St. Augustine, Of the citie of God vvith the learned comments of Io. Lod. Viues. Englished by I.H.

THE CONTENTS OF THE fifth booke of the City of God.

• 1. That neither the Romaine Empire, nor a∣ny other Kingdome had any establishment from the powre of Fortune, nor from the starres. chapter 1.
• 2. Of the mutuall Sympathie, and dssimilli∣tude of the health of body, and many other ac∣cidents in twinnes of one birth.
• 3. Of Nigidius the astrologians argument, in this question of the twinnes drawne from the potters wheele.
• 4. Of Esau and Iacob two twinnes, and of the diuersity of their conditions and quallities.
• 5. How the Mathematicians may bee con∣uicted of professing direct vanity.
• 6. Of twinnes of different sexes.
• 7. Of the election of daies of marriage, of planting, and of sowing.
• 8. Of their opinion that giue not the name of Fate the position of the starres, but vnto the de∣pendance of causes vpon the will of God.
• 9. Of Gods fore-knowledge and mans free∣dome of election against the opinon of Cicero.
• 10. Whether Necessity haue any dominion o∣uer the will of man.
• 11. Of Gods vniuersall prouidence, ruling all, and comprising all.
• 12. How the ancient Romaines obtained this encrease of their Kingdome at the true Gods hand, beeing that they neuer worshipped him.
• 13. Of ambition, which beeing a vice, is not∣withstanding herein held a vertue, that it doth restraine vices of worse natures.
• 14. That we are to auoide this desire of hu∣maine honour, the glory of the righteous beeing wholy in God.
• 15. Of the tempor all rewardes that God be∣stowed vpon the Romaines vertues, and good conditions.
• 16. Of the reward of the eternall Cittizens of heauen, to whome the examples of the Ro∣maines vertues were of good vse.
• 17. The fruites of the Romaines warres, both to themselues, and to those with whom they war∣red.
• 18. How farre the Christians should bee from boasting of their deedes, for their eternall country, the Romaines hauing done so much for their temporall city, and for humaine glory.
• 19. The difference betweene the desire of glo∣ry and the desire of rule.
• 20. That vertue is as much disgraced in ser∣uing humaine glory, as in obeying the pleasures of the body.
• 21. That the true God in whose hand and prouidence all the state of the world consisteth, did order and dispose of the Monarchy of the Romaines.
• 22. That the Originalls and conclusions of warres are all at Gods dispose.
• 23. Of the battaile wherein Radagaisus an idolatrous King of the Gothes was slaine with all his army.
• 24. The state and truth of a christian Empe∣rors felicity.
• 25. Of the prosperous estate that God be∣stowed vpon Constantine a christian Emperor.
• 26. Of the faith and deuotion of Theodo∣sius Emperor.
• 27. Augustines invectiue against such as wrote against the bookes already published.

FINIS.

THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE CITTIE OF GOD: Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.

That neither the Romaine Empire nor any other Kingdome had any establishment from the power of fortune or from the starres. CHAP. 1.

WHereas it is apparant to all mens discretion, that felicity is the hope of al humane desires, and that she is no goddesse, but mere∣ly the gift of a god, and consequently that there is no god wor∣thy of worshippe, but he in whose power it lieth to bestow this felicity vpon men; so that if shee were a goddesse herselfe, the worship of al the rest should be intirely hers; now let vs looke in to the reasons why that God that can giue those earthly goods, aswel to the good as the euill, (and consequently to such as are not happy) should vouchsafe the Romaine empire so large a dilatation, and so long a contiunance: for we haue alrea∣dy partly proued, and hereafter in conuenient place will proue more fully, that it was not their rable of false gods that kept it in the state it was in, wherefore the cause of this was neither (a) Fortune, nor Fate, as they call them, holding Fortune * 1.1 to be an euent of things beyond al reason and cause: and Fate, an euent from some necessity of order, excluding the will of god and man. But the god of Heauen; by his onely prouidence, disposeth of the kingdomes of Earth, which if any man will say is swayd by fate, and meane by that fate (b) the will of God, he may hold his opinion still, but yet he must amend his phrase of speach, for why did hee not learne this of him that taught him what fate was. The ordinary custome of this hath made men imagine fate to bee (c) a power of the starres, so or so placed, in natiuities or conceptions; which (d) some do seperate from the determination * 1.2 of God, and other some do affirme to depend wholy therevpon. But those that hold that the starres do manage our actions, or our passions, good, or ill, without gods appointment, are to be silenced and not to be heard, be they of the true religion, or bee they bondslaues to Idolatry, of what sort soeuer; for what doth this opinion, but flattly exclude alll deity? Against this error, we pro∣fesse not any disputation, but onely against those that calumniat Christian re∣ligion, in defence of their imaginary goddes. As for those that make these ope∣rations of the starres in good or bad to depend vpon Gods will, if they say that they haue this power giuen them from him, to vse according to their owne wills they do Heauen much wronge, in imagining that any wicked acts, or iniu∣ries are decreed in so glorious a senate, and such as if any earthly city had but instituted, the whole generation of man would haue conspired the subuersion of it. And what part hath GOD left him in this disposing of humaine affaires, if they be swayed by a necessity from the starres, whereas he is Lord both of starres and men? If they do not say that the starres are causes of these wicked arts, * 1.3 through a power that god hath giuen them, but that they effect them by his ex∣presse commaund; is this fit to be imagined for true of God, that is vnworthy to be held true of the starres; (e) But if the starres bee said to portend this onely

And not to procure it, and that their positions be but signes, not causes of such effects (for so hold many great schollers, though the Astrologians vse not to say (f) Mars in such an house signifieth this, or that: no, but maketh the child-borne an homicide, to (g) grant them this error of speech, which they must lear•…•…e to reforme of the Philosophers in all their presages deriued from the starres po∣sitions:) how commeth it to passe that they could neuer shew the reason of that diuersity of life, actions, fortune, profession, arte, honour, and such humaine ac∣cidentes, that hath befallne two twinnes; nor of such a great difference, both in those afore-said courses, and in their death, that in this case, many strangers haue come nearer them in their courses of life, then the one hath done the o∣ther, beeing notwithstanding borne both within a little space of time the one of the other, and conceiued both in one instant and from one acte of ge∣neration?

