St. Augustine, Of the citie of God vvith the learned comments of Io. Lod. Viues. Englished by I.H.

THE CONTENTS OF THE first booke of the City of God.

• 1. Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians, in the sacking of Rome, onely for Christs sake,
• 2. There neuer was warre wherein the Con∣querors would spare them whome they conque∣red, for the gods they worshipped.
• 3. Of the Romaines fondnesse in thinking that those gods could helpe them, which could not helpe Troy, in her distresse.
• 4. Of the Sanctuary of Iuno in Troy, which freed not any (that fled into it) from the Greeks at the Citties sack; whereas the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Bar∣barians at the sack of Rome. Caesars opinion, touching the enemies custome in the sack of Citties.
• 5. That the Romaines themselues neuer spared the Temples, of those Citties which they conquered.
• 6. That the cruell effects following the los∣ses of warre, did but follow the custome of war: & wherein they were moderated, it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ.
• 7. Of the commodities and discommodities commonly communicated both to good and ill.
• 8. Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together.
• 9. That the Saints in their losse of things temporall, loose not any thing at all.
• 10. Of the end of this transitory life, whe∣ther it be long or short.
• 11. Of buriall of the dead▪ that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it.
• 12. The reasons why wee should bury the bo∣dies of the Saints.
• 13. Of the captiuity of the Saints, and that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they neuer wanted spirituall comfort.
• 14. Of Marcus Regulus, who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of voluntary •…•…tiuity for their religion: which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him, by reason of his Paganisme.
• 15. Whether the taxes that the holy Uir∣gins suffered against their wills in their captiui∣ties, could pollute the vertues of their minde.
• 16. Of such as chose a voluntary death, to avoide the feare of paine and dishonor.
• 17. Of the violent lust of the souldiers, exe∣cuted vpon the bodies of the captiues; against their consents.
• 18. Of Lucrecia that stab'd her selfe, be∣cause Tarquins sonne had rauished her.
• 19. That their is no authority which al∣lowes christians to bee their owne deaths in what cause so euer.
• 20. Of some sort of killing men, which not∣withstanding are no murthers.
• 21. That voluntary death can neuer bee any signe of magnanimity, or greatnesse of spirit.
• 22. Of Cato who killed himselfe, being not able to endure Caesars victory.
• 23. That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue, wherein he excelled most.
• 24. That sinne is not to bee avoided by sinne.
• 25. Of some vnlawfull acts, done by the Saints, and by what occasion they were done.
• 26. Whether wee ought to flie sinne with vo∣luntary death.
• 27. How it was a Iudgement of GOD, that the enemy was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christians bodies.
• 28. What the seruants of Christ may an∣swer the Infidells, when they vpbraide them with Christs not deliuering them in their aflic∣tion from the fury of the enemies fury.
• 29. That such as complaine of the Christian times, desire nothing, but to liue in filthy plea∣sures.
• 30. By what degrees of corruption the Ro∣mans ambition grew to such a height.
• 31. Of the first inducing of stage-plaies.
• 32. Of some vices in the Romaines, which their Citties ruine, did neuer reforme.
• 33. Of the clemency of GOD, in modera∣ting this calamity of Rome.
• 34. Of such of GODS elect as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidells, and of such as are false Christians.
• 35. What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse.

FINIS.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF SAINT AVGVSTINE Bishop of Hippo, his Cittie of God, vnto MARCELLINVS.

Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ, spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome, onely for Christs sake. CHAP. 1.

THAT most glorious society and celestiall Citty of Gods faithfull, which is partly sea∣ted in the course of these declining times, wherein he that liueth (a) by faith, is a Pil∣grim amongst the wicked; and partly in that * 1.1 solid estate of eternitie, which as yet the other part doth paciently expect, vntill (b) righteousnesse be turned into iudgment, being then by the proper excellence to obtaine * 1.2 the last victorie, and be crowned in perfecti∣on of peace; haue I vndertaken to defend in this worke: which I intend vnto you (my deerest (c) Marcellinus) as being your due by my promise, and exhibite it against all those that prefer their false gods before this Cities founder: The worke is great and difficult, but God the maister of all difficulties is our helper. For I know well what strong arguments are requi∣red * 1.3 to make the proud know the vertue of humilitie, by which (not being en∣hansed by humane glory, but endowed with diuine grace) it surmounts all earthly loftinesse, which totters through the owne transitory instability. For the King, the builder of this Citty, whereof we are now to discourse, hath opened his minde to his people, in the diuine law, thus: God resisteth the proud, and giueth * 1.4 grace to the humble. (d) Now this which is indeed only Gods, the swelling pride of an ambitious minde affecteth also, and loues to heare this as parcell of his praise.

(e) Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos. * 1.5To spare the lowly, and strike downe the proud.

Wherefore touching the Temporall Citty (which longing after dominati∣on, though it hold all the other nations vnder it, yet in it selfe is ouer-ruled by the owne lust (f) after soueraignty) wee may not omit to speake whatsoeuer the qualitie of our proposed subiect shall require or permit, for out of this, arise the foes against whom Gods City is to bee guarded. Yet some of these reclaiming their impious errours haue become good Citizens therein: but

others burning with an extreame violence of hate against it, are so thanklesse to the Redeemer of it for so manifest benefits of his, that at this day they would not speake a word against it, but that in the holy places thereof, flying thether from the sword of the foe, they found that life and safety wherein now they glory. Are not these Romaines become persecutors of Christ, whom the very Barbarians saued for Christs sake? yes, the Churches of the Apostles, and the Martyrs can testifie this, which in that great sacke were free both to their (g) owne, and (h) strangers. Euen thither came the rage of the bloudy enemie: euen there the murders furie stopt: euen thither were the distressed led by their pittifull foes (who had spared them, though finding them out of those sanctuaries) least they should light vpon some that should not extend the like pitty. And euen they that else-where raged in slaughters, comming but to those places, that forbad what law of warre else-where allowed, all their head-long furie curbed it selfe, and all their desire of conquest was conquered. And so escaped many then, that since haue detracted all they can from Christianity: they can impute their cities other calamities, wholy vnto Christ, but that good which was bestowed on thē only for Christs honor (namely the sparing of their liues) that they impute not vnto our Christ, but vnto their owne fate: whereas if they had any iudgement, they would rather attribute these calamities and miseries of mortalitie, all vnto the prouidence of God, which vseth to re∣forme the corruptions of mens manners, by (i) warre and oppressions, and laudably to exercise the righteous in such afflictions, & hauing so tried them, either to transport them to a more excellent estate, or to keepe them longer in the world for other ends and vses. And whereas the bloudy Barbarians against all custome of warre, spared them both in other places, for the honor of Christ, and in those large houses that were dedicated vnto him, (made large, to containe many, for the larger extent of pitty;) this ought they to ascribe to these Christian times, to giue God thankes for it, and to haue true recourse by this meanes vnto Gods name, thereby to auoyde the (k) paines of eternall damnation: which name many of them as then falsely tooke vp, as a sure shelter against the stormes of present ruine. For euen those that you may now behold most petulantly insulting ouer Christs seruants, most of them had neuer esca∣ped the generall massacre, had they not counterfeited themselues to be the ser∣uants of Christ. But now through their vngratefull pride, and vngodly mad∣nesse they stand against that name (in peruersnesse of heart, and to their eternall captiuation in darknesse) to which they fled with a dissembling tongue, for the obtaining of the enioying but of this temporall light.

The Commentaries of Iohn Lodouicus Viues vpon the first Chapter of the first booke of Saint Augustine, of the City of God.

HE that liueth (a) by faith] Habacuc. 2. 4. The iust shall liue by faith, so saith Paul in di∣uerse places: for this indeed is the prouision of our liues voyage. In the text it is di∣uersly read: some-time, by my faith; some-time, by his faith: the seuentie Interpreters translate it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he shall liue by the faith of himselfe, or his faith. (b) Righte∣ousnesse be turned into iudgement] Psal. 19. The true Hebrew saith; Because righteousnesse shall be turned into iudgement: It is meant of the end of the world, wherevnto that also belongs that followeth: The last victory: Th•…•… Church vpon earth warreth daily, and conquereth daily: but the end of one warre is but a step into another. That shall be the last and most perfect victory, when the Church shall be wholy translated into heauen, to remaine for euer

in peace with the King and peace-maker, Iesus Christ. (c) Marcellinus,] There are extant in Augustines Epistles, some dedicated vnto Marcellinus, and againe some from him to Au∣gustine. Their acquaintance it seemes begun in Affrica: for thus writeth Orosius of this * 1.6 Marcellinus: In those dayes by Honorius his command, and Constantines assistance, there was a generall peace and vnitie throughout the whole Church of Affrica, and the body of Christ (which we indeed are) was cured by a willing or thankefull consent on all sides: this holy command being put in execution by Marcellinus, a man full fraught with wisdome, industry, and endeuour of all goodnesse. (d) Now this which indeed is onely Gods.] Either because such in their pride, * 1.7 desire what is properly Gods, namely to resist the proud; or, because pride (in others) is of it selfe so hated of the proud, that the proudest nation of all (the Romanes) reioyced to haue this reckoned vp as parcell of their glories, that they kept downe the proud: That the Romanes were proud themselues, and by reason of their owne pride hated it in all others, the words of Cato Censorius do prooue, in his Oration to the Senate for the Rhodians: They say (quoth he) the Rhodians are proud: obiecting that which I would not haue spoken of my children: They are indeed proud: what is that to vs? Are you greeued that any should be prouder then our selues? Vnto which words Gellius addeth this. There is nothing can be spoken either sharper or gentler * 1.8 then this reproofe vnto those most proud high-minded men, that loue pride in themselues and re∣prooue it in others. (e) To spare] Virgill hauing reckoned vp diuerse praises of other nations * 1.9 wherein they excelled the Romanes, at length turning to Rome, saith thus:

Turegere imperio populos Romane memento, Haetibi erunt artes, paci{que} imponere morem, Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos.

But (Romane) let thy study be to sway Thy realmes with awe to force them peace obey, To spare the lowly, and to pull downe pride, &c.

To obey peace, is all one as to keepe or obserue it. (f) Lust after soueraigntie]: It is an old Prouerbe: The tyrants subiects are his slaues, and himselfe slaue to his lusts and pleasures. So said Diogenes the Cynick of the Persian King, and Tully in his Paradoxes of Caesar. (g) Their owne] that is, Christians. (h) Strangers;] namely such as did not worship Christs God∣head: whom Augustine termeth Pagans. (i) By warre] This appeares most plaine in the Romanes, who liued more orderly in the times of warre, then at any time else, though in most secured peace. (k) The paine of eternall damnation] Not onely those temporall and mo∣mentarie punishments.

There neuer was warre wherein the conquerors would spare them whom they conquered, for the Gods they worshipped. CHAP. 2.

THere hath beene thus many warres chronicled, partly before Rome was * 1.10 builded, and partly since her founding: let them reade, and finde mee any one Citie taken by a stranger foe, that would spare any that they found re∣tired into the temples of their gods, or any Barbarian Captaine, that euer com∣manded, that in the sacke of the towne none should bee touched that were fled into such or such temples. (d) Did not Aeneas see Priamus slaine before the Altar, and with his bloud

Sanguine faedantem quos ipse sacrauerat ignes?Sprinkling the flames himselfe had hallowed?

Did not (d) Diomede & Vlisses, hauing slaughtred all the keepers of the high tower,

—caesis summae custodibus arcis, Corripuêre sacram effigiem manibus{que} cruentis, Virgineas ausi diuae contingere vittas.

Snatch vp the sacred statue, and with hands Besmeer'd in bloud, durst touch the (d) Virgins vaile?

(e) Yet is not that true which followeth:

Ex illo fluere ac retrò sublapsa referri Spes Danaûm.—From thence the Grecians hopes decline, and faile.

For after all this, they conquered: after this they threw downe Troy with sword and fire: after this they smote off Priams head before the Altar that hee fled vnto. Neither perished Troy because it lost the Palladium: for what had the Palladium lost first, that it selfe should perish? perhaps the keepers? indeed it is true, they being slaine, it was soone taken away: For the Image kept not the men, but the men kept the Image (f) But why then was it adored as the preser∣uer of the country and Citizens, when it could not preserue the owne keepers?

L. VIVES.

DId not (a) Aeneas,] so saith Uirgill: There saw I Priam, Hecuba, and all their hundred daughters at the altar, &c. This happened vpon that night when Troy was taken and * 1.11 burned by the Greekes: and Neoptolemus Pirrhus, Achilles his sonne slue Priam at the altar. (b) Himselfe had hallowed,] Wherein he showes the greater indignity, because those gods did not assist him, which he himselfe had made and consecrated in that very place. I thinke it is meant of Vesta in whose temple perpetuall fire was kept: Uirgils Commentators doe not explaine it: let each man take it as he please. (c) Diomedes,] This also is from Uirgill in the said booke: the words are Sinons, and meant of the Palladium, which in the Troyan warre Diomedes and Ulisses stole out of the Temple of Pallas. Nor feared they sacriledge, as to the which they added murther, and yet was (their party) the Grecians, conquerours ouer Troy. The Palladium was an Image of Pallas, whereof there are so many relations ex∣tant, that I should thinke it idle to proceed in recounting all mens opinions thereof. Yet * 1.12 will I extract what seemes most likely, out of Varro, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Ouid, Plu∣tarch, and Seruius: Chrysas the Daughter of Pallas being married vnto Dardanus, brought with her for hir dowry this Palladium, and the Images of the Great gods: for which, Darda∣nus built a Temple in Samothracia; all which Images afterward in his Grand-childs time, were transported from thence into Ilium, an Oracle forewarning them, that as long as the Palladium was there kept, so long the City should continue vnruined. Wherefore it was placed in the most secret part of all the temple, and another Palladium made like that, was set in open sight, and carelesly respected. Now when Pirrhus had heard of Helenus, a Prophet, one of Priams sonnes, that Troy was inexpugnable, as long as the Palladium was safe, and that hee had told this vnto the Greeke Princes, Ulisses and Diomedes entred the towne in disguise, and getting to the Tower, set vpon the keepers, slew them, and tooke away that false Palladium. But the other, after the sack of Troy, together with the other great gods called the Troi•…•…ns Penates, Sycas deliuered vnto Aeneas, who carried them all into Italy with him. And so from Alba Louga, or (as Uarro thinkes) from Lauinium, the Palla∣dium was remooued vnto Rome, and set vp in the house of Uesta, which being by chance set on fire, Lucius Metellus then chiefe Priest, with the losse of his eyes, fetcht it forth of the midst of the flames. The Palladium was openly seene at the burning of the Temple of V•…•…sta, in the time of Heliogabalus, saith Herodian. There was another Palladium, which Ni∣cias did dedicate, in the Tower of Athens. (d) Uirgins vayle,] For Pallas euer was a Virgin. (e) Yet is not that true,] For it was spoken by the lyer Sinon: though it may bee held for true that then the Grecians hope was ouer-throwne. Neuerthelesse they gotte the Cittie. (f) But why then,] an argument which the Logicians call, à minore: how can that preserue the Citty and the countrie, that cannot preserue the owne keepers and garde, which is a worke of lesse moment, and yet in nature nearer concerning it?

Of the Romanes fondnesse in thinking that those Gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy, in her distresse. CHAP. 3.

BEhold vnto what Patrones the Romanes reioyced to committe the protec∣tion of their Cittie! O too too pitteous error! Nay, they are angry at vs when wee speake thus of their Gods: but neuer with their teachers and in∣uentors, but pay them money for learning them such fooleries: yea and more∣ouer haue vouchsafed their Authors, both stipends from the common treasury and ample honours besides: and namely in Virgill, who was therfore taught vn∣to their children, because that they thinke this great and most renowned Poet being fastned in their mindes, whilst they are young, will neuer easily be for∣gotten: according to that of Horace.

(a) Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem,—Testa diu. * 1.13 The liquors that new vessels first containes, Behinde them leaue a tast that long remaines.

Euen in the fore-named Poet Virgill, is Iuno presented as the Troians foe, inci∣ting Aeolus the King of windes against them in these wordes▪

(b) Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum nauigat aequor Ilium in Italiam portans, victos{que} penates. * 1.14

The nation that I hate, in peace sayles by, with Troy and Troyes falne Gods to Italy.

(c) Yea would any wise-man haue commended the defence of Rome vnto Gods already proued vnable to defend them-selues? but suppose (d) Iuno spoke this as a woman in anger, not knowing what shee said: what saies (the so often sur∣named (e) godly) Aeneas him-selfe? does he not say plainly-

(f) Panthus Otriades, arcis, Phoebi{que} sacerdos, Sacra manu, Victos{que} deos parvum{que} nepotem * 1.15 Ipse trahit, cursu{que}, amens ad limina tendit.

Panthus a Priest of Phaebus and the Tower, Burdned with his falne gods, and in his hand His poore young nephew, flyes vnto the strand?

Doth he not hold these Gods (which he dares call falne) rather commended vn∣to him, then he to them: it being said to him-

(g) Sacra suos{que} tibi commendat Troia penates? * 1.16 To thee doth Troy commend her Gods, her all?

If Virgill then call them fallen Gods, and conquered Gods, needing mans helpe for their escape after their ouerthrow and fall, how mad are men to thinke that there was any witte shewen in committing Rome to their keeping, or that it could not be lost, if first it lost not them? To worship conquered and cast Gods, as guardians, and defenders, what is it but to put by good deityes, and adore

wicked (i) diuells? Were there not more wisdome shewen in beleeuing, (not that Rome had not come to this calamitie, vnlesse it had first lost them, but) that they had long since come to nothing had not Rome beene as the especially carefull keeper of them? Who sees not (that will see any thing) what an idle presumption it is, to build any impossibility of beeing conquered, vpon defen∣ders that haue bene conquered? and to thinke that Rome therefore perished be∣cause it had lost the Gods (k) guardians; when possibly, the onely cause why it pe∣rished, was, because it would set the rest vpon such soone perishing guardians? Nor listed the Poets to lye when they sung thus of these subuerted Gods; it was truth that inforced their vigorous spirits to confesse it. But of this, more fitly in another place hereafter: At this time (as I resolued at first) I wil haue a little bout (as wel as I can) with those vngrateful persons, whose blasphemous tongues throw those calamities vpon Christ, which are onely the guerdons of their owne peruersnesse: But wheras Christs name alone was of power to pro∣cure them their vndeserued safety, that, they do scorne to acknowledge: and being madde with sacrilegious petulancy, they practise their foule tearmes vp∣pon his name, which like false wretches they were before glad to take vppon them to saue their liues by: and those filthy tongues which (when they were in Christes houses) feare kept silent, to remaine there with more safety, where euen for his sake they found mercy; those selfe-same, getting forth againe, shoot at his deity with al their envenomed shafts of mallice, and curses of hostility.

L. VIVES.

QVo (a) semel] Horace Epist. 2. Commonly cited to proue the power of custome in young and tender mindes: such is this too,

Ne{que} amissos Colores Lana refert madefacta fuco. Wooll dyde in graine, will not change hew, nor staine.

(b) Gens inimica] Aeneads the 1. Iuno was foe to Troy: first, because they came from Dar∣danus, sonne of Ioue and Electra, one of his whores. Secondly because Ganymede, Trois son being taken vp to heauen was made Ioues cup-bearer and Hebe, Iunos daughter put by. Thirdly because Antigone, Laomedons daughter, scorned Iunos beauty, being therfore tur∣ned into a storke: Lastly because shee was cast, in the contention of beauty, by the iudge∣ment of Paris, Priams sonne. (c) Yea? would any wise man] The discourse of these Penates, houshould or peculiar Gods, is much more intricate then that of the Palladium. I thinke they are called Penates, quasi Penites, because they were their penitissimi, their most inward & proper Gods. Macrobius holdes with them that say they are our Penates by which we do penitùs spirare, by whom we breath, and haue our body, & by whom we possesse our soules reason. So the Penates are the keepers or Gods Guardians of particular estates. The Penates of all mankind were held to be Pallas, the highest Aether, Ioue the middle Aether, and Iuno the lowest. Heauen also hath the Penates as Martianus Capella saith in his Nuptiae. And on earth, euery Citty and euery house hath the peculiar Gods Guardians. For euery house is a little Citty: or rather euery Citty a great house. And as these haue the Gods, so hath the fire also: Dionysius Halicarnasseus writeth that Romulus ordained perticular Vesta's for euery Court, ouer all which, his successor Numa set vp a common Vesta, which was the fire of the Citty, as Cicero saith in his 2. De legibus. But what Penates Aeneas brought into Italie, is vncertaine. Some say Neptune and Apollo, who (as we read) built the wals of Troy: Other say Vesta: For Virgill hauing said.

