, Dorabisca, and the Strymon, which is about* 29.2 one hundred and fifty Furlongs distant. The Soil is good, and the Country pleasant, and 'tis said that heretofore a young Damsel, as she was gathering Flowers, was ravished by a God, and that in passing a River hard by, the Yoke of his Chariot broke; whence the Greeks called that River Zygasbes: from Phi∣lippi to Amphipolis is an easie descent, so that Men go up hill from Amphi∣polis, and down from Philippi. At some distance from Philippi is another eminence, said to be consecrated to Bacchus, where are Mines of Gold, called Asyles, thence advancing ten Fulongs are found two other Eminen∣cies distant from Philippi eighteen Furlongs, and eight one from the other, upon which Brutus and Cassius pitched their Camps; Cassius on the Sou∣thern, and Brutus on the Northern. They pursued not Norbanus in this flight, because word was brought that Anthony came on apace, having left Caesar sick at Epidamnum. The Plain was very proper for a set Battel, and the Eminencies commodious to encamp on; for on one side were Marishes and Pools of Water as far as the Strymon; on the other inaccessible Straits. The space between both of eight Furlongs was as it were the Passage or Gate out of Europe into Asia, they caused Walls to be built from one Camp to another, and left a Gate in the middle to joyn together when they plea∣sed. Hard by they had a River called Gang••a or Gangira, and on their Backs they had the Sea, by which they brought their Provisions from Thassa, not above one hundred Furlongs distant, where they kept their Stores, and for their Gallies they left them at Nea, not above seventy Fur∣longs distant, insomuch that they were extremely satisfied with having found a place so commodious, and where they could with so great advan∣tage post themselves.

Mean while Anthony advanced by great Marches to possess himself of [ XVIII] Amphipolis, which he had designed to make the Seat of the War. And be∣cause he found Norbanus had fortified it to receive him, wherewith he was extremely well pleased: He left there all his Stores, with a Legion com∣manded by Pinnarius, to keep the Guard of them; and with an astonishing boldness advancing still forward, went and encamped in the Plain, eight furlongs distant from the Enemy. Now was plainly to be seen the advan∣tage that Brutus and Cassius had over Anthony in the Seat of their Camps: For they were encamped upon Hills, he on the even Plain; they fetched Wood from the Mountains, he from a Marish; they watered at a River, he at a Well which himself dug; their Stores were at Thassa, not far distant; his at Amphipolis,* 29.3 three hundred and fifty Furlongs from the Camp: So that in all appearance Anthony seemed to have encamped there out of pure necessity, all the high Ground being seized upon, and the rest of the Plain so low, that sometimes the River overflowed it. And indeed, in sinking Wells, they found abundance of fresh Water. However, though this boldness were an effect of necessity, yet it stroke some kind of terror in the Enemy; who were amazed to see him, after so long a March, as soon as he arrived, come, and with so much scorn encamp so nigh them. Where∣fore they raised a great number of Forts, with Ditches, Palissadoes and Walls, whilst he only wrought upon the Lines of his Camp. Cassius, for his part seeing this raving fury of Anthony's, caused a little space of Ground that lay betwixt his Camp and the Marish, which before he had neglected, to be now fortified, that he might omit nothing for the security of the Camps; for the outmost side of Brutus's was defended by Rocks, and that of Cassius's by the Marish; and the space between both shut up with Ditch∣es, Pallissadoes, Walls and Gates. Whilst the one and the other were busie at their Intrenchments, their Horse and Light armed Foot made tryal a∣gainst each other in some Skirmishes: But after that their Works were brought to perfection, and Caesar was come (though he had not yet recove∣red so much health as to be able to fight in Person, and was fain to be carri∣ed about the Ranks in his Litter) all their Forces drew out in order of Battel. On the other side, Brutus likewise drew out his Army upon the Hill, but of∣fered not to come down, for he had no desire to fight, being in hopes the E∣nemy would soon be in want of Provisions. There were on each side nine∣teen Legions; of which, those on Brutus side were not compleat, whereas in those of Caesar's there were Supernumeraries. As for the Horse, accoun∣ting the Thracian Auxiliaries on both sides; Anthony and Caesar had thirteen thousand Horse, and Brutus and Cassius had twenty thousand: So that both for the number of Men, the bravery and valour of the Commanders, the Arms and Artillery, it was a glorious sight to see these two Armies. Yet they lay several days without doing any thing; for Brutus and Cassius would not fight, but rather starve their Enemies; they having for them∣selves Asia and all the Countries adjacent to furnish them with all things ne∣cessary, which were brought to them by Sea; whereas the Enemy neither had Provisions, nor any place whence to fetch them; for the Merchants could not bring any from Egypt, at present afflicted with Famine: Pompey, Murcus and Aenobarbus stopped their coming from Africa, Italy and Spain; and Macedon and Thessaly, who only fed the Army, were not long able to maintain it. Cassius and Brutus knew all this very well, and were therefore in no haste to give Battel; but Anthony, who was apprehensive of Famine, resolved to force them to it. He imagined that if secretly he could contrive the making of a way cross the Marish, he might cut off the Enemy's Passage

for their Provisions brought them from Thassa, Having therefore several times caused the Army, with all their Ensigns, to draw out into Battel, as if all his Force had been there; wrought night and day with a Party he had drawn out of the Gross, to make a little way through the Marish; cutting of Bushes, and raising a Causway; supported with Walls on both sides, lest it should tumble down; and driving in Piles on those places he could not fill up, on which he placed Bridges of Wood with such a profound silence, that the Enemy perceived nothing; for the Bushes they left on both sides the Causway hindred their Prospect. The Work being finished in ten days, he sent by night a great number of Cohorts to the other side; who seizing on some advantageous Posts, raised Forts which they soon brought into a condition of defence. Cassius was astonished at this Undertaking, and at the secrecy of its Execution: And to put the change upon Anthony, by hin∣dring his Communication with his Forts: He undertook likewise a like Work quite cross the Marish, from his Camp to the Sea. They therefore began to raise Terrasses, and to place Bridges of Wood on Piles in the deepest places, as had been done by Anthony; and already the Causway which he had made was broken, so that those which were passed over had no way of Return, nor could he, though he knew it, releive them. This put him in such a rage, that, though it was already Noon, he immediately made his Army which was on the other side march to the Intrenchment which first Cassius had made between his Camp and the Marish; making them bring with them Spades, Pick axes and Ladders; resolving after he had carried it, to storm Cassius his Camp. Mean while, as Caesar's Men made their Bravadoes in that Space which was between the two Camps, Brutus's Men thinking it a shame for them, if, armed as they were, they suffered their Enemies, unpunished, to affront them to their very Beards; without any other Orders than that of a Tribune, sallyed out; and charg∣ing them in Flank, killed as many as they could reach: and having once be∣gun the Fight, turned upon the Gross of Caesar's Army, which was march∣ing towards them; put them to flight, and pursued them to the very Camp, and at last became Masters of the Camp it self, which was in common be∣tween Caesar and Anthony. Caesar was not there because of a Dream, by which he was advertized to absent himself that day, as himself has writ in his Commentaries. But Anthony seeing the Fight grow hot, was very glad to see the Enemy engaged, for he was mighty fearful of wanting Provisions; yet he would not return into the Plain for fear of disordering his Ranks in countermarching his Army, but continued his March towards the Hill; which, in spite of the Darts lanced at him from above by the Enemy, he mounted, and came to handy strokes with Cassius's Army, which was there drawn up, and stood amazed at an Attempt so little judicious. Ha∣ving presently broken them, and put them into disorder, he assaulted the Trench between the Camp and the Marsh; and with an incredible brisk∣ness pulled out the Pallissadoes, filled up the Ditch, beat down the Ram∣part, cut in pieces the greatest part of those that defended the Gate, pas∣sed over the Bellies of the rest, and threw himself into the place. Many of his People entred by the Breaches of the Rampart, some clambered o∣ver heaps of dead Bodies: And all this was done in such a moment of time, that those who were at work in the Marish came not to the Assistance of their Companions till their Trench was gained; and then Anthony and those that entred with him charging them with fury, drove them back in∣to the Marish; and returned to assault Cassius his Camp, whilst the rest of the Army were still fighting with Cassius's People without the Trench. The

Camp, because it was strong of it self, was very slenderly guarded, and therefore soon forced; whereupon, those who defended themselves with∣out, and were before hard put to it, seeing now their Camp in the power of the Enemies, betook themselves to a shameful flight. Thus the Advan∣tage became equal on both sides; Brutus beat the Enemy on the left Wing, and took their Camp; and Anthony on the other side, by a wonderful bold∣ness took Cassius's Camp, after having slain great numbers of his Men. The dust flew so thick in the Field of the Battel, that one Party knew not what had happened to the other. And when the Soldiers came to know the place where they were, they called to them their Fellows, who looked ra∣ther like Day-labourers than Soldiers; being so besmeared with dust, they could scarce be known; and certainly had one Party of them met another loaden with Booty, they had again fought for their Spoil. It is thought that on Cassius's side there might be slain about eight thousand besides Lac∣quies, and on Caesar's side twice as many more.

Cassius having lost his Camp, and all hopes of regaining it, retreated to [ XIX] a Hill hard by Philippi to see what passed; but because the dust was so thick that he could see nothing but that his Camp was taken, he command∣ed Pindarus his Esquire to kill him. As Pindarus was excusing himself from doing it, there came a Man from Brutus, to tell him that Brutus on his side had the better, and was Master of the Enemy's Camp: To which he made only this short Answer; Tell him I wish him an entire Victory. And turning at the same time towards Pindarus; Why delay you, said he, dispatch and free me from this Infamy. Pindarus thereupon ran him with his Sword into the throat, and so died Cassius, according to the opinion of some. O∣thers say, that some Horse-men coming to bring him the News of Brutus's Victory, he imagined they were Enemies, and sent to Titinius to know the certainty; and that those Horse-men having received Titinius as Cassius his Friend, with Caresses and Shouts of joy, he believed Titinius was fallen in∣to the hands of the Enemy; and saying, We have stayed to see them take a∣way our Friend, retired with Pindarus into his Tent, and was no more seen: wherefore, some think he slew his Master without having any Command to do it. However it were, Cassius died on his Birth-day after this Battel, which passed as we have described. Titinius likewise slew himself for grief that he was not come sooner, to give him an Answer: and Brutus, weep∣ing over Cassius's Body, called him the last of the Romans, whose Vertue would never find its Equal; lamented his haste and precipitation, and yet esteemed him happy in being delivered from those cares and troubles in which he was engaged, and of which he knew not the Success. At length, having delivered the Body to his Friends to be privately disposed, lest the sight of it might sadden the Army; without taking any food, or sleeping, he spent the night in rallying Cassius's Troops. On the Morrow the Enemies appeared in Battel, that they might make it be thought they had no disad∣vantage: but knowing their thoughts, Let us arm too, said he, and by a like Fiction conceal our loss. But the Enemy retreating at the same time that he drew up his Army in Battel, he jestingly said to his Friend; These people who came out to fight us, thinking us wearied, durst not make the Experiment. The same day of this Battel of Philippi, there happened on the Ionian Sea a memorable Defeat. Domitius Calvinus was bringing over to Caesar upon Ships of Burthen, two Legions; one of which was for its valour honoured with the Title of Martial; with a Pretorian Cohort, or Regiment of two thousand Men, four Troops of Horse, and other choice Foot, which were

convoyed by some Gallies. Murcus and Aenobarbus engaging them with one hundred and thirty long Ships, part of the Ships of Burthen escaped at first with a fresh Gale; but the Wind ceasing all on a suddain, the rest were surprized with a Calm, and were not able to stir; as if God had delivered them up to their Enemies; who began to assault them one after another, and to send them to the bottom; for the Gallies, which were but few in number, could not releive them, being kept off by the long Ships: Not but that, in the danger wherein they were, they did all that was possible for Men to do; they at first lashed their Ships fast together with Booms and Cables, that the Enemy might not separate them. But when this succeed∣ed well for a while, Murcus at length cast into them great numbers of fla∣ming Darts, which forced them to cast off as fast as they had got together, and strive to get clear of one another, lest they should all burn together. So that they again saw themselves exposed to the shock of Murcus Prows, or else were soon encompassed each one by a great number. The Soldiers were in despair, especially those of the Martial Legion; that, brave as they were, they must die unrevenged. Some slew themselves for fear of being burnt; others leaped into the Enemies Ships, and were cut in pieces fight∣ing: Some Ships half burnt rowed a long time upon the Water, with the Men wherewith they were laden; some whereof perished by the Fire, o∣thers by Hunger and Thirst. Others grasping Masts or Planks, were cast either upon Rocks or desert Shores. Some were saved beyond all hopes; and some there were remained five days upon the Sea, licking the Pitch, or eating Sails and Cordage; till at last the Waves cast them on Shore. Many overpressed with so many misfortunes, yielded themselves with their Vessels; among which were seventeen Gallies, whose Sea-men and Soldiers turned to Murcus's Party, and swore Fidelity to him. Calvinus their Ca∣ptain, whom all Men thought lost, returned the fifth day to Brundusium with his Ship. And this, that may be called Ship-wrack or Sea-fight, hap∣pened on the Ionian Sea, the same day that the Battel of Philippi was fought, to the wonder of all the World that knew it.

[ XX] As for Brutus, having drawn together his Army, he spoke to them in this manner.

The Oration of Brutus.

IN what passed yesterday, Fellow-Soldiers, we gained the advantage of our Enemies in all points; for you begun the Fight chearfully, though you had no Command to do it; cut in pieces the fourth Legion, drawn up of purpose in that Station because of its Valour; and pursued them into their Camp, which you took and plundered: So that this Victory very much exceeds the Loss we suffered on the Left Wing. You might have made it perfect, had you not thought it better to rifle the Enemies Carriages, than utterly to ruin them; for most of you let the Men escape, to fall upon the Baggage. In which, yet we had the bet∣ter; for of two Camps we had, they took but one; whereas, we became Masters of all they had: so that in that point their loss was twice as great as ours. Hi∣therto then, we have had all the advantage of the Fight. And now, to know the whole of our Strength, you need only ask the Prisoners; they will tell you how scarce Victuals are in their Army, how dear they cost, with what difficulty

they are brought to them, and that they can scarce find any more to bring: For Pompey, Murcus and Aenobarbus, who keep the Sea with two hundred and sixty Ships, prevent the bringing any from Sicily, Sardinia, Africa and Spain: They have already drained Macedon, and now only Thessaly affords them a Subsistance; and pray judge you if that can last any long time. Where∣fore, when you behold them urging you to fight; know that, ready to perish with hunger, they seek an honourable death: Therefore our endeavours ought to be to fight them first with Famine, and when we see it convenient for our purpose we may fall on; and shall then find them so weak and feeble, they will not be able to defend themselves; but let not us permit our Courage to transport us before it be time. If any one say this is retreating instead of advancing, let him look upon the Sea behind us; which brings us abundance of all Conveniences, offers us an opportunity of overcoming without danger, provided you can but have patience, and not grow hot when they come to make a Bravado, and defie you to the Battel: For it is not Generosity in them, as yesterday's Fight made appear; but that they may deliver themselves of another fear. But though I now desire you to moderate your Courage, yet pray remember to act with the same warmth and vigour when I shall demand the effects of it. And I promise you, when it shall please God to give us a perfect Victory, to pay you punctually the Rewards we have promised; in the mean time, for those brave things you did yesterday, I will this day give e∣very Soldier a thousand Drams, and the Officers proportionably.

These words were followed by the distribution of the Donative to each Legion; to which some say, he added the Promise of giving them the Plun∣der of Lacedemon and Thessalonica. On the other side, Caesar and Anthony foreseeing well that Brutus had no design to fight, drew together their Ar∣my; to whom Anthony spoke in this manner.

The Oration of Anthony.

THough when our Enemies talk of yesterday's Action, they may say, that in part they gained the Victory, because they put some of ours to flight, and took our Camp; yet in reality they confess you to be absolutely victorious; for I dare assure you that neither to morrow nor in a long time after it, they will not dare to engage you again unless they are forced to it; which is an indubitable proof of your yesterday's victory, and their present fear. As Wrestlers in the Gymnick Games, when they decline the strife, acknowledge themselves the weak∣er. They have indeed assembled all this mighty Army only to come and encamp in the passages into Thrace, and there continue: for the same fear that made them fortifie themselves at our first coming; hinders them from drawing out after the disgrace they yesterday received, which was such as obliged the most ancient and most experienced of their Generals to kill himself, a most ample Testimony of their disorder. These are the reasons why they come not down when we defie them, but trust more in their Rocks than their Arms. Now brave Romans make your gallantry appear, and force them to fight as yesterday you forced them, and certainly it would be dishonourable for you not to dare to as∣sault Cowards trembling with fear, or to suffer it to be said that men like you were of less strength than Walls. For we are not come hither to remain all our lifetime in the Field, where we cannot subsist, for all provisions will soon

fail us, and if that were not, yet every wise Man will put an end to War with the soonest, and enjoy the sweets of peace the longest he can possibly: we will therefore give orders to lay hold on time and occasion. We I say whose courage and conduct you repent not to have yesterday followed, and you for your parts let your Generals ••ee your bravery, now that they demand the effects of it, and trouble not your selves for the baggage you yesterday lost; for our riches consist not in that, but in the victory, which if we gain will not only restore what our Enemies took from us, but make all they have ours; if therefore you are in hast to recover them, make haste to fight. Not but that yesterday we recovered a great deal, it may be more than we lost; for they had in their Camp all the riches of which they had robbed Asia; and you, when you came from home, left behind you whatever was precious, and brought nothing but what was necessary. So that if there were anything valuable in our Camp, it was your Generals Equipage, a loss they are so far from considering they are ready to venture all that they have left to make you perfectly victorious: nor shall that hinder us from giving as a reward of your Victory five thousand Drams to every Soldier, five and twenty thousand to every Centurion, and to every Tribune fifty thousand.

[ XXI] On the morrow he drew out his Army, but the Enemies not coming down, he was troubled, yet he continued every day to do the same; Bru∣tus on his side always kept one part of his Army at their Arms, in case he should be forced to fight, and planted the other upon the way by which the Victuallers brought their Provisions to favour their passage: there was a lit∣tle Hill near Cassi••s his Camp, of which the Enemies could not possess them∣selves but with difficulty, because from the Camp they might be galled with Darts and Arrows; yet Cassius had placed a Guard there for fear lest some might be so bold as to come and lodge there. Brutus having flighted it, Caesar's People one night seised upon it, bringing with them great quan∣tities of Hides and Hurdles to defend them from the Darts. This Hill being taken, ten other Legions went and encamped five Furlongs off, near the Sea, and two Legions advancing four Furlongs further, posted themselves so, that they might reach to the very shore. Their design was to make an attempt either upon the Shore, or cross the Marish, or by some other invention to cut off the passage of Provisions to Brutus, but he took care to prevent them by building Forts directly opposite to the Enemies Camp, which gave them no small vexation; for they were manifestly afflicted with Famine, which dayly more and more growing upon them, as much increased their fears. Thessaly was not able to supply them with Provisions enough, and by Sea they could not hope to have any, Brutus being Master, besides the news of the Sea Fight on the Ionian Sea was come to both Ar∣mies, which gave them fresh occasions of fear, and Winter approaching, it would be an unsufferable annoyance if they should be forced to endure it, encamped in the Marishes. To make the best provision in these straits they could, they sent a Legion into Achaia to get in what provision they could, and send it away speedily to the Army, but that could not all warrant them from the dangers wherewith they were threatned. Wherefore seeing all their endeavours could not oblige the Enemy to a Fight, and that in vain they every day drew out into the Plain, they advanced up to the very Trenches with shouts and revilings to incense Brutus's Men, who they re∣solved not to besiege, but to force to fight at what rate soever. But Brutus continued firm in his first resolution, the rather, because he knew they were ready to perish with hunger, and because his Fleet had got the better in the

Sea Fight, so that perceiving the despair the Enemies want had brought them to, he chose rather to see himself besieged, or endure any thing than fight with hunger-starved and desperate Men, who expected no other re∣lief than from their Arms. But to this the Soldiers could not consent, nor endure to be thus shut up like Women, without doing any thing. The Officers themselves complained not that they disapproved Brutus's design, but that ascertaining themselves upon the disposition they beheld in the Sol∣diers, they believed they should advance the Victory. The mildness and courteous temper of Brutus to all Men occasioned much of this; for Cassius was severe and imperious, the Officers of his Army executed his Orders without asking a reason of them; and though they did not approve them, durst not contradict them. But Brutus was willing to do all things with the approbation and consent of those commanded in the Army. At last the Soldiers began to gather in Companies, and to ask one another, Why has our General so ill an opinion of us? what fault have we committed? have we not beaten and put to flight our Enemies, cut in pieces their best Companies, and forced their Camp? Yet he still dissembled it, and would not speak to them for fear of doing any thing might reflect on his Honour, by suffering him∣self to be led by a blind multitude, especially the Strangers, who as uncon∣stant as Slaves would every day be changing Masters, and on the first occa∣sion would desert him. But when he saw himself importuned by the Tri∣bunes and the Centurions, who advised him to take that opportunity, whilst the Soldiers burning with a desire to fight, would possibly do some∣thing great, (besides, if any misfortune happened, they could retreat with∣in their Trenches, and defend themselves) he grew angry that his Officers should give him such counsel, and suffer themselves to be so easily carried a∣way by the impatience of his Soldiers, who chose rather to hazard the loss of all, than to overcome without danger. However, he consented, though to theirs, and his own ruine; saying only this short sentence, I see I am re∣duced to make War as Pompey did, and rather to be commanded than to com∣mand. For my part I believe he said no more for fear of discovering what he most of all feared, lest the Army which had formerly served under Cae∣sar should upon discontent go over to the Enemy. For this was what both Cassius and he had from the beginning some suspicion of, and therefore took care not to give the Soldiers any cause of dissatisfaction.

Thus Brutus drew his Men out of the Camp much against his will, and [ XXII] drew them up in order, but still forbad them going too far from the Hill, that their retreat might be more easie, and that they might from above charge the Enemy more advantageously with their missile Arms. Both Par∣ties were in a brave and fighting condition, and therefore came resolutely forth to the Battel, animated by reasonable considerations; on the one side the fear of Famine, and on the other by a just Shame, for having forced their General to fight before he had a mind to it. Wherefore they burn'd with desire to make him see in their deeds the same Bravery and Courage they had boasted in words, for fear lest he should reproach them of having been carried away rather by rashness than prudence. Brutus going on Horseback from Quarter to Quarter with a severe look, put them in mind of it, and the better to imprint it in their thoughts, as time gave leave, spoke these words, You would needs fight, and have forced me to conquer in a∣nother manner than I desired. But have a care you do not deceive both your own hopes and mine: you have the advantage of the Hill, which fights for you•• all behind you is on your side, whereas the Enemy are to defend themselves both

against you and Famine. To which discourse which he made as he went up and down the Army, they answered him with shouts of joy and promises of well doing. Caesar and Anthony in the mean time went each on their side through the Ranks, encouraging their Soldiers with hand and voice, without flattering them, or dissembling the condition wherein they were, being certain to die by Famine if they got not the Victory, which was a powerful motive to spur them on: We have found our Enemy, said they, and have got him now, Fellow Soldiers, out of his Trenches▪ from whence we have taken so much pains to draw him; but after having provoked him by so many defiances, have a care of your Honour, and let your Actions make good the threats you have ••ttered. Chuse now either to fight against hunger an in∣vincible Enemy which gives no Quarter, or against Men who cannot stand be∣fore you, if you employ but your Arms, your Courage, nay, your very Despair, as you ought to do. For our Affairs are in such a condition, they admit of no delay, this day must put an end to the War, either by an entire Victory, or a glorious death. If you come off victorious, you will in one sole day and one only Fight get Provision, Treasure, Fleets, Arms, and besides all the Donative we have promised you for the Victory, which will surely be ours, if in giving the onset we remember the necessity to which we are reduced; and after having put them in disorder, seise the Gates of their Camp, and drive them either among the Precipices, or into the Plain, so that they can no more rally, or shut them∣selves up in those Trenches, where, by a cowardise unheard yet in any Enemy, they place their hopes not in fighting, but in not fighting at all. By these words Caesar and Anthony so encouraged their Soldiers, that they would have blushed not to have answered their Generals expectation, besides there being no other way to remedy their want of Provisions, which was aug∣mented by what had happened on the Ionian Sea; they chose rather to un∣dergo the worst that could befal them in Fight, than to perish by a misery inevitable, Upon these Motives the two Armies were inflamed with an incredible ardour. The Soldiers no more remembred they were Fellow Citizens, but threatened each other as if they had been two Nations that had been at a perpetual enmity. Such power now had anger got over them above either reason or nature. And in short, both Parties divined that this Battel would decide the destiny of the Roman Empire, as in∣deed it did. After having employed one part of the day in preparing themselves, about nine of the Clock two Eagles began to fight between the two Armies, who observed them with a profound silence, till such time as that on Brutus's side turning tail, gave occasion to the contrary Party with great shouts to run on upon their Enemies. The Charge was fierce and cruel, for they threw away, as useless, their Piles and all other Weapons ordinarily used in Fight, to come to the Swords point; they gave neither blow nor thrust in vain, and each side endeavoured to break through, and disorder the opposite Ranks, the one Party fighting for safety more than for Victory; and the other for Victory only, remembring that by their importunity they had forced their General to engage. Nothing was to be seen but slaughter, nor heard but groans: as soon as any one fell, those of his Party drew him off, and another fresh Man stepped in out of the next Rank to supply his place. Mean while the Generals acted wonders, they run from place to place, and shewed themselves every where, encouraging those whom they saw had the advantage, and exhorting others whom they perceived overpressed, yet to hold out a little till they could send fresh Men to disengage them. Thus the Front of the Battel was always full: yet at last Caesar's People either pressed forward by their fear of Famine, or spur∣red

on by his good fortune (for Brutus's Men were no way faulty) made the first Line of the Enemies a little recoil, who gave ground without any trouble or disorder, as if it had been a great Machine removed at once; but at last the first Rank being broken, those who fought in it retreated more nimbly into the second, and those of the second into the third, that it begat some confusion, for they were both pressed upon by the Enemies and those of their own Party, so that they betook themselves to a disorderly flight. And now Caesar's Men, according to the command they had received, seised upon the Gate, though with a great deal of danger; for they were sorely galled by Darts from the Rampart, and by those who yet stood their ground without, till such time as the Enemy, utterly defeated, and put to the Rout, not being able to gain entrance, fled some towards the Sea, o∣thers to the Mountains by the Valley of the River Sygastus. The Generals parted betwixt the Remainder of the Work; and Caesar staying to oppose those who made offer to fally out of Brutus's Camp, and to guard their own; Anthony took upon him the whole Function of General: he pursued the Fu∣gitives, cut in pieces those who yet made any resistance, and fearful lest the chief Commanders escaping from this Defeat should get on Foot another Army, he sent his Horse to all the Avenues, some to one side, and some to another: one Party under the Command of Rascus the Thracian, who knew the Country, fetched a turn about the Mountains, so that the Trenches and Precipices of the Camp were surrounded on all sides by Guards placed by Anthony, to hinder any person from retreating, and if any did come out, they hunted them like Beasts: others followed Brutus upon full speed, and were not far from him when Lucilius Lucinus seeing them come, stopped, and as if he had been Brutus, prayed them to carry him to Anthony, and not to Caesar, which confirmed their opinion that it was Bru∣tus indeed, because he would not fall into the hands of his mortal Enemy: Anthony having notice that they were bringing him, went forthwith to meet them, making reflection upon the Fortune, Dignity, and Virtue of the Man, and consulting with himself how he should receive him. When he was near, Lucinus advancing, fiercely told him, Brutus is not taken, nor shall basen••ss ever make a Prisoner of Virtue: for my part, I only deceived those that would have taken him, and behold me now in your power. Whereupon Anthony seeing the Horsemen that brought him ashamed at their mistake, comforted them with these words: The Prize you have taken is not of less value then that you thought to have made; nay, 'tis rather of much greater, as a Friend is worth more than an Enemy. And at the same instant delivering Lu∣cinus into the hands of some of his Friends to have a care of him, he after∣wards treated him like a person in whom he had confidence.