L. VIVES.

FOrtune (a) Nor fate] Seeing Augustine disputeth at large in this place concerning fate, will diue a littlle deeper into the diuersity of olde opinions herein, to make the •…•…est more plaine. Plato affirmed there was one GOD, the Prince and Father of all the rest, at whose becke all the gods, and the whole world were obedient: that al the other gods, & celestial ver∣tues, were but ministers to this Creator of the vniuerse: and y^t they gouerned the whole world in places and orders by his appointment: that the lawes of this great God were vnalterable, * 1.4 and ineuitable, and called by the name of Necessities: No force, arte, or reason, can stoppe, o•…•… hinder any of their effectes: whereof the prouerbe ariseth: The gods themselues must serue ne∣cessity: But for the starres, some of their effects may be auoided by wisdome, labour or indust∣ry, wherein fortune consisteth: which, if they followed certaine causes, and were vnchangea∣ble, should bee called fate, and yet inferre no necessity of election. For it is in our powre to choose, beginne, or wish, what wee will: but hauing begunne, fate manageth the rest that fol∣loweth. It was free for Laius (saith Euripides) to haue begotten a sonne, or not: but hauing begotten him, then Apollo's Oracle must haue the euents prooue true which it presaged. Th•…•… and much more doth Plato dispute obscurely vpon, in his last de repub. For there hee puttes * 1.5 the three fatall sisters; Necessities daughters, in heauen: and saith that Lachesis telleth the soules that are to come to liue on earth, that the deuill shall not possesse them, but they shal rather possesse the deuill: But the blame lieth wholy vpon the choise, if the choise bee naught, GOD is acquit of all blame: and then Lachesis casteth the lottes. Epicurus de∣rideth all this, and affirmes all to bee casuall, without any cause at all why it should bee * 1.6 thus or thus, or if there bee any causes, they are as easie to bee auoided, as a mothe is to bee swept by. The Platonists place Fortune in things ambiguous, and such as may fall out diuer∣sely: also in obscure things, whose true causes, why they are so o•…•… otherwise, are vnknowne: so that Fortune dealeth not in things that follow their efficient cause, but either such as may bee changed, or are vndiscouered. Now Aristotle (Phys. 2.) and all the Peripatetikes * 1.7 after him (Alex. Aphrodisiensis beeing one) is more plaine. Those things (saith hee) are casuall, whose acte is not premeditated by any agent: as if any man digge his ground vppe, to make it fatte, finde a deale of treasure hidden; this is Fortune, for hee came not to digge for that treasure, but to fatten his earth: and in this, the casuall euent, followed the not ca∣suáll intent. So in things of fortune, the agent intendeth not the end that they obtaine, but it falleth out beyond expectation. The vulgar call fortune, blinde, rash, vncertaine, madde, and brutish as Pacuuius saith: and ioyne Fate and Necessity together, holding it to haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 powre both ouer all the other gods and Ioue their King himselfe. Which is verified by the Poet, that said, What must bee, passeth Ioue to hold from beeing, Quod fore paratum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, id summum exuperat Iouem. For in Homer, Ioue lamenteth that hee could not saue his sonne Sarpedon from death, the fates constrayning him to die: and Neptune greeues that hee coul•…•… not hinder Vlisses his returne home, and reuenge the blindnesse of his sonne Ciclops, Fate ha∣uing decreede the contrary: and Iupiter in Ouid saith.

—Tu sola insuperabile satum Nate mouere putas.—

—Daughter'tis onely thou Canst mooue relentlesse fate.—

Saith he: And a little after.

Quae •…•…que con•…•…ursum caeli, nec fulmini•…•… iram, Nec •…•…tuunt vllas tuta atque aeterna ruinas.

Which feare nor thunders, gods, nor powers infernall, But stand vnaw'd, vnmooued, and eternall.

There were some that held nothing casuall, but all fixed, certaine and immutable: Democri∣tus, Empedocles, and Heraclitus, were all of this opinion, which many others maintained after them, as others did the positions of Epicurus. Lucane Phars. lib. 2. declareth both the opini∣ons in these words.

Siue parens rerum primùm informia regna, Materiam{que} rudem flammâ cedente recepit, Fi•…•…xit in aeternum causas, quà cuncta co•…•… cet. Se quo{que} lege tenens, & secula iussa •…•…rentem, Fatorum immoto diuisit limite mundum, Siue nihil positum est, sed sors incerta vagatur, Fértque refert{que} vices, & habent mortalia casum, &c.

Or natures God (when first he bound the fire, And wrought this ma•…•…e into one forme intire) Forged eternall causes, all effecting, Him•…•…elfe, and all the worlds estate subiecting To destenies inchangeable directing: O•…•… bene our states in fortunes gouernance, To rise, or fall, and all by onely chance.

Fortune is often vsed for destenie, and the euents of things: which when they fall out as wee desire, that we call Felicitie: if contrary, Infelicitie: Thus much here, more else-where. (b) The will of God] Of this by and by. (c) A power of the starrrs] wherein the Stoickes, Plato, and almost all the other Philosophers do place Fate: following the Chaldees and Aegiptians, to whom all the Mathematitians also doe giue their voyces. (d) Some do seperate] Some say, the operation of the starres is a distinct power from the will of God: and in attributing this vniuersall power to them, exclude Gods prouidence from humaine affaires. Besides, there are that affirme, that although God doe looke to the state of the world, yet the starres haue their peculiar dominion in vs neuerthelesse. So hold Manilius and Firmicus, and the Poets most * 1.8 commonly.

Others subiect them all vnto the will of GOD omnipotent, as Plato and the Stoikes doe, affirming all their operations to bee but the praescript lawes of him. (e) But if the starres] Origen vpon that place of Genesis. Let them be for signes, Chapt. 1. vers. 14. Saith that the starres doe signifie, but effect nothing. They are (saith he) as a booke opened, wherein may bee read all things to come, which may bee prooued by this, that they haue often signified things past. But this booke cannot bee read by any witte of man. Plotine was of Origens opinion also, denying the * 1.9 starres any acte in those things, but onely signification. Seneca, speaking of the Starres, saith, they either cause or signifie the effects of all things, but if they doe cause them, what auaileth * 1.10 it vs to know, that we cannot alter? and if they but signifie them, what good doth it thee, to fore-see that thou canst not auoide? (f) Mars in such] Mars is a starre, bloudie, fiery, and violent. Being in the seuenth house (saith Firmicus, lib. 3.) in a partise aspect with the Horos∣cope * 1.11 (that is, in the West) hee portendeth huge mischieues, stayning the natiuities with mur∣thers, and many other villanies. (g) To grant them] Hee alludeth vnto Tullies Chrysippus (de Fato) that would teach the Mathematicians, how to speake in their art.

Of the mutuall simpathie and dissimilitude of health of body, and many other accidents in twins of one birth. CHAP. 2.

CIcero (a) saith, that Hippocrates that excellent Phisitian wrote, that two children that were brethren, falling sicke, and the sicknesse waxing and wa∣ning in both alike, were here-vpon suspected to be twinnes. (b) And Posidonius a Stoike, and one much affected to Astrologie, laboureth to prooue them to haue bin borne both vnder one constellation, and (c) conceiued both vnder one. So that which the Phisitian ascribeth to the similitude of their temperatures of body, the Astrologian attributes to the power and position of the starrs in their natiuities.