Sacra suos{que}, &c. To thee doth Troy commend her Gods, &c.—Addes presently,

Sic ait, & manibus vittas, Vestamque potentem, Aeternum{que} adytis effert penetr alibus ignem.

This said, he fetcheth forth th' eternall fire: Almighty Vesta, and her pure attire—

Now I thinke Vesta was none of the Penates, but the fire, added to them, and therefore the Dictator, and the rest of the Romaine Magistrates on the day of their instalment sacrificed to Vesta and the Gods guardians. Of this Vesta and these Gods thus saith Tully in his twentith booke de natura deorū. Nam vestae nomen, &c. The name of Vesta we haue from the Greekes: it is that which they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And her power is ouer fires and altars: Therefore in the wor∣ship of that Godesse which is the guardian to the most inward and internall things, all the praiers and sacrifices offered are externall: Nor are the Penates far different from the power afore∣said: being either deriued from Penu, which is whatsoeuer man eateth, or of penitūs, in that they * 1.17 are placed within, and therefore called of the Poets, Penetrales, chamber or closetary gods. Thus far Tully. But here is no time for further dispute of this matter. Dionysius in his first booke saith he saw in a certaine blinde obscure temple not far from the Forum, two Images of the Troian gods, like two young men, sitting, and hauing Iauelins in their hands (two very old peeces of worke) and vpon them inscribed D. Penates: and that in most of the temples were Images in fashion and habit like these old ones. I make no question these were Castor and Pollux: for in other places they are called the Romanes Penates, which Prudentius testifies vnto Symmachus in these wordes.

—Gemini quo{que} fratres Corruptâ de matre nothi Ledeia Proles Nocturni{que} equites celsae duo numina Romae, Impendent &c.

—And the two brothers The bastard twins of Laeda and the Swan, Night-riders, as the Patron gods do watch The wals of stately Rome, &c.—

But these were not the Patron Gods of Troy, for euen in the beginning of the Troyan warre, presently vpon the rape of Hellen, they died. And therefore she being ignorant of their death, lookes for them amongst the other Greeke Nobles from the walles of Troy. Homer. Iliad. 3. Neither were these two the Dij magni, the great Gods, for Heauen and earth (as Varro saith in his. 3. booke de lingua Latina) are (as the Samothracians principles doe teach) the Dii magni, the great Gods, and those whom I haue named by so many names. For * 1.18 neither were the two mens shapes which Aeneas set vp before the gates at▪ Samothracia, these great Gods, nor as the vulgar opinion holdeth, were the Samothracians Gods, Castor and Pollux: Thus farre Varro. The Troyan Penates were those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those great gods which sate as protectors of the Citty and Latium. Amongst which the Palladium was one, and the Sempiternall fire another, and herevpon it is that Virgill sings this.

—Vesta{que} mater Quae Tuscum Tyberim, & Romana palatia seruas &c.

—And mother Vesta, she that lookes, To Romes faire buildings, and old Tybers brookes &c.

Though indeed they held it a wicked fact to name the peculiar god Guardian of the Cit∣ty, nor hold that it is Vesta. Valerius Soranus lost his life for being so bold as to name that name. But of this too much already, (d) But suppose Iuno spoke] For Seruius and Donate say that Iuno called them the fallen gods to make them the more contemptible, and free Aeolus from suspecting that he went about to do ought against the gods. (e) Godly] Godly in duty * 1.19 vnto his gods, his Father, and his Sonne, all whome he saued from burning. For Godlinesse is a dutifull worship vnto God, our Country, our Parents, and our kinsfolkes: breefely, a thanke∣fulnesse vnto all to whome we are indebted. (f) Panthus] This is our of the second of the Ae∣neads, beginning at this verse.

Ecce autem telis Panthus delapsus. Achiuūm. Panthus Otriades &c.

(g) Sacra suos{que}] These are Hectors words spoken to Aeneas in a dreame. (h) That Rome had not come] An Argument from the euent of one thing, to the euent of the like: the sence is corrupted in the latine: it should haue beene: non Romam ad istam cladem: that it had run thus: Vt sapientius multò existimaret si non illud putaret, Romam ad hanc cladem non fuisse venturam, nisi illi periissent, sed illud potius putaret illos olim &c. (i) deuills] for the old wri∣ters acknowledged some of these Daemones, or Genii to be very euill▪ and slothfull. For one Genius excelled another in vertue, wisdome, and power. Augustus his Genius was more cheerefull and lofty then was Marke Anthonies, as that same Aegiptian magician affir∣med in Plutarke in Marke Anthonies life. Nor doth our Christian religion deny that there is preheminence of some aboue others aswell amongst the Angells as the Deuills, (k) Gods guardians] Iust such guardians as Plato in his Policy saith that drunken and lux∣urious Magistrates are, that need guardians for themselues.

Of the sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any (that fled into it) from the Greekes at the Citties sack, where as the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians, at the sacke of Rome. Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sacke of Citties. CHAP. 4.

NOr could Troy it selfe that was (as I sayd before) (a) the mother of the Ro∣manes progeny, in al her hallowed temples, saue any one from the Grecian force and fury, though they worshiped the same gods: nay did they not in the very sanctuary of Iuno,

—(b) Ipso Iunonis asylo Custodes lecti (c) Phaenix, & dirus Vlisses Praedam asseruabant. Huc vndique Troia gaza Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque deorum, Craterésque auro solidi, captiuaque vestis Congerit &c.

—To Iunos sanctuary Comes all the prey, and what they thither carry Is kept by choise men; the Phenician And dire Vlisses: thether the whole state Of Troies wealth swarmes, the gods, their temples plate, There lies the gold in heapes, and robes of worth Snatcht from the flaming coffers—&c.

Behold, the place dedicated vnto so great a goddesse was chosen out (not to serue for a place whence they might lawfully pull prisoners, but) for a prison wherein to shut vp all they tooke. Now compare this temple, not of a∣ny vulgar god, of the common sort, but of Iupiters sister, and Queene of all the other gods, vnto the Churches built as memorialls of the Apostles. To the first, all the spoiles that were pluckt from the gods and flaming temples were caried, not to be bestowed backe to the vanquished, but to bee shared amongst the vanquishers. To the second, both that which was the places owne and (d) what euer was found also els-whereto belong to such places, with all religious honor and reuerence was restored. There, was freedome lost, here saued: there, was bondage shut in; here, it was shut out: thether were men brought by their proude foes, for to vndergo slauery: hither were men brought by their pitti∣full foes, to be secured from slauery. Lastly, the temple of Iuno was chosen by the (e) vnconstant Greekes to practise their proud couetousnesse in, whereas the Churches of Christ were by (f) the naturally cruell Barbarians, chosen to

excercise their pious humility in. Perhaps the Greekes in that their victory spared those that fled into the temples of the (g) Common gods, and did not dare to hurt or captiuate such as escaped thither: But in that, Virgill plaies the Poet indeed, and faignes it. Indeed there he describes the (h) generall custome of most enemies in the sacking of cities, and conquests; which (i) custome, Cae∣sar himselfe (as Salust, that noble, true historian recordeth) forgetteth not to auouch, in his sentence giuen vpon the conspirators in the Senate-house: that (in these spoiles) the Virgins are rauished, the Children torne from their Pa∣rents bosomes, the Matrons made the obiects, of al the victors lust, the temples, and houses all spoiled, all things turned into burning, and slaughter: and lastly all places stopt full of weapons, carcasses, bloud, and lamentation. If Caesar had not named temples, wee might haue thought it the custome of a foe to spare such places as are the habitations of their gods: but the Senators feared the ru∣ine of their temples, not by an vnknowne or stranger enemy, but by (k) Catiline, and his followers, who were Senators and Citizens of Rome themselues. But these were villaines though, and their countries parricides.

L. VIVES.

MOther (a) of the Romanes] For the Troyans that came with Aeneas into Italy built Lauinium; the Lauinians, Albalonga, the Albans, Rome. But Saluste sayth that the Troyans themselues that wandred about with Aeneas without dwellings, built Rome at the first. (b) Iunonis] They are Aeneas his words Aenead. 2. (c) Phaenix] Amintors Son, * 1.20 and Achilles his Maister, one that taught him to say well and do well: Homer. Illiad. 3. (d) What euer was] There was at this sacke of Rome a huge quantity of gold taken out of the Va∣ticane, but by Alaricus his command, it was al restored. Oros. Lib. 7 (e) Vnconstant Greekes] It was the Greeks character at Rome, & therfore they called them Graeculi: and some coppies of Augustines bookes haue Graeculorū: here Cicero in his oration for Flaccus saith these words, Wherein we earnestly desire you to remember the rashnesse of the multitude, and the truely Gree∣kish l•…•…ity. So meaneth Lucian in his Me•…•…ces seruientibus, and •…•…mblichus calls his Greci∣ans, light-witted. (f) euen naturally cruell] This is added for more fulnesse to the compari∣son. The Barbarians are apposed to the Greekes; not all Barbarians, but the naturally sa∣uage and cruell, vnto those that would haue al humanity to be deriued from them alone. Cicero writeth thus to his brother Quintus, ruling then in Asia minor, which is Greece. See∣ing we rule ouer those amongst whom not onely humanity is in it selfe, but seemes from thence to be deriued vnto all others, verily let vs seeke to ascribe that chiefely vnto them from whom we our selues receiued it. (g) common gods] For the Greekes and the Troyans worshipped the s•…•…me gods. (h) generall custome] True, least his speech otherwise might haue made repre∣hension seeme rather peculiar vnto the Greekes then vnto other Nations in their conquests of Citties. (i) which custome] Caius Caesar being then Praetor (& afterwards Dictator) hauing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the conspiracy of Catiline, being asked by the Consul Cicero, what he thought f•…•… should be done vnto the conspirators; answered, as Saluste setteth downe; That these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which he had rehearsed, must needs haue come to effect, not only in this war, by rea∣son it was domesticall, but that it is warres custome, to produce such bloudy effects, which the vanquished of all sorts are sure to feele. Tully against Verres saith thus: I omit to speake of the deflowring of free Virgins, and the rauishing of the matrons, &c. which were com∣mitted in that sacke of the Citty, not through hostile hate, nor military loosenesse, nor custome of warre, nor right of conquest. Thus farre Tully. (k) Catiline] The history is at large in Saluste: and else where I will take occasion to say some-what of it.

That the Romanes themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Cities which they conquered. CHAP. 5.

BVt why should we spend time in discoursing of many nations, that haue wa∣ged warres together, and yet neuer spared the conquered habitations of one anothers gods: let vs goe to the Romanes themselues: yes; I say, let vs ob∣serue the Romanes themselues, whose chiefe glory it was,

Parcere subiectis & debellare superbos. To spare the lowly, and pull downe the proud.

And (a) being offered iniurie, rather to pardon then persecute: in all their spa∣cious conquests of Townes and Cities, in all their progresse and augmentati∣on of their domination, shew vs vnto what one Temple they granted this priuiledge, that it should secure him that could flie into it from the enemies sword? Did they euer do so, and yet their Histories not recorde it? Is it like that they that hunted thus for monuments of praise, would endure the suppres∣sion of this so goodly a commendation? Indeed that great Romane (b) Marcus Marcellus that tooke that goodly City of (c) Syracusa, is said to haue wept be∣fore the ruine, and shed his owne (d) teares ere he shed their bloud: (e) hauing a care to preserue the chastitie euen of his foes from violation. For before hee gaue leaue to the inuasion, he made an absolute Edict, that no violence should be offered vnto any free person: yet was the Citie in hostile manner, subuerted vtterly, nor finde we any where recorded, that this so chaste and gentle a gene∣rall euer commanded to spare such as fled for refuge to this Temple or that: which (had it beene otherwise) would not haue beene omitted, since neither his compassion, nor his command for the captiues chastitie, is left vnrecorded. So is (f) Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum commended for abstayning from making bootie of their Images. For his (g) Secretary asking him what they should do with the Images of the gods, whereof they had as then taken a great many: he seasoned his continencie with a conceit, for asking what they were, and being answered that there were many of them great ones, and some of them armed: O (said he) l•…•…t vs leaue the Tarentines their angrie gods. Seeing therefore that the Romane Historiographers neither concealed Marcellus his weeping, nor Fabius his iesting, neither the chaste pitty of the one, nor the merry absti∣nencie of the other, with what reason should they omit that, if any of them had giuen such priuiledge to some men in honor of their gods, that they might saue their liues by taking sanctuarie in such or such a Temple, where neither rape nor slaughter should haue any power or place?

L. VIVES.

BEing (a) offred iniurie,] Saluste in his conspiracie of Catiline, speaking of the ancient * 1.21 manners of the Romanes, giues them this commendation: That they increased by pardo∣ning. (b) Marcus Marcellus,] There was two sorts of the Claudii in Rome: the one noble, arising from that Appius Claudius that vpon the expulsion of the Kings came from Regillum * 1.22 vnto Rome, and there was chosen Senatour, and his family made a Patriot: the other was Plebeyan, or vulgar, but yet as powerfull as the first, and as worthy, as Suetonius in the life of

Tyberius doth testifie. And of this later, this man of whom Augustine here writeth, was the first that was called Marcellus, as Plutarch writeth out of Possidonius. Now I wonder at this great error of so great an Historiographer, and one that was most exact in the Romane af∣faires: for there were Claudii Marcelli a hundred yeares before. But he of whom we speake was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 times Consull: for the second time he was created Consull, because the election was corrupt, hee discharged it not. Now if one reckon right, hee was fiue times Consull, first with Cornelius Scipio, in the warre of France, wherein hee tooke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spoiles from Vir•…•…domarus the French King: and those were the third and last warres which the Romanes had waged with so many nations and vnder so many Generalls. After his second Consulship he tooke S•…•…acusa. In his fourth Consulship (he and Quintus Crispinus being intrapped by the enemies) this great, valorous and iudicious Captaine lost his life; in the eleuenth yeare of the second Carthaginian warre, after he had fought nine and thirty set battailes, as Plinie in * 1.23 his seuenth booke witnesseth. (c) Syracusa,] It is a citie in Sicily, now ancient, and whilom wealthy: three yeares did this Marcellus besiege it, and at length tooke it; beating as much spoile from that conquest (very neare) as from the conquest of Carthage, which at that time was in the greatest height, and stood as Romes parallell in power and authority. (d) Teares] So faith Li•…•…) lib. 25. Marcellus entring vpon the walles, and looking ouer all the citty, standing at that time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and goodly, is said to haue shed teares, partly for ioy of this so great a conquest, and partly for pitty of the Cities ancient glory: The ouer-throwe of the Athenian nauie, the wracke of two great armies with their Captaines; so many warres and rich Kings, and all that before him to be in a moment on fire, came all into his minde at once. This is also in Ualerius Maximus. de humanitate. (e) Nay he had a care,] Liuie, as before. Marcellus by a generall consent of the Captaines, forbad the soldiers to violate any free body, leauing them all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…or spoile: which edict contained the assurance of the sayd free women from death and all other violence, as well a•…•… * 1.24 that of their chastities. (f) Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum,] In the second Carthaginian warre, Tarentum, a famous citie in Calabria fell from the Romanes vnto Han•…•…bal, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Salinator the Captaine of the Romane garrison, retired into the tower. This Citie Fab•…•… Maximus recouered, and gaue his soldiors the spoile of it. This is that Fabius that in the said second Punicke warre, by his sole wisdome put life into all the Romanes dying hopes, and by his cunning protraction blunted the furie of Hannibal. And of him Enius said truly.

Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem, One mans wise, set delay, restor'd vs all.

I neither can nor list now to stand vpon all the errors of the first Commentator of this booke: it were too tedious, and too troublesome. But because in this place he goeth astray with many others, who indeed in other mens iudgements are learned in such matters, but in their owne iudgements most learned, (nor, to say trueth, are they vnlearned,) I could not choose but giue the reader this admonition, that this Fabius is not hee that was called Maximus, but his Grandfather was called so: because hee being Censor with P. Decius, di∣uided the whole commonty of Rome into foure Tribes, which he named Vrbanae: though I deny not that this Fabius of whom Augustine speaketh, deserued this name, but the world as then did not giue it him. (g) Secretary] Hereof read Liuie in his 27. Booke.

That the cruell effects following the losses of warre, did but follow the custome of warre: and wherein they were moderated, it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. CHAP. 6.

THerefore all the spoile, murther, burning, violence and affliction, that in this fresh call amitie fell vpon Rome, were nothing but the ordinary effects following the (a) custome of warre. But that which was so vnaccustomed, that the sauage nature of the Barbarians should put on a new shape and appeare so mercifull, that it would make choise of great and spacious Churches, to fill with such as it meant to shew pitty on, from which none should bee haled to

slaughter or slauerie, in which none should bee hurt, to which many by their courteous foes should be conducted, and out of which none should bee lead into bondage; This is due to the name of Christ, this is due to the Christian profession; he that seeth not this is blinde, hee that seeth it and praiseth it not is thanklesse, hee that hinders him that praiseth it, is madde. God forbid that any man of sence should attribute this vnto the Barbarians brutishnesse: It was God that struck a terror into their truculent and bloudy spirits, it was he that bridled them, it was he that so wonderously restrained them, that had so long before fore-told this by his Prophet. (b) I will visit their offences with the rod, and their sinne with scourges: yet will I not vtterly take my mercy from them. * 1.25

L. VIVES.

CVstome (a) of warre,] Quintilian recordes the accidents that follow the sacking of Ci∣ties in his eight booke, thus: The flames were spread through the temples, a terrible crac∣king * 1.26 of falling houses was heard: and one confused sound of a thousand seuerall clamours. Some fled they knew not whether: some stuck fast in their last embraces of their friends, the children and the women howled, and the old men (vnluckily spared vntill that fatall day): then followed the tearing away of all the goods out of house and temple, and the talke of those that had carri∣ed away one burden and ranne for another, and the poore prisoners were driuen in chaines before their takers: and the mother endeuouring to carry her silly infant with her, and where the most gaine was, there went the victors together by th'eares. Now these things came thus to passe, be∣cause the soldiers (as they are a most proud and insolent kinde of men, without all meane and modestie) haue no power to temper their auarice, lust or furie in their victory: and againe (because taking the towne by force) if they should not do thus for terror to the ene∣mie, they might iustly feare to suffer the like of the enemy. (b) I will visit] It is spoken of the sonnes of Dauid, Psal. 89. If they be not good, &c.

Of the commodities, and discomodities commonly communicated both to good and ill. CHAP. 7.