As for Brucus he escaped into the Mountains, where rallying some con∣siderable [ XXIII] Forces resolved to return by night into his Camp, or get down to the Sea side; but because the Enemy had seised of all the Passes, he stayed there all that night in Arms with the People he had: and it is said, that looking up to the Stars he pronounced this Verse:

Thou know'st, O Jupiter, who causes all these woes.

Meaning it by Anthony: and indeed as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 relate, Anthony himself, when in his own misfortune he was touched ••ith repentance, acknowledged, that whereas he might have made an accommodation with Brutus and Cas∣sius, he made himself Serjeant to Octavius. That same night Anthony en∣camped

directly opposite to Brutus, without other intrenchment than heaps of Arms and dead Bodies, which served him instead of Ramparts; and Caesar having watched till Midnight, being sick withdrew, and left the Guard of the Camp to Norbanus. On the morrow, Brutus seeing that the Enemy quitted not their Post, and that he had with him but four Legions, and those too not complete, he believed it not secure for him to speak to them himself, but sent the Tribunes, ashamed of the fault they had com∣mitted, to sound the minds of the Soldiers, and know of them whether they would undertake to open themselves a way through their Enemies to regain their Camp where their Companions still guarded their Equipage: but these People went so chearfully to the Fight, and had so long and so ge∣nerously sustained the Enemy, as if God had now forsaken them, returned answer to their General, that the counsel he gave them was worthy of him but that for their parts they had so often tempted fortune, that they would not now quite lose all hopes of making conditions for themselves. Then said Brutus to his Friends; I can do my Country no farther service, if they have taken such resolutions. And at the same time he called Strato the Epi∣rot his Friend, whom he intreated to kill him; Strato advising him to think more seriously upon it, he called to one of his Domesticks, upon which Strato said, Brutus, since you are resolved, you have a Friend more ready to exe∣cute your last command than all your Slaves. And saying so, thrust his Sword betwixt his Ribs, which he received without moving. Thus ended Bru∣tus and Cassius the most generous and illustrious of the Romans, whose Vir∣tue had never been equalled, had it not been sullied with Caesar's Blood, who though they were of Pompey's Party, from Enemies had made them Friends, and afterwards loved them like his Children. The Senate had al∣ways a great inclination for them, and after their death did much compas∣sionate their misfortune; for their sakes only they had passed the general Amnesty, and when they left the City gave them Government for fear they should pass for banished Men. Not that all that composed this noble Body hated Caesar, or were satisfied with what was done; for living they had been admirers of his Virtuee and Fortune; and dead, they had solemnized his Funeral at the publick Charge, confirmed all that he had done, and granted places and trusts in the City according to the Memorandums by him left, not thinking it possible for themselves to dispose of it more pru∣dently: and yet the affection they bore these great Men, and the care they took of their safety, gave occasion to suspicions and scandals, so mightily they were favoured by the Senate. And the greater part of the Exiles pre∣ferred them before Pompey himself; for Pompey being near the City might incline to an Accommodation, whereas they were far off and implacable. Moreover, when they saw themselves forced to take up Arms, they had in less then two years got together more than twenty Legions, almost twenty thousand Horse, more than two hundred long Ships, and considerable Stores of all warlike Provisions. They had raised likewise vast Sums in Asia, ei∣ther by good will, or by force: and in those Wars they waged with divers Cities who held on the adverse Party, they almost continually came off vi∣ctorious, till they became Masters of all that Country extending from Ma∣cedon to the Euphrates: and all those with whom they had mad War ranged themselves on their Party, and continued faithful to them. They likewise made use of many Kings and Prices; nay, of the Parthians themselves, though Enemies to the Romans; but this was only in matters of small con∣sequence, for in the great Affairs when all was disputed, they stayed not their coming for fear of teaching a Barbarous Nation, and always an Enemy,

how to fight with the Romans. But what most of all ought to be admired at, is, that the greatest part of their Army was composed of Soldiers that had served under Caesar, and that after his being slain, the affection of the Soldiery was unhappily transported to these his Murderers so firmly, that they afterwards were more stedfast in observing their faith to them against his Son, than to Anthony himself who had commanded them under Caesar, for none of them deserted Brutus or Cassius, even in their utmost misfortune, whereas all of them revolted from Anthony at Brundusium in the very begin∣ning of the War he had with Octavius. They made their pretence of ta∣king Arms, both now and in Pompey's time not private advantage, but the name of the Common-wealth; specious indeed, but usually of little effect, and when they thought themselves no longer serviceable to their Country, they equally despised their lives. As for their particular conduct, Cassius like the Gladiators which mind only their Enemies, had fixed his thoughts upon War, and thought of nothing else. But Brutus who in all times and occasions was a Philosopher, was pleased to look into, and understand many things; yet when all is said that possibly can be to assure them great Men, the assault they made upon Caeser's person was the only cause none of their designs prospered: and certainly it was no ordinary crime, nor of little consequence, for they had unhappily murdered their Friend, their Bene∣factor, one who by right of War might have disposed of their lives, and yet had saved them, their General in the Senate, in a sacred place, cloath'd in his holy Robes, the most powerful of all the Romans; and which is most of all, the Man of all the world most serviceable to the Empire and his Country. And Heaven accordingly sent tokens of its anger, and presages of their ruine; for when Cassius offered Sacrifices to purge his Army, one of the Lictors put a Crown reversed upon his Head; a Golden Image of Victory, which he then offered, fell down of it self, many Flocks of Birds of Prey came and set about his Camp without making any noise, and al∣most dayly they saw Swarms of Bees. They saw likewise that Brutus cele∣brating at Samos, in the midst of their Jollity and Feasting, wherein he was not used to be out of temper, with a sudden passion uttered these Ver∣ses:

But 'twas Latona's Son, and angry Fate Advanc'd my death—

And that when he was designing to pass out of Asia into Europe with his Army, as he watched by night, and his Candle almost spent, there appear∣ed to him a Ghost with a strange kind of countenance, at which not moved, he asked what it was, God or Man, to which the Ghost answered; Brutus, I am thy evil Genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi. And in truth, 'tis said, it appeared to him the day before the last Battel, and that when he drew his Army out of the Camp an Ethiopian met him, whom presently the enraged Soldiers cut in pieces. This was likewise a token of their mis∣fortune, that Cassius after a Fight, wherein the loss had been almost equal, fell so easily into despair; and that Brutus, forced to violate the prudent re∣solution he had taken, to temporize, yet engaged with starved People, whilst he had abundance of Provisions, and the conveniency of the Sea. Though these two Men had often been in many perillous occasions, yet they were never wounded, but they murdered themselves as they had murdered Caesar, and so received punishment for the crime they had committed. An∣thony finding Brutus's Body, covered it with a Purple ••obe, and after having

burned it, sent the Ashes to Servilia his Mother; his Army which yet con∣sisted of fourteen thousand Men, as soon as they knew of his death sent De∣puties to Caesar and Anthony, who having pardoned them, divided them betwixt them. Soon after, those that were in the Forts yielded likewise, but on condition that the Plunder both of the Forts and the Camp should be the Prize of Caesar's and Anthony's Soldiers. As for the persons of Note and Quality who had sided with Brutus, some fell in the Fight, others like their Generals slew themselves, and others forced their deaths from their Enemies hand, of which number were L. Cassius Nephew to the General, and the Son of the famous Cato of the same name, who several times threw himself into the midst of his Enemies, and at last took off his Head-piece, either that he might be the easier known, or the easier killed, or both: La∣beo known for his wisdom, and for being Father to that Labeo to this day holding a prime degree among the famous Doctors of Law, caused a hole to be dug in his Tent, to the proportion of his Body, and after having given his Orders to his Servants, and writ to his Wife and Children Letters, which he gave to his Slaves to carry, took by the Right Hand one of the faithful∣est of them, and having made him walk round about him, according to the Roman custom when they enfranchise a Slave, commanded him to take a Sword, and presented him his Throat, and so made his Tent his Grave. The Thracian Rascus brought back many People from the Mountains; and for all the service he had done Anthony and Caesar, asked only the par∣don of his Brother Rascupolis, and obtained it; which was enough to signi∣fie, that at the beginning of the War these Thracians had no private dif∣ference, but seeing two great Armies coming into their Country to make War, not knowing which would have the better, one took one part, and the other the other, that happen what would he on the conquering side might make his Brother's composition. As for Portia Brutus's Wife and young Cato's Sister, when she heard they were both in this manner lost, in spite of all her Servants care to prevent her death, she swallowed burning Coals, and died. Many persons of Quality being escaped to Thassa, some of them embarqued to retire elsewhere, others with the remainder of the Army chose Messala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus for their Chiefs, to whom they promised to do what they pleased; and the rest treating with Anthony's Men, as soon as they came to Thassa delivered into their Hands all the Mo∣ney, Provisions, and store of other warlike Preparations. Thus by a ha∣zardous boldness Caesar and Anthony in two Fights won the greatest Victo∣ry that ever till now was gained; for never did two such Roman Armies fight together. Nor were their Forces raised in haste out of the Citizens, but all chosen Men, not Apprentices, but old Soldiers, experienced both in Foreign and Civil Wars, all speaking the same Language, all exercised in the same Military Discipline, equal in experience and valour, which made it not easie for them to vanquish each other: besides never in any War did so many Citizens once Friends and Comrades fight with so much heat and courage, which is sufficiently proved in that, considering both Battels, the Vanquisher lost not less than the Vanquished. However, Cae∣sar's and Anthony's Men found the prediction of their Generals true; for in one day, and one Battel ••hey were not only delivered from the danger of Famine, and the fear they were in of perishing, but this glorious Victory gave them likewise all things in abundance, and the conceptions of many Mens minds when they went to fight, that this day would decide the state of the Empire, were accomplished; for the Common-wealth was never more restored, nor was there any more need for the Citizens to come to

these extremities, except in the quarrel between Caesar and Anthony, which was the last of the Civil Wars; for as to what happened in the mean time, when after the death of Brutus, Pompey and all those who escaped from the Defeat, having yet considerable Forces renewed the War, there was no∣thing parallel to it, either for Gallantry, or affection of Cities, or Soldiers towards their Generals, besides no persons of Quality were concerned, nei∣ther did the Senate declare for them, nor had they ever such Reputation and Glory as Cassius and Brutus.

The End of the Fourth Book of the Civil Wars of Rome.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME.

PART II.

BOOK V.

The Argument of this Book.

I. AFter Cassius and Brutus's death Caesar comes into Italy, and Anthony goes into Asia. II. The Actions of Anthony in Asia. III. Cleopa∣tra comes to visit him in Asia, with whom he falls so deeply in love, he goes and spends the Winter with her in Alexandria. IV. Caesar endeavours to

settle the Colonies, but finds it a matter of much difficulty. V. The Soldiers insolence, with the causes of it. VI. Lucius Anthony's Brother, Fulvia his Wife, and Manius fall at variance with Caesar. VII. An Accommo∣dation vainly endeavoured, they take up Arms. VIII. The beginning of the War with the Siege of Perusia by Caesar. IX. Lucius loses all hopes of de∣fending himself, and capitulates. X. Lucius's Speech to Caesar, yielding himself at discretion. XI. The taking and burning of Perusia. XII. The end of this War. XIII. Anthony and Caesar distrusting each other, make preparations. XIV. Brundusium besieged by Anthony. XV. Agreement between them by Cocceius's intermission. XVI. Mutiny of the People a∣gainst Caesar, suppressed by Anthony. XVII. Accommodation between Caesar and Pompey. XVIII. Anthony's Preparations against the Parthi∣ans. XIX. The Accommodation between Caesar and Pompey broken, and Caesar prepares for War. XX. Sea Fight between Caesar and Pompey's Lieutenants. XXI. Another Sea Fight between Caesar and Pompey, where∣in Caesar has the worst. XXII. Caesar loses most of his Ships by storm. XXIII. Difference happens between Caesar and Anthony, which is accommo∣dated by Octavia's intermission. XXIV. Caesar invades Sicily with three Armies. His Fleet again scattered by Tempests, so that he is forced to put off the War till the next year. XXV. Pompey thinking himself freed from the War by Caesar's misfortunes at Sea, calls himself the Son of Nep∣tune: and Menodorus his Admiral goes the second time and submits to Caesar. XXVI. Caesar again invades Sicily, and Agrippa his Admiral engaging Pompey's near Myles, gains the Victory. XXVII. Caesar going in person into Sicily to besiege Tauromenia is assaulted by Pompey by Sea and Land, leaves Cornificius encamped, and about to repass with his Ships, is defeated by Pompey, himself hardly escaping. XXVIII. Corni∣ficius with much loss rejoyns with Agrippa. XXIX. Caesar lands all his Forces in Sicily, and cuts off Pompey from Provisions. XXX. The last Sea Battel between Caesar and Pompey where Pompey is defeated. XXXI. Pompey flies towards Anthony: and Lepidus endeavouring to seise Sicily, is by Caesar reduced to the condition of a private Man, and sent to Rome. XXXII. Caesar's Soldiers mutiny, who disbands one Party, and contents the other. XXXIII. He settles Sicily, returns to Rome, where he is received with general applause. XXXIV. Pompey would deceive Anthony, but is discovered. XXXV. He makes War upon Anthony's Lieutenants in Asia. XXXVI. He is at length taken and slain.

AFter the death of Brutus and Cassius, Caesar went into Italy, and [ I] Anthony into Asia, where meeting with Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, he no sooner beheld her but he became inflamed with a love proved ruinous to them both, and occasioned multitudes of miseries to all Egypt, wherefore the Egyptian Affairs will make a part of this Story, yet without bearing that Title; for I have yet much to treat of the Civil Wars, which continued long after the death of Brutus and Cassius, though without any Head or General obeyed like them, till Sextus the youngest Son of Pompey the Great, who had got together the Remains of Brutus and Cassius's Party, being dead, and Lepidus de∣spoiled of that part of the Empire he pretended to, all the Sovereign Power remained divided between Caesar and Anthony: which things passed in this manner; Cassius sirnamed the Parmesan was left in Asia by Cassius and Bru∣tus,

with a Fleet and an Army to officiate there as Superintendent of the Revenues. After Cassius's death, in hopes that the like would not happen to Brutus, he made choice of thirty of the Rhodian Ships, which he thought himself able to manage with Seamen and Soldiers, and burning all the rest except the Sacred Galley, that he might deprive the Rhodians of attempt∣ting any thing, took the Sea with this Fleet. Clodius whom Brutus had sent into that Island with thirteen Ships, finding it revolted (for Brutus was slain at the time of his arrival) drew off three thousand Men that were there in Garrison, and went to joyn with the Parmesian. Toxilus came likewise to them with many other Ships, and all the Tribute Money he could gather at Rhodes. To this Fleet, grown already in some measure powerful, flocked all those dispersed throughout Asia to exercise any Of∣fice, bringing with them all the Soldiers they could, and to that end ma∣king Levies of Slaves, Captives, and the Inhabitants of the Islands where they touched, Cicero the Orator came thither likewise, and with him all the Persons of Quality escaped from Thassa; so that in a short time great multitudes were assembled of considerable Forces, both by Sea and Land, with Officers to command them. At length taking with them one Lepidus, whom Brutus had left in Crete with some Forces for Guard of that Island, they steered their course towards Murcus and Aenobarbus, who had a powerful Fleet on the Ionian Seas: there dividing themselves, one part joyned with Murcus, and went towards Sicily, which was a considerable recruit to Pompey; and the other stayed with Aenobarbus, who designed to form a party by himself: thus out of the ruines of Brutus and Cassius sprung up two new Armies. Mean while Caesar and Anthony made magnificent Sacrifices to the Gods for the Victory at Philippi, testifying their acknow∣ledgments to the Soldiers by praises, till they could be able to give them the promised Rewards. To this end Caesar took his way forthwith into Italy, undertaking the charge of distributing Land to them, and giving them Houses, a charge which he thought the least toilsome, and fittest for him, not being well in health, whilst Anthony went into the beyond Sea Provin∣ces, to get together mony to discharge their promises. After this they made a new division of the Empire, and besides those Provinces they alrea∣dy had, parted between them those which were Lepidus his share: for Cae∣sar designed to make the Transalpine Gauls free, according to the intention of his Father, and Lepidus was accused of holding intelligence with Pom∣pey. However Caesar had resolved to give him other Provinces, if the in∣formation made against him proved not true. They dismissed likewise all the Veterans, save only eight thousand Men, who desiring to continue in the service, were shared betwixt them, and added to the Pretorian Co∣horts. Their Forces comprising likewise those which had quitted Brutus's Party, still consisted of eleven Legions, and fourteen thousand Horse, of which Anthony, because of his Expedition, took six Legions and ten thou∣sand Horse; so that Caesar had left him only five Legions and four thousand Horse, with some Troops Anthony had left in Italy under the Command of Calenus, to whom he gave order to deliver them to Caesar, instead of those taken from him, and this done, Caesar began his March towards the Ionian Sea.

[ II] Anthony arriving at Ephesus, offered most magnificent Sacrifices to the Goddess, and pardoned all those of Cassius and Brutus's Party that had taken Sanctuary in the Temple, save only Petronius, one of the Con∣spirators against Caesar, and Quintus who had delivered Dolobella to Cassius

at Laodicea. After which the Greeks and all the other Nations inhabiting Asia on the Confines of Pergamus, having sent Deputies to him to treat their composition, he assembled them together, and spoke to them in this manner:

The Oration of Anthony.

YOu know, Gentlemen, that Attalus your King having by testament given you to the People of Rome, you soon found our Government more easie and more advantageous than his: for we remitted you all those Tributes you were used to pay him, till there rising up among us some disturbers of the publick Peace, we were forced to lay some Contributions upon you: we imposed them up∣on you, not according to your Estates, or to continue the payment of them after the danger was past, but we taxed you only in some part of your Revenues, to the end we might participate together in the publick charge. After which, when the Commissioners sent by the Senate to collect them oppressed you, making you pay more than demanded by us, C. Caesar discharged you of a third of all the impositions, and settled orders, that no more injustice should be done you by committing to your selves the collecting of the Moneys from the Country. Not∣withstanding which, that great Man to whom you were obliged being slain as a Tyrant by our* 32.1 good Citizens, you have supplyed with vast Sums the Murderers of your Benefactor against us who did all we could to revenge him. Wherefore Fortune favouring the juster cause, and having decided it, not as you would have had it, but according to reason, we should have punished you more rigo∣rously if you had assisted them with your Arms; but because we are willing to be∣lieve that you have done nothing but what you were forced to, we shall deal the more gently with you. We stand now in need of Money, of Lands, and of Cities, to discharge our selves of the promises made to our Soldiers to reward them after the Victory. Our Army is composed of twenty eight Legions, which, accounting the light armed Foot, amount to one hundred and seventy thousand Men, besides the Horse and some other Companies: you may therefore judge what Money we are obliged to raise for so great a number of Men. As for the Lands and Cities, Caesar is gone into Italy, to distribute them, and to speak it in a word to change all the habitations of that people; so that to the end you be not forced to quit your Lands, your Cities, your Houses, your Temples, and your Sepulchres: you must furnish us with Money, but yet not all (for you can∣not do that) but a part, and the least part too: and I believe when you know our Demands, you will go away satisfied. You have in two years payed our Enemies ten years Tribute, we ask no more of you; but it must be payed in a year, for ne∣cessity presses us, besides we favour you, and you cannot but confess the penalty is less than the crime.

Thus spake Anthony with design to raise Money to pay eight and twenty Legions, though at the time of their Accommodation at Modena they had promised rewards to three and forty complete Legions, but the War had reduced them to that number. Scarcely had he pronounced his last words, but the Greeks prostrating themselves upon the ground, humbly represented to him, that after the violences they had suffered from Bru∣tas and Cassius, they were not worthy of punishment but pity, that they

would willingly have given to their Benefactors all their Goods, if they had not been robbed of them by their Enemies, whom they had not only been forced to furnish with all their stamped Money, but likewise to deliver up all their Plate and Goldsmiths Work to be by them coined. At length they prevailed with him that they should only pay nine years Tribute in two years; and besides this Taxes were layed upon the Kings, Potentates and free Cities according ••o their Estates. As he went from Province to Pro∣vince, Lucius Brother to Cassius, and all who were afra••d of him hearing of his clemency at Ephesus, came to ask pardon. He forgave all save only those who had a hand in the Conspiracy against Caesar, for to them he remained implaca∣ble He comforted those Cities had sustained the greatest losses, exempt∣ed the Lycians from Tribute, exhorted the Xanthians to rebuild their City, gave the Rhodians Andros, Tino, Naxos and Mynda, which soon after he again took from them because they used them hardly, he declared those of Laodicea and Tharsus free and exempt from all Impositions, and by Ordi∣nance which he caused to be proclaimed, discharged from servitude all the Thracians had been sold. The Athenians coming to wait upon him, he gave them first Tino, then Egina, Icono, Zea, Sciatha and Pararetha. Af∣ter which passing through Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the Lower Syria and Palestine, he charged them with great Impositions. To whatever place he came he took cognisance of all differences between the Cities and the Kings. As in Cappadocia between Sysinnus and Ariara∣thes, where he adjudged the Kingdom to Sysinnus for his Mother Glaphyra's sake, who was very beautiful. And in Syria, whence he expelled all the Tyrants who had set themselves up in every City.

