St. Augustine, Of the citie of God vvith the learned comments of Io. Lod. Viues. Englished by I.H.

THE CONTENTS OF THE SECND BOOKE OF THE Citie of God.

• 1. Of the method that must of necessity be vsed in this disputation.
• 2. A repitition of the contents of the first booke.
• 3. Of the choise of an history that will shew the miseries that the Romaines en∣dured when they worshipped their Idols, before the increase of Christian religion.
• 4. That the worshippers of Pagan gods neuer receiued honest instruction from them, but vs•…•…d all filthinesse in their sa∣cri•…•…es.
• 5. Of the obscaenaties vsed in the sa∣crifices offred vnto y^e mother of the gods.
• 6. That the Pagan gods did neuer esta∣blish the doctrine of liuing well.
• 7. That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse, in that they beare no diuine authoritie, because that the ex∣amples of the Gods are greater confirma∣tion of vices in men, then the wise mens disputations are on the contrary.
• 8. Of the Romaine Stage-playes, wher∣in the publishing of their foulest impuri∣ties did not any way offend, but rather delight them.
• 9. What the Romaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poefie, which the Greekes (by the councell of their Gods) would not haue restrained at all.
• 10. That the Deuils, through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe, were willing to haue any villanie reported of them, whether true or false.
• 11. That the Greeks admitted the Plai∣ers to beare office in their commonweales, least they should seeme vniust, in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 12. That the Romaines in abridging th•…•…r liberty which their Poets would haue vpon men, and allowing them to vse it vpon their Gods, did herein shew, that they prised themselues aboue the Gods.
• 13. That the Romaines might haue •…•…serued their Gods vnworthinesse, by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of such obscane solemniti•…•….
• 14. That Plato, who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned Citie, shewed herein that his sole worth was better then all the Gods, who desire to bee honored with Stage-playes.
• 15. That flattery (and not Reason) created some of the Romaine Gods.
• 16. That if the Romaine Gods had had any care of iustice, the Citty should haue had her forme of gouernment from them, rather then to borrow it of other nations.
• 17. Of the rape of the Sabine women, and diuerse other wicked facts, done in Romes most ancient & honorable times.
• 18. What the history of Salust reports of the Romains conditions, both in their times of danger and those of securitie.
• 19. Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state before that Christ aboli∣shed the worship of their Idols.
• 20. Of what kind of happinesse, and of what conditions the accusers of Christia∣nitie desire to pertake.
• 21. Tullies opinion of the Romaine common-weale.
• 22. That the Romaine Gods neuer re∣spected whether the Citty were corrupted, and so brought to destruction, or no.
• 23. That the variety of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or dis∣pleasure of those Deuils, but vpon the iudgments of God Almighty.
• 24. Of the acts of Sylla, wherein the Deuils shewed themselues his maine hel∣pers and furtherers.
• 25. How powerfully the Deuils incite men to villanies, by laying before them examples of diuine authority (as it were) for them to follow in their villanous acts.
• 26. Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners, which the De∣uils are said to haue giuen in secret, whereas all wickednesse was taught in their publique solemnities.
• 27. What a great meanes of the sub∣uersion of the Romaine estate the induc∣tion of those Playes was, which they sur∣mized to be propitiatory vnto the Gods.
• 28. Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion.
• 29. An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD: Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.

Of the method which must of necessity be vsed in this disputation. CHAP. 1.

IF the weake custome of humaine sence durst not bee so bold, as to oppose it selfe against the reasons of apparant truth, but would yeeld this languid infirmitie vnto whole∣some instruction, as vnto a medicine which were fittest to apply, vntill by Gods good assistance, and faiths ope∣ration it were throughly cured; then those that can both iudge well, and instruct sufficiently, should not need many words to confute any erronious opinion, or to make it fully apparant vnto such, as their desires would truly in∣forme. But now, because there is so great and inueterate a d•…•…sease rooted in the mindes of the ignorant, that they will (out of their extreame blindnesse, where∣by they see not what is most plaine, or out of their obstinate peruersnesse whereby they will not brooke what they see) defend their irrationall and bru∣tish opinions, after that the truth hath beenetaught them as plaine as one man can teach another: hence it is, that (a) there ariseth a necessitie, that bindeth vs to dilate more fully of what is already most plaine, and to giue the truth, not vnto their eyes to see, but euen into their heads, as it were to touch and feele. Yet notwithstanding this by the way: What end shall wee make of alteration, if we hold that the answerers are continually to be answered? For, as for those that either cannot comprehend what is said vnto them, or else are so obstinate in their vaine opinions, that though they do vnderstand the truth, yet will not giue it place in their minds, but reply against it, as it is written of them: like spec∣tators of iniquitie, those are eternally friuolous: And if wee should binde our selues to giue an answer to euery contradiction that their impudencie will thrust forth, (how falsly they care not, so they do but make a shew of opposition vnto our assertions) you see what a trouble it would be, how endlesse, and how fruitlesse. And therefore (sonne Marcelline) I would neither haue you, nor any other (to whom this our worke may yeeld any benefit in Iesus Christ) to read this volume with any surmise, that I am bound to answer whatsoeuer you or they shall heare obiected against it: least you become like vnto the women of whom the Apostle saith, that they were alwayes learning, and neuer able to come * 1.1 vnto the knowledge of the truth.

L. VIVES.

H•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 i•…•… that (a) there ariseth a necessity] The latine text is, fit necessitus, spoken by a G•…•…e figure, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Demosthenes: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, necessitas, for necesse: and it is an ordinary phrase with them, though the Latynes say, est necessitas, as Quintilian hath it.

Arepetition of the Contentes of the first booke. CHAP. 2.

THerefore in the former booke, wherein I began to speake of the City of God, to which purpose all the whole worke (by Gods assistance) shall haue reserence, I did first of all take in hand to giue them their answere, that are so shamelesse as to impute the calamities inflicted vpon the world, (and in particu∣lar vpon Rome in her last desolation wrought-by the Vandales) vnto the religi∣on of Christ, which forbids men to offerre seruice or sacrifice vnto deuills: whereas they are rather bound to ascribe this as a glory to Christ, that for his names sake alone, the barbarous nations (beyond all practise and custome of warres) allowed many and spacious places of religion for those (ingratefull men) to escape into; and gaue such honor vnto the seruants of Christ, (not only to the true ones but euen to the counterfeit), that what the law of armes made lawfull to doe vnto all men, they held it vtterly vnlawfull to offer vnto them. And hence arose these questions: How and wherefore these gracious mercies of God were extended vnto such vngodly and vngratefull wretches as well as to his true servants, and why the afflictions of this siege fell vpon the godly (in part) as well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the reprobate? For the better dissoluing (a) of which doubtes, I stayd some∣w•…•… long in a discourse of the daily guiftes of God, and the miseries of man, •…•…ing out in the whole tract of this transitory life, (both which, by reason that they often light confusedly togither, alike, and vndistinguished both vpon good •…•…ers and impious, are very powerfull in moouing the hearts of many): and mine especiall intent herein was to giue some comfort vnto the sanctified and chast women, who had their chastities offended by some incontinent acts of the foldiours: and to shew them, that if those accidents had not wrackt their c•…•… resolutions, they ought not to bee ashamed of life, hauing no guilt in them whereof to be ashamed, and then I tooke occasion to speake some-what against those that in such villanous and impudent maner doe insult ouer the poore Christians in their aduersities; and chiefly ouer the deflowred women; these fellowes themselues beeing most vnmanly and depraued wretches, altogither degenerate from the true Romains, vnto whose honors (being many, and much recorded) these base creatures are so directly opposite. For it was these, that made Rome (which was first founded, and after increased by the care 〈◊〉〈◊〉 industry of her old worthies) to shew more filthy and corrupted in her pros∣per•…•…y, then shee was now in her ruine: for in this, there fell but stones, walles & houses; but in the liues of such villaines as these, al the monuments, al the or∣naments, (not of their walls, but) of their maners were vtterly demolished: as then did •…•…se fire burne in their affections, then this was now that did but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their houes: with the close of this, I gaue an end vnto the first booke, and now (as I r•…•…ed) wil proceed, to cast vp a reckoning of the sundry mischienes that this City of Rome hath suffered since shee was first founded, either in her∣selfe or in some of the Prouinces vnder her command: all which those vile per∣sons would haue pinned vpon the backe of Christianity, if the doctrine of the gospel against their false & deceitfull gods had in those times beene reuealed and preached.

L. VIVES.

DI•…•…ing (a) of which d•…•…bs] The first of these, was y^e chiefe questiō of those Philosophers

y^t denied the world to be gouerned by the prouidence of God. Plut. de placit. Philosoph. lib. 1

Of the choise of an history which wil shew the miseries that the Rom∣ains indured, when they worshipped their Idols, before the increase of Christian Religion CHAP. 3

BVt remember this, that when I handled those points, I had to do with the ig∣norant, out of whose blockish heads this prouerb was first borne: (a) It wil not raine because of the Christian. For there are some others amongst them that are learned, & loue that very history that makes these things plain to their vnder∣standing: but because they loue to set y^e blind & erronius vulgar at enmity and dissention with vs Christians, they dissemble & conceale this vnderstanding of theirs, labouring to perswade the people this, that the whole processe of calami∣ties, which at diuers times and in seuerall places (b) fell and were still to fall vp∣pon all the world, hadde the original, and haue had, onely and meerely from the profession of Christ, greeuing that it spreadeth so farre and shineth so glori∣ously against all other their gods and religions. But lette these malicious men read but with vs, with what excesse of affliction the Romain estate was wrung & plagued, & that on euery side, before that euer this name (which they so much do enuy) did spread the glory to such note: and then if they can, let them defend their goddes goodnesses shewed vnto them in these extremities, and if that as their seruants they honour them for protection from these extremities, which if they do but suffer now in any part, they are ready to lay al the blame vpō our necks, for why did their gods permit their seruants to bee plagued with these great afflictions (which I am now to recount) before that the publishing of the name of Christ gaue them cause of offence, by prohibiting their sacrifices.

L. VIVES.

IT (a) will not raine] He rehearseth this, as a common speach of the wicked infidels, who * 1.2 would impute all the euils that hapned them vnto the Christian cause. Tertullian, Preten∣ding for the defence of their hatefulnesse, this vanity besides, that they held the Christians the one∣ly causers of all the mischiefes and harmes that fall vpon the state and cittie. If Tiber ouer-flow his bankes, if Nilus do not water the fieldes, if the heauens stand, or the earth shake; if there arise either famine or plague, straight to the Lions with a Christian cryes the whole crew. Cypryan against Demetrianus. If whereas you say that many complaine that it is imputed vnto vs that there is so often warres, pestilences, famines, inondations, and droughts, then wee must bee no longer silent, &c. (b) Fell, and were still to fall] Through the euer-changing estate of humanity, and that Fate which is indeed the will of almighty God.

That the worshippers of Pagan gods neuer receiued honest instructi∣on from them; but vsed all filt hinesse in their sacrifices: CHAP. 4.

FIrst, why would not their gods haue a care to see their seruāts wel mannerd: the true God doth worthily neglect those y^t neglect his iust worship: but as for those gods whom this wicked & vngrateful crew complain that they are for∣bidden to worship, why do they not helpe to better the liues of their worship∣pers by giuing thē some good lawes? It was very requisit that as they carefully attended their goddes sacrifices, so their gods should haue gratiously amended their imperfections. I (but wil some say) euery man may be vitious at his owne * 1.3 will and pleasure. True; who denies that? yet notwithstanding, it was the part of these great gods guardiās, not to conceale the formes and rudiments of good & honest life frō their suppliants; but to to teach them plaine, and fully, and by

theirs Prop•…•… to correct & restrain the offendors: to testrain euil doers with publik punishments, & to incourage good liuers with ful rewards: what Tem∣ple of of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this multitude of gods, was euer accessary to any such sound? we our selues (once in our youth) went to view these spectacles, their (a) sacriligious mockeries: there we saw the (b) Enthusiastikes, persons rapt with fury; there we heard the (c) pipers, and tooke (d) great delight in the filthy sports that they * 1.4 acted before their gods and goddesses: euen before Berecynthia (surnamed the Celestiall virgin, and mother to al the gods) euen before hir litter, (e) vppon the feast day of her very purification, their (f) beastly stage-plaiers acted such ribaul∣dry, as was a shame (not onely for the mother of the gods, but) for the mother of any senatour of any honest man, nay euen for the mothers of the players them selues to giue care too: Naturall shame hath bound vs with some respect vnto our parents, which vice it selfe cannot abolish. But that beastlynesse of ob∣•…•… speaches and actions, which the Players acted in publike, before the mo∣ther of all the gods, and in sight and hearing of an huge multitude of both sex∣es, they would be ashamed to act at home in priuate before their mothers (g) were it but for repitition sake. And as for that company that were their spec∣•…•…, though they might easily bee drawn thether by curiosity, yet beholding c•…•…ity so fouly iniured, me thinkes they should haue bene driuen from thence by the meete shame that immodesty can offend honesty withall. What can •…•…dges be, it those were sacrifices? or what can bee pollution, if this were a * 1.5 purification? and these were called (h) Iuncates, as if they made a feast where all the v•…•…eane d•…•… of hell might fill their bellies. For who knowes not what 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of spirit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are that take pleasure in these obscurities? vnlesse hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that there bee any such vncleane spirits that thus illude men vnder the names of gods: or else, vnlesse hee be such an one as wisheth the pleasure, and feares the displeasure of those damned powers more then hee doth the loue and wrath of the true and euerliuing God.

L. VIVES.

SAcriligious (a) mockories] Inuerting this, the holy plaies, a phrase vsed much by the Pa∣gans. * 1.6 (b) The Enthusiastikes persons rapt] This place requireth some speech of the mother of the gods: Diodorus Siculus (Biblioth lib. 4.) tels the story of this Mo∣ther of the gods diuers waies. For first hee writeth thus. Caelus had by his wife Titaea fiue & forty children, two of which were women, called Regina, and Ops: Regina being the elder, and miser of the two, brought vp all her other bretheren (to doe her mother a pleasure) and there∣fore she was called the mother of the gods, and was marryed to hir brother Hiperion, to whome shee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sol and Luna; who being both murdered by their vncles wicked practises, she fel mad, ranging vp and downe the Kingdome with a noise of drummes and cimbals, and that this grew to a custome after she was dead. Then he addes another fable: that one Menoes an ancient King of Phry•…•… had by his wife Dindimene, a daughter whome he caused to be cast forth vpon mount Cy•…•…, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the infant being nourished vp by wilde beasts; grew to be of admirable beauty, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by a •…•…pheardesse, was by her brought vp as her own childe, and named Cibele * 1.7 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was found: that shee innented many arts of her owne head, and taught 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on pipes, danncing, drummes and cimbals, also farying of horses & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ wherein shee was so fortunate that they named her The great mo∣ther. * 1.8 G•…•…ing vp vnto yeares she fell in loue with a youth of that country called Atis, & being with child•…•… by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was s•…•… for backe by her father Menoes for a Uirgin: but the guilt beeing knowne, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Nurses were put to death: and Cibele being extreamely in loue with Atis fell madde, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her fathers house along with a Timbrell and a cimball, she came to Nisa to Dioni∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉) where s•…•… few yeares after she dyed: And soone after a great famine toge∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all P•…•…gia, the inhabitants were commanded by Oracle to giue

diuine worship to Atis and Cibele: and hence arose the first canonization of the Mother of the gods. Thus farre Diodorus, who no doubt hath declared the true originall of it as it was. But some do guesse that she was the mother of Iupiter, Iuno, Neptune and Pluto, and therefore was called Rhea, and in latine Ops: and Cibele, and Vesta, as all one. Nor make I any question but that this history is confounded, as is vsuall in euery fable of the gods: that she was a virgin, and therefore named Vesta, and that therefore Atys was faigned to bee a goodly young man, whom she louing, and commanding that she should neuer meddle with any other woman, he neglecting her command, fell in loue with a Nimph called Sangritis, which Cybele depriued him of those partes whereby hee was man, and for that reason euer since will haue her Priests defectiue in that fashion. And because that she was most or∣dinarily worshipped of the Phrygians vpon Mount Ida, there vpon she got the name of the Idean mother, and of Berecynthia, as also of the Phrigian goddesse: Hie Priests were called * 1.9 Galli, of the riuer Gallus in Phrigia, the water whereof beeing drunke, maketh men madde. And these Galli themselues, doe wherle their heads about in their madnesse, slashing their faces and bodies with kniues, and tearing themselues with their teeth when they are either madde in shew, or madde indeed. Their goddesse, (which was nothing but a great stone vpon Mount Ida) the Romanes transported into Italy, the day before the Ides of Aprill, which day they dedicated vnto her honours, and the plaies called Megalesia as on that day were acted. Liuy lib. 29. speaking of the Mother of the gods hath these words. They brought the goddesse into the Temple of Victorie which is on the Mount Palatine, the daie be∣fore the Ides of Aprill. So that was made her feast daie. And all the people brought giftes vn∣to the goddesse, vnto the Mount Palatine, and the Temples were spred for banquets, and the Plaies were named Megalesia, this is also in his sixteenth booke. About the same time a Temple was dedicated vnto the great Idean mother, which P. Cornelius receiued, being brought out of Asia by sea, P. Cornelius Scipio (afterward surnamed Africane) and P. Licinius beeing consulls. M. Liuius, and C. Claudius beeing censors, gaue order for the building of the Temple: And thirteene yeares after, it was dedicated, or consecrated by M. Iunius Brutus; M. Cor∣nelius, and T. Sempronius beeing Consulls; and the Plaies that were made for the dedication thereof, (beeing the first plaies that euer came on stage;) Antias Valerius affirmeth were nam∣ed Megalesia: Thus farre Liuy: To whom Varro agreeth also liber. 3. de lingua Latina. En∣thusiastiques, or persons rapt] Were men distraught, taken with madnesse, as Bertcynthia's Galli were. Saint Augustine vpon Genesis calls them, men taken with spirits possessed. (c) Pi∣pers] Or the singers, Symphoniacos, it commeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is Harmony, or con∣sort. In the feastes of Cybele, was much of this numerall musicke, with Pipes and Tymbrells. Hereof Ouid singeth thus (in his fastorum, lib, 4.)

Protinus inflexo Berecynthia tybia cornu, Flabit & Idaeae festa parentis erunt: Ibunt Semimares, & inania tympana tundent; Aera•…•… tinnitus are repulsa dabunt.

Then Berecynthias crooked pipes shall blovv, Th' Idaan mothers feast approcheth now, Whose gelded Priests along the streetes doe passe, With Timbrells, and the tinckling sounds of brasse.

And a little after:

Tibia dat Phrygios vt dedit ante, modos: The Phrygian Pipe sounds now, as late before.

Diodorus saith the pipe was Cybele's inuention, and that shee taught Marsiat; him, that contended with Apollo. (d) Wee were delighted:] Some reade they were delighted but erroniously: wee reade it, with more reason, in the first person, Wee were de∣lighted with the filthy plaies &c. Now though this Berecynthia was mother to so many gods yet they held that shee was a Virgin, as beeing Vesta as well as Berecynthia, as also be∣cause he would haue her father Menoes to take her for such an one, and so to beleeue. (e) The feast day of her purification] The day before the Ides of Aprill, the Galli, her Priests v∣sed to carry the Image of this great Mother in as great pompe, vnto the riuer Almon (which * 1.10 falleth into Tyber not farre from Rome) and there (according to the order of an old cus∣tome) to wash it in the meeting of both the riuers: I say by an old custome. For the first day that it was brought from Asia, the Priest washed it there, wherevpon, that order was kept euery yeare. Hereof sings Lucane.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p•…•… r•…•… Al•…•… Cibelen, &c. lib. 1. Cibele vvasht in Almon they fetch backe &c.

But Ouid more p•…•…nely:

Est lo•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tib•…•… quo lubricus in fluit Almon E•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per dit in amne minor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cum veste Sacerdos, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Al•…•… sacra{que} louit aquis. Fastorum. 4.

There is a place were Almons current flovves To Tibers streames, and so his name doth lose: There vvasht the aged priest (in purple clad) The Goddesse, and the reliques vvhich he had,

And Prudentius, writing of Saint Romanus his martyrdome, saith thus:

N•…•…dare plant•…•… ante carpentum sci•…•… Pr•…•…ceres togatos in atris Idaeae sacris Lapis nig•…•…llus eue•…•…endus essedo, M•…•…ebris o•…•…s clausus arge•…•…to sedet, Quem ad laua•…•…rum pr•…•…do ducitis, Ped•…•… re•…•… atterentes •…•…eis. Almonis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 riv•…•….

I knovv vvhen Cibels feasts are honoured, Your Lords all bare-foot march before the throne, Whereon, in a rich chariot, the blacke stone Sits in a vvomans shape ore siluered, Which vvhen to purifying you do lead, You vvalke before it, in strange vncouth shooes, Vntil you reach the place vvhere Almon flovves.

(f) Beastly Stage-players] The first Stage-playes euery yeare were the Megalesian, wherin the Players comming forth to this new taske, spake most filthy and abhominable lafciuious * 1.11 wordes vpon Cibel and Atis: and at that time diuers of the most ciuill Romaines, disguising them-selues from being knowne, went wandring about the streetes in all licentiousnesse. No speach, to act of vncleane luxury was left vnpractised, as Herodian affirmeth in the life of Co•…•…dus. (g) Euen for repetition sake] though they spoke it but for exercising their memories, for learning of it by heart. (h) Iuncates] The text is fercula a ferendo, of carrying, because in sollemnities either of religion or tryumph they carry pictures and statues with re∣uerence, * 1.12 as the Images of the goddes and worthies were in the sacrifices: and in their tri∣umps they carryed the pictures of such citties as they had conquered, and such armes as they had despoyled their foes off, the money that they had taken, and the rest of the pillage what∣soeuer, So saith Tully, Su•…•…tonius and others. And such meates also as were set on the table at sacr•…•…, were called Fercula, because they were brought in vppon chargers very state∣fully, and with a kind of religious reuerence.

Of the obscaenities vsed in these sacrifices offered vn∣to the mother of the goddes. CHAP. 5.

NOr will I stand to the iudgement of those whome I knowe doe rather delight in the vicious custome of enormities then decline from it: I will haue Scipio Nasica him-selfe to be iudge, and he whom the whole Senate pro∣claimed for their best man, one whose onely handes were thought fitte to re∣ceiue and bring in this Diuels picture: let him but tell vs first whether that hee desire that his mothers deserts were such that the Senate should appoint him * 1.13 diuine honours: (as wee read that both the Greekes and other Romaine nations, also haue ordained for some particular men whose worth they held in high esteeme, and whose persons they thought were made immortall, and admitted amongst the gods.) Truly he would gladly wish his mother this felicity, if that such a thing could be. But if we aske him then further, whether he would haue such •…•…thy pres•…•…tations as Cibeius enacted as partes of his mothers honours; would he not a•…•…ow (think you) that he had rather haue his mother lye dead and soncelesse, then to liue a goddesse, to heare and allow such ribauldry? Yes: Farre bee it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such a worthy Senator of Rome, as would forbidde the building of a Theater in a state maintaind by valour, to wish his mother that worshippe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 please her goddesse-shippe, which could not but offend all woman-hood. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it possible that hee could bee perswaded, that diuinity could so farre

alter the lawdable modesty of a woman, as to make her allow her seruants to call vpon her in such immodest tearmes, as being spoken in the hearing of any liuing woman, if shee stoppe not her eares and get her gone, the whole kinred of her father, husband, children and all would blush, and bee ashamed at her shamefulnesse. And therefore such a mother of the gods as this, (whom euen the worst man would shame to haue his mother a like vnto) did neuer seeke the best man of Rome (in her entrance into the peoples affections) to make him better by her counsells and admonitions, but rather worse, by her deceites and illusions: (like her of whom (a) it is written. A woman hunteth for the precious life of a man:) that his great spirit being eleuated by this (as it were diuine) testimo∣ny * 1.14 of the Senate he holding himself soly the best, might bee thus with-drawne from the truth of religion, and godlinesse: without which, the worthiest wit is euer ouer-throwne and extinguished in pride and vaine glorie, what intent then (saue deceit) had she in selecting the best and most honests man, seeing she vseth and desireth such things in her sacrifices as honest men abhor to vse, were it but euen in their sports, and recreations?

L. VIVES.

OF whom (a) it is witten] Prouerbs 6. 26. Hierome readeth it, Capit, taketh: Saint Augus∣tine readeth Captat, as the Septuagints doe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Venatur, hunteth: more aptly.

That the Pagans gods did neuer establish the doctrine of liuing well. CHAP. 6.

HEnce it proceedeth that those gods neuer had care of the liues and man∣ners of such Cities and nations as gaue them diuine honors: but contrari∣wise gaue free permission to such horrible & abhominable euils, to enter, not vpon their lands, vines, houses, or treasures, no nor vpō the body (which serues the minde) but vpon the minde it selfe, the ruler of all the flesh, and of all the rest: this they euer allowed without any prohibition at all. If they did prohi∣bite it, least it be proued that they did. I know their followers will talke of cer∣taine secret traditions and I know not what, some closely muttred instructions, tending to the bettring of mans life, but let thē shew where euer they had any publike places ordained for to heare such lectures: (wherein the Plaiers did not present their filthy gesture and speeches: nor where the (a) Fugulia were kept with all licentiousnesse of lust, fitly called Fugalia, as the Chasers away of all chastity and honesty:) but where the people might come and heare their gods doctrine concerning the restraint of couetousnesse, the suppression of ambition, and the brideling of luxury and riot: where wretches might learne that which (b) Persius thunders vnto them, saying.

