St. Augustine, Of the citie of God vvith the learned comments of Io. Lod. Viues. Englished by I.H.

Tully his opinion of the Romaine Common-wealth. CHAP. 21.

BVt if hee be scorned that said their common-wealth was most dishonest and dishonorable, and that these fellowes regard not what contagion and cor∣ruption of manners doe rage amongst them, so that their state may stand and continue, now shall they heare that it is not true that Salust saith, that their common-wealth is but become vile and so wicked, but as Cicero saith, it is absolutely gone, it is lost, and nothing of it remaines. For hee brings in Scipio (him that destroied Carthage) disputing of the weale-publike, at such time as it was (a) presaged that it would perish by that corruption which Saluste describeth. For this disputation was (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi was slaine, from which point Salust affirmeth all the great seditions to haue had their

originall, (for in those bookes there is mention made of his death.) Now Scipio hauing said (in the end of the second booke) that as in instruments that go with strings, or wind, or as in voices consorted, there is one certaine proportion of discrepant notes, vnto one harmony, the least alteration whereof is harsh in the care of the skilfull hearer: and that this concord, doth •…•…onsist of a number of contrary sounds, and yet all combined into one perfect musicall melody: so in a cittye that is gouerned by reason, of all the heighest, meane and lowest estates, as * 1.1 of soundes, there is one true concord made out of discordant natures: and that which is harmony in musike, is vnity in a citty: that this is the firmest, and surest bond of safety vnto the commonweale, and that a commonweale can neuer stand without equity: when hee had dilated at large of the benefit that equity brings to any gouernment, and of the inconuenience following the absence therof: then (c) Pilus, one of the company, begins to speake, and intreated him to handle this question more fully, and make a larger discourse of iustice, because it was then be∣come a common report (d) that a commonwealth could not be gouerned without iniustice and iniury: herevpon Scipio agreed, that this theame was to be handled more exactly, and replied: that what was as yet spoken of the commonwealth was nothing; and that they could not proceed any farther, vntill it were proued not onely that it is faulse, that a weale publike cannot stand without iniury, but also that it is true that it cannot stand without exact iustice. So the disputation concerning this point being deferred vntill the next day following, in the third booke, it is handled with great controuersie. For Pilus, he vndertakes the defence of their opinion, that hold that a state cannot be gouerned without iniustice, but with this prouision, that they should not thinke him to bee of that opinion himselfe. And he argued very diligently for this iniustice against iustice, ende∣voring by likely reasons and examples, to shew that the part hee defended was vse-full in the weale publike, and that the contrary was altogether needlesse Then (e) Laelius being intreated on all sides, stept vp, and tooke the defence of iustice in hand, and withal his knowledge, laboured to proue that nothing wrackt a citty sooner then vniustice, and that no state could stand without perfect iustice which when hee had concluded, and the question seemed to be throughly discus∣sed, Scipio betooke himselfe againe to his intermitted discourse, and first he re∣hearseth and approueth his definition of a commonwealth, wherein he said it * 1.2 was the estate of the commonty, then he determineth this, that this commonty is not meant of euery rablement of the multitude, but that it is a society, gathered toge∣ther in one consent of law, and in one participation of profite. Then he teacheth, (f) the profite of definitions in al disputations: and out of his definitions he gathe∣reth, that onely there is a commonwealth, that is, onely there is a good estate of the commonty, where iustice and honesty hath free execution, whether it be by (g) a King, by nobles, or by the whole people. But when the King be∣comes * 1.3 vniust, (whom he calleth (h) Tyranne as the Greekes do) or the nobles be vniust, (whose combination hee termeth (i) faction) or the people them-selues be vniust, for which hee cannot finde a fit name, vnlesse he should call the whole company as he called the King, a Tyran) then that this is not a vicious common-wealth, (aswas affirmed the day before) but, as the reasons depen∣ding vpon those definitions proued most directly, it is iust no common-wealth at all, for it is no Estate of the people, when the Tyran vsurpeth on it by Faction, nor is the commonty, a commonty, when it is not a society gathered

together in one consent of law and one participation of commodities, as hee had defined a commonty before. VVherefore, seeing the Romane Estate was such as Saluste doth descipher it to bee, it was now no dishonest or dishonorable Common-wealth (as hee affirmed) but it was directly no common-wealth at all: according vnto the reasons proposed in that discourse of a common-wealth (k) before so many great Princes and heads thereof: and as Tully himselfe, not speaking by Scipio or any other, but in his owne person doth demonstrate in the beginning of his fift booke: where hauing first rehearsed that verse of (l) Ennius where he saith.