YEa but (will (a) some say) Why doth God suffer his mercy to be exten∣ded vnto the gracelesse and thankelesse? Oh! why should we iudge, but be∣cause it is his worke that maketh the sunne to shine daily both on good and * 1.27 bad, & the raine to fal both on the iust and vniust? For what though some by me∣ditating vpon this, take occasion to reforme their enormities with repentance? & other some (as the Apostle saith) despising the ritches of Gods goodnes, and long suffering, in their hardnesse of heart and impenitency (b) do lay vp vnto them-selues wrath against the day of wrath, and the reuelation of Gods iust iudgement, * 1.28 who will (c) reward each man according to his workes? Neuerthelesse Gods pati∣ence still inuiteth the wicked vnto repentance as this scourge doth instruct the good vnto patience. The mercy of God imbraceth the good with loue, as his seuerity doth correct the bad with paines. For it seemed good to the almighty prouidence to prepare such goods, in the world to come, as the iust onely should inioy, and not the vniust: and such euils, as the wicked only should feele, and not the godly. But as for these temporall goods, of this world, hee hath left them to the common vse both of good and badde: that the goods of this world should not be too much desired, because euen the wicked doe also

partake them: and that the euils of this world should not bee too cowardly auoyded, where-with the good are sometimes affected. But there is great dif∣ference in the (d) vse both of that estate in this world, which is called prospe∣rous, and that which is (e) called aduerse. For neither do these temporall goodes extoll a good man, nor doe the euill deiect him. But the euill man must needs bee subiect to the punishment of this earthly vnhappin•…•…sse, because hee is first corrupted by this earthly happinesse: Yet in the distributing of these temporall blessings God sheweth his prouident operation. For if all sinne were presently punished: there should bee nothing to do at the last iudgement: and againe if no sinne were here openly punished, the diuine prouidence would not bee beleeued: And so in prosperity, if God should not giue competency of worldly and apparant blessings to some that aske them, we would say he hath nothing to do with them: and should he giue them to all that aske them, we should thinke he were not to bee serued but for them: and so his seruice should not make vs godly, but rather greedy. This being thus, what euer affliction good men and badde doe suffer together in this life, it doth not proue the persons vndistinct, because so they both do ioyntly indure like pains: for as in one fire, gold shineth and chaffe smoaketh, and as vnder one (f) f•…•…yle the straw is bruised, and the eare cleansed; nor is the lees and the oyle confused because they are both pressed in one presse, so likewise one and the same violence of affliction, prooueth, purifieth, and (g) melteth the good, and conde•…•…eth, wasteth and casteth out the badde. And thus in one and the same distresse do the wicked offend God by detestation and blasphemy, and the good do glorifie him by praise and praier. So great is the difference where∣in we ponder not what, but how a man suffers his affects. For one and the same motion maketh the mud smell filthily, and the vnguent swell most fragrantly.

L. VIVES.

SOme (a) say] because the aforesaid wordes were spoken of the sonnes of Dauid (that is, * 1.29 the godly) How should the mercy of God be extended vnto the wicked? (b) Do lay vp] or heap together. For Thesaurus, is a laying together of euill things as well as good: and it is or∣dinary with the Greekes to say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the treasure of Ills, and Plautus hath The∣saurus stupri, the treasure of whoredome. (c) Willreward] ** 1.30 commonly it is read, Doth re∣ward: Augustin hath it in better forme•…•… for the Apostle speakes of the world to come: and the greeke is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Reddet will reward. (d) Vse both of that] Terence in his Heauton∣timoreumenos saith: such things as are called humane goods, namely our parents, country, li∣nage, friendes and wealth: all these are but as his mind is that possesseth them: to him that can vse them well, they are good; to him that vseth them otherwise then well, they are euil. This Terence hath out of Plato in diuers places. (〈◊〉〈◊〉) Is called aduerse] N•…•…mely of the vul∣gar and such as are ignorant of the true natures of things. (f) Flaile] Virgill in the first of his Georgikes, reckons the Flaile amongst the instruments of husbandry. Plinye in his eigh∣teenth * 1.31 booke saith: The haruest corne is thrashed forth vpon the floore sometime with flayles, sometime with the feete of horses, and sometime with staues. So that this same Tribulum, is an instrument where-with the corne being ripe is thrashed forth on the floore: (our fittest english is a flaile.) How this is done, Varro teacheth in his first book De re rustica. (g) Mel∣teth the good] Maketh them liquid: it is a simily taken from gold: to exclude further dispu∣tation hereof; the scripture saith the good are melted with charity: My soule melted as my beloued spoke, saith the Canticles: but if a man will follow this theame he shall neuer finde an end. The fittest teacher in this kind is the holy scripture.

Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together. CHAP. 8.

BVt tell me now in all this desolation what one thing did the Christians en∣dure, which due and faithfull consideration, might not turne vnto their edi∣ficātion? For first they might with feare obserue to what a masse iniquity was in∣creased, at which the iust God being displeased had sent these afflictions vpō the world & that though they them-selues were far frō the society of the wicked, yet should they not hold them-selues so purely seperate from all faults, that they should thinke them-selues too good to suffer a temporall correction for diuers faults that might be found in their conuersations: for to omitte this, that ther is no man how euer laudable in his conuersation, that in some things (a) yeelds not vnto the concupiscence of the flesh; and that though hee decline not vnto the gulfe of reprobate offence and habitation of all brutish filthinesse, yet slips now and then into some enormities, and those either seldome, or so much more ordinary as then they are lesse momentary: To omitte all this, how hard a thing is it to find one, that makes a true vse of their fellowship, for whose hor∣rible pride, luxury, auarice, bestiall iniquity and irreligiousnesse, the Lord (as his (b) Prophets haue threatned) doth lay his heauy hand vppon the whole world? How few do wee finde that liue with them, as good men ought to liue with them. For either we keepe aloofe, and forbeare to giue them due instruc∣tions, admonitions or reprehensions, or else wee holde their reformation too great a labour: either we are affraid to offend them, or else wee eschew their hate for our owne greater temporall preferment, and feare their opposition either in those things which our greedinesse longeth to inioy, or in those which our weakenesse is affraid to forgoe: so that though the liues of the wic∣ked be still disliked of the good, and that thereby the one do auoid that damna∣tion which in the world to come is the assured inheritance of the other, yet be∣cause they winke at their damnable exorbitances, by reason they feare by them to loose their owne vaine temporalities, iustly do they partake with them in the punishments temporall though they shall not do so in the eternall; Iustly do they in these diuine corrections, tast the bitternesse of these transitory af∣flictions with them, to whome when they deserued those afflictions, they through the loue of this life, forbare to shew them-selues better: indeed he that forbeares to reprehend ill courses in some that follow them, because he will take a more fit time, or because he doubts his reprehention may rather tend to their ruine then their reformation, or because he thinkes that others that are weake, may by this correction be offended in their Godly endeauours or diuerted from the true faith: In this case forbearance arises not from occasi∣on of greedinesse, but from the counsell of charity, (c) But their's is the fault indeed who liue a life quite contrary, wholy abhorring the courses of the wicked, yet will ouerpasse to taxe the others sins wherof they ought to be most seuere reprehenders and correctors, because they feare to offend them, and so be hurt in their possession of those things whose vse is lawfull both vnto good and bad, affecting temporalities in this kinde farre more greedily then is fit for such as are but pilgrimes in this world, and such as expect (d) the hope of a celestiall inheritance? for it is not onely those of the weaker sort that liue in

marriage, hauing (or seeking to haue) children, and keeping houses and fami∣lies: whome the Apostle in the Church doth instruct how to liue, the wiues with their husbands and the husbands with their wiues: children with their parents and the parents with their children: the seruants with their maisters and the maisters with their seruants: it is not these alone that get together these worldly goods with industry, and loose them with sorrow, and because of which they dare not offend such men as in their filthy and contaminate liues do extreamely displease them: but it is also those of the highter sort, such as are no way chayned in mariage, such as are content with poore fare and meane attire. Many of these through too much loue of their good name and safety through their feare of the deceits and violence of the wicked; through frailtie and weaknesse, forbeare to reprooue the wicked when they haue offended. And although they doe not feare them so farre, as to be drawne to actuall imi∣tation of these their vicious demeanours; yet this which they will not act with them, they will not reprehend in them (though herein they might reforme some of them by this reprehension:) by reason that (in case they did not re∣forme them) their owne fame and their safetie might come in danger of de∣struction. Now herein they doe at no hand consider how they are bound to see that their fame and safety bee necessarily employed in the instruction of others, but they do nothing but poyse it in their owne infirmitie, which loues to be stroaked with a smooth tongue, and delighteth in the (e) day of man: fearing the censure of the vulgar, and the torture and destruction of body: that is, they forbeare this dutie, not through any effect of charitie, but meerely through the power of auarice and greedy affection. Wherefore I hold this a great cause, why the good liuers do pertake with the bad in their afflictions, when it is Gods pleasure to correct the corruption of manners with the pu∣nishment of temporall calamities. For they both endure one scourge, not be∣cause they are both guiltie of one disordered life, but because they both doe too much affect this transitorie life; not in like measure, but yet both toge∣ther: which the good man should contemne, that the other by them being corrected and amended, might attaine the life eternall: who if they would not ioyne with them in this endeauour of attaining beatitude, they should be (f) borne with all and loued as our enemies are to be loued in Christianitie: we being vncertaine whilest they liue here, whether euer their heart shall bee turned vnto better or no, which to doe, the good men haue (not the like, but) farre greater reason, because vnto them (g) the Prophet saith: Hee is taken away for his iniquity, but his bloud will I require at the watch-mans hand, (h) for vn∣to * 1.32 this end were watch-men, that is rulers ouer the people placed in the chur∣ches, that they should (i) not spare to reprehend enormities. Nor yet is any other man altogether free from this guilt, whatsoeuer he bee, ruler or not ru∣ler, who in that dayly commerce and conuersation, wherein humane necessity confines him, obserueth any thing blame worthy, and to reprehend it, seeking to auoyde the others displeasure, being drawne here-vnto by these vanities which he doth not vse as he should, but affecteth much more then hee should. Againe, there's another reason why the righteous should endure these tem∣porall inflictions, and was cause of holy (k) Iobs sufferance, namely that here∣by the soule may bee prooued and fully knowne whether it hath so much god∣lie vertue as to loue God freely, and for himselfe alone. These reasons being

well considered, tell me whether any thing be casuall vnto the good, that tend∣eth not to their good: vnlesse we shall hold that the Apostle talked idely when he said: (l) Wee know all things worke together for the best vnto them that loue God?

L. VIVES.

IN something (a) yeelds] The lust of the flesh is so inwardly inherent in our bodies, and that affect is so inborne in vs by nature (that great workeman of all thinges liuing) who hath so subtilly infused it into our breasts, that euen when our minde is quiet vppon ano∣ther obiect we do propagate our ofspring in the like affection: so that we can by no meanes haue a thought of the performing of this desire, without beeing stung within with a cer∣taine secret delight: which many do make a sinne, but too too veniall. (b) by his Prophets] and that very often, as is plaine in Esay, and Ieremy. (c) But this is the fault] Cicero in his offices saith: There be some that although that which they thinke bee very good, yet for feare of enuy dare not speak it. (d) The hope] As the guide of their pilgrimage: (e) the day of man] 1. Cor. 4. I passe little to bee iudged of you or of the day of man: that is, the iudgement of man, wherein each man is condemned or approued of men: whose contrary is the daie of the Lord, which searcheth and censureth the secrets of all heartes: (f) borne with and loued] The wicked are not onely to bee indured, but euen to bee loued also, God commaunding vs to loue euen our enemies. Mat. 5. (g) The Prophet] Ezechiel, Chap. 33. But if the watchman see the sword come and blow not the trumpet, and the people bee not warned: and the sword come & take away any person from among them, he is taken away for his iniquitie, but his bloud will I require at the watch-mans hands. (h) For vnto this end were watch-men] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke is Speculator in latin, a watchman, a discryer, an obseruer, and a Gouernor, Cicero in his seauenth booke of his Epistles to Atticus saith thus: Pompey would haue me to be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Sentinell of Campania and all the sea-coastes, and one to whome the whole summe of the busines should haue speciall relation. Andromache in Homer cals Hector Troiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the watchman or guardian of Troy. The Athenians called their Intelligencers, and such as they sent out to obserue the practises of their tributary citties Episcopos, Ouerseers, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, watchmen; the Lacedemonians called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Moderatores, Gouernors. Ar∣chadius the Lawyer cals them Episcopos that had charge of the prouision for vittailes. Some thinke the preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to bee heere a Pleonasme (whereof Eustathius one of Ho∣mers interpreters is one) and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is all one. 1. Not spare to reprehend] So saith saint Paul vnto Titus: And so doe our Bishops euen in these times, whome with teares we behold haled vnto martyrdome because they tell the truth in too bitter tearmes, and persecute vice through all, not respecting a whit their reuenues nor dignities. Christ Iesus glorifie them (k) Iobs] The history all men know; and Hierome vppon the same saith: These thinges fell vpon Iob, that he might shew outwardly vnto men the loue that he held inwardly vnto God. (l) UUee know] Rom. 8. 28. Aduerse and prosperous fortune ar both assistants in the good mans saluation: and there is nothing befalleth them but he can con∣uert it vnto the augmentation of his vertues.

That the Saints in their losse of things temporall loose not any thing at all. CHAP. 9.

THey lost all that they had: what? their faith? their zeale? their goods of the (a) inward man; which inritcheth the soule before God? These are a Christians ritches, whereof the Apostle being possessed said: Godlinesse is a

great gaine if man bee content with what he hath: for we brought nothing into this * 1.33 world, nor can we cary any thing out: therefore when we haue foode and rayment, let vs content our-selues there-with, for they that wil be rich fall into temptation and snares, and into many foolish and hurtfull desires, which drowne men in perdition and destruction, for (b) coueteousnesse of mony is the roote of all euill, which while some lusting after, haue erred from the faith and cast them-selues in many (c) sor∣rowes. Such therefore as lost their goods in that destruction, if they held them as the afore-said Apostle (d) (poore without, but rich within) taught them: that is, if they vsed the world so as if they vsed it not at all, then might they truly say with him that was so sore assalted and yet neuer ouerthrown (e) Nak•…•…d came I out of my mothers wombe, and naked shall I returne thether againe. The Lord hath * 1.34 giuen it, & the Lord hath taken it away, as it hath pleased the Lord so commeth it to passe: blessed be the name of the Lord. He held his Lords will, (as a good seruant) for great possessions, and by attending that, enritched his spirit: nor greeued he at all at the losse of that in his life time, which death perforce would make him leaue shortly after. But those farre weaker soules, though they preferre not these worldly things before Christ, yet stick vnto them with a certaine exor∣bitant affection, they must needs feele such paine in the loosing of them, as their offence deserued in louing of them: and endure the sorrowes in the same measure that they cast themselues into sorrowes: As I said before out of the Apostle. For it was meete for them to taste a little of the discipline of experi∣ence, seeing thy had so long neglected instruction by words: for the Apostle hauing said: They that will be rich fall into temptations; &c. Herein doth hee re∣prehend the desire after ritches onely, not the vse of them: teaching likewise * 1.35 (f) else-where: Charge them that are ritch in this world that they be not high min∣ded, * 1.36 and that they trust not in their vncertaine wealth, but in the liuing God, who gi∣ueth vs plentifully all things to enioy: That they doe good and bee (g) ritch in good workes, ready to distribute and communicate: laying vp in store for themselues a good foundation against the time to come, that they may obtaine the true life. They that did thus with their ritches by easing small burthens, •…•…eaped great gaines; tak∣ing more ioy in that part which by their free distributiō vnto others they had (h) kept more safely, then they felt sorrow for that which by their care to pre∣serue to themselues they lost so easily. For it was likely that that perish heare on earth which they had no minde to remooue into a more secure custo∣die. For they that followe their Lords Counsell, when hee saith vnto them, Lay not vp treasures for your selues vpon the earth where the moth and rust corrupt, or where theeues dig through and steale, but lay vp treasures for your selves in Hea∣uen, * 1.37 where neither rust nor moth corrupt: nor theeues digge through and steale, for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also: these (I say) in the time of tribulation were sure to find how well they were aduised in following that Maister of al truth, and that diligent and dreadles keeper of all good treasure: For seeing there were many that reioiced because they had hidden their trea∣sure in a place which the foe by chance ouer-passed & found not: how much more certaine and secure might their comfort bee, that by their Gods in∣struction had retired thither with their substance, whether they were sure the * 1.38 foe could not come? And therefore one (i) Paulinus being Bishop of Nola, and hauing refused infinite ritches for voluntarie pouertie (and yet was he ritch in holynesse) when the Barbarians sacked Nola, and held him prisoner, thus

prayed hee in his heart (as hee told vs afterward) Lord let mee not bee troubled for gold nor siluer: for where all my treasures are, thou knowest: Euen there had hee laid vppe all his, where hee hadde aduised him to lay it who fore-told these miseries to fall vppon the world. And so o∣thers, in that they obeyed GODS instructions for the choyce and preseruation of the true treasure indeed, hadde euen their worldly trea∣sures preserued from the fury of the Barbarians: But others paid for their disobedience, and because their precedent wisdome could not do it, their sub-sequent experience taught them how to dispose of such temporall trash. Some Christians by their enemies were putte vnto torture, to make them discouer where their goods lay: but that good whereby (k) them-selues were good, they could neither loose, nor discouer. But if they had rather haue indured torture then discouer their (l) Mammon of iniquitie, then were they far from good. But those that suffered so much for gold, were to be instructed what should bee indured for Christ: that they might rather learne to loue him that enricheth his Martyrs with eternall felicity, then gold and siluer for which it is miserable to indure any torment, whether it bee concealed by ly∣ing, or discouered by telling the truth. For no man that euer confessed Christ could lose him amongst all the torments: whereas no man could euer saue his gold but by denying it. VVherefore euen those very torments are more profitable, in that they teach a man to loue an incoruptible good, then those goods in that they procure their owners torture through the blind loue they beare vnto them, But some that had no such goods, and yet were thought to haue them, were tortured also. VVhy? perhaps they had a desire to them though they had them not, and were poore against their wils, not of their owne election: And then though their possessions did not iustly deserue those afflictions, yet their affections did. But if their mindes flew a loftyer pitch, beholding both the possession and the affection of ritches with an eye of scorne, I make a doubt whether any such were euer tormented in this kinde, or beeing so innocent, incurred any such imputation. But if they did, truly, they in these their tortures, confessing their sanctified po∣uertie, confessed CHRIST him-selfe▪ And therefore though the extor∣ted confession of such holy pouerty could not deserue to bee beleeued of the enemie, yet should hee not bee put to this paine without an heauenly reward for his paines.

L. VIVES.

INward (a) man] The minde: being often so vsed in Pauls Epistles. (b) Coueteousnesse of mony] The vulgar translation hath Cupiditas, but Augustine hath auaritia, a better word: for the Greeke is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, loue of money. (c) Many sorrowes] Thus farre Paul. (d) Poore without] He meaneth the Apostle Paul. (e) Naked] The words of Iob, comforting himselfe in the losse of his goodes and children. (f) elsewhere] namely in the same chapter, Verse. 17. (g) Rich in good workes] In these thinges they shall bee rich indeed. (h) Kept more safely] Laying vp the treasure of eternity for them-selues in heauen, in that they haue gi∣uen freely vnto the poore and needie. Which is declared by that which followeth in the same chapter of Mathew, beeing Christes owne workes, (i) And therefore one Paulinus]

The Gothes hauing sackt Rome, and ouer-running all Latium, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Campania, Cala∣bria, Salentinum, Apulia, or Aprutium; spoyling and wasting al as they went, like a gene∣rall deluge, their fury extended as far as Consentia (a Citty in Calabria called now Cosen∣za) and forty yeares after that Genserike with the Moores and Vandals brake out again, tooke Rome, filling all Campania with ruine, raized the citty of Nola. Of which Cittie at that time, Paulinus was Bishop (as Paulus Diaconus writeth) a most holy and (as Saint Gregory saith) an eloquent man, exceedingly read in humaine learning, and not altogether void of the spirit of prophecie, who hauing spent all hee had in redeeming Christian cap∣tiues, and seeing a widow bewayling her captiue sonne, and powring forth her pious la∣mentations mixt with teares, his pietie so vrged him that hee could not rest vntill hee had crossed ouer into Affricke with the widow, where her sonne was prisoner: And there by exchange of him-selfe for hir sonne, redeemed him, and gaue him free vnto his mother. Now his sanctity, growing admirable in the eies of the Barbarians, hee had the freedome of all his cittizens giuen him, and so was sent backe to his country. Thereof read at large in Gregories third booke of Dialogues. But I thinke Augustine speakes not of this later in∣vasion (for then was Paulinus departed this life) but of the first irruption of the Gothes (k) Whereby them-selues were good] Namely, their vertue which no man can depriue them off: and that onely is the good which makes the possessors good. For if riches bee good (as Tul∣ly saith in his Paradoxes) why do they not make them good that inioy them? (l) Mammon] Mammon (after Hierome) is a Syriake word: signifying that vnto them that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth vnto the Greekes, namely Ritches: Augustine elswere saith that Mammon in the Punike language is gaine, and that the Affrican and Hebrew tongues do accord in the significa∣tion * 1.39 of many wordes. Serm. de verb. Dom. & quaest. Euang.