[ III] Being in Cilicia, Cleopatra came to him, to whom having complained, that she had not assisted Caesar, she made no other excuse, but that at the be∣ginning of the War she had sent four Legions to Dolobella, that afterwards having fitted out a Fleet, she was prevented by Tempests, and the sudden death of that young Consul. That though Cassius had twice with threats demanded her assistance, she had refused it. That when they were upon the Ionian Sea, she was her self embarqued upon a magnificent Fleet, to come and joyn with them, without any consideration either of Cassius or Murcus's Naval Power, but that bad weather and other losses with her own sickness had made her return into Egypt, where she received news of the Victory. Here Anthony, wounded in the very soul by the charms of this Queen, became as foolishly in love as if he had been a young Man, though he were now above forty years of age. True it is, he is reported to have always had a natural inclination for this passion, and that formerly when she was but a child he conceived a love for her, having seen her at Alexan∣dria, when he served under Gabinius as General of the Horse. Anthony therefore all upon a sudden neglecting the care of his Affairs, Cleopatra di∣sposed of all things at her pleasure, without considering either reason or justice, insomuch that Arsinoe her Sister having taken Sanctuary at Miletum in the Temple of Diana Leucophryna, Anthony sent some thither who slew her, and commanded the Tyrians to deliver up to Cleopatra, Serapion Go∣vernour of Cyprus, who was fled into the Sanctuary at Tyre, because he had taken part with Cassius; and gave the same order to the Aradians, touch∣ing another who had fled for refuge into their City, because the Brother of Cleopatra, overcome by Caesar in a Naval Engagement on the Nile, being

seen no more, this unhappy Man had told the Aradians, that he was Ptole∣my; and at last ordered the Ephesians to bring before him Megabyzes the High Priest of Diana, because he had received Arsinoe as a Queen; but the Ephesians having besought Cleopatra in his behalf, pardoned him. Thus in a short time might a strange change be perceived in Anthony's spirit, caused by that passion which was the beginning and end of all those mise∣ries afterwards befel him: for after Cleopatra's return to Egypt he sent his Horse to Palmyra a City near the Euphrates, to sack it; his pretence for doing it being very slight, for he could accuse the Inhabitants of nothing, but that being situated between the Dominion of the Romans and that of the Parthians, they strove to accommodate themselves the best they could with one and t'other; and indeed it was a City of Trade, through which were transported from Persia to Rome all the commodities of India and A∣rabia, but his main design was to enrich his Cavalry. The Palmyrians fore∣seeing it, had caused all they had of value to be carried to the other side of the River, on the Banks of which they planted good Archers to defend the approach, (for there are the best Archers of the world) so the Cavalry finding not a person in the City, returned without drawing their Swords, or making any purchase. The Parthian War which happened soon after, seems from hence to have taken its brith, many of the Tyrants of Syria be∣ing retired with them: for Syri•• till the time of Antiochus the Pious, and his Son of the same name, had been governed by Kings of the race of Se∣leucus Nicator (as we have already said, writing the Affairs of Syria) but this Province being reduced by Pompey's Arms, he placed therein Scaurus for Governonr, to whom the Senate sent others for Successors, among whom was Gabinius who went to make War against the People of Alexan∣dria: to Gabinius succeeded Crassus, who was slain by the Parthians, and after him Bibulus. At length after the death of C. Caesar, during these troubles which were almost universal, there rose up in every City Tyrants, support∣ed by the Parthians; for after Crassus's misfortune they had spread them∣selves into Syria, and had intelligence with the Tyrants, which Anthony now forced to retire to them, whom after he had expelled, charged the People with Imposts, and made this impertinent attempt upon the Palmyri∣ans, he took ••o farther care how to appease the troubles wherein he beheld the Province, and put his Army in Garrison, and went to find out Cleopatra in Egypt, where being magnificently received, he spent the Winter, without any mark of Command, both habited and living like a private Man, whe∣ther because he was in a Country dependant on another, and in the Royal City, or that he might the more pleasantly pass away the time whilst Win∣ter lasted: for he banished all manner of care, and dispensed with the Of∣ficers, put off his usual habit to wear a square Robe after the Greek Fashion, with white Attick Hose, such as are worn by the Priest's of Athens and of Alexandria, which they call Phaecasion, and only visited the Temples, Schools, and Philosophy Assemblies, holding conversation with none but the Greeks in service of Cleopatra, for whose sake alone he had undertook this Jour∣ney.

Mean while, Caesar going to Rome was very much distempered in Body, [ IV] especially at Brundusium, where the danger was so great, that a report was raised of his being dead: but at length by degrees the Distemper diminish∣ing, he entred the City, where shewing Anthony's orders to those who had charge of his Affairs, they presently signified to Calenus, that he should de∣liver to him the two Legions, and wrote to Sextus in Africa to surrender up

the Province, which was performed. After which Caesar finding that Le∣pidus was not guilty of what he had been charged with, quitted to him A∣frica, instead of those Provinces that had been taken from him, and exposed to sale what were left of the Goods of the Proscribed. But when it came to the point of sending Soldiers to Colonies, and giving them Lands, many diffi∣culties presented themselves. The Soldiers pretended they ought to give them the best Cities of all Italy, according to the promise made them be∣fore the War. And the Cities demanded that all Italy should contribute to this charge, or that others should draw lots with them, and that for the Lands the Generals should pay the purchase; but there was no Money in the Treasure. There were dayly to be seen coming to Rome young and old, Women and Children, who assembling in the great place, or in the Temples, with tears in their eyes cryed out: That being Italians, without having committed any fault, they were driven from their Lands, and their Houses, as if it had been a conquered Country. The Romans had com∣passion on them, and their deplorable condition drew tears from a multi∣tude of People, especially when they considered that this War had not been undertaken for the publick good, but to satisfie the ambition of the Chiefs, who had no other aim than the seising of the Empire. Besides, they were sensible, that they gave not the Soldiers the recompense promised after the Victory, nor sent them into Colonies with any other intent, but that the Common-wealth should never more get Head again, the Usurpers of the Government having so many People, obliged by their good turns, ready to take up Arms at their first command. Caesar made excuse to the Cities from the necessity constraining these things, telling them withal he was much afraid the Soldiers would not be so content neither. And indeed they were not content; for they oppressed their Neighbours, and took not only more than the Lands set out to them, but likewise the best they could pick out. And in vain did Caesar reprove them, or gave them other things to hinder them from these violences; for their Generals standing in need of them to secure their Dominions, they stood but in little awe. Moreover, the five years of the Triumvirate drawing to an end, they stood in each o∣thers assistance for their common security, the Generals, that by the Sol∣diers means they might keep their Command, and the Soldiers, that by their means they might keep possession of what had been given them; for all their hopes being that the grant would stand good so long as the Donors were Masters of the Empire, they were concerned to attempt any thing for the maintenance of their power: wherefore Caesar gave many other gifts to the maimed Soldiers, borrowing for this purpose Money from the Tem∣ples, which increased the affection of the Soldiery to him, who found them∣selves obliged by his having gratified them with Cities, Land, Money and Houses. Those who were despoiled of all these things made great cla∣mours, and continuall railed against him, but however they affronted him, he bore all to content the Soldiery.

[ V] Lucius Brother to Anthony now Consul, Fulvia his Wife, and Manius, who had the charge of his Affairs in his absence, observing Caesar's Con∣duct, and to the end that all might not seem to be his doings, or the whole obligation be owned to him alone, and consequently he have all the thanks, to Anthony's prejudice, used all the artifices possible, to delay the sending the Soldiers to the Colonies, till his return out of Asia: but when they could not succeed in that design, because of the earnestness of the Ar∣my, they required of Caesar liberty to be themselves the Conductors of An∣thony's

Forces. By the agreement made with Caesar he had quitted to him the employment, but they denyed it, and Fulvia going her self to the Head of the Legions with Anthony's Children, besought them not to suffer their General to be deprived of the Glory and satisfaction to testifie his good will to them: besides, Anthony's reputation was very great among the Soldiery, and high in esteem with all the world; for Caesar being sick at the time of the Battel at Philippi, all the honour of that Victory seemed due only to Anthony. Though Caesar saw well this was a violation of their agreement, yet in favour to his Associate in the Empire, he consented, and so they con∣ducted the Legions to their Colonies, where they committed strange disor∣ders; for that Caesar might not seem more indulgent than those who con∣ducted them, they gave them all manner of License. Many Cities neigh∣bouring on those where they had Lands set out, having received much in∣jury, came to complain to Caesar, telling him, that the Colonies were much more injust than the Proscriptions; for they proscribed only their Enemies, whereas by means of the Colonies multitudes of innocent persons were ruined, Caesar was not ignorant of the injuries done, but he could not remedy them, for he had no Money to pay the old Proprietors the purchase of their Lands, and he would not delay the recompence pro∣mised to their Forces, because of the Wars they were still engaged in: Pompey was powerful at Sea, and able to strave the City by cutting off Pro∣visions: Aenobarbus and Murcus were fitting out another Fleet, and ano∣ther Army; so that if Caesar and Anthony performed not their promise, they had reason to fear they should be but ill served by their Soldiers. Add to which that the five years of the Triumvirate was near expired, and they had therefore still more reason to gain the good will of the Army; where∣fore they passed by many things patiently, and seemed as if they did not see their insolencies; till such time that one day as Caesar was at the Theatre, a Soldier who could get no room in the place appointed for them, had the im∣pudence to go seat himself with the Roman Knights. The People having observed it, Caesar caused him to be taken away, whereat the rest were so enraged, that when the Plays were done, gathering about Caesar they de∣manded their companion, because not having seen him afterwards they thought him dead. The Soldier coming in at the same time they imagined him brought out of Prison, and though he denyed it, and told them the matter as it passed, they told him he lyed, had been suborned, and was a Traytor to betray his Comrades. Such was their insolence in the Thea∣tre, as a consequence to which, he having appointed them a day for their meeting in the Field of Mars, for the division of Lands, they were so hasty that they came thither long before day-light. And fretting at Caesar that he came not so soon as they thought fit, Nonius a Centurion freely reproving them, and representing to them the respect they oughtto their General, who made them not wait out of any pride or scorn, but because he was sick, they began to rail at him, and call him flatterer, and by degrees their fury increasing, proceded to affront and throw stones as him. He thereupon fled, they pursued him, he threw himself into the River to make his escape, but there they killed him, and drawing his Body out of the Water, brought it and layd it in the way by which Caesar was to pass. His Friends here∣upon counselled him not to go and expose himself to these Bedlams, but lest absence might more increase their fury, he went, and seeing Nonius's Body, turned off by another way. There as if this had been the crime only of some particular Men, he exhorted them for the future to spare one another, made division of their Lands, permitted those had done good ser∣vice

to demand the usual rewards, and gave them likewise even against his own judgment, to many that were unworthy, insomuch that the multi∣tude admiring his gravity, began to repent and be ashamed, and withal to demand that those guilty of Nonius's death might be punished, upon which he told them he knew them well, but that he was content with their confession and repentance, and would remit the punishment. Thus ha∣ving obtained not only pardon for their fault, but likewise gifts and re∣wards, they all upon a sudden changed their anger into applause and accla∣mations. These two examples chosen among many others make it evi∣dently appear how difficult it is, to govern in such times as those the spirits of the Soldiery, which is occasioned when Generals are not commission∣ed to the Command of their Armies by lawful Authority and Nomination as ordinarily happens in Civil Wats, and when Armies are not raised ac∣cording to ancient custom, for the service of their Country. And in reali∣ty all those People bore not Arms for the Roman People, b••t for those that had set them on foot, not by order of War, but by private promises, not against the Enemies of the State, but to satisfie particular animosities, not against Strangers, but against Citizens their Equals in Birth and Dignity: all these things ruined Military Discipline. The Soldiers conceited not they made War, but did service to particular persons that would oblige them, and from whom they hoped for acknowledgments, and the Commanders made use of them as they had occasion for their own advantage. And whereas the ancient Romans never pardoned any Runaways, they now gave them rewards; for the Pleas were equally specious, each party deem∣ing the other Enemy to the State, the Leaders themselves making the same pretence, and all saying they had no other end than the service of their Country. Thus the Soldiers were his, gave most; as well as whole Armies and many illustrious persons, thought they did not deserve the name of Run∣aways, which things caused often shifting of sides; for on what ever par∣ty they ranged themselves, they still served their Country: wherefore the Generals that were sensible of this, were fain to wink at many things, and confided not so much in the fidelty of their Soldiers, or the authority of the Laws, as in the power of their Largesses, so ordinary were tumults and mutinies now in Armies.

[ VI] Mean while Rome was distressed for want of Provisions; for Pompey hin∣dred the bringing any by Sea, and in Italy they had almost given over Hus∣bandry, because of the continual Wars, and that little Corn there was the Armies consumed. There were likewise committed in the Cities many Robberies and Violences by night, after which no inquest was made, be∣cause they layd all upon the Soldiers; wherefore the People shut up their Shops, and drove away the Magistrates, as standing no more in need of Officers or Artificers in a miserable City, where all things were exposed to Robbery and Plunder: Lucius a Lover of the publick wellfare, and Enemy to the power of the Triumvirate, which seemed to last beyond the time prescribed by its establishment, had often sharp words with Caesar; and when the old Proprietors of Lands came to complain to the Magistrates of the oppression of the Soldiery, he alone would hear their complaints, and promise them his protection, and they on the other side engaged them∣selves to serve him in what ever he would employ them. This gave occa∣sion to Anthony's Soldiers, and to Caesar himself, to reproach him that he bu∣sied himself against his Brother, and to give advice to Fulvia to have a care of kindling an unseasonable War. Notwithstanding which Manius ma∣liciously

cunning, having buzzed in her ears, that as long as Italy was in peace her Husband would stay with Cleopatra, but if once there were War would presently come away, she suffered her self to be perswaded, and out of her womanly passion obliged Lucius to seek some occasion of a Rupture. To which effect Caesar being gone to settle the rest of the Colo∣nies, she sent along Anthony's Children together with Lucius, that it might not be thought he alone had the authority. And he happening to com∣mand some part of his Cavalry to march speedily to the Sea Coast of the Brutians, lest Pompey should plunder them, Lucius either fearing or dis∣sembling that he was afraid these Horse were drawn off against him and his Nephews, fled forthwith to Anthony's Colonies, desiring of them Guards for his security, accusing Caesar of infidelity towards their General: Caesar on the contrary sent to tell them that there was no shadow of change in the Friendship betwixt them and Anthony, but that Lucius sought a pretence to make them arm against each other, because he was an Enemy to the Tri∣umvirate in the maintenance of whose power the Soldiery were to be con∣cerned, if they would not be driven from their Colonies, and that for his Horse they were still in the Country of the Brutians executing his orders. The principal Officers of Anthony's Army understanding well all these things met together at Theana with Caesar, where a Treaty was made on these conditions: That the Triumvirs should not disturb the Consuls in the Government of the Common-wealth; that they should give Lands only to those had served at Philippi: that Anthony's Forces in Italy should as well as Caesar's have a share of the Proscripts Money, and in the produce of the sale lately made of their Goods: that for the future no one should constrain them to serve out of Italy, except two Legions which Caesar might employ in the Expedition against Pompey: that those Caesar should send to Spain might pass the Alpes without being impeded by Asinius Pollio, and that Lucius satisfied with these conditions should dismiss his Guards, and follow the functions of his authority with all security. These Articles being a∣greed upon by the Officers of Anthony's Army, there were but two of them executed, and Salvidienus passed the Alpes in spite of those would have hin∣dred him: insomuch that the performance of the rest being delayed, Lu∣cius retired to Praeneste, saying, that having no Guards, he was afraid of Caesar, who was always accompanied with Soldiers, because of his quality of Triumvir. Fulvia likewise fled for refuge to Lepidus, out of fear, as she said, for her Children, and she had a better opinion of him than of Cae∣sar. However it were, both one and the other wrote to Anthony, and some of their Friends who could lay open all the Affair carried the Letters, of which I could not find the Copies, though I have made a curious search. Things standing in this posture, the principal Officers of both Armies met together to terminate the differences yet between their Generals by an equitable judgment, resolved to force to a compliance those that would not submit, and they invited Lucius his Friends to joyn with them; upon their refusal, Caesar to render them odious, began to vent his complaints in all places as well to the Officers of the Armies, as the principal Citizens, which occa∣sioned a great many persons to go from the City to Lucius, to beseech him to have compassion of Italy, almost ruined by Civil Wars, and to make choice of some, who, with them, or with the Officers might endeavour an accommodation. Lucius had both a respect for them and the matter whereof they spoke. But Manius answered fiercely, that whilst An∣thony amused himself to raise Money among Strangers, Caesar by his cringing and flexibility secured to himself all the Militia, and all

the strong places of Italy. That to this purpose, to the damage of Antho∣ny, to whom Gaul appertained, he had enfranchised it, and that in∣stead of ••ighteen Cities designed to reward the Veterans, he had granted them almost all Italy, and that whereas Lands were due only to twenty eight Legions that had served, he had given to four and thirty; that he had taken Money out of the Temples, which had never before been done whatever Famine were in the City, and that on pretence of a War against Pompey, but indeed to gain himself Soldiers to employ against Anthony: besides he had appraised the Proscripts Goods at such low rates, that it was rather giving than selling them: wherefore if he really desired peace, he ought first to give an account of what he had done, and do nothing for the future but what should be resolved upon common deliberation. Thus Ma∣nius by this arrogant answer would have had Caesar no more to have the ar∣bitrement of any thing, but that the agreement made between him and Anthony (by which each had an absolute power in things whereof he took charge, and what one did the other was to approve) should be utterly void. Wherefore Caesar seeing they were absolutely determined for War, began to prepare likewise. Two Legions that were in the City of Ancona having advice hereof, they having formerly belonged to Caesar, and since to Anthony, and having still respect for both, sent Deputies to Rome to en∣treat them to consent to an Accommodation: whereupon Caesar answering that he had no design against Anthony, but that Lucius would make War upon him, the Deputies and Officers of Anthony's Forces joyned together, deputed some to Lucius, to perswade him to admit of a determination of the Differences between Caesar and him, by the way of Justice, letting him know, that if he would not submit, they would take the matter into their own hands. After having obtained of Lucius what they desired, the City of Ga••es was made choice of for the meeting, being the half way be∣twixt Rome and Praeneste, where Benches were set up for the Judges, and two Tribunals, from whence to plead Causes: Caesar who came first had sent some Horse on the way which Lucius was to come, to discover if there were no Ambush; these met with some of Anthony's Horse which Lucius had likewise sent to scout before, and flew some of them: Lucius retreat∣ed thereupon for fear (as he said) of Ambushes, and never afterwards notwithstanding all the prayers of Anthony's Officers, and all their assu∣rances to be his safe conduct, would return, so that those who laboured for Peace, not succeeding, it came to an open War, and they began already to tear one another in pieces by bloody Declarations. Lucius's Forces were composed of four Legions he had raised when he entred into the Consulate, besides the eleven Legions of Anthony's commanded by Calenus, and all those were in Italy: and Caesar had four Legions at Capua and his Pretorian Cohorts with six Legions Salvidienus brought him from Spain. For Mo∣ney, Anthony's Provinces where there was no War, furnished Lucius; and Caesar drew from all his except Sardinia, at present engaged in War, and borrowed from all the Temples with promise to pay the interest, till he restored it to the Temple of the Capitol in Rome, at Antium, at Lavinia, at the* 32.2 Forest, and at Tibur, in all which Temples there are to this day store of consecrated Treasure.

[ VII] Nor were all things quiet out of Italy, for Pompey's Force and Reputati∣on was much increased by the Procripts, the old Inhabitants of the Colo∣nies, and even by this breach with Lucius; for all those who either feared their own safety, or were despoiled of their goods, or had any dislike to

the present state of Affairs, flocked in to him; besides a great number of Youth, who sought their Fortune by War, and thought it indifferent to en∣gage under one or another General, since they were all Romans came in to him, as judging his cause the more just: Besides he was grown rich with Prizes taken at Sea, and had store of Shipping with all things necessary; Murcus likewise had brought him two Legions with fourscore Ships, and there was coming to him another Army from Cephalonia, which makes some think that if he had now invaded Italy, he might easily have become Master of it, oppressed, as it was, with Famine, and rent in pieces with Intestine Divisions: but Pompey by an inexcusable imprudence chose rather to defend himself, than assail others, which proved in the end his own loss. As for what happened in Africa, Sextus, Lieutenant to Anthony, accord∣ing to Lucius Command, had delivered up his Army to Fagio, Caesar's Lieutenant, afterwards having received Orders again to withdraw it; up∣on Fagio's refusal to return it, he declared War against him, and having raised considerable Forces of disbanded Soldiers and Africans, with such assistance as he had from the Kings of that Country, goes to charge the Enemy, cuts in pieces the two Wings of his Army, and makes himself Master of his Camp; so that Fagio despairing, and thinking he was be∣trayed, slew himself. Thus Sextus repossessed himself of both the Pro∣vinces of Africa, and Bocchus, King of the Moors, by Lucius perswasion went to make War against Carinas, who commanded in Spain for Caesar. On the other side Aenobarbus, with seventy Ships, two Legions, a great number of Archers and Slingers, some light armed Infantry, and Gladia∣tors, cruising on the Ionian Sea, wasted all those Coasts that acknow∣ledged the Triumvirate; and coming nigh to Brundusium, took part of Cae∣sar's Galley's, burnt others, and having forced the Inhabitants to shut themselves up within their Wall, spoiled their Country. Caesar sent thi∣ther one Legion, and commanded Salvidienus to hasten out of Spain, whilst both persons laboured to raise men in Italy, where there happened some fights, some skirmishes, and many surprises. The people had a far greater inclination for Lucius's, then for the adverse party, because they made War against the new Colonies, and not only the Cities, whose Lands they had divided to the Soldiers, declared for him; but likewise all Italy, who feared the like oppression; so those that Caesar had sent to bor∣row the consecrated Mony, being driven out of the Cities, and some of them slain, the Inhabitants became Masters of their Walls, and declared for Lucius. But if these took his part, the new Possessors of Lands sided with Caesar, as if both one and the other had only regarded their proper interests. Affairs standing thus, Caesar assembled in the Palace the Se∣nate and Roman Knights, and thus spoke to them.

The Oration of Caesar.

I Know I am contemn'd by Lucius party, as weak and infirm; and I know that contempt will increase upon this my conventing you; but I am yet as∣sured I have a strong and powerful Army, as well that which Lucius wrongs by detaining from them their due rewards, as the other which fights under my Command; nor is there any thing wanting to me, but good will, for I cannot easily resolve on a Civil War, unless constrained, or desire to engage those Ci∣tizens,

remaining to destroy each other; but especially, I delight not in a War like this, which is not to be in Thrace or Macedon, but in the very heart of Italy, and which must occasion infinite miseries, though no man were to be slain, wherefore I have hitherto temporized, and do now protest, that I neither complain of Anthony, nor have given him cause to complain of me: 'Tis your interest, and you ought to let Lucius and his Counsellors know they are in the wrong, and let me intreat you to reconcile us together. If they will not believe you, but continue obstinate, they shall soon find my delay was an effect of my prudence, and not of my fear, and you may bear witness for me to An∣thony, that I am forced to what I do, by the insolence of Lucius.

Caesar having said these words, they sent forthwith to Lucius to Pre∣neste, who made them no answer, but that blows had already been struck on both sides, and that Caesar deceived them, having already sent a Legi∣on to Brundusium, to hinder Anthony's landing, besides Manius showed them a Letter from Anthony, whether true or forged is uncertain, com∣manding them to defend his Authority by Arms, whereupon the Depu∣ties of the Senate demanding, if any had invaded Anthony's; for if so they would make them do reason by ways of Justice. Manius thereupon pro∣posed many other things, so they went away without doing any thing; yet they went not together to return Caesar any answer of their Legation, whether they had given him an account of it privately, or that they were ashamed, or for some other reason.