Discitique 〈◊〉〈◊〉 miscri, & causas cognoscite r•…•…rum, Quid sunus, aut quidnam victuri gignimu•…•… •…•…or do Quis •…•…tus, aut metoe quàm mollis flexus, & Unde•…•… Quis modus orgenti, quid fas optare, quid aspe•…•… V•…•… nu•…•…mus b•…•…et: patriae charisque propinquis Quantum elargiri decet, quem te Deus esse 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & humana qua parte locatuses in re.

Learne wretches, and conceiue the course of things ^b What man is, and why nature forth him brings: * 1.15 His settled ^c bounds, frō whence how soone he straies: ^d What welths mean, & ^e that for which the good man praies ^f How to vse mony: how to giue to friends, What we in earth, ^g and God in vs, intends, &c.

Let them shew where these lessons of their instructing Gods were euer read or rehearsed: whether euer ther worshippers were vsed to heare of any

such matters, as wee vse to doe continually in our Churches, erected for this purpose in all places wheresoeuer the religion of Christ is diffused.

L. VIVES.

NOr (a) where the fugalia] Of these feasts I doe not remember that I euer read any thing saue here. I would not let to set downe some-what out of my coniecture that the reader might admit another word for it, but that Augustine himselfe addeth, truely called * 1.16 fugalia, viz of chastity and honesty. And though I know many coniectures which indeede whilest the truth is vnknowne are but truth, beeing once discouered are ridiculous, yet I will see what good may be done vnto others vnderstandings in this respect: that if I re∣ueale not the truth I may stirre vp others to seeke it. First Uarro (de lingua latina lib. 5.) writeth that one day of the month of Iune was named Fugia, because the people on that day fled into Rome in a tumult: for it was not long after the Galles, who had chased thē out, were depar∣ted: * 1.17 and then the Countries that lay about Rome, as the Ficulneates, and the Fidenates, con∣spired all against them: some significations of the flight of this day doe as yet remaine in the monuments: whereof in our bookes of Antiquities you may read at large; thus farre varro. This was the feast of the goddesse fugia, so called because they chased away their enemies: For the next day after, the Romanes conquered all their foes about them, and therevpon these feastes were kept with great mirth & sollemnity; for they were in a great feare least the re∣mainder of the Romane nation leaft by the Galles should haue beene vtterly destroied by the rest. (Hilus in his booke of the gods calles this goddesse Vitula, (now Philo saith that Uictoria was called Uitula, as Macrobius testifieth in his Saturnalia.) wherefore these fu∣galia, * 1.18 or fugialia were feasts kept with all mirth and reuells vnto the goddesse Laetitia, the second of the Nones of Iune. In which feast, it is likely that the people let themselues loose to all riot and licentiousnesse. This I speake not intending to preiudice any other mans assertion, but onely to excite others to looke farther into the matter if they hold it a mat∣ter worth looking into * 1.19 (b) Persius.] In his third satire, vpon an old sentence Nosce teipsum, that had wont to bee written vpon the dore of Apollo his Temple, dilateth as aforesaid. (c) Bounds from which how soone] In the Hippodromi, or horse-races there were seauen bounders: Domitian in certaine games ordained that they should runne but vnto the fift: because he would haue the sports sooner performed. Seauen times they touched all these bounds, saith Suetonius in his life. And there was great care and cunning in turning of their horses and chariots from bound to bound, least hee that was behind by his quicker turne should get before him that led—Propertius.

Aut prius infecto deposcit premia cursu, Septima quam metam triuerit ante rota.

Or claimes his guerdon ere the course be done, Before his wheeles past the seauenth marke haue run.

And hereto belongs that of Horace: Od. I.

Sunt quos curriculo puluerem Olympicum, Collegisseiuuat, meta{que} feruidis —Euitata rotis &c.

Some loue to see th' Olympick dust to lie, About their chariot, and to thunder by —The marke, with heated wheeles &c.

In the courses amongst the Grecians, there were some where it was not sufficient to run vnto the marke, but they must runne backe againe to the start: their turne at the halfe∣course, they called the Diaulodrom•…•…s, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the going about of a certaine space (as Vitruuius saith lib. 5.) which those that compassed sixe times were called Dolichodromi, and this is properly the signification of Meta, and Flexus in the text. Persius either thinketh * 1.20 that it is easie to turne out of a vertuous course into a vicious, or contrariwise that it is hard to turne frō the later to the first, when custome once hath rooted it in our affections & giuen it powre to tiranize: wherefore he wills vs to restraine that vse be-times, because it is not in our powre to thrust the yoake of it from our necks, when & where we would. Or he may meane of the variation of our age, as when wee passe from child-hood vnto mans e∣state, wherein it is fit wee alter our conditions, (as hee in Terence saith) or when wee leaue our lusty and actiue part of life, our mans state, for a more settled and retired age. Where∣of Cicero (in his first booke de Oratore) saith thus. If the infinite toyle of law businesses and the eployments of ambition should haue concurred with the ebbe of honours and the decay of our bodilie vigor through age &c. But more plainely in his Oration for Marcus Caelius: and in the same Metaphore. In this declining age, (for I will hide nothing from you; my trust of your

humanity and wisdome is so great) indeed the young mans fame stucke a little at the bound, by rea∣son of his vnhappy neighbourhood and knowledge of that woman, &c. Wee must not looke to these turnes in the horse-races onely, but in our liues also, and within our selues, saith Seneca (de tran∣quillit. Uitae lib. 1.) There were bounds also in their water-games, or sea-sights, when and where to turne.

Hic viridem Aeneas frondenti ex illice metam, Constituit signum nautis pater vndereuerti Scirent, & longos vbi circumflectere cursus. Saith Virgil.

Here did Aencas sette vpon an oke A signall, which inform'd the Saylers plaine, How far to row, and where to turne againe. Aevead. 〈◊〉〈◊〉

I haue seeene this place of the text read thus in an old copy, Quâ mollis flexus et vnde, which indeed is not much amisse: Anthony of Lebrixa, our industrious gramarian, readeth it so. (d) Wealthes meane] Out of Plato, whence Persius hath all his morallitie. In the dialogue called Phaedo, Socrates prayeth thus: O my deare Pan, and all you other goddes giue me that eternal beau∣tie: grant that all my externall adiuncts may bee confined to my affects within: let me thinke him onely wealthy that is wise. Let me haue but so much of riches, as no man but he that is temperate can sway, or dispose off. Thus prayed Socrates: and indeed moderat wealth is better worth wish∣ing, then excesse. (e) And that for which] This he hath from Alcibiades in Plato (lib. 2. de voto) Wherein Plato teacheth him what to pray for. The said sentence of Socrates, Valerius rehear∣seth also. (Lib. 7.) Of prayers Iuuenall saith thus:

Orandum est vt sit mens sana in corpore sano. Pray for a sound soule, in as sound a breast.

Perhaps this limitation of Persius hath reference to that which followeth. How to vse money. (f) How to vse money] Asper in the text ioyned with Nummus, signifieth the roughnesse of the coyne being newly stampt, and which is worne smooth by passing from hand to hand. So Plinie calles carued vessells, which are graced with any bosses or branches standing out, Aspera, * 1.21 rough. Suetonius saith that Nero sought for tried gold, and rough or new coyned money, with exceeding greedinesse. Whether it be taken heere for newlly coyned, or because rough peeces were better then the smooth, or what they were I know not. But that the same vneuen'd peeces were called rough, the definition of roughnesse in Plato his Timaeus doth shew. Rough∣nes) * 1.22 (saith he) is hardnesse commixt with vneuenesse. (g) God in vs intends] This is out of Plato also, who maketh God the commander of al mankind, assigning euery one his particular stati∣on, as in a pitched field, from whence hee may not depart without his command. And it is a good help vnto the instruction of our life, that each of vs know, in what ranke of mankind he is placed, so to adapt his life to his estate, and discharge his function duly: be he a husbadman or a citizen, a free man or a seruant; a craftsman, a scholler, a minister, a soldiour, an officer, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prince, or a priuate man.

That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse, in that they beare no diuine authority: because that the examples of the gods are greater confirmations of vices in men, then the wise-mens disputations are on the contrary part. CHAP. 7.

DO you think they will mention their Philosophy schooles vnto vs? as for them first of al they are deriued from Greece, and not from Rome: or if you say they are now Romaine because Greece is become a Prouince of the Romaines, I answer againe that the instructions giuen there are not of the documents of your gods, but the inuentions of man, whose quicke wits especiall indeauour was to find by disputation (a) what secrets were hid in the treasury of nature: (b) what was to * 1.23 bee desired, and what to be auoided in our Morallity (c) And what was cohaerent by the Lawes of disputation, or not following the induction, or quite repugnant vnto it. And some of these gaue light to great inuentions, as the grace of God as∣sisted them, but yet they euermore erred, as the frailty of man possessed them; the * 1.24 diuine prouidence iustly opposing (d) their vain glory to shew the tract of piety to rise from humblenesse vnto height, by their comparrison: Which wee shall hereafter take an occasion to search into further by the will of the true and euer∣lasting God. But if it were true that these Philosophers inuented any meanes suffi∣cient

to direct one to the attaining of a happy course of life, is there not far grea∣ter reason to giue them (d) diuine honours; then the other? How much more ho∣nest were it for to heare Platoes bookes read in a Temple of his, then the Galli gel∣ded in the diuels? To view the (e) effeminate consecrated; the lunatike gashed with cuttes, and each thing else either cruell or beastiall, or bestially cruell, or cruelly bestiall, so commonly celebrated in the sollemnities of such goddes? Were it not far more worthy to haue some good lawes of the gods rehearsed vnto the youth for their instruction in integrity, then to passe the time in vaine commenda∣tions of the labours of illuded antiquitie; but indeed (f) all the worshippers of such gods, as soone as they are initiate vnto those luxurious and venemous adorations, (g) As Persius saith, do looke more after Iupiters deeds, then either Platoes doctrine, or Catoes opinions. (h) And here-vpon it is that Terence bringes in the lustfull youth gazing vpon a table picture wherein was drawne how Ioue sent downe a showre of gold into the lap of Danae: and this was a fit president for this youth to follow in his lust, with a boast that he didde but imitate a god. But what god (saith he): Euen he that shakes the Temples with his thunder: since he aid thus, shal I (a meane wretch to him) make bones of it? No; I did it with all mine heart.

L. VIVES.

WHat (a) secrets were hid] Hee touches the three kindes of Phylosophy: in this place the Naturall. (b) what was to be desired] Here the Morall. (c) What was coherent] Here the Rationall or Logicall. Of these hereafter. (d) Their vaine glory] Because all that they inuented they ascribed vnto their owne wittes sharpnesse, and not a whit vnto gods influence. Of this Lactantius disputeth at large. (e) Effeminate consecrated.] Al these Galli were al of them beast∣ly villaines, Sodomites giuen to al filthinesse in the world. Of whome Apuleyus relates most ab∣hominable things, in the eighth and ninth book of his Asse: So doth Lucian also, whence Ap∣puleyus had his argument. (f) All the worships] The examples of those whom we reuerence do moue vs much: for we indeauor to imitate them in al things, be they gods or men: the people affects the fashion of the Prince, the schollers of the maister they honour, and all mortall men their conditions whom they hold immortall. And here-vppon is our Sauiour Christ and his Saints set before al of our religion, to be obserued and imitated. Plato lib. de Repub. 2. amongst diuers reasons why he wil not tollerate Poets in his common-wealth, brings this for one, because their fictions of the gods, giue examples, very preiudiciall vnto the honesty of the readers, as their warres, thefts, seditions, adulteries and such like. Out of which Lucian hath the words he giues to Menippus in his Necromantia. I saith he being a boy and hearing Hesiod and Homer sing∣ing of seditions and wars, not onely those of Heroes and demi-gods, but euen of the gods them-selues, their adulteries, rapines, tyranies, chasings out of parents, and marriages of bretheren and sisters, truly I thought all these things both lawfull and lawdable, and affected them very zealously. For I thought the gods would neuer haue bin lechers, nor haue gone together by th'eares amongst them-selues, vnlee they had allowed al these for good and decent. Thus far Lucian. We haue rehersed it in the words of Thomas Moore: whome to praise negligently, or as if wee were otherwise imployed, were * 1.25 grosenes. His due commendations are sufficient to exceed great volumes. For what is hee that can worthily limme forth his sharpnes of wit, his depth of Iudgement, his excellence and varie∣ty of learning, his eloquence of Phrase, his plausibility and integrity of manners, his iudicious fore-sight, his exact execution, his gentle modesty and vprightnes, and his vnmoued loyaltie? vnles in one word he wil say they are al perfect, intirely absolute, & exact in al their ful propor∣tions? vnles he wil cal them (as they are indeed) y^e patterns and lusters, each of his kinde? I speake much, and many that haue not known Moore, will wonder at me: but such as haue, wil know I speak but truth: so wil such as shal either read his works, or but heare or looke vpon his actions: but another time shal be more fit to spred our sailes in this mans praises, as in a spacious Ocean, wherin we wil take this ful and prosperous wind & write both much in substance, and much in value of his worthy honours: and that vnto fauourable readers. (g) As Persius saith] Satyrd. 3.

—Cum dir•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bids Mou•…•… ingen•…•… fer•…•…ti •…•…cta 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

—When the blacke lust of sinne. Dipt in hot poison burnes the minde within.

It is meant indeed of any gaules; which is hotte poyson: But Augustine vseth it heare for the generatiue sperme, which some call Virus. (h) Here-vppon it is that Terence bringes] In his Eunuchus: Chaerea who was carried disguised for an Eunuch by Parmeno vnto Thais, beeing enamourd on a wench, that Thraso the soldior had giuen to her, and telling his fellow Antipho how he had inioyed her, re•…•…ates it thus: While they prepare to wash, the wench satte in the Parlour, looking vpon a picture wherein was painted how 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent downe the showre of gold into Danaes lappe: I fell a looking at it with her: and because hee hadde plaid the same play before me, my mind gaue me greater cause of ioy, seeing a God hadde turned him-selfe into a man, and stolne vnto a woman through another mans chimney, and what God? Euen hee that shaketh Temples with his thunder: should I (beeing but a wretch to him) make bones of it? No I didde it euen withall my heart. Thus farre Terence. Danae beeing a faire Virgin, her father Acrisius * 1.26 kept her in a Tower that no man should haue accesse vnto her. Now Iupiter being in loue with her, in a showre of gold dropt through the chimney into the Tower, and so inioyed •…•…er: that is, with golden guifts (against which no locke, no guard is strong ynough) hee corrupted both the keepers and the maid her-selfe.

Of the Roma•…•…s Stage plaies, wherein the publishing of their gods foulest imparities, did not any way offend, but rather delight them. CHAP. 8.

I But (wil some say) these things are not taught in the institutions of the gods, but in the inuentions of the Poets. I will not say that the gods misteries are more obicaene then the Theaters presentations: but this I say (& wil bring history sufficient to conuince all those that shal denie it) that those playes which are for∣med according to these poeticall fictions, were not exhibited by the Romaines vn∣to their goddes in their sollemnities through any ignorant deuotion of their owne, but onely by reason that the goddes them selues didde so strictly com∣maund, yea and euen in some sort extort from them the publike presenting and dedication of those plaies vnto their honours. This I handled briefly in the first booke. For (a) when the citty was first of al infected with the pestilence, then were stages first ordained at Rome by the authorization of the chiefe Priest. And what is he, y^t in ordering of his courses, will not rather choose to follow the rudi∣ments which are to be fetched out of plaies, or whatsoeuer being instituted by his gods, rather then the weaker ordinances of mortall men? If the Poets didde falsely record Iupiter for an adulterer then these gods being so chast, should be the more offended, and punish the world, for thrusting such a deale of villany into their ce∣remonies, and not for omitting them. (b) Of these stage-plaies the best and most tollerable are Tragedy and Comedy: being Poetical fables made to be acted at these shewes: wherein notwithstanding was much dishonest matter, in actions, but none at al of wordes: and these the old men do cause to be taught to their chil∣dren, amongst their most honest and liberal studies.

L. VIVES.

FOr (a) when the citty was] Because in this booke and in the other following, Saint Augus∣tine doth often make mention of Stage-plaies, it seemeth a fit place here to speake somewhat thereof: and what should haue beene seattered abroad vpon many chapters, I will here lay all into one, for the better vnderstanding of the rest. And first of their Originall, amongst the Greekes first, and the Romaines afterwards: for imitation brought them from Greece to Rome. The old husbandmen of Greece vsing euery yeare to sacrifice to Liber Pater for their fruites, * 1.27 first vsed to sing something at the putting of the fire on the altars, in stead of prayers: and then to please him the better, they sung ouer all his victories, warres, conquests, triumphs, and his captiuation of Kings. For reward of which paines of theirs, a Goat was first appointed, or the Skin of an offered Goat, full of wine. So these rewards partly, and partly oftentation, set ma∣ny

good wits work amongst these plaine countrimen, to make verses of this theame; meane and few at first, but as al thinges else, in processe of time they grew more elegant and conceited: and because the Kings y^t Liber had conquered, afforded not matter ynough for their yearely songs they fell in hand with the calamities of other Kings, like to the former, and sung much of them And this song was called a tragedy either of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Goate, the reward of the conqueror in this * 1.28 contention, or of the wine-leese wherwith they anoynted their faces; called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Now some wil haue the Comedy to haue had the Originall from these sacrifices also: others frō the sollemnities of Apollo Nomius, that is the guardian of sheapheards and villages, some say y^t * 1.29 both these sacrifices were celebrated at once. I wil set down the most common opinion. When the Athenians liued as yet in dispersed cotages (Theseus hauing not yet reduced them to a Citty) The husbandmen vsed after their sacrifices to breake iests, both vpon such as were at the sacrifices and such as trauaild by chance that way: and by these mirthfull scoffes, delighted all the company. Now after that the citty was builded, the husbandmen at the times appointed for the sollemnities, came into the towne in carts, and iested one while at their fellowes, and a∣nother while at the cittizens, cheefly such as had offended them. And this was called a Come∣dy, either of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Village, because they liued in such, or of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 away, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be saucy, or to reuell; because they were profuse and spared no man in the way with their petulent quips. (And this is rather the true deriuation, because the Athenians as then did not call the villages 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) This custome pleased the cittizens, and made them animate those of the prō∣test wits, to write more exactly in this kinde of verse. And so by little and little, the countrie fellowes were thrust out, whose quips were simple, and how euer enuious, yet not bloudy: now the citty Poets taxing at first the vices of the cittizens with bitternes, did some good in reclai∣ming particulars from folly, through feare of being personated: but afterwards when they be∣gan to follow their own affects and their friends, exercising their grudges with sharpnesse, and vsing their pens for their weapons, they would sometimes traduce Princes that neuer had de∣serued any such matter, and euen name them. Which tricke when Eupol•…•…s had plaid with Al∣cibiades * 1.30 in his Comedy called Baptis, hee caused him to bee taken and throwne into the sea: being then Generall of the Athenian forces, and hauing a Nauie in the Hauen Pireus: when hee was throwne in, it was said Alcibiades rehearsed these wordes often times ouer: thou hast often drowned me vpon the stage Eupolis, I will once drowne thee in the sea. By this example * 1.31 the rest of the Poets were so terrified, that Alcibiades got a law past, that no man should dare to name any man vppon the Stage. So that kinde of Comedy called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is the olde * 1.32 Comedy, was abolished. Then came in the second, wherein many were girded at priuily sup∣pressing of names vnder coullors, and this the Nobility fell in dislike withall, least their factes should bee glanced at vnder hand. So that was taken quite away: and a new kinde inuented, which treated of meane persons vnder change of names, the argument whereof was euer so different from the facts of the Nobility, as each man might perceiue that they were farthest frō the drift of these taxations. And besides there was such moderation vsed in all the effects, that no man could iustly complaine of them, though they hadde spoken of him by name. Of this kinde Menander was the chiefe Poet, who liued with Alexander the great, beieng some-what younger then hee was. The olde kinde flourished in the warres of Peloponesus, and in that kinde Aristophanes was most excellent, by report some say that he was very good at the second sort also. But doubtlesse Antiphanes of Larissa was the best in this kinde that euer wrote. And these kindes were all in Greece. But in the foure hun∣dreth yeare after Rome was builded, T. Sulpitius Potitus, and C. Licinius Stolon beeing Consuls, when the Cittie was (both the yeare before, and that yeare also) grieuously infected with the plague, by an Oracle out of the books of the Sibils were Stage-playes called thether (a new accustomed thing to such a warlike nation.) Their players they hadde out of Hetruria, and they named them Histriones:, in the language of that countrey: And these didde daunce vnto the flute, without speaking any thing, but not without such conceited gestures as then were in vse else-where. And then the Countrey people of Italy after the fashion of the Greekes, hauing sacrificed after their haruest, and giuen their goddes thankes for their yeares good increase, after all, in their mirth, vsed to iest one vp∣pon another for sportes sake, sparing not now and then to cast forth a sluttish phrase, and some-time a bitter quippe. And this they didde interchangeably, in verses called Fescenini, of such a Cittie in Hetruria These the Romaine Players began to imitate, but neuer named for that was expresly forbidden before by a law in the twelue Tables. But these Fescenine vses * 1.33

wore out of the playes by a little and little, and were left onely vnto marryages and tri∣umphes: And such plaies began to bee inuented as were delightfull and yet not offensiue, which Horace touches at in his Epistle to Augustus. So it being not allowable to traduce any man by his name vppon the stage, there sprung vppe diuers sorts of these playing fables in Italy, after the manner of the Greekes, as the New Comedie, and the Satyre: Not that which taxeth vices and is bound vnto that one kinde of verse, which Horace, Persius, and Iuuenall wrote in: for that was first inuented by Lucilius (who serued vnder Scipio Aemi∣lianus in the warres of Numance.) But that wherein the Satyres were brought in, in a slut∣tish * 1.34 and approbrious manner, as in hayry coates, heauy paced, and altogether •…•…nsome and slouenly. Their Stage was strowed with flowers, leaues and grasse, to resemble the * 1.35 Mountaines, Woodes and Caues; euen like as the tragike Stage resembleth the state of kingly Pallaces, and the comicall, the fashion of meaner mens houses, as Vitruuius writeth, (Lib. 5.) After these Satires went out of vse; The first True omedie in latine verse was * 1.36 written by Liuius Andronicus, Salinators freed seruant, after Rome was builded, iust fiue hundred and forty yeares, in the Consulshippes of Appius Claudius Sonne to Caecus, and Sempronius Tuditanus, the first Carthaginian warre beeing ended some few yeares before, as Atticus doth account the time. And this man seconded By Noeuius, Plautus Ennius, Te∣rence, and many other Comedians after them: what remaineth of this subiect, shall be spoken in the fittest place.

(b) Of these Stage-plaies the best] In these reuels, sometimes there were plaies presented worth the hearing: and sometimes againe, the players would act most filthy gestures in si∣lence, and sometimes speake some-what for the feast they kept. Of these Comedies some were called Palliatae, their argument being Greeke and their actors in Greekish cloakes: such * 1.37 are all Terences and Plautus his: Others Togatae, their argument concerning the Romaine affaires, and their actors presenting it in Romaine gownes: such are those of Afranius. And * 1.38 these Togatae are of two sorts, either Pretextatae, the plotte beeing of the deedes of some * 1.39 Kings or Emperours of Rome, wherein the Pretexta, the Noblemans habite must needes bee vsed; (from which kinde I cannot see that the Trabeatae do differ much, those which C. Meli∣us * 1.40 of Spoleto, Mecenas his free-man inuented: I know not whether they were a•…•… one or * 1.41 not, hauing hereof no certaine notice:) or Tabernariae, wherein the actions of the vulgar were desciphered. where are Tragedies, Comedies, Satyres, and there are Mimikes, which are called otherwise, Plaine-feete, plani-pedes, wearing neither shooes nor buskins, but comming * 1.42 bare-foote vpon the Stage: The Satyres notwithstanding and the Mi•…•…kes are both included vnder the Comedie. And some say so is the Tragedie too. But the Tragedie discourseth of lamen∣table fortunes, extreame affects, and horrible villanies, but farre from turpitude. The Comedie treates of the Knaueries and trickes of loue, being brought into it by Menander to please the Macedonians that stood affected to such passages. The Satyre containeth the looser Faunes, and Siluanes whose rusticall iestes delighted much, and sometimes they would lament. But as they were v•…•…lceanely and slouenly goddes, so were their speeches often times foule, and disho∣nest to heare. But the Mimikes forbore no beastlinesse, but vsed extreeme licentiousnesse And yet these were more tollerable then other things which were acted in the sollemnities of Bac∣chus: (which for their incredible filthinesse were expelled out of Italie by a decree of the Se∣nate.) Also in the Saturnalia, and Floralia, which twoo feastes were celebrated by common * 1.43 strumpets, and the most raskally sort of all men. The actors of the Floralia, though they reue∣renced not their owne goddesse, yet when Cato came, they reuerenced him, and would not act * 1.44 them in his presence.