Of the end of this transitory life whether it be long or short. CHAP. 10.

THe extremity of famine they say destroyed many Christians in these * 1.40 inuasions. Well euen of this also the faithfull by induring it pati∣ently, haue made good vse. For such as the famine made an end off, it deliue∣uered from the euils of this life, as well as any other bodily disease could doe: such as it ended not, it taught them a sparing diet, and ablenesse to faste. Yea, but many Christians were destroyed by the foulest variety that might bee, falling by so many sortes of death: why this is not to bee disliked off, since it is common to all that euer haue beene borne. This I know that no man is dead that should not at leng•…•…h haue died. For the liues ending, makes the long life and the short all one▪ neither is their one better and another worse, nor one longer, then another shorter, which is not in this end, made equall. And what skils it what kind of death do dispatch our life, when he that dieth cannot bee forced to die againe? And seeing that euery mortall man, in the daily casual∣ties of this life is threatned continually with inumerable sortes of death, as long as he is vncertaine which of them he shall taste; tell me whether it were better to (a) suffer but one in dying once for euer, or still to liue in con∣tinual feare, then al those extreames of death? I know how vnworthy a choice it were to choose rather to liue vnder the awe of so many deathes, then by once dying to bee freed from all their feare for euer. But it is one thing when the weake sensitiue flesh doth feare it, and another when the purified reason of the soule ouer-comes it. A bad death neuer followes a good life: for there

is nothing that maketh death bad but that estate which followeth death. Ther∣fore let not their care that needes must dye bee imployed vppon the manner of their death, but vppon the estate that they are eternally to inherit after death. Wherefore seeing that all Christians know that the death of the re∣ligious (b) begger amongst the dogs licking his sores, was better thē the death of the wicked rich man in all his (c) silks and purples, what power hath the horrour of any kind of death to affright their soules that haue ledde a vertu∣ous life?

L. VIVES.

SVffer but one] So said Caesar; that hee had rather suffer one death at once then feare it continually. (b) Religious begger] the story is at large in Saint Luke, the 16. Chapter beginning at the 19. verse of Lazarus and the rich glutton, &c. (c) Silks.] Byssus, is a kinde of most delicate line, as Plinie saith in his naturall history. lib. 19.

Of buryall of the dead: that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it. CHAP 11.

OH, but in this great slaughter the dead could not bee buryed: Tush our holy faith regards not that, holding fast the promise: It is not so fraile as to think that the rauenous beasts can depriue the body of any part to be wan∣ting in the resurrection, where not a hayre of the head shall be missing. Nor would the scripture haue said: Feare not them that kill the bodie but are not able to kill the soule: if that which the foe could doe vnto our dead bodies in this * 1.41 world should any way preiudice our perfection in the world to come: Vnlesse any man will be so absurd as to contend that they that can kil the body are not to be feared before death least they should kill it, but after death least hauing killed it they should not permit it buriall. Is it false then which Christ saith, Those that kill the body, after they can do no more, and that they haue power to do so much hurt vnto the dead carkasse? God forbid that should be false which is spoken by the truth it selfe: Therefore it is said they do something in killing, because then they afflict the bodyly sence for a while: but afterwards they can afflict it no more, because there is no sense in a dead body. So then suppose that many of the Christians bodies neuer came in the earth: what of that, no man hath taken any of them both from earth and heauen, haue they? No: And both these doth his glorious presence replenish that knowes how to re∣store euery Atome of his worke in the created. The Psalmist indeed com∣playneth thus: The dead (a) bodies of thy seruants haue they giuen to be meat vnto the foules of the ayre: and the flesh of thy Saintes vnto the beastes of the earth: Their * 1.42 bloud haue they shedde like waters round about Ierusalem, and there was none to bury them. But this is spoken to intimate their villany that did it, rather then their misery that suffered it. For though that vnto the eyes of man these actes seeme bloudie and tyranous, yet, pretious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. And therefore all these ceremonies concerning the dead, the care

of the buriall, the fashions of the Sepulchers, and the pompes of the funeralls, are rather solaces to the liuing, then furtherances to the dead. (b) For if a goodly and ritch tombe bee any helpe to the wicked man being dead, then is the poore and meane one a hindrance vnto the godly man in like case. The familie of that rich (c) gorgeous glutton, prepared him a sumptuous funerall vnto the eyes of men: but one farre more sumptuous did the ministring An∣gels prepare for the poore vlcered begger, in the sight of God: They bore him * 1.43 not into any Sepulcher of Marble, but placed him in the bosome of Abraham. This do they (d) scoffe at, against whom wee are to defend the citty of God. And yet euen (e) their owne Philosophers haue contemned the respect of buriall: and often-times (f) whole armies, fighting and falling for their earth∣lie countrie, went stoutly to these slaughters, without euer taking thought where to be laide, in what Marble tombe, or in what beasts belly. And the (g) Poets were allowed to speake their pleasures of this theame, with applause of the vulgar, as one doth thus:

Caelo tegitur qui non habet vrnam. Who wants a graue, Heauen serueth for his tombe.

What little reason then haue these miscreants, to insult ouer the Christians, that lie vnburied, vnto whom, a new restitution of their whole bodies is pro∣mised, to be restored them (h) in a moment, not onely out of the earth alone, * 1.44 but euen out of all the most secret Angles of all the other elements, wherein any body is or can possibly be included.

L. VIVES.

DEad (a) carcasses, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, morticinia, the dead flesh. (b) For if a goodly.]

Et eternos animam collegit in orbes, Non illuc auro positi, nec thure sepulti Perueniunt,—Lucan. lib. 9.

The eternall spheres his glorious spirit do holde, * 1.45 To which come few that lye embalmd in golde, &c.

(c) Gorgious] of whom in the Chapter before. (d) Scoffe at] The Romanes had great care ouer their burials: whence arose many obseruances concerning the religious perfor∣mance thereof: and it was indeed a penalty of the law: hee that doth this or that, let him bee cast forth vnburied: and so in the declamations: hee that forsakes his parents in their necessities, let him bee cast forth vnburied: hee that doth not declare the causes of their death before the Senate, let him bee cast forth vnburied; An homicide, cast him out vnburied. And so speakes Cicero to the peoples humour for Milo, when he affirmes Clodius his carcasse to be therein the more wretched, because it wanted the solemne rites and honors of buriall. (e) Philosophers] those of the Heathen: as Diogenes the Cynike for one, that bad his dead body should be cast vnto the dogs and foules of the ayre: & being answered by his friends, that they would rent and teare it: set a staffe by me then, said he, and I will beate them away with it: tush you your selfe shall be sencelesse quoth they: nay then quoth he what need I feare their tearing of me? This also did Menippus, & almost all the Cyniks. Cicero in his Quae∣stiones Tusculanae recordeth this answer of Theodorus of Cyrene vnto Lysmachus that threat∣ned him the crosse: let thy courtiers feare that (quoth he) but as for me I care not whether I •…•…ot on the ayre or in the earth: and so also saith Socrates in Plato's dialogue called Phaedo. (f) Whole armies] meaning perhaps those legions which Cato the elder speake of in his Ori∣gines, that would go thether with cheerfulnesse, from whence they knew they should neuer returne. Nay, it was no custome before Hercules his time to burie the dead that fell in war•…•…

for Aelian in his Historia varia doth affirme Hercules the first inuenter of that custome. (g) Poets to speake] with the peoples approbation. Lucan in his 7. booke of the Pharsalian warre, speaking of the dead that Caesar forbad should bee burned, or buried, after hee had brought forth (as his custome is) many worthy and graue sentences concerning this mat∣ter, at length he speaketh thus vnto Caesar:

Nil agis hac ira, tabesne Cadauera soluat, An rogus, hand refert: placido natura receptat Cuncta sinu:

In this thy wrath is worthlesse: all is one, Whether by fire or putrefaction Their carcasses dissolue: kinde nature still Takes all into her bosome.

And a little after:

—Capit omnia tellus Quae genuit; caelo tegitur qui non habet vrnam

Earths off-spring still returnes vnto earths wombe, Who wants a graue, heauen serueth for his tombe.

And so saith the Declamer in Seneca: Nature giues euery man a graue; to the shipwrackt the water wherein he is lost: the bodies of the crucified droppe from their crosses vnto their graues: those that are burned quick their very punishment entombes them. And Virgill, who appoints a place of punishment in hell for the vnburied, yet in Anchises his words, shewes how small the losse of a graue is. That verse of Maecenas

(Nec tumulum curo, sepelit natura relictos: I waigh no tombe: nature entombes the meanest:)

Is highly commended of antiquitie. The Urna, was a vessell wherein the reliques and ashes of the burned body was kept. (h) In a moment,] 1. Corinth. 15. 52.

The reasons why wee should bury the bodies of the Saints. CHAP. 12.

NOtwithstanding the bodies of the dead are not to be contemned and cast away, chieflie of the righteous and faithfull, which the holy ghost vsed as organs and instruments vnto all good workes. For if the garment or ring of ones father bee so much the more esteemed of his posteritie, by how much they held him dearer in their affection, then is not our bodies to be despised, being we weare them more neere vnto our selues then any attire whatsoeuer. For this is no part of externall (a) ornament or assistance vnto man, but of his expresse nature. And therefore the funeralls of the righteous in the times of old were performed with a zealous care, their burials celebrated, and their monuments prouided, and they themselues in their life time would lay char∣ges vpon their children concerning the burying or translating of their bodies. (b) Tobye in burying of the dead was acceptable vnto God, as the Angell testi∣fieth. * 1.46 And the Lord himselfe being to arise againe on the third day, commen∣ded the good worke of that (c) religious woman, who powred the precious * 1.47 ointment vpon his head and body, and did it to bury him. And the (d) Gospell hath crowned them with eternall praise that tooke downe his body from the crosse, and gaue it honest and honorable buriall. But yet these authorities prooue not any sence to be in the dead carcases themselues, but signifie that

the prouidence of God extendeth euen vnto the very bodies of the dead (for he is pleased with such good deedes) and do buildvp the beliefe of the resur∣rection. Where by the way wee may learne this profitable lesson, how great the reward of almes-deeds done vnto the liuing, may be (e) since this dutie & fauour shewen but vnto the dead is not forgotten of God. There are other propheticall places of the holy (f) Patriarkes concerning the intombing or the translation of their owne bodies. But this is no place to handle them in, * 1.48 and of this wee haue already spoken sufficiently: but if the necessaries of mans life, as meate and clothing, though they bee wanting in great extremi∣tie, yet cannot subuert the good mans patience, nor drawe him from good∣nesse: how much lesse power shall those things haue which are omitted in the burying of the dead, to afflict the soules that are already at quiet in the secret receptacles of the righteous? And therefore, when as in that great ouer∣throw of Rome, and of other Cities, the bodies of the Christians wanted these rights: it was neitheir fault in the liuing, that could not performe them, nor hurt to the dead, that could not feele them.

L. VIVES.

(a) ORnament] The Platonists held onely the soule to bee man, and the body to be but a case or couer vnto it, or rather a prison. But Augustine holdeth the surer opini∣on, that the body is a part of the man. (b) Toby] Toby the 2. and 12. (c) The good worke of that religious] meaning Mary Magdalen. Math. 26. 10. & 12. (d) Gospell] Iohn the 19. 38. &c. meant of Ioseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus. (e) Since this] a draught of colde water giuen in the name of the Lord shall not want reward. Math. 10. 42. (f) Pa∣triarches] Iacob at his death charged his sonne Ioseph to carry his body vnto the Sepul∣cher of his elders, and not to leaue it in Aegipt, Genes. 47. 29. 30. And Ioseph himselfe commanded his brethren that they should remember, and tell their posteritie that when they went away into the land of promise, they should carry his bones thether with them. Genesis the last Chapter and 25. verse.

Of the captiuitie of the Saints, and that there∣in they neuer wanted spiri∣tuall comfort. CHAP. 13.

I, But many Christians (say they) were lead into captiuitie: This indeed had been a lamentable case, if they had been lead vnto some place where they could not possibly haue found their God. But for comforts in captiuity, the scriptures haue store: The (a) three children were in bondage: so was Daniel, so were (b) others of the Prophets: but they neuer wanted God, their com∣forter. * 1.49 No more did he here abandon his faithfull; being vnder the command of barbarous men, who forsooke not his (c) Prophet beeing euen in the bellie of a beast. This now they with whom wee are to deale, had rather scorne, then beleeue, yet of that fable in their owne bookes they are fully perswaded, name∣ly that that same excellent harper (d) Arion of Methymna, beeing cast ouer

boord, was taken vp on a Dolphins back, and so borne safe to land. Is our his∣tory of Ionas more incredible then this? yes, because it is more (e) admirable; and it is more admirable, because more powerfull. * 1.50

L. VIVES.

THe (a) Three children] D•…•…. 1. 6. Ananias, Azarias and Misael together with Dae∣niell himselfe were prisoners in Babilon vnder Nabuchadnczzar. (b) Others of the Pro∣phets] As Ieremy, Ezechiel, and others (c) Prophet] Meaning Ionas who was three daies in the Whales belly: a figure of Christ our Sauiours resurrection from death to life. (d) A∣rion] The tale of Arion and the Dolphin is common amongst authors. Herodotus was the * 1.51 first that wrote it? Musar. lib. 1. After him Ouid in his Fastorum, and Pliny, lib. 9. Gellius, lib. 16. Aelian in his booke de animalibus and others: Arion was a harper in Nethyni•…•… a towne of Lesbos, in the time of the seauen Sages of Greece: for Periander loued him deare∣ly. (Some say he first inuented the Tragicke verse and the Chorus, and sung in Dithyram∣biques:) This Arion returning out of Italy with great wealth, and perceiuing the saylers conspiring his destruction for his money, intreated them to take all he had and saue his life, which when he could not obtaine, hee begged leaue but to play a little vpon his harpe to comfort himselfe therewith against death, and vnto the sound of his instrument they say their gathered diuers Dolphins together, and Arion being skild in the nature of this fish, with his harpe and all as he was, leaped out of the shippe vpon one of their backes, who carried him safe and sound vnto Taenarus: where yet is seene the Image of a Dolphin swim∣ing with a man vpon his backe. Pliny prooues by many examples that the Dolphin is a louer of man. (e) Admirable:] To be kept so long in the Whales guts.

Of Marcus Regulus, who was a famous example to animate all men to the en∣during of vol•…•…ntary captiuity for their religion: which notwith∣standing, was vnprofitable vnto him by rea∣son of his Paganisme. CHAP. 14.

YEt for all this our enemies haue one worthy exmaple proposed by one of their most famous men, for y^• willing toleration of bondagein the cause of religion: (a) Marcus Attilius Regulus, general of the Romanes forces was prisoner at Carthage: Now the Carthaginians being more desirous to exchange their prisoners then to keepe them, sent Regulus with their Embassadors to Rome to treat vpon this exchange, hauing first sworne him, that in case he effected not what they desired he should returne as captiue vnto Carthage, so he went vnto Rome, and hauing a day of audience granted him, hee perswaded the direct contrary vnto his ambassage: because he held it was not profitable for the Ro∣mans to exchange their prisoners. Nor after this perswasiue speach did the Ro∣maines compell him to returne vnto his enemies, but willingly did he go backe againe for sauing of his oth. But his cruell foes put him to death with horri∣ble and exquisite torments: for shutting him (b) in a narrow barrell, strucken all full of sharpe nayles, and so forcing him to stand vpright, being not able to leane to any side without extreame paines, they killed him euen with ouer∣watching him. This vertue in him is worthy of euerlasting praise, being made greater by so great infelicity. Now his oth of returne, was taken (c) by those

gods for the neglect of whose forbidden worship those infidells hold these plagues laid vpon mankind. But if these gods (being worshipped onely for the attainement of temporall prosperity) either desired, or permitted these paines to be layd vpon one that kept his oth so truly, what greater plague could they in their most deserued wrath haue inflicted vpon a most periur'd villain then they laid vpon this religious worthy? but why do not I confirme mine (d) ar∣gument with a double proo•…•…e? If he worshipped his gods so sincerely, that for keeping the oth which he had taken by their deities, he would leaue his natu∣rall country to returne (not vnto what place he liked, but) vnto his greatest e∣nemies, if he held that religiousnesse of his any way beneficiall vnto his tem∣porall estate, (which he ended in such horrible paines) hee was farre deceiued. For his example hath taught all the world that those Gods of his neuer fur∣ther their worshippers in any prosperity of this life; since he that was so de∣uout and dutifull a seruant of theirs, for all that they could doe, was conquered and led away captiue: Now if the worship of these Gods returne mens hap∣pinesse in the life to come, why then do they callumniate the profession of the Christians, saying, that that misery fell vpon the citty, because it gaue ouer the worship of the old gods, when as were it neuer so vowed vnto their worship, yet might it tast of as much temporall misfortune as euer did Regulus: vnlesse any man will stand in such brainelesse blindnesse against the pure truth, as to say that a whole city duelie worshipping these Gods cannot bee miserable, when one onely man may, as though the gods power were of more hability and promptnesse to preserue generalls, then perticulars: (e) what? doth not euery multitude consist of singularities? If they say that Regulus euen in all that bondage and torment might neuerthelesse bee happie in the (f) vertue of his constant minde, then let vs rather follow the quest of that vertue by which an whole cittie may be made truely happy, for a citties happinesse and a particu∣lar * 1.52 mans doe not arise from any seuerall heads: the cittie being nothing but a multitude of men vnited in one formality of religion and estate: wherefore as yet I call not Regulus his vertue into any question. It is now sufficient that his very example is of power to enforce them to confesse that the worship ex∣hibited vnto the gods, aymes not any way at bodily prosperity, nor at things externally accident vnto man; because that Regulus chose rather to forge all these, then to offend his gods before whom hee had passed his oth. But what shall wee say to these men, that dare glorie that they had had one city of that quality whereof they feare to haue all the rest? If they haue no such feare, let them then acknowledge, that what befell Regulus, the same may befal an whole city, though their deuotion may paralell his in this worship of their gods; and therefore let them cease to slander the times of Christianity. But seeing that our question arose about the captiued Christians, let such as hereby take especiall occasion to deride and scorne that sauing religion, marke but this, & be silent: that if it were no disgrace vnto their gods, that one of their most zea∣lous worshippers, by keeping his othe made vnto them, should bee neuerthe∣lesse depriued of his country, and haue no place left him to retire to, but must perforce bee returned to his enemies, amongst whom he had already endured an hard and wretched captiuity, & was now lastly to taste of a tedious death, in most execrable, strange, and cruel torments: then far lesse cause is there to accuse the name of Christ for the captiuitie of his Saints, for that they, expec∣ting

the heauenly habitation in true faith, knew full well, that they were but pilgrims in their natiue soiles and (g) habitations here vpon earth, and subiect to all the miseries of mortalitie.