[ VIII] Thus War being declared, Caesar took the Field, leaving Lepidus with two Legions for guard of the City, at which time many persons of qua∣lity declared their dislike of the Triumvirs, by going over to Lucius. Now what passed most considerable in this War was thus: Two of Lu∣cius his Legions quartered at Alba mutined, and having turned away their Officers, were upon the very point of revolting, when both Lucius and Caesar were upon their way thither; Lucius got there first, and by the force of Money and Promises, kept them in their Duty. After which, as Firmius brought him another Army, Caesar fell upon his Rear-guard, and forced Firmius to an Eminence; from whence escaping the next night into a City of his faction, called Sentia; Caesar would not pursue him, for fear of an Ambush, but on the morrow besieged the place and the Army. On the other side Lucius having a design upon Rome, sent before three Regiments, who with wonderful diligence entred the City privately by night, himself followed with the flower of his Horse and the Gladiators, and was received by Nonius, who having that day the guard of the Gate, with all his Soldiers submitted to him, and Lepidus went out to meet with Caesar; Lucius thus entred the City, assembled the people, and told them that Anthony and Lepidus should in few days give an account of the vio∣lences committed in their Magistracy, and that Anthony was disposed to quit that unlawful power, to accept of the Consulate, that is to say, a Dignity established by their Ancestors, instead of a tyrannical Dominion. These words were received with the universal joy of the people, who already imaginging the Triumvirate abolished, made acclamations to Lu∣cius, giving him the Title of Emperour. Soon after he left the City to march against Caesar, passing by his Brother's Colonies, where he raised a∣nother Body of an Army, and fortified all the Cities he found affectionate to his Party: but Barbarius▪ Questor to Anthony being returned upon some

difference he had with his General, told all Men, that he was mightily in∣censed against those made War upon Caesar, to the ruine of their common power, which made many that discovered not Barbarius's deceit, desert Lu∣cius, and joyn with Caesar. Lucius then marched to meet with Salvidienus, who was coming with an Army of Gauls to Caesar, followed in the rear by Asinius and Ventidius, two of Anthony's Lieutenants; so that he could not well pass farther, when Agrippa, one of Caesar's best Friends, fearing lest Salvidienus should be inclosed, went and seised upon* 33.1 Insubria, from whence Lucius drew great Succors, thinking thereby to oblige Lucius to turn his Arms upon him, and quit his design upon Salvidienus, who would not fail to follow him in the rear, nor was he deceived in his imagination: Lucius therefore frustrated in his hopes, would willingly have joyned with Asinius and Ventidius, but Agrippa and Salvidienus lying on each side him, sorely annoyed him, and had given good order for guarding the Straits; when he saw himself engaged in this manner, not daring to venture a Bat∣tel, he retired night to Perugia a strong City, where he encamped, staying for Ventidius▪ Agrippa, Salvidienus and Caesar himself coming in at the same time, with the three Armies there besieged him, Caesar having speedily drawn together all his Forces, that Lucius who was the Head of the War might not escape him. He sent likewise some Forces towards Asinius and Ventidius to retard their march, though they made no great haste, for they approved not of this War, and did not well know Anthony's mind; besides there was jealousie between them, and being of equal Dignity each was ambitious of the sole Command of the Army. Mean while, Lucius thus besieged durst not hazard a Battel, being the weaker both in number and quality of Soldiers, his Army consisting for the most part of new raised Forces, nor durst he take the Field, or adventure a Retreat, being on all sides so belayd; wherefore he sent Manius to Ventidius and Asinius to hasten them to come to his relief, and gave order to Titinnius to go with four thousand Horse to waste the Country under Caesar's protection, that he might oblige him to raise his Siege, whilst he shut himself up in Perugia, resolved if he were forced to it to spend the Winter there, or at least so much time till Ventidius came up to him with the other Army, but Caesar presently set his Men to work on the Circumvallation, which he was forced to make six and fifty Furlongs in circuit, because of the Hills, among which the City is seated, from whence he drew two Lines down to the Tiber to hinder any thing from being brought to the City. Lucius on his part cau∣sed the foot of the Hills to be fortified with Trench and Palisado like to the Circumvallation, whilst Fulvia sent fresh dispatches to Ventidius, Asinius, Ateius and Calenus to hasten them with all speed to his relief, and withal raised a new Army, which she sent to him under the Command of Plan∣cus, who meeting with one of Caesar's Legions on their March to the City, cut them in pieces. As for Ventidius and Asinius doubtful of Anthony's mind they temporized, and yet pressed to it by Fulvia, they began to march on and to come to disengage Lucius, Caesar together with Agrippa presently set forward to meet them, after having placed a very good Guard before Pe∣rugia, but they not being able to joyn Plancus, or put themselves into a con∣dition to ••ight, retired one to Ravenna, the other to Rimini, and Plancus to Spoleto; and Caesar having left a part of his Forces to hinder their con∣junction, returned to the Siege at Perugia. There he with all possible dili∣gence caused to be made a double Ditch of thirty Foot wide, and as many deep, on which he raised a Rampire, with fifteen hundred Towers of Wood, sixty Feet distant one from the other, with store of Redoubts, and

all things necessary for defence as well against the Besieged, as those that would force his Lines; this was not done without frequent Sallies, and ma∣ny Engagements, wherein Caesar's Light-armed Foot did wonders in lancing their Javelings; but when Lucius's Gladiators could come to a close Fight with them, they made a great slaughter. The work being brought to per∣fection, the Besieged began to be afflicted with Famine, which augment∣ed from day to day, for neither Lucius nor the Inhabitants had made any Provision of Victuals, which coming to Caesar's knowledge, he caused the Lines to be guarded with double care and diligence. Now on the Eve of New-years-day, being a solemn Festival, Lucius, imagining they would not have so much care of the Watch as ordinarily, went and stormed the Gate of their Trenches, believing, that by opening this passage, he might gain an entrance into the City for those other Forces he had in divers Quarters, But the Legion then upon the Guard presently running in, and Caesar him∣self with the Pretorian Cohorts, Lucius after a long Fight resolutely main∣tained, was forced to a Retreat: and this happened at the same time that at Rome, where they had layed in stores of Corn for Provision for the Sol∣diers, the People detesting both the Wars and the Victories, ran to all the Magazines, and pillaged them of all the Corn. After this Ventidius and those with him judging it shameful for them not to relieve Lucius, perish∣ing with Famine, set forward to their assistance, and at first over-run those Forces which Caesar had left to oppose their Designs, but Agrippa and Salvi∣dienus coming in with a greater power, they were fearful of being sur∣rounded, and so turned off to Fulcinia, a little City about one hundred and sixty Furlongs from Perugia, where Agrippa having besieged them, they gave Lucius notice of there being there, by great Fires which they kindled in the Night time, Ventidius and Asinius were of the mind to sally out and fight: Plancus on the contrary said they had better stay a while, for fear of engaging themselves between Agrippa and Caesar; so the Besieged in Peru∣gia, who had rejoyced at the first sight of the Fires, seeing their Compani∣ons came not, imagined they had met with some obstacle, but when the Fires were quite extinct, then they believed them absolutely defeated; whereupon Lucius oppressed with Famine, would once more attempt an Assault by night, and from the first Watch till it was light did all he could to force the Lines, but being every where repulsed, he retreated into Peru∣gia, where having taken an exact account of the Provision remaining, he forbade giving any to the Slaves, whom yet he set Guards over; lest fly∣ing to the Enemy they should betray the extremities of the Garrison; so that whole Troops of those poor wretches might be seen walk staggering through the City, and as far as the Rampire, eating Grass, or green Leaves, or whatsoever they could find; and when they were dead, Lucius caused them to be interred very deep, lest if he should have burnt them, the Ene∣my should have knowledge of it, or letting them lie, they should putresie, and by their corrupt stench engender the Plague. But when there appear∣ed no end either of Famine of Funerals, the Soldiers quite wearied out, de∣sired Lucius they might once more attempt the Enemies Trenches, promi∣sing themselves this time to carry them, he approved their resolution, and told them: In our last Assault we fought not so stoutly as the present occasion and our n••••ssity did require: now we have no other way but either to yield, or if that seem worse then dying, to sight it out to the death. All of them cou∣rageously accepting of these conditions, they besought him to lead them on in open day, that if there were any Cowards among them the night might not keep them from being known. Lucius made his Sally about break of

day with a great quantity of Iron Instruments, many kind of Ladders, Tools of all sorts to fill up the Trenches, with portable Towers to lay Bridges over to the Walls, all kind of missile Arms, with Stones and Bun∣dles of Osiers or Wattles to throw upon the Stakes. They then began the Assault with such fury, that they presently filled up the Ditch, passed the Palisade, and gained the Foot of the Wall, which some laboured to under∣mine, and others brought Ladders to scale, others drew close up their Tow∣ers with a wonderful contempt of their lives, though there fell upon them Showers of Stones, of Darts, and of Leaden Bullets. They assaulted the Lines in several places at once, so that the Enemy distracted, could not so vigorously apply themselves to the defence of all: whereby it hap∣pened in one Place Lucius's Men having brought up a Tower, had cast their Planks upon the Wall, where, though fighting in extreme danger, as be∣ing galled both in Front and Flank by the Enemies missile Arms, they at length forced their way, and some of them gained the Wall, followed pell mell by others; and possibly their despair had met with a happy success, if the Enemy, knowing there were not many of these Machines, had not op∣posed the most valiant of Caesar's Soldiers, to these weak and tired Men, who soon tumbled them down the Walls, and having broken in pieces their Machine with contempt, wounded them from above▪ yet with broken Arms and wounded Bodies, their very voices almost failing them, they still resolutely stood to it; but when they saw the Bodies of those who had been slain upon the Wall stripped and thrown after them, the contumely seemed unsufferable, and they stood like Men struck dumb, or like Wrest∣lers at the Gymnick Games that would breath themselves a while: so that Lucius seeing them in this condition, took compassion on them, and sound∣ed a Retreat. However, when Caesar's Soldiers, joyful for their success, made a great noise with their Arms as a mark of Victory, they reentred with fury, and bringing out Ladders (for they had no more Towers) in a desperate mood attempted to scale the Wall, but all in vain, and indeed it was impossible; wherefore Lucius running about to all places, besought them not to cast themselves away, and brought them off weeping, and much against their wills. After this fierce Assault, Caesar, to prevent the Enemies from making the like upon his Trenches, lined his Walls with Courts of Guard, giving order that at the first signal they should mount the Rampire, some in one place, and some in others: and this they did conti∣nually, though none assailed them, with design to exercise the Soldiers, and strike terrour into the Enemy.

Mean while Lucius's Soldiers began to be quite out of heart, and to neg∣lect [ IX] their Guards, as it often happens after such unfortunate repulses; and many, not only of the Soldiers, but Officers went and submitted themselves to Caesar. Lucius himself, touched with pity to see so many Men so miser∣ably ending their lives, would willingly have consented to an Accommoda∣tion, if he had not had with him some particular Enemies of Caesar's, who were fearful to fall into his hands; but when it was known that he kindly re∣ceived the very Runaways, all Mens minds grew more inclinable to peace, so that Lucius fearing, left if he alone resisted, they would deliver him to Caesar; wherefore, seeing some appearance of hopes, he thus spoke to his Army:

The Oration of Lucius to his Army.

I Had a design, Fellow Soldiers, to restore my Country to liberty, seeing the Triumvirate changed into a Tyranny, and that this Authority thought to be only established against Brutus and Cassius, continued yet after their deaths; for Lepidus being deprived of his part of the Empire, whilst Anthony is ga∣thering up Money in the remote Provinces, this Man who besieges us disposes all things at pleasure, and the Roman Laws, which he makes a mock of, serve him but for a pretence: but when to remedy this disorder, and redeem the Common∣wealth from Slavery, I requested that after having given the promised Recom∣penses to the Soldiery he should lay down the Sovereign Authority, not obtaining it by request, I sought to constrain it according to the power invested in me by the quality of Consul, but he raised a report among the Soldiers that I opposed the Colonies in favour of the ancient possessors: it was a long time ere I knew he slandered me in this manner; and when it was told me, I could not believe it, since I had my self appointed Commissioners to divide the Lands among you: ne∣vertheless the greater part giving ear to this Calumny, joyned themselves with Caesar's Faction to make War upon us; but have made War against themselves, as time will make it appear. For your part I am your witness, that having adhered to the juster cause you have suffered infinitely, and at last we are not overcome by our Enemies, but by Famine, which has forced our Officers to desert us. True it is, it would be much for my Glory to fight for my Country, even to the last extremities, and my good will would be recompensed with immortal praises, but I cannot resolve it, out of my affection to you whose safety I prefer before my own Glory. I will therefore send Deputies to the Conquerour to desire him to deal as he please with me, so he will but pardon you who are his Fellow Citizens, and have been his Soldiers, who have committed no fault in fighting for a cause so apparently just, and who have not been overcome by Arms, but by want of Provisions.

After these words, he chose three out of the principal Men of his Army, and sent them to Caesar, which drew tears from the eyes of all the rest, de∣ploring either their own, or their Generals condition, who having such noble and generous thoughts for his Country was yet reduced to that shameful necessity. The three Deputies represented to Caesar, that they were all of the same Country, had formerly fought under the same Colours, that the Chief of both Parties had been good Friends, and that he ought to imitate the Ge∣nerosity of the Ancients, who were haters of deadly dissentions, with many other things tending to the same purpose. Caesar who well knew the Army was composed of Veterans and new raised Soldiers, cunningly an∣swered, that he would pardon Anthony's Men for their General's sake, but for the rest they should yield upon discretion. This he spoke publickly, but drawing apart Furnius one of the three Deputies, he gave him hopes of a general pardon, excepting only his particular Enemies, but those who thought themselves of that number, suspecting this private conference be∣tween Furnius and Caesar was to their prejudice, reviled him at his return, and besought Lucius either to obtain a general Peace, or to continue the

War without Quarter, since it had not been undertaken for any particular animosities, but for the Common-wealth. Lucius moved to compassion for persons of equal quality with himself, praised their resolution, and promi∣sed to send other Deputies; but after saying he could find no Man fitter for that Negotiation than himself, he went without a Herauld, only some running before to give Caesar notice Lucius was coming. Caesar presently came forth to meet him, and when they were in sight of each other, at∣tended by their Friends, and in the habit of Generals: Lucius stopped his Train, and taking with him only two Lictors came forward, thereby ma∣king known his intention: Caesar having observed it, imitated his Modesty, the better to give him assurance of his future good will; and when he saw Lucius advanced to the Trenches in token he yielded to discretion, he came out himself, that Lucius might still be at freedom to dispose of his Affairs: these signs of their good inclinations they by turns gave each other at their approach: but when they were met near the Trench, after mutual saluta∣tions, Lucius thus began:

The Speech of Lucius to Caesar.

CAesar, had I made this War with Strangers, I should have thought it [ X] base to have been overcome, but much baser to have thus yielded my self, and should soon have found a way to have freed me from that infamy; but ha∣ving to deal with a Citizen of my own quality, and for my Country, I think it no shame to be vanquished in such a cause, and by such a Man: I say not this that I would refuse to suffer what ever you please (for I come to you without a He∣rauld) but to obtain pardon for others, which as it is just, will be no less pro∣fitable to your Affairs, which to make you the more clearly understand, I will separate my interest from theirs, that being fully perswaded I alone am the cause of what has passed, you may discharge all your anger upon me; yet think not whatever I say I would have offended you (that would have been unseasonable) only let me speak, truths cannot be dissembled, I undertook this War against you, not to seise the Sovereign Power after your defeat, but to restore to the Se∣nate the Government of the Common-wealth, of which the Triumvirate de∣prived them, since when you established it, you confessed your Government not lawful, but necessary for a time, so long as Brutus and Cassius, with whom you could make no peace, subsisted. After the Heads of that Dissention were dead, the Remains of their Party (if yet there be any Remains) being still in Arms, not against the Common-wealth, but because they feared you, and the five years of the Triumvirate being expired, I demanded the restoration of the Magi∣strates power, according to the ancient order, preferring the good of my Country before mine own Brother, because I hoped for his consent at his return, and in the mean time to finish the work whilst I was in authority; which had it proceed∣ed from you, you alone had had the Glory of it; but not being able to perswade you, I went to the City where I thought I might by force effect it, being a Citi∣zen of considerable Birth, and withal Consul. This is the sole cause of this War, which ought neither to be attributed to my Brother, nor to Manius, nor to Fulvia, nor to the distribution made of Lands to those Soldiers had served at Philippi, nor to the compassion I might have conceived for those turned out of their Beings, since I my self sent Commissioners on the places to settle my Bro∣ther's Legions in their Colonies, and to drive out the old Proprietors: but it

was your invention to throw upon me and the Colonies the cause of the War, and an artifice by which gaining the hearts of the Veterans you have got the Victory; for being persuaded I was their Enemy, they have done all they could a∣gainst me, and you had reason to make use of this policy, being in open War with me. Now you have got the Victory, if you are an Enemy to your Coun∣try treat me likewise as an Enemy; for I had a design to serve it, if I had not been hindred by want of Provision. These things I speak yielding my self (as I have said) freely up, to use at your discretion, and coming alone to you, that you may perceive what thoughts I have heretofore had of you, and what I still preserve. Thus far touching my self: for what concerns my Friends, and all the rest of the Army (if my advice may not be suspected by you) I will give you what shall be for your advantage. Let me counsel you not to use them hard∣ly for any difference between us, lest, being still a Man exposed to the reach of Fortune, you make those serve under you backward in hazarding themselves to danger, when by your example they shall have learn'd there is no hopes of safety but in Victory. But if the counsels of an Enemy are not to be listened to, I be∣seech you not to punish my Friends for my fault, or misfortune; but rather lay all the Load on me, who am the only cause of all that has happened. I have on purpose left them behind me, for fear lest if I had spoke in their presence it might have looked like an Artifice to gain favour for my self.

To which Caesar answered:

The Answer of Caesar to Lucius.

WHen I saw you, Lucius, coming to me without a Herald, I presently came out of my Trenches to meet you; that you being still Master of your self might still be at liberty to resolve, say and do what you judged most advantageous for you; but since acknowledging your fault you yield to discre∣tion, there is no need of a reply to what you impute to me with a great deal of cunning, and little truth. From the beginning you have had a desire to van∣quish me, and you now have done it: for had you desired to capitulate, you had deservedly met with a severe Conquerour, but now without any conditions you come to yield up your self, your Friends and Army, you have taken away all an∣ger, taken away all advantage I had over you; for I am now to consider not so much what you deserve as what becomes me, which I am glad to have the opportunity of doing, out of respect to the Gods, for my own interest, and for your sake, Lu∣cius, who shall not be deceived in that opinion of me which brought you hither.

These are near upon the very same words as I found them in the Com∣mentaries of those times.

[ XI] In these passages Caesar admired the generous and unshaken mind of Lu∣cius so well biassed with prudence; and Lucius the great clemency and ex∣peditious brevity of Caesar, and others read in both their Faces the tenure of what they had spoke: Lucius presently sent his Tribunes to receive or∣ders from Caesar, who brought him the Muster-Rolls of the whole Army, according to the custom to this day when a Tribune comes for Orders, he

presents the General with a Counter-roll of those serve under him. After having received Orders, they set the Watch as before, it being Caesar's plea∣sure that for that night each Army should lodge in their own Camp: on the morrow he offered Sacrifices, and Lucius sent him all his Forces in Arms, and ready to march upon service. As soon as they came in sight of Caesar they saluted him, calling him Emperour, and that done, drew up by Legions the Veterans apart from the new raised Men in a place by him ap∣pointed. After having performed the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices, Cae∣sar seated himself upon a Tribunal with a Wreath of Laurel on his Head, which is the Badge of Victory, and commanded them all to lay down their Arms, then he gave order for the Veterans to draw near, that he might terrifie them with reproaches of ingratitude; but his mind being known, all Caesar's Soldiers, whether suborned, or moved with affection towards their Fellow Citizens in distress, stepped out of their Ranks, and advancing towards Lucius's Men, who had formerly been their Comrades, began to embrace them, weeping and emploring Caesar for them, continuing their cries and their embraces, till such time as the new raised Men being touch∣ed with a like compassion, the whole place became the object of universal ••orrow; wherefore Caesar changing his design, having with much difficul∣ty silenced their cries, thus spoke to his own Men:

The Oration of Caesar.

YOu have always, Fellow Soldiers, so behaved your selves to me, that you can ask nothing I can deny: I believe the new Soldiers may have been forced to serve Lucius; but for those there who have so often born Arms with you, and with whom you now petition me, I would fain ask them what injury I have done them, or what they ever requested of me that I refused them, or what advantage they could hope from others might oblige them to take up Arms against me, a∣gainst you, and against themselves; for there is no labour to which I have not exposed my self for settling of the Colonies, in which they are to be sharers; but take it not amiss if their insolency make me be no further concerned for them.

But they instantly intreating him not to give over his care of them, and renewing their intreaties for their pardon.

I grant you, said he, whatever you desire, let them be pardoned, provided for the future they be of one mind with you.

Which after they had all promised, they with acclamations gave thanks to Caesar, who permitted some of his to entertain the others as their Guests, and ordered the multitude to encamp apart in the same place where they had first drawn up, till such time as he appointed Cities for their Winter Quarters, with Commissioners to conduct them. After which, before he rose from the Tribunal, he caused to come to him Lucius, and all the per∣sons of Quality with him, among whom there were many Senators and Roman Knights, all cast down, and sorrowful for this sudden and extraor∣dinary change, who were no sooner come out of Perugia, but a Gar∣rison

entred the City: when they were come before Caesar, he caused Lucius to be set down by him, and his Friends and Centurions took charge of the rest, after being advertised to treat them honourably, but yet to have a care to secure their persons. He sent likewise to the People of Perugia, who begged pardon from their Walls, to come to him without their Senators, and he pardoned them, but their Senators were all imprisoned, and not long after slain, except only Lucius Emulus, who being at Rome one of the Judges of Caesar's Murderers, openly gave sentence against them, and perswaded others to do the like, to purge the City from that abominable vil∣lany. Caesar had resolved to give the plunder of Perugia to his Soldiers. But Caestius one of the Inhabitants, a crack-brained Fellow, who because he had bore Arms in Macedon stiled himself Macedonicus, set fire to his House, and threw himself into the Flames, which the wind driving through∣out the whole City, it was in a moment reduced to ashes, all but the Tem∣ple of Vulcan, such was the end of Perugia, a City famous for its antiqui∣ty; for it is said to be one of those twelve Cities built by the ancient* 37.1 E∣truscans, at their first coming into Italy, wherefore they formerly adored Iuno after the manner of the Etruscans, but now those who divided a∣mong themselves the ruines of the City, took Vulcan instead of Iuno for their Tutelar Deity. The day following, Caesar passed a general pardon; but the Army still grumbling and growing tumultuous against some, for∣bore not till they were slain, who were all mighty Enemies to Caesar, such were Canutius, C. Flavius, Clodius Bythinicus and others.

[ XII] This conclusion had the Siege of Perugia, together with the War against Lucius, most certainly a very perillous one, and which in all likelyhood might a long time have tormented Italy. For Asinius, Plancus, Ventidius, Crassus, Ateius, and others of this Party, who had in all considerable For∣ces, amounting to thirteen Legions, and six thousnad five hundred Horse, reputing Lucius the Head of this War, retired every one a several way towards the Sea, part to Brundusium, part to Ravenna, part to Ta∣rentum, some of which went to seek out Murcus and Aenobarbus, others Anthony, still followed in the rere by Caesar's Men, who offered them peace, which they refusing, were by them much infested in their March; but two of these Legions left by Plancus at Cameria, Agrippa gained by fair pro∣mises. Fulvia likewise with her Children fled to Puzzoli, and from thence to Brundusium, convoyed by three thousand Horse, sent her by her Hus∣band's Lieutenants. At Brundusium she embarqued on five long Ships, sent for out of Macedon, and departed with Plancus the future companion of her Voyage, who through cowardise deserted the rest of the Army, of which Ventidius after took the Conduct. Asinius drew Aenobarbus to An∣thony's Party, which they both gave him assurance of by Letters, and be∣cause he was to come into Italy, they secured convenient places for his land∣ing, and laid in stores of Provision. On the other side, Anthony having still other Forces near the Alpes commanded by Calenus, Caesar designed to make himself Master of them, out of a jealousie he had of Anthony, to keep them for him if he proved his Friend, or to strengthen himself against him if it were true that he was not; but whilst he was seeking a plausible occasion to do it, Calenus died; so that Caesar laying hold of the opportuni∣ty, goes with all celerity and seises upon the Army, and with it of Gaul and Spain two of Anthony's Provinces, Fulvius Son to Calenus out of fear yielding up all without opposition. Thus Caesar being at one push strength∣ened with eleven Legions, and these great Provinces, after having re∣moved

the Commanders, and put his own Creatures in their places, re∣turned to Rome.

But Anthony detained the Deputies of the Colonies sent to him, either [ XIII] because of the Winter Season, or that they might not discover his Designs. At the beginning of Spring parting from Alexandria he came to Tyre, from thence passing to Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Province of Asia, he heard of the success of the Siege of Perugia, for which he blamed his Brother, his Wife, but especially Manius. At Athens he met with Ful∣via, flying from Brundusium, and Iulia his Mother, whom Pompey (to whom she was fled for refuge) sent upon long Ships, accompanied with the chief Men of Quality in his Party, L. Libo his Father-in-law, Saturninus and others, who beholding Anthony's Magnificence, would have perswa∣ded him to an alliance with Pompey against Caesar: to which he answered; That indeed he was obliged to Pompey for sending to him his Mother, which he would acknowledge in due season; and if he must make War with Caesar, would embrace his alliance; but if the friendship betwixt them stood firm, he would do his endeavours to reconcile Pompey to Caesar. Thus Anthony then answered: but when Caesar returned to the City out of Gaul, understanding that some had sailed from Pompey to Athens, but not hearing what answer they brought back, he began to make the old Soldiers and new Inhabi∣tants of the Colonies jealous of Anthony, as if Pompey were ready by his allowance to come and driven them out, and place in their ancient possessi∣ons the old Proprietors, of whom many indeed had fled to him for refuge, which though easily believed, yet could not the affection of the Veterans to Anthony be so easily withdrawn, so much credit had the Battel of Philippi got him in the hearts of the Soldiers. Caesar, though he thought that he should be stronger than Anthony, Pompey and Aenobarbus all together in the number of Legions, for he had already above forty; yet neither ha∣ving Shipping nor time to build any, he was much afraid that if they with five hundred Sail should come and cruise about all the Coasts of Italy, they would in a short time starve him; wherefore though many Virgins were offered him in Marriage he wrote to Maecenas that he should treat for him with Scribonia Sister to Libo Father-in-law of Pompey, that by this means if it were necessary he might make peace with Pompey: this was no sooner known to Libo, but by Letters he gave order that the Marriage should forthwith be concluded. Henceforwards Caesar when at any time he con∣ceived a jealousie of any of Anthony's Friends or Forces under his Com∣mand, he sent them to several places out of the way, and Lepidus he di∣spatched with six of Anthony's Legions he had in some suspicion, into Africa the Province designed for him. He sent likewise for Lucius, whom after he praised for his piety to his Brother, that what by his orders he had done, he would take the fault off upon himself; he yet accused him of in∣gratitude, that after so great an obligation he would not confess to him what every one talked publickly; that Anthony had entred into League with Pompey against him.

The Speech of Caesar to Lucius.

CErtainly, said he, trusting to your words, after Calenus's death I ••re∣served for Anthony by the means of my Friends those Legions and Provinces that he might not beleft without command; but now perceiving his de∣signs against me, I take them all as my own; but you, if you please, may secure∣ly go to your Brother.

Caesar spoke thus either to try Lucius, or that what he said might be told to Anthony: but Lucius answered him as he had done before.

The Answer of Lucius to Caesar.

I Knew, said he, I must confess, the mind of Fulvia aspiring to Dominion, and I made use of my Brother's Forces with hopes to suppress the power of you all; and if now my Brother comes to subvert Monarchy openly or privately, I will go to him, once more to make War for my Country against you, though so highly obliged to you; but if he seeks Associates to maintain his tyranny, I will serve you against him so long as I shall believe you affect not the Monarchy; for I shall always prefer my affection to my Country before either Friend or Re∣lation.

Caesar now again admiring Lucius, told him, that whatever offers he made, he should not accept of his service against his Brother; but that he thought such a Man as he fit to be entrusted with the whole Province and Army of Spain, in which he should have Peduceius and Luceius for his Lieu∣tenants. Thus he sent Lucius out of the way with Honour, having given private orders to his Lieutenants to watch him narrowly.