What the Komaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poesie, which the Greekes, by the counsaile of their Goades, would not haue restrained at all. CHAP. 9.

WHat the Romaines held concerning this point, (a) Cicero recordeth in his bookes which he wrote of the Common wealth, where Scipio is brought in say∣ing thus: If that the priutledge of an old custome had not allowed them, Comedies could neuer haue giuen such proofes of their v•…•…esse vpon Theaters. And some of the ancient Greekes pretended a conuenince in their vicious opinion, and made it a

law that (c) the Comedian might speake what he would, of any man, by his name. Wherfore (as Africanus saith well in the same booke) Whom did not the Poet touch, nay whom did he not vexe, whom spared he? perhaphs so, saith one, he quipt a sort of wicked, seditious, vulgar fellowes, as (d) Cleo (e) Clytophon, and (f) Hyperbolus: to that we assent (quoth hee againe) though it were fitter for such falts to bee taxed by the (g) Censor then by a Poet, but it was no more decent that (h) Pericles should bee snuf∣fed at, hauing so many yeares gouerned the Citty so well both in warre and peace, then it were for (i) our Plautus, or Naeuius to deride (k) Publius or Cneius Scipio, or for (l) Caecilius to mocke (m) Marcus Cato. And againe, a little after, Our twelue Tables (quoth hee) hauing decreed the obseruation but of a very few things (n) vpon paine of death, yet thought it good to establish this for one of that few, that none should (o) write or acte any verse, derogatory from the good name of any man, or preiudiciall vnto manners. Excellently well! for our liues ought not to bee the obiects for Poets to play vpon, but for lawfull magistracy, and throughly informed iustice to iudge vpon, nor is it fit that men should here them-selues reproached, but in such places as they may ans∣were and defend their owne cause in. Thus much out of Cicero in his fourth booke of The Common wealth: (which I thought good to rehearse word for word, one∣ly I was forced to leaue out some-what, and some-what to transpose it, for the easier vnderstanding. For it giues great light vnto the proposition which I (if so be I can) must prooue and make apparant.) Hee proceedeth further in this dis∣course, and in the end concludeth thus, that the ancient Romanes vtterly disliked, that any man should be either praised or dispraised vpon the stage. But as I said before, the Greekes in this, though they vsed lesse modesty, yet they followed more conuenience, seeing they saw their gods so well to approue of the repre∣sented disgraces, not onely of men, but euen of themselues, when they came vpon the stage: whether the plaies were fictions of Poetry, or true histories of their deeds. (and I wish their worshippers had held them onely worth the laughing at; and not worth imitation!) for it were too much pride in a Prince to seeke to haue his owne fame preserued, when hee sees his gods before him set theirs at six and seauen. For where as it is said in their defence, that these tales of their gods were not true, but merely poeticall inuentions, and false fictions, why this doth make it more abhominable, if you respect the purity of your religion: and if you obserue the malice of the diuil, what cūninger or more deceitful fetch can there be? For when an honest & worthy ruler of a contry is slandered, is not the slāder so much more wicked & impardonable, as this parties life that is slandered is clearer and sounder from touch of any such matter? what punishment then can be sufficient for those that offer their gods such foule and impious iniury?

L. VIVES.

CIcero (a) recordeth in his] If of all the ancient monuments of learning which are either * 1.45 wholy perished, or yet vnpublished, if I should desire any one extant, it should bee Cicero his sixe bookes de Republica. For I doubt not but the worke is admirable, and gesse but by the fragments which are extant. I doe heare that there are some that haue these bookes but they keepe them as charily as golde apples; but vntill they come forth to light let vs make vse of the coniectures, recorded in other places of Cicero his workes. (b) where Scipio] The Cornelian family amongst other sur-names, got vp that of Scipio. from one of their bloud that was as a staffe (Scipionis Vicè) to his kinde and sickly Father. Of this family * 1.46

were many famous men, of whom wee meane to speake some-what in their due places. This whom Tully brings in, speaking in his worke De Republica, was sonne vnto L. Aemilius Pau∣lus, that conquered Perseus King of Macedon. Scipio the sonne of the greater Scipio African adopted him for his sonne, and so he was called Aemilianus, of the stock of whence he was dis∣cended. He razed Carthage and Numance. (c) The Comedian,] this was the olde Comedy, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and of this we said before, that the citizens for feare of being brought vpon the stage, would either begin to liue well (if so they intended) or at least forbeare to bee seene do euill. * 1.47 Socrates said it was meete to expose ones selfe freely to the Comick Pen; for if they write true of our vices, they are a meane to reforme vs: if they write false, it concernes not vs. Yet euen Socrates himselfe that innocent hurtlesse man was mocked by Aristophanes in his Nebulae, a knauish comedie, set forth onely to that end. And this was one of the greatest proofes, that the * 1.48 Poets of this Old kinde of Comedy, at that time had mercenarie Pens, and followed peruerse and maleuolent affects.

(c) Cleon,] hee was a Lether-seller, a seditious fellow, enemy to Nicias, Demosthenes, * 1.49 and almost vnto all honest men: yet no euill souldior, if wee may trust Thucidides and * 1.50 Plutarch: against him, did Aristophanes make a comedy, and hee called it Equites, the Knights: and when the Poet would haue presented this view of Cleons extortion and tyr∣ranous rapine to the people, the workeman durst not make a visar like Cleons face, for feare of his power: So the Poet was faine to dawbe the actors faces with wine lees: and yet they being afraid to enter vpon the Stage, Aristophanes himselfe came forth alone and acted Cleon, so great was his rancour against him. For which afterwards hee was accused of Cleon, and fined at fiue talents as himselfe complaineth in his comedy called Acharnenses, that is, hee cast vp as much as hee had taken in, for perhaps Demosthenes and Nicias had hired him to write it, as Melitus & Anitus, Socrates his enemies gotte him with money to pen that comedie called Nephelis. He was a man that wrote much when he was drunke. This Cleon, Plutarch mentioneth in his Politickes also.

(e) Cleophon] This fellow (saith Plutarch) was such another as Cleon. (f) Hy∣perbolus,] * 1.51 Thucidides and Plutarch, and Lucian also in his Misanthropus, do mention this fellow with the additions of a wicked Cittizen, and affirme that he was banished the Citty by the law, of Ostracisme, (a kinde of suffrage-giuing) not for any feare of his power & dignitie, as others were, but as the common shame and scandall of the whole towne. Cicero in his Brutus speaking of Glaucias saith: He was a man most like Hyperbolus of Athens, whose vile conditions the olde Athenian Comedies gaue such bitter notes of. That he was taxed by Eupolis, Quintilian intima•…•…es in his first booke of his Institutions, speaking of Musick. And Caelius Rhodoginus hath a whole Chapter of him. Lection. Antiqu•…•…r. lib. 9. (g) Of the Censor,] Euery fift yeare the Romaines elected two, to ouer-see the Census, that is, to estimate and Iudge of the wealth, manners, and * 1.52 esteeme of euery particular citizen. And herevpon they were called Censors, (for as Festus saith, euery one held himselfe worth so much as they rated him at,) and the Maisters of the manners. So saith Cicero vnto Appius Pulcher. (h) Pericles] This man, by his eloquence and other ciuill * 1.53 institutions, did so winne the hearts of the Athenians to him, that he was made the gouernor of that common-weale for many yeares together, being euer both wise and fortunate, in warres abroad, and in peace at home. Eupolis an old Comedian saith, that On his lips sat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, the Goddesse of perswasion, whom fully (de oratore lib. 3) calleth Lepor, Eanius Suada, and Horace * 1.54 (by the diminutiue) Suadela: of the matter of those verses, Cicero and Quintilian make very of∣ten vse in Greeke fragments: for the whole Comedies of Eupolis, and many more, are now lost. These verses are extant in the first Booke of Plinius •…•…ecilius his Epistles, and part of them also in Suidas. I much maruell that Politian mentions neither of them in his Chapter of his Centaures, where hee speaketh of this. The verses hee hath out of one of Aristides his inter∣pretours, whom he nameth not. Indeed I deny not but that there are more of his verses, then are either in Suidas or Plinie.

Aristophanes also, the ancient Comedian said that Pericles cast lightning and thunder from his lippes, and confounded all Greece. And this both Eupolis and hee spake in the powring out of their callumnies against him, as Tully (de orat. lib. 3. & de perfecto oratore.) and Quintilian (liber. 12.) doe both affirme. The Comedian scoffed also at his long shaped head, and therefore hee was alwayes pictured in his Helmitte. (i) For our Plautus,] Li∣uie was the first Latine Poet, as I haue sayd before, and next after him, Naeuius, who

serued as a souldiar in the first warre of Affricke: Then, Plautus, almost of the same time with Naeuius: hee left many comedies, the most part whereof wee haue, and there was no part of * 1.55 all that, or the following age that pleased better then hee. Scipio calleth him Our Plautus, not that he euer knew him, but because he was a latine Poet, and he had spoken of the Greekes be∣fore (k) P. or C. Scipio] These were brethren and as Seruius saith twinnes. Publius was father to the Greater Scipio Affrican, Cneius vnto Nasica that good man, of whom wee spake be∣fore. They were both slaine in Spaine by the Africanes in the second Carthaginian warre, * 1.56 which began in the Consulship of Publius. Tully in his Oration for Cornelius Gallus, calles these two brethren the two Thunderbolts of the Empire: and some say that that verse of Virgill is meant of them.

—Geminos duo fulmina belli, Scipiadas—. Aenaed 6. Scipiades belli •…•…ulmen, Carthaginis horror—&c.

—two thunderbolts of warre, The Scipios—taking it out of Lucretius. Warres thunder Scipio, Carthages dread feare &c.

So that these Poets liued in their times. (l) Or Caecilius] Caecilius Statius liued in the Ma∣cedonian, * 1.57 and Asian warre, and was chamber-fellow with Ennius. Volcatius Sedigitus giues him the pricke and praise for Commedy, and Horace approoues his grauity. We haue nothing * 1.58 of his now extant. Tully seemes not to like of his phrase. (m) Marcus Cato] The Elder, hee that first made the Portian family honorable: hee was borne at Tusculum, and attained the honor of Consul, Triumph, and Censor. Beeing but of meane discent, the nobility enuied him wholy: but his authority with the Commonalty was very great: he liued in the times of Enni∣us and Caecilius. (n) Few things vpon paine of death] There were very few crimes with the old Romanes punished with death, and farre fewer in the times that followed: for the Portian * 1.59 lawe forbad the death of any condemned Citizen, allowing onely his banishment. So that it being held death-worthy to depraue any man by writing, proues that the Romanes were ex∣treamely afraid of infamy. But here let the Reader obserue the meaning of this law, out of Fes∣tus: * 1.60 who speaking of this Capitis Diminutio, this Capitall Punishment writeth thus, He is said to be capite diminutus, capitally punished, that is banished, that of a free man is made a bond∣slaue to another, that is forbidden fire and water, and this the Lawiers call, Maxima capitis di∣minutio, the most capitall punishment of all. For there are three kindes of it: the greatest, the meane, and the smallest. This I thought good to set downe, not out of mine owne iudgement: Horace writeth thus vnto Augustus.

—Quin etiam lex Paena{que} dicta, malo quae nollet carmine quenquam Describi: vertêre modum formidine fustis, &c.

—besides a penall law Frobidding all such verse as shame prouokes: So changed they their notes for feare of stroakes &c.

Porphiry vpon this place saith he that wrote infamous verses vpon any man, was iudged to be beaten with clubs: But Acron maketh Horace to speake metaphorically, (o) Acte] The old booke hath occenàsset, should sing out, and I thinke better then otherwise: the ancient Latinists (saith Festus) vsed occentare, for the same for which we vse conuitium facere, to mocke, * 1.61 or reproach: which was done aloud, and as it were sung out vnto others hearing a farre off, and this was held dishonest.

That the diuills through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe were wil∣ling to haue any villanies reported of them, whither true or false. CHAP. 10.

BVt those wicked spirits, whō these mē take to be gods, were desirous to haue such beastly stories spred abroad of thē, (though they themselues had neuer acted any such thing) only to keep mens mindes inueigled in such bestiall opini∣ons, as it were in snares, or nets, and by that meanes to draw them to predestinate

damation for company: whether it bee true that such men as those that loue to liue in errors, doe select for gods, did themselues commit any such things (for which the diuills set themselues out to be adored, by a thousand seuerall trickes of hurtfull deceite:) or that there were no such things done at all, but onely, those malicious and suttle diuills doe cause them to bee faigned of the gods, to the end that there might bee sufficient authoritie, deriued as it were from heauen to earth, for men to commit all filthinesse by. Therefore the Grecians, seeing that they had such gods as these to serue, thought it not fit to take away any li∣berty from the Poets in vsing these stage-mockes and shames: •…•…dt is they did either for feare least their gods should bee prouoked to anger against them, in case they went about to make themselues into more honest moulds then they were, and so seeme to preferre themselues before them; or els for desire to bee made like their gods, euen in these greatest enormities. And from this imagi∣ned conuenience came it, that they hold the very (a) actors of such plaies, to bee worthy of honours in their Cities. For in the same booke Of the Common-wealth; (b) Aeschines, of Athens, an (c) eloquent man, hauing beene an Actor of Tra∣gedies in his youth, is sayd to haue borne office in the Common-wealth. And Aristodemus (d) another actor of Tragedies was sent by the Athenians vpon an Embassage to Phillip, about especiall and weighty affaires of warre and peace. For they held it an vnmete thing (seeing they saw their gods approue of those actions, and artes of playing,) to repute those worthy of any note of infamy, that were but the actors of them.

L. VIVES.

THe very (a) actors] Aemilus Probus speaking of the Greekish fashions saith. In those coun∣tries it was no disgrace for any man to come vpon the stage, and set himselfe as a spectacle to the people: which wee hold for partly infamous, and partly base and vnworthy of an honest man. (b) Aeschines] An •…•…rator of Athens, enemie to Demosthenes hee acted Tragedies vpon the stage. And therefore Demosthenes in his Oration de Corona calles him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, An apish trage∣dian, * 1.62 or a tragicall ape. Quintilian saith hee was Hypocrita, that is Histrio, a stage-plaier. Plutarche (in 10. Rhetoribus) saith hee was an Actor of Tragedies: So saith Philostratus also in his booke De sophistis, and that he did not leaue his country through con∣straint, or banishment, but beeing iudged to bee ouercome in a contention by •…•…tesiphon, hee went away vnto Alexander, who as then was Emperor of Asia: but hearing that hee was dead before he came at him, hee bent his course for Rhodes, and liking the sweet aptnesse vnto study that that soile afforded, hee settled himselfe there. Aeschines himselfe in an Epistle hee wrote to the Athenians, seemes to affirme, that hee had giuen ouer his stage-playing before hee bore any place in the Common-wealth (c) an eloquent man] That hee was most eloquent, is most plaine: as also that his voice was sweete, and full: and some there are that asigne him next dignity vnto Demosthenes: nature gaue him more worth then industry: Some say hee was scholler vnto no man: but of a sudden from a scribe hee became an oratour, and that his first oration was against Phillip of Macedon: and hereby hee got such fauor and credite amongst the people, that they sent him Embassadour to the same King. Others asigne him Plato, and Isocrates for his Maisters, and some Leodamas: This Rhodian Rhetorik•…•…; was a certaine meane, betweene the Asian and the Athenian. Aeschines inuented and taught it in his schoole at Rhodes after his retirement thether (d) Aristodemus another actor] This man as Demosthenes writeth, went Embassadour to King Philippe with Demosthenes himselfe, and Aeschines. This * 1.63 is hee, who, when Demosthenes asked him what fee hee had for pleading, answered, a talent: I but (quoth Demosthenes) I had more for holding of my tongue. Critolaus repor∣teth this.

That the Grecians admitted their Plaiers to beare office in their Commonwealths, least they should seeme vniust in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their Gods. CHAP. 11.

THis was the Grecians practise: absurd inough howsoeuer, but yet most fitly applied vnto the nature of their gods: (a) they durst not exempt the liues of their cittizens from the lashes of poeticall pennes and plaiers tongues, because they saw their gods delighted at the traducing of themselues: and they thought surely, that those men that acted such things vpon the stage, as pleased the gods, ought not to be disliked at any hand by them that were but seruāts to those gods: Nay not onely, that, but that they ought to bee absolutely and highly honored by their fellow Cittizens: for what reason could they finde, for the honoring of the Priests that offered the sacrifices which the gods accepted well of, and yet allowe the actors to bee disgracefully thought of, who had learnt their profession by the speciall appointment of the selfe same gods, that exact these celebrations of them, and are displeased if they bee not sollemnized? Especially seeing that (b) Labeo, (who they say was most exact in these matters) distinguisheth the good spirits from the badde by this diuersity of their worshippes, that (c) the badde ones are delighted with Slaughters, and tragicall inuocations, and the good with mirthfull reuells, and sportfull honors, such as Playes (quoth he) banquets, and (d) reuelling on beddes are; of which hereafter (so God bee pleased) wee will discourse more at large. But to our present purpose: whether it bee so that all kindes of honours bee giuen vnto all the gods mixt and confused, as vnto onely good ones: (for it is not fit to say there are any euill gods, although indeede they are all e∣uill, beeing all vncleane spirits) or that according as Labeo saith, there must bee a * 1.64 discretion vsed, and that these must haue such and such particular rites of obser∣uances asigned, and those other, others; howsoeuer, the Greekes did most con∣ueniently to hold both Priests and Plaiers worthy of honorable dignities, the Priests for offring of their sacrifices, and the Plaiers for acting of their enterludes: least otherwise, they should bee guilty of offring iniury either to all their gods, if they all loue plaies, or (which is worse) to those whom they account as the good ones, if they onely affect them.

L. VIVES.

THey (a) durst not exempt] Sisitheus presenting a Commedy wherein he scoffed at Cleanthes the Stoicke, whereas others were offended at it, they say the Philosopher himselfe replied that it were a shame for a man to fret at such things, seeing that Hercules, and Dionysius being gods, are dayly mocked thus, and yet are not displeased. (b) Labeo] There were three Labeo's; all of great skill in the ciuill law: But the most learned of them all was Antistius Labeo who * 1.65 liued in Augustus his time: he was scholler to Trebatius Testa, and was cunning not onely in the law, but in all antiquity and knowledge, being (as Gellius reports) an exact historian. But Augustus did not much affect him by reason of his great freedome of speech, and largenesse of wit: This opinion of his hee seemes to deriue from Platonisme, and Stoicisme, though with some alteration. For the Platonists held that all the gods were good: but that amongst the Daemones and Heroes, some were good and some were badde. Porphiry, in his booke of sacri∣fices saith, that a true worshipper must neuer sacrifice any liuing creature vnto the gods, but onely vnto those Daemones. And the same author in his booke De via intelligibilium, ex∣plaines more fully which are good Daemones, and which are euill. But of this, in another place. (c) the bad ones] The worse that these gods are, and the more infernall, the sadder kind of in∣uocations doe they desire to be vsed to them: so doe the Hell-gods; Pluto, Proserpine, and o∣thers: * 1.66 Lucane brings in Erichtho inuocating the infernall Deities thus:

—Sivos satis ore nefando, Pollu•…•…óque voco: si nunquam haec carmina fibris, humanis ieiuna •…•…ano: si pectora pl•…•…na Saepe de•…•…i, & laui calido prosecta cerebro: si quis, qui vestris caput extáque lancibus infant Imposuit, victurus crat.—

—If •…•…uer I •…•…uok'd In well black't phrase: if ere my charmes lackt guilt of mangling humane brests: if I haue spilt Bloud in such plenty: brought your quarters vvasht, in their ovvne braynes: if •…•…re the members gasht, I seru'd you in, vvere to reuiue.—

d. reuelling vpon beds] Hereof in the third booke.

That the Romaines in abridging that liberty (with the Poets would haue vsed vpon men,) and in allowing them to vse it vpon their gods, did herein shew, that they prized themselues aboue their gods. CHAP. 12.

BVt the Romaines (as Scipio glorieth in that booke of the common wealth) would by no meanes haue the good names and manners of their cittizens liable to the quippes and censures of the Poets, but inflicted a capitall punishment vpon all such as durst offend in that kind: which indeed (in respect of themselues) was honestly and well instituted, but in respect of their gods most proudly and irre∣ligiously, for though they knew that their gods were not onely pacient, but euen well pleased at the representing of their reproaches and exorbitances, yet would they hold them-selues more vnworthy to suffer such iniuries then their gods, thrusting such things into their sollemnities, as they auoyded from them∣selues by all rigor of lawes. Yea Scipio; dost thou commend the restraint of this poeticall liberty in taxing your persons, when thou seest it hath beene euer free to callumniate your gods? Dost thou value the (a) Court alone so much more then the Capitoll, then all Rome, nay then all heauen, that the Poets must be cur∣bed by an expresse law, from flowring at the Citizens, and yet without all con∣troll of Senator, Censor, Prince, or Priest, haue free leaue to throw what slander they please vpon the gods? what? was it so vnseemely for Plautus, or Naeuius to traduce P. or Cneius Scipio; or for Caecilius to ieast vpon M. Cato? and was it seeme∣ly for (b) your Terence to animate a youth to vncleannesse, by the example of the deed of high and mighty Iupiter.

L. VIVES.

YOur (a) Court] The Court, was the place where the senate sat: here it is vsed for the Sena∣tors: * 1.67 the Capitoll, for the gods themselues, (b) your Terence] for indeed he was very familiar with Scipio and Laelius, and many thinke that they helped him in writing of his com∣medies, which he himselfe glanceth at in his prologue to his Adelphy. Memmius thinkes he meanes of Scipio, (in that Oration which he made for himselfe.) Quintilian lib, 10. Institut. Of Laelius, Cornelius Nepos maketh mention, and Tully also in one of his epistles vnto Atticus: but from other mens reports.

That the Romaines might haue obserued their gods vnworthynesse, by their desires of such obscaene solemnities. CHAP. 13.

IT might be, Scipio (were he aliue againe) would answer mee thus; How can we possibly set any penalty vpon such things as our gods them-selues do make

sacred, by their owne expresse induction of those playes into our customes, and by annexing them to the celebration of their sacrifices and honors, wherein such things are euer to be acted and celebrated? But why then (say I againe) doe not you discerne them by this impurity to be no true gods, nor worthy of any diuine honors at all: for if it bee altogether vnmeete for you to honor such men as loue to see and set forth Playes that are stuffed with the reproche of the Romaines, how then can you iudge them to bee gods, how then can you but hold them for vncleane spirits, that through desire to deceiue others, require it as part of their greatest honors to be cast in the teeth with their owne filthinesses? Indeed the Ro∣maines, though they were lockt in those chaines of hurtfull superstition, and ser∣ued such gods as they saw required such dishonest spectacles at their hands, yet had they such a care of their owne honestie and dignitie, that they would neuer voutchsafe the actors of such vile things, any honor in their common-wealth, as the Greekes did: but according to Scipio his words in Cicero: Seeing that (a) they held the art of stage-playing as base and vnmanly, therefore they did not onely detaine all the honours of the Cittie from such kinde of men, but appointed the (b) Censors in their views, to remooue them from being part of any tribe, and would not voutchsafe them to be counted as members of the Cittie. A worthy decree, and well beseeming the Romaine wisdome; yet this wisdome would I haue to imitate and follow it selfe: Rightly hath the councell of the cittie in this well desiring and deseruing commendations, (shewing it selfe to be in this, (c) truly Romaine,) appointed that whosoeuer will choose of a Cittizen of Rome to become a Player, he should not onely liue secluded from all honors, but by the Censors censure should bee made vtterly vncapable of liuing as a member of his proper tribe. But now tell mee but this, why the Players should be branded with inhability to beare honors, and yet the Playes they acte, inserted into the celebration of the gods honors? The Romaine (d) valour flourished a long time, vnacquainted with these theater-tricks: suppose then that mens vaine affections gaue them their first induction, and that they crept in by the errours of mans decayed members, doth it hence follow that the gods must take delight in them, or desire them? if so, why then is the Player debased, by whom the god is pleased? and with what face can you scandalize the actors and instruments of such stage-guilt, and yet adore the exacters and com∣manders of these actions? This now is the controuersie betweene the Greekes and the Romaines. The Greekes thinke that they haue good reason to honor these Players, seeing that they must honour them that require these playes: the Ro∣maines on the other side, are so farre from gracing them, that they will not allow them place in a (e) Plebeyan tribe, much lesse in the court or Senate, but holds them disgracefull to all callings: Now in this disputation, this onely argument giues the vp-shot of all the controuersie. (f) The Greekes propound; If such gods be to be worshipped, then such actors are also to be held as honorable: The Romaines assume: But such actors are no way to bee held as honorable: The Christians conclude, Therefore such gods are no way to be worshipped.