L. VIVES.

MArcus (a) Attilius Regulus] This is a famous history, and recorded by many. This Regulus in the first Carthaginian warre, was made Consull with Lucius Manlius * 1.53 Uolsco: vnto which two the Affrican warre was committed: being the sole warre that the Romanes at that time waged: Regulus was the first Romane that euer lead armie ouer the Seas into Affricke, where hauing foiled the Carthaginians in many battailes hee droue them to seeke for helpe of Zanthippus of Lacedaemon, a singular and well practised captaine, by whose meanes the warre was renewed, and in a set fight the Romane army ouer-come, & Attilius Regulus taken by his enemies. Who hauing beene kept diuers yeeres prisoner in Carthage together with his fellow captiues, in the foureteenth yeare of the warre, and the 503. after the building of Rome, was sent Embassador to the Romanes about the exchang∣ing of their prisoners: swearing vnto his enemies to returne vnlesse he attained the effect of his Embassage. Comming to Rome, and hauing a day of hearing appointed, the Consull desired him to ascend the Consuls seate, and thence to vtter his opinion of the Embassage; which he at first refused to vtter: but being commanded by the Senate to do it, he did so, and therevpon vtterly diswaded that which the Carthaginians desired; because the Cartha∣ginian prisoners at Rome were young, and able for the warres, but the Romanes at Car∣thage, old, past militarie vse, and not very needfull in counsell. To his opinion the whole Se∣nate assented: Now hee himselfe, though hee were hindered by his children, kinsmen, ser∣uants, countrimen, familiars, clients, and the most part of the people, yet would not stay, but needes would goe to discharge his othe which he had sworne to his enemies, although hee knew that the Affricans would hate him deadly, and so put him to death with some cruell torture or other. So returning vnto Carthage, and declaring the effect of his embassage, he was put to death indeed with strange and intollerable torments. (b) In a narrow barrell] some relate it in another manner, but all agree that hee was ouer-watched vnto death. (c) By the gods] It had beene more significantly spoken, to haue said by those gods, &c. with an emphasis. (d) Argument with a double proofe,] It is a Dilemma: If man receiue the rewarde following the due worship of those gods in this life, why perished Regulus, being so deuout in that kinde? if he haue it not vntill after this life, why do they as whip∣pers expect the prosperous estate of this life from them? (e) What doth not each multi∣tude] How then can the multitude bee happy, when euery particular man is miserable? (f) Uertue of his minde] So holds Tully in many places, Seneca also, and all learned and wise men, speaking of Regulus. (g) Habitations,] meaning these earthly ones.

Whether the Taxes that the holy Virgins suffered against their wills in their captiuities, could pollute the vertues of their minde. CHAP. 15.

O But they thinke they giue the Christians a foule blow, when they aggra∣uate the disgrace of their captiuitie, by vrging the rapes which were wrought not onely vpon maried and mariageable persons, but euen vpon some Votaresses also: Here are wee not to speake of faith, or godlinesse, or of the vertue of chastitie, but our discourse must runne a narrow course, (a) betwixt

shame and reason. (b) Nor care wee so much to giue an answer vnto stran∣gers in this, as to minister comfort vnto our fellow Christians. Bee this therefore granted as our first position, that that power by which man liueth well, resting enthroned, and established in the minde, commands euery mem∣ber of the body, and the body is sanctified by the sanctification of the will: which sactimonie of the will, if it remaine firme and inuiolate, what way * 1.54 soeuer the body bee disposed of or abused, (if the partie enduring this abuse cannot auoide it (d) without an expresse offence) this sufferance layeth no crime vpon the soule. But because euery body is subiect to suffer the effects both of the furie, and the lusts of him that subdueth it that which it suffereth in this latter kinde, though it bee not a destroyer of ones chastitie, yet is it a procurer of ones shame: Because otherwise, it might bee thought, that that was suffered with the consent of the minde, which it may bee could not bee suffered without some delight of the flesh: And therefore as for those, who to auoide this did voluntarily destroy themselues, what humaine heart can choose but pittie them? yet as touching such as would not doe so, fear∣ing by auoyding others villanie, to incurre their owne damnation, hee that imputes this as a fault vnto them, is not vnguiltie of the faulte of folly.

L. VIVES.

BEtweene (a) shame and reason] for shame saith that the very violation of the body is to bee called euill; but Reason denyes it. (b) Nor care we] This we will speake as a comforting vnto our Christian women that endured these violences. (c) In the minde] The Platonists place the soule and hir powers in the head, as in a Tower, sitting there, as the commander of our actions, and the ouer-seer of our labours, as Claudian saith. (d) Without sinne,] for if wee can auoyde it without sinne, we ought to endeuour this auoydance with all our powers.

Of such as chose a voluntary death, to auoyde the feare of paine and dishonour. CHAP. 16.

FOR if it bee not lawfull for a priuate man to kill any man, how euer guil∣tie, vnlesse the lawe haue granted a speciall allowance for it, then surely whosoeuer killes himselfe is guiltie of homicide: And so much the more guil∣tie doth that killing of himselfe make himselfe, by how much the more guilt∣lesse hee was in that cause for which hee killd himselfe. For if Iudas (a) his fact be worthily detested, and yet the Truth (b) saith, that by hanging of * 1.55 himselfe, hee did rather augment then expiate the guilt of his wicked trea∣cherie, because his despaire of Gods mercy in his (c) damnable repen∣tance, left no place in his soule for sauing repentance; how much more ought he to forbeare from being cause of his owne death, that hath no guilt in him worthy of such a punishment as death: for Iudas in hanging himselfe, hanged but a wicked man and dyed guiltie, not onely of Christs death, but

of his owne also: adding the wickednesse of being his owne death, to that o∣ther wickednesse of his, for which he dyed.

L. VIVES.

IUdas (a) his fact] which no man but hath heard out of the Gospell. (b) Truth saith] Peter in the first of the Actes affirmes, that hee did wickedly and vngodlyly both in be∣traying of his Lord, and in hanging of himselfe. (c) Damnable repentance] For he repen∣ted indeed, but so, as hee despaired of being euer able to repent sufficiently for so great a villanie.

Of the violent lust of the Souldiers, executed vpon the bodies of the captiues; against their consents. CHAP. 17.

BVt why should he that hath done no man euill, do himselfe euill, and by de∣stroying himselfe, destroy an innocent man, for feare to suffer iniurie by the guilte of another, and procure a sinne vnto himselfe, by auoiding the sinne of another? O but his feare is, to be defiled by anothers lust! tush, anothers lust cannot pollute thee; if it doe, it is not anothers but thine owne. But chasti∣tie being a vertue of the minde, and (a) accompanied with fortitude, by which it learnes rather to endure all euills, then consent to any, and (b) no man of this fortitude and chastitie, being able to dispose of his body as he list, but one∣ly of the consent and dissent of his minde; what man of witte will thinke hee looseth his chastity, though his captiued body be forcedly prostitute vnto ano∣thers beastialitie? If chastitie were lost thus easilie, it were no vertue of the minde; nor one of (c) those goods, whereby a man liues in goodnesse; but were to be reckoned amongst the goods of the body, with strength, beautie, health, and such like: (d) which if a man do decrease in, yet it doth not follow that he decreaseth in his vprightnesse of life: but if chastitie be of (e) another kinde, why should we endanger our bodies to no end, which feare to loose it? for if it be (f) a good, belonging to the mind, it is not lost though the body be violated. Moreouer it is the vertue of holy continencie, that when it with∣stands the pollution of carnall concupiscence, thereby it sanctifies euen the body also: and therefore when the intention stands firme, and giues no way to vicious affects, the chastitie of the body (g) is not lost, because the will re∣maines still in the holy vse, and in the power too, as farre as it can. For the body is not holy in that it is whole, or vntouched in euery member, for it may be hurt and wounded by many other casualties: And the Physitian of∣tentimes for the preseruation of the health, doth that vnto the body which the eye abhorres to beholde. (h) A Midwife trying a certaine maides inte∣gretie of the Virginall part, (whether for malice, or by chance, it is vncer∣taine) spoiled it. Now I thinke none so foolish as to thinke that this virgin lost any part of her bodily sanctitie, though that part endured this breach of integritie. And therefore the intent of the minde standing firme, (which firm∣nesse it is that sanctifies the body) the violence of anothers lust cannot depriue so much as the (i) body of this sanctity, because the perseuerance of the minde

in continency euer preserueth it. But shall we say that any woman whose cor∣rupt minde hath broken her promise vnto God, and yeelded her self willingly to the lust of her deceiuer, (though but in purpose,) is as yet holy in her bodie, when she hath lost that holinesse of minde which sanctified her body? God forbid. And heere let vs learne, that the sanctity of bodie is no more lost, if the sanctity of minde remaine, (though the bodie bee rauished) then it is kept, if the mindes holinesse bee polluted, though the bodie it selfe bee vn∣touched. Wherefore if there bee no reason, that a woman that hath alrea∣die suffred an others villanie against her owne will, should destroy her selfe by voluntary death, how much lesse ought this course to bee followed before there bee any cause? and why should murder bee committed, when the guilt which is feared (beeing feared from another) is as yet in doubt of euent? Dare they (against whom wee defend the sanctity not onely of the Christian womens mindes, but euen of their bodies in this last captiuitie) contradict this cleere reason, wherein we affirme, that whilest the chast resolution is vn∣changed by any euill consent, the guilt is wholy the rauishers, and no part of it imputable vnto the rauished?

L. VIVES.

ACcompanied (a) With fortitude] For the vertues are all combined togither as the Philosophers teach. But there are some more peculiarly cohaerent then other some. (b) No man of this fortitude] Herevpon Plutarch (as I remember) affirmes out of Menan∣der that it is not the part of a valiant and complete man to say I will not suffer this, but, I will not doe this. (c) Those goods] The vertues: for the Platonistis, and the Peripatetike Philosophers diuide al goods into three sorts: mentall, bodily, and fortunes, or externall. (d) Which if a man] This is the Platonistis and Peripatetikes opinion as well as the Stoikes: who * 1.56 held, that bodily and externall goods might haue reference vnto beatitude, but none at all vnto a good and sanctified life. (e) Another kinde] If it bee but a bodily good, it is not of such worth as we should loose the whole body for it: for the body is of more worth then it, if it be but such. (f) The body bee violated] So did Brutus and Collatinus comfort sor∣rowfull Lucretia, (of whom the next Chapter treateth) by turning the guilt of the falte from her that was offended, vpon the author of the fact: neither the minde sinneth (sayth Liuy) nor the body: and where consent wanted, guilt wanteth also. And the Nurse in Se∣neca's Hippolitus saith: the minde inferreth loosenesse, tis not chance. (g) Is not lost] The bodies chastitie flowes from that of the minde, (h) A midwife] Hee seemes to relate a thing done, because hee sayth A certaine maidens &c. (i) So much as the body] How simply was that spoken either of Brutus, or Liuy (both being wise and iudicious men) speaking of the bloud of Lucretia being then newly slaine. I sweare by this bloud, most chaste before this Kings villany: as though after his villany it were not as chaste still, if her minde were not touched with lust, as they hold it was not.

Of Lucretia, that stabb'd her selfe because Tarquins sonne had rauished her. CHAP. 18.

THey extoll (a) Lucretia, that Noble and ancient Matron of Rome, with al the laudes of chastity. This woman, hauing her body forcibly abused by Sextus

Tarquinius son to Tarquin the proud, shee reuealed this villany of the dissolute youth vnto her husband Collatinus, and to Brutus her kinsman, (both Noble and valorous men) binding them by oth, to (b) reuenge this wicked outrage. And then, loathing the foulnesse of the fact that had beene committed vpon her, she slew her selfe. What? shall we say she was an adulteresse, or was shee chast? who will stand long in desciding this question. (c) One, declaming sin∣gularly well and truely hereof, saith thus: O wonder! there were two, and yet but one committed the adultery: worthyly and rarely spoken: Intimating in this commixtion, the spotted lust of the one, and the chast will of the other; and gathering his position, not from their bodily coniunction, but from the di∣uersity of their mindes, There were two (sayth hee) yet but one committed the a∣dultry. But what was that then which shee punished so cruelly, hauing not committed any falt? (d) He was but chased out of his country, but shee was slaine: if it were no vnchastenesse in her to suffer the rape vnwillingly, it was no iustice in her being chaste, to make away her selfe willingly. I appeale to you, you lawes, & Iudges of Rome. After any offence be committed, you wil not haue (e) the offender put to death without his sentence of condemnation. Sup∣pose then this case brought before you, and that your iudgement was, that the slaine woman was not onely vncondemned, but chaste, vnguilty, and innocent; would you not punish the doer of this deed with full seuerity? This deed did Lucretia, that so famous Lucretia: this Lucretia being innocent, chaste, and forcibly wronged, euen by (f) Lucretia's selfe, was murdered: Now giue your sentence. But if you cannot, because the offender is absent, why th•…•…n doe you so extoll the murder of so chaste and guiltlesse a woman? you cannot defend her before the infernall iudges, at any hand, if they be such as your Poets in their verses decipher them: for according to their iudgement, she is (g) to be placed amongst those.

—Qui sibi lethum, Insontes peperēre manu, lacem{que} perosi * 1.57 Proiecêre animas—

That (guiltlesse) spoiled themselues through black despight: And threw their soules to hell, through hate of light:

Whence if she now would gladly returne—

Fat•…•… obstant, tristi{que} palus innabilis vnda Alligat.—

Fate, and deepe •…•…ennes forbids their passage thence, And Stix—&c.

But how if shee be not amongst them, as not dying guiltlesse, but as beeing priuy to her owne sinne? what if it were so (h) which none could know but her selfe, that though Tarquinius son offred her force, yet she her self gaue a lustfull consent, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did so greeue at that, that she held it worthy to be punished with death? Though she ought not to haue done so, howsoeuer if she thought her repentance could be any way accepted of a sort of false gods.) If it be so, & that it be false that there were two & but one did the sin, but rather that both were guilty of it, the one by a violent enforcement, the other by a secret consent, then shee died not innocent: And therefore (i) her learned de∣fenders may well say, that shee is not in hell amongst those that de∣stroyed

them-selues beeing guiltlesse. But this case is in such a strait, that if the murder be extenuated, the adultery is confirmed, and if this bee cleared the other is agrauated: Nor (k) is there any way out of this argument: If she be an adulteresse, why is shee commended? If shee bee chaste why did shee kill her selfe? But in this example of this noble woman, this is sufficient for vs to con∣fute those that beeing them-selues farre from all thought of sanctitie insult o∣uer the Christian women that were forced in this last captiuity: that in Lucre∣cia's praise, it is said that There were two, and but one committed adultery. For they then held Lucrecia for one that could not staine her selfe with any la∣sciu•…•…ous consent. Well then in killing her selfe for suffering vncleanesse, be∣ing hir selfe vnpolluted, she shewed no loue vnto chastitie, but onely disco∣uered the infirmity of her owne shame: he shamed at the filthinesse that was committed vppon hir, though it were (l) without her consent: and (m) being a Romain, and coueteous of glory, she feared, that (n) if she liued stil, that which shee had indured by violence; should be thought to haue been suffered with willingnesse. And therfore she thought good to shew this punishment to the eies of men, as a testimony of hir mind, vnto whome shee could not shew her minde indeed: Blushing to be held a partaker in the fact, which beeing by ano∣ther committed so filthyly, she had indured so vnwillingly. Now this course the Christian women did not take; they liue still, howsoeuer violated: neither for all this reuenge they the ruines of others vppon them-selues, least they should make an addition of their owne guilt vnto the others, if they should go and murder them-selues barbarously, because their enemies had forst them so beastially. For howsoeuer, they haue the glory of their chastity stil within them (o) being the restimony of their conscience, this they haue before the eies of their God, and this is all they care for (hauing no more to looke to but to do wel that they decline not from the authority of the law diuine, in any finister indeauour to auoid the offence of mortall mans suspition.

L. VIVES.

(a) LVcretia] This history of Lucretia is common, though Dionisius relate it some-what differing from Liuie; they agree in the summe of the matter (b) Reuenge] so sayth Liuie in his person. But giue me your right hands and faiths, to inflict iust reuenge vppon the adulterer: and they all in order gaue her their faiths. (c) One declaming] Who this was I * 1.58 haue not yet read: One Glosse saith it was Virgil, as hee found recorded by a great schol∣ler and one that had read much. But Uirgil neuer was declamer: nor euer pleaded in cause but one, and that but once: perhaps that great reader imagined that one to bee this, which indeed was neuer extant. [Which he might the better doe, becasue he had read such store of histories: and better yet, if he were Licentiat, or Doctor] (d) He was chased] Tarquin the King, and all his ofspring were chased out of the Cittie: of this in the third book: (e) The of∣fender] * 1.59 Cicero saith that touching a Romains life there was a decree y^t no Iudgement should passe vpon it, without the assent of the whole people, in the great Comitia, or Parliaments, called Centuriata. The forme and manner of which iudgement he sets down in his oration for his house; and so doth Plutarch in the Gracchi. (f) Lucretia her selfe] which aggrauats the fact: done by Lucretia, a noble and worthy matron of the Citty. (g) Placed amongst these] Uirgil in the 6. of his Aeneads diuides Hell into nine circles, and of the third hee * 1.60 speaketh thus.

Proxima deinde tenent maesti loca, qui sibi lethum Insontes peperere manu, lucem{que} perosi Proiecere animas; quam vellent athere in alto Nunc & pauperiem, & dur•…•…s perferre labores? Fata obstant, tristi{que} palus innabilis vnda Alligat & nouies Styx interfusa coercet.

In english thus.

In the succeeding round of woe they dwell That (guiltlesse) spoild them-selues through blacke despight, And cast their soules away through hate of light: O now they wish they might returne, t' abide Extremest need, and sharpest toile beside: But fate and deepes forbid their passage thence And Styx, that nine times cuttes those groundlesse fennes.

(h) Which none could know] For who can tell whether shee gaue consent by the touch of * 1.61 some incited pleasure? (i) Hir learned defenders] * It is better to read her learned defen∣ders, or her not vnlearned defenders, then her vnlearned defenders, as some copies haue it. (k) Is there any way] It is a Dilemma, If shee were an adulteresse, why is she commended? if chaste, why murdered? The old Rethoricians vsed to dissolue this kinde of Argument either by ouerthrowing one of the parts, or by retorting it, called in greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a * 1.62 conuersion, or retortion: Examples there are diuers in Cicero de Rethorica. Now Au∣gustine saith, that this conclusion is inextricable & vnavoidable by either way. (l) Without * 1.63 her consent] For shee abhorred to consent vnto this act of lust. (m) A Romaine] The Ro∣maine Nation were alwaies most greedy of glory, of whom it is said:

Vincet amor patriae, laudum{que} immensa cupido. Their countries loue & boundles this of glory * 1.64

And Ouid saith of Lucrece, in his Fasti:

Succubuit famae victa puella metu: Conquer'd with feare to loose her fame, she fell.

(n) If she liued] after this vncleanesse committed vpon hir. (o) Being the testimony] for our glory is this (saith Saint Paul 2. Cor. I. 12.) the testimony of our consciences: And this the Stoikes and all the heathenish wise men haue euer taught.

That there is no authority which allowes Christians to be their owne deaths in what cause soeuer CHAP. 19.

FOr it is not for nothing that wee neuer finde it commended in the holy ca∣nonicall Scriptures (or but allowed) that either for attaining of immorta∣litie, or auoyding of calamitie, wee should bee our owne destructions: we are forbidden it in the law: Thou shalt not kill: especially because it addes not, Thy * 1.65 neighbour; as it doth in the pohibition of false witnesse. Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour: Yet let no man thinke that he is free of this later crime, if he beare false witnesse against him-selfe: because hee that loues his neighbour, begins his loue from him-selfe: Seeing it is written: Thou shalt

loue thy neighbour as thy selfe. Now if hee bee no lesse guiltlesse of false * 1.66 witnesse that testifieth falsely against him-selfe, then hee that doth so against his neighbour (since that in that commandement, wherein false witnesse is forbidden, it is forbidden to be practised against ones neighbor, whence mis∣vnderstanding conceits may suppose that it is not forbiddē to beare false wit∣nesse against ones selfe) how much plainer is it to bee vnderstood, that a man may not kill him-selfe, seeing that vnto the commandement (Thou shalt not kil) nothing being added, excludes al exception both of others, & of him to whom the command is giuen? And therefore some would extend the intent of this precept, euen vnto beasts and cattell, and would haue it vnlawfull to kill any of them. But why not vnto hearbes also, and all things that grow and are nou∣rished by the earth? for though these kindes cannot bee said to haue (a) sence or feeling, yet they are said to be liuing: and therfore they may die; and conse∣quently by violent vsage be killed. VVherfore the Apostle speaking of these kinde of seedes, saith thus. Foole, that which thou sowest, is not quickened, except (first) it die. And the Psalmist saith: He destrored their vines with baile: but what? * 1.67 Shall wee therefore thinke it sinne to cutte vp a twigge, because the com∣mandement sayes, thou shalt not kill, and so involue our selues in the foule er∣ror of the Manichees? VVherefore setting aside these dotages, when we read this precept: Thou shalt not kill; If wee hold it not to bee meant of fruites or trees, because they are not sensitiue; nor of vnreasonable creatures, either go∣ing, flying, swimming or creeping, because they haue no society with vs in reason, which God the Creator hath not made common both to them and vs; and therefore by his iust ordinance, their deaths and liues are both most ser∣uiceable and vse-full vnto vs; then it followes necessarily, that thou shalt not kil, is meant only ofmen: Thou shalt not kill, namely, Neither thy self, or another. For he that kils him-selfe, kils no other but a man.