[ XIV] Anthony having left Fulvia sick at Sycione, set fail from Corcyra to pass the Ionian Sea with two hundred Ships he had built in Asia, wherein he had but very slender Forces. Upon advice that Aenobarbus came to meet him with a great Fleet and a mighty Army, some were jealous that he would not prove faithful to the new made peace, because he had been condemned as an Abettor of Caesar's death, and therefore put in the number of the Pro∣scribed, and had taken part against Caesar and Anthony in the Battel of Phi∣lippi. But Anthony, that he might not seem to distrust any thing, held on his course with five of his best Ships, commanding the rest to follow at a distance; when Aenobarbus with all his Fleet and Army were come in sight, Plancus, who was on board of Anthony, began to be afraid, and ad∣vised him to stop and send some before to make tryal of the Faith of this doubted Man. But Anthony made answer; That he had rather perish by the violation of a peace, than save himself by betraying the least fear. They were now come so nigh, that they knew easily each other, and the Admi∣ral's

Ships stood Stem to Stem with their Flags aloft, when Anthony's chief Lictor standing on the Prow, according to custom, whether he had forgot that they were making towards a Man, whose Faith was in some question, and who had under his Command an Army of his own, or moved by the customary duty of Subjects and inferiours to their Superiours, he command∣ed them aloud to strike their Flag, which they obeyed, and brought up their Ship along Anthony's side; then the Commanders having saluted each other, Aenobarbus's Soldiers called Anthony Emperour, and Plancus with much ado recovered out of his fright. Anthony having received Ae∣nobarbus into his Ship, they sailed to Paleonta where Aenobarbus's Land Forces lay, where he resigned up his Tent to Anthony as his General. From thence embarquing they sailed to Brundusium, kept with five Cohorts for Caesar, where the Inhabitants shut their Gates against them, against Aenobarbus as their ancient Enemy, and against Anthony for being in their Enemies company: Anthony enraged at this refusal, and thinking it only a pretence, and that indeed Caesar's Men by his orders hindred his entrance, went and seised upon the Neck of the Peninsula, drew a line cross, and fortified it; for the City stands in a Peninsula in form of a Crescent: so that now there was no coming to the City by Land, the Line being drawn from one Sea to the other: he likewise raised Forts round the Port, which is ve∣ry spacious, and in the Islands wherewith it is encompassed, and sent along the Coasts of Italy to seise of all commodious places, and dispatched withal at the same time to Pompey to oblige him as much as possibly he could with his Fleet to infest Italy. He very gladly sent Menodorus with a strong Fleet and four Legions into Sardinia, which then held for Caesar, where he drew two Legions to his Party, scared with the agreement between Anthony and Pompey. In the mean time Anthony's Men took Saguntum in Ausonia, and Pompey besieged Thuria and Consentia, and sent his Horsemen into their their Territories. Caesar assailed in so many places at once, sent Agrippa to relieve those in Ausonia, who, passing by the Colonies, commanded the Vete∣rans to follow him, as if he were to lead them against Pompey; but when they were told he acted by Anthony's orders, they stole away every Man to their Houses, which most of all terrified Caesar. However, he went in person to Brundusium with another Army, and by seasonable Caresses drew the Veterans to their duty; they now following him out of a real respect and reverence to his person, and yet holding among themselves secret confe∣rences of reconciling him with Anthony, whom if they found obstinate, to make War, they would then defend their General's honour, who was now some days detained at Canusium: in Men he much outnumbred Anthony; but when he saw Brundusium so beleaguered, that he could no way force the Lines, he contented himself to encamp near it, to view the Enemy, and wait a favourable occasion. Though Anthony was so well fortified in his Trenches, that he could well have defended himself against much greater Forces than Caesar's, yet he sent with all speed for his Army out of Mace∣don: and in the mean time by this stratagem amused Caesar, he sent by night on board the long Ships and Vessels of Burthen great numbers of Countrymen and Servants, and in the day time landed them again one after another all armed in the sight of Caesar, as if they had been armed out of Macedon. And now his Machines being in a readiness, he began his Batteries upon Brundusium, to Caesar's great grief, who could no way re∣lieve the place, when towards the Evening news was brought to both Par∣ties that Agrippa had retaken Tiguntum, and that Pompey repulsed from Thur••n, continued the Siege of Consentia, which much troubled Anthony;

but when he heard that Servilius with twelve hundred Horse was gone over to Caesar, he could not contain himself, but rising from Supper he mounted with such of his Friends as were in a readiness, and accompanied only by four hundred Horse with a singular boldness beat up the Quarters of fifteen hundred near Uria, and so surprised them, that they yielding, he brought them the same day before Brundusium, such an opinion of his being invin∣cible had the Battel of Philippi got him. The Pretorian Soldiers height∣ened by this success, went afterwards one after another up to Caesar's Trenches, upbraiding their ancient Comrades for bearing Arms against Anthony, who had saved their lives at Philippi. Whereupon the others answering, that on the contrary they made War upon them, they came at length to Conferences, wherein they began their reciprocal complaints; on one side that they had refused them entrance into Brundusium, and cor∣rupted Calenus's Army; and the other, that they had besieged Brundusium, made inroads into Ausonia, treated with Aenobarbus one of Caesar's Mur∣derers, and with Pompey their common Enemy. At length Caesar's Men discovered their inclinations to the other, that they followed Caesar without having forgot the Virtues of Anthony, and that their design was to pro∣cure a reconciliation between their Generals, to which, if Anthony would by no other means be inclined, then they must repel force with force; all which they went and published even before Anthony's Trenches.

[ XV] Whilst these things passed, the opportune news was brought of the death of Fulvia, who not able to bear her Husband's reproofs, was fallen sick with discontent that he was angry with her, for he had left her sick, and at his departure not vouchsafed to visit her, which hastened her end▪ All Men believed her death commodious for both Parties; for she was a Woman of a turbulent spirit, and who only out of her jealousie of Cleo∣patra had kindled this War. However, Anthony seemed much grieved at the accident, as believing himself the cause. There was one Lucius Cocceius intimately a Friend to both Generals, whom the Summer before Caesar had sent with Cecinna as his Envoy to Anthony then in Phaenicia, Cecinna forth∣with returning, he had till now stayed with Anthony. Thus Cocceius lay∣ing hold on the occasion, feigned that he was recalled by Caesar, and de∣sired audience to take his leave, and Anthony permitting him to depart, he trying him farther, asked whether he would not write to Caesar, having re∣ceived Letters from him by the same Cocceius, to which Anthony replyed: What can we now write to one another being Enemies, unless it be mutual re∣proaches; besides I then returned him answer by Cecinna, the Copies of which you may take if you please. To this cavil Cocceius made retort that Caesar was not to be called an Enemy, who had so favourably treated Lucius and other Friends of his. But me, said Anthony, he has shut out of Brundusium, seised upon my Provinces, and Calenus's Army. As for his favour shewed on∣ly to my Friends, that has not so much preserved their Friendship to me, as made them my Enemies by his kindness. Cocceius hearing him enter upon com∣plaints, would no farther move an angry Man, but went to Caesar, who seeing him, and wondred he was returned no sooner, Is it (said he to him) because I saved your Brother's life that you are become my Enemy? C••cceius answered; Is it so you call your Friends Enemies, and take away their Provinces and Armies? Caesar hereto replyed; After Calenus 's death should I have left in the hand of such a young Man Forces of such consequence, Anthony being absent, Lucius discontent, Asinius and Aenobarbus hard by, and ready to employ them against us? 'Twas the same reason made me hasten

to get Plancus 's Legions into my hands, lest they should have joyned with Pom∣pey, as the Horse did who went over into Sicily. To which Cocceius made answer, that things had been otherwise represented to Anthony, yet he did not believe them, till as an Enemy he was shut out of Brundusium. That was not done by any command of mine, replyed Caesar, nor could I divine that he was coming to land there, or dream that he should come along with Enemies. The Inhabitants of Brundusium, and the Officers left there in Garrison to op∣pose the attempts of Aenobarbus, did without orders from me shut their Gates against Anthony, newly confederated with Pompey our common Enemy, and bringing along with him Aenobarbus a Parricide, condemned by publick sen∣tence, proscribed, and who after the Battel of Philippi besieged Brundusium, and to this day wastes all the Coasts of the Ionian Sea, who burnt my Ships, and plunders all Italy. To which Cocceius made reply: You re∣served to one another the liberty to treat with whom you pleased; Anthony has no more made peace with any Murderer of your Father than your self, he has too great an honour for his memory, Aenobarbus was none of the Parricides, but condemned by malicious Iudges, when not conscious of the conspiracy. And if we think him unworthy of favour for being a Friend to Brutus, we must have a care lest we make all Men our Enemies. The peace was made too with Pom∣pey not with design to quarrel with you, but that if you made War upon Antho∣ny, he might have him for an Associate, and if you did not, to reconcile you together, as being a Man you can impeach with no crime. In this too, you are in the fault; for had there been no motion of War in Italy, they durst not have sent Deputies to Anthony. Thereupon Caesar pursuing his complaints, said, 'Twas Manius, Fulvia and Lucius made War upon me and Italy, and never durst Pompey before with his Forces attempt the Coasts till he was encouraged to it by Anthony. Not only encouraged, said Cocceius, but commanded, for I will hide nothing from you: he will with his Fleet invade the rest of Italy, now destitute as it is of Shipping, unless you make peace. Whereto Caesar, who had not without reflections listened to this discourse of Cocceius: said, How∣ever, Pompey has but little to brag of, being repulsed from Thuria. Here∣upon Cocceius hav••••g now a full insight of their controversies, made men∣tion of Fulvia's death, how not enduring her Husband's displeasure, she fell sick, and her Distemper increasing by a continual melancholy, that An∣thony was so unkind as not to visit her in her sickness, it had hastened her end. And now she is dead, said he, there needs nothing more than that you explain your mutual suspicions to one another. Caesar mollified by this discourse of Cocceius, made him his Guest for that day, who entreated him as the younger to write to Anthony his elder: he denyed writing to his Enemy, from whence he had received no Letters, but complained that his Mother whom he had always so perfectly honoured, as his Kinswoman, had fle•• out of Italy, as if she could not have commanded him as if he had been her own Son; so under this pretence Caesar wrote to Iulia. As Cocceius was going out of the Camp many Centurions discovered to him the mind of the Army, who with all the rest told this likewise to Anthony, that he might understand what a War he was about to engage himself in if he made not peace with Caesar. Wherefore he advised him to remand Pompey, who wasted Italy, into Sicily, and to send Aenobarbus into some other part, till new Leagues were made. To this Iulia his Mother joyning her prayers and intreaties; there was nothing stood in the way but the shame Anthony feared he should be exposed to, if the Peace not succeeding he should a∣gain be forced to have recourse to Pompey's assistance; but his Mother put∣ting him in hopes, confirmed by Cocceius partaker of Caesar's privacies,

Anthony consented, caused Pompey to return to Sicily, promising to take care of all matters agreed on between them, and sending Aenobarbus Go∣vernour into Bithynia; which as soon as Caesar's Army knew, they chose Deputies to go to both Generals, whom they besought to refrain from ac∣cusing each other; for they were not made choice of to judge, but to re∣concile them; so that making Cocceius Friend to both for Arbitrator, and nominating Pollio for Anthony, and Maecenas for Caesar, they decreed a mu∣tual oblivion for all past offences, and perfect friendship for the future. And because Marcellus, Husband to Octavia Caesar's Sister, was lately dead, the authors of the peace desired Caesar to give his Sister in marriage to Anthony: she was soon promised, with happy auguries, for these accom∣modations were atttended with universal acclamation of both Armies, with vows for their prosperity, and continued rejoycings, which held all that day and the next night.

[ XVI] Then Caesar and Anthony made a new division of the Roman Empire, setling for the bounds of eithers Dominion Scodran a Town in Illyria, which seemed seated in the Center of the Adriatick Gulf; from whence East∣ward as far as the Euphrates all the Provinces and Islands were to be under the command of Anthony; and Caesar was to have all Westward as far as the Ocean, except Africa which was left to Lepidus under the same conditions he had received it from Caesar. They agreed likewise that Caesar should make War with Pompey, if some change happened not, and Anthony a∣gainst the Parthians to revenge Crassus's death; that Aenobarbus should be received into league by Caesar, on the same conditions Anthony had before granted him. And that both Generals might have equal power to raise Soldiers in Italy. In these Heads consisted the last league between Caesar and Pompey: soon after which they sent away their Friends to dispatch ur∣gent Affairs, Anthony sent Ventidius into Asia to oppose the attempts of the Parthians and the young Labienus, who being joyned with them, infested Syria as far as Ionia, taking the advantage of the Civil Wars. But how Labienus and the Parthians were punished, we have ••it in the Book of the Parthians War. About the same time, Menodorus Pompey's Admi∣ral again drew out of Sardinia Helenus one of Caesar's Lieutenants, which was the main reason of Caesar's being so incensed, that he would not admit of Anthony's intermission to reconcile him with Pompey. Afterwards be∣ing returned to the City, the Nuptials were solemnised, and Anthony put Manius to death for exasperating Fulvia against Cleopatra, and making her the author of so many mischiefs. He likewise discovered to Caesar how Sal∣vidienus, who commanded the Army in Gallia Narbonensis, would have re∣volted to him, and to that purpose had sent an express to him at the Siege of Brundusium: all Men did not much applaud him for it, but he revealed this secret to shew his frankness and the reality of his reconciliation: Caesar forthwith sent command to Salvidienus to make haste to him, as if he had something of importance to communicate, after which he would send him back to the Army; but at his arrival reproaching him with his treachery, he put him to death, and gave his Army, being jealous of it, to Anthony. Mean while, the People were much oppressed with Famine; for the Mer∣chants could bring nothing from the East, for fear of Pompey and Sicily, nor from the West, because Sardinia and Corsica were in the possession of Pompey too. Nor out of Africa, because of the Enemies Ships cruising in the open Sea; wherefore the People attributing the cause of their want of Bread to the division of those who commanded, continually reviled them,

urged them to make peace with Pompey. But when thus neither they could not incline Caesar to it, Anthony counselled him to hasten the War to reme∣dy the present distress: but because there was no Money to make the pre∣paration, they made an Edict by which Masters were taxed in twenty five Sesterces for every Slave they had (the like whereof had been before in the War with Cassius) and withal a certain part to be payed out of new Inheritances. The People enraged, tore down this Edict whereever it was fixed up, growing furious, that after the treasury was exhausted, the Provinces drained dry, and Italy ruined by continual Imposts and Confis∣cations, the Citizens should be taxed for what they had yet left, and that not to employ in foreign Wars, where the Honour of the Empire might lie at stake, but to revenge particular Mens quarrels, and increase their power, to which they were mounted by Proscriptions and Murders, and for which the People were fain to suffer Famine and Misery. They gather∣ed together by Troops, railing in the Streets, throwing Stones at those who would not joyn with them, and threatening to plunder and set fire on their Houses, till at length the whole multitude was got into a Body. Cae∣sar going with his Guards and some Friends to appease them, and give them reasons for what he had done, as soon as they saw him they let fly their Stones, and though he stirred not, but stood their Blows, yet they had no reverence nor respect to him; of which Anthony having notice, ran speed∣ily to his relief, as he came up the Via Sacra none threw Stones at him, be∣cause he was disposed to make Peace with Pompey, they only warned him to be gone; but when that prevailed not, the Stones flew likewise about his Ears. Whereupon he sent for the Soldiers who were without the City, and when the People forbore not their violences, the Soldiers having en∣compassed them on both sides came up the cross Streets upon them in the place, and in the great Street, charging the first he met with, who not able to flie because of the Crowd, and not being in a posture of defence, the Streets were soon filled with dead and wounded Men, and the Windows with cryes and lamentations. Thus Anthony hardly escaping himself, with∣drew Caesar from manifest danger, and brought him to his House. The mul∣titude being put to flight, they commanded the Soldiers to cast the Corps into Tiber, not to expose the sad spectacle to the Citizens view, but this caused a far greater affliction, when they beheld them carried away with the stream, or stripped by the Soldiers, among whom were mingled several Brokers, who carried away those were best clad, as if they had belonged to their Family. However, this mischief at length had an end, but not the multitudes hate and malice to these Men, nor yet the Famine which the miserable People underwent with groans and tears.

Anthony hereupon gave advice to Libo's Friends to invite him out of Si∣cily, [ XVII] to rejoyce with his Relations, and possibly do a work of greater im∣portance, promising to be security for his person. They presently wrote to him, nor did Pompey at all detain him. In his Voyage he landed in an Island formerly called Pithicusa, and at present Aenario, which as soon as the People heard of, they again assembled, beseeching Caesar with tears in their eyes to send a Pass-port to Libo who came with Proposals of Peace, which though with seeming unwillingness he granted. That done the mul∣titude ran to Mutia, Pompey's Mother, threatening to burn her if she did not go to her Son, and dispose him to a Peace. Libo perceiving their Enemies not so hot against them as formerly, desired a conference between the Ge∣nerals, to the end they might compose all matters between themselves,

which after the Peoples earnest prayers had obtained, Caesar and Anthony went to Baiae. Pompey's Friends all with one voice advised him to Peace, except only Menodorus, who wrote to him from Sardinia, that he ought rather now to make War, or at least temporize, whilst Famine fought for them, that when they judged it fit to conclude a Peace, they might do it on more advantageous conditions, he likewise warned him to have a care of Murcus, who counselled him to make Peace only for the advancement of his particular fortune; wherefore Pompey, who was before jealous of Murcus's experience and authority broke now utterly with him, and no longer took his counsel in any thing: so Murcus in discontent retired to Syra∣cusa, where perceiving some of Pompey's Guards that followed him by his orders, he in their presence railed at and reviled him, this hastened his end; for Pompey having corrupted one of his Tribunes, and one of his Centurions, sent People to slay him, giving out that he was murdered by his Slaves, whom they hanged, to give the more credit to the cheat. How∣ever, after what had happened to Bithynicus, Men easily believed this se∣cond attempt committed on the person of a Man famous for his experience in War, a constant Friend to Pompey's Faction from the very beginning, who had done him signal service in Spain, and of his own accord came to him in Sicily. After his death all Pompey's Friends exhorted him to Peace, accusing Menodorus of being in love with Command, considering more his own than his Masters interest, finding it profitable to govern a Province with an Army; so Pompey embarqued for Aenaria with many choice Ships, and himself on a most beautiful Galley of six Banks; and thus in great state came sailing towards the Evening by Puteoli, in view of the Enemy. As soon as day next Morning appeared, they drove Piles in∣to the Sea, at some distance one from the other, and thereon laid two Bridges, upon one of which to the Land-side mounted Caesar and Anthony, and Pompey and Libo on the other, which was separate on the first by a small interval of water; so that without speaking aloud they could hardly hear each other, Pompey pretended to be Associate in the Empire, in the room of Lepidus; and the others would only grant him the liberty to return to Rome, so they parted without doing any thing: yet their Friends kept on foot the Negotiation, making divers Propositions on the one part and the other; Pompey in behalf of the Proscripts had fled to him for refuge, de∣manded that such as were culpable, or Abettors of Caesar's Murder might be in security in their Exile, and that the others might with Honour be re∣called into the City, and put into possession of their Estates: upon this de∣mand Famine, and the People urging for Peace, Anthony and Caesar agreed that they might redeem from the new Possessors a fourth part of their E∣states only, and they wrote to them about it, as supposing they would be therewith contented, and indeed so they were, for they began now to stand in fear of Pompey, instructed by Murcus his misfortune, going therefore to him, and perswading him to Peace, he rent his Robe, saying, he was be∣trayed by those for whom he had exposed himself, and calling by name Me∣nodorus as the sole Man worthy of Command, and the only Friend he had. At length by the instigation of Mutia his Mother, and Iulia his Wife, they met again only they three on a little Eminence, encompassed on all sides by the Sea, about which they had placed Guards with Ships for their common security. Here they agreed to these Conditions; That all War should cease between them, both by Sea and Land, that there should be a free trade and commerce in all places, that Pompey should withdraw all his Garrisons out of Italy, that he should harbour no more Fugitives, that his Ships

should cruise no more on the Italian Coasts; that he should have the com∣mand of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, with the other adjacent Isles for so long as Anthony and Caesar held the Sovereign Power, but with condition of sending to Rome what Corn those Islands ought to the Citizens, and that besides all this he should have the Peloponnesus; that being absent he might exercise the charge of Consul by one of his Friends, and should be re∣ceived into the Colledge of the High Priests; that all persons of Quality might return to the City except the Conspirators who had been condem∣ned by publick sentence; that the Goods of all those fled to Pompey without being proscribed should be restored, except the Moveables; and for the Proscripts that they should have a sourth part; that all who had served under Pompey should be rewarded, if Slaves with Freedom, and if Freemen, when they had served the time appointed by Law, with the same recom∣pences as the Veterans of Caesar and Anthony received. These were the Articles, which after being ingrossed and signed, were sent to Rome to be deposited in the hands of the Vestals. This done, they by lot feasted each other▪ Pompey began, who laying his Galley side to the Rock therein re∣ceived his Guests; the days following Anthony and Caesar treated him, pitch∣ing Tents on the same Rock, with pretence that the Feast might be distri∣buted better to the Shore, but perhaps that their mirth might be more se∣cure; for there was nothing remitted of the useal care, both the Ships were in their stations, and the Guards at their Posts, and the Guests them∣selves had Daggers under their Robes. 'Tis reported, that Menodorus, when they feasted in the Galley, sent to advise Pompey, that taking this ad∣vantage of his Enemies, he should revenge the wrongs his Father and Bro∣ther had suffered, and recover the authority they had taken from his Father, and he would be answerable that not one should escape out of the Ships. But Pompey made him an answer wo••shy his Birth and the present Affair: Would to God, said he, Menodorus ••ould have done this without me; for perjury may become him, but never Pompey. At this Supper ••ompey's Daughter, Neice to Libo, was contracted to Marcellus, Nephew to An∣thony, Caesar's Sister's Son. The day following Consuls were designed for four years; first of all Anthony and Libo, but to Anthony with leave to make a Substitute, then Caesar and Pompey, then Aenobarbus and Sosius, and lastly Caesar and Anthony again, who being now to be Consuls together the third time, it was hoped they would restore the ancient Administration of the Common-wealth.

Things thus concluded on, they departed, Pompey by Sea to Sicily, and [ XVIII] Caesar and Anthony by land to Rome. Upon the news of the Peace an uni∣versal joy was spread through the City and all Italy, Men were transport∣ed to see themselves delivered from an intestine War, from being often pick∣ed out, and forced to go, from the insolency of the Garrisoris, from the ••••ight of Slaves, from the wasting of their Lands, and lying fallow of their Fields, but above all from Famine, which began to grow insupportable: wherefore whereever the Generals passed, Sacrifices were made to them as to the Savlours of their Country. And the City had prepared a magni∣ficent entry, had they not rather chose to go in by night, that they might not put the Citizens to charge. All shared in this general joy, save only those who were possessed of any Lands of the banished, which, by the Treaty were to be restored, for they believed they should have but ill Neigh∣bours of them, and that upon all occasions they would seek their de∣struction. And indeed all the Fugitives who had hitherto followed Pompey,

except••••only a very few, after having taken their leave of him at Puteoli, embarqued and came for Rome, at whose arrival the People conceived a new joy, which tey made appear by those Acclamations wherewith they entertained so many illustrious persons, beyond all hopes returned to their Country. After this Caesar marched into Gaul, where there were happen∣ed some Commotions; and Anthony disposed his Affairs to go against the Parthians. In the first place he caused the Senate to approve not only what he had done, but whatever he should do for the future, sent away his Lieu∣tenants into all parts, and disposed what else he thought fit at pleasure. Then he gave Kingdoms to several, upon condition of paying Tribute. To Darius Son of Pharnaces and Grandson to Mithridates the Kingdom of Pontus: to Herod Idumea and Samaria: to Amintas Pisidia: to Polemon part of Cilicia: and in short, to many others other Nations which he e∣rected into Kingdoms. As for the Army that was to winter with him, that he might accustom them both to the profits and exercises of War, he sent one part of them into the Country of the Parthians a Nation of Illyria, neighbouring upon Epidamnum, formerly very affectionate to Brutus: and another Party into the Country of the Dardanians, who are another People of Illyria used to make Inroads into Macedon, and gave orders to the rest to tarry for him in Epire, that he might have them all about him, being re∣solved himself to winter at Athens. He likewife sent Furnius into Africa to cause Sextius's four Legions to march against the Parthians; for as yet he understood not that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. Things thus or∣dered, he spent this Winter at Athens with Octavia, in the same manner as he had done the former with Cleopatra at Alexandria, all his business being only to look upon the Letters brought him from the Army, he laid aside his Imperial Robe, cloathing himself again in the Attick Cloak and Hose, having no Guards at his Gate, and walking through the City like a private person, without any Ensigns of his Dignity, and accompanied only with two Friends and two servants, with whom he went to the Schools to hear Disputes and Orations; he likewise supped the Winter after the Greek manner, having always Greeks in his company, and assisting at their Ce∣remonies, to the great content of Octavia, of whom he was very fond; for he was naturally inclined to the love of Women. But Winter being past, he seemed no more the same Man, he resumed the Imperial Habit, and took the Ensigns of his authority, his Gates seemed now as it were besieged with Lictors, Officers and Guards, to beget an awe of his power, he gave audience to Embassadors, whom before he would not admit, administred justice to private persons, and sent for Ships from all parts, and made a mighty noise with his preparations.