But truly in this question, the Phisitians coniecture standeth vpon more proba∣bilitie, because their parents temperature might bee easily transfused into them both alike at their conception: and their first growth might participate equally of their mothers disposition of body, & then being nourished both in one house, with one nourishment, in one ayre, countrie, and other things correspondent, this now might haue much power in the proportionating of both their natures alike, as Physicke will testifie. Besides, vse of one exercise equally in both, might forme their bodies into a similitude, which might very well admit all alterations of health alike, and equally in both. But to drawe the figure of heauen, and the starres vnto this purity of passions (it being likely that a great companie of the greatest diuersitie of affects that could bee might haue originall in diuerse parts of the world, at one and the same time) were a presumption vnpardonable. For (d) we haue knowne two twinnes, that haue had both diuerse fortunes, and dif∣ferent sicknesses, both in time, and nature: whereof (mee thinkes) Hipocrates gi∣ueth a very good reason, from the (e) diuersitie of nourishment, and exercise, which might bee cause of different health in them: yet that diuersitie was effec∣ted by their wills and elections at first, and not by their temperature of body. But neither Posidonius, nor any patron of this fate in the starres, can tell what to say in this case, and doe not illude the single and ignorant with a discourse of that they know not, for that they talke of the space of time, between that point which they call the (f) Horoscope, in both the twinnes natiuities: it is either not so significant as the diuersitie of will, acte, manners, and fortune of the twinnes borne doth require, or else it is more significant, then their difference of honors, state, nobilitie, or meannesse will permit: both which diuersities they place onely in the figure of the natiuitie. But if they should be both borne ere the Horoscope were fully varied, then would I require an vnitie in each particular of their for∣tunes, which (g) cannot be found in any two twinnes that euer yet were borne. But if the Horoscope be changed ere both bee borne, then for this diuersitie I will require a (h) difference of parents, which twins cannot possibly haue.

L. VIVES.

CIcero (a) saith] I cannot remember where: I beleeue in his booke De fato: which is wonderfully mutilate, and defectiue as we haue it now, and so shall any one finde that will obserue it. (b) Whom Posidonius] A Rhodian, and a teacher of Rhodes. Hee was also at Rome * 1.12 a follower of Panaetius. Cicero (c) conceiued both] for the conception is of as much moment as the natiuitie. (d) We haue knowne] Such were Procles and Cyresteus, Kings of Lacedaemon, Cic. de diuinat. lib. 2. (e) Diuersitie of] This is one of the cau•…•…es why an Astrologian cannot iudge perfectly of natiuities, Ptol. Apoteleusmaton. lib. 1. (f) Horoscope] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the look∣ing * 1.13 vpon an houre: and is that part of the Zodiake, which ascendeth our Hemisphere, at any euent. For the reuolution of this Zodiake is perpetuall, and still one part of it ariseth in our Horison, and the part directly opposite, setteth: all the other are diuided amongst the other houses of heauen. (g) Cannot be found] Nature neuer bound any one thing to another in such proprietie, but she set some differencs betweene them: what skilleth it whether those two had originall from one feede? Euery man is framed and borne to his owne fortune, and be they two or three brethren borne at once, their destinies promise no fraternitie, but each one must vndergoe his particular fate. Quintil. In Geminis Languentibus. (h) Difference of parents] why should not the riuers be like that flow both from one head?

Of Nigidius the Astrologians argument, in this question of the twinnes, drawne from the potters wheele. CHAP. 3.

FRustrate therefore is that notable fiction of the Potters wheele, which

Nigidius (a) (they say) answered to one that plunged him in this controuersie, whervpon he was called (b) Potter. Turning a potters wheele twice or thrise about as fast as he could, he tooke inke, & in the turning made two markes (as it seemed) in one place of the wheeles egde: and then, staying the wheele, the markes were found far a sunder one from another vpon the edge of the wheele, (c) euen so (saith he) in the swift course of heauen, though one child be borne after another in as short a time as I gaue these two markes, yet in the heauens will be passed a great space. And that (quoth he) is the cause of the diuersity of conditions, and for∣tunes betwixt two twinnes. (d) Here is a figment now farre more brittle then the Pottes that were made by that wheele, for if there bee thu•…•… much power in Heauen (and yet cannot bee comprehended by the constellations) that one of the twins may bee an heyre and inherite, and not the other, how dare those As∣trologians giue such presages vnto others that are not twinnes, when as they are included in those secret points in natiuities which none can comprehend? But if they say they do prognosticate this to others, because they know that it belong∣eth vnto the knowne and discerned spaces that passe in natiuities, and that those moments that may come betweene the birth of two twins do but concerne slight things, and such as the Astrologian vseth not to bee troubled with; for no man will aske the calculator when he should sit, walke, or dine? How can this be said when wee shew such diuersity in the manners, states, actions, and fortunes of two twinnes.

L. VIVES.

NIgidius (a) they say] P. Nigidius figulus was borne of a very honest family, and came to be Praetor: he was of great wit, and exellent both in many other worthy sciences (so that hee * 1.14 was compared with Uarro, in whose time, or thereaboutes, he liued) and especially in the Mathematiques. Tully nameth him often. Suetonius saith that out of Octauius his figure of natiuity, he presaged that he should be Lord of all the world. Lucane. lib. 1.

At Figulus e•…•…i •…•…ra deos Secretaque caeli, N•…•…sse fuit, quem non stellarum Aegiptia Memphis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…isu numerisque mouentibus as•…•…a. &c.

But Figulus whose study was to scan, Heauens high presage, whome no Aegiptian, In Mathematique skill could paralel. &c.

(b) Called Potter.] In latine Figulus. This man was of the Nigidian family; there were other Figuli of a more honored house, namely the Martians, whereof one was confull with L. Iul. Caesar, two yeares before Ciceros consulship. Another, with Nasica, but was put from his place, because the auguries were against his election. (c) So (quoth he.)] How much time thinke you (saith Quintilian) was betweene the first birth, and the second? but a little truely in mortall mens iudgement, but if you will consider the immensity of this vniuerse, you shall find much passed betweene their two productions. In geminis langu. (d) Here is a figment.] This one an∣swere of Nigidius (which the Mathematitians thinke was most acute) doth vtterly subuert all their presages, positions and calculations in natiuities, for if so little a space of time bee capable not onely of diuersities but euen of contraries, who can prognosticate any thing of any childe borne, when as the moment both of his conception and his natiuity is so hard to be knowne? So that were it graunted, that the starres haue power in vs, yet vnto man it is incom∣prehensible: the moments whereto the figure must be erected being impossible to bee found, and the swift course of the Heauens ouerrunning our slow consideration. Iulius firmicus, a man idlely eloquent, hauing obiected this reason against him-selfe and his arte, and promising to dissolue it, after he hath tumbled himselfe sufficiently in a multitude of common places, lets it * 1.15 alone with silence, and thinkes he hath done very wel, supposing that this whirle-winde of his eloquence had cast dust inough into the readers eies to make him forget the aduerse argument. But it is neither he, nor any Chalde of them al that can answer it. Thomas Aquinas in like man∣ner entangleth himselfe exceedingly in circumstances of times, and minuites, and places; for in his booke De fato, he saith that twins are of diuers dispositions, because the seed of generation

was not receiued into the place of conception al at one time, so that the center of the heart, be∣ing not one in both, they must needs haue different egresses and Horizous. But how small a space is their spent in the full receiuing of the •…•…eede? how little a time passeth betweene the coagulation of the hearts, that this should be sufficient to t•…•…asmute the whole nature of man? So that hereby it is not sufficient to tel the Mathematician that such an one was borne at Pari•…•… or Ualencia, but hee must know in which streete, in which chamber, nay in what part of the chamber, But in another worke, I will handle this theame of another fashion, and proue, that there is no trust to be put in those vaine superstitions, but that all dependeth vpon our Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ, whome we are to intreat for them all.