L. VIVES.

SEing that (a) they held the arte,] It must of force be granted that the Players were the most pernicious men of conditions that could be, and the vilest in their villanies: because * 1.68 they could not be allowed for Cittizens of that Cittie, which harboured so many thousands of wicked and vngratious fellowes, all as Cittizens. That Players were excluded from being of any tribe, and exempt from paying any taxe, Liuie and Ualerius doe both testifie: vnlesse * 1.69 authoritie made them such; for that seemes as a constraint: as befell to Decimus Laberius,

whom Nero requested to acte a Mimike of his vpon the stage: and yet hee neuerthelesse was * 1.70 after that, a gentleman of Rome. For hee that is forced to offend the law, is held not to offend it. But from this decree of plaiers exclusion, the Actors of the Comedies called Attelanae were exempted, for their comedies were more graue, and their iests came nearer to the old * 1.71 Italian forme of discipline: Liu: and Valer. And therefore they vsed no Visars on the stage, as the rest did. Festus (b) The Censors in their view] Which went ouer the estate and conditi∣ons of euery man, euery fifth yeare (c) truely Romane] The text is Germané Romanum. The Latines vse Germané, for truely, natiuely, expressly, and naturally: So doth Cicero (to shut vp all examples in one) in his fifth oration against Verres: As then (quoth he) I said much, and this a∣mongst the rest to shew plainely the great difference betweene him, and that same Numidicum Ve∣rum & Germanum, that true and expressly Numidian, Metellus: So say we Germanè Romanum, * 1.72 truely Romane. Romane is here vsed by Augustine for Generous, and honestly bent. (d) the Ro∣mane valor florished a long time] Very neere foure hundred years. (e) Plebeyan] There were three orders of Roman Citizens: the Senatorians, the Patricians, and the Plebeyans; which were the lowest: of these hereafter. He doth not say, a Plebeyan tribe, as though there were any such distinct one, but because there were Plebeyans, men of the base and common sort, in euery tribe. (f) the Greekes propound thus:] The Logicians, and the Rhetoricians following them, diuide a perfect argument (called by the Greekes Syllogismus, by the Latines, Ratiocinatio) in∣to * 1.73 three parts: the first that includes and declares the summe of the argument: this is called the proposition, or exposition, the second which assuming from the proposition, selects an espe∣ciall thing which wee are to know more fully: and this is called the Assumption: The third, shuts vp the argument, and is called the Conclusion. How these are placed in discourse, it mak∣eth no matter: the conclusion is sometimes before, and the assumption often-times the second, or the last [And here our false Logicians spoile all; out of their ignorance of all good artes: and * 1.74 thinke that change of place doth alter the nature of things: lying as fast as they can in∣uent: and seeming in the schooles more then men, in ciuill conuersation abroade are lesse then children.]

That Plato, who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned City, shewed that his sole worth was better then those gods, that desire to be honoured with stage∣plaies. CHAP. 14.

AGaine, we aske another question: why the Poets that make those Comedies, (and being prohibited by a law of the twelue tables to defame the Citizens, yet doe dishonor the gods with such foule imputations,) are not reputed as dis∣honest and disgracefull as the plaiers? what reason can bee produced, why the (a) actors of such poeticall figments, being so ignominious to the gods, should be deputed infamous, and yet the authors be voutchsafed honours? Is not (b) Plato more praise-worthy then you all, who disputing of the true perfection of a citty would haue Poets banished from that society, as enemies to the cities full per∣fection? hee had both a greefe to see his gods so iniured, and a care to keepe out these fictions whereby the cittizens mindes might bee abused: Now make but a comparison of his (c) humanity in expelling of Poets from his city, least they should delude it with the gods diuinity that desired such Plaies and Reuells in their honours; by which the city might be deluded: He, though he did not (d) in∣duce or perswade them to it, yet aduised and counselled the light and luxurious Greekes in his disputation, to restraine the writing of such things: But these gods, by command, and constraint, euen forced the modest and staied Romanes to pre∣sent them with such things: nay not only to present them, but euen to dedicate and consecrate them in all sollemnity vnto their honors. Now to which of these may the citty with most honesty ascribe diuine worship? whether to Plato that would forbid these filthy obscaenities, or to these diuils that exult in deluding of those men whom Plato could not perswade to truth? This man did (e) Labeo think meet to be reckned amongst the Demi-gods, as he did Hercules also, & Romulus: & he prefers the Demi-gods before the Heroës, but notwithstanding (f) makes deities * 1.75

of them both: But howsoeuer, I hold this man whom he calls a Demi-god, worthy to be preferred not only before the Heroës, but euen before all their other gods themselues: And in this the Romaine lawes doe come some-what nere his dispu∣tations: for where as he condemnes all allowance of Poets, they depriue them of their liberty to raile at any man. He (g) excludeth Poets from dwelling in his ci∣tie: they depriue the actors of poeticall fables from the priuiledges of citizens: and it may be (if they durst do ought against gods that require such stage-games) they would thrust them forth for altogither. Wherefore the Romanes can nei∣ther receiue nor expect any morall instructions, either for correcting of falts, or increasing verues, from those gods, whom their owne lawes already doe subuert and conuince. The gods require plaies for increase of their honors: the Romans exclude plaiers from pertaking of theirs: the gods require their owne falts to be celebrated by poets inuentions: the Romaines restraine the Poets loosenesse frō touching any of the Romaines imperfections. But Plato, that Demi-god, he both resists this impure affection of the gods, and shewes what ought to bee perfected by the (h) towardlinesse of the Romaines: denying Poets all place in a well or∣dered Common-welth, howsoeuer, whether they presented the figments of their owne lusts and fancies, or related ought els as the guilt of the gods, & therfore of imitable exāples: But we Christians make Plato neither whole God nor Demigod: nor do we vouchsafe to compare him with any of Gods Angels, or his Prophets, not with any of Christs Apostles or his Martirs, no not with any Christian man, and why we will not, by Gods help, in the due place we will declare. But notwith∣standing, seeing they wil needs haue him a Demi-god, we thinke him worthy to be preferred, (if not before Romulus or Hercules though there was neuer (i) historian, nor (k) Poet (l) affirmed, or (m) fained, (n) that he euer killed his brother, (o) or committed any other mischiuous act, yet at least) before (p) Priapus or any (q) Cy∣nocephalus, or lastly any (r) Febris, all which the Romaines either had as (s) Gods frō strangers, or set them vp as their (t) owne in peculiar. How then could such gods as these by any counsel they could giue, preuent or cure such great corrup∣tion of mindes and maner (whether imminent, or already infused) seeing they re∣garded nothing els but to diffuse and augment this contagion of wickednes, & to haue it instilled into the peoples notices from the stage, as their own acts, or acts which they approue, to the end, y^t mans lust might ru•…•…he course of wickednesse freely, after the gods exāples? Tully exclaimeth all in vaine vpon it (u) who being to speake of Poets, when he came to them saith: The clamor and approbation of the people, when it is ioyned with these poeticall fictions, as the testimony of some great and learned Maister, oh what darknesse doth it involue a man in? what fears it inflicts, what lusts it enflames?

L. VIVES.

THe (a) actors] There are actors, ab agendo, of acting: plaiers vpon the stage, & Authores, the Authors, the Poets that write these fables: though the name of Author is taken many waies; * 1.76 but this is a Grammer question. (b) Is not Plato] Plato (de rep. lib. 2.) expels al Poets out of a well ordered citty, for the wickednes which they sing of the gods: & (in the tenth booke of the same worke) Socrates hauing spoken much against them, concludeth al in this, y^t he holds that poetry only fit to be excluded, which giues life to vnmanly affections: & that to be allowed,' which is manly, & honest: So y^t he condemnes not all poetry, for sometimes he calls Poets, a diuine kinde of men, namely when they sing himmes to the Deities: more-ouer hee saith that if the Poets doe sing of any good man, though he be pore, he is happy: & againe that an euil man though he bee ritch their songs wil make him miserable: if they exceed not in loosenesse, nor yeeld to rancour nor consent vnto flattery, nor in their songs sowe seeds of corruption, such poets are profitable * 1.77 members in Plato's commonwealth. (c) His humanity] Humanity is not taken here for any natural gentlenesse or courtesie of y^e minde, or mans good wil, called in Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not for any

knowledge of y^e liberal arts which the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but for that nature, by which wee are men: as goodnesse is that by w^t we are good: the sence following proues it, for it is compared vnto diuinity & in this signification it is also vsed elsewere as in Tully (de orat lib. I.) (d) Though hee did not induce] Imaruaile much that our Philosophers & Diuines could not out of this place learn * 1.78 the difference of Suadeo, & Persuadeo. But they (which is very nere a miracle) vnderstand latine without knowing the latine tongue, and are very perfect Grecians, and can read neuer a word of Greeke: indeed in Greek, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is both suadere, to aduise or counsel, and persuadere to perswade or induce. (e) This man did Labeo] Here wil I deliuer the orders of the gods; first out of Uar∣ro, and next out of other bookes of the Platonists. The Romains call some of their goddes Summi, the highest: others Medioxumi middle-most: others Heroes infimi, or earthly ones: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the ancients (as Capella affirmeth) called Earth. The Medioxumi were such * 1.79 as were taken vppe to heauen by their deserts: as Tulli saith: (in his booke De legibus:) that is Semi-gods, or as it were a kind of Mungrels begot of mortallity and immortallity; such were Romulus, Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, with others. The Heroes were born of mortal parents on both sides, but by their merits got a more aduanced state in desteny then the residue of the vulgar. Some to adde vnto these another kinde, called Semones: but of them else-where. (f) Makes Deities of them both] Such as here in this world liued wel and holily, the old Ro∣mains did stil put into the number of the gods when they were dead, and assigned them feastes called Necya. Cicero de legibus lib. 2. (g) He excludeth Poets] In the old copy of Bruges, and * 1.80 Coleigne, the verbe repellit, is left out, and for Poeticarum here, is talium in them. (h) Froward∣nesse of] By their begun vertue, their proofe and demonstration of goodnesse, though some∣times towardlynesse stands for full vertue it selfe: but here it is as I said, and is declared by * 1.81 that which goes before; What was to be performed. (i) Historian.] As there are that do of Ro∣mulus. (k) Poet.] As do of Hercules. (l) Affirmed.] The Historian did not. (m) Fained.] The Poet did not. (n) That he euer killed his brother] Which Romulus did, in killing of Remus. (o) Or committed any other mischieuous act, as is true of Hercules, who defiled the whole world with whoredomes, rapines, robberies and slaughters: yet they thought y^t the world was purged of such guilts by him. (p) Before Priapus] Diodorus saith that Priapus was made a god * 1.82 vppon this occasion: Osiris King of Egipt beeing murthered by the wicked villeny of his brother Tiphon, the conspirators cutte all his body in peeces, and euery one tooke a share, and because no man would take the priuie members, they threw them into the Riuer Nilus. Afterwards Isis the wife of Osiris hauing ouercome Tiphon, she found all the parts of hir husbands body, but the fore-named, which being lost, shee consecrated them, and instituted their diuine worship with many ceremonies, and such as were admitted to be Priests in Aegipt, offered their first sacrifices vnto this: calling it Priapus by an vnknowne name, which to couer the dishonesty of the thing ment, the honest ancients vsed. The Greeks call this God Phallus, * 1.83 and Ihtyphallus. Of this these verses are extant in Collumella: lib. 11.

—Sed truncm forte dolatum Arboris antiquae nun on Uencrare Ityphally, Terriblis membri, medio qui semper in horto, Inguinibus puero, praedoni falce minetur.

—That peece of ancient tree. Adore, as Ityphallus Deitie, That ougly thing: which in the garden stands Gainst bo•…•…es & theeues, with armed gro•…•…ne and hands.

For he was the Keeper of gardens: Diodorus saith he was also called Tiphon, and makes him the son of Uenus and Dionysius: borne (as Seruius and Ualerius Flaccus say) at Lampsacium, a citty in Hellespont and that therefore was named Lampsasenus, and Hellespontiacus. Virgill Georgi•…•….

Et custo furum et{que} •…•…uium, cum falce saligna Hellespontiaci seruit tutela Priapi.

And Priap us of Hellespont, with his hooke, Of Willow, wel to birds and the eues will looke,

And in the Lusus in Priapum, Priapus speaketh thus.

—Patria m•…•…ctaber, et olim Ille •…•…uus ciuis Lampsace, Gallus •…•…o.

Ile loose my country: Lampsacus euen hee That was borne thine, now Cibels Priest will bee.

Some say hee was borne in the citty Priapus, not farre from Lampsacus, neare vnto the vine∣yeards. Strabo thinks his deification was first from Hellespont. But a new God he is, for Hesiod knew no such in his time: Fulgentius makes him one of y^• Semones, & saith he is not yet taken vp * 1.84 into heauen, his deserts ar so slender. (q) Cynocephalus] y^• is indeed, Dogs-head. Diodorus (lib. 4.)

saith that the Cynocephali were a people of humane shape and voyce, but headed like Dogges: a Barbarous and cruell kind of creatures, and many of them liued in the Ilands of Nilus. Osiris had a Sonne called Anubis, who following his father in his trauells, bore the Dogge for his armes: and hence it came that he was worshipped in Egypt in the shape of this creature, * 1.85 and called (by Virgil Aenead. 8) Latrator, the barker, as also because he was held the keeper of the bodies of Osiris and Isis. Some thinke that this was Mercurius, and called thus for his quicke capacity and apprehention. (r) Febris] The Romaines erected many altars vnto Febris: Cicero maketh mention of one ancient one that stood in the mount Palatine (de legib. lib. 2.) * 1.86 and of the same Valerius also (in Antiquanstitut.) and Plinye lib. 2. do speake: as also of ano∣ther that was placed in the Court of Marius his monuments, and a third at the vpper end of the long street (s) Gods from strangers] Lucan speaketh to Egypt.

Nosin templa tuam Romana accepimus Isim, sc•…•…icanesque Deos & sistra mouentia luctum,

We in Romes temples now thine •…•…is place. thy Halfe-dog Gods, and hornes that woes do raise.

(t) There owne in peculiar as Febris] (u) who being to speake of Poets] in some bookes, the words of Tully begins at Accessisset, and not at Clamor. The whole sentence I take it is out of the booke of his common-wealth, in the third of his Tusculane questions, speaking of the causes which corrupt the seeds of vertue, which are naturally sowne within vs; he saith: Hereunto also may Poets be added, who pretending a great deale of doctrine and wisdome, are learnd, read, heard, and borne away in the mind of euery man. But when that great maister, the multitude is added also, and the whole company swarming on euery side vnto vices, then chiefely are we infected with depra∣ued opinion, and drawne from our very expresse nature. Like vnto this also he hath in his second and fourth booke, and that at large: which we but touch at, to avoyd the ouer-charging of the reader, or the booke, with tediousnes.

That flattery and not reason created some of the Romaine Gods. CHAP. 15.

BVt what other reason in the world (besides flattery) haue they to make choice of these so false and fained gods? Not voutsafinge Plato any little temple, whome notwithstanding they will haue to be a demi-god, (and one who tooke such paines in disswading the corruption of manners through the (a) de∣prauation of opinions:) and yet preferring Romulus before diuers of the gods, whom their most secret and exact doctrine doth but make (b) a semi-god, and not * 1.87 an entire deity; yet for him they appointed a (c) Flamine, (d) a kind of Priesthood so farre aboue the rest as (e) their crests did testifie that they had onely (f) three of those Flamines for three of their chiefest deities, the Diall or Iouiall for Iupiter; the Martiall, for Mars; and the Quirinall, for Romulus: for (g) the loue of his citi∣zens hauing (as it were) hoysed him vp into heauen, he was then called (h) Quiri∣nus, & kept that name euer after: and so by this you see Romulus here is preferred before Neptune & Pluto Iupiters brother nay euen before Saturne, father of them all: so that to make him great, they giue him the same Priesthood that Iupiter was honored by, & likewise they giue one to Mars, his pretended father, it may be ra∣ther for his sake then any other deuotion.

L. VIVES.

THrough (a) the deprauation of opinions] some read animi, some animis, some leaues it out, but the best, is animae (b) A semigod] Let them worship (saith Cicero in his de leg) such as haue bin and are held gods, and such as their meritts haue made celestial and instawled in heauen, as Her∣cules, Liber Pater, Aesculapius, Castor, Pollux, Quirinus. (c) A Flamine] what I meane to speake of the Flamine, shall bee out of Varro, Dionysius, Festus, Plutarch, Gellius, and Seruius.

Amongst the orders of Priests were Some of Numa Pompilius his institution, and called by the name of Flamines: their habit of their head was a hat, as the high Priest had also: but vp∣on the top of it, they wore a tufte of white wollen thred: therefore were called Flamines qua∣si Pilamines hairy, or tufted crownes: some deriue it of Pileus, a hat, but that cannot be, for so had the high Priests Some againe say their name came of Filum, a thred, because in the heate of Summer when it was to hot to weare their hats, they wrapped their heads about with thred of linnen cloth: for to go bare headed-abroade, their religion forbad them: but vpon feast daies they were bound to weare their hats in the ceremonies, Appian of Alexandria saith that the Iouiall Flamine wore his hat and vaile both vpon feast and no feast daies. Others say that they were called Flamines a Flamineo, which was a kind of yellow head-tire, but more pro∣per * 1.88 to women then them. These kind of Priests Numa first ordained, and that three of them: one for Iupiter, called the Diall of Dios, Ioue or Iouiall: one to Mars, the Martiall; and one to Quirinus, the Quirinall. Other gods might haue no Flamines, nor might one of those Gods haue more then one, but in processe of time the number increased, and became fifteene: be∣sides those which flattery consecrated to the dead Caesars, as one to C. Caesar, by Antonyes law, (which Cicero reproueth (Phillippic 2.) one to Augustus, and so to diuers others. But those that Numa made were the principall alwaies, and the principall of them was Ioues Flamin the Di∣all: he onely of all the rest went in a white Hat, and was held the most reuerend: His ceremo∣nies and lawes are recounted both by Plutarch in his Problemes and also by Gellius (lib. 10.) out of Fabius Pictor, Massurius Sabinus, Varro, and others. The lowst in degree of all the Fla∣mines, * 1.89 was the Pomonall Flamine, because Pomona, the goddesse of Apples, was of the least es∣teeme. Others there were of meane dignity, as Vulcanes, Furidàs, Father Falacers, The God∣desses that pretected mount Palatine, and mother Floràs. (d) which kind of Priesthood] Though the Flamines were of great authority yet were all obedient vnto the chiefe Priest: for so the people commanded it should be, when in the second warre of Affrike: L. Mettellus, being chiefe Priest with-held the consul Posthumus, being Mars his Flamine, and would not let him leaue his order, nor his sacrifices: and likewise in the first warre of Asia, P. Licinius, high Priest, staid Q. Fabius Pictor then Praetor and Quirinall Flamine from going into Sardinia (e) as their crests they wore] Apèx, is any thing that is added to the toppe, or highest part of a thing: * 1.90 here it is that which the Flamine bore vpon his head, his cap, or his tufte of woll. Lucane.

Et tollens opicem generoso vertice Flamen: The Flamine with his cap, and lofty crest:

Sulpitius lost his Priesthood because his crest fell of whilst he was a sacrificing, saith Valerius, (lib. 1.) The Romaines gaue not this crest but vnto their greatest men in religion: as now we giue Miters, they called it Apex (saith Seruius vpon the eight Aenead) ab apendo, which is, to ouercome: and hence comes Aptus, & Apiculum filum, that was the small tufted thred which the Flamines folded their Crests in: Fabius speaketh of these Crests and Virgill.

Hin•…•… exultantes Sal•…•…os, nudosque Laper cos, lanigerosque apices,—

Here Salii danc'd naked Lupe•…•…ci there, and there the tufted crownes. Aenead. 8.

(f) Onely three of those their chiefe and true Flamines, inheritours of the auncient Flaminshippe (g) the loue of his cittizens] Romulus being dead, the people began to suspect that the Senate had butchered him secretly amongst them-selues. So Iulius Proculus, appeased the rage of the * 1.91 multitude by affirming that hee saw Romulus ascending vp into heauen. Liuye in his first booke. Ennius brings in the people of Rome lamenting for Romulus in these words.

O Romule, Romule, dic, qualem te patriae custodem Dij genuerunt, Tu proauxisti nos intra lvmi•…•…s oras, O Pater, O genitor patriae, O sanguine diso•…•…iunde.

O Romulus, O Romulus, shevv vs, hovv they, thy countries gard, the gods begat, Thou brought vs first to light, O thou our father, thy countries father borne of heauenly seed.

(h) called Quirinus] many of such mens names haue beene chaunged after their deyfying, to make them more venerable, hauing cast of their stiles of mortality, for so was Laeda (so called * 1.92 when she was aliue) after her death and deification stiled Nemesis: and Circe, Marica: and Ino, Matuta; And Aeneas, Iupiter Indiges, Romulus was called Quirinus to gratifie the Sabines; In which respect also the Romaines were called Quirites of Cures a towne of the Sabines, or else as Ouid saith.

Siue quòd Hasta, Quiris priscis est dicta Sabinis, Bellicus a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ve•…•…t in Astra deus: Siue su•…•… Reginomenposu•…•…re Quirites Seu q•…•…a Romanis iunxerat ille Cures.

Or, for the Sabines, speares Quirites call: His weapons name made him celestiall, Or els they so enstil•…•… him herevpon because he made them, and the Cures, one.

That if the Romaine gods had had any care of Iustice, the Citie should haue had their formes of good gouernment from them, rather then to goe and bor∣row it of other nations. CHAP. 16.

IF the Romaines could haue receiued any good instructions of morality from their gods, they would neuer haue beene (a) beholding to the Athenians for * 1.93 Solons lawes, as they were, some yeares after Rome was built: which lawes not∣withstanding, they did not obserue as they receiued them, but endeauoured to better them and make them more exact; and though (b) Licurgus fained that hee gaue the Lacedemonians their lawes by y^e authorization of Apollo, yet the Romanes very wisely would not giue credence to him, (c) & therfore gaue no admission to these lawes. Indeed (d) Numa Pompilius, Romulus his sucessor is said to haue gi∣uen them some lawes: but (e) al too insufficient for the gouernment of a Cittie. He taught them many points of their religion (f) but it is not reported that hee had these institutions from the gods: Those corruptions therefore of minde, conuersation, and conditions, which were so great, that the (g) most learned men durst affirme that these were the cankers by which all Common-weales pe∣rished, though their walls stood neuer so firme; those did these gods neuer en∣deauor to with-hold from them that worshipped them, but as wee haue proued before, did rather striue to enlarge and augment them, with all their care and ful∣lest diligence.

L. VIVES.

BEholding (a) to the Athenians] In the 300. yeare after Romes building: when there had beene many contentions betweene the Patricians & the Plebeyans, they sent three Ambas∣sadours to Athens, to coppy out Solons lawes, and to learne the policy and ciuility of the rest * 1.94 of the Greekes: that the Romane estate might bee conformed and settled after the manner of the Grecians. Chaerephanes was then gouernor of Athens, it beeing the 82. Olympiade. The Ambassadors dispatched their affaires with all diligence, and returned the next yeare after, and then were the Decemuiri elected to decree lawes, and those wrote the first ten tables of the Romanes ciuill lawe, and afterwards they added two more, all which were approoued in the great Parliament called Comitia Centuriata. And these were their noblest lawes, which were written in the twelue Tables. (Liuy lib. 3. Dionys. lib. 10 & others also) (b) Lycurgus] The lawes which Lycurgus gaue (as •…•…e faigned, by Apollo's oracle) to the Lacedemonians, are very fa∣mous. The Greeke and Latine authors are full of this mans honours, and of the hard lawes which he gaue the Spartans There is a worke of Xenophons extant, onely of these lawes, and many of them are recorded in Plutarche, I neede not trouble the Reader in so plaine a matter. * 1.95 (c) therefore gaue no admission] And also, because Solons lawes were more accomodate and ap∣pliable to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 education, and mansuetude, then the rough seuere ones of Lycurgus, as Plato and Aristotle doe very well obserue. For his lawes aimed at no other end but to make the Spartanis warriers. (d) Numa Pompilius] He was borne at Cures in the country of the Sabi∣nes, and was the bestman of his time in the world. Of this man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius, and Plutarch, of his whole life, besides diuers others. (e) all to insufficient] This is plaine, for they fetched lawes frō others. (f) it is not reported] Yes, he fained that he conferred with Ae∣geria; but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse, & besides, this is known to be a fable (g) the most learned] Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa. Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin, how strong dost thou think this towne is? If the townsmen (quoth shee againe) bee well mannered, I thinke it is very strong: if treachery,

couetousnesse, and extortion, bee chased out, and then enuie, then ambition, then detraction, then periury, then flattery, then iniury, then and lastly, (which is hardest of all to get out) villa∣nie: if these be not all thrust forth, an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine.

Of the rape of the Sabine women, and diuers other wicked facts, done in Romes most ancient and honorable times. CHAP. 17.

PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes, because as Salust (a) saith: Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe: very good: (b) out of this iustice and honestie came it (I thinke) that the (c) Sabine virgins were rauished. What iuster or honester part can be plaide, then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible, rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents? But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters, was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall? There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen, then with those that did but require back their owne, which were iniuriously forced from them. Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne, in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage, that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired, by force of armes. For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe, for the con∣queror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before. But he, against all law of peace, violently forced them from such as denied him them, and then began an vniust warre with their parents, to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger. (d) Herein indeed he had good and happy successe: And albeit the (e) Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte, yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president: and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie, then to allow by any law or practise, this fact of his in forcing of women thus, to stand as an example for others to follow. Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this, that (g) after Tarquin and his children * 1.96 were expulsed Rome, (because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse.) Iunius Bru∣tus being consull, compelled (h) L. Tarquinius Collatine, husband to that Lucresse, his fellow officer, a good man, and wholy guiltlesse, to giue ouer his place, and abandon the Cittie, which vile deed of his, was done by the approbation (or at least omission) of the people, who made Collatine Consul, aswell as Brutus himself. Out of this iustice and honesty came this also, that (h) Marcus Camillus that most * 1.97 illustrious worthy of his time, that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes, the greatest foes of the Romaines, and tooke their cheefe citty from them: after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war, and foiled their armies so often, that Rome hir selfe began to tremble, and suspected hir owne safety: that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies, and the insupportable pride of the Tri∣bunes, being accused of guilt, & perceiuing the citty (which he had preserued) so vngrateful, that he needs must be condemned, was glad to betake him-selfe to wil∣ling banishment: and yet (i) in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses (k) Be∣ing soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules. It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormi∣ties which that citty hath giuen act vnto: (l) The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection: the people againe on the other side scorning to be * 1.98 subiect to them, and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at supe∣riority and conquest, then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty.

L. VIVES.

SAlust (a) saith] In his warre of Catiline, speaking of the ancient Romaines, he saith thus: The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes, or instilled into the manners by verball * 1.99 instructions. Good, is the fount, moderatour and reformer of all lawe: all which is done by the Iud∣ges * 1.100 prudence, adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause, and laying the lawe to the cause, not the cause to the lawe. As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule, (Ethic. 4.) This is al∣so * 1.101 termed right & reason; as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason, then any nationall lawe. Crassus (saith Tully in his Brutus) spake much at that time against that writing, and yet but in right and reason, It is also called equitie'. That place (saith Cicero for Caecinna) you feare, and flie, and seeke (as I may say) to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie, into the straite of words, and into all the literall corners: in this notwithstand∣ing (saith Quintilian) the iudges nature is to bee obserued, whether it be rather opposed to the lawe, then vnto equitie, or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes: But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pan∣dects: explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand: Ius est ars aequi & boni. This mans sharpenesse of witte, quicknesse of iudgement, fulnesse of diligence, and * 1.102 greatnesse of learning, no Frenchman euer paralleld, nor in these times any Italian. There is no∣thing extant in Greeke or Latine, but he hath read it, and read it ouer, and discussed it throughly: In both these toungs he is a like, and that excellently perfect. Hee speakes them both as fami∣liarly as he doth French, his naturall tongue: nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better: hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore, and out of a Latine booke, in Greeke. And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him, is no∣thing but his extemporall birthe. Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine, then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them. There is no cranke, no secret, in all these tongues, but he hath searcht it out, lookt into it, and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into light. Infinite are the significations of words, and the proprieties of phrase which onely Budaeus hath fetched out of deepest obliuion and exposed them to mens vnder∣standings. And yet all these singular and admirable guifts hath hee attained to by his owne industry alone, without helpe of any maister. O happy fertile witte! that in it selfe alone found both maister and scholler, and method of instruction! That whose tenth part others can hardly le•…•…of great and cunning maisters, he alone without helpe of others drew wholy from him∣selfe. I haue not yet sayd any thing of his knowledge in the lawe, which he alone hath begun to restore from ruine: nor of his Philosophie, whereof in his bookes De Asse, he hath giuen such proofe, as no man possibly could but such an one as had dayly conuersation with such rea∣ding of all the Philosophers, and deepe instruction in those studies. To all this may bee added that which indeed excells all things else; an honestie congruent to all this learning, so rare, and so admirable, that being but considered without the other graces of witte and learning, it might seeme the worlds miracle: his honesty no more then his learning acknowledgeth none his superior. A man that in all the diuerse actions of his life, giues his religion alwayes the first place: A man that hauing wife and many children, was neuer drawne from his true square with any profit or study to augment his estate: but euer-more swaid both himselfe and his fortunes, and directed both: Fortune could neuer lead him away, though she promised neuer so faire: he had her alwayes in his power. A man continually in court, in Embassages, yet neuer followed Princes fauours, nor nousled them with flatteries. Hee neuer augmented his patrimony, be∣cause he would neuer depart an haires-breadth from honesty: he was alwayes a seuerer censor of his owne conditions then of any others: and hauing vndergone offices which were obiects of the greatest enuie, he neuer found callumnie from any tongue, nor incurd suspition of any error, though he had to doe with a free nation, and a people as ready to accuse as froward to suspect. I see I haue forgot breuities bounds, being whirled beyond them with the loue I haue to relate the vertues of mine honored friend: now to our purpose. Salusts meaning therefore is, that as well this ciuill equitie which they call lawe, as that naturall equitie which nature produceth in the mindes of the iudicious, (and then which nothing is better, it being there∣fore called good); were no more powerfull with the Romaines in their decretall lawes, then in the naturall discretions of vnderstanding men. (b) Out of this Iustice] A most bitter Ironie: a * 1.103 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quippe. (c) That the Sabine Virgins] When as Romulus could not obtaine women of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neighbouring nations, for his cittizens to marry with, by the aduise of his grand-father

Numitor and the Senate, hee gaue it out that hee would celebrate some games in honour of Neptune the horse-rider, or Hippoposeidon: so the women, their neighbours, comming to see the sports, the Romanes tooke them all away by force, (especially the Sabines) out of the middest of the exercises. For so had Romulus and his companions resolued: the fourth month after the building of Rome as Dionysius relateth out of Fabius Pictor. Plutarch saith it was the 14. of the Calends of September, and both agreed: for the city was begun to be built the 12. of the Calends of May on the feast day called Palilia. Though Gellius (not Aulus with the Attican nights, but) another ancient writer affirmes it was in the 4. yeare that this was done: which is the likelier to be true. They tooke away (as Dionysius saith) six hundred and eighty: which I do hold for the more likely then that which other talke, of three hundred: from whence the names of the Curiae, or the wards: Iuba addeth three more to the number before. Antias Valerius * 1.104 names but fiue hundred twenty and seauen. Some say that Thalassus was not a man, but onely the signe giuen to shew them when to begin their rape. Festus, out of Varro saith it was so taken about spinning of woll: as a man would say, a panier or a basket. (d) herein indeed] Both, those nations, of whence the women were, whom they forced away, as also others whom the * 1.105 rest by their lamentable intreaties, and the feare of their owne dangers moued, tooke vp armes against the Romanes: the Sabines, the Ceninenses, the Crustumerians, and the Atennates, all com∣bined against them: Romulus seeing so dangerous a warre likely to ensue vpon him, confede∣rateth with the Hetrurians, whose powre at that time was very great: & Caelius Vibennus prince * 1.106 of Hetruria gaue Romulus aide, of whom this Mount Caelius in Rome tooke the name. His grand-father also sent him succors. So that with small adoe he ouerthrew the forces of the Ce∣ninenses, the Crustumerians, and the Attenuates: and contending with the Sabines in a doubt∣full and dangerous war, vpon a sudden by the entreaty of the women themselues the war ceas∣ed, and both the parties ioyned in league and amity together. (e) the Circensian plaies] Euery yeare was there plaies, or games celebrated vnto Neptune Equéster, and they were diuersly cal∣led: the Circensian plaies, the Great plaies, the Romane plaies: and amongst the ancients, Consua∣lia, * 1.107 of Consus a God to whom they offered sacrifice, and beleeued him to gouerne al Counsells: and of him Romulus asked instruction in all his perills, & in the doubts of those marriages. His alter was hidden in the earth: because as Plato saith, counsell ought not only to bee held •…•…oly, but secret also. (f) after Tarquin] Another Ironicall taunte. (g) L. Tarquin Collatine] The Kings being casheered out of Rome by the great Centuriall Parliament (which Seruius Tullus * 1.108 had before instituted) L Iunius Brutus, and L. Tarquin Collatine, Lucraetias husband were elec∣ted Consulls: the later of which, was son to Egerius, Tarquinius Priscus his brother, as Liuy saith But Nephew to him saith Dionysius: Brutus being desirous not onely to expell the King himselfe, but all his name with him, disanulled the magistracy of his fellow, because his name was Tarquin, and so he willingly tooke his goods, and departed the citie, going to Collatium to dwell. Now Tully (Offic. lib. 3.) confesseth that this was no very honest part of Brutus: but because it was most profitable to the assurance of the cōmon-wealth, therfore it past for an act of honesty. It hath bin obserued (saith Iulius Obsequens) that no man that euer abrogated his fel∣lowes magistracy liued his yeare to an end; the first that did so was this Brutus, the next Tiberius Gracchus, the third P. Tarquinius. (h) Marcus Camillus] This was he that tooke the City Veii, * 1.109 after ten yeares continuall siege: At that time began the Romanes first to lodge in tents, & vn∣der beast skins in winter, because they hated this people so deadly that they would not depart thence vntill the warres were ended: for euer since the raigne of Romulus for three hundred years togither held they almost continuall warre with the Veientes: Liuius lib. 5. Plutarche in Camillus his life. This Camillus being said to haue dealt vniustly in sharing the Veientane spoils amongst the people, L. Apuleius cited him to a day of hearing: But hee to auoide their enuie (though innocent of that he was charged with,) got him away to liue at Ardea, in exile. This fell out two years before the Galles tooke Rome. (i) ten thousand] Liuy saith he was fined in his absence at 15000. Assis grauis. Plutarch, at 15000. Assium. Aes And Assis graue was al one as * 1.110 my Budeus proues (k) being soone after] The Galles hauing taken Rome, Camillus hauing ga∣thered an army together of the remainder of the Allian ouerthrow was released of his exile, & in a counsell Curiaté, made Dictator by them that were besieged in the Capitoll. At first hee expelled the Galles out of the Cittie, and afterwards in the roade way to Gabii, eight miles from the Citty, hee gaue them a sore ouer-throw. (Liu. lib. 5) Thus this worthy man choose rather to remember his countries affliction then his owne priuate wronge: beeing there∣fore

stiled another Romulus. (l) the great ones] These mischieues were still on foote, for very neere fiue hundred yeares after the expelling of their kings, the Patritians, and the Plebeyans were in continuall seditions and hatreds one against another, and both conten∣ding for soueraignty: which ambition was kindeled in the people by a few turbulent Tri∣bunes, and in the nobles by a sort of ambitious Senatours, and hereof doth Lucan sing that which followeth.

Et 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consulibu•…•… turbantes iura Tribuni. Tribunes and Consulls troubling right at once.

What the history of Saluste reports of the Romains conditions, both in their times of daunger and those of security. CHAP. 18.

THerefore I will keepe a meane, and stand rather vnto the testimony of Sa∣lust himselfe, who spoke this in the Romaines Praise (whereof we but now discoursed) that iustice and honesty preuailed as much with them by nature, as by lawe: extolling those times wherein the citty (after the casting out of her kings) grew, vp to such a height in so small a space. Notwithstanding al this, this same author confesseth in (a) the very beginning of the first booke of his history, that when the sway of the state was taken from the Kings and giuen to the Consuls, (b) within a very little while after, the citty grew to be greatly troubled with the oppressing power of the great ones; and (c) the deuision of the people from the fathers vpon that cause, and diuers other daungerous dissentions; for hauing re∣corded how honestly, and in what good concord the Romaines liued together (d) betwixt the second warre of Africa, and the last; and hauing showed that it was not the loue of goodnesse, but the feare and distrust of the Carthaginians might, and per•…•…ideousnesse, that was cause of this good order, and therfore that vpon this Nasica would haue Carthage stand stil vndemolished, as a fit meane to debarre the entrance of iniquity into Rome, and to keepe in integrity by feare; he addeth presently vpon this, these words (e) But discord, auarice, ambition, and all such mis∣chiefes as prosperity is midwife vnto, grew vnto their full light after the destruction of Charthage, intimating herein, that they were sowne, & continued amongst the Romains before: which he proues in his following reason. For as for the violent of∣fensiuenesse of the greater persons (saith he) and the diuision betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians thence arising, those were mischiefes amongst vs from the beginning: nor was there any longer respect of equity or moderation amongst vs, then whilest the kings were in expelling and the citty and state quit of Tarquin, and the (f) great war of Hetruria. Thus you see, how that euen in that little space wherein after the ex∣pulsion of their Kings they embraced integrity, it was onely feare that forced them to do so, because they stood in dread of the warres, which Tarquin, vpon his expulsion being combined with the Hetrurians waged against them. Now obserue what Salust addeth, for after that (quoth he) the Senators bgan to make slaues of the people, to iudge of heades &, (g) shoulders, as bloudily & imperiously (h) as the •…•…ings did to chase men from their possessions: & only they, of the whole crue of factions, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…rial sway of al, With which outrages (& chiefely with their extreame taxes and •…•…tions) the people being sore oppressed, maintaining both soldiours in continuall armes, and paying tribute also besides, at length they stept out, tooke vp armes, and drew to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 head vpon Mount Auentine and Mount Sacer. And then they elected them 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and set downe other lawes; but the second warre of Africa gaue end to these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on both sides. Thus you see in how little a while, so soone after the

expelling of their Kings, the Romaines were become such as hee hath described them: of whom (notwithstanding) he had affirmed, that Iustice and honestie pre∣uailed as much with them by nature as by lawe. Now if those times were found to haue beene so depraued, wherein the Romaine estate is reported to haue beene most vncorrupt and absolute, what shall wee imagine may then bee spoken or thought of the succeeding ages, which by a graduall alteration (to vse the au∣thors owne words) of an honest and honorable citie, became most dishonest and dishonorable, namely after the dissolution of Carthage, as hee himselfe relateth? How he discourseth and describeth these times, you may at full behold in his hi∣storie, and what progresse this corruption of manners made through the midst of the Cities prosperitie, euen (k) vntill the time of the ciuill warres. But from that time forward, as hee reporteth, the manners of the better sort did no more fall to decay by little and little, but ranne head-long to ruine, like a swift torrent, such excesse of luxurie and auarice entring vpon the manners of the youth, that it was fitly said of Rome, that she brought forth such (l) as would neither keepe goods them-selues nor suffer others to keepe theirs. Then Salust proceeds, in a discourse of Sylla's villanies, and of other barbarous blemishes in the common∣wealth: and to his relation in this do all other writers agree in substance, though (m) they bee all farre behinde him in phrase. But here you see (and so I hope * 1.111 doe all men) that whosoeuer will obserue but this, shall easilie discouer the large gulfe of damnable viciousnesse into which this Citty was fallen, long before the comming of our heauenly King. For these things came to passe, not onely before that euer Christ our Sauiour taught in the flesh, but euen before he was borne of the Virgin, or tooke flesh at all: Seeing therefore that they dare not impute vnto their owne gods those so many and so great mischiefes, eyther the tolerable ones which they suffered before, or the fouler ones which they incurred after the de∣struction of Carthage, (howsoeuer their gods are the engraffers of such maligne opinions in mens mindes, (n) as must needs bud forth such vices,) why then do they blame Christ for the euills present, who forbids them to adore such false and deuillish gods, by his sweete and sauing doctrine, which doe condemne all these * 1.112 harmefull and vngodly affections of man by his diuine authoritie, and from all those miseries, with-drawes his flock and familie by little and little out of all pla∣ces of the declining world, to make of their companie an eternall and celestiall cittie, not by the applause of vanitie, but by the election of veritie.

L. VIVES.

THis same author (a) confesseth,] This historie of Saluste concerning the ciuill warres of Rome, wee haue lost. Onely some few Orations there are remaining. (b) Within a ve∣rie little while,] But fifteene yeares. (Liu. lib. 2.) Appius Claudius, and P. Seruilius were made Consuls for that yeare: And this yeare was made famous by the death of Tarquin the proud. * 1.113 Hee died at Cumae, whether after his wrackt estate hee retired vnto Aristodemus the Tyran. The newes of his death sturred both Patricians and Populars to ioy and mirth: but the Pa∣tricians reuells were too saucie: for then they began to offer iniury to the people, whome till that day they had obeyed. (c) The diuision.] the people diuided themselues from the Patrici∣ans, * 1.114 because of the sesse laide vpon them the seuenteenth yeare after the obtaining of their li∣berty: and againe because of the tyrannie of the Decemuiri in making cruell lawes, Anno. 303. after the building of Rome. Thirdly by reason of their debts, and the long dissentions betweene the tribunes and the Senators, some few yeares before Pirrhus his warre. (d) Betwixt the second]

There were three seuerall warres begun and ended betweene the Romaines and the Carthage∣nians: The first in Sicilie 22. yeares together, and afterwards in Affricke: it began the 390. * 1.115 yeare after the building of Rome. Appius Clandius Caudax, and Qu. Fuluius Flaccus being Consuls. So many are the yeares in Plinies 33. booke, wherein I thinke for 585. must bee read * 1.116 485. Liuy and Eutropius count not so much by thirteene yeares. The second of these warres began some 23. yeares after, P. Scipio, and T. Sempronius being Consuls: it went through Spaine, Sicily, Italy and Affricke, and there it was ended by Scipio African the elder, seuen∣teene yeeres after the first beginning of it. The third arose 49. yeares after that, Manlius, and Martius Censorinus being Consuls, it was finished three yeares after in Affrick (where it who∣ly continued) by Scipio African the yonger: and the end of this was the subuersion of Car∣thage. Of these warres more at large else-where. (e) But discorde] Saluste in his Bellum Iu∣gurthinum. (f) The great warre of Hetruria] With Porsenna the mighty King of Hetruria, * 1.117 who would haue Tarquin restored to his kingdome: and begirt the Cittie of Rome with a hard and dangerous siege: and had taken it, but that the valour of Scaeuola terrified him from per∣sisting. Liu. lib. 1. (g) Of the heads and shoulders] Of death, and other punishments. Those that the Romaines adiudged to death, they first scourged with roddes, and then killed them. Some∣times, if the fact were not very wicked, they did but onely scourge them with rodds. Besides, * 1.118 those that were sued by their creditors and brought before the Iudge, were most villanously and miserably abused, their creditours being allowed to chaine them, and beate them like their slaues: against which foule enormitie the Portian and the Sempronian laws were promulgated, which forbid that the body of any free Romaine should bee beaten either with roddes or any scourges. (h) To chase men from their possessions] For, such fields as were wonne by the valour of the people of Rome, the ritch men would first vndertake by the appointment of the Senate, to till and make fruitfull, as if they were hired by the Senate: marry afterwards, (their fellows winking at it) they would thrust the people from their right, and make themselues absolute lords of all: And herevpon were the Agrarian lawes so often put to be past, concerning the di∣uiding * 1.119 of the lands amongst the people: but were neuer mentioned without great anger in the Patriots, and huge hurly-burlies in all the Citie. (i) Mount Sacer] The people first encam∣ped * 1.120 on Mount Sacer, or the Holy Hill, a little beyond the riuer Anien, (now called Teuerone) or as Piso saith on Auentine a part of the Citie. There were the Tribunes Plebeian first elected, as Tutors of the Populars: who should stand as watches ouer the peoples good, and step between * 1.121 all iniuries that the Patriots should offer them, and be accompted as sacred men: whom if any man wronged, his head should be giuen to Iupiter for sacrifice, and his goods solde all at the temple of Ceres. The second encamping was vpon Auentine, and from thence to fill the Cittie with grearer desolation, they departed vnto Mount Sacer. And then hauing agreed with the * 1.122 Senate, they returned to Auentine againe, and there recouered their Tribunes: and from Auen∣tine they went vp to the capitoll, where in a great Parliament held by the chiefe Priest, the tri∣bunes election was assigned and confirmed. Cic. pro Cornel. de Maiestate. (k) Vnto the ciuill warres] First betwixt the Senators and the Gracchi, Tiberius first, and then Caius: and so vnto the ciuill warres betwixt Sylla and Marius. (l) As would neither keepe goods themselues] For such excessiue prodigalls, and spending whatsoeuer they could seaze on, they must needs force meanes from other mens estates to maintaine this their luxurious riotte: and so they laboured to fill a barrell full of holes. (m) They are all farre behinde him,] The pithy and succinct stile * 1.123 of Saluste was delightsome to all ages: our Critikes haue paralelld him with the Greeke Thu∣cydides; as Quintilian doth, lib. 10. (n) Must needs bud] as branches and woods vse to do: it * 1.124 is a word much vsed in the writers of husbandry, Cato and Columella: The Grecians call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Sy•…•…scere, to grow into woods and bushes, which in herbes is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Luxuriare, to growe ranke.

Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state, before that Christ abolished the worship of their Idols. CHAP. 19.

BEhold now this commonwealth of Rome, which I am not the first that affirme, but their owne writers, out of whom I speake, doe auerre, to haue declined from good by degrees, and of an honest and honorable state, to haue fallen into

the greatest dishonesty and dishonour possible. Behold, before euer Christ was come, how that Carthage beeing once out of the waie, then the Patricians man∣ners decaied no more by degrees, but ranne head-long into corruption like a swift torrent, the youth of the cittie was still so defiled with luxurie and a∣uarice.

Now let them reade vs the good counsell that their gods gaue them against this luxury and auarice: I wish they had onelie beene silent in the instructions of modesty and chastity, and had not exacted such abhominations of their wor∣shippers, vnto which by their false diuinity they gaue such pernicious autho∣rity. But let them reade our lawes, and they shall heare them, thundering out of diuine oracles and Gods cloudes (as it were) against auarice and luxurie, by the mouthes of the Prophets, by the Ghospell, the Apostles, their actes and their Epistles, so diuinely, and so excellently, all the people flocking to∣gether to heare them; not as to a vaine and iangling Philosophicall disputati∣on but as to an admonition from Heauen. And yet these wretches will not blame their gods, for letting their weale-publike bee so fowlely bespotted with enormous impieties, before the comming of Christ: but what-soeuer miserie or affliction their effeminate and vnmanlie pride hath tasted of since this comming, that the Christian Religion is sure to haue in their teeth with∣all. The good rules and precepts whereof, concerning honesty and integritie of manners, if all the Kings of the earth, and all people, Princes and all the iudges of the earth, young men and Virgins, olde men, Children, all ages and sexes capable of reason, and euen the very souldiars, and (a) taxe-takers themselues (to whome Iohn Baptist speaketh) would heare and regard well; their common-wealths would not onelie adorne this earth belowe with pre∣sent honestie, but would ascend vppe to Heauen, there to sit on the highest point of eternall glorie. But because this man doth but heare, and that man doth not regard, and the third doth despise it, and farre more doe loue the (b) stroaking hand of viciousnesse, then the rougher touch of vertue, Christs children are commaunded to endure with patience the calamities that fall vpon them by the ministers of a wicked common-wealth: bee they Kings, Princes, Iudges, Souldiours and Gouernours, ritch or poore, bound or free, of what sexe or sort soeuer, they must beare all with patience: beeing by their suffrance heere, to attaine a most glorious place in that Royall * 1.125 and (c) Imperiall Citty of Angells aboue, and in that Heauenlie common-wealth, where the will of Almightie GOD is their onelie lawe, and his lawe their will.

L. VIVES.

SOuldiours and (a) taxe-takers] Luke 3. 12. 13. Then came there Publicanes to bee baptized, and sayd vnto him, Mayster, what shall wee doe? And hee sayd vnto them, Require no more * 1.126 then that which is appointed vnto you. Require in this place, in the vulgar Latine is Facite: in the Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which as Erasmus first of all noted, is to bee translated Exigite, ex∣acte, or require, and hence it is that Saint Augustine doth rightly name the Exactores, taxe-takers, which were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Publicanes. (b) The stroaking hand of viciousnesse] Hee allu deth vnto Hesiods two waies to vice and vertue: which Virgill or as (some say) Au∣sonius immitated in that same poeme of Pythagoras his letter. (c) Imperiall] Augustissima * 1.127 it must needes bee, and not Angustissima, most straite or narrow: But withall take a certaine

Friars note with you, I had almost tould his name, who affirmed that heauens court is called Augusta heere, because the way is straight (as Christ our Sauiour saith) that leadeth vnto life: and few thera are that enter in thereat. And that his auditors might beare it the better a∣way, * 1.128 he shut it vp in this fine verse:

Arcta est via verè, quae ducit ad gaudia vitae. The way is straight and quickly mist, that leads vs vp to glories blist.

He shewed plainely that he cared not greatly for true position, or quantity of syllables, so that he made it goe roundly off, and sound well.]

Of what kinde of happinesse, and of what conditions the accusers of Christianity de∣sire to pertake. CHAP. 20.