[ XIX] Whilst he was busied in these things, there happened some disturbances of the Peace between Caesar and Pompey, for what certain causes not known, but those that publickly appeared were these, Anthony had quitted the Pelo∣ponnesus to Pompey on condition he should pay what the Peloponnesians ought, or promise to pay it, or else give some time for the recovery of it; but Pompey would not receive it in on these terms, thinking the Province quitted to him with all its debts; wherewith, through discontent, (as Cae∣sar said) or through infidelity, or out of envy to others who had great Armies, or because he trusted Menodorus, who said they had not made a Peace but a Truce, he prepared again and fitted out a Fleet, and in a speech to his Army told them, there was more need than ever of new preparations. He likewise encouraged Pyrates underhand to infest the Seas, so that little

or no remedy was brought to the Famine in the City, and the comfortless People cryed out, that by this Peace they had not redressed any of their miseries, but only added a fourth person to the Tyranny. Hereupon some Pyrates being taken, Caesar caused them to be brought to the wrack, where they confessed they were set on by Pompey, which Caesar made known to the People; he wrote about it likewise to Pompey, who stoutly denying it, made his complaints about the Peloponnesus. But some Noble Men that were about Pompey perceiving that he always followed the the counsel of his Freed Men, corrupted some of them, either of their own free motion, or for Caesar's sake, to incense Pompey against Menodorus as a Man command∣ing his Master. They were easily drawn to do this, out of the envy they bore this powerful Favourite, so they soon begot in Pompey an aversion to Menodorus. It happened that at the same time Philadelphus Caesar's Freed Man came to Menodorus to buy Corn, and Mycilius; Menodorus confident went to Rome to treat with Caesar about his revolt, to whom he offered Sar∣dinia, Corsica, three Legions and many of his Friends: whether Philadel∣phus had procured Caesar this good fortune, or else it proceeded from Pom∣pey's disgusts of Menodorus, he made difficulty of accepting it, yet did it, judging the Peace already broken. He dispatched forthwith to Anthony at Athens to desire him to come by an appointed day to Brundusium, to confe•• with him about this War, he caused long Ships to be brought from Raven∣na, and sent in all haste for his Army out of Gaul with all its stores of war∣like Furniture, one part of which he sent to Brundusium, and the other to Puteoli, resolved to invade Sicily on both sides, if Anthony approved it: Anthony came at the same time prefixed with a slender Train, but not finding Caesar there, would not stay, whether he approved not this War undertaken agaisnt solemn Leagues, whether he were not pleased to see the great preparations of Caesar, (for being Competitors for Empire, they were always jealous of each other) or whether he was frightned by a prodigy, for one of those who were upon the Guard about his Quarters, was found eaten up by Beasts, all but the Face, as if that had been left to know him by, without ever so much as crying out, or the least knowledge of those that slept by him. All that could be discovered, was, that they of Brundusium said, that in the Morning they saw a Wolf come out from among the Tents. However, Anthony wrote to Caesar he ought not to break the peace, and threatned to clap Menodorus in Irons as his Fugitive Slave, for he had been Slave to Pompey the Great, whose Goods Anthony bought under the Spear by right of War. Yet Caesar sent Men into the Islands of Sardinia and Corsica to take possession of them from Menodorus, and caused Forts to be built upon all the Coasts of Italy to hinder Pompey from making any spoil, giving orders for building other Ships at Ravenna, and sending for a powerful Army that was in Illyria, and when Menodorus came to him, from one enfranchised made him absolutely free, by giving him the Command of the Fleet he brought with him, yet but in quality of Lieutenant to Calvisius his Admiral. Though things were thus well dispo∣sed, yet he would make greater preparations before he began the War, complaining of Anthony, that he had not staid for him: however, he gave order to Cornisicius to bring what Ships he had in readiness from Ravenna to Tarentum; in his passage there arose a furious Tempest, in which there yet perished only the Admiral, built on purpose for Caesar himself, which was made an Omen of what was to happen, for most men thought this War re∣newed by the violation of the Treaty; to remove which suspicion, Caesar wrote to the Roman People, and spoke in person to the Army, telling

them Pompey had broke the League, by infesting the Sea with Pyrates, which was evident, both by confession of the Pyrates themselves, and of Menodorus, of which Antonius was not yet ignorant, and thefore delivered not up to him the Peloponnesus.

[ XX] When all his preparations were in a readiness, he embarqued at Taren∣tum to go and invade Sicily on one side, whilst Calvisius, Sabinus and Me∣nodorus, who set sail from Etruria, invested it on the other; and the Land Army marched towards Rhegium with wonderful diligence. Pompey perceiv∣ed not that Menodorus had revolted from him to Caesar, till he came before Sicily. However, seeing himself assailed on both sides, he resolved to ex∣pect Caesar at Messina, and opposed against Calvisius and Menodorus a great Fleet under the Command of Menecrates his Freed Man, who out of mu∣tual emulation was a mortal Enemy to Menodorus. Menecrates comes out to Sea, presenting himself about Evening to the Enemy, who retired in∣to a Gulf above Cuma, where they anchored that night, and he steered his course towards the Island of Aenaria. As soon as it was day, the Enemy coasting about the Bay, drawn up in form of a Crescent, for fear of being broken, Menecrates appeared in sight, and made towards them; but seeing they would not be drawn off from the Shore-side, and that he could not do what he designed, with a fierce charge he drove them a ground; so with their sterns ashore, and their Prows to Seaward, they lay upon their de∣fence in such manner, that it was easie for the Enemy to come and give them a shock, and then tacking about to stand off to Sea, and so return a∣gain upon them with fresh and fresh Ships, they had likewise the Rocks to struggle with, on which many stuck so fast, that neither moving Head nor Stern, it seemed like a kind of Sea-fight against a Land Force, one of which could neither flie, nor the other pursue. Mean while Menodorus and Menecrates having discovered each other, leaving the rest of the Fight with mutual shouts and fury begin an assault, and in all appearance which of these two got the better would carry the Victory for his Party. In the charge they met so fiercely, that both Ships were disabled, Menodorus lost his* 39.1 Beak-head, and Menecrates Oars were broken. At length, having cast their Graplings on Board, they lashed their Ships fast together, and began a Fight, as if on dry ground, and nothing was wanting, either of alacrity or dexterity to gain the Victory, they made use of all sorts of Arms, Arrows, Stones, Darts, and cast Planks from Ship to Ship to board each other; but because Menodorus's Ship was the tallest, it was much ea∣sier for his Men to board the other, and the Darts they threw fell with more violence and execution. At last many being slain, and almost all the rest wounded, Menodorus had his Arm pierced through with a Dart, which was soon drawn out; but Menecrates being struck into the Thigh with a Barbed Iron Javelin, made after the Spanish Fashion, which could not easily be drawn out, he became unable to do more, yet still with his voice he en∣couraged his Men, till his Ship being taken, he threw himself over-board; Menodorus fastening his Prize to his Poop towed it into the Road, and was all he could do that day. This was done on the Left Wing. On the Right Wing which fought against the Enemies Left, Calvisius cut off some of Menecrates's Ships from the rest of the Squadron, and pursued them out to Sea: but Democrates another of Pompey's Freed Men charging the rest of Calvisius's Ships, put some of them to flight, and drove the rest upon the Rocks where they were beat to pieces, and the Men forced to cast them∣selves into the Sea, and those which remained whole he had burnt, had not

Calvisius returning from the Chase of the Enemy, and bringing along with him some of his Ships that had fled, saved one of them. Night coming on, each party retreated to the same places where they rode the Night before, and so ended this Sea-Fight wherein Pompey had much the better. Yet Demochares was so much concern'd for Menecrates's death, which he e∣steemed a mighty loss (for Menedorus and Menecrates were two of Pompey's principal Officers at Sea) that he left all, and steered his course directly to∣wards Sicily, as if he had not only lost Menecrates and one Vessel, but the whole Fleet. As for Calvisius, as long as he thought Demochares would return to him he kept his station, being in no condition to fight, for his best Ships were sunk, and the rest disabled; but when he heard his Enemy was gone for Sicily, he refitted his Ships, and held on his course, keeping the Shore close aboard, and not so much as crossing over any Bay.

On the other side, Caesar being come from Tarentum to Rhegium with a [ XXI] great Fleet and a mighty Army met Pompey near Messina, who had but for∣ty Ships; wherefore his Friends advised him not to let slip this opportuni∣ty, but to assault these few with his whole Navy, now in such good order, before more Ships came to Pompey, but he would not hearken to their coun∣sel, expecting Calvisius, and not thinking it prudence to expose himself to danger, whilst he expected greater Forces. Mean while, Demochares coming to Messina, Pompey gave him and Apollophanes, another of his Freed Men, the Command of the Fleet instead of Menecrates and Menedorus; and Caesar understanding the loss he had suffered near Cuma, set forward through the Strait to go meet Calvisius, having got through the better part, as he was passing by the place called Stylida to turn about the Rock of Sylla, Pompey coming out of Messina first fell upon his Rear, and after came up with the rest of the Fleet to provoke Caesar to give him Battel; and though Caesar's Ships were sorely infested, yet they stirred not from about the Ad∣miral, he having forbid it, whether he durst not fight in the Strait, or whether he was firm to the resolution of not fighting without Calvisius, he only gave them orders to get close under Shore, and there coming to an An∣chor defend themselves from the Forecastles, if any came to assault them. But Demochares coming with two Ships to charge each Ship of Caesar's, put them all into trouble and disorder, so that some were split against the Rocks others falling foul of each other, sunk; and in short, many perished most cowardly, for in the same manner as at the Battel at Cuma they stuck fast, whilst the Enemies charging, and then falling off, oppressed them in a strange manner, nor was fortune wanting to assist the Enemy: Caesar him∣self in this confusion leaped out upon the Rocks, where he received those that saved themselves by swimming, and led them himself to the next Mountains. But Cornificius and the rest of the Captains encouraging one another, without their General's order, cut their Cables, and went out to Sea to charge the Enemy, judging it better to die fighting, than thus to be exposed to Blows without any defence. Cornisicius first of all with a dan∣gerous boldness clapped on board the Admiral Ship of Demochares, and took her, forcing him to leap into another. Whilst in this Fight a world of Men perished, Calvisius and Menodorus appeared, coming with full Sails, not towards Caesar's People, who were either cast on shore, or en∣gaged at Sea, but towards Pompey's, who being far off from Land, as soon as they saw them, retreated, for tired, they durst not engage fresh Men, and besides, 'twas almost night; yet the chance was happy for those yet in

danger. Night coming on, many deserted their Ships, and fled to the Mountains, where they kindled many Fires for Signals to those yet at Sea, so they spent the night without meat, without sleep, and in want of all things, yet they comforted themselves with the presence of Caesar, who no better supplyed than they, went from place to place, exhorting them to have patience till Morning. They knew not yet Calvisius was so nigh, and had no hopes in their own Ships, forsaken because of the Wrack; but by good fortune the thirteenth Legion, which had taken their March over the Mountains, and was not far off, having heard of the disaster, by crag∣gy ways making towards the Fires, found their General and those with him hungry and weary. The Soldiers took what care they could of their companions, and the Officers forthwith brought their General (left with∣out any of his Houshold Servants dispersed in the tumult of the Night) to a Tent there pitched, whence sending all about to give notice he was safe, news was brought him that Calvisius was arrived, and so unexpectedly re∣freshed with this second good tydings, he took some repose. As soon as it was day, casting his eyes upon the Sea, he saw Ships flaming, others burnt, and others half burnt, others floating upon the Sea in the midst of pieces of Wracks, Masts, Sails and Yards, and many that remained, sorely shatter∣ed near the Shore; wherefore ordering Calvisius's Fleet to come near, he took care for necessaries to patch up such Ships as yet might be made ser∣viceable, while the Enemy gave them leisure, who were retreated, either out of fear of Calvisius, or because they had rather fight him in open Sea.

[ XXII] While things were in this condition, about Noon rose a Wind from the South, which soon began to make the Waves roar in a Sea naturally mo∣ved with little wind. Pompey was now safe in the Harbour of Messina; but Caesar's Ships on a Lee shore, craggy Rocks, and without any Port, were either dashed against the Rocks, or against one another, besides want∣ing many necessary Tacklings, they were not easie to govern. Menodorus therefore fearing lest the wind should yet every hour grow fresher, got out at first into the open Sea, and came to an Anchor, because in deep water the Waves broke less, and not so violently, and with the force of Oars he eased his Cables, lest his Anchors should give way: some others imitated him, but the greater part imagining the Storm would soon be over, as is usual in the Spring, moor'd their Ships with an Anchor to Sea, and another to the Shore, and with Booms kept them off from falling foul of each other: but the wind raging more and more, all fell into confusion and disorder, for their Cables breaking, they either fell foul or run ashore one after another; several cries and lamentations and howlings were mixed with Commands and Exhortations, which were only uttered to deaf people, there was now no difference between the Pilot and the Sailer, neither for industry, skill, nor obedience. They perished all alike, whether they stayed in their Ships, or leaped over-board, they were killed by the pieces of Timber which the Waves beat against the Ships; for all the Sea was floating with the Wrack of the Ships, and with Bodies some dead, and some living, of which, if any swum to Shore, they were miserably beat in pieces among the Rocks, but when the Sea began to swell with a contrary wind, as it ordinarily happens in this Strait, new terrours seised these people who were not accustomed to it, and their Ships tossed now this way, and then the other, fell foul, do all they could; besides towards the Evening, the wind doubled its violence, to double their grief by making them perish in the dark; so that all Night

long the air was filled with dreadful Shouts and Crys. Those upon the Shore ran up and down calling their Friends they thought engaged in the Shipwrack by name, and when they answered them not, believed them lost, and wept: others lifting their Heads above the Waves, called to their Friends on Shore to help them, but there was no manner of way to assist them; for as it was dangerous for those staid in the Ship, or leaped into the Sea, so it was no less upon the Shore side, because of the Waves driven up by the Winds, which all that came near were fearful to be carried away with. Thus by an extraordinary effect of the Tempest those who were near Land, feared the Land, and yet durst no•• go farther off to Sea, than to secure themselves from beating in peices against the Rocks; for the place narrow by nature, the difficulty of the passage, the tumbling of the Waves, the Whirlwinds caused by the circumjacent Hills, and the swallow∣ing Whirlpool by the fierceness of the Current suffered them not to stay in one place, nor yet to retire back, besides the horrour of an extreme dark night added still to their affliction. Thus they perished without seeing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 another, some crying out, others silently expecting death, and others through despair hastening it, for the expectation is but an addition of pain; and now they were all out of hopes of any safety, when on a sudden to∣wards break of day the wind began to duller, and about Sun-rising there was little or none, yet the Sea still continued in a rage. The Inhabitants of the Country remembred not to have even seen so furious a Tempest. Thus the greatest part of Caesar's Ships and Men perished, and he besides the loss sustained in the first Sea-Fight, having received these two afflictions one in the neck of the other, retreated the same night with all haste to * 39.2 Vibone, by the Mountain Way, not enduring longer to look on that mis∣fortune to which he could apply no remedy.

From thence he wrote to all his Friends, and all his Commanders to re∣pair [ XXIII] speedily to him, for fear lest, as it ordinarily befalls the unfortunate, some new design should be laid against him, he likewise sent all the Land Forces he had with him along the Coasts of Italy, for fear lest Pompey puffed up with this success should make some attempt; but he thought nothing of it, no, nor so much, as when the Sea was still, of falling upon the re∣mainder of the Shipwrack, neither while they lay there, nor when they were upon departure. On the contrary, he suffered them to gather toge∣ther whatever they could save of Ships or Rigging, and make a safe re∣treat before the wind to Vibone, whether he thought he had beat them suf∣ficiently, or that he knew not how to make use of his advantage; or else, as we have said el••ewhere, was cow-hearted upon an Assault, and content only to defend himself, Caesar had not above half his Ships left, and those but in ill condition, yet leaving Forces to guard them, he went much troubled in mind into Campania, for he had no more Ships, nor time to build any, though he stood in great need of them, the Famine growing sharp, and the people crying out incessantly for peace, and detesting this War, as undertaken contrary to a solemn League; besides, he wanted Money, which was scarce at Rome. The Citizens would pay nothing, nor permit any to be raised on them. At length, being very politick in the conduct of his own Affairs, he dispatched Maecenas to Anthony, well in∣structed to clear all new differences might have happened between them, and to draw him to be his Associate in the War, which, if it succeeded not, he resolved to transport his Legions into Sicily upon Ships of Burthen, and there fight Pompey by Land, without any more hazarding a Sea-fight.

Whilst he was perplexing himself with these cares, news was brought him that Anthony had passed his word to serve him; that Agrippa, his Lieu∣tenant in Gaul had gained a great Victory against the Aquitains, and that his Friends and some Cities promised him Ships, which were already build∣ing; whereupon taking heart, he began to make greater preparations than before. About the beginning of the Spring Anthony set Sail from Athens, and arrived at Tarentum with three hundred Sail, to assist Caesar according to his promise; but Caesar having now changed his mind, would now stay till the Ships, building for him were in a readiness. And when he was urged to employ Anthony's Fleet, which was sufficient to put an end to this War, he excused himself that he was engaged in other Affairs: which made it apparent, he either had some new cause of quarrel with Anthony, or else scorn'd his assistance, contenting himself with his own Forces. Though Anthony was offended at this proceeding, yet he staid still in the same place, and sent to him once more; for whereas his Fleet lay at a great charge, and he stood in more need of Italian Soldiers for the Parthian War, he had thoughts of changing his Fleet for Legions. Though by the League each had power of raising Men in Italy; but because it was fallen to the others division, he imagined it would be more difficult for him. Wherefore Octavia her self came to Caesar to be as it were Arbitress be∣tween them. He told her, that being deserted by Anthony, he had been in danger of losing his life in the Sicilian Strait. She answered, that had been already discoursed and declared to Maecenas. He then objected that Anthony had sent Callias his Freed Man to Lepidus to make a League toge∣ther against him. To which she answered, that to her knowledge, Callias was sent to Lepidus to treat a Match; for Anthony being about to go to the Parthian War, would before his departure have his Daughter married to Lepidus's Son, according to his promise. Octavia affirming this, and An∣thony sending Callias to Caesar to torment him, if he pleased, and know the truth from his own mouth: he would not receive him, but sent word he would meet Anthony between* 39.3 Metapontum and Tarentum, and discourse with him himself. Through the place appointed runs a River, called like∣wise Metapontum: and they both by chance arriving at the same time, Anthony lighting out of his Chariot, leaps alone into a little Skiff he found there, to go meet Caesar, confiding in him as his Friend; Caesar emulating that Generosity, did the same; so meeting in the middle of the River, they disputed a long time who should go to the other side; at length Caesar prevailed, having resolved to go to Tarentum to see Octavia; he therefore mounts with Anthony in his Chariot, lights at his Lodgings, and without any Guards, lies there all night. Anthony on the morrow repays him with the same confidence, so sudden were their changes, ambition of Empire raising reciprocal Jealousies, and the necessity of their Affairs obliging them to confide in each other. Caesar then put off the War against Pom∣pey to the next year; but Anthony not thinking fit longer to delay the War against the Parthians, they made an exchange, Anthony gave Caesar sixscore Ships, which he forthwith delivered him, and Caesar promised to send him twenty thousand Legionary Soldiers: Octavia likewise gratified her Bro∣ther with ten Galliots (a sort of Vessel between a Galley and a Ship of Burthen) which she begged of Anthony, and he in return gave a thousand chosen Men for Guards, which Anthony himself picked out. And be∣cause the time of the Triumvirate was near expired, they prolong∣ed it for five other years, without staying for the suffrage of the Peo∣ple, so they parted, Anthony making with all diligence towards Sy∣ria,

leaving Octavia, and a little Daughter they had, with her Bro∣ther.

In the mean time, whether that Menodorus were naturally perfidious, [ XXIV] or that he was fearful of Anthony, who had threatened him with Shakles as his Fugitive Slave, or were not rewarded to his expectation, or else moved with reproaches of his infidelity, which Pompey's other Freed Men (after the death of Menecrates) continually loaded him with, exhorting him to return to his duty, he demanded safe conduct, which being grant∣ed him, he returned into Pompey's service with seven Vessels, whilst Calvi∣sius, Caesar's Admiral perceived nothing of it; wherefore Caesar took away his Command, and gave it to Agrippa. After that Caesar's Fleet was finish∣ed, he purged it in this manner, Altars were erected in the Sea a little off the Shore, the Ships with all their Crews aloft in a profound silence▪ rank∣ed in order before them, the Priests sacrificed standing in the water, then placed the Victimes in a Pinnace, with which they rowed thrice round the Fleet, accompanied in other Boats by all the principal Commanders, all to∣gether praying, that if the Fleet were threatned with any misfortune, it might fall upon the Victimes, which after dividing in two, they cast one part into the Sea, and burnt the other on the Altars, whilst all the multi∣tude made their Prayers. And this is the form the Romans use in the pur∣gation of their Fleets. It had been resolved, that Caesar parting from Pu∣teoli, Lepidus from Africa, and Taurus from Tarentum▪ should invade Si∣cily with three several Fleets, to encompass the Enemy on three sides of the Island, East, West and South; and that to this end, Caesar should give notice to the others what day he would embarque, which was appoint∣ted on the tenth of the Summer Solstice, which the Romans call the Ca∣lends of the Month formerly called Quintilis, and since named Iuly in the Honour of the first Caesar, which day he pitched upon, judging it would prove fortunate, because his Father had thereon been always victorious. As for Pompey, he opposed to Lepidus Plenius with one Legion, and store of other Infantry at the point of Lilybaeum, fortified the Sea Coasts of the Island to the East and West, and more particularly the Islands of Lipari and* 39.4 Cossyra, lest they should prove Ports of Retreat, Cossyra to Lepidus, and Lipari to Caesar, from whence they might at all times assault Sicily. All his best Forces he rendezvouzed at Messina, that they might be in a readi∣ness to march where-ever there should be occasion. The two Chieftains being in this manner provided, and the first day of Iuly come, Caesar's Party all embarqued about break of day. Lepidus set sail out of Africa with a thousand Vessels of Burthen, and seventy Galleys, twelve Legions, five thousand Numidian Horse, and all things necessary for their subsistence. Taurus from Tarentum with one hundred and two Ships, of the hundred and thirty Anthony had left Caesar the Rowers of the rest being dead of the Plague the last Winter. And Caesar, from Puteoli, having first sacri∣ficed in the Admiral, and thrown the Entrails into the Sea, that the winds might be fair, Neptune propitious, the Sea calm, and all favourable to him against his Father's Murderers. Some Ships went before to ••ound the depth of Water, and Appius with good Forces brought up the Rear. The third day after their embarquing it blew very hard at South, and se∣veral of Lepidus's Vessels of Burthen foundred, yet he reached Sicily, where he besieged Plenius in Lilybaeum, and took several places, some by force, and some by surrender. Taurus as soon as it began to blow returned back to Tarentum. Appius as he doubled the Cape of Minerva lost one

part of his Squadron, another part were driven upon the Flats, and the rest dispersed here and there with great loss. Caesar at the beginning of the Storm got to Anchor with all his Ships in the Gulf of Elaea in safety, all but only one Galley of six Oars to a Bank, which was cast away near the adjoyning Promontory, but the Wind on a sudden clapping about to the West, to which this Gulf lies open, they were sorely battered with the Tempest, for the Wind blowing right in, they could neither get-out, nor ride there. In vain they plyed their Oars, and in vain let drop their An∣chors, they were driven upon the Rocks, or fell foul of one another, besides night coming on, made the danger much more dreadful. At length the storm being blown over, Caesar caused the dead to be buried, the wounded dressed, and cloathed those who had cast themselves into the Sea to save their lives, giving them other Arms, and immediately issued orders to refit his Fleet, as well as he could for the present, he had lost six great Ships, two and twenty lesser, and a great number of* 39.5 Liburnicks. Thirty days it required besides to repair the damage this storm had done, and Summet was far advanced; wherefore he found it convenient to put off the War till the next year. Mean while, because the People were put to hard shifts for want of Provisions, he presently caused his Ships to be drawn ashore to refit, sent those Seamen had escaped the storm to Taurus, who wanted them, and fearful lest this disaster should work some change in the minds of those who had not yet lost the memory of the great Pompey, he sent Maecenas to Rome, whilst himself went through all Italy from Colony to Colony, assuring the Veterans there was no fear of any thing, and then passed to Tarentum, to see in what condition Taurus's Fleet was, and thence to Vibone, where he encouraged his Legions, and hastened with such dili∣gence his Naval Preparations, that in a short time he was ready to make a second attempt upon Sicily.