Moribus antiquis res stat Romana viris{que}. Old manners, and old men vpholden Rome.

Which verse (quoth Tully) whether you respect the breuity, or the verity) mee seemeth he (m) spoake out as an oracle: for neither the men (vnlesse the city had had such manners, nor the manners, vnlesse the city, had had such men) could ei∣ther haue founded, or preserued a common-wealth of that magnitude of iustice, and Empire. And therefore before these our daies, the predecessors conditions, did still make the successors excell, and the worthy men still kept vp the ordi∣nances of honorable antiquity: But now, our age receiuing the common-wealth as an excellent picture, but almost worne out with age, hath not onely no care to renew it with such collours as it presented at first, but neuer regarded it so much, as to preserue but the bare draught (n) and lineament of it: For what re∣mainder is there now of those olde manners which this Poet saith supported Rome! doe wee not see them so cleerely worne out of vse, and now so farre from beeing followed, that they are quite forgotten? what neede I speake of them men? The manners perished (o) for want of men, the cause whereof in iustice, wee should not onely bee bound to giue an account of, but euen to answere it, as a capitall offence: It is not any mis-fortune, it is not any chance, but it is our own viciousnesse that hath taken away the whole essence of our common-wealth from vs, and left vs onely the bare name.

This was Cicero's owne confession, (p) long after Africanus his death, whom he induceth as a disputant in this worke of his of the Common-wealth, but yet (q) some-what before the comming of Christ. Which mischieues had they not beene (r) divulged vntill the encrease of Christian Religion, which of all those wretches would not haue beene ready to callumniate Christ for them? But why did their gods looke to this no better, nor helpe to saue the state of this weale-publike, whose losse and ruine Cicero bewaileth with such pittifull phrase, long afore Christ came in the flesh? Nay, let the commenders thereof obserue but in what case it was euen then when it consisted of the ancient men and their manners, whether then it nourished true Iustice or no; and whether at that time it were honest indeed, or but glossed ouer in shew! which Cicero not conceiuing what hee sayd, confesseth, in his relation thereof. But, by Gods grace, wee will consider that more fully else-where: for in the due place, I will doe what I can to make a plaine demonstration out of Cicero's owne definitions of the common-wealth and the people (spoken by Scipio and iustified by many reasons, either of Scipio's owne, or such as Tully giues him in this discourse) that the estate of Rome was neuer any true common-wealth, because it neuer was gui∣ded by true iustice: Indeed according to some other probable definitions, and after a sort, it was a kind of common-wealth: but far better gouerned by the an∣tiquity of the Romaines, then by their posterity. But there is not any true iustice

in any common-wealth whatsoeuer, but in that wherof Christ is the founder, and the ruler, if you please to call that a common-weale which we cannot deny is the weale of the commontie. (s) But if this name being els-where so common, seeme too discrepant for our subiect and phrase, truely then there is true iustice, but in that Citie wherof that holy scripture saith: Glorious things are spoken of thee, thou Cittie of God. * 1.4