Of Esau and Iacob two twinnes, and of the diuersity of their conditions and qualities. CHAP. 4.

IN the memory of our fore-fathers (to speake of men of note) there were two (a) twins borne, so nere to gether, that the second held the first by the heele, yet * 1.16 in their liues, maners and actions, was such a maine disparity, that that very difference made them enemies one to another. I meane not this, that the one sat, when the other stood, nor that the one slept, when the other waked, these belong to those first markes and moments which they cannot comprehend who erect those figures of natiuity for the Astrologers to iudge vpon: (b) one of them bound himselfe to serue for wages: the other serued not at all: the one was loued by his mother, so was not the other: the one lost his honor and inheritance (a matter of great moment amongst them) and the other obtained it: And how great a diuersi∣ty was there in their mariages, wiues, children and goods? exceeding much.

L. VIVES.

TWo (a) Twins borne] Iacob and Esau, of Isaac and Rebecca Gene. 25. 25. 26. (b) One of] Iacob he serued Laban his father in law, for Rachell: he was dearely beloued of his mother Re∣becca, and got Esau his patrimony from him, which was a thing in those daies of most honor, and vse, of all things besides.

How the Mathematicians may be conuicted of professing vanity. CHAP. 5.

VVHerefore if these things belong to those spaces of time that passe betwixt the births of twins, and are not wrought vpon by the constellations, why then are they presaged out of the Horoscopes of others. But if they be presaged as pertinent vnto the larger spaces of time that fal vnder the notice of Artists, & not * 1.17 vnder these momentary minuits that are indistinguible, then what vse is there of the potters whele, but only to turne leaden heads about till they become braine∣sicke, and past discerning those Mathematicians vanities? And those whose diseases (so simpathizing in all circumstances) made Hypocrates out of the rules of Phisike, iudge them to be twines, do not they sufficietnly put downe those that will needes make that proceed from the starres which ariseth out of the temperature of their bodies? For why did they not sicken as they were borne, one after an other? (for borne together they could not bee) or if their different times of birth be no cause of different times of sicknesse, why do they alledge it to be the cause of other accidents? why should they trauell, marry, beget children, and do such like at diuers times, onely because they were borne at diuers times, and yet not be sicke at diuers times by the same reason? If their difference of birth changed their Horoscope, and all other matters thereon depen∣ding,

why then did that equality remaine with the times of their sickenesse, that remained in the time of their conception: or if they say that the course of sicke∣nesse onely followeth the conception, and all the rest the natiuity, then ought they not to prognosticate any thing concerning sicknesse at natiuities, vnlesse they haue the houre of conception, but if the Astrologian presage sicknesse with∣out seeing the figure of the conception because the sayd presage is included in those interposed moments of the birth, how would hee tell either of those twins when hee should bee sicke, who hauing each a diuers Horoscope, yet must ne∣uerthelesse fall sicke both at one time? Finally, I aske againe, if the intermission in the birth of two twinnes bee so much, that it alters their whole fortunes, be∣cause of their Horoscopes: and in altering of the (a) foure angles, (wherein they put all the powre,) altereth also their whole destenies, how can this come to passe, when as the time of their conceptions was both at one instant? Or if two that are both conceiued at one point of time, may fortune to bee borne the one before the other, why may not two that are borne both in one moment of time, haue fortune to die the one before the other? for if that one & the same moment of their conception hindered not the succession of their birth, why should the same moment that is one in both the birthes, hinder the successiue time of their death? If their conceptiō, being in one minut, permit thē to haue diuers fortunes in their mothers wombe, why should not their natiuity being of the same state, permit them to haue diuers fortunes while they liue vpon earth? & to take away all the fictions of this arte, (or rather vanity) of theirs, in this one question, what is the cause, that such as are conceiued both in one moment of time, both vnder one constellation, should neuerthelesse haue their destinies in their mothers wombe, to bee borne at seuerall times? and yet, that two being borne of two mo∣thers, both in one moment of time, cannot haue diuers destenies, whereby the one may die before the other, or out-liue the other? did not their desteny enter vpon their conception, or could they not haue it vnlesse they were first borne? why is it said then that if the houre of conception bee knowne, they can presage many things most oraculously? And here vpon it is said of some, that a certaine wise man did make choise of an houre of copulation with his wife, whereby to beget a sonne whose after worth should be admired? And lastly, whereof com∣meth it, that Posidonius the Astrologian gaue this reason for the two brethrens perticipated sickenesse, that it was because they were borne, and conceiued both togither? he added, Conceiued, because it should not bee obiected to him that it was not certaine that such as were conceiued togither should bee borne both at the same instant: and that hee might draw this mutuall affect of theirs, not from their paritie of temperatures, but from the powre of the starres. But if there bee such a powre of equallizing the desteny of twinnes in their con∣ception, then verily the diuersity of time in their birth ought not to alter it. If the destenies of twinnes bee changed by their seuerall times of birth, why may we not rather conceiue that before their birth, they were appointed by de∣stenie to seueral births? Shall not then the will of the man liuing, change the Fate ofhis natiuity, when as his order of birth doth change the fate of his conceptiō?

L. VIVES.

THe 4. (a) Angles] Foure chiefe angles the Astrologers put in euery natiuity. 1. the Ho∣roscope, the signe of the orient; ascending 2. The opposite to which is the signe of the West * 1.18 falling: diametrally distant from the Horoscope 180. degrees. 3. Mid-heauen, the point between

the Horoscope and the west angle. 4. the opposite mid-heauen vnder the earth. The Greekes call these foure: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, there are foure other angles also, in the 2. 6. 8. and 12. signe from the Horoscope: the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The God the goddesse, the good fortune, the good Genius. These angles are nothing but the signes of heauen, which they consider in their iudgements, counting the Horoscope first and the rest success•…•…∣ly. The angle of the Horoscope concerneth the life: the 2. money or hope: the 3. brethren, the 4. parents: the 5. children, the 6. health: the 7. marriage, the 8. death &c. This Manilius. lib. 2. relateth out of the fooleries of Maternus. But wee haue angled long inough for any good we haue gotten: forward.

Of twinnes of different sexes. CHAP. 6.