[ XXV] Pompey not yet thinking fit to make any advantage of so many Ship∣wracks, was contented only to sacrifice to Neptune and Salacia, whose Son he suffered himself to be called, as perswaded the Enemy had not been thus twice battered by Tempest in Summer time, without divine assistance. 'Tis likewise reported, that puffed up with this success, he changed his Coat of Arms, which was of Purple, and took Blew, as the adopted Son of Neptune. He hoped after so many losses Caesar would lie quiet; but when he heard he had refitted his Fleet, and was ready to come into Sicily that very Summer, his heart failed him, thinking he had to deal with a Man whose courage was invincible, and whose treasure inexhaustible, yet he sent Menodorus with the seven Ships that he had brought him to discover in what readiness Caesar's Fleet were, and do what else he could. But he an∣gry that he was not restored to the Command of the Fleet, and perceiving they trusted him with no more than his own seven Ships, because they had a jealousie of him, resolved once more to change sides. To this pur∣pose imagining, that whatever happened, it would be for his advantage to do some brave and valiant action, he distributed all the Money he had a∣mong his companions, and having in three days come seventy five Furlongs, he falls like a Thunderbolt among the Guard-ships of Caesar's Fleet, where they were at work, then going off, and upon a sudden falling on again, he carried away sometimes two, and sometimes three, he engaged likewise either in their Ports, or upon the Sea, with several Ships loaden with Corn, some of which he sunk, others burnt, and took others, and in short, filled all the Coast with terrour and tumult, both Caesar and Agrippa being absent,

the last gone into the Forest to provide Timber. So bold he grew▪ that he came to an Anchor in a Shoal Bay, where he lay as if he had been fast in the Ouz, till the Enemies running down from the Mountains as to an assu∣red Prey; tacking about, he rowed off, laughing at, and deriding them, to the grief and astonishment of the whole Army. After he had thus made known of what importance it was to Caesar to have him for a Friend or E∣nemy, he gave liberty to a Senator, called Rebilus, who he had before ta∣ken, that he might go before and prepare matters, raising a report among his People, that they should ere long have a Fugitive of consequence, which was Vinidius Marcellus, an intimate Friend of Caesar's, whose affection he himself had gained, when he before quitted Pompey's service, and after that drawing near to the Enemy, and desiring to have some conference with Vinidius, in a certain Island, touching an Affair of Importance to both Parties. Having obtained it, when they were alone he told him, that when he left Caesar's Party to go to Pompey, he had been forced to it by the injuries he dayly received from Calvisius then Admiral; but that now Agrippa had the Command of the Navy, he was ready to return to Caesar's service, of which he could not complain, provided Vinidius would bring him a safe conduct from Messala, who in Agrippa's absence com∣manded the Fleet, promising by some signal Action to repair his fault. However, till he had his safe Conduct, he must, to avoid suspicion, make War upon Caesar's Party as before. Messala at first scrupled the doing it, as dishonourable, yet at length he granted it, whether yielding to the ne∣cessities of the War, or before well informed of Caesar's mind, or that he foresaw he could not be displeased at it. So Menodorus once more changed Parties, and going to Caesar cast himself at his Feet, begging pardon for his fault, without telling what obliged him to commit it. Caesar pardoned him because of Messala's word passed to him, but gave orders narrowly to watch him, and permitted the Officers of his Galleys to go whither they pleased.

Caesar's Fleet being now ready he came to Vibona, where he gave order [ XXVI] to Messala to pass over into Sicily with two Legions to joyn Lepidus's Ar∣my, and that he should land in the Gulf against Tauromenia: he sent three likewise to Stylida, which is the very extremity of the Strait, to wait a fair opportunity, and commanded Taurus to sail about with his Fleet from Ta∣rentum to the Promontory of Scyllace, which is directly opposite to Tauro∣menia. He came prepared to fight both on Sea and Land; for his Land Army followed him, before whom marched his Horse, with orders to make discoveries from the Land, as the Liburnick Brigantines did at Sea. As he was advancing in this manner, Caesar came; and after having seen him near Scyllace, and approved the order he kept, returned to Vibona: Pompey, as we have said, had placed good Garrisons in all places of the I∣sland where any Forces might land, and kept his Fleet at Messina, ready to go and relieve who stood in need. Whilst these Preparations were made on both sides, Lepidus having sent for out of Africa for the remainder of his Forces, which consisted in four Legions, Papia, one of Pompey's Lieute∣nants met them in open Sea; and whilst they staid for him as a Friend, gave them chace, they took them for the Ships Lepidus was to send to meet them; and indeed he did send, but coming out too late, when the Ships of Burthen saw them, they took them for Enemies, and would not approach them, whereas now staying for Papia, some were taken, some burnt, some sunk, and others recovered Africa, of the four Legions two perished

in the Sea, and if any Soldiers saved themselves by swimming, Tisienus, another of Pompey Lieutenants, caused them to be massacred as fast as they came on shore. The rest of the Army came either now or afterwards to Lepidus, and Papia returned to Pompey. Caesar with all his Fleet passed from Vibone to Strongyle, one of the five Aeolian Isles, and seeing on the Coast of Sicily great store of Forces at Pelora, Miles, and Tyndari, he be∣lieved Pompey was there in person, wherefore leaving Agrippa his Admiral in the Post, he returned to Vibone, and soon after joyned with Messala, with design to lay hold of the opportunity of Pompey's absence to surprise Tauromenia, and so fall upon him two several ways. Agrippa therefore, goes from Strongyle to Hiera, and driving out the Garrison takes the place, resolving next day to attempt* 39.6 Miles, and Demochares the Admiral who lay there with forty Ships; wherefore Pompey fearing Agrippa's suc∣cess, sent other forty Ships from Messina to Demochares, under the Com∣mand of Apollophanes another of his Freed Men, who was followed by Papia with seventy others. Agrippa before day weighed with half his Ships, as if he were only to fight with Papia, whom he had some intelli∣gence he might meet; but when he saw Apollophanes's Fleet followed by another of seventy Sail, he sent presently to give notice to Caesar that Pom∣pey was at Miles with the greatest part of his Naval Force, and placing himself in the middle of his great Ships, sent to the rest at Hiera with all speed to follow him. These two Ships thus magnificently equipped, and having Towers in Poop and Prow, being come up with each other, after with Signals given, and their Men encouraged to do well, charged with great violence, some stem and stem, and others standing off to gain their Enemies Broad-side, and fall on with greater terrour, great was the noise made by the Ships shocking against each other, and greater the Shouts of the Men. Pompey's Ships were middle sized, light, and easie to go about, and so much more active against the Enemy, and by their swiftness fit to take all advantages in boarding; but Caesar's being greater and heavy, were of consequence much less nimble, but on the contrary, stronger, both to give the Shock, and abler to receive it. Caesar had the best Soldiers, and Pompey the most skilful Mariners; wherefore these charged not right forwards upon Caesar's great Ships, but shearing by them, sometimes broke a whole Gang of Oars, and sometimes carried away their Rudders, and sometimes likewise suddenly bringing about, they charged them with their Beak Heads, giving no less a Shock than they re∣ceived: but when Caesar's Ships could reach any of these light timbered Vessels, they pressed upon them so furiously with their Beak Heads, that they either staved them, or bored them through and through; and if they came at any time to fight Board and Board, the great Ships miserably knocked them down with missile Arms thrown from aloft, and casting in their Grapnels, easily stopped them, so that the service being too hard to be born, the Adversary had no way to save themselves, but by leaping into the Sea, where Skiffs appointed for that purpose took them up. Mean while, Agrippa, whose main design was upon Papia's Ship, gave him so cruel a Shock in the Bow, that he sunk him, for he opened all his Kell, and those in his Fore-Castle presently fell, and the Water entring, all the lower Bank of Rowers were drowned, the rest upon Planks saved them∣selves by swimming: Papia, received into the next Ship, again renews the Fight. When Pompey, who from the top of a Mountain saw that his People could very hardly defend themselves, and that they never came near any of Caesar's Ships, but they lost Men, and that the rest in Agrippa's

Fleet whom he left at Hiera were coming to his assistance, made a Signal for them to retreat, which by little and little they did, still fighting, but being close pressed upon, they fled, not into the Ports, but the Rivers Mouths, where the Mud and Sand brought down by the constant stream makes Shoal Water, wherefore Agrippa's Pilots advising him not to ha∣zard his great Ships upon those Flats, he came to an Anchor in sight of them in the open Sea, as if he designed to attack them in the Night; but his Friends admonishing him not to be ruled more by anger than reason, nor to over-harass the Soldiers by too great Labour and Watchings, nor yet to be too confident of the calmness of the Sea, he retreated towards the Evening, and Pompey's Ships got into Harbour. They lost in this Battel thirty of their Ships, and sunk five of Caesar's, besides many other losses which they as well as the Enemy sustained. Pompey commended them for having so well defended themselves, having to fight not against Ships but Walls, nor were his rewards less than if they had been victorious: he gave them hopes, that fighting in the Strait as their Light Ships would easier stem the Current, so they would certainly be victorious, promising withal to add somewhat to the heighth of their Ships. Such was the success of the Battel between Agrippa and Papia near Melazzo.

After which Pompey judging what indeed was▪ that Caesar was gone to [ XXVII] Taurus's Camp, because he had a design upon Tauromenia, as soon as he had supped he set Sail for Messina, leaving at Melazzo a part of his Ships, to make Agrippa believe he was still there. Agrippa on the other side ha∣ving given a little repose to his Men, sailed towards Tyndari, which had promised to surrender; where he was received by the Inhabitants, but the Garrison defended it so generously, that they drove him thence, yet some other Towns revolting to him, received his Garrisons, and towards Even∣ing he returned to the Fleet. Mean while, Caesar being well assured that Pompey was gone from Messina to Melazzo because of Agrippa, came from Scyllace to Leucopetra, from whence he resolved to pass by Night to Tauro∣menia; but after he heard the success of the Sea-fight, he changed his mind, believing he need not conceal his embarquing, but boldly go on in broad day, for he imagined Pompey would not come far from Agrippa. Day then beginning to appear, he took a view from the Mountains as far as his sight could reach into the Sea, and spying none of the Enemies Ships he went on Board, loading his Ship with all the Soldiers he could stow; and leaving the rest with Messala till the Ships returned to fetch them: being come near Tauromenia, he summoned the place, but the Garrison refusing to surrender, he passed beyond the River Onobola, and the Temple of Venus, and landed near Archigetes, where having made his prayers to the Gods, he encamped to besiege Tauromenia; now Archigetes is a small Statue of Apollo, which the Naxians, when first sent a Colony into Sicily, dedicated. There as Caesar set foot on ground he fell, but soon got up a∣gain; he was beginning to work upon the Circumvallation of the Camp when they saw Pompey coming with a great Fleet, to the astonishment of all the Army, who thought him quite ruined by Agrippa: along the Shore likewise came Horsemen, riding, striving in swiftness to out-pass the Fleet; and in several parts were seen great Bodies of Foot. Caesar's People seeing themselves thus surrounded by three Armies, were utterly dismayed, Caesar himself was afraid, because he could not now have the assistance of Messala. The Horse first fell among Caesar's Men still em∣ployed in their Trenches. And if the Fleet and the Foot had come on at

the same time, perhaps Pompey had gained an important Victory, but be∣ing unskilful in military Affairs, and ignorant of the fear their Enemies were in, loth to come to a Battel in the Evening, they retreated, the Fleet to the Promontory of Coccyna, and the Foot, who durst not lodge near Caesar's Camp, to the Town of Phoenissa, whilst the night following the lay quiet, the Caesarians fortified their Camp, but with extreme labour and watching had made themselves utterly unfit to fight; they were three Legions, five hundred Horsemen without Horses, about a thousand light armed Foot, and two thousand Veteran Voluntiers, besides the Sea-Forces. Caesar's left with Cornificius all the Land Forces, with order to defend himself as well as he could, and before day himself embarqued, left he should like∣wise be shut in by Sea. He placed Titinius on the Right, and Cancius on the Left, and himself in a Brigantine went from one part of the Fleet to the other, exhorting all Men to do their best; and after that (as being in ex∣tremity of danger) struck his Flag. Pompey presently coming to assault him, they charged though twice, and the Fight lasted till Night. But Caesar's Ships were many burnt and sunk, and many of them setting their small Sails, fled towards the Coast of Italy contrary to, and in contempt of Orders, some of Pompeys Ships pursued them, and soon putting them in disorder, took or burnt them as well as the rest, those that swum ashore were either slain or taken by Pompey's Horsemen, some few escaping to Cornificius's Camp, who sent only his light armed Foot to receive them; for he did not think it convenient to go out with his Legions, in that ill po∣sture wherein they were, whilst a Land Army of the Enemies lay so nigh, whom the success at Sea had pussed up, as is ordinary after Victory. Caesar rowed a great way in the night in a small Galley, deliberating with himself, whether he should endeavour to pass through the midst of his E∣nemies, and get again to Cornificius, or go to Messala. At length by good fortune he reached the Port of Abala, where he landed with one Esquire, destitute of Friends, Servants or Guards, whom some that were come up to the Mountains to see how things stood, found afflicted both in Body and Mind, whom changing from Boat to Boat that they might the better deceive the Enemy, they at length brought to Messala's Camp, which was not far distant. As soon as he got thither, before he would take any food, he dispatched a Brigantine to Cornificius, and sent to all parts of the Mountains to let those they found there know he was in safety, ad∣vertizing them to prepare to relieve Cornificius; and he wrote to Cornificius that he would suddenly be with him, and bring him relief. After he had eat a little, and taken some small repose, he went by night to Stylida, con∣voyed by Messala to find out Carinas, who being ready to sail with three Legions, he gave him order to pass over to Lipari, and there stay for him; and writ likewise to Agrippa, that considering the danger Cornificius was in, he should with all speed send to him Laronius with the best of his Forces. He likewise sent Mecaenas the second time to the City, upon intelligence they were contriving some Novelty, the Authors of which were publickly punished: and Messala he sent to Puteoli, where the first Legion lay to bring them to Vibone. This was that Messala who was proscribed at Rome by the Triumvirs, with promise of rewards both of Money and Liberty to those should slay him; and who escaping to Brutus and Cassius, after their death delivered up on Composition their Fleet to Anthony: which I the rather mention in this place as a great example of Roman Virtue, since Messala having now in his power him who proscribed him, without atten∣dance, and in a deplorable condition, received him as his General, and saved his life.

As for Cornificius, though he could have defended himself in his [ XXVIII] Trenches, yet being straitned for want of Provision, he drew out to pro∣voke the Enemy to sight: but Pompey would not hazard the fortune of a Battel against People had nothing but their Arms to trust to, and whom he hoped to reduce by Famine; yet Cornisicius having placed those escaped from the Sea-Fight, and who were without Arms in the midst of the Le∣gions, marches on, sorely infested in the Plain by the Horsemens missile Arms, and by the African Foot in places inaccessible for the Horse, who being lightly armed, though he sent off several Parties to engage them, he could do no good against them. The fourth day of his March he came upon a dry ground, which the Inhabitants thereabout call The Torrent of Fire, reaching quite to the Sea, all waters falling on it being evaporated with the very heat of the ground, so that the People thereabouts never travel over it but by night to avoid the heat and dust. Cornificius's Men not knowing the Country durst not, especially in a dark Moon, adventure to pass by night, for fear of an ambush; and by day they could not defend themselves from their Enemies, heat and dust suffocated them, and the s••orching ground (being now in the heat of Summer) tormented the soles of their Feet, especially those were naked; thirst no less afflicted them, not suffering them to retard their March to go charge those light armed Foot who continually infested them; so that they were exposed to wounds, without making any defence. At last, when they drew near to a Strait at the end of this burning ground, they met with other Enemies; wherefore leaving behind their sick, and such as could not fight, they ad∣vanced furiously to the Charge, and gained the Pass; but when they saw before them other Straits which the Enemy was likewise possessed of, they lost all heart, and made a stop, being quite spent with thirst, heat and la∣bour; yet when Cornificius perswaded them to take courage, by telling them there was a Fountain close by, they renewed the Fight, and with con∣siderable loss of theirs drove the Enemy from the Post, but other Enemies were still Masters of the Fountain, so that now they gave themselves over to grief and despair. In this extremity Laronius appeared afar off with three Legions which Agrippa had sent to their relief, they were not fully assured he was their Friend; however, the sight put them in some hopes, especially when they saw the Enemy desert the Fountain, for fear of be∣ing enclosed on both sides, then they began to set up Shouts of Joy, which Laronius having answered, they ran all to the Fountain, where notwith∣standing all the good counsel of their Officers to make them more tem∣perate, they drank so excessively, that some of them died upon the place.

Thus Cornificius when he was quite past hopes saved himself and the rest [ XXIX] of the Army, and went and joyned with Agrippa, who in the mean time had taken Tyndari, furnished with good store of Provisions, and so com∣modious for this War, that Caesar landed there all his Horse and Foot, which were no small number, for he brought into Sicily one and twenty Legions, twenty thousand Horse, and more than five thousand light armed Foot. Pompey still held Melazzo, Maulochus, Pelora, and all that Sea-Coast with good Garrisons, who out of the fear they were in of Agrippa, kept continually Fires, as if they would burn the Ships that approached them. He was likewise seised of the Passages from Tauromenia to Melazzo, and had fortified all the Avenues of the Mountains; so that he kept Caesar at a

Bay (who had a design to enlarge his Quarters beyond Tyndari) and yet adventured not a Battel. But having advice that Agrippa was about to land at Pelora, he hastened thither, deserting the Passes of Melazzo, of which Caesar seised, and of Melazzo it self, together with Artemisia, a little City, famous for the Oxen of the Sun, taken away by Ulysses's com∣panions whilst he slept. But when the news of Agrippa's coming proved false, and Pompey heard of the Passes being lost, he sent for Tisienus with his Army, whom Caesar going to meet, strayed out of his way about My∣cono, where he staid all night without any Tents, in a violent rain; as is usual in Autumn▪ with no other covering save a Gallick Shield which the Soldiers held over his Head. Here they heard the horrible noise and dreadful roarings of Mount Aetna, and beheld the mighty Flames, which sorely affrighted the whole Army, especially the Germans, who starting from the places where they were laid down, were no longer scrupulous of believing the wonders told of Mount Aetna, especially of the Torrents of Fire. After this Caesar went and spoiled the Country of the Palestins, where meeting with Lepidus, and being supplied with Corn, they went both, and set down near about Messina. But when there happened only light Skirmishes through all Sicily, and no memorable Fight, Caesar weary of it, sent Taurus to cut off Pompey from Provisions, by seising upon those Cities that supplyed them, which made him resolve to give Battel; but because he was afraid of Caesar's Land Forces, and thought himself secure in his Ships, he sent a Herald to offer him a Sea-Fight. Though Caesar of all things abhorred to have do with Salt Water, where he had ever been unfortunate; yet thinking it dishonourable to refuse any thing, he accept∣ed the Challenge, and a day was appointed, when they were to meet with three hundred Ships each, armed with all sorts of missile Arms, Towers and Maohines that could be imagined. `Twas now Agrippa in∣vented the Harpagon, which is a piece of Timber of five Cubits long, bound about with Iron, at each end having two Rings, at one of which is the Harpago, or Hook of Iron, and at the other many Cords fastened in Pulleys to draw it back, with a Catapulta or Sling to dart it forcibly into the Enemies Ships.

[ XXX] But the day of Battel being come, the whole Gang of Rowers began to shew their skill, not without great Shouts and Acclamations, then follow∣ed the flying of missile Arms, some thrown out of Engines, some out of Hand, as Stones, Javelins, Arrows, Fire-brands, and flaming Darts, the Ships run Board and Board, some in the Waste, some on the Bows, and some ran with their Prows so fiercely at others, that they over-set those stood on their Fore-Castles, and made their own Ships unserviceable. O∣ther lighter Vessels contented themselves only to skirmish, lancing as they passed by unto each other Darts, Javelins, and other missile Arms, other smaller were appointed to take up such as fell into the Sea. The Soldiers, Rowers, and Seamen did wonders, assisted by the skill of the Pilots, heart∣ned by the encouragements of the Commanders, and the continual play∣ing of the Engines: but the Harpagon was most of all approved, being light enough to fly at a distance into the Enemies Ships, it stuck fast, espe∣cially when they drew it back with the Cords▪ they could not cut it, be∣ing bound about with Iron Hoops; and the Cords they could not reach to, because of its length, besides, this Machine being yet unknown, they were not provided of any long Bills to cut the Ropes. There was but one way in this unprepared condition they could think of, and that was by

force of Oars to strive to get loose from it, but then the Enemy pulled up too, both striving one way, the Harpagon still did its office; wherefore coming to a close Fight, they leaped into one anothers Ships, and were of∣ten so mixed together, that it was hard to know which party any were of, for they wore all one kind of Habit, and most spoke the Latine Tongue; and the Word for that day was known by both Parties. And in this con∣fusion when no person trusting to anothers giving him the Word, if he did not know him, there was a horrible Slaughter, and the Sea was presently covered with Bodies, Arms, and Wracks of Vessels; for they left nothing unattempted besides Fire, which after the first shock, and that they came to fight Board and Board, they made no more use of. Both Armies from the Shore beheld this dreadful Fight not without fear and passion, as think∣ing them engaged for every one of their particular safeties; but how in∣tentive soever they were they could discern nothing; for it was impossible in a long Train of six hundred Ships, from whom they heard shouts and ac∣clamations, sometimes from one side, and sometimes from the other, to discover any thing distinctly. At length Agrippa judging by the Colours upon their Towers, which was the only mark of difference between them, that there were more of Pompey's Ships perished than theirs, encou∣raged those about him, as if already victorious, to renew the Charge, and not give over pressi••g upon the Enemy, which they did, till those opposite to him were first forced to give way; and beating down their Towers, shewed him their Poops, and fled towards the Strait, to the number only of seventeen Ships, most of the rest cut off by Agrippa, who got between them and the Flyers from going the same way, run violently on Shore, where sticking fast, they were either got off by the Enemy, or there burnt, which those that were yet fighting in open Sea seeing, yielded. The Caesarian Sea Forces soon proclaimed their Victory by their Shouts and Acclammations, which were answered by the Land Army on Shore: whilst Pompey's Men groaned out of grief and despair. As for Pompey himself, he departed in haste from Naulochus to go to Messina, so astonish∣ed, that he had no thoughts at all of his Land Army, which made them led by Tisienus surrender to Caesar upon good conditions, which example was likewise followed by the Horse perswaded by their Officers. There were in this Battel three of Caesar's Ships sunk, and twenty eight of Pompey's, and all the rest burnt, taken, or split upon the Rocks, save only those se∣venteen that fled.

Pompey, as upon the way he heard of the defection of his Army, laid [ XXXI] down his Imperial Robe, and took a private habit, sending some before to Messina, to load what they could upon his Ships, for he was prepared for this a long time before, and sending to Plenius who was at Lilybaeum with eight Legions to come presently to him, Plenius forthwith set forward, but all his Friends, and all his Garrisons having yielded to the Conquerour, and his Enemies being already in the Strait to come to Messina, he did not think it convenient to stay for Plenius in the City, though it were a very strong place, but embarquing upon those seventeen Ships he had, made Sail towards Anthony, whose Mother he had favourably received in a like misfortune, and Plenius arriving at Messina after Pompey's departure▪ he there shut himself up, resolving to stand upon his defence. Now after the Victory Caesar staying in his Camp near Naulochus, had given or∣der to Agrippa to go and besiege Messina, which together with Lepidus he did. Plenius having sent out to them Deputies to capitulate, Agrippa

was of the mind to defer the business till next day that Caesar came thither; but Lepidus himself received them upon composition, and to get the Ar∣my of Plenius into his own possession, gave them share in the plunder of the City equal with his own; so that besides pardon which they only asked for, they had found a Booty they did not expect, they that very night plundered the City with Lepidus's Men, and delivered themselves up to be his. So that Lepidus by this recruit beholding himself Master of two and twenty Legions, and a brave Body of Horse, raised his hopes, and laid a design upon seising upon Sicily. This project he founded upon his first having landed in the Island, and having taken more Cities than Caesar; wherefore he gave Command to his Garrisons not to receive any Forces but his own, and seised upon all the Passages. On the morrow Caesar being arrived at Messina, sends some of his Friends to Lepidus, to make his complaint of these proceedings, and to represent to him that he was come into Sicily only to serve Caesar, and not to conquer for himself. To which he answered by a reciprocal complaint: That they had taken from him his part of the Empire, which Caesar had usurped all to himself, and if he would restore that, he would willingly part with Africa and Sicily. Cae∣sar, angry at this answer, goes to him himself, reproaches him with in∣gratitude, and after some mutual threats they part, and from that instant begin to keep Guard apart, and the Ships went and anchored at some di∣stance from the Port, because, as was reported, Lepidus had a design to burn them; and the Soldiers detesting these Dissentions; believed they were again falling into another Civil War. Not that they made any com∣parison of Lepidus with Caesar; Lepidus's own Soldiers did not do that, they admired Caesar's Virtue, and blamed Lepidus's baseness, thinking it a high injustice done them, to equal the Vanquisher and the Vanquished in the plunder of M••ssina. Caesar having notice of their thoughts sent under∣hand to solicite them by his Agents, who gained many, especially of those who had served under Pompey, for they thought the pardon granted them ineffectual, unless Caesar confirmed it. Lepidus knew nothing of this Negotiation, so that before he perceived any thing, Caesar comes unlooked for to his Camp, with a strong party of Horse, which he left before the Trenches, and entred with a slender Train, and advancing towards the middle, calls all the world to witness that he was forced to make War against his Will. The nearest to him having saluted him, calling him Emperour, all Pompey's Men who were made to the purpose ran to him, and begged his pardon. To which he answered, that he wondered they should ask pardon before they had done what they ought: they under∣stood what he meant, and presently some took their Colours, and car∣ried them to Caesar's Camp, whilst the others made up the Tents. Lepi∣dus hearing the Tumult, comes out of his Tent armed, and falls on, so that one of Caesar's Esquires being slain, and Caesar himself shot with an Arrow in the Corslet, though it went not to the quick, he got by running to the place where he had left his Horse. As he ran, some of those who were upon the Guard in one of the Forts at Lepidus's Camp made a mock of him; whereon he immediately fell upon that Fort, and took it with his Horse. Those who commanded in the rest yielded, some at the same time, others the night following, some without being summoned, and o∣thers after a slight assault made by the Cavalry to serve for a pretence of their Surrender: but some there were who bravely stood to it before they would submit; for Lepidus continually sent relief to all parts; but at last these reliefs deserted him likewise; may, even those who had an inclina∣tion

for him at first changed their minds. First, all those of Pompey's Par∣ty, who had till then stood firm for him, left him by whole Bands, and when Lepidus caused others to take Arms to stop them, those thus com∣manded took their Colours, and carried them to Caesar's Camp with the others. Lepidus threatened, intreated, stopped the Ensigns, and said he would not suffer them to depart, till one of the Ensigns telling him plainly, that he should suffer it either alive or dead, he was so terrifed that he let them go. The Horse left him last: but before they parted, they sent to ask Caesar whether he would have them kill Lepidus, whom they acknowledged no longer for General; but he would by no means per∣mit it. Thus Lepidus seeing himself unexpectedly, and in so short a time deserted by so great an Army, and fallen from so mighty a Fortune; changed Habit, and went to Caesar whither all the world run as to a Spectacle. Caesar rose up to receive him, and would not suffer him to fall on his Knees before him, but he sent him to Rome in the same Habit, re∣duced to that of a private Man, without any power or quality, save that of High Priest. So that this Man who had so often been General of Ar∣mies, had reigned in the Triumvirate, made so many Magistrates, pro∣scribed so many of his Equals in Dignity, returned into the degree of a simple Citizen, and spent the rest of his life submitted to authority, and to the power of many of those he had proscribed.