L. VIVES.

IT was (a) presaged] I doe reade praesentiebat, hee foresawe, for praesciebater it was presaged. (b) at that time when one of the Gracchi] When as Tiberius Gracchus had promullgated the * 1.5 lawe Agraria, to the great griefe and amazement of the Patriotts, and would haue his tri∣buneshippe continued still, thereby to haue beene more secure against their iniuries, and had effected that no one man should possesse aboue fiue hundred acres of grounde, Scipio Nasica, beeing followed by the Senate killd him: (Scipio Africane beeing at the same∣time in warres at Numance) His body was throwne into Tyber. This Affricanus, is hee, whome Tully bringeth in disputing in his garden with Laelius and Furius of the com∣mon-wealth, * 1.6 alittle before his death. Hee was murthered (as it is thought) by the meanes of Cayus Gracchus, Tiberius his brother, and Sempronia sister to the Gracchi, and wife to Sci∣pio. (c) Then Pylus] When as betweene the second and last African warre, the Athenians sent Ambassadors to Rome, Carneades the Academicke, Critolaus the Peripatetike, and Diogenes * 1.7 the Stoik the most excellent Philosophers of that age, Carneades, either to exercise his faculty or to shew his wit, made an elegant and excellent oration for iustice, in the presence of Cato the elder, Galba, and diuers other great men: and the next day after, hee made ano∣ther for iniustice vnto the same audience, wherein hee confuted all the arguments for iustice which hee brought the day before, and alleadged more strong ones for iniustice: this he did, to shew his sect which teacheth neuer to affirme any thing, but onely to confute what o∣thers affirme. Out of the later of these orations hath L. Furius Pylus his proofes: who was held for a cunning latinist, and went about his subiect of iniustice with farre more dexterity * 1.8 of learning then the rest, to stirre vp Laelius his inuention in commendations of his contrarie. As Glauco did in Plato's 2. booke de Republ. praysing iniustice to make Socrates shew his cunning in praise of iustice. (d) That a common-wealth could not] It is an old saying: without iustice Iupiter himselfe cannot play the King: Plut. de doc. Princ. And seeing that the weale-publicke for the generall good of it selfe and liberty, is often compelled to vse ex∣tremity against the Citizens priuate, and also often-times in augmenting the owne powre, * 1.9 breaketh the lawes of equity in encroaching vpon others: both which notwithstanding fell still very well out; the Romaines altered the old saying, and made it: A weale-publike can∣not bee gouerned without iniustice. This Carneades touched, as Lactantius affirmeth, and told the Romaines themselues, who possessed all the world, that if they would bee iust, that is, restore euery man his owne they must euer returne to their cotages, and lead their liues in all pouerty and necessity. (e) Then Laelius] This controuersie doth Cicero speake of in his Lae∣lius also. (f) The benefite of a definition] Plato, Aristotle, and all the old Philosophers both held and taught that the course of all disputation ought to bee deriued first •…•…om the definition. For you cannot make a plaine discourse of any thing, vnlesse you first lay downe what it is. * 1.10 Rodolphus Agricola in his first booke de Dialectae inuentione, saith; That this manner of de∣fining is very vse-full, both for the vnderstanding of the matter, which beeing opened in the definition, it is maruellous to see how it doth as it were point out the limmite of knowledge to which all our notions must bende; and also for the authority of the disputer, for no man can bee held to vnderstand a thing more perfectly, then hee that can expresse it in a pithy and succinct definition.

Thus far Agricola, whom' Erasmus in his Prouerbes doth iustly praise: and hee it is alone * 1.11 that may be an example to vs that fortune ruleth in all things, (as Salust saith) and lighteneth or obscureth all, rather according to her pleasure then the merit and worth of the men themselues. I know not two authors in all our time nor our fathers, worthier of reading, & ob∣seruing thē Rodolphus Agricola the Phrysian: There is such abundance of wit, art, grauity, iudg∣ment,