IT often falleth out notwithstanding, that in these concurrences and vnions of time, conception and constellation, the children conceiued are the one a male the other a femalle. I knowe two twinnes of diuers sexes, both of them aliue, and lusty at this day. They are as like in fauour, one to another as their difference of sexe can permit: but in their fashion, and order of life, so vnlike that (besides the actions which must of necessity distinguish betweene men and women) hee is continually in warre in the office of a (a) Count and neuer commeth home: shee continually in her country where she was borne, and neuer goeth abroad. Nay which is more incredible (respecting the powres of the stars and not the wills of God and men) he is a married man, and shee is a holy Virgin; hee hath many chil∣dren, & she was neuer maried. O but their Horoscopes had a great sway in all those things: tush, I haue showen the powre of that to bee iust nothing, already: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but * 1.19 whatsoeuer it doth, it is there, in the natiuity, that it must do it. What, and not in the conception, wherein it is manifest that there was but one generatiue act con∣current? (for (b) natures powre is such that a woman hauing once conceiued, cannot second any conception, vntil she bee deliuered of the first. and therefore it is necessary that the twinnes conceptions fall both in one moment: were their diuers Horoscopes (thinke you) the cause that in their birth, hee became a man∣child, and she a woman? wherefore since it is no such absurdity to say, that there are some planetary influences that haue effect onely vpon diuersity of formes in bodies, as we see the alteration of the yeare, by the sunnes accesse and departure, & diuers things to increase, and decrease, iust as the moone doth: (crabs for ex∣ample and all shel-fishes: besides the wonderfull (c) course of the sea:) but that the minde of man is not subiect vnto any of these powres of the starres: those artists now desiring to binde our actes vnto this that wee see them free from, doe shew vs plainely, that the effectes of the starres haue not powre so much as vpon our bodies. (d) For what is so pertinent vnto the bodie, as the sexe thereof: and yet wee see, that two twinnes of diuers sexes may bee conceiued both vnder one constellation. Wherefore what fonder affection can there bee, then to say that that figure of Heauen which was one in the conception of them both had not powre to keepe the sister from differing in sexe from her brother, with whom she had one constellation, and yet that that figure of heauen which ruled at their natiuity had powre to make her differ so far from him in her Virgins sanctimony.

L. VIVES.

OFfice of a (a) Count] A Count is a name of dignity, vsed but of these moderne times▪ * 1.20

Marcellinus▪ nameth it in his 14. booke calling Nebridius Count of the Orient, and Geron∣•…•…s count of Magnentia, and in his sixteeneth booke Ursulus, Count of the beneuolences, and twenty one Philagrius Count of the Orient. I know not whether these counts were those that were called in Greeke Acolithi, and were alwaies at the Emperors elbowe, (b) Natures]. Of all * 1.21 creatures, onely the Hare and the Cony do conceiue double, vpon the first conception, and ha∣uing young in their bellies, will conceiue a fresh. Arist. Plin. A woman (saith Aristotle: Hist. animal. lib. 7. seldome conceiueth vpon her first young: but sometimes she may: if there passe but a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 space betweene the conceptions, as Hercules and Iphyclus (by report) were con∣ceiued. There was an adulteresse also, that bore two children at a birth, one like her husband, and another like her lemman. This out of Aristotle and Plini. lib. 7. but they are rare examples. And if a man would expose them, hee could not bee brought by reason to confesse that those children were conceiued one after another: though I know that Erasistratus, a worthy Phisi∣tian hòldeth, that all twins are conceiued one after another, and so do diuers Stoicall Philoso∣phers also hold of many twins but not of all. But Hippon and Empedocles held that of one act * 1.22 of generation by reason of the abundance of seed, were all twins conceiued, Asclepiades ascri∣beth it to the vertue not the aboundance of seed. (c) Wounderfull course of the sea.] Worthily wounderfull, whereof the true cause is not fully knowne vnto this day, neither of the double flowing dayly, nor double flowing monethly, which the Saylers cal the spring•…•…des, falling out * 1.23 at the moones full and the change, (d) for what.] The male and female in all creatures are cor∣respondente in all things but generation, but in that he is the male that generateth in another * 1.24 and of himselfe: she the female that can generate of an other and in her selfe, therfore they talke of many women that haue beene chang•…•…d into men.

Of the election of daies of maryage of planting and of sowing. CHAP. 7.

BVt (a) who can indure this foolery of theirs, to inuent a new desteny for euery action a man vndertaketh; That wise man aforesaid it seemes, was not born•…•… to haue an admirable sonne, but rather a contemptible one, and therefore elected •…•…e his houre, wherein to beget a worthy one. So thus did he worke himselfe a des∣teny, more then his starres portended, and made that a part of his fate, which was not signified in his natiuity. O •…•…ondnesse most fatall! A day must now be chosen for marriage: because otherwise one might light of an vnlucky day, and so make an ill marriage. But (b) where then is the desteny of your natiuity? can a man change what his fate hath appointed, by choosing this day or that and cannot the the fate of that day which he chooseth be altered by another fate? againe, if men alone of all the creatures of earth bee vnder this starry power, why do they (c) choose daies to plant, and daies to sowe, and so forth; daies tame cattle, daies to put to the males for increase of oxen, or horses, and such like? If the election of those daies bee good, because the starres haue dominion in all earth∣ly bodies, liuing creatures and plants, according as the times do change; let them but consider how many creatures haue originall from one and the same instant, and yet haue such diuers ends, as hee that but noteth will de∣ride those obseruations as childrens toyes, for what sotte will say that all herbes, trees, beasts, birds, serpents, wormes, and fishes, haue each one a particular moment of time to bee brought forth in? yet men do vse for trying of the mathematicians skil, to bring them the figures of the births of beasts, which they haue for this end deligently obserued at home, and him they hold the most •…•…kild Mathematician, that can say by the figure, this protendeth the birth of a beast and not of a man, nay they dare goe vnto what beast it is whether fit for bearing woll, for carrages, for the plough, or the custody of the house, for the

are often asked counsell of the destenies of dogs, and giue answeres breeding great admiration. Nay men are now growne to that grosenesse of braine, that they thinke when a man is borne, creation is tyed to such an order, that not so much as a fly is brought forth in that region at that time, for if they giue vs but birth-rome for a fly, we will draw them by gradation till we come to an elephant. Nor haue they wit to consider this, that in their selected day of sowing corne, it springeth and groweth vp altogether, and being growne to the height i•…•…ipens altogether, and yet the canker spoyleth one peece and the birds another, and men cut vp the third, of al this corne, that neuerthelesse grew vp altogether. How will they doe with the constellation of this, that hath partaken so many kindes of ending? Or doth it not repent them of electing daies for these things, denying them to belong to heauens disposing, and putting onely men vnder the starres, to whome onely of all the creatures vpon earth God hath giuing free and vncon∣strained wills. These being considered, it is no euill beleefe to thinke that the As∣trologers (d) do presage many things wonderfully and truly, but that is, by a (e) secret instinct of euill spirits, (whose care it is, to infect, nousle, and confirme mens * 1.25 minds in this false and dangerous opinion of fate in the starres) and not by any art of discerning of the Horoscope, for such is there none.

L. VIVES.

WHo can (a) endure.] The Astrologers, Haly, Abenragel, Messahalach, and others write of these elections. Haly, Ptolomies interpretor as Picus Mirandula writeth, saith, this part of Astrology is friuolous and fruitlesse. (b) Where then.] If your natiuities destinie be against your enterprise, it shall neuer haue good end, as Ptolomy holdeth: Picus writeth much against Astrologers. lib. 2. and of this matter also. But Augustine hath the summe of all here. (c) Choose daies.] Hesiod was the first that distinguished the daies of the moone, and the yeare, for coun∣try * 1.26 businesses: and him did all the writers of husbandry follow, Greekes Latines and others: Democritus, and Virgill, Cato Senior, Uarro, Columella, Palladius, Plinie. &c. (d). Do presage.] * 1.27 He that often shooteth must needes hit some-times, few of the Mathematicians false answeres are obserued, but all their true ones are, as miraculous. (e) Secret instinct.] The presages from the starres (saith Augustine else where) are, as by bargaine from the deuills, and instincts of theirs, which * 1.28 the minds of men feele, but perceiue not and he presageth best, that is in greatest credit with his diuel.