As for Pompey, Caesar would not pursue him, nor permit it to be done, [ XXXII] whether he thought it not convenient to follow him into Anthony's Domi∣nion, or whether he had a mind to see what Anthony would do; for if he did not as he ought, he had just occasion to break with him (for both pre∣tending to Sovereign Power, either had a long time thought that when all other were overcome they should fall upon one another) or else, as Caesar said afterwards, because Pompey was none of his Father's Murderers. All the Forces being now joyned together, there were five and forty Le∣gions, five and twenty thousand Horse, thirty seven thousand five hundred light armed Foot, six hundred Ships of War, and a prodigious number of Merchants Ships, all which he sent to their owners. He gave likewise to the Soldiers the reward due to them for Victory, with promise of greater Liberalities for the future, distributed Crowns, and other honourable Re∣compenses to those he thought worthy, and pardoned the Officers had served under Pompey. This great Prosperity was worthy of Envy, and Fortune was not wanting to be jealous of it, and to intermix it with trou∣ble: for the Army, and particularly his own mutinied, the Soldiers demand∣ed their Discharge, and to have the same Recompenses they had received after the Victory at Philippi; whereupon, though the service they had done against Pompey seemed not in his opinion comparable to the other, yet he promised them to reward them honourably, and equal with those now served under Anthony at his return, and yet according to Military Disci∣pline he represented to them with some threats the fault they committed against the Laws of War, and against the Oath they had sworn to. At length, seeing that instead of submitting they grew more insolent, he for∣bore threatning, lest those who were newly come to his Party should raise some Tumult: only he told them he would discharge them with Anthony as soon as he could, assuring them in the mean time he would no more em∣ploy them in Civil Wars, since they by God's Grace were quite extinct;

but that he would lead them against the Illyrians, and other Barba∣rous Nations who had broke the Peace with them, from whom they would all return rich. To which they told him plainly, that they would serve no longer, unless he presently gave them those Rewards and Honours their past labours deserved. He answered them, that as to the Honours there should be no delay in them; for besides the Crowns he had already distributed, he had others to bestow among every Legion, and to the Cen∣turions and Tribunes Robes of Purple, with the Quality of Senator, every Man in his Country. Whilst he was offering these things and many others, fit a Tribune named Ofilius began to cry out that Crowns and Robes were to quiet Children, but that must have Soldiers Money and Lands. The multi∣tude by their Acclammations signifying they approved this discourse, Cae∣sar in a rage went down from the Tribunal; but for the Tribune those a∣bout him praised him, and reviled the others for not joyning with him, he told them that he alone was sufficient to defend so just a cause, yet these words cost him dear, for the next day he disappeared, and was never more seen. After which accident no particular person durst utter a word, but the whole Army went together to demand their Discharge, and Caesar for his part did all he could to appease them by caressing their Officers. At length he dismissed those had served him at Modena and Philippi, who a∣mounted to twenty thousand, for indeed they had served longer than the time appointed by the Laws of War; but for fear lest those should corrupt others, he sent them presently out of the Island, after having told apart to those had served him at Modena, that though he had discharged them, he would not fail to satisfie what he had promised. As soon as they were ship∣ped, he drew the rest together to speak to them, where he took them for witnesses of the perjury of the others, whom he called Runaways, because they had forced a Discharge from him, praised those present for their side∣lity, made them hope that ere long they should be discharged, and that so rich, no one person should repent his having continued in the service, and with all this he gave them five hundred Drams a Man.

[ XXXIII] After this Broil was over, he laid a Tribute of Sixteen hundred Ta∣lents upon Sicily, and settled there Pretors as well as in Africa, left an Ar∣my divided betwixt those two Provinces, sent Anthony's Ships to Taren∣tum, and sending part of the rest of his Forces before him into Italy, fol∣lowed himself with the other. When his return was known in the City, the Senate gave him by Decree all the Honours imaginable, referring to his discretion the accepting all, or as many of them as he pleased. All the Senators, and likewise the People, crowned with Flowers, went a great way to meet him, brought him first to the Temple, and then to his House. The next day he recited in full Senate, and before the People, two Orations which he had composed, and which he afterwards made pub∣lick, wherein he orderly declared what things he had done, and his Conduct in the Government of the Common-wealth, from his first un∣dertaking the Charge till now, caused the Peace to be published, the Civil Wars being now quite extinct, remitted what was remain∣ing due upon Impositions, discharged the Receivers of what they ought, and released the Farmers of what they had not yet payed in of their publick Farms. Of all the Honours the Senate offered him he accepted the noblest, that on all those days whereon he had been

victorious, there should be Anniversary Festivals. That there should be placed before the Tribunal for Orations his Statue in Gold, repre∣senting the life, with this Inscription,

For Peace after tedious War, restored both by Sea and Land.

Besides all this, the People would have taken away Lepidus's High Priesthood, and obliged him to accept it; but he refused it, because the Laws forbid the depriving a man of that Dignity, as long he lived; whereupon the People would have Lepidus put to death, as his Enemy, but he would not permit it. Afterwards he sent to all his Armies sealed Letters, with Directions they should be all broken up in one day, and the Orders they found in them observed, which were concerning the Slaves, who, during the Tumult and Disorders, had run away from their Masters, and lifted themselves in the Army. The Senate had granted them all Freedom by the Peace made with Pompey; but they being now taken all in one day, and sent to the Cities, Caesar return'd them into the hands of their Masters, or their Masters Heirs, and if none came to claim them, they were put to death in the same Cities from whence they had fled: the like he did in Sicily. All Men now thought the Civil Wars quite at an end, and that they owed the obligation of it to Caesar, then twenty eight years of age; wherefore the Cities consecrated him, and placed him in the number of their Gods. Mean time, not only Rome, but likewise Sicily was infested with numbers of Vagabond Rascals who robbed with so much insolence, that Caesar was forced to give a Commission to Sabinus to suppress them, many he took and hanged; but it re∣quired a whole years time to purge all the Countrys clear of them. At this time, as it is said, were established those Cohorts of Watch and Ward which continue to this day. This timely and speedy reme∣dy got Caesar much reputation, who now began likewise to appoint many annual Magistrates in things that concerned the Administration of the Common-wealth, according to the custom of their Ancestors, he likewise caused to be burnt all Letters writ in the time of the War, lest they might kindle new Troubles, and promised to restore the Government to the People, as soon as Anthony returned, because he knew well that he had designed to lay down his Authority as soon as the Civil Wars were ended. Upon these promises, the Citizens perswaded of Caesar's good intentions, made him perpetual Tribune of the People, as if by this new Dignity they would invite him to lay down the former: about which he privately wrote to Anthony, giving his Letters in charge to Bibulus, who was upon his return to him, to deliver; he sent likewise Governours into the Provinces, and made Preparations for the Illyrian War, whither he designed to go in per∣son.

As for Pompey, having left Sicily to seek a refuge from Anthony, [ XXXIV]

he landed on the Promontory of Lacinia, where he took out of Iuno's Temple all the Offerings of an inestimable value. Thence getting to Mitylene, he sojourned some time in that City, where his Father in the War with Caesar and left him then a Child with his Mother, and whither after his Defeat he retreated. Anthony being at this time in Media fight∣ing against the Medes and Parthians, Pompey resolved to throw himself into his Arms at his return, but hearing he was defeated, and that news pas∣sing for a truth in the opinion of all the world, he began to fancy new hopes, that either he might succeed Anthony, if he were dead, or share power with him if he return'd, besides he was encouraged by Labienus's example, who but a little before had made strange Incursions and Spoils throughout all Asia. Whilst these things run in his Head, news was brought him that Anthony was returned to Alexandria; wherefore pur∣suing the resolution he had taken, he sent Deputies to offer him his Friend∣ship and Alliance; but this was but a Trick, for indeed they went only to pry into his Affairs. In the mean time he privately dispatched others to∣wards the Princes of Thrace and Pontus, resolved to retire towards the Kingdom of Pontus into Armenia, if he obtained not what he pretended to from Anthony, for he had likewise sent to the Parthians, out of hopes that in the War which was not yet terminated, they would be glad to accept him for his General against Anthony, being a Roman, and more, the Son of the great Pompey. Besides he fitted up great store of Shipping, and kept in Exercise his Sea-Forces, under pretence of being afraid of Caesar, or of making these preparations for Anthonies service; But Anthony, who soon perceived his designs, and sent Titius with all the Fleet and Army of Syria, to oppose him with open Force, if he would make War, or to conduct him Honourably, if he had any intention to come to him as a Friend. Now Pompey's Deputies spoke to Anthony in this manner.

The Oration of Pompey's Deputies to Anthony

THough if Pompey had designed to continue the War, he might have gone into Spain, a Province where he is beloved for his Fathers sake, of which he had good Testimony in his Youth, and who still offered him their As∣sistance. Yet because he had rather live in Peace with you; or if there be necessity to make War, fight under your Colours, he has sent us hither to offer you his Friendship and Alliance. 'Tis not a desire of a days standing, you know that when he was Master of Sicily, and made Inroads into Italy, when he sent your Mother to you, he made you the same offers; And certainly had you accepted them, neither had Pompey been driven out of Sicily. For you had not assisted Caesar with your Fleet, nor you had not come off with such disadvantage against the Parthians, because Caesar sent you not those Forces he promised you; Nay, you might have reduced Italy to your Obedience. However, though you refused them in a time when they might have been useful to you, he begs you yet to have a care lest Caesar who has so often deceived you, do not do it at last be∣yond repair. Remember but how contrary to a solemn League, he made War

upon Pompey, who was likewise his Aly, though he had not the same pretence. How he has deprived Lepidus of his part of the Empire, without in the least making you partaker of his Victories. You are now the only obstacle stands in his way to that Monarchy to which he has so long aspired; and already, if Pompey had not stood between, you had been engaged one against the other. 'Tis more your concer•• than any mans to look into these things, yet Pompey out of his love to you would not refrain his advice. Besides knowing you good and genero•••• he ••as more esteem for your friendship than for all could be pro∣mised him by a man he knows for a cheat and a deceiver. He thinks it not strange you lent your Ships to Caesar, because he knows you were urged to it by the want you stood in need of Forces for the Parthian War, but he would willingly have you remember how much the not sending that Army did you pre∣judice. In a word, Pompey yields himself up to you with that Fleet he has left, and a faithful Army never deserted him in distress. If you have peace, it will be no small Glory for you to have protected the Son of the great Pompey; and if you engage in that War which in all likelyhood you dispose your self to, the Forces he delivers up to you will not be use∣less.

The Deputies having done speaking, Anthony let them understand the Orders he had given to Titius, and for a full answer told them, that if Pompey made these Offers sincerely, he would come along with Titius. In the mean time, Pompey's Envoys to the Parthians were taken by An∣thony's Captains, and brought to Alexandria, where having confessed all, Anthony sent for the Deputies had spoke to him on Pompey's behalf, and shewed them whom he had arrested. They were extremely surprised; yet they besought him to pardon a young Man reduced to the last extre∣mities, and who out of a fear of being refused, had been forced to seek a Retreat among Nations always Enemies to the Roman Name; for had he been well assured of Anthony's mind, there had been no need to have had recourse to others, or to use other arts and solicitations, An∣thony believed them, being by nature free from Malice, and of a clear and magnanimous temper.

In the mean time, Furnius, Anthony's Lieutenant in Asia, made at [ XXXV] first no opposition against Pompey, who was come over thither in a peaceable manner, whether he were not strong enough to hinder him, or that he knew not Anthony's mind; but when he saw he exercised his Soldiers, he levyed what Force he could himself in that Province, and sent to Aenobarbus, who was not far off with an Army, and to Amyntas to come to his assistance. They being presently drawn together, Pompey began to complain they treated him like an Enemy, whilst he was waiting what answer Anthony gave his Deputies, yet all this while he was plot∣ting to make AEnobarbus his Prisoner, whom one of his Familiars called Curius, was to deliver up to him, hoping he might stand him in good stead, if an Exchange of Prisoners should happen; but the Treason being discovered, and Curius convicted, he was executed by sentence of the Council of War, and Pompey put to death Theodorus, one of his Freed Men, who alone he made privy to this Plot, suspecting he had

discovered it. This design not succeeding, he lost all hopes of deceiving Furnius, but he took by treason Lampsacus, where C. Caesar had planted a Colony of Italians, whom by force of Money he got to engage in his Party; so that seeing himself two hundred Horse, and three Legions strong, he went and assaulted Cyzica by Sea and Land, but was both ways repulsed by some of Anthony's Forces, who had the Guard of the Gladiators, kept there for the Peoples Divertisement. He therefore returned to the Port of the Achaeans, to make Provision of Corn, whither Furnius following, without offering to fight him, encamped always as near him as he could with store of Horse, and thus hindred him from so∣raging the Country, or besieging Towns. Pompey, who had not Horse enough to take the Fields, went and assaulted his Camp in Front with one part of his Forces, against whom Furnius coming to the Charge, the o∣thers whohad taken a great compass not to be discovered, fell in behind, forced the Camp, and put them all to the Rout. All Furnius's Men fled through the Plains of Scamandria, and not being able to run very fast, be∣cause the ground was moistned with the Rain, there was made a great Slaughter. Those who saved themselves escaped into places of security, being too weak to stand Pompey, till such time as new Recruits were come from Mysia, Propontis, and other places. Mean while, the Country People ruined with Taxes, took Arms, and joyned with Pompey, now grown famous by the Victory, gained at the Port of the Achaeans. But still wanting Horse, he often came by the worst in going to gather in Corn and Forrage. Wherefore upon intelligence that a Body of Italian Horse were coming to Anthony, which Octavia, who wintered at Athens, sent him, he dispatched away some of his Agents with Money to corrupt them; but the Governour of Macedon taking these Suborners, distribu∣ted their Money to the Horsemen: yet Pompey took Nicea and Nicomedia, where he got store of Wine, besides many other happy successes he had beyond his own hopes: but Furnius always encamping at some distance from him. About the beginning of Spring there came to him from Sicily seventy Ships, the Remainder of the Fleet Anthony had lent to Caesar a∣gainst Pompey; for the Sicilian War being ended, Caesar returned them. At the same time Titius arrived out of Syria with sixscore other Ships, and a great Army, and all together landed at Proconesus. Thereupon Pompey somewhat daunted, burnt his Ships, and armed his Rowers and Seamen, whom he thought would do him better service on shore. But Cassius of Parma, Nasidius, Saturninus, Thermus, Antistius, and all the most considerable of Pompey's Friends, and even Fannius himself, for whom he had the greatest value, and Libo his Father-in-law, seeing that after the coming of Titius, to whom Anthony had given commission either to make War or Peace, he was still obstinate to continue the War against one more powerful than himself, left him, and making their own composition submitted to Anthony: being deserted by his Friends, he advanced through the mid-land of Bithynia, with design, as 'tis said, to get into Armenia: Furnius, Titius, and Amyntas having no∣tice that to this intent he had quitted his Camp by night, followed him, and made such haste, that before day was shut in, they overtook him near a certain Eminence, above which they encamped separately with∣out entrenching, because it grew late, and their Men were over tired. Pompey seeing them in this posture, drew off three thousand Men, who went and charged them in the dark night so briskly, that they

slew a great number, some in Bed, and others rising, and the rest for the most part naked, shamefully took their flight: so that if Pompey had fallen on with all his Forces, or had but given them chase, he might have com∣pleted his Victory, but his adverse fortune put it out of his thoughts, and he reaped no more fruit of this Victory, save the continuing his March in∣to the Uplands.

The Enemies being rallied, followed him close at the Heels, and [ XXXVI] very sorely tormented him, that being reduced to want of Provisions, he desired a Conference with Furnius, Friend to the great Pompey, and besides that, the most considerable of all the other Commanders, and the honestest Man. Being in order thereunto come to the Bank of a River that run between them, Pompey told them, that having sent de∣puties to Anthony, and having in the mean time no Provisions, no•• no person that would furnish him with any, he had been forced to do what he had done.

The ORATION of POMPSEY to FVRNIVS.

BUt for your part, added he, if it be by Anthony's Orders you make War upon me, he is ill advised, not foreseeing a considerable▪ War hanging over his Head; but if it be of your own motion, I beseech you to expect the return of my Deputies, or to carry me to Anthony, after having past your word for my security; for Furnius, 'tis you only I confide in, and put my self into your hands, provided you promised me upon your Honour to deliver me in safety to Anthony.

This he said as confident of Anthony's good nature, and fearing only some misfortune might happen to him in the Journey, Furnius made answer:

The ANSWER of FURNIUS to POMPEY.

IF you had any intention to yield your self to Anthony, you ought in person to have gone to him at first, or have staid his An∣swer at Mitylene; but you designed War, and have done all you could; for why should you deny things we certainly know? Yet if you now repent, we are three that command here for Anthony, do not create any jealousie among us, but deliver your self up to Titius, who only has Commission concerning you: you may require of him the same security you do of me; for his Orders are, if you obstinately hold out, to kill you; but if you submit, to send you honourably to Anthony.

Pompey was angry at Titius, as an ungrateful Man, to undertake this War against him whom he had so kindly treated when he was his Prisoner; besides, he thought it dishonourable for Pompey to yield him∣self into the hands of Titius, a man of mean extract, and whom he was jealous of, either distrusting his Principles, or conscious of some in∣jury he had done him before the last kindness; wherefore he offered himself once more to Furnius, and begged him to receive him; and when that could not be obtained, he desired that at least he might yield himself into Amyntas's Hands. But Furnius telling him that Amyntas would not do that which would prove injurious to him who had Antho∣ny's Commission for this purpose, the Conference ended. Anthony's Lieutenants believed that Pompey would next morning for very want be forced to yield himself to Titius; but as soon as it was night he caused Fires to be kindled, and gave orders to the Trumpets to sound at every Watch of the Night, according to custom, and he without any noise went out of his Camp with the Flower of his Forces, not telling any one of them his design, which was to return to the Sea, and set fire on Titus's Fleet, and possibly he might have done it, if Scaurus, who desert∣ed him, and run to the Enemy had not given him notice of his depar∣ture, and the way he had taken, without being able to say more. A∣myntas presently followed him with fifteen hundred Horse, for whom, Pompey's being all Foot, it was no hard matter to overtake. As soon as he appeared, all Pompey's Men forsook him, some privily, others openly; so that almost desperate, and fearing his own Domesticks, he yielded himself to Amyntas without conditions, who had refused the Composition offered by Titius. Thus was the last Son of the great Pompey taken. He had lost his Father when he was a Child, and when he grew some∣what elder, his Brother, after whose death he lay concealed a long time,

living like a Bandito in Spain, till such time as a multitude of loose Peo∣ple understanding he was Pompey's Son, slocked to him, and then he began to over-run and plunder the Country. After the death of C. Caesar having got a good Army, Ships and Money, he made a War, and be∣came Master of some Islands, after which he was created Admiral of the Western Sea, and then sorely annoyed Italy, almost famishing his Enemies, and forcing them to peace on his own Conditions: but what is most considerable, in that dreadful time of Proscriptions at Rome, he was the only Refuge of the Miserable, and saved many persons of Quality, who were obliged to him for their return to their Country: but as if Fortune had deprived him of Judgment, he never would give the onset upon any Enemy, but lost many fair opportunities, content on∣ly to defend himself. Such was the Pompey now taken. Titius received an Oath from his Army in Anthony's name, and sent him to Miletum, where at forty years of age he put him to death, either because the old injury had more power over him than Gratitude for a later kind∣ness, or because he had Anthony's Orders for it. Though some say An∣thony gave no such Order, but it was done by Plancus Governour of Syria, who in Affairs of great Importance was wont to set Anthony's Hand and Seal. Others believe that Plancus indeed might write it, but by private Orders from Anthony, who would not do it himself, because of the name of Pompey; or for fear to displease Cleapatra, who esteemed Pompey for his Father's sake: others say again Plan••ns did it of his own accord, fearing Pompey might raise some new difference between Caesar and Anthony, or that Cleopatra might fall in love with him. Let it be how it will, after his death Anthony took another Expedition into Ar∣menia; and Caesar went to make War against the Illyrians, who wasted the Coasts of Italy, some of whom were never subject to the Roman Em∣pire, others cast off their Yoak in the time of the Civil Wars. But be∣cause the Illyrian Affairs are not so well known to me as to compose there∣of a perfect Volume; and that likewise I cannot speak of them more properly, than when writing of the time that Province was absolutely reduced under the Roman Power; I have designed to refer it till I write what passed under Augustus, and now only make a Summary to be an∣nexed to the History of Macedon, those Provinces being contiguous.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Aventine.
• * 1.2

  Ptolomy and Cleo∣patra Bro∣ther and Sister.
• * 1.3

  Five Miles
• * 1.4

  Tuscany.
• * 1.5

  Dutchy of Spoletto.
• * 1.6

  The Marches of Ancoma.
• * 1.7

  Those of the Basili∣cate.
• * 1.8

  Abruzzo.
• * 1.9

  Gariglia∣no.
• * 1.10

  Clarimont▪
• * 1.11

  Praetexta.
• * 1.12

  Boiona.
• * 1.13

  Abruzzo.
• * 1.14

  Tro••ja.
• * 1.15

  Salpe.
• * 1.16

  Canosa.
• * 1.17

  A place so called from the Beaks of Ships called Rostra, taken from the Enemies, and set up here.
• † 1.18

  Tivoly.
• * 1.19

  Military.
• * 2.1

  Laricia.
• * 2.2

  City of Lavi∣nia.
• * 2.3

  Abo••t twelve Miles and an half.
• * 2.4

  Genoua.
• † 2.5

  Marches of Ancona.
• * 2.6

  Pal••strina.
• † 2.7

  Sezza.
• * 2.8

  Chi••si.
• * 2.9

  Ten Miles off.
• * 3.1

  Portugal.
• † 3.2

  Mo••••iedra.
• * 3.3

  Mount S. An∣gelo.
• † 3.4

  Marches of Ancona.
• * 3.5

  Tribune of the People.
• † 3.6

  Savoy and the Dauphinate
• * 3.7

  According to Buda's Compu∣tation, this will not amount to a∣bove forty thou∣sand Pounds. Plutarch says he owed one hun∣dred and thirty Talents; which according to the same Compatation of Buda, will be one hundred ninety five thou∣sand Pounds.
• * 3.8

  Pompey, Cras∣sus, Caesar.
• * 3.9

  About one hun∣dred and twenty thousand pounds Sterling.
• * 3.10

  About two hundred and twenty thousand Pounds.
• * 3.11

  Twen••y five Crow••s.
• * 3.12

  France▪
• * 3.13

  About four hundred and ten Miles.
• * 3.14

  Durazzo.
• * 3.15

  Otranto.
• * 3.16

  Lerid••.
• * 4.1

  About thirty Crowns.
• * 5.1

  Ionian.
• * 7.1

  A hundred and fifty Miles long.
• * 7.2

  Ger na••s;
• * 9.1

  Septimius in all other Authors
• * 9.2

  Regiment of Guards.
• * 10.1

  Tetra.
• * 15.1

  The Fifteenth.
• * 15.2

  Fifty Miles.
• * 16.1

  Amatius.
• * 19.1

  Arezzo.
• * 19.2

  Pretorian Co∣hort.
• * 22.1

  Marches of Ancona.
• * 24.1

  The Patron and Son of the Patron was Heir to the Freed Man.
• * 25.1

  Eight hun∣dred and sev••n∣ty Pounds Ster∣ling.
• * 25.2

  Three hundred and twelve Pounds Sterling▪
• * 25.3

  Almost eight thousand Pound.
• * 25.4

  Of Dram▪
• * 26.1

  Treasurer.
• * 28.1

  Portugals.
• * 29.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a foun∣tain or spring.
• * 29.2

  Near twenty Miles.
• * 29.3

  Above forty Miles.••
• * 32.1

  By way of I∣rony.
• * 32.2

  Of Aryci∣a, where was the Nymph Aegeria.
• * 33.1

  Dutchy of Milan.
• * 37.1

  Tuscans.
• * 39.1

  Rostrum.
• * 39.2

  Now Mon∣teleon.
• * 39.3

  Tore de Mare.
• * 39.4

  Pantalarea:
• * 39.5

  Brigan∣tines.
• * 39.6

  Melazzo