BVt such worshippers, and such louers of those vicious gods, whome they reioyce to followe and immitate in all villanies and mischieues, those doe neuer respect the goodnesse, or the integrity of the common-wealth. No, say they, let it but stand, let it but bee ritch and victorious; or (which is best of all) let it but enioy security and peace, and what care wee? Yes mar∣rie, it doth beelong to our care, that euerie one might haue meanes to in∣crease his wealth, to nourish the expense of his continuall riot, and where∣withall the greater might still keepe vnder the meaner. Let the poore o∣bey the ritch, for their bellies sakes; and that they may liue at ease vn∣der their protections: Let the ritch abuse the poore in their huge atten∣daunces, and mynistring to their sumptuousnesse. Let the people applaude such as afford them delightes, not such as proferre them good counsells. Let nought that is hard bee enioyned, nought that is impure bee prohi∣bited. Let not the Kings care bee howe good, but howe subiect his people bee. Let not subdued Prouinces serue their Kings as reformers of their manners, but as the Lords of their Estates, and the procurers of their pleasures: Not honouring them sincerely, but fearing them seruilely. Let the lawes looke to him that lookes after another mans possessions, rather then him that lookes not after his owne life. Let no man bee brought be∣fore the Iudges, but such as haue offered violence vnto others Estates, hou∣ses, or persons. But for a mans owne, let it bee free for him to vse it as hee list, and so of other mens, if they consent. Let their bee good store of Com∣mon Harlottes, either for all that please to vse them, or for those that cannot * 1.129 keepe priuate ones. Let stately and sumptuous houses bee erected, banquets and feasts sollemnized, let a man drinke, eate, game and reuell day and night, where hee may or will: (a) let dauncing bee ordinarie in all places: let luxu∣rious and bloudy delightes fill the Theater, with dishonest wordes, and shewes, freelie, and vncontroulled. And let him bee held an enemie to the publike good, that is an opposite vnto this felicitie. Let the people turne away their eares from all such as shall assaie to disswade or alter them, let them banish them, let them kill them. Let them bee eternized for gods, that shall procure the people this happinesse, and preserue what they haue procured. Let them haue what glorie or worshippe

they will, what plaies they will, or can exact of their worshippers: onely let them worke so that this felicity stand secure from enemy, pestilence, and all o∣ther inconueniences. Now tell mee, what reasonable creature would wish such a state, (not vnto Rome, but euen) to the house of (b) Sardanapalus? which whilom King, was so farre giuen ouer to his pleasures, that he caused it to bee written vpon his graue, that hee onely as then possessed that, which his luxury in his life time had wasted: Now if those fellowes had but a King like this, that would nousle them in these impurities, and neuer controull nor correct them in any such courses, they would bee readier to erect a Temple to him, and giue him a Flamine, then euer were the old Romaines to do so vnto Romulus.

L. VIVES.

LEt (a) Dancings] Saltationes; in the Bruges copy it is Salutationes, in Coleynes it was Salutiones, but the letter v. is razed out. Surely the loue of Saluting one another was * 1.130 great in Rome. Highly was hee honored that was saluted, and well was hee mannerd, that did salute, but great plausibility attended on both: both were very popular, and great steps to powrefulnesse. Salust, in Iugurth. Truely some are verie industrious in saluting the people. All the Latines writings are full of salutations. (b) Sardanapalus] The Grecians called * 1.131 Sardanapalus, Thonos Concoloros. Hee was the last King of the Assyrians: a man throwne head-long into all kinde of pleasures. Who knowing that Arbaces the Median prepa∣red to make warres against him, resolued to trie the fortune of warre in this affaire. But bee∣ing conquered (as he was an effeminate fellow, and vnfit for all martiall exercises) hee fled vn∣to his house, and set it on fire with himselfe and all his ritches in it. Long before this, when hee was in his fullest madnesse, after pleasures, hee causes this epitaph to bee engrauen vpon his tombe. * 1.132

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.

Tully translates it thus.

Haec habeò, quae edi, quae{que} exaturata voluptas Hausit: at illa iacent multa et preclara relicta

What I consum'd, and what my guts engross't, I haue: but all the wealth I left, I lost.

What else could any man haue written (saith Aristotle in Cicero) vpon the graue of an Oxe rather then of a King? hee saith he hath that being dead, which he neuer had whilest hee liued but onely while he was a wasting of it. Chrysippus applies the verses vnto his Stoicisme: here∣of reade Athenaeus lib. 5.

Tully his opinion of the Romaine Common-wealth. CHAP. 21.

BVt if hee be scorned that said their common-wealth was most dishonest and dishonorable, and that these fellowes regard not what contagion and cor∣ruption of manners doe rage amongst them, so that their state may stand and continue, now shall they heare that it is not true that Salust saith, that their common-wealth is but become vile and so wicked, but as Cicero saith, it is absolutely gone, it is lost, and nothing of it remaines. For hee brings in Scipio (him that destroied Carthage) disputing of the weale-publike, at such time as it was (a) presaged that it would perish by that corruption which Saluste describeth. For this disputation was (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi was slaine, from which point Salust affirmeth all the great seditions to haue had their

originall, (for in those bookes there is mention made of his death.) Now Scipio hauing said (in the end of the second booke) that as in instruments that go with strings, or wind, or as in voices consorted, there is one certaine proportion of discrepant notes, vnto one harmony, the least alteration whereof is harsh in the care of the skilfull hearer: and that this concord, doth •…•…onsist of a number of contrary sounds, and yet all combined into one perfect musicall melody: so in a cittye that is gouerned by reason, of all the heighest, meane and lowest estates, as * 1.133 of soundes, there is one true concord made out of discordant natures: and that which is harmony in musike, is vnity in a citty: that this is the firmest, and surest bond of safety vnto the commonweale, and that a commonweale can neuer stand without equity: when hee had dilated at large of the benefit that equity brings to any gouernment, and of the inconuenience following the absence therof: then (c) Pilus, one of the company, begins to speake, and intreated him to handle this question more fully, and make a larger discourse of iustice, because it was then be∣come a common report (d) that a commonwealth could not be gouerned without iniustice and iniury: herevpon Scipio agreed, that this theame was to be handled more exactly, and replied: that what was as yet spoken of the commonwealth was nothing; and that they could not proceed any farther, vntill it were proued not onely that it is faulse, that a weale publike cannot stand without iniury, but also that it is true that it cannot stand without exact iustice. So the disputation concerning this point being deferred vntill the next day following, in the third booke, it is handled with great controuersie. For Pilus, he vndertakes the defence of their opinion, that hold that a state cannot be gouerned without iniustice, but with this prouision, that they should not thinke him to bee of that opinion himselfe. And he argued very diligently for this iniustice against iustice, ende∣voring by likely reasons and examples, to shew that the part hee defended was vse-full in the weale publike, and that the contrary was altogether needlesse Then (e) Laelius being intreated on all sides, stept vp, and tooke the defence of iustice in hand, and withal his knowledge, laboured to proue that nothing wrackt a citty sooner then vniustice, and that no state could stand without perfect iustice which when hee had concluded, and the question seemed to be throughly discus∣sed, Scipio betooke himselfe againe to his intermitted discourse, and first he re∣hearseth and approueth his definition of a commonwealth, wherein he said it * 1.134 was the estate of the commonty, then he determineth this, that this commonty is not meant of euery rablement of the multitude, but that it is a society, gathered toge∣ther in one consent of law, and in one participation of profite. Then he teacheth, (f) the profite of definitions in al disputations: and out of his definitions he gathe∣reth, that onely there is a commonwealth, that is, onely there is a good estate of the commonty, where iustice and honesty hath free execution, whether it be by (g) a King, by nobles, or by the whole people. But when the King be∣comes * 1.135 vniust, (whom he calleth (h) Tyranne as the Greekes do) or the nobles be vniust, (whose combination hee termeth (i) faction) or the people them-selues be vniust, for which hee cannot finde a fit name, vnlesse he should call the whole company as he called the King, a Tyran) then that this is not a vicious common-wealth, (aswas affirmed the day before) but, as the reasons depen∣ding vpon those definitions proued most directly, it is iust no common-wealth at all, for it is no Estate of the people, when the Tyran vsurpeth on it by Faction, nor is the commonty, a commonty, when it is not a society gathered

together in one consent of law and one participation of commodities, as hee had defined a commonty before. VVherefore, seeing the Romane Estate was such as Saluste doth descipher it to bee, it was now no dishonest or dishonorable Common-wealth (as hee affirmed) but it was directly no common-wealth at all: according vnto the reasons proposed in that discourse of a common-wealth (k) before so many great Princes and heads thereof: and as Tully himselfe, not speaking by Scipio or any other, but in his owne person doth demonstrate in the beginning of his fift booke: where hauing first rehearsed that verse of (l) Ennius where he saith.

Moribus antiquis res stat Romana viris{que}. Old manners, and old men vpholden Rome.

Which verse (quoth Tully) whether you respect the breuity, or the verity) mee seemeth he (m) spoake out as an oracle: for neither the men (vnlesse the city had had such manners, nor the manners, vnlesse the city, had had such men) could ei∣ther haue founded, or preserued a common-wealth of that magnitude of iustice, and Empire. And therefore before these our daies, the predecessors conditions, did still make the successors excell, and the worthy men still kept vp the ordi∣nances of honorable antiquity: But now, our age receiuing the common-wealth as an excellent picture, but almost worne out with age, hath not onely no care to renew it with such collours as it presented at first, but neuer regarded it so much, as to preserue but the bare draught (n) and lineament of it: For what re∣mainder is there now of those olde manners which this Poet saith supported Rome! doe wee not see them so cleerely worne out of vse, and now so farre from beeing followed, that they are quite forgotten? what neede I speake of them men? The manners perished (o) for want of men, the cause whereof in iustice, wee should not onely bee bound to giue an account of, but euen to answere it, as a capitall offence: It is not any mis-fortune, it is not any chance, but it is our own viciousnesse that hath taken away the whole essence of our common-wealth from vs, and left vs onely the bare name.

This was Cicero's owne confession, (p) long after Africanus his death, whom he induceth as a disputant in this worke of his of the Common-wealth, but yet (q) some-what before the comming of Christ. Which mischieues had they not beene (r) divulged vntill the encrease of Christian Religion, which of all those wretches would not haue beene ready to callumniate Christ for them? But why did their gods looke to this no better, nor helpe to saue the state of this weale-publike, whose losse and ruine Cicero bewaileth with such pittifull phrase, long afore Christ came in the flesh? Nay, let the commenders thereof obserue but in what case it was euen then when it consisted of the ancient men and their manners, whether then it nourished true Iustice or no; and whether at that time it were honest indeed, or but glossed ouer in shew! which Cicero not conceiuing what hee sayd, confesseth, in his relation thereof. But, by Gods grace, wee will consider that more fully else-where: for in the due place, I will doe what I can to make a plaine demonstration out of Cicero's owne definitions of the common-wealth and the people (spoken by Scipio and iustified by many reasons, either of Scipio's owne, or such as Tully giues him in this discourse) that the estate of Rome was neuer any true common-wealth, because it neuer was gui∣ded by true iustice: Indeed according to some other probable definitions, and after a sort, it was a kind of common-wealth: but far better gouerned by the an∣tiquity of the Romaines, then by their posterity. But there is not any true iustice

in any common-wealth whatsoeuer, but in that wherof Christ is the founder, and the ruler, if you please to call that a common-weale which we cannot deny is the weale of the commontie. (s) But if this name being els-where so common, seeme too discrepant for our subiect and phrase, truely then there is true iustice, but in that Citie wherof that holy scripture saith: Glorious things are spoken of thee, thou Cittie of God. * 1.136

L. VIVES.

IT was (a) presaged] I doe reade praesentiebat, hee foresawe, for praesciebater it was presaged. (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi] When as Tiberius Gracchus had promullgated the * 1.137 lawe Agraria, to the great griefe and amazement of the Patriotts, and would haue his tri∣buneshippe continued still, thereby to haue beene more secure against their iniuries, and had effected that no one man should possesse aboue fiue hundred acres of grounde, Scipio Nasica, beeing followed by the Senate killd him: (Scipio Africane beeing at the same∣time in warres at Numance) His body was throwne into Tyber. This Affricanus, is hee, whome Tully bringeth in disputing in his garden with Laelius and Furius of the com∣mon-wealth, * 1.138 alittle before his death. Hee was murthered (as it is thought) by the meanes of Cayus Gracchus, Tiberius his brother, and Sempronia sister to the Gracchi, and wife to Sci∣pio. (c) Then Pylus] When as betweene the second and last African warre, the Athenians sent Ambassadors to Rome, Carneades the Academicke, Critolaus the Peripatetike, and Diogenes * 1.139 the Stoik the most excellent Philosophers of that age, Carneades, either to exercise his faculty or to shew his wit, made an elegant and excellent oration for iustice, in the presence of Cato the elder, Galba, and diuers other great men: and the next day after, hee made ano∣ther for iniustice vnto the same audience, wherein hee confuted all the arguments for iustice which hee brought the day before, and alleadged more strong ones for iniustice: this he did, to shew his sect which teacheth neuer to affirme any thing, but onely to confute what o∣thers affirme. Out of the later of these orations hath L. Furius Pylus his proofes: who was held for a cunning latinist, and went about his subiect of iniustice with farre more dexterity * 1.140 of learning then the rest, to stirre vp Laelius his inuention in commendations of his contrarie. As Glauco did in Plato's 2. booke de Republ. praysing iniustice to make Socrates shew his cunning in praise of iustice. (d) That a common-wealth could not] It is an old saying: without iustice Iupiter himselfe cannot play the King: Plut. de doc. Princ. And seeing that the weale-publicke for the generall good of it selfe and liberty, is often compelled to vse ex∣tremity against the Citizens priuate, and also often-times in augmenting the owne powre, * 1.141 breaketh the lawes of equity in encroaching vpon others: both which notwithstanding fell still very well out; the Romaines altered the old saying, and made it: A weale-publike can∣not bee gouerned without iniustice. This Carneades touched, as Lactantius affirmeth, and told the Romaines themselues, who possessed all the world, that if they would bee iust, that is, restore euery man his owne they must euer returne to their cotages, and lead their liues in all pouerty and necessity. (e) Then Laelius] This controuersie doth Cicero speake of in his Lae∣lius also. (f) The benefite of a definition] Plato, Aristotle, and all the old Philosophers both held and taught that the course of all disputation ought to bee deriued first •…•…om the definition. For you cannot make a plaine discourse of any thing, vnlesse you first lay downe what it is. * 1.142 Rodolphus Agricola in his first booke de Dialectae inuentione, saith; That this manner of de∣fining is very vse-full, both for the vnderstanding of the matter, which beeing opened in the definition, it is maruellous to see how it doth as it were point out the limmite of knowledge to which all our notions must bende; and also for the authority of the disputer, for no man can bee held to vnderstand a thing more perfectly, then hee that can expresse it in a pithy and succinct definition.

Thus far Agricola, whom' Erasmus in his Prouerbes doth iustly praise: and hee it is alone * 1.143 that may be an example to vs that fortune ruleth in all things, (as Salust saith) and lighteneth or obscureth all, rather according to her pleasure then the merit and worth of the men themselues. I know not two authors in all our time nor our fathers, worthier of reading, & ob∣seruing thē Rodolphus Agricola the Phrysian: There is such abundance of wit, art, grauity, iudg∣ment,

sweetnes, eloquence & learning in al his works: and yet so few there are y^• do know him. * 1.144 He is as worthy of publike note, as either Politian or Hermolaus Barbarus, both which truly in my conceit hee doth not onely equallize, but exceedeth in Maiesty, and elegance of stile. (g) Whether it be by a King] Hee touches at the formes of Rule. For a Common-wealth is eyther swayed by the people alone: and that the Greekes call a Democraticall rule: or by a cer∣taine few: and that they cal Oligarchical vnder w^t is also contained the rule of the choycest of the common-wealth which is called Aristocracy: or the rule of the best: (They call the Nobili∣ty the best: but indeed such as were most powerfull in the State in countenance or wealth, such * 1.145 were the right Ooptimates.) And therefore there is not much difference betwixt Oligarchy and Aristocracy as Tully shewed, when he said the second part of the few Nobles: now the third * 1.146 kind of Rule is that of one called Monarchy: (h) A Tyran] In ancient times they called all Kings Tyrans, as well the best as the worst: as Uirgill and Horace do in their Poemes, for the name in Greeke, signifieth onely Dominion. Plato who was the onely man that laid downe the right forme of gouernement for a Citty, is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: A Tyran and a King. Festus thinketh (Lib. 15.) That the word was deriued from the notorious cruelty of the Tyrr∣henes: But I think rather y^t when the Athenians had brought in the Democratical gouernment, and other Citties through emulation followed their example, that was the cause that first brought the word Tyrannus into hatred and contempt: and so they called their Kings Tyrans, because they gouerned their owne wealth, but not the Common-wealth: besides that the Ro∣mains vsed it in that manner also, because they hated the name of a King deadly: and in Greece also, whosoeuer bore rule in a Citty that had before bin free, was called a Tyran, but not a King. (i) Faction] Memmius (in Salust) speaking of the Seniors, saith: They haue transferred the feare * 1.147 that their owne guilt surprized them with, vnto your slothfulnes: it is that which hath combined them in one hate, one affect and one feare: this in good men were friendship, but in euillmen it is rightly termed faction. (k) Before so many great Princes] For it is imagined that at that discourse there were present, Scipio Affrican, Caius Laelius, surnamed the wise, Lucius Furius: three, who (at that time, as Porcius saith) led the Nobility as they would: and of the yonger sort C. Fanius, Q. Scaeuola the Soothsaier, Laelius his son in law; & Quintus Tubero, al of worthy families. Ennius] There is nothing of this mans extant but a few fragments, which I intend to gather out of the Writers through which they are dispersed and set them forth together in one volume. Hee * 1.148 was borne at Rudiae (as Mela and Silius affirme) a Cittie of the Salentines, and liued first at Ta∣rentum, and afterwards at Rome. being very familiar with Cato, Galba, Flaminius, and other great men: and was made free Dennizen of the Citty by Flaminius. (m) Gaue out] Effatus, the proper word of the religion. (n) And Lineaments] A simily taken from painters; who first doe onely delineate, and line forth the figure they will draw: which is called a Monogramme: and then with their coullors they do as it were giue spirit and life vnto the dead picture. (o) Want of men] So Salust saith in Cataline y^t the times are now barren, and bring not forth a good man. (p) Long after.] About seauenty yeares. (q) Before the comming of Christ] Threescore yeares: For it is iust so long from Tullies Consulship, at which time he wrote his bookes De re∣pub. vnto the 24. yeare of Augustus his Empire, at which time Christ was borne. (r) diuul∣ged] * 1.149 So Diffamata is heere reported abroad or diuulged: and so likewise other authors vse it. And warning the Citty to looke to their safety, (Diffamauit) he reported or cryed out: (saith Apuleius (Asini lib. 4.) That his house was a fire vpon a sodain: [But it is pretty truly, y^t Remigius an interpreter of Saint Pauls Epistles saith vpon that place w^t the translatour had turned A vobis 〈◊〉〈◊〉. diffamatus est sermo domini. Thess. 1. 1. 8. For from you sounded out the Word of the Lord: This * 1.150 Commentator saith, that saint Paul being not curious in choosing of his words put Diffamatus, for Divulgatus, or Manifestus. What shall we doe with these School-doctors, that as yet can∣not tell whether Paul wrote in Greeke or in Latine? Nay, to marke but the arrogant foole∣ry of these simple fellowes: in such manner as this they will talke and prate so often about the signification of wordes, as continually they do in their Logike and Philosophy lectures: and yet they would not be held for profest Gramarians: but are very easily put out of patience if a∣ny man begin but to discusse their wordes of art a little more learnedly] (s) But if this name] It may bee hee speaketh this because a Common-wealth is a popular gouernment, but Christes Kingdome is but his alone.

That the Romaine Gods neuer respected whether the Citie were corrupted, and so brought to destruction, or no. CHAP. 22.

BVt to our present purpose: this common-wealth which they say was so good and so lawdable, before euer that Christ came, was by the iudgment of their owne most learned writers, acknowledged to bee changed into a most dishonest and dishonorable one: nay it was become no common-wealth at all, but was fal∣len into absolute destruction by their owne polluted conditions. Wherefore to haue preuented this ruine, the gods that were the patrons thereof, should (mee thinkes) haue taken the paines to haue giuen the people that honored them some precepts for reformatiō of life & maners, seeing that they had bestowed so many temples, so many priests, such varitie of ceremonious sacrifices, so many festiuall solemnities; so many & so great celebrations of plaies & enterludes vpō them. But these deuils minded nothing but their own affaires: they respected not how their worshippers liued: nay their care was to see them liue like diuels, only they bound them through feare to affoord them these honors. If they did giue them any good counsell, why then let it be produced to light and read, what lawes, of what gods giuing were they, that the (a) Gracchi condemned, to follow their turmoiles and seditions in the Citie: shew which precept of the gods, (b) Marius or (c) Cinna, or (d) Carbo violated, in their giuing action vnto the ciuill warres: which they began (e) vpon such vniust causes, followed with such crueltie and iniuries, and ended in more iniurious cruelties: or what diuine authorities (f) Sylla himselfe broke, whose life, deeds, and conditions, to heare Salust describe (and other true Historians) whose haire would not stand vp right? What is he now that will not confesse that (g) then the weale publike fell absolutely? What is he now that will dare to produce that sentence of Virgill for this corruption of manners, in the defence of their gods?

(h) Discéssere omnes adytis arisque relictis, Dij, quibus imperium hoc steterat.—Aen 2.

The gods by whom this Empire stood, left all The temples and the Altars bare.—.

But admit that this were true: then haue they no reason to raile vpon Christia∣nitie, or to say that the gods being offended at that, did forsake them: because it was their predecessors manners, that long agoe chaced all their great multitude of little gods from the cittie altars, like so many flyes. But where was all this nest of Deities, when the (i) Galles sacked the cittie, long before the ancient manners were contaminate? were they present and yet fast a sleepe? the whole cittie was all subdued at that time, onely the Capitoll remained: and that had beene surpri∣zed too, if (k) the Geese had not shewen themselues better then the gods, and waked when they were all a sleepe. And here-vpon did Rome fall almost into the (l) superstition of the Aegiptians that worship birds and beasts, for they hence∣forth kept a holy day, which they called the (m) gooses feast. But this is but by the way: I come not yet to dispute of those accidental euils, which are rather cor∣porall then mentall and inflicted by foes, or misfortunes. I am now in discourse of the staines of the minde, and manners, and how they first decayed by degrees, and afterward fell head-long into perdition: so that thence ensued so great a de∣struction to the weale-publike (though their cittie walles stood still vnbattered) that their chiefest authors doubted not to proclaime it lost and gone. Good rea∣son was it that the gods should abandon their Temples and Altars, and leaue the * 1.151 towne to iust destruction, if it had contemned their aduices of reformation. But

what might one thinke (I pray yee) of those gods, that would abide with the peo∣ple that worshipped them, and yet would they neuer teach them any meanes to leaue their vices, and follow what was good?

L. VIVES.

THE (a) Gracchi:] These were sonnes vnto Titus Gracchus (who was twise Consul, triumphed twise, and held the offices of Censor, and Augur) and Cornelia, yonger daugh∣ter * 1.152 to African the elder: they were yong men of great and admirable towardnesse: both which defending the Agrarian lawe, concerning the diuision of lands, were murdered by the offended Senate, in their Tribuneships: Tiberius by Nasica a priuate man, Caius by L. Opi∣mius the Consul, nine yeares after: the first with clubs, and stooles feete: the latter with swords: and this was the first ciuill dissension that euer came to weapons: Anno P. R. C. DCXXVII. * 1.153 (b) Marius] Arpinas was his place of birth; a man ignoble by descent: but came to be sea∣uen times Consull. Hee first conquered Iugurth, then the Cymbrians, and Teutishmen, and tri∣umphed of all these: at last enuying and hating Sylla, who was his legate in the warre of Iu∣gurthe, he fell to ciuill warres with him, wherein Marius was put to the worst, and forced to flie into Africa. (c) Cinna] Marius being ouercome, Sylla going to warre vpon Mithridates, left C. Cornelius Cynna, and Octauius Consuls in the cittie. Cynna, desirous of innouation, seue∣red * 1.154 himselfe from his fellow, and was chased out of the Citty by him and the good faction, which iniurie Cynna endeuouring by all meanes possible to reuenge, calleth back Marius out of Africa, and so made warre vpon his countrie, and entring it with mightie powers, he but∣chered vp numbers, and made himselfe the second time, and Marius the seuenth time Consull, without the voyces of the people, in which Magistracie Marius dyed, after many bloudy massacres, and foule actes committed. (d) Carbo,] There were many of the Carbo's, as Tully * 1.155 writes to Papyrius Paetus, of the Papyrian family, but not of that of the Patriotts: This of whom Saint Augustine speaketh, was Cneus Papyrius Carbo, one of Marius his faction, who being ouer-come by Sylla, fled into Sicily, & there at Lylibaeum was slaine by Pompey the great. (e) Uniust cause L. Sylla, and Q. Pompeyus being Consuls, the Prouince of Asia, and the warre of Mitrhidates fell vnto Sylla. This Marius stomocked because of his olde grudge at P. Sul∣pitius, * 1.156 Tribune, a most seditious and wicked fellow, to gette the people to make election of him for the warre against Mithridates. The people, though in a huge tumult, yet tooke notice of what the Tribune propounded, and commanded it should be so. Sylla not brooking this disgrace, demanded helpe of his armie, and offered force to Marius his Ambassadors, who went to take vp legions at Capua: and so brought his angry powers to the Citty, with intent to wreake this iniurie by fraude, or force. Hence arose the seedes of all the ciuill warres: for Marius with his faction mette him in the Cittie at Port Esquiline, and there fought a deadly sette battaile with him. (f) Sylla,] This man was a Patriot, of the Cornelian familie: and hauing done worthy seruice in armes, hee was made Consull; In which Magistracie, hauing conquered Mithridates, chased out the ciuill warres, ouer-throwne Marius the yonger, Carbo, * 1.157 Norbanus, Sertorius, Domitius, Scipio, and the rest of the Marian faction, hee tooke vpon him perpetuall Dictatorship by the lawe Valerian, wherein hee proscribed many thousands of the Romaine Citizens with outragious crueltie. He was a most bloudy fellow, and giuen ouer vnto all kinde of lust and intemperance. (g) Then the weale publike] Lucane by the mouth of Cato:

Olim vera fidei, Sylla Mario{que} receptis, Libertatis obijt.—.