Of their opinion that giue not the name of Fate the position of the starres, but vn∣to the dependance of causes vpon the will of God. CHAP. 8.

AS for those that do not giue the position of the starres in natiuities and con∣ceptions the name of fate, but reserue it onely to that connexion of (a) causes, whereby all things come to passe, wee neede not vse many words to them: because they conforme this coherence of causes to the will of God, who is well and iustly beleeued, both to fore-know al things before the euent, and to leaue no euent vndisposed of ere it be an euent: from whome are all powers, though from * 1.29 him arise not all wills, for that it is the will of that great and all-disposing God, which they call Fate, these verses (. (b) of Anneus Senecas I thinke) will proue.

Du•…•… m•…•…summe pater, •…•…ltique dominator poli, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 placuerit, nulla parenda mora est. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 impiger: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…olle, comitab•…•…r gemens: Malusque patiar facere quod licuit bono. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vol•…•…ntem fat•…•…, uolentem tr•…•…unt.

Le•…•…d me, Great Lord, King of eternity, Euen where thou wilt, Ile not resist thees. Chang thou my will yet still I vow subiection, Being led, to that tha•…•…'s in the good election. "Fate leads the willing, hales the obstinate.

Thus in the last verse, hee directly calleth that Fate, which in the former hee called the will of the great Lord, to whome hee promiseth obedience, and to be le•…•… willingly, least hee bee drawne on by force, because, Fate leads the willing, hales the obstin•…•…te. And (c) Homers verses translated into Latine by Tully are as these are.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hominum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qualis •…•…ater ips•…•…, •…•…upiter a•…•…fferas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lum•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉

〈◊〉〈◊〉 are the mindes of men as lou•…•… the great Vouchsafe, that fils the earth wi•…•…h light, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Wee would not bring Poetique sentences for confirmation of this question, but because that Tully saith, that the Stoikes, standing for this power of Fate, vse to quote this place of Homer, wee now alledge them, not as his opinion, but as theirs, who by these verses of Fate shewed in their disputations what they thought of Fate, because they call vppon Ioue, whome they held to be that great God; vppon whose directions these causes did depend.

L. VIVES.

COnnexion (a) of causes] (Cic. de diuin. lib. 2.) Reason therefore compels vs to confes that all * 1.30 things come to passe by fate: by fate I mean the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, an order or course of things & canses, arising one from another: that is the euerlasting truth flowing frō a•…•…eternity. Chry∣sippus in Gellius saith, that Fate is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. A natural composition of causes and things arising one from another▪ from aeleternity being an immutable combination of them all. (b) Anneas Senecas] Epist. lib. 18.) The verses were Cleanthes his, Seneca but translated them: they are all Senarian. But the first of them is not perfectly read: it were better to read it. Duc me parens celsi{que} dominator Poli: Coleyne copy hath it, Duc summe Pater alti{que} dominator Poli. Indifferent well. The said thing hath Seneca in his book de beneficijs, speaking of God: if you call him Fate (saith he) it is not amisse: for he is the first cause whence all the rest haue originall: and fate is no∣thing but a coherence of causes This is the common opinion of the Stoi•…•…s, to hold one God, cal∣ling him Fate, and Mens, and Iupiter, and many other names. These are the foure ancient opinions of Fate, which Picus (Contra Astrolog. lib. 4.) rehearseth. The firstheld Fate to be na∣ture, * 1.31 so that the things which fell out by election, or chance, they excluded from Fate, as Virgill saith of Dido, that killed her-selfe, and dyed not by Fate: and Cicero: If any thing had befalne me, as many things hung ouer mans head besides nature and besides fate: This opinion is Phsiolo∣gicall, and imbraced by Alexander, one of Aristotles interpreters. The second held fate to be an eternall order and forme of causes, as aforesaid. Third put all in the stars. The fourth held fate to be onely the execution of the will of God. (c) Homers] Odyss.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Such are the mindes of men, &c

Vlisses speaketh them to Phemius, affirming a mutablity of mens mindes, and that they are not * 1.32 of power to keepe them-selues fixt, but alter continually as it pleaseth the great Iupiter to in∣spire and transforme them. The later of the latine verses in the text dot•…•… not expresse Homers mind But I suspect it to be wronged in copying.

Of Gods fore-knowledge and mans freedome of election; again•…•…t the opinion of Cicero. CHAP. 9.

AGainst those men, Tully thinketh he cannot hold argument, vnlesse hee ouer∣throw diuination, & therefore he laboureth to proue that there is no praesci∣ence, nor fore-knowledge of things to come, (a) either in God or man; there is di∣rectly no such matter. Thus denieth he Gods fore-knowledge, & idely seeketh to subuert the radiant lustre of true prophecies, by propounding a sort of ambigu∣ous and fallible oracles, whose truth not-withstanding he doth not confute. But those coniectures of the Mathematiques he layeth flat, for indeed they are the or∣dinance to batter them-selues. But for al that, their opinion is more tollerable, y^• ascribe a fate (b) vnto the stars, then his, y^t reiects al fore-knowledge of things to come: For to acknowledge a God, & yet to deny that, is monstrous madnes: which he obseruing, went about to proue euen that w^t the foole hath said in his heart: there * 1.33 is no God: Mary not in his own person, he saw the danger of mallice too well; and therfore making Cotta dispute hand-smooth against the Stoikes vpon this theame, in his books De natura Deorum: there he seemes more willing to hold with (c) Lu∣cilius Balbus, that stood for the Stoikes, then with Cotta, that argued against the di∣uine