L. VIVES.

TO haue (a) sence] Aristotle saith that plants are animate, and liuing creatures, but * 1.68 yet not sensitiue. But Plato being of Empedocles his opinion, holds them both liuing and sensitiue: Either may be: they may die because they do liue, howsoeuer.

Of some sort of killing men, which notwith∣standing are no murthers. CHAP. 20.

Indeed the authority of the law diuine hath sette downe some exceptions wherein it is lawfull to kill a man. But excepting those whome God com∣maundes to bee slayne, either by his expresse law, or by some particular com∣maund vnto any person by any temporall occasion (and hee committeth not homicide that owes his seruice vnto him that commaundeth him, beeing but as the sword is a helpe to him that vseth it. And therefore those men do not breake the commandement which forbiddeth killing, who doe make warre by

the authority of (a) Gods commaund, or beeing in some place of publike ma∣gistracie, do putte to death malefactors according to their lawes, that is, ac∣cording to the rule of iustice and reason. Abraham was not onely freed from beeing blamed as a murtherer, but he was also commended as a godly man in * 1.69 that hee would haue killed his sonne Isaack, not in wickednesse, but in obedi∣ence. And it is a doubtfull question, whether it bee to bee held as a command from God that (b) Iepthe killed his daughter that met him in his returne, seeing * 1.70 that he had vowed to sacrifice the first liuing thing that came out of his house to meete him, when hee returned conqueror from the warres. (c) Nor could Sampson be excused pulling downe the house vpon him-selfe and his enemies, but that the spirit within him, which wrought miracles by him, did prompt him vnto this act. Those therfore beeing excepted, which either the iustice of the law, or the fountaine of all iustice, Gods particular commaund, would haue killed; he that killeth either himself, or any other, incurreth the guilt of a homicide.

L. VIVES.

AVthority (a) of Gods command] As the Iewes did: they waged warres, but it was by Gods expresse command. [But if they were counted godly y^t to please God (though * 1.71 against natural humanitie afflicted) his enemies with war and slaughter: truly then cannot we butbe held the most vngodly of y^e world that butcher vp so many thousand Christians against the expresse will of God] (b) Iepthe] Iudges the 11. Chapt. Verse 31. Whose fact was like that, which the Tragedians write of Agamemnon, who sacrificed his daughter Iphigenia vnto Diana at Aulis. Many reproue this sacrifice of Iephte: for his vowe was to bee interpreted, as ment of those things, which were accustomed to be offred with Gods * 1.72 good pleasure: and so was that of Agamemnons to haue bene construed also. (c) Nor could Sampson] Iudges the 16. chapter and the 30. verse.

That voluntary death can neuer be any signe of magnanimity, or greatnes of spirit. CHAP 21.

WHo soeuer haue committed this homicide vppon them-selues, may (per∣haps) bee commended of some for their greatnesse of spirit, but neuer for their soundnesse of iudgement. But indeed if you looke a little deeper in∣to the matter, it cannot bee rightly termed magnanimitie, when a man beeing vnable to indure either casuall miseries, or others oppressions (to auoid them) destroyeth him-selfe. For that minde discouereth it selfe to bee of the greatest infirmitie, that can neither indure hard bondage in his bodie, or the fond opinion of the vulgar: and worthily is that spirit entitled great, that can rather indure calamities then auoyde them: And in respect of their owne purity and inlightned conscience, can sette at naught the triuiall censures of mortall men (a) which are most commonly enclowded in a mist of ignorance and errour. If wee shall thinke it a part of magnanimity to putte a mans selfe to death, then is (b) Cleombrotus. most worthie of this magnanimous title, who hauing read Platoes

booke of the immortality of the soule, cast himself headlong from the toppe of a wall, and so leauing this life, went vnto another which hee beleeued was bet∣ter. For neither calamity, nor guiltinesse, either true or false, vrged him to a∣voide it by destroying himselfe, but his great spirit alone was sufficient to make him catch at his death, and breake all the pleasing fetters of this life. Which deed notwithstanding, that it was rather great, then good, Plato him∣selfe, whom he read, might haue assured him: who (be sure) would haue done it, or taught it himselfe, if he had not discerned by the same instinct whereby he discerned the soules eternity, that this was at no hand to bee practised, but rather vtterly (c) prohibited.

L. VIVES.

VVHich (a) Are indeed] The ancient wise men were euer wont to call the people the great Maister of Error. (b) Cleombrotus] This was the Ambraciot, who hauing * 1.73 read Plato's dialogue called Phaedo of the immortality of the soule, that hee might leaue this life, (which is but as a death,) and passe vnto immortality, threw himselfe ouer a wall into the sea, without any other cause in the world. Of him did Callimachus make an epi∣grame in Greeke, and in Latine, I haue seene it thus.

Vita vale, muro praeceps delapsus ab alto, Dixisti moriens Ambraciota puer: Nullum in morte malum credens; sed scripta Platonis Non ita erant animo percipienda tuo.

When Cleombrotus from the turret threw Himselfe to death, he cried, new life, adue: Holding death, hurtlesse: But graue Plato's sense. He should haue read with no such reference.

There was also another Cleombrotus, King of Lacedaemon, whom Epaminondas the The∣bane ouercame. (c) Rather vtterly prohibited] For in the beginning of his Phaedo, hee saith it is wickednesse for a man to kill himselfe: and that God is angred at such a fact, like the maister of a family, when any of his slaues haue killed themselues: and in many other pla∣ces, he saith that without Gods command, no man ought to leaue this life. For here we are all as in a set front of battell, euery one placed, as God our Emperor and Generall pleaseth to appoint vs: and greater is his punishment that forsaketh his life, then his that forsaketh his colours.

Of Cato, who killed himselfe, being not able to endure Caesars victory. CHAP. 22.

BVt many haue killed themselues for feare to fal into the hands of their foes. We dispute not here de facto, whether it hath been done or no, but de Iure, whether it were to be done or no. For soūd reason is before example, al autho∣rities * 1.74 to the contrary, as wherevnto all examples do consent, being such as by their excellence in goodnesse are worthily imitable: neither Patriarch, Prophet nor Apostle euer did this: yet our Lord Iesus Christ, when hee admonished his disciples, in persecution to flie from city to city, might haue willed them in such cases to make a present dispatch of themselues, and so to avoide their * 1.75

persecutors (hadd hee held it fitte.) But if hee neuer gaue any such admoni∣tion, or command, that any to whome hee promised a mansion of eternity at their deaths, should passe vnto their deaths on this fashion; (lette then the hea∣then that know not God produce al they can) it is plainly vnlawful for any one than serueth the onely true God to follow this course: But indeed besides Lu∣•…•…ia (of whome I think we haue sufficiently argued before) it is hard for * 1.76 them to find one other example, worth prescribing as a fitte authority for o∣thers to follow, besides that (a) Cato only that killed him-selfe at Vtica: (b) not that hee alone was his owne deaths-man but because he was accounted as a (c) learned, and (d) honest man, which may beget a beleefe, that to do as hee didde, were to doe well. VVhat should I say of his fact more then his friendes (and (e) some of them learned men) haue said? who shewed far more iudgement in disswading the deed, and censuring it as the effect of a spirit rather deiected, then magnanimous. And of this (f) did Cato him-selfe leaue a testimony in his owne famous Sonne. For if it were base to liue vnder Caesars victory: why did he aduise his son to this, willing him to entertaine a full hope of Caesars clemency? Yea why did he not vrge him to go willingly to his end with him? If it were laudable in Torquatus (g) to kill his sonne that hadde fought and foyled his enemy: (though herein he had broken the Dictators commaund) why didde conquered Cato spare his ouerthrowne sonne, that spared not him-selfe? VVas it more vile to bee a conquerour agaynst lawe, then to indure a conquerour against honour? What shall wee saie then, but that euen in the same measure that hee loued his sonne, whome hee both hoped and wished that Caesar woulde spare, in the same didde hee enuy Caesars glory, which hee (h) should haue gotten in sparing of him also, or else (to mollifie this matter som-what) he was ashamed to receiue such courtesie at Caesars hands.

L. VIVES.

THat (a) Cato] The Catoe's were of the Portian family, arising from Tusculum a towne * 1.77 of the Latines. The first of this stocke that was called Cato (that is wise and wary) was Marcus Portius, a man of meane discent, but attaining to all the honours of Consull, Censor, and of Triumph. His nephewes sonne was Marcus Portius Cato, both of them were great and (yet) innocent men. The first was called Maior, or the Elder, the later Mi∣nor, or the younger. The younger beeing a Leader in the ciuill wars of Pompey tooke his (that was, the common weales and the liberties) part, against the vsurparion of Caius Cae∣sar: Now Pompey beeing ouercome by Caesar at Pharsalia, and Scipio Metellus (Pompey his father in law) in Affrica, this Cato seeing his faction subuerted, and Caesar beare al down before him, being retyred vnto Vtica (a Citty in Affrike) and reading Platoe's Phaed•…•… twise ouer together, the same night thrust him-selfe through with his sword. (b) Not be∣cause he alone] No, for many in other warres had slaine them-selues, least they should fall into the hand of the enemie: and in this same warre, so did Scipio Metellus, Afranius & King Iuba (c) Learned] A stoyke and excellently skill'd in the wisdom of the Greeks (d) Ho∣nest] the wisdom and innocencie that was in both these Catoes grew into a prouerb: and * 1.78 hereof saith I•…•…all.

T•…•…rtius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Caelo cecidit Cato. Now Heauen hath giuen vs a third Cat•…•….

Velleius Paterculus writing vnto Uinicius, thus describeth this Cato. Hee was descen∣ded from Marcus Cato that head of the Porcian family (who was his great grandfather) hee was a man like vertues selfe, and rather of diuine then humane capacity: hee neuer did good that he cared should be noted: but because hee could not doe any thing but good, as holding that onely reasonable which was iust: free was hee from all the corruptions of man, and euermore swayed his owne fortune to his owne liking, Thus farre Uelleius: to omit the great testimo∣nies of Seneca, Lucane, Tully, Saluste and others, of this worthy man. (e) some of them lear∣ned] It is recorded that Apollonides the Stoike, Demetrius the Peripatetike, and Cleanthes the Phisicion were then at Utica with Cato. For he loued much the company of the Greeke Philosophers, and his great grand-father neuer hated them so much as he respected them. And vpon the night that he slew himselfe on (saith Plutarch) at supper there arose a dispu∣tation about such things as really concerne the liberty of a man: wherein, Demetrius spoke many things against Cato's constant assertions of the praise of such as killed themselues; which indeed was so vehement, that it begot a suspicion in them all, that hee would follow the same course himselfe, (f) This did Cato himselfe] Plutarch writeth that when Cato * 1.79 came to Vtica, he sent away his followers by shipping, and earnestly preswaded his sonne to goe with them, but could not force him to forsake his father. This sonne of his, Caesar af∣terwardes pardoned, as Liuy saith lib. 114. and Caesar himselfe in his Commentaries of the African warre. Hee was (as Plutarch saith in his fathers life) much giuen to venerie, but in the battaile of Phillipi, fighting valiantly on his cozen Brutus his side for his countries free∣dome hee was slaine, scorning to leaue the fight, when the chiefest captaines fled. (g) to kill his sonne] Titus Manlius Torquatus made his sonnes head bee cut off for fighting contrary * 1.80 to the edict, though he returned with victory, But of this else-where. (h) should haue gotten by sparing of him] Commonly knowne is that saying of Caesar to him that brought newes of Cato's death: Cato, I enuy thy glory, for thou enuiedst mine, and would not haue it reckoned amongst mine other famous actes, that I saued Cato. Caesar wrote two bookes called Anti∣catones, against Cato, as Cicero and Suetonius testifie. The Cardinall of Liege told mee that he saw them both in a certaine old librarie at Liege, and that hee would see they should bee sent me, which if he do, I will not defraud the learned of their vse and publication.

That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue, wherein he excelled most. CHAP. 23.

BVt those whom we oppose will not haue their Cato excelled by our Iob, that holy man, who choose rather to endure all them horrible torments (a) in his flesh, then by aduenturing vpon death to auoide all those vexations: and other Saints of high credit and vndoubted faith in our scriptures, all which made choyce rather to endure the tirany of their enemies, then bee their owne butchers. But now we will prooue out of their owne records that Re∣gulus was Cato's better in this glory. For Cato neuer ouer-came Caesar, vnto whom he scorned to be subiect, and chose to murder himselfe rather then bee seruant vnto him: But Regulus ouer-came the Africans, and in his generallship, returned with diuers noble victories vnto the Romanes, neuer with any nota∣ble losse of his Citizens, but alwaies of his foes: and yet being afterwards con∣quered by them, hee resolued rather to endure slauery vnder them, then by death to free himselfe from them. And therein hee both preserued his paci∣encie vnder the Carthaginians, and his constancy vnto the Romanes, neither de∣priuing the enemy of his conquered body, nor his countrymen of his vncon∣quered minde: Neither was it the loue of this life, that kept him from death.

This hee gaue good proofe of, when without dread, hee returned back vnto his foes, to whō he had giuen worse cause of offence in the Senate-house with his tongue then euer he had done before in the battaile with his force: & there∣fore this so great a conqueror and contemner of this life, who had rather that his foes should take it from him by any torments, then that hee should giue death to himselfe, howsoeuer, must needes hold, that it was a foule guilt for man to bee his owne murderer. Rome amongst all her worthies, and e∣ternized spirits, cannot shew one better then hee was, for hee, for all his great victories, continued (b) most poore: nor could mishap amate him: for with a fixt resolue and an vndanted courage returned he vnto his deadliest enemies. Now, if those magnanimous and heroicall defenders of their earthly habi∣tacles, and those true and sound seruants of their (indeede false gods (who had power to cut downe their conquered foes by lawe of armes) seeing them∣selues afterwardes to bee conquered of their foes, neuerthelesse would not be their owne butchers, but although they feared not death at al, yet would ra∣ther endure to bee slaues to their foes superiority, then to bee their owne ex∣ecutioners: How much more then should the Christians, that adore the true God, and ayme wholie at the eternall dwellings, restraine themselues from this foule wickednesse, whensoeuer it pleaseth God to expose them for a time to taste of temporall extremities, either for their triall, or for correction sake, seeing that hee neuer forsaketh them in their humiliation, for whom hee being most high, humbled himselfe so low: (e) especially beeing that they are persons whom no lawes of armes or military power can allowe to destroy the conquered enemies?

L. VIVES.

IN (a) his flesh] For hee was afflicted with a sore kinde of vlcere. (b) Most poore] Liuy in his eighteene booke, and Valerius in his examples of pouerty write this: When Attilius knew that his generallship was prolonged another yeare more, hee wrote to the Senate to haue * 1.81 them send one to supply his place: His chiefe reason why hee would resigne his charge was, be∣cause his seauen acres of ground (beeing all the land hee had) was spoyled by the hired souldiers: which if it continued so, his wife and children could not haue whereon to liue. So the Senate (gi∣uing the charge of this vnto the Aediles) looked better euer after vnto Attilius his patrimony. (c) Especialy being that they] He makes fighting as far from Christian piety, as religious hu∣manity is from barbarous inhumanity.

That sinne is not to be auoided by sinne. CHAP. 24.

VVHat a pernicious error then is heere crept into the world, that a man should kill himselfe, because either his enemy had iniured him, or means to iniure him? whereas hee may not kill his enemy, whether hee haue offen∣ded him, or bee about to offend him? This is rather to bee feared indeede, that the bodie, beeing subiect vnto the enemies lust, with touch of some

enticing delight do not allure the will to consent to this impurity: And there∣fore (say they) it is not because of anothers guilt, but for feare of ones owne, that such men ought to kill themselues before sinne be committed vpon them. Nay, the minde that is more truly subiect vnto God and his wisdome, then vnto carnall concupiscence will neuer be brought to yeeld vnto the lust of the owne flesh be it neuer so prouoked by the lust of anothers: But if it be a damnable fact, and a detestable wickednesse to kill ones selfe at all, (as the truth in plaine tearmes saith it is) what man will bee so fond as to say, let vs sinne now, least we sinne hereafter? let vs commit murder now, least wee fall into adul∣tery hereafter? If wickednesse be so predominant in such an one, as hee or shee will not chuse rather to suffer in innocence than to escape by guilt: is it not bet∣ter to aduenture on the vncertainety of the future adultery, then the certainety of the present murder? is it not better to commit such a sinne as repentance may purge, then such an one as leaues no place at all for repentance? This I speake for such as for auoyding of guilt (not in others but in themselues) and fearing to consent to the lust in themselues which anothers lust inciteth, doe imagine that they ought rather to endure the violence of death: But farre bee it from a Christian soule that trusteth in his God, that hopeth in him and rest∣eth on him; farre bee it (I say) from such to yeeld vnto the delights of the flesh in any consent vnto vncleanesse. But if that (a) concupiscentiall dis∣obedience which dwelleth as yet in our (b) dying flesh, doe stirre it selfe by the owne licence against the law of our will; how can it bee but faltlesse in the body of him or her that neuer consenteth, when it stirres without guilt in the body that sleepeth.

L. VIVES.

COncupiscentiall (a) Disobedience] The lust of the bodie is mooued of it selfe euen a∣gainst all resistance and contradiction of the will: and then the will being ouercome by the flesh, from hence ariseth shame, as we will shew more at large hereafter. (b) Dying flesh] Our members being subiect vnto death doe die euery day, and yet seeme to haue in them a life distinct from the life of the soule: if then the lustfull motions that betide vs in sleepe, bee faltlesse, because the will doth not consent, but nature effects them without it; how much more faltlesse shall those bee, wherein the will is so so farre from resting onely, that it resists and striues against them?

Of some vnlawfull acts, done by the Saints, and by what occasion they were done. CHAP. 25.

BVt there were (a) some holy women (say they) in these times of perse∣cution, who flying from the spoylers of their chastities, threw themselues head-long into a swift riuer which drowned them and so they died, and yet their martirdomes are continually honored with religious memorialls in the Catholike Church. Well, of these I dare not iudge rashly in any thing. Whether the Church haue any sufficient testimonies that the diuine

will aduised it to honor these persons memories, I cannot tell, it may be that * 1.82 it hath. For what if they did not this through mortall feare, but through hea∣uenly instinct? not in error, but in obedience? as wee must not beleeue but that Sampson did. And if God command, and this command be cleerely and doubt∣lesly discerned to bee his, who dares call this obedience into question? Who dare callumniate the dutie of holy loue? But euery one that shall resolue to sacrifice his sonne vnto God shall not bee cleared of guilt in such a resolution, because Abraham was praised for it. For the souldier, that in his order and obeysance to his gouernour (vnder whom hee fighteth lawfully) killeth a man, the citty neuermakes him guilty of homicid: nay it makes him guilty offalshood and contempt, if hee doe not labour in all that hee can to doe it. But if hee had killed the man of his owne voluntary pleasure, then had hee beene guilty of shedding humaine bloud, And so hee is punished for doing of that vnbid∣den, for the not doing of which beeing bidde hee should also haue beene pu∣nished. If this be thus at the generalls command, then why not at the creators? He therefore that heareth it sayd, Thou shalt not kil thy selfe, must kil himself if he commaunde him, whom wee may no way gainesay: Onely hee is to marke whether this diuine commaund bee not involued in any vncertainety. By (b) the eare wee doe make coniecture of the conscience, but our iudgement cannot penetrate into the secrets of hearts: No man knowes the things of a man, but the spirit of a man which is in him. This we say, this we affirme, this wee * 1.83 vniuersally approoue, that no man ought to procure his owne death for feare of temporall miseries; because in doing this hee falleth into eternall: Nei∣ther may hee doe it to avoide the sinnes of others, for in this hee maketh him∣selfe guilty of a deadly guilt, whome others wickednesse could not make guilty: nor for his owne sinnes past, for which hee had more neede to wish for life, that hee might repent himselfe of them: nor for any desire of a better life to bee hoped for after death: Because such as are guil∣tie of the losse of their owne life, neuer enioye any better life after their death.