sweetnes, eloquence & learning in al his works: and yet so few there are y^• do know him. * 1.12 He is as worthy of publike note, as either Politian or Hermolaus Barbarus, both which truly in my conceit hee doth not onely equallize, but exceedeth in Maiesty, and elegance of stile. (g) Whether it be by a King] Hee touches at the formes of Rule. For a Common-wealth is eyther swayed by the people alone: and that the Greekes call a Democraticall rule: or by a cer∣taine few: and that they cal Oligarchical vnder w^t is also contained the rule of the choycest of the common-wealth which is called Aristocracy: or the rule of the best: (They call the Nobili∣ty the best: but indeed such as were most powerfull in the State in countenance or wealth, such * 1.13 were the right Ooptimates.) And therefore there is not much difference betwixt Oligarchy and Aristocracy as Tully shewed, when he said the second part of the few Nobles: now the third * 1.14 kind of Rule is that of one called Monarchy: (h) A Tyran] In ancient times they called all Kings Tyrans, as well the best as the worst: as Uirgill and Horace do in their Poemes, for the name in Greeke, signifieth onely Dominion. Plato who was the onely man that laid downe the right forme of gouernement for a Citty, is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: A Tyran and a King. Festus thinketh (Lib. 15.) That the word was deriued from the notorious cruelty of the Tyrr∣henes: But I think rather y^t when the Athenians had brought in the Democratical gouernment, and other Citties through emulation followed their example, that was the cause that first brought the word Tyrannus into hatred and contempt: and so they called their Kings Tyrans, because they gouerned their owne wealth, but not the Common-wealth: besides that the Ro∣mains vsed it in that manner also, because they hated the name of a King deadly: and in Greece also, whosoeuer bore rule in a Citty that had before bin free, was called a Tyran, but not a King. (i) Faction] Memmius (in Salust) speaking of the Seniors, saith: They haue transferred the feare * 1.15 that their owne guilt surprized them with, vnto your slothfulnes: it is that which hath combined them in one hate, one affect and one feare: this in good men were friendship, but in euillmen it is rightly termed faction. (k) Before so many great Princes] For it is imagined that at that discourse there were present, Scipio Affrican, Caius Laelius, surnamed the wise, Lucius Furius: three, who (at that time, as Porcius saith) led the Nobility as they would: and of the yonger sort C. Fanius, Q. Scaeuola the Soothsaier, Laelius his son in law; & Quintus Tubero, al of worthy families. Ennius] There is nothing of this mans extant but a few fragments, which I intend to gather out of the Writers through which they are dispersed and set them forth together in one volume. Hee * 1.16 was borne at Rudiae (as Mela and Silius affirme) a Cittie of the Salentines, and liued first at Ta∣rentum, and afterwards at Rome. being very familiar with Cato, Galba, Flaminius, and other great men: and was made free Dennizen of the Citty by Flaminius. (m) Gaue out] Effatus, the proper word of the religion. (n) And Lineaments] A simily taken from painters; who first doe onely delineate, and line forth the figure they will draw: which is called a Monogramme: and then with their coullors they do as it were giue spirit and life vnto the dead picture. (o) Want of men] So Salust saith in Cataline y^t the times are now barren, and bring not forth a good man. (p) Long after.] About seauenty yeares. (q) Before the comming of Christ] Threescore yeares: For it is iust so long from Tullies Consulship, at which time he wrote his bookes De re∣pub. vnto the 24. yeare of Augustus his Empire, at which time Christ was borne. (r) diuul∣ged] * 1.17 So Diffamata is heere reported abroad or diuulged: and so likewise other authors vse it. And warning the Citty to looke to their safety, (Diffamauit) he reported or cryed out: (saith Apuleius (Asini lib. 4.) That his house was a fire vpon a sodain: [But it is pretty truly, y^t Remigius an interpreter of Saint Pauls Epistles saith vpon that place w^t the translatour had turned A vobis 〈◊〉〈◊〉. diffamatus est sermo domini. Thess. 1. 1. 8. For from you sounded out the Word of the Lord: This * 1.18 Commentator saith, that saint Paul being not curious in choosing of his words put Diffamatus, for Divulgatus, or Manifestus. What shall we doe with these School-doctors, that as yet can∣not tell whether Paul wrote in Greeke or in Latine? Nay, to marke but the arrogant foole∣ry of these simple fellowes: in such manner as this they will talke and prate so often about the signification of wordes, as continually they do in their Logike and Philosophy lectures: and yet they would not be held for profest Gramarians: but are very easily put out of patience if a∣ny man begin but to discusse their wordes of art a little more learnedly] (s) But if this name] It may bee hee speaketh this because a Common-wealth is a popular gouernment, but Christes Kingdome is but his alone.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The har∣mony of the common wealth.
• * 1.2

  A common wealth.
• * 1.3

  An estate gouerned without •…•…tice is no common weale.
• * 1.4

  Psal. 87. 3.
• * 1.5

  Tiberius Gracchus.
• * 1.6

  The death of A•…•…ilian Scipio.
• * 1.7

  The three learned A∣thenian Ambassa∣dors.
• * 1.8

  L. Furius Pylus.
• * 1.9

  A commō-wealth not gouerned without in∣iustice.
• * 1.10

  The vse of a definition.
• * 1.11

  Rod. Agri∣cola.
• * 1.12

  The three formes of Rule.
• * 1.13

  Optimates.
• * 1.14

  Tyrannus. what and whence.
• * 1.15

  Friendship & faction.
• * 1.16

  Ennius.
• * 1.17

  Diffamarê how vsed.
• * 1.18

  Not a word of this in our Paris print.