essence. But in his bookes Of diuination, hee directly opposeth the fore-knowledge of thinges, (d) of him-selfe and in his owne person: all which it seemeth hee didde least hee should yeelde vnto fate, and so loose the freedome of election: For hee supposed that in yeelding to this fore-know-ledge, fate would follow necessarily there-vpon, without all deniall. But how-soeuer the Phylosophers winde them-selues in webbes of disputati∣ons, wee, as wee confesse the great and true GOD, so do we acknowledge his high will, power, and fore-knowledge: Nor lette vs feare that wee doe not performe all our actions by our owne will, because he, whose fore-knowledge cannot erre, knew before that we should do thus or thus: which Tully feared, and therfore denied fore-knowledge; and the Stoiks that held not al things to be done by necessity, thought that they were done by fate. What then did Tully fe re in this praescience, that he framed such detestable arguments against it? Verily this, that if all euents were knowne ere they came to passe, they should come to passe according to that fore-knowledge. And if they come so to passe, then God know∣eth the certain order of things before hand: and consequently the certaine order of the causes; and if he know a certaine order of causes in all euents, then a•…•…e all e∣uents disposed by fate: which if it be so, wee haue nothing left in our power, no∣thing in our will: which granted (saith he) the whole course of humanity is ouertur∣ned: law, correction, praise, disgrace, exhortation, prohibition, al are to no end: nor is ther any iustice in punishing the bad, and rewarding the good. For auoiding of which in∣conueniences (so absurd and so pernitious) he vtterly reiecte•…•…h this fore-know∣ledge of things, and draweth the religious minde into this strait, that either there must be som-what in the power of our will, or else that there is a fore-knowledge of things to come, but the granting of the one is the subuersiō of the other: choo∣sing of the fore-knowledge, we must loose the freedome of election, and choosing this, we must deny the other. Now this learned and prouident man, of the two maketh choyse of freedome of election: and to confirme it denieth the fore-know∣ledge vtterly. And so instead of making men free, maketh them blasphemous. But the religious mind chooseth them both, confesseth & confirmeth them both. How (saith he?) For granting this fore-knowledge, there followeth so many consequents that they quite subuert all power of our will: and holding thus by the same degrees we as∣cend, till we find there is no praescience of future things at all, for thus we retire through them. If there be any freedome of the will, all things do not follow destiny: If all thinges follow not destiny, then is there no set order in the causes of things: Now if there bee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set order in the causes of all things, then is there no set order of the things them-selues, in Gods fore-knowledge, since they come from their causes. If there bee not a sette or∣der of all thinges in GODS fore-knowledge, then all things fall not out according to the sayd knowledge. Now if all thinges fall not out as hee hadde his fore-knowledge of them, then is there in God no fore-knowledge of thinges to come. To these sacriligi∣ous and wicked opposers, thus wee reply: GOD doth both know all thinges ere they come to passe, and wee doe all thinges willingly, which wee doe * 1.34 not feele our selues and knowe our selues directly inforced to. Wee hold not that all thinges, but rather that nothing followeth fate: and whereas Fate vseth to be taken for a position of the stars in natiuities and conceptions, we hold this a vaine and friuolous assumption: wee neither deny an order of causes wherein the will of God is all in all, nether do we cal it by the name of Fate. (g) vnles Fate be de∣riued of fari to speak, for we cannot deny that the scripture saith, God spake onc•…•… these two things: I haue heard, that power belongeth vnto God, & to thee O Lord mercy

for thou wilt reward euery man according to his workes. For whereas hee saith, God spake once, it is meant that hee spake vnmooueably, and vnchangeably, that all thinges should fall out as hee spake, and meant to haue them. In this respect wee may deriue fate from fari to speake, but we must needes say withall that it is vsed in another sence then we would haue men to thinke vppon. But it doth not follow that nothing should bee left free to our will, because God knoweth the certaine and sette order of all euents. For Our very wills are in that order of causes, which God knoweth so surely, and hath in his praescience, humain wils, beeing the cause of humaine actions: So that hee that keepeth a knowledge of the causes of all thinges, cannot leaue mens wills out of that knowledge, know∣ing them to bee the causes of their actions. (g) For Tullies owne wordes (No∣thing commeth to passe without an efficient cause) is sufficient alone to sway downe this matter quite against him-selfe: for what auailes the subsequence: Nothing is without a cause, but euery cause is not fatall, because there are causes of chance, na∣ture and will? It is sufficient that nothing is done but by precedent cause. For those causes that are casuall, giuing originall to the name of Fortune, wee deny them not: wee say they are secret, and ascribe them either to the will of the true God, or of any other spirit: The (h) naturall causes wee doe neuer diuide from his will, who is natures Creator: But the causes voluntary, God, Angels, Men, and diuers other creatures haue often in their wil and power: (i) If we may * 1.35 call that power a will by which the brute beastes flye their owne hurt, and desire their good by Natures instinct. That there is a will in Angels, I doe absolutely affirme; be they good whom we call Gods Angells, or euill whome we call the diuels Angels, fiends, or diuels them-selues. So men good and bad haue all their wills: and hereby it is apparant, that the efficient causes of all effects, are nothing but the decrees of that nature, which is The spirit of life: Aire or wind is * 1.36 called a Spirit: But because it is a body, it is not the spirit of life. But the spirit of life, that quickneth all things, is the Creator of all bodies and all created spirits: this is God a spirit from eternity vncreated: in his wil there is that height of pow∣er, which assisteth the wills of the good spirits, iudgeth the bad, disposeth of al, gi∣uing power to whom he pleaseth, and holding it from whome he list. For as he is a Creator of all natures, so is hee of all powers: but not the giuer of all wills: for wicked wills are not of him, beeing against that nature which is of him. So the * 1.37 bodyes are all subiect vnto diuers wills: some to our owne wills (that is the wills rather of men then of beasts) som to the Angels, but all to the will of God: vnto whom al wills are subiect, because they haue no power but what hee giueth them. The cause then that maketh all, and is not made it selfe is God. The other causes do both effect and are effected: such are all created spirits, chiefly the reasonable ones. The corporal causes, which are rather effects then▪ otherwise, are not to be counted as efficient causes, because they came but to do that which the will of the spirit within them doth inioine thē: how then can that set order of causes in Gods foreknowledge depriue our wils of power, seeing they bear such a sway amongst the very causes them-selues? But (k) let Cicero rangle, & his fellowes, that say this * 1.38 order is fatall, or rather fate it selfe; which we abhor, because of the word; chieflly being vsed in a false beliefe: but wheras he denieth that God knoweth assuredly the set order of those causes, we detest his assertion, worse then the Stoiks do: for he either denieth God (which he indeuoreth vnder a false person in his bookes De * 1.39 n•…•…t. de.) Or if he do acknowledge him, yet in denying him this fore-knowledge, he saith but as the foole said in his heart, There is no God: for if God want the prae∣science

of all future euents hee is not God. And therefore (l) our wills are of as much power as God would haue them, and knew before that they should be and the power that they haue is theirs free, to do what they shall do truly and freely: because he fore-knew that they should haue this power, and do these acts, whose fore-knowledge cannot be deceiued: wherefore if I list to vse the (m) word fate in any thing, I would rather say that it belonged to the weaker, and that will be∣longed to the higher, who hath the other in his power, rather then grant that our liberty of will were taken away by that sette order, which the Stoikes (af∣ter a peculiar phraze of their owne) call fate.

L. VIVES.

EIther (a) in God] De diuinat. lib 2. where in a disputation with his brother Quintus, he in∣deauoureth to ouerthrow diuination, for which Q. had stood in the booke before. For he saith that. There is nothing so contrary to reason and constancy as fortune is, so that (mee thinkes) God him-selfe should haue no fore-knowledge of those casuall euents. For if he haue, it must come so to passe, as he knoweth, and then it is not casuall: but casuall euents there are, and therefore there is no fore-knowledge of them. This in the said place, and much more pertaining to the explaining of this chapter, which it sufficeth vs to haue pointed out. (b) A fate to the Stars] They all doe so, but some giue fate the originall from them, excluding God. (c) Lucilius Balbus] In the end of the book thus he concludeth: This said we departed, Velleius holding Cotta's disputation for the truer, and I being rather inclined to Balbus suit. (d) Of him-selfe] For in his 2. booke hee spea∣keth him-selfe, and confuteth his brothers assertions for diuination. (e) Stoikes] Of this in the next chapter. (f) Vnlesse fate.] (Var. de Ling. lat. l. 8.) The destinies giue a fortune to the childe at the birth, and this is called fate, of fari to speake. Lucan. lib. 9.