L. VIVES.

BVt there were (a) some holy women] Ambrose lib. 3. de virginibus, writeth that Pelagia with his mother & sisters cast themselues headlong into a riuer, for feare to be rauished * 1.84 of the soldiers that pursued them: and yet the Church (saith he) hath placed her amongst the number of the martires: And Sophronia likewise who killed her selfe to auoide the lust of Maxentius Caesar as Eusebins recordeth in his Ecclesiasticall history. (b) by the eare] Wee iudge by appearances of what is within: for our eye cannot perce into the secrets of man. * 1.85

Whether we ought to flie sinne with volun∣tary death. CHAP. 26.

THere is one reason of this proposition as yet to handle, which seemes to proue it commodious for a man to suffer a voluntary death: namely least

either alluring pleasures or tormenting paines should enforce him to sinne af∣terwards. Which reason if we will giue scope vnto, it will run out so farre, that one would thinke that men should bee exhorted to this voluntary butchery, e∣uen then, when by the fount of regeneration they are purified from all their sinnes. For then is the time to beware of all sinnes to come, when all that is past is pardoned. And if voluntary death doe this, why is it not fittest then? Why doth hee that is newly baptized forbeare his owne throat? Why doth he thrust his head freed againe into all these imminent dangers of this life, seeing he may so easilie avoide them all by his death: and it is written, Hee that lou•…•…th daunger shall fall therein? Why then doth he loue those innumerable daungers? or if hee doe not loue them, why vndertakes hee them? Is any man so fondly * 1.86 peruerse and so great a contemner of truth, that if hee thinke one should kill himselfe to eschue the violence of one oppressor least it draw him vnto sinne, will neuerthelesse a•…•…ouch that one should liue still, and endure this whole world at all times, full of all temptations, both such as may bee expected from one oppressor, and thousands besides without which no man doth nor can liue? What is the reason then, why wee doe spend so much time in our exhor∣tations, endeuouring to animate (a) those whom wee haue baptized, (b) ei∣ther vnto virginity, or chaste widowhood, or honest and honorable marriage; seeing wee haue both farre shorter and farre better waies to abandon all con∣tagion and daunger of sinne; namely in perswading euery one presently after that remission of his sinnes which hee hath newly obtained in baptisme, to be∣take him presently to a speedy death, and so send him presently away vnto GOD, both fresh and faire? If any man thinke that this is fitte to bee per∣swaded, I say not hee dotes, but I say hee is plaine madde: with what face can he say vnto a man, kill thy selfe, least vnto thy small sinnes thou adde a grea∣ter by liuing in slauery vnto a barbarous vnchaste maister? how can hee (but with guilty shame) say vnto a man: kill thy selfe now that thy sinnes are for∣giuen thee, least thou fall into the like againe or worse, by liuing in this world, so fraught with manifold temptation, so aluring with vncleane delights, so fu∣rious with bloudy sacrileges, so hate-full (c) with errors and terrors? it is a shame and a sinne to say the one, and therefore is it so likewise to doe the o∣ther. For (d) if there were any reason of iust force to authorize this fact, it must needes bee that which is fore-alledged. But it is not that, therefore there is none. Loath not your liues then (you faithfull of Christ) though the foe hath made ha•…•…ock of your chastities. You haue a great and true consolati∣on, if your conscience beare you faithfull witnesse that you neuer consented vn∣to their sinnes who were suffred to commit such outrages vpon you.

L. VIVES.

THose (a) whom we haue baptized] [Least any man should mistake this place, vnderstand that in times of old, no man was brought vnto baptisme, but he was of sufficient yeares * 1.87 to know what that misticall water meant, and to require his baptisme, yea and that sundry times. Which we see resembled in our baptising of infants unto this day. For the infant is asked (be it borne on that day, or a day before) whether it wilbe baptized? Thrise is this * 1.88 question propounded vnto it: vnto which the God-fathers answere, it will: I heare that in some Citties of Italy they doe for the most part obserue the ancient custome as yet. This

I haue related onely to explane the meaning of Augustine more fullie.] (b) Either to virgi∣nity] He toucheth the three estates of such as liue well in the Church. (c) With so many er∣rors and terrors] Of the seauenth chance, (d) For if there were any reason] A fit kinde of ar∣gument, by repugnance: which taking away the adiunct, takes the subiect away also. Tully mentions it in his Topikes.

How it was a iudgement of God that the enemie was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christian bodies. CHAP. 27.

IF you aske me now why these outrages were thus permitted, I answere the prouidence of the creator & gouernor of the world, is high, and his iudge∣ments are vnsearchable (a) and his waies past finding out: But aske your owne * 1.89 hearts sincerely whether you haue boasted in this good of continency and chastity, or no? whether you haue not affected humane commendations for it, and so thereby haue enuied it in others? I doe not accuse you of that whereof I am ignorant, nor doe I know what answere your hearts will returne you vnto this question. But if they answere affirmatiuely, and say you haue done so, then wonder not at all (b) that you haue now lost that, whereby you did but seeke and (c) reioyce to please the eyes of mortall men: and that you lost not that which could not bee shewed vnto men. If you consented not vnto the o∣thers luxury, your soules had the helpe of Gods grace to keepe them from losse, and likewise felt the disgrace of humane glory, to deterre them from the loue of it. But your faint hearts are comforted on both sides: on this side being approoued, and on that side chastised: iustified on this, and reformed on the other. But their hearts that giue them answere that they neuer glo∣ried in the guift of virginity, viduall chastity, or continence in marriage: but (d) sorting themselues with the meanest, did (e) with a reuerend feare * 1.90 reioyce in this guift of God; nor euer repined at the like excellence of sanc∣tity and purity in others; but neglecting the ayre of humane fame, (which alwaies is wont to accrew according to the rarity of the vertue that de∣serues it) did wish rather to haue their number multiplied, then by reason of their fewnesse to become more eminent. Let not those that are such, (if the Barbarians Iust haue seized vpon some of them) (f) alledge that this is (meerely) permitted: nor let them thinke that God neglecteth these things because he some-times permitteth that which no man euer committeth vnpunished: for some, as weights of sinne and euill desires, are let downe by a pr•…•…sent and secret iudgement, and some are reserued to that publique and vniuersall last iudgement. And perhaps those, who knew themselues vn∣gu•…•…e, and that neuer had their hearts puffed vppe with the good of this chastity, (and yet had their bodies thus abused by the enemie) had (notwithstanding) some infirmity lurking within them which (g) if they had escaped; this humiliation by the warres fury might haue increased vnto a fastidious pride. Wherefore (h) as some were taken away by death, least wickednesse should alter their vnderstandings, so these here

were forced to forgoe (i) some-thing, least excesse of prosperitie should haue depraued their vertuous modestie. And therefore, from neither sort, either of those that were proud, in that their bodies were pure from all vncleane touch of others, or that might haue growne proud, if they had escaped the rape done by their foes, from neither of these is their chastitie taken away, but vnto them both is humilitie perwaded. The vaine-glory which is (k) immanent in the one, and imminent ouer the other, was excluded in them both. Though this is not to bee ouer-passed with silence, that some that endured these violences, might perhaps thinke, that continencie is but a bodily good, remaining as long as the body remaines vntouched▪ but that it is not soly placed in the strength of the grace-assisted will, which sanctifies both body and soule: nor that it is a good that cannot be lost against ones will: which error, this affliction brought them to vnderstand: for it they consider with what conscience they honor God, and do with an vnmooued faith beleeue this of him, that hee will not, nay can∣not any way forsake such as thus and thus do serue him, and inuocate his name, and do not doubt of the great acceptation which he vouchsafeth vnto chastitie, Then must they neede perceiue that it followes necessarily, that he would neuer suffer this to fall vpon his Saints, if that by this meanes they should be despoi∣led of that sanctimonie which hee so much affecteth in them, and infuseth into them.

L. VIVES.

ANd (a) his wayes] the vulgar (Rom. 12. 35.) reades inuestigabiles for the direct con∣trarie, minimè inuestigabiles. Inuestigabilis, is that which is found, inuestigando, with sear∣ching out. But the wayes of the Lord cannot be found out by humaine vnderstanding. The Greeke is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, imperuestigabiles, vnsearchable. (b) That you lost that] that you lost your fame, and faire report, and yet lost not your chastitie. (c) Reioyced to please,] that is louingly desired. (d) But sorting themselues with the meanest] Rom. 12. 16. Bee not high minded, but make your selues equall with them of the lower sort: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith the originall, verbally translated: humilibus abducti. (e) With reuerend feare] Psalm. 2. 11. Serue the Lord with feare, or reioyce with trembling. (f) Alledge] we interprete not causari as the Philosophers doe in the Schooles, in causa esse, to be the cause, but causam proferre, to alledge as cause, as Uirgill doth, saying:

Causando nostros in longum ducis amores. With allegations thou prolongs our loues.

(g) If they had escaped this humiliation] Augustine here vseth humilitas for humiliatio, (I thinke) which is, a deiecting of a man by some calamitie: Vnlesse that some will reade it thus: Which if they had escaped, the humility of this warres furie, might haue blowne them vp into fastidious pride. (h) As some were taken away] The wordes are in the fourth of the booke of Wisdome, the eleuenth verse, and are spoken of Henoch: but they are not here to bee vnderstood as spoken of him: (for hee was taken vp in his life vnto the Lord:) but of others who after their death were taken vp to God for the same cause that Henoch was, before his death. (i) Some thing] what that something was, modest shame prohibiteth to speake. (k) Immanent in the one] not as the Grammarians take it, namely for vnconti∣nuing or transitorie, but immanens, quasi intùs manens, inherent, ingrafted, or staying within. Augustine vseth it for to expresse the figure of Agnomination, or Paranamasia, which is in * 1.91 the two words immanent & imminent; which figure he vseth in many other places.

What the seruants of Christ may answer the In•…•…dels, when they vpbrayde them with Christs not deliuering them (in their afflictions) from the furie of their enemies furie. CHAP. 28.

VVHerefore all the seruants of the great and true God haue a comfort thats firme and fixed, not placed vpon fraile foundations of momentary and transitorie things: and so they passe this temporall life in such manner, as they neuer neede repent them of enioying it: because that herein they are prepared for that which is eternall, vsing the goods of this world but as in a pilgrimage, being no way entrapped in them, and so making vse of the euills of this world, as they make them serue alwayes either to their approbation, or their reforma∣tion. Those that insult vpon this their vprightnesse, and (when they see them fallen into some of these temporall inconueniences) say vnto them (a) where is thy God? Let them tell vs, where their Gods are when they are afflicted * 1.92 with the like oppressions? their gods, which either they worship, or desire to worship onely, for the auoyding of such inconueniences. The family of Christ can answer, my God is euery where present, in all places, whole and powerfull, no space includes him: he can be present, vn-perceiued, and depart away againe, vnmooued. And he, when he afflicts vs with these aduersities, doth it either for triall of our perfections or reforming of our imperfections, still reseruing an eternall rewarde for our patient sufferance of temporall distresses. But who are you, that I should vouchsafe to speake vnto you, especially of your gods, but most especially of mine owne God (b) who is terrible and to bee feared aboue all Gods? for all the gods of the Heathen are Diuills, but the Lord made the heauens. * 1.93

L. VIVES.

WHere (a) is thy God?] Psal. 42. My teares haue beene my bread day and night, whilest they dayly said vnto me: where is now thy God? (b) Who is terrible and to bee feared,] Psal. 95. 4. 5.

That such as complaine of the Christian times desire nothing but to liue in filthy pleasures. CHAP. 29.

IF that (a) your Scipio Nasica were now aliue, hee that was once your high Priest, who (when in the fearefull terror of the Carthaginian warres, the most perfect man of all the citie was sought for, to vndertake the entertainment of the Phrigian goddesse) was chosen by the whole Senate, he whose face per∣haps you now durst not looke on, hee would shame you from this grose impu∣d•…•…nce of yours. For what cause is there for you to exclaime at the prosperi∣tie of the Christian faith in these times, but onely because you would follow

your luxury vncontrolled, and hauing remoued the impediments of al trouble∣some oppositions, swim on in your dishonest and vnhallowed dissolution? Your affections do not stand vp for peace, nor for vniuersal plenty and prosperity, to the end that you might vse them when you hauethē, as honest men should do: that is, modestly, soberly, temperately, and religiously: No: but that hence you might keepe vp your vnreasonable expence, in seeking out such infinite vari∣ety of pleasures, and so giue birth vnto those exorbitances in your prosperi∣ties, which would heape more mischiefs vpon you then euer befel you by your enemies.

(b) But Scipio your high Priest, he whom the whole Senate iudged the best man amongst you, fearing that this calamitie would fall vppon you (that I speak of) would not haue Carthage in those dayes the sole paralell of the Romaine Empire vtterly subuerted, but contradicted Cato, that spoke for the destruction of it, because hee feared the foe of all weake spirits, Security: and held that Car∣thage would bee vnto his fellow Cittizens (c) as if they were young punies) both a conuenient tutor, and a necessary terror. Nor did his iudgement delude him: the euent it selfe gaue sufficient proofe whether he spoke true or no: for after∣wards when Carthage was raized downe, and the greatest curber and terror of the Romaine weale-publike vtterly extinguished and brought to nothing; Pre∣sently such an innumerable swarm of inconueniences arose out of this prospe∣rous estate, that the bondes of concord beeing all rent asunder and broken, first with barbarous and (e) bloudy seditions, and next (f) by continuall gi∣uing of worse and worse causes by ciuill warres, such slaughters were effect∣ed, so much bloud was shedde by ciuill warres, and so much inhumanitie was practised in proscribings, riots and rapines, that those Romaines that in the good time of their liues feared no hurt but from their enemies, now in the corrupt time of their liues indured far worse of their owne fellowes: and that lust after soueraignty, which among all other sinnes of the world, was most appropriate vnto the Romaines, and most immoderate in them all, at length getting head and happie successe in a fewe of the more powerfull, it ouerpressed all the rest, wearing them out and crushing their neckes with the yoake of vilde and slauish bondage.

L. VIVES.

IF that your Scipio (a) Nasica] This man was the sonne of Cnius Cornelius Scipio, who was slayne together with his brother Publius, by the Carthaginians in Spaine, in the second * 1.94 war of Affrica. In the 14. year of which war the Decemuiri found a verse amongst the rest of the Prophecies in the books of the Sybils, which fore-told that the enemy should be chased out of Italy if that the mother of the gods were transported from Pessinuns, a citty of Phry∣gia, vnto Rome. Here-vpon an ambassage was sent to Attalus, who as then was King of that country, to demand the mother of the gods of him, in the name of the Senate and people of Rome. The Ambassadours as they went, tooke the Oracle of Delphos in their way, to know what hope there was of attaining this mother of the goddes of the stranger King Attalus. The Oracle badde them bee of good courage, Attalus woulde not bee agaynst the fulfilling of their request for the Image: but withal willed them to haue an especiall care that when shee came into Italy, the best man of the whole Cittie of Rome should giue hir intertainment, and receiue hir into his custodie.

So the shippe returning vnto Ostia with the Image of the goddesse, Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica was by the Senators (which were sworne to giue their opinions of the best man of the Cittie) adiudged as the best man, he being then but a youth and not out of his questor∣ship, which was his first steppe vnto dignity; and so hee by the decree of the Senate, receiued the Phrigian goddesse: Liuie in his 29. booke and many others. (b) But Scipio] In the 600. * 1.95 yeare after the building of Rome, when the Romaine Ambassadors that had bin at Carthage, reported that there they had found a huge deale of furniture for shipping, and all thinges fitt for a Nauall warre, the Senate held a consultation about the beginning of a warre with the Carthaginians. Now Marcus Portius Cato beeing Censor, to assure the Romains their estate at length, gaue counsell not onely to beginne this warre, but vtterly to extirpate and demo∣lish (this terror of theirs) Carthage. But Nasica Scipio (of whom we spoke but now) would not see the people of Rome exposed to the inconueniences of too much Idlenesse, nor that they should swimme in too much security: and therefore would haue something to remaine as a bridle to curb the head-strong appetite of a powerful multitude: Where-vppon he gaue them the counsell not onely not to destroy Carthage, but euen not to beginne a warre with the Carthaginians without a lawfull and sufficient cause. Liuie and others. (c) As if they were young punies [Ualerius writeth that Appius Claudius vsed often to say that imployment did far more ext•…•…l the people of Rome then quiet: that excesse of leisure and rest melted them in∣to * 1.96 slothfulnesse, but the rough name of businesse, kept the manners of the cittie in their pristine state, vndeformed: when the sweet sound of quiet euer ledde in great store of corruption. (d) When Carthage was raized] Salust in his war of Iugurth saith thus: for before Carthage was rai∣zed, the Senate and People of Rome gouerned the weale-publike wel, quietly and modestly betwixt th•…•…-selues: nor was there any contention for glory or domination amongst them: the feare of the foes kept all the Citty in good arts & orders: but that feare being once remoued and abolished, then the attendants of prosperous estates, pride and luxury, thrust in vnrestrained. (e) And bloudy se∣di•…•…. As first y^t of Tiberius Gracchus, then that of Caius his brother, in which two was the first ciuill effusion of Cittizens bloud beheld: the first of these happened tenne yeares after Carthage was destroyed. (f) By continual giuing of worse and worse causes]. For through the sedition of Caius Gracchus was the office of the Tribuneship inuented, and bestowed on Li∣•…•… * 1.97 Drusus, whom the Senators opposed against the Gentlemen, who stood for the law that Gracchus had made. Hence arose the war called Sociale Bellum, because Drusus reformed not the citty as hee promised: and hence arose the warre of Mithridates, who taking aduantage of this discord of Italie, made many thousands of the Italians that traffick'd in his dominions to bee slaine: and hence arose the ciuill warre of Marius who sought to gette the vnder∣taking of this Prouince and warre of Mithridates from Sylla. And from the seedes of this warre, sprung the warres of Sertorius, Lepidus, the conspiracy of Catiline, and lastly the warre of Pompey. And from that sprung the Empire of Caesar, and after his death the ciuil warres of Anthony, of Brutus and Cassius at the Philippi: of Sextus Pompeius in Sicilia, and that of Acti∣•…•…. And lastly the common-weales freedome turned into a tiriannical monarchy.

By what degrees of corruption the Romaines ambition grew to such a height. CHAP 30.