Whilom, when Marius and feirce Sylla stroue, True liberty fell dead.—

(h) Discessere omnes adytis,] The verse is in the second booke of Uirgils Aeneads, which Seruius and Macrobius doe thinke belongeth vnto the calling out of the gods: for when as a * 1.158 citty was besieged, & the enemy had an intent to raze it to the ground, least they should seeme to fight against the gods, and force them from their habitations against their wils (which they held as a wicked deed) they vsed to call them out of the besieged citty, by the generall that did besiege it, that they would please to come and dwell amongst the conquerors. So did Camillus at the Veii, Scipio at Carthage and Numance, & Mummius at Corinth. (i) The Galls sacked] The * 1.159 Transalpine Galls burst often into Italy in huge multitudes. The last of them were the Senones, who first sacked Clusium, & afterwards Rome: Anno P. R. C. CCCLX. whether there were only these, or some Cisalpine Galls amongst them, is vncertaine. (k) The Geese] It is a very common story, that when the Galles had found a way vp to the Capitol, and were climbing vp in the night when all the keepers were a sleepe, they were descried by the noise that the geese did make which they kept in the capitoll as consecrated vnto Iuno. And there-vpon Manlius * 1.160

snatching vp his weapons, mette a Gall vpon the very top of the battlement, and tumbled him downe with his bucklar: whose fall struck downe the rest that were a comming vp, and in the meane time, the Romaines gotte them into armes, and so repulsed the Galles with much adoe. (l) Superstition of the Egiptians] They had certaine beasts, which because of their vse-fulnesse they consecrated as gods: Tullie de nat. deor. lib. 1. of them at large in Diodorus, Biblioth. lib. 2. * 1.161 Such were the Dog, the Cat, the bird Ibis, the Oxe, the Crocodile, the Hawke. &c. (m) The gooses feast,] Because of that good turne which the Geese did them, the Romaines did euery yeare vse this ceremonie: (Plut. de Fortuna Romanor.) I will relate it in Budaeus his words, for I can∣not vse a more excellent phrase. A Dogge was hangd vpon a gallowes, and a Goose was placed * 1.162 very decently in a gallant bed or panier, for all men to visit as that day. For the same cause (saith Plinie lib. 29.) there were Dogges hanged vp euery yeare vpon a gallowes betweene the Tem∣ples of Iuuentus, and Summanus, the gallowes was of an elderne tree: and the first thing that the Censor doth after his institution, is to serue the holy geese with meate.

That the varietie of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or displeasure of these deuills, but vpon the iudgements of God almighty. CHAP. 23.

NAy what say you to this, that these their gods doe seeme to assist them in ful∣filling their desires, and yet are not able to restraine them from brooding vp such desires: for they that helped (a) Marius, an vnworthy base borne fellow, to runne through the inducement and managing of such barbarous ciuill warres, * 1.163 to be made seuen times Consull, to die an old man in his seuenth Consulship, and to escape the hands of Sylla, that immediatly after bare downe all before him, why did not these gods keepe Marius from affecting any such bloody deeds, or exces∣siue crueltie? If his gods did not further him in these actes at all, then haue wee good aduantage giuen vs by their confession, that this temporall felicitie which they so greatly thirst after, may befall a man without the gods furtherance: and that other men may be as Marius was, enguirt with health, power, ritches, ho∣nours, friends, and long life, and enioy all these, mauger the gods beards: and againe, that other men may be as Regulus was, tortured in chaines, slauerie, mise∣rie, ouer-watchings, and torments, and perish in these extremities, do all the gods what they can to the contrary: which if our aduersaries doe acknowledge, then must they needs confesse that they do nothing benefit their worshippers (b) com∣modity, and consequently that all the honor giuen them as out of superfluitie: for if they did rather teach the people the direct contraries to vertue and piety, the rewards whereof are to be expected after mens deaths, then any thing that way furthering them: and if in these transitorie and temporall benefits, they can neither hinder those they hate, nor further those they loue: why then are they followed with such zeale and feruencie? why do you mutter that they are depar∣ted, as from a course of turbulent and lamentable times, and hence take occasion to throw callumnious reproches vpon the religious christians? If that your gods haue any power to hurt or profit men in these worldly affaires, why did they stick to that accursed Marius, and shrinke from that honest Regulus? doth not this con∣uince them of iniustice and villanie? Doe you thinke that there was any want of their worship on the wretches party? thinke not so: for you neuer read that Regulus was slacker in the worship of the gods then Marius was. Nor may you perswade your selues, that a corrupted course of life is the rather to be followed, because the gods were held more friendly to Marius then to Regulus: for (c) Me∣tellus, the honestest man of all the Romaines, (d) had fiue Consuls to his sonnes,

and liued happy in all temporall estate: and (e) Cateline, that villenous wretch, was oppressed with misery and brought to naught in the warre which his owne guilt had hatched: good men that worship that God who alone can giue felicity, do shine, and are mighty in the true and surest happinesse: wherefore, when as the contaminate conditions of that weale-publike, did subuert it, the gods neuer put to their helping hands to stop this invndation of corruption into their manners, but rather made it more way, and gaue the Common-wealth a larger passe vnto distruction. Nor let them shadow them-selues vnder goodnesse, or pretend that the Citties wickednesse draue them away. No, no, they were all there, they are produced, they are conuicted, they could neither helpe the Citty by their instruc∣tiōs, nor conceale themselues by their silence. I omit to relate how (f) Marius was commended vnto the goddesse Marica by the pittiful Minturniās in hir Wood, & how they made their praiers to hir that she would prosper all his enterprizes, and how he hauing shaken of his heauy disperation, returned with a bloudy army euē vnto Rome it selfe: Where what a barbarous, cruell, and more then most inhumain victory he obtained, let them that list to read it, looke in those that haue recorded it: This as I said I omit: nor do I impute his murderous felicity vnto any Marica's, or I cannot tell whome, but vnto the most secret iudgement of the most mighty God to shut the mouthes of our aduersaries, and to free those from error that doe obserue this with a discreet iudgement and not with a preiudicate affect. For if the diuels haue any power or can do any thing at all in these affaires, it is no more then what they are permitted to do by the secret prouidence of the almighty: and in this case, they may be allowed to effect somwhat to the end that we should nei∣ther take too much pleasure in this earthly felicity, in that wee see that wicked men like Marius may inioy it, neither hold it as an euil, & therfore to be vtterly refused, seeing that many good honest men, and seruants of the true & liuing God haue possessed it in spite of all the diuels in hell: and that we should not be so fond as to thinke that these vncleane spirits are either to be feared for any hurt, nor ho∣noured for any profit they can bring vpon mans fortunes. For they are in power, but euen as wicked men vpon earth are, so that they cannot do what they please, but are meere ministers to his ordinance, whose iudgements no man can either comprehendfully, or reprehend iustly.

L. VIVES.

THey that helped Marius] Ater he returned out of Affrica, hee called all the slaues to his standard, and gaue them their freedome: and with all cruelty spoyled the Collonies of Os∣tiae, * 1.164 Antium, Lavinium, and Aritia. Entring the Citty, he gaue his soldiars charge that to whom∣soeuer he returned not the salute, they should immediatly dispatch him. It is vnspeakeable to consider the innumerable multitude of all sortes, Noble and ignoble, that were slaughtered by this meanes. His cruelty Lucan in few wordes doth excellently describe.

Vir ferus & fat•…•… •…•…vpienti perdere Romam. Sufficiens,—

Cruel & fittest instrument for fate. To wrack Rome by.—

And yet this bloudy man (as I said before) in his seauenth Consulship, died quietly in his bed, as Lucan saith:

Folix •…•…uersa Consull moritarus in vrb•…•…. Happy dead Consull in his ruin'd towne.

Soone after his death, came Sylla out of Asia, and rooted out Marius his sonne and all the whole faction of them vtterly. (b) Commodity] Saint Augustine plaies with these Antitheses, Compendio & Superfluo: Compendio Breifely, or Compendio to their commodity,

whose contrary is Dispendium, Excesse or Superfluity. (c) Metellus.] Ualerius, lib. 7. and Pli∣ny lib. 7. Q. Metellis Macedonicus was iudged of all men the most happy, as a man endowed * 1.165 with all good qualities of body and minde. Hee was Consul, he was Censor, hee managed great warres with happy successe, he attained the glory of a triumph: hee left foure sonnes, three of thē were Consuls, two of which triumphed: one of which was Censor: his fourth was Prae∣tor, & prickt for the Consulship, and (as Uelleius saith) hee attained it: Besides hee had three daughters all married to Noble and mighty houses, whose children he him-selfe liued to see; and by this illustrious company, all sprung from his owne loines (beeing of exceeding age) he was borne forth to his funerall. (d) Fiue Consuls to his sonnes] [This history is depraued by some smattering fellow: For I do not thinke that Saint Augustine left it so. Vnlesse you will take Quin{que} filios Consulares, for Fiue sonnes worthy to be Consuls: as my fine Commentator ob∣serued most acutely: which hee had not done vnlesse his skill in Logike had beene so excellent * 1.166 as it was: so hee findes it to be Consulares quasi Consulabiles, or Consulificabiles, that is (in the magisteriall phrase) in potentia to become Consuls.] (e) And Cateline] The life and conditions of L. Sergius Cateline, are well knowne because Salust him-selfe the author that reporteth them, is so well knowne. It is said that amongst other reasons, pouerty was one of the cheefe, * 1.167 that set him into the conspiracy against his countrey, for he was one whose excessiue spending exceeded all sufficient meanes for a man of his ranke. In Syllas time he got much by rapine, and gaue Sylla many guifts; who vsed his help in the murder of M. Marius, & many others. (f) I omit to relate that Marius] C. Marius hauing escaped alone out of the first battell of the ciuill wars, fled to Minturnae a town of Campania. The Minturnians to do Sylla a pleasure sent a fel∣low to cut his throat: but the fellow being terrified by the words, and maiesty of the man, and * 1.168 running away as one-wholy affrighted, the Minturnians turned their mallice to reuerence, and began to thinke now that Marius was one whome the goddes had a meseriall care of: so that they brought him into the holy Wood which was consecrated to Marica, a little without the towne, and then they sette him free to go whether hee would: Plutarch in the life of Marius. Velleius saith they brought him to the marish of Marica: She that was first called Circe (saith Lactantius) after her deifying, was enstiled Marica. Seruius (in Aenaeid. lib. 8.) saith, Marica * 1.169 was the wife of Faunus, and that she was goddesse of the Minturnians shores, neare the riuer Ly•…•…: H•…•…race:

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maricae litterribus tenuisse Lyrim, Held Lyris swimming neare Maricas, shores.

But if we make her the wife of Faunus, it cannot be so: for the Topicall Gods, that is, the local gods of such and such places, do neuer change their habitations, nor go they into other coun∣tries: But Poeticall licence might call her Marica of Laurentum, when indeed she was Marica of Minturnum. Some saie that by Marica should be vnderstood Uenus: who had a Chappel neere vnto Marica wherin was written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Temple of Venus. Hesiod saith that Latinus was the sonne of Ulisses and Cyrce: which Virgill toucheth, when hee calles him His gransires forme, the sonnes: Solis aui specimen. But because the times do not agree, therefore we must take the opinion of Iginius touching this point, who affirmes that there were many that were called by the names of Latinus: and that therefore the Poet wresteth the concordance of the name, to his owne purpose. Thus much saith Seruius.

Of the Actes of Sylla, wherein the Deuils shewed them-selues his maine helpers and furtherers. CHAP. 24.

NOw as for (a) Sylla him-selfe, who brought all to such a passe, as that the times before (whereof he professed him-selfe a reformer) in respect of those that hee brought forth, were wished for againe and againe; when he first of all set forward against Marius towardes Rome, Liuie writes that the entrailes in the sacrifices were so fortunate, that (b) Posthumius the Sooth-sayer would needes haue him-selfe to bee kept vnder guard, with an vrgent and willing proffer to loose his head, if all Syllas intents sorted not (by the assistance of the goddes) vnto

his head, if all Syllas intents sorted not (by the assistants of the gods) vnto most wished and happy effect. Behold now, the gods were not yet gone: they had not as yet forsaken their altars, when they did so plainly fore-shew the euent of Syllas purposes: and yet they neuer endeuoured to mend Sylla's manners. They stucke not to promise him wished happinesse; but neuer proffered to suppresse his wic∣ked affections. Againe, when he had vnder-taken the Asian warre against Mithri∣dates, L. Titius was sent to him on a message, euen from Iupiter himselfe, who sent him word that he should not faile to (c) ouer-come Mithridates: no more he did indeed. And afterwards, when hee endeuoured to re-enter the citie, and to re∣uenge himselfe, and his iniured friends, vpon the liues of the Citizens, hee was certified that a certaine souldiour of the sixt legion, brought him another mes∣sage from Ioue, how that he had fore-told him of his victorie against Mithridates before, and how he promised him now the second time, that hee would giue him power to recouer the rule of the weale-publike from all his enemies, but not with out much bloud-shed. Then Sylla asking of what fauour the souldior was: when they had shewed him, he remembred that it was hee that brought him the other message in the warre of Mithridates, and that hee was the same man that now brought him this: What can be said to this now, that the gods should haue such care to acquaint Sylla with the good euents of these his wishes: and yet none of them haue power to reforme his fowle conditions, being then about to set a∣broach such mischiefes by these domestique armes, as should not pollute, but euen vtterly abolish the state of the weale-publike? By this very acte doe they prooue them-selues (as I said here-to-fore) directly to bee deuils. And wee doe know, our scripture shewes it vs, and their owne actions confirme it, that their whole care is to make themselues be reputed for gods, to be worshipped as diuine powers, and to haue such honours giuen them, as shall put the giuers and the re∣ceiuers both into one desperate case, at that great day of the Lord. Besides, when Sylla came to Tarentum, and had sacrificed there, hee descryed in the chiefe lappe * 1.170 of the Calues liuer, a figure iust like a crowne of golde: and then Posthumius the Sooth-sayer answered him againe, that it portended him a glorious victo∣rie, and commanded that hee alone should eate of these intrayles. And within a little while after, (d) a seruant of one Lucius Pontius came running in, crying out in Prophetike manner, I bring newes from Bellona, the victory is thine Sylla: and then added, That the Capitoll should bee fired. Which when hee had sayd, presently going forth of the rents, hee returned the next day in greater haste then before, and sayd that the Capitoll was now burned: and burned it was in∣deed. This now might quickly bee done by the deuill, both for ease in the knowledge of it, and speede in the relation. But now to speake to the purpose, marke but well what kinde of gods these men would haue, that blaspheame Christ, for deliuering the hearts of the beleeuers from the tyrranie of the deuill. The fellow cryed out in his propheticke rapture: The victorie is thine, O Sylla, and to assure them that hee spake by a diuine instinct, hee told them of a sudden euent that should fall out soone after, in a place from whence hee in whom this spirit spake, was a great way distant. But hee neuer cryed, Forbeare thy Villanies O Sylla: those were left free to bee executed by him with such horror, and com∣mitted with such outrage, as is vnspeakeable, after that victory which the bright signe of the Crowne in the Calues liuer did prognosticate vnto him. Now if they were good and iust gods, and not wicked fiends, that had giuen such signes, then truly these entrailes should haue expressed the great mischiefes that

should fall vpon Sylla himselfe, rather then any thing else: for that victory did not benefit his dignitie so much, but it hurt his affections twise as much: for by it was his spirit eleuated in vaine glory, and he induced to abuse his prosperitie without all moderation, so that these things made a greater massacre of his manners, then he made of the cittizens bodies. But as for these horred and la∣mentable euents, the gods would neuer fore-tell him of them, either by entrailes, Prophesies, Dreames, or Sooth-sayings: for their feare was least his enor∣mities should bee reformed, not least his fortunes should bee subuerted. No, theyr (e) endeuour was, that this glorious conquerour of his Citizens, might bee captiuated and conquered by the rankest shapes of viciousnesse, and by these, bee more strictly bound and enchained vnto the subiection of the deuils themselues.

L. VIVES.

SYlla (a) himselfe. The Marian faction (during their superioritie) gouerned the common∣wealth with such crueltie and insolence, that all the desires and hearts of the people longed for Sylla, and called him home, to come and reuenge those tyrannies. But his good beginnings * 1.171 lifted him vp vnto such intollerable pride, and blood-thirst, that afterwards they all acknow∣ledged Marius as a meeke lambe in respect of him. Lucane.

Sylla quo•…•… immensis accessit cladibus vltor, Ille, quod •…•…xiguum restabat sanguinis vrbis Ha•…•…it.—

Then Sylla came to wreake the woes sustained, And that small quantitie that yet remained, Of Romaine bloud he drew.—

And a little after:

T•…•… •…•…ta libert•…•… odijs, resoluta•…•… legum Franis i•…•… a •…•…uit: non vni cuncta dabantur, Sed fecit sibi quisquenefas, semel omnia victor 〈◊〉〈◊〉.—

Then hate brake freely forth, and (lawes raines gone) Wrath mounted: not lay all the guilt on one, But each wrought his owne staine: the victors tongue Licenc'd all acts at once.—

(b) Posthumius] Cicero (De diuinatione lib. 1.) saith that hee was also a Sooth-sayer with Sylla in the warre called Sociale, of the Associates or confederates. In which warre, Cicero * 1.172 himselfe was a souldiour. Ualerius also affirmes this to bee true (de prodigiis.) (c) Mi∣thridates] This was a most valiant King of Pontus, against whome the people of Rome de∣nounced * 1.173 warres, first of all because hee chased Nicomedes out of Bythinia. But afterwards, brake the warre out beyond all bounds, because that vpon one sette day, all the Romaine Ci∣tizens that were found traffiquing in his dominions, were murthered euery man, by the command of Mithridates him-selfe. This Kings fortunes did Sylla first of all shake, then did Lucullus breake them, and last of all Pompey did vtterly extinguish them, subiecting his whole kingdome vnto the Romaine Empire, the King hauing killed him-selfe. Plutarch in the liues of Pompey, Lucullus, &c. Appian Alex. in Mithridatico. Florus, and others. (d) A seruant of one] So saith Plutarch in his life of Sylla. The Capitoll was built on mount Tarpeius by Tarquin the Proud: and a Temple, the fayrest of all them on the Capi∣toll, was dedicated vnto Iupiter by Horatius Puluillus then Consull, the first yeare of the Citties libertie. It was burned in the Marian warre: Cn: Carbo, and L. Scipio being Con∣sulls. Anno P. R. C. DCLXXI. Repaired by Sylla, finished and consecrated by Q. Ca∣•…•…ulus: onely in this (as Sylla sayd) did fate detracte from his felicitie. Some thinke it was burnt by Sylla's meanes, others by Carbo's the Consulls: Appian saith, that it was fired by meere chance, no man knew how. (e) Endeuoured] Satis agebant, had a diligent and a•…•…xione-care to effect it.

How powerfully the Deuills incite men to villanies, by laying before them examples of diuine authoritie (as it were) for them to follow in their villanous acts. CHAP. 25.

WHo is he then (vnlesse he be one of those that loueth to imitate such gods) that by this which is already laide open, doth not see, how great a grace of God it is to be seperated from the societie of those deuils? and how strong they are in working mischiefe, by presenting their owne examples, as a diuine priui∣ledge and authoritie, whereby men are licensed to worke wickednesse. Nay, they * 1.174 were seene in a (a) certaine large plaine of Campania, to fight a set battell amongst themselues, a little before that the citizens fought that bloudy conflict in the same place. For at first there were strange & terrible noyses heard; & afterwards it was affirmed by many, that for certaine dayes together, one might see two armies in continuall fight one against the other. And after that the fight was ceased, they found the ground all trampled with the steppes of men, and horses, as if they had beene made in that battaile. If the deities were truly and really at warres amongst themselues, why then indeed their example may giue a sufficient priuiledge vnto humaine conflicts: (but by the way, let this bee considered, that these deities in the meane space must either bee very malicious, or very miserable:) but if they did not fight, but onely illuded the eyes of men with such a shew, what intended they in this, but onely that the Romaines should thinke that they might lawfully wage ciuill warres, as hauing the practises of the gods themselues for their pri∣uiledges? for presently vpon this apparition, the ciuill dissentions began to bee kindled, and some bloudy massacres had beene effected before. (b) And already were the hearts of many greeued at that lamentable acte of a certaine souldiour, who (c) in taking of the spoiles of his slaine foe, and discouering him by his face, to be his owne brother, with a thund•…•…r of curses vpon those domestique quarrels, he stabd himselfe to the heart, and fell downe dead by his brothers side. To enue∣lop and ouer-shadow the irkesomnesse of such euents, and to aggrauate the ardent thirst after more bloud and destruction, did those deuils (those false repu∣ted gods) appeare vnto the Romaines eyes in such fighting figures, to animate the cittie not to be any whit in doubt to imitate such actions, as hauing the example of the gods for a lawfull priuiledge for the villanies of men. And out of this subtilty did these maleuolent powers giue command for the induction of those Stage-playes, whereof we haue spoken at large already, and wherein such disho∣nest courses of the gods were portraited forth vnto the worlds eye, vpon their stages, and in the theaters; that all men (both those that beleeue that their gods did such acts, and those that doe not beleeue it, but see how pleasing it is to them to behold such impurities) may hence be bolde to take a free licence to imitate them, and practise to become like them in their liues. Least that any man there∣fore should imagine, that the Poets haue rather done it as a reproche to the gods, then as a thing by them deserued, (d) when they haue written of their fightings * 1.175 and brablings one with another, to cleare this misconstruction, they them-selues haue confirmed these Poesies, to deceiue others: and haue presented their com∣bats, and contentions, not onely vpon the Stage by players, but euen in the plaine fields by themselues. This was I enforced to lay downe; because their owne au∣thors haue made no doubt to affirme and record, that the corrupt and rotten man∣ners of the Cittizens, had consumed the state of the weale-publike of Rome vnto nothing, long before that Christ Iesus came into the world: for which subuersi∣on of their state they will not call their gods into any question at all, but all the

transitorie miseries of mortalitie (which notwithstanding cannot make a good∣man perish whether he liue or dye) they are ready to heape on the shoulders of our Sauiour Christ. Our Christ, that hath so often powred his all-curing pre∣cepts vpon the incurable vlcers of their damned conditions, when their false gods neuer put to an helping hand, neuer vp-held this their religious common∣weale from ruining, but cankering the vertues that vpheld it with their vile acts and examples, rather did all that they could to thrust it on vnto destruction. No man (I thinke) will affirme that it perished because that

Discessere omnes adytis aris{que} relictis,—Dij—The gods were gone, and left their Altars bare.—

As though their loue to vertue, and their offence taken at the wicked vices of the cittie had made them depart: no, no, there are too many presages from in∣trailes, sooth-sayings, and prophecies, (whereby they confirmed and animated their seruants, and extolled them-selues as rulers of the fates, and furtherers of the warres) that prooue and conuince them to haue beene present: for had they beene absent, the Romaines in these warres would neuer haue beene so farre trans∣ported with their owne affections, as they were with their Gods instigations.

L. VIVES.

IN (a) a certaine plaine of Campania] L. Scipio and C. Norbanus being Consuls, betweene Capua and Uulturnum was heard a huge clashing of armes, and sounding of martiall instru∣ments, with an horrible noyse and crying, as if two battels had beene there fighting in their greatest furie. This was heard for many dayes together. Iulius Obsequens. Now this Scipio and this Norbanus were the two first Consuls with whom the great Sylla had the first conflict, after * 1.176 his returne into Italy, for they were both of Marius his faction. (b) And already] for when friends and acquaintance meete, and know one another in contrary fronts of battell: then know they well what kinde of warre they are fallen into; and haue a full view of the fruites of ciuill hate: So saith Lucane in his Tharsalia, lib. 4.

—Postquam spacio languentia nullo Mutua conspicuush ab uerunt lumina vultus. Et fratres, nat•…•…sque sicos videre patrésque, Deprehensum est ciuile n•…•…as.—

—when they from their confronting places, Gazed a good while in each others faces, And fathers mette their sonnes, and brethren there, Then shew'd the warre true eiuill—

(c) Taking of the spoyles] Liuie lib. 79. This fell out when Cynna and Marius sought that desperate battle with Cn. Pompey, father to Pompey the great. Ualerius (lib. 5.) saith that one of Pompeys souldiours killed his owne brother that serued Sertorius in his warres. Liuie * 1.177 putteth Cynna for Sertorius; but both might come to passe: for all the armies were of Cyn∣na's raysing, which not-with-standing were diuided into foure. Cynna led one, Marius an∣other, Q. Sertorius the third, Cn. Carbo the fourth. Orosius writeth that Pompey fought a battle with Sertorius, wherein this tragedy of the two brethren fell out. (d) When they haue written of their fightings, and their] Homer in the warres of Troy, makes the gods to bee at great variance, euen vnto stroakes amongst them-selues: Mars, Venus, and Apollo, against Pallas, Iuno, and Neptune.

Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners which the Deuills are sayd to haue giuen in secret, whereas all wicked∣nesse was taught in their publike solemnities. CHAP. 26.

WHerefore seeing that this is so, seeing that all filthines confounded with cru∣elties, all the gods fowlest facts and shames, whether true or imaginary, by their owne commandements, and vpon paine of their displeasures, if it were

otherwise, were set forth to open view, and dedicated vnto themselues, in the most holy and set solemnities, and produced as imitable spectacles to all mens eyes: to-what end is it then, (a) that seeing these deuils, who acknowledge their owne vncleannesse, by taking pleasure in such obscaenities, by beeing delighted with their owne villanies and wickednesses, as well performed as inuented; & by their exacting these celebrations of modest men in such impudent manner, doe confesse themselues the authors of all pernicious and abhorred courses; yet would seeme (forsooth) and are reported to haue giuen certaine secret instructi∣ons against euill manners, in their most priuate habitacles, and vnto some of their most selected seruants? If it be so, take here then an excellent obseruation of the crafte and maliciousnesse of these vncleane spirits. The force of honesty, and cha∣stitie, is so great and powerfull vpon mans nature, that all men, or almost all men, are mooued with the excellencie of it, nor is there any man so wholy abandoned to turpitude, but he hath some feeling of honesty left him. Now for the deuills depraued nature, we must note, that vnlesse hee sometime change him-selfe into an angell of light, (as we read in our scriptures that hee will do) hee cannot fully * 1.178 effect his intention of deceit. Wherefore he spreads the blasting breath of all im∣puritie abroad, and in the meane time, whispers a little ayre of dissembled chasti∣tie within. He giues light vnto the vilest things, and keepes the best in the darke, honestie lyeth hid, and shame flies about the streetes: Filthinesse must not bee acted, but before a great multitude of spectators: but when goodnesse is to bee taught, the auditorie, is little or none at all: as though puritie were to be blushed at, and vncleannesse to be boasted of: But where are these rules giuen, but in the deuills temples? where, but in the very Innes, or exchanges of deceit? And the reason is, because that such as are honest (being but few) should hereby bee en∣ueighled, and such as are dishonest, (which are multitudes) remaine vnreformed. But as for vs, we cannot yet tell when these good precepts of celestiall chastitie were giuen: but this we are sure of, that before (b) the very temple gates, where the Idoll stood, we beheld an innumerable multitude of people drawne together, and there saw a large traine of Strumpets on one side, and a (c) virgin goddesse on the other; here humble adorations vnto her; and there, foule and immodest things acted before her. We could not see one modest mimike, not one shamefast actor amongst them all: but all was full of actions of abhominable obscaenitie. They knew well what that virgin deity liked, and pronounced it for the nations to learne by looking on, and to carry home in their mindes. Some there were of the chaster sort, that turned away their eies from beholding the filthy gestures of the players, and yet though they blushed to looke vpon this artificiall beastlinesse, they gaue scope vnto their affections to learne it. For they durst not behold the impudent gestures of the actors boldly, for being shamed by the men: and lesse durst they condemne the ceremonies of that deity whom they so zealously ado∣red. But this was that presented in the temples, and in publike which none will commit in their owne priuate houses, but in secret. It were too great a wonder if there were any shame left in those men of power, to restraine them from acting that, which their very gods doe teach them, euen in their principles of religion; and tell them that they shall incurre their displeasures if they do not present them such shewes. What spirit can that be, which doth enflame bad minds with a worse instinct, which doth vrge on the committing of adulterie, and fattes it selfe vpon * 1.179 the sinne committed, but such an one as is delighted with such representations, filling the temples with diabolicall Images, exacting the presenting of loathsome

iniquity in Plaies, muttering in secret, I know not what good Consels, to deceiue and delude the poore remainders of honesty, and professing in publike all incite∣ments to perdition, to gather vp whole haruests of men giuen ouer vnto ruine?

L. VIVES.

TO what end is it (a) that] A diuersity of reading. We follow the best copy. (b) before the temple] Hee speaketh of the sollemnities of the Goddesse Flora; which were kept by all the strumpets and ribalds in the Citty, as Plutarch, Ouid, and others doe report. For Flora her self was an whore: Lactantius lib. 1. The playes of Flora are celebrated with all lasciuiousnesse * 1.180 befitting well the memory of such a whore. For besides the bawdery of speeches, (which they stuck not to spew forth in all vncleanesse) the whores (at the peoples earnest intreaty) put off all their ap∣parell (those I meane that were the actors did this) and there they acted their immodest gestures before the people, vntill their lustfull eyes were fully satisfied with gazing on them. (c) The virgin goddesse] That was Vesta. Vpon the day before the Calends of May, they kept the feasts of Flo∣ra, Vesta, Apollo, and Augustus, vpon Mount Palatine. Ouid. Fastorum. 4.

Exit & in Maias festum Florale Calendas, Tune repetam, nunc me grandius vrget opus: Aufert Vesta diem, cògnati, Vesta recepta est Limine: sic iusti constituere Patres. Phaebus habet partem: Vestae pars altera cessit: Quod superest illis tertius ipse tenet. State Palatinae Laurus, pretexta{que} quercus Stet: domus aeternos tres habet vna deos.

Let Flora's feasts, that in Mayes Calendes are, Rest till they come: now, to a greater faire: This day is Vesta's: she is entertained, In her sonnes house: our fathers so ordained. Phaebus hath part, Vesta hath part assign'd The third's Augustus share that's left behind. Liue greene thou noble oke, and Palatine Keepe greene thy daies, three gods possesse one shrine.

What a great meanes of the subuersion of the Romaine estate, the induction of those scurrilous plaies, was, which the surmized to be propitiatory vnto their gods. CHAP. 27.

TErtullius (a) a graue man, and a good Philosopher, being to be made Edile, cri∣ed out in the eares of the whole City, that amongst the other duties of his magistracy, he must needes goe pacifie mother Flora, with the celebration of some sollemne plaies: (b) which plaies, the more fowly they were presented, the more deuotion was held to be shewen. And (c) in another place (being then Consul, he saith that when the City was in great extremity of ruine, they were faine to present plaies continually for ten daies togither; and nothing was omitted which might helpe to pacifie the gods, as though it were not fitter to anger them with temperance, then to please them with luxurie: and to procure their hate by honesty, rather then to flatter them with such deformity. For the barbarous inhumanity of those (d) men, for whose villanous acts the gods were to bee ap∣peased were it neuer so great, could not possibly doe more hurt, then that fil∣thinesse which was acted as tending to their appeasing, because that in this, the gods will not bee reconciled vnto them, but by such meanes as must needes pro∣duce a destruction of the goodnesse of mens mindes, in lieu of their pre∣uenting the daungers imminent onely ouer their bodies: nor will these Deities defend the citties walls, vntill they haue first destroied all goodnesse within the walles. This pacification of the gods, so obscaene, so impure, so wicked, so impudent, so vncleane, whose actors the Romaines diss-enabled from all magistracie, (e) and freedome of City, making them as infamous as they knew them dishonest: this pacification (I say) so beastlie, and so directlie opposite vnto all truth of Religion, and modestie, these fabulous inuentions of their gods filthinesse, these ignominious facts of the gods themselues

(either fouly fained, or fowlier effected) the whole citty learned both by seeing and hearing: obseruing plainly, that their gods were well pleased with such pre∣sentations, and therefore they did both exhibite them vnto their Idols, and did imitate them themselues: But as for that (I know not indeed well what) honest instruction, and good counsell, which was taught in such secret, and vnto so few, that I am sure was not followed, if it be true, that it were taught belike it was ra∣ther feared, that too many would know it, then suspected that any few would follow it.

L. VIVES.

TErtullius (a) a graue man] it should surely be Tullius: for this that Saint Augustine quo∣teth is out of his orations: Wherefore it must either be: Tullius that graue man, and that smatterer in Philosophie: (Saint Augustine so deriding his speculation, that could not free him from such grosse errors,) or Tullius that graue man and thrise worthy Philosopher: to shew, that the greatest Princes were infected with this superstition, and not the vulgar onely, nor the Princes onely but the grauest princes, and those that were Philosophers, not meane ones, but of chiefe note: adding this, to amplifie the equitie of his Philosophie, as Ter maximus, the thrise mighty. Now (saith Tully in verrem, Actio. 6. that I am made Aedile, let mee reckon vp the charge * 1.181 that the citie hath imposed vpon mee. I must first present the most sacred Playes and ceremoniall solemnities vnto Ceres, Liber and Proserpina: then, I must reconcile mother Flora vnto the Citie and people of Rome, with the celebration of her enterludes, &c. (b) Which playes] They were such that the actors would not play them as long as Cato the elder was present. Seneca, Valeri∣us, Plutarch and Martiall doe all report this. (c) In another place] In Catilinam. Actio. 3, (d) Men for whose] he meaneth Cateline and his conspiratours, (e) Freedome of Citie] some copies read Tributa amouit, but the ancient ones do read it Tribu mouit, with more reason.

Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion. CHAP. 28.

WHy then doe these men complaine thinke you? because that by the name of Christ, they see so many discharged of these hellish bands that such vn∣cleane spirits held them in, and of the participation of the same punishment with them. Their ingratefull iniquitie hath bound them so strongly in these de∣uilish enormities, that they murmure and eate their galls, when they see the peo∣ple flock vnto the Church, to these pure solemnities of Christ, where both sexes are so honestly distinguished by their seuerall places; where they may learne how well to lead their temporall liues here, to become worthy of the eternall here-after: where the holy doctrine of Gods word is read from an eminent place, that all may heare it assure a reward to those that follow it, and a iudgment to those that neglect it. Into which place if there chance to come any such as scoffe at such precepts, they are presently either conuerted by a sudden power, or cured by a sacred feare: for there is no filthy sights set forth there, nor any obscaenities to be seene, or to be followed; but there, either the commandements of the true God are propounded, his miracles related, his guifts commended, or his graces implored.

An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme. CHAP. 29.

LEt these rather bee the obiects of thy desires, thou couragious nation of the Romaines, thou progenie of the Reguli, Scaeuolae, Scipioes, and (a) Fabricii.

long after these, discerne but the difference betweene these, and that luxurious, filthy shamelesse maleuolence of the diuills. (b) If nature haue giuen thee any lawdable eminence, it must be true piety that must purge and perfect it: impie∣ty contaminates and consumes it. Now then, choose which of these to follow, that thy praises may arise, not from thy selfe that may bee misled, but from the true God, who is without all error. Long agoe, wast thou great in popular glory: but as then (as it pleased the prouidence of the high God), was the true Religion wanting, for thee to choose and embrace. But now, awake, and rowse thy selfe (c) it is now day, thou art already awake in some of thy children, of whose full ver∣tue, and constant sufferings for the truth we doe iustly glory: they euen these who fighting at all hands against the powers of iniquity, and conquering them all by dying vndaunted, haue purchased this * 1.182 possession for vs with the price of their bloud. To pertake of which possession wee do now inuite and exhorte thee, that thou wouldest become a Citizen, with the rest, in that citty wherein true re∣mission of sinnes standeth as a glorious sanctuary. Giue no eare vnto that de∣generate brood of thine, which barketh at the goodnesse of Christ and Christi∣anity, accusing these times of badnesse, and yet desiring such as should bee worse, by denying tranquillity to vertue, & giuing security vnto al iniquity: these times didst thou neuer approue, nor euer desiredst to secure they temporall estate by them. Now then reatch vp at the heauenly ones, for which, take but a little paines, and thou shalt reape the possession of them, vnto all eternity. There shalt thou finde no vestall fire, nor (e) stone of the capitoll, but one true God, (f) who will neither limmit thee blessednesse in quality, nor time, but giue thee an Empire, both vniuersal, perfect, & eternall. Be no longer led in blindnesse by these thy illu∣ding and erroneous gods; reiect them from the, and taking vp thy true liberty, shake of their damnable subiection. They are no gods, but wicked fiends; and all the Empire they can giue them is but possession of euerlasting paine. (g) Iuno * 1.183 did neuer greeue so much that the Troyans (of whom thou descendest) should arise againe to the state of Rome, as these damned deuills (whom as yet thou holdest for gods) doe enuie and repine, that mortall men should euer enioy the glories of eternity. And thou thy selfe hast censured them with no obscure note, in affording them such plaies, whose actors thou hast branded with expresse in∣famy. Suffer vs then to plead thy freedome against all those Impure deuills that imposed the dedication and celebration of their owne shame & filthinesse vpon thy neck and honor. Thou couldst remoue and dis-inable the plaiers of those vn∣cleanesses, from all honors: pray likewise vnto the true God, to quit thee from those vile spirits that delight in beholding their owne spots, whither they bee true, (which is most ignominious) or faigned, (which is most malicious). Thou didst well in clearing the state of thy Citty from all such scurrilous off-scummes as stage-plaiers: looke a little further into it: Gods Maiesty can neuer delight in that which polluteth mans dignity. How then canst thou hold these powers, that loued such vncleane plaies, as members of the heauenly society, when thou holdest the men that onely acted them, as vnworthy to bee counted in the worst ranke of the members of thy Cittie? The heauenly Cittie is farre aboue thine, where truth is the victory; holinesse the dignity; happinesse the peace, and eternity the continuance. Farre is it from giuing place to such gods, if thy cittie doe cast out such men. Wherefore if thou wilt come to this cittie, shunne all fellowshippe with the deuill. Vnworthy are they of honest mens seruice, that must bee pleased with dishonesty. Let christian reformation seuer thee from

hauing any commerce with those gods, euen as the Censors view seperated such men from pertaking of thy dignities. But as concerning temporal felicity, which is all that the wicked desire to enioye; and temporall affliction, which is all they seeke to auoide, hereafter wee meane to shew, that the deuills neither haue nor can haue any such power of either, as they are held to haue, (though if they had, wee are bound rather to contemne them all, then to worshippe them, for these benefites, which seeing that thereby we should vtterly debarre our selues of that, which they repine that wee should euer attaine:) hereafter (I say) shall it bee prooued, that they haue no such powre of those things, as these thinke they haue, that affirme that they are to bee worshipped for such endes. And here shall this booke end.

L. VIVES.

ANd (a) Fabricii.] Fabricius was Consull in Pyrrhus his warre at which time the Romaines * 1.184 vertue was at the height: he was, valourous, poore, continent, and a stranger to all pleasure, and ambition. (b) If nature haue giuen thee] The Stoikes held that nature gaue euery man * 1.185 some guifts: some greater some lesser: and that they were graced, increased, and perfitted by discipline, education, and excercise. (c) it is now day] Alluding vnto Paul. Rom. 13. 12. The night is past, and the day is at hand. The day, is the cleere vnderstanding of goodnesse, in whose * 1.186 powre the Sunne is, as the Psalmist faith. The night is darke and obscure. (d) in some of thy Children] Meaning, that some of the Romaines were already conuerted vnto Christ. (e) no stone of the Capitol] Ioues Idoll, vpon the capitoll was of stone: and the Romaines vsed to sweare by * 1.187 Ioue, that most holy stone: which oth became afterwards a prouerbe. (f) who will neither lim∣mit] They are the words of Ioue in Virgil, Aeneid. 1. promising the raysing vp of the Romaine Empire. But with farre more wisdome did Saluste (orat. ad Caium Caesarem senen) affirme, that the Romaine estate should haue a fal: And African the yonger seeing Carthage burne, with the teares in his eyes, recited a certaine verse out of Homer, which intimated that Rome one day should come to the like ruine. (g) Iuno did not] Aeneides the first.

Finis Lib. 2.

Notes

• * 1.1

  2. Tim. 3.
• * 1.2

  How hate∣full the name of Christians was once at Rome.
• * 1.3

  The gods neuer taught. their vvor∣ships good manners.
• * 1.4

  B•…•…hia Mother of the Gods.
• * 1.5

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 offe∣red to the Gods.
• * 1.6

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.7

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.8

  A•…•….
• * 1.9

  The Priests called Gal∣li.
• * 1.10

  The ablu∣tion of the mother of the gods.
• * 1.11

  The Mega∣lesian plaies
• * 1.12

  Fercula vvhat they vvere.
• * 1.13

  Di•…•… ho∣•…•…r 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be•…•…fac∣tors.
• * 1.14

  Pro. 6. 26
• * 1.15

  Satyra 3.
• * 1.16

  The Fuga∣lia.
• * 1.17

  Fugia, a goddesse.
• * 1.18

  Vitula.
• * 1.19

  The Fu∣galia weare feasts in Rome in∣stituted for the expuls∣ing of Ta•…•…∣quin and the Kings: a Fugando, saith Censo∣rinus.
• * 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.21

  Rough Siluer.
• * 1.22

  Roughnes defined.
• * 1.23

  Philoso∣phies pre∣cepts.
• * 1.24

  The Phi∣losophers more wor∣thy of di∣uine ho∣nour then the Gods.
• * 1.25

  Sir Thomas Moore.
• * 1.26

  Danne.
• * 1.27

  The inuen∣tion of Plaies.
• * 1.28

  Tragedy.
• * 1.29

  Comedy.
• * 1.30

  Eupolis.
• * 1.31

  Alcibiades
• * 1.32

  Three kindes of Comedies. Old. Meane. Nevv.
• * 1.33

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.34

  Satyres.
• * 1.35

  The Sa∣tyres.
• * 1.36

  The first nevv •…•…o∣medy at Rome.
• * 1.37

  Pallia•…•….
• * 1.38

  Togata.
• * 1.39

  Praetextata.
• * 1.40

  Trabcata.
• * 1.41

  Taberna∣ria.
• * 1.42

  The Mi∣mikes.
• * 1.43

  Floralia.
• * 1.44

  Cato.
• * 1.45

  Tullyes bookes de republi∣ca.
• * 1.46

  The Sci∣•…•….
• * 1.47

  Old come∣dies.
• * 1.48

  Aristopha∣nes •…•…is Nebu•…•…ae.
• * 1.49

  Cleon.
• * 1.50

  Aristopha∣n•…•…s his •…•…quites.
• * 1.51

  Cleophon. Hiperbolus
• * 1.52

  The Cen∣sor.
• * 1.53

  Pericles.
• * 1.54

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.55

  Plautus.
• * 1.56

  Scipios the brethren.
• * 1.57

  Caecilius.
• * 1.58

  Cato the el∣der.
• * 1.59

  The Porti∣an law.
• * 1.60

  Capite di∣miaui, what.
• * 1.61

  Occentare what it is.
• * 1.62

  Aschines.
• * 1.63

  Aristode∣mus.
• * 1.64

  Al vnclean spirits are vvicked di∣uills.
• * 1.65

  The Lab•…•…s.
• * 1.66

  Sad sacri∣fices.
• * 1.67

  curia vvhat, Terence.
• * 1.68

  The infamy of Stage. players.
• * 1.69

  Decimus Laberius.
• * 1.70

  The Attel∣lan come∣dies.
• * 1.71

  The Cen∣sors vievv of the city.
• * 1.72

  The orders of the Ro∣maines.
• * 1.73

  The parts of a Syllo∣gisme.
• * 1.74

  Paris copy defectiue.
• * 1.75

  Plato held a Demigod.
• * 1.76

  Actor, Au∣thor, Plaier. What Po∣ets Plato expells.
• * 1.77

  Humanity. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.78

  Suadere. Persuadere.
• * 1.79

  Medioxumi. Heroes.
• * 1.80

  Nesci•…•…
• * 1.81

  Toward∣lynesse.
• * 1.82

  Priapus.
• * 1.83

  Phallus, seu Ihyphallus.
• * 1.84

  Cynocephae∣lus.
• * 1.85

  Anubis.
• * 1.86

  Febris a goddesse.
• * 1.87

  The Fla∣mines.
• * 1.88

  The Iouiall
• * 1.89

  Pomona Goddesse.
• * 1.90

  The Fla∣mines Apex or crest.
• * 1.91

  Romulus is a God.
• * 1.92

  Quirinus.
• * 1.93

  The A∣thens law followed by Rome.
• * 1.94

  The lawes of the 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.95

  Lycurgus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.96

  Tarquine Collatine depriued of office, and put out of Rome.
• * 1.97

  Camillus exiled by his coun∣tries mon∣strous in∣gratitude.
• * 1.98

  Seditions betwixt the great men and the people.
• * 1.99

  Lawe.
• * 1.100

  Good.
• * 1.101

  Right and reason: aquum & bonum.
• * 1.102

  Budaeus his praises.
• * 1.103

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.104

  Thalassus.
• * 1.105

  The confe∣deration against Ro∣mulus.
• * 1.106

  Mount Caelius.
• * 1.107

  Consus a god.
• * 1.108

  The first Consulls.
• * 1.109

  Camillus.
• * 1.110

  Asse & Aes graue, all one.
• * 1.111

  The com∣mon cor∣ruption be∣fore Christs comming.
• * 1.112

  Christ the founder of a new citie.
• * 1.113

  The death of Tarquin the proud.
• * 1.114

  The diuisi∣ons of the people frō the Patriots
• * 1.115

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Africa.
• * 1.116

  Plinius cor∣rected
• * 1.117

  Porsenna his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.118

  Hovv of∣fenders were puni∣shed at Rome. The Porti∣an & Sem∣pronian lavves. Act. 22.
• * 1.119

  The Agra∣rian lavves.
• * 1.120

  The first departure of the people.
• * 1.121

  The Tri∣bunes.
• * 1.122

  The second departure.
• * 1.123

  Saluste phrase.
• * 1.124

  Sy•…•…scere, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.125

  In the City of God his will is all the lavv.
• * 1.126

  Exactors or taxe-takers.
• * 1.127

  The verses of the leter Y.
• * 1.128

  [] No word of this in the editi∣on of Pa∣ris.
• * 1.129

  A descrip∣tion of the publike corruption.
• * 1.130

  The salu∣tations at Rome.
• * 1.131

  Sardanapa∣lus.
• * 1.132

  Sardanapa∣lus his epi∣taph.
• * 1.133

  The har∣mony of the common wealth.
• * 1.134

  A common wealth.
• * 1.135

  An estate gouerned without •…•…tice is no common weale.
• * 1.136

  Psal. 87. 3.
• * 1.137

  Tiberius Gracchus.
• * 1.138

  The death of A•…•…ilian Scipio.
• * 1.139

  The three learned A∣thenian Ambassa∣dors.
• * 1.140

  L. Furius Pylus.
• * 1.141

  A commō-wealth not gouerned without in∣iustice.
• * 1.142

  The vse of a definition.
• * 1.143

  Rod. Agri∣cola.
• * 1.144

  The three formes of Rule.
• * 1.145

  Optimates.
• * 1.146

  Tyrannus. what and whence.
• * 1.147

  Friendship & faction.
• * 1.148

  Ennius.
• * 1.149

  Diffamarê how vsed.
• * 1.150

  Not a word of this in our Paris print.
• * 1.151

  Euill man∣ners chase •…•…vay the gods.
• * 1.152

  The Grac∣chi.
• * 1.153

  Marius.
• * 1.154

  Cinna.
• * 1.155

  Carbo.
• * 1.156

  The origi∣nall of the ciuill warre betweene Sylla and Marius.
• * 1.157

  Sylla.
• * 1.158

  The calling out of the gods.
• * 1.159

  The Galles take Rome.
• * 1.160

  The Capi∣tolls Geese.
• * 1.161

  Egipts beast gods.
• * 1.162

  The gods honors at Rome.
• * 1.163

  The happy successe of wicked Marius.
• * 1.164

  Marius his cruelty.
• * 1.165

  Metellus, his felicity
• * 1.166

  [] Paris copy •…•…eanes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this.
• * 1.167

  Cateline. (
• * 1.168

  Marius his fligt.
• * 1.169

  Marica.
• * 1.170

  The forme of a crown•…•… of gold in the liuer of a Calfe.
• * 1.171

  Sylla his crueltie.
• * 1.172

  P•…•…sthu∣mius.
• * 1.173

  Mithrida∣ces.
• * 1.174

  The deuils together by the cares amongst themselues.
• * 1.175

  The Gods examples furthered the vvarres.
• * 1.176

  Prodigious sounds of battles heard.
• * 1.177

  Brethren killing one another.
• * 1.178

  2. Cor. 11.
• * 1.179

  The deuils incite men to mischief by wicked instigations
• * 1.180

  The God∣desse Flora.
• * 1.181

  The office of the Aedile.
• * 1.182

  He mean∣eth they haue bin a great en∣largement of the true Church of God, vpon earth, by suffring so constantly.
• * 1.183

  The hap∣pines that the deuills can bestow on men.
• * 1.184

  Fabucius.
• * 1.185

  Vertues seedes.
• * 1.186

  Day, how vsed.
• * 1.187

  Per Ioue un∣lapidem.