FOr when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 e•…•…er this lust of soueraignty cease in proud mindes, vntill it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by co•…•… of honours attained vnto the dignitie of regall domi∣nation? And if their ambition didde not preuaile, they then hadde no meane to continue their honours: Now ambition would not preuaile but amongst a peo∣ple * 1.98 wholly corrupted with coueteousnes and luxury. And the people is al∣w•…•…s infected with these two contagions, by the meanes of affluent prosperity,

which Nasica did wisely hold fit to be fore-seene and preuented, by not condis∣cending to the abolishing of so strong, so powerfull, and so ritch a citty of their enemies: thereby to keepe luxurie in awfull feare: that so it might not become exorbitant, and by that meanes also couetousnesse might be repressed. Which two vices once chained vp, vertue (the citties supporter) might flourish, and a liberty befitting this vertue might stand strong. And hence it was, out of this most circumspect zeale vnto his country, that your said high Priest, who was chosen by the Senate of those times for the best man, without any difference of voices, (a thing worthy of often repetition) when the Senate would haue built (a) a Theater, disswaded them from this vaine resolution: and in a most graue oration, perswaded them not to suffer the (b) luxurie of the Greekes to creepe into their olde conditions, nor to consent vnto the entrie of forraigne corrup∣tion, to the subuersion and extirpation of their natiue Romaine perfection, working so much by his owne onely authoritie, that the whole bench of the iu∣dicious Senate being moued by his reasons, expresly prohibited the vse of (c) those mooueable seates which the Romaines began as then to vse in the behold∣ing of Playes. How earnest would hee haue beene to haue cleansed the citie of * 1.99 Rome of the (d) Playes themselues, if hee durst haue opposed their authoritie whom he held for Gods, being ignorant that they were malitious Diuels: or if hee knew it, then it seemes hee held that they were rather to bee pleased, then despised. For as yet, that heauenly doctrine was not deliuered vnto the world, which purifying the heart by faith, changes the affect, with a zealous piety to desire and aime at the blessings of heauen, or those which are aboue the heauens, and freeth men absolutely from the slauery of those proud and vngracious Deuills.

L. VIVES.

BVilt a (a) Theater.] Liuie in his 48. booke, and Valerius Maximus de Instit. antiq. write that Ualerius Messala, and Cassius being Censors, had giuen order for a Theater to bee * 1.100 built, wherein the people of Rome might sitte and see playes. But Nasica laboured so with the Senate, that it was held a thing vnfit, as preiudiciall to the manners of the people. So by a decree of the Senate, all that preparation for the Theater was laide aside, and it was de∣creed that no man should place any seates, or sitte to behold any playes within the citie, or within a mile of the walles. And so from a little while after the third Affrican warre, vn∣till the sacke of Corinthe, the people beheld all their playes standing, but as then Lucius Memmius set vp a Theater for the Playes at his Triumph, but it stood but for the time that this triumph lasted. The first standing Theater Pompey the Great built at Rome of square stone (as Cornelius Tacitus writeth, lib. 14.) the modell whereof hee had at Mytilene, in the Mithridatique warre. Cauea here in the text, signifieth the middle front of the Thea∣ter, * 1.101 which afterward was diuided into seates for the Gentlemen, seuered into rankes and galleries. Some-times it is taken for the whole audience, as Seruius noteth vpon the eight of the Aeneads. (b) The luxurie of the Greekes,] the Grecians had Theaters before the Romaines many ages, and the very Greeke name prooues that they came first from Greece. For Theater is deriued of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is, spectare, to behold. (c) Those moueable seates] standing but for a time. For such Theaters were first in vse at Rome before the standing, the continuing Theaters came in and were made with mooueable seates, as Tacitus saith, and the stage built for the present time. (d) The Playes themselues] Such as were presented vpon the Stage: whereof, in the next booke we shall discourse more at large.

Of the first inducing of Stage-playes. CHAP. 31.

BVt know, (you that know not this) and marke (you that make shew as if you knew it not, and murmur at him that hath set you free from such Lords) that your Stage-playes, those (a) spectacles of vncleannesse, those licentious vanities, were not first brought vp at Rome by the corruptions of the men, but by the direct commands of your Gods: (b) It were farre more tolerable for you to giue diuine honors vnto the fore-named Scipio, then vnto such kinde of deities, for they were not so good as their Priest was: And now doe but * 1.102 obserue, whether your mindes being drunke with this continuall ingurgitati∣on of error, will suffer you to taste a sip of any true consideration: Your Gods, for the asswaging of the infection of the Pestilence that seazed on their bodies, commanded an institution of Stage Playes presently to be effected in their ho∣nors: but your Priest, for auoyding the pestilence of your mindes, forbad that any stage should be built for any such action. If you haue so much witte as to preferre the minde before the body, then choose which of the two said parties to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your God of: for (c) the bodily pestilence did not yet cease, because that the delicate vanitie of Stage-playes entred into the eares of this people (being then wholy giuen vnto warres, and accustomed onely to the (d) Circen∣•…•… * 1.103 playes) but the wilie Diuels foreseeing (by naturall reason) that this plague of the bodies should cease, by this meanes tooke occasion to thrust one farre worse, not into their bodies, but into their manners, in corrupting of which, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their ioy; and such a plague, as blinded the mindes of that wretched peop•…•… with such impenetrable cloudes of darkenesse, and bespotted them with such foule staines of deformitie, that euen now (though this may seeme incre∣dible to * 1.104 succeeding ages) when this great Rome was destroyed, such as were p•…•…ssed with this pestilence, flying from that sacke, could come euen vnto Carthage, and here contend who should runne maddest (e) after stage playing.

L. VIVES.

THose (a) Sp•…•…ctacles of vncleannesse,] for there was both most beastly shewes presen∣ted, and most filthy words spoken. (b) It were farre more tollerable,] Tertullian in his Apologeticus saith: It were better to make Socrates the God of Wisdome, Aristides of Iustice. Themistocies os warre, Tully of eloquence, Sylla of prosperitie, Craffus of ritches, Pompey of Magnificence, and Cato of grauitie, for these men excell the gods in these specialities. And * 1.105 •…•…ny of the ancient writers neuer denied, that their good men were better then their gods: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for one, De vitae tranquillitate, lib. 2. affirmeth, that Cato of Utica was a better ex∣•…•… of a wise man then either Hercules or Vlisses. Lucane calles him the true Father of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worthy the Romaine Altars. (c) The bodily pestilence] Liuie in his 7. booke, faith, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did the first institution of Playes for augmentation of Religion, either augment religion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or diminish the pestilence of their bodies. (d) Circensian Playes] Those did Ro∣•…•… * 1.106 institute at Rome, in the fourth moneth after he had built the Cittie (as Fabius Pictor 〈◊〉〈◊〉) the same day that he forced away the Sabine Virgins. Some say it was not vntill 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…fore-said time a great while, whom•…•… had rather beleeue in this. Circenses they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (faith S•…•…s) because they were encompassed with swords: of Circa and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the (n•…•… as yet •…•…ice) antiquitie, hauing not as yet built any places fit for such ex∣•…•… •…•…ctifed th•…•… betweene a riuer side, and a ranke of swords, that the idle might see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on both sides. Afterwards Tarquinius Priscus appointed a ring for them, which * 1.107 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…rward called Circus Max•…•…: and euery yeare once, as Liuie saith, were these games 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being diuersly named, as Magni, & Romani, & Circenses. They were consecrated 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God C•…•…sus, whom the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Neptune the Horse-rider,

to whome Euander (as Dionysuus saith) erected a temple in Latium, and ordayned a feast day for him which the Greekes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latines Consualia, on which day all the horses and mules were exempted from labour and were decked with garlands. Now that the Romans at that time, and vntill the foresaid command, vsed onely the Circensi∣an plaies, Liuie, lib. 7. & valerius de institut are witnesses. (e) after stage playing] not that they played themselues, Augustine doth not meane so, but that they ran a madding with the desire to see these strange plaies.

Of some vices in the Romaines, which their Citties ruine did neuer reforme. CHAP. 32.

O You sencelesse men, how are you bewitched, not with error but furor, that when al the nations of the East (as we heare) bewaile your citties ru∣ine, and al the most remote regions bemone your misery with publique sorrow, you your selues run head-long vnto the Theaters, seeking them, entring them, filling them, & playing farre madder parts now then euer you did before? This your plague of mind, this your wracke of honesty, was that, which your Scipio so feared when hee would not haue any Theaters built for you: when hee saw how quickly your vertues would be abolished by prosperity, whē he would not haue you vtterly quitted from all feare of forraigne inuasions. Hee was not of opinion that that cōmon-weale or citty was in a happy estate, where the walls stood firme, and the good manners lay ruined. But the seducements of the dam∣ned spirites preuayled more with you, then the prouidence of circumspect men. And hence comes it, that the mischiefes that your seles commit, you are so loth should be imputed to your selues, but the mischiefes that your selues suffer, you are euer ready to cast vpon the Christian profession, for you in your security do not seeke the peace of the common-weale, but freedome for your practises of luxury: you are depraued by prosperity, and you cannot be refor∣med by aduersity. Your Scipio would haue had you to feare your foes, and so to suppresse your lusts: but (a) you, though you feele your foes, & are crushed down by them, yet will not restraine your inordinate affects: (b) you haue lost the benefit of affliction, & though you be made most miserable, yet remaine you most irreformable. And yet it is Gods mercy that you haue your liues still: his very sparing of your liues, summons you vnto repentance: he it was, that (though you be vngratefull) shewed you that fauour as to escape your enemies swords by calling of your selues his seruants, or flying into the Churches of his Martyrs.

L. VIVES.

THough (a) you feele your foes] Because you beheld the Playes at Carthage, with such a dissolute, intemperate affection. (b) You haue lost the benefite of affliction,] whereby men are reformed, and by correction grow instructed: it being imputed vnto them for me∣rite, to tolerate aduerse fortune with patience. Plato in his Gorgias saith, that calamities * 1.108 and afflictions are vse-full both to the sufferers, and the beholders, bettering them both, one by their paine, the other by example.

Of the clemencie of God in moderating this calamitie of Rome. CHAP. 33.

IT is said that Romulus and Remus built (a) a Sanctuarie, where-vnto who so * 1.109 could escape, should be free from all assault or hurt: their endeuour in this

being to increase the number of their cittizens. An example making way for a wonderfull honor vnto Christ: The same thing, that the founders of the citty did decree, the same doe the destroyers of it: And what if the one did it to increase the multitude of their cittizens, when the other did it to preserue the multitude of their foes? Let this then, (and what soeuer besides fitly may bee so vsed) be vsed as an answer of our Lord Iesus Christ his flock, and that pil∣grim-citty of God, vnto all their wicked enemies.

L. VIVES.

A (a) Sanctuarie,] It is a sacred place, from whence it is not lawfull to draw any man: for thence is the name deriued, comming of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rapio, to draw or pull, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the primi•…•… letter. And so by a figure called Lambdacismus, is made asylum for asyrum. Ser∣ui•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 8. Aenead. Though indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is tollere, to take away, as Homer vseth it: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. He tooke away the goodly armes. After that Hercules was dead, his nephews and post•…•…itie, fearing the oppression of such as their grand-father had iniured, built the first sanctuary at Athens, naming it the temple of Mercy, out of which no man could bee taken, And this Statius testifieth also. Now Romulus and Remus built one betweene the tower and the Capitoll, calling the place where it stood Inter-montium; intending hereby that the multitude of offendors flocking hether for hope of pardon, would bee a meane to •…•…ent the number of inhabitants in this new Citie. To what God or Goddesse it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉, it is vnknowne: Dionisius saith hee cannot tell. Some say, vnto Veiouis: But the gr•…•…e of the Sa•…•…tie is honoured vpon the fourth of the Nones of February, as Ouid wri∣t•…•… Pastorum 2. In Greece and Asia haue beene many sanctuaries. Tiberius Caesar being out of liking with their too much licence, tooke from them almost all their liberties and pri∣uiledges, as Tacitus and Suetonius do report.

Of such of Gods elest as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidels, and of such as are false Christians. CHAP. 34.

AND let this Cittie of Gods remember, that euen amongst her enemies, there are some concealed, that shall one day be her Citizens: nor let her thinke it a fruitlesse labour to beare their hate (a) vntill shee heare their con∣fession, as she hath also (as long as shee is in this pilgrimage of this world) some that are pertaker of the same sacraments with her, (b) that shall not bee pertakers of the Saints glories with her, who are partly knowne, and partly vnknowne. Yea such there are, that spare not amongst Gods enemies to mur∣mure against his glory, whose character they beare vpon them: going now vnto Playes with them, and by and by, vnto the Church with vs. But let vs not despaire of the reformation of some of these, we haue little reason, seeing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we haue many secret and predestinated friends, euen amongst our most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aduersaries, and such, as yet know not themselues to be ordained for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…dship. For the two citties (of the predestinate and the reprobate) are * 1.110 in this world, confused together, and commixt, vntill the generall iudgement make a separation: of the originall progresse and due limits of both which ci∣ties, what I thinke fitte to speake, by Gods helpe and furtherance, I will now be∣•…•… to the glory of the Cittie of God, which being (d) compared with her 〈◊〉〈◊〉, will spread her glories to a more full aspect.

L. VIVES.

VNtill (a) shee heare their confession.] At the last discouery, where euery man shall con∣fesse himselfe, which shall bee then, when the bookes of mens consciences are opened, that is in the world to come. (b) That shall not be partakers,] According to the words of Christ, Many are called but few are chosen. (c) Untill the generall iudgement] So it is in the Gospell. The Angels shall seperate the euill from the middest of the iust in the end of the world. (d) Compared with her contrary,] So Aristotle saith, Contraries placed together, shew both the fuller.

What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse. CHAP. 35.

BVt we haue a little more to say vnto those that lay the afflictions of the Ro∣maine estate vpon the profession of Christianitie, which forbiddeth men to sacrifice vnto those Idols. For we must cast vp a summe of all the miseries (or of as many as shal suffice) which that Citie, or the prouinces vnder her subiecti∣on, endured before those sacrifices were forbidden. All which they would haue imputed vnto our religion, had it beene then preached and taught against these sacrifices, when these miseries befell. Secondly, wee must shew what customes and conditions the true God vouchsafed to teach them for the increasing of their Empire, (a that God, in whose hand are al the kingdomes of the earth: and how their false Gods neuer helped them a iotte, but rather did them infinite hurt by deceit and inducement. And lastly, we will disprooue those who though they be confuted with most manifest proofes, yet will needs affirme still that their gods are to be worshipped, and that not for the benefites of this life, but for those which are belonging to the life to come. Which question (vnlesse I be deceiued) will be (b) farre more laborious, and worthier of deeper considerati∣on, in the which we must dispute against the Philosophers, (c) not against each one, but euen the most excellent and glorious of them all, and such as in many points hold as we hold, and namely of the immortality of the soule, and of the worlds creation by the true God, and of his prouidence, whereby he swayeth the whole creation. But because euen these also are to be confuted, in what they hold opposite vnto vs, wee thought it our dutie not to bee slacke in this worke, but conuincing all the contradictions of the wicked, as God shall giue vs power and strength to aduance the veritie of the Cittie of God, the true zeale and worship of God, which is the onely way to attaine true and eternall felicitie. This therefore shall bee the method of our worke: and now from this second exordium we will take each thing in due order.

L. VIVES.

THat God (a) in whose hand] for Christ saith, Math. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me in heauen and earth. (b) More laborious] Operosior, harder, of more toyle. (c) Not against each one] not against euery common Philosopher or smatterer, for so is quilibet, taken some∣times, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is often in the Greeke. In this Chapter, Augustine shewes briefly both what he hath done already, and how he meanes to proceede.

Finis Libri primi.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Habac. 2.
• * 1.2

  Rom. 8. Psal. 93.
• * 1.3

  Psalm. 61.
• * 1.4

  Iames 4. 1. Pet. 5.
• * 1.5

  Aenead. 6.
• * 1.6

  Lib. 7. c. 42
• * 1.7

  The Ro∣mans the proudest nation.
• * 1.8

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.9

  A Eneid. 6.
• * 1.10

  At the last sack of Hie∣rusalem the Romanes themselues filled the Temple with dead bodies.
• * 1.11

  A Eneid. 2.
• * 1.12

  The Image of the Pal∣lad•…•….
• * 1.13

  Epist. 2.
• * 1.14

  Aene. 1.
• * 1.15

  Aene. 2.
• * 1.16

  Aene. 2.
• * 1.17

  What Pe∣nu is.
• * 1.18

  Who were the Dij magni.
• * 1.19

  Piety.
• * 1.20

  Phaenix.
• * 1.21

  Increase by remission.
• * 1.22

  The Clau∣dian family.
• * 1.23

  Syracusa.
• * 1.24

  Fabius.
• * 1.25

  Psal. 89. 32. 33.
• * 1.26

  A descrip∣tion of the sack of a citie.
• * 1.27

  Rom. 5. 45.
• * 1.28

  Rom. 2. 5.
• * 1.29

  Thesaur•…•… what it is.
• * 1.30

  Humaine goods what they are.
• * 1.31

  What Tri∣bula is.
• * 1.32

  Ezech. 33.
• * 1.33

  1. Tim. 6. 6. 7. 8.
• * 1.34

  Iob 1. 21.
• * 1.35

  1. Tim. 6. 9
• * 1.36

  16. vers. 17 18. & 19.
• * 1.37

  Math. 6, 19 20. 21.
• * 1.38

  Paulinus bishop of Nola.
• * 1.39

  Mammon.
• * 1.40

  The benefit of famine▪
• * 1.41

  Mat, 10. 28.
• * 1.42

  Psal, 79. 2.
• * 1.43

  Luc. 16. 22.
• * 1.44

  1. Cor. 15. 52.
• * 1.45

  Sepulchers.
• * 1.46

  T•…•…. 2.
• * 1.47

  Math. 26. Iob. 19. 42
• * 1.48

  Gen. 47. &c.
• * 1.49

  Dan. 1.
• * 1.50

  Ionas 2.
• * 1.51

  Arion.
• * 1.52

  A Cittie.
• * 1.53

  Attilius Regulus.
• * 1.54

  The will sanctifies the body.
• * 1.55

  Math. 27.
• * 1.56

  Three sorts of good.
• * 1.57

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.58

  Virgil once pleaded. [] Al this is left out of y^e Paris edition.
• * 1.59

  The man∣ner of iudgement in matter of a Ro∣mains life and death.
• * 1.60

  Hels nine circles.
• * 1.61

  It is a Lite∣rats•…•…, in the text of al editions that I find.
• * 1.62

  Antistrophe.
• * 1.63

  The Ro∣maine gree∣dy of praise
• * 1.64

  . Will conquer, &c.
• * 1.65

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.66

  Math. 2•…•….
• * 1.67

  1. Cor, 12. 36. Psal. 78. 47.
• * 1.68

  That plants are ani•…•…ate or liuing creatures.
• * 1.69

  Abraham
• * 1.70

  Gen. 22. Iudge. 11. 30. 31.
• * 1.71

  [] This is lefte out in the edition of Paris.
• * 1.72

  Agamem∣non.
• * 1.73

  The people hovv stiled.
• * 1.74

  Reason a∣boue exam∣ples.
• * 1.75

  Math. 10. 23.
• * 1.76

  Cap. 19.
• * 1.77

  The Ca∣•…•….
• * 1.78

  The in•…•…∣grity of the C•…•…es.
• * 1.79

  Cato his sonne.
• * 1.80

  Ma•…•…. Torquat•…•….
• * 1.81

  Attilius his pouerty.
• * 1.82

  Particular vocation,
• * 1.83

  1. Cor. 2. 11.
• * 1.84

  Pelagia.
• * 1.85

  Sempronia.
• * 1.86

  Eccl. 3. 27
• * 1.87

  The old manner of baptizing.
• * 1.88

  [] al this is left out of y^e Paris edition.
• * 1.89

  Rom. 11. 33.
• * 1.90

  Rom. 12. 1•…•…. Psal. 2. 1•…•…
• * 1.91

  Parano∣masia.
• * 1.92

  Psal. 42. 3.
• * 1.93

  Psal. 96. 4. 5
• * 1.94

  Scipio Nas∣ica.
• * 1.95

  The origi∣nall of the Carthagi∣nian wars.
• * 1.96

  Labor bet∣ter vn•…•…o Rome then quiet.
• * 1.97

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 W•…•…res.
• * 1.98

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.99

  Nasica a∣bolished the sitting at Playes.
• * 1.100

  The Ro∣maine I heater, when first erected.
• * 1.101

  Cauea what it is in the Theater.
• * 1.102

  The Priest better then his Gods.
• * 1.103

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.104

  Plague of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fol∣•…•…ing the plague of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.105

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.106

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.107

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.108

  The benefit of affliction
• * 1.109

  Of sanctu aries or A∣syla.
• * 1.110

  〈…〉〈…〉.