—Non vocibus vllis, Numen eget: dixitquesem•…•…l nascentibus auctor, Quicquid scire licet—

—The Deities neuer need, Much language: fate but once (no more) doth read, The fortune of each birth—

It seemes hee borrowed this out of the Psalme heere cited, or out of Iob. chap. 33. v. 14. Hee hath spoke once and hath not repeated it againe. Both which places demonstrat the con∣stancy of Gods reuealed knowledge by that his once speaking: as the common interpretation is: the which followeth in the Psalme, these two things &c. some refer to them which follow∣eth: That power belongeth, &c. Others, to the two testaments. The Thargum of the Chaldees commeth neere this later opinion: saying, God hath spoken one law, and wee haue heard it twise out of the mouth of Moyses the great scribe & vertue is before our God, and thou Lord that thou wouldst be bountifull vnto the iust (g) For Tullies] In his booke de fato following Carneades, he setteth down three kinds of causes; naturall arising from nature, as for a stone to fal downward, for the fire to burne: Voluntary consisting in the free wills of men, (wherein it is necessary there * 1.40 be no precedent causes, but that they be left free:) and Casuall, which are hidden and vnknown in diuers euents: Herein he is of the N•…•…turalists opinion, that will haue nothing come to passe without a cause. (h) Naturall] Fire hath no other cause of heate, a stone of heauynesse, a man of reason, procreation of like, &c. then the will of natures Creator: who, had hee pleased, might * 1.41 haue made the fire coole, the stone mount vpwards, the man a brute beast, or dead or vnable to beget his like. (i) If we may cal] Arist, de anima. l. 3.) Putteth will only in reasonable creatures, and appetite (being that instinct wherby they desire, or refuse any thing) in beastes. Will in crea∣tures of reason, is led by reason, and accompanied by election, or rather is election it selfe. (k) But Cicero] With the Stoikes. (l) Our wills are] God created our wils free: and that because it was his will: so they may make choyce of contraries, yet cannot go against Gods predestination: not questionlesse euer would although they could: for sure it is, that much might bee done, which * 1.42 neuer shal: so that the euents of things to come proceed not from Gods knowledge, but this from them w^t not-withstanding in him are not to come, but already present, (wherein a great many are deceiued) wherfore he is not rightly said to fore-know, but only in respect of ou•…•… actions, but already to knowe, see and discerne them. But is it seen vnfit that this eternall knowledge should deriue from so transitory an obiect, then we may say that Gods knowledge ariseth from his prouidence and will, that his will decreeth what shall bee, and his know∣ledge conceiueth what his will hath appointed. That which is to come (saith Origen vp∣pon Genesis) is the cause that God knoweth it shall come: so it commeth not to passe because

God knoweth it shall come so to passe; but God fore-knoweth it, because it shal come so to passe. (m) Vse the word] So do most of the latines, Poets, Chroniclers and Orators: referring fate to men, and will to God: and the same difference that is here betweene fate & will, Boethius puts betweene fate and prouidence. Apuleius saith, that prouidence is the diuine thought, preseruing hi•…•… for whose cause such a thing is vndertaken: that fate is a diuine law fulfilling the vnchang∣able decrees of the great God. so that if ought be done by prouidence, it is done also by fate: and if Fate performe ought, Prouidence worketh with it. But Fortu•…•… hath something to doe about vs, whose causes we vtterly are ignorant of: for the euents runne so vncertaine, that they mixing them-selues with that which is premeditated and (we thinke) well consulted of, neuer let it come to our expected end: and when it endeth beyond our expectation so well, and yet these impediments haue intermedled, that wee call happynesse: But when they pe•…•…uert it vnto the worst, it is called misfortune or vnhappynesse. In Dogmata Platonis.

Whether necessity haue any dominion ouer the will of man. CHAP. X.

NOr need we feare that (a) Necessity which the Stoikes were so affraid off, that in their distinctions of causes, they put some vnder Necessity and some not vnder it, and in those that did not subiect vnto it, they g•…•… our wils also, that they might bee free though they were vrged by necessity. But if that bee necessity in vs, which is not in our power, but will be done do what wee can against it, as the ne∣cessity of death; then is it plaine, that our wills are subiect to no such necessity, vse we them howsoeuer, well or badly: For we do many things which wee could not do, against our wils. And first of all to will it selfe: if we will a thing, there is our will; If we will not, it is not. For we cannot will against our wills. Now if necessity be defined to be, that whereby such a thing musts needes fall out thus, or thus, I see no reason we should feare, that it could hinder the freedome of our wills in any thing. (b) For we neither subiect Gods being, nor his praesciences vnto necessity, when wee say God must needes liue eternally, and God must needes fore-know all thinges; no more then his honour is diminished, in saying hee cannot erre, hee cannot die; He cannot do this, why? because his power were lesse, if he could doe it, then now it is in that he cannot. Iustly is he called almighty, yet may hee not * 1.43 dye nor erre: He is called almighty because he can do all that is in his will, not because he can suffer what is not his will; which if he could he were not almigh∣ty. So that he cannot do some things, because he can do all things. So when wee say that if we will any thing of necessity, we must will it with a freedome of will, tis•…•… true: yet put we not our wil vnder any such necessity as depriues it of the free∣dome. So that our wils are ours, willing what•…•…vve will, and if we will it not, neither do they will it: and if any man suffer any thing by the will of another against his own will, his will hath the own power still, & his sufferance commeth rather frō the power of God then from his own will: for if hee vvilled that it should be other wise, and yet could not haue it so, his will must needes bee hindered by a greater power: yet his will should be free still, & not in any others power, but his that wil∣led it, though he could not haue his will performeds: wherfore what-soeuer a man suffereth against his wil he ought not attribute it vnto the wils of Angels, Men, or any other created spirits, but euen to his who gaue their wils this power. So then, (c) our wils are not vse-les, because that God fore-seeth what wil be in them: he y^t fore-saw it what-euer it be, fore-saw somwhat: and if he did fore know somewhat, then by his fore-knowledge there is som-thing in our vvils: Wherfore vve are nei∣ther compelled to leaue our freedom of will by retayning Gods fore-knowledge, nor by holding our willes freedome to denie GODS fore-knowledge; GOD forbid vvee should: vve beleeue and affirme them both constantly and truly, * 1.44 the later as a part of our good faith, the former as a rule for our good life: and

badly doth hee liue that beleeueth not aright of GOD. So God-forbid that wee should deny his fore-knowledge to be free, by whose helpe wee either are or shall bee free. (d) Therefore law, correction, praise, disgrace, exhortati∣on, and prohibition are not in vaine: because hee fore-knew that there should bee such: They haue that power which hee fore-knew they should haue: and prayers are powerful•…•… •…•…o attaine those thinges, which hee fore-knoweth that hee will giue to such as pray for them. Good deedes hath hee predestinated to reward, and euil to punishment. (e) Nor doth man sinne because God fore-knew that he would sin: nay, therfore it is doubtlesse that he sinneth, when he doth sin, * 1.45 because that God, whose knowledge cannot be mistaken, fore-saw that neither fate nor fortune, nor any thing else, but the man himselfe would sin, who if he had not bin willing, he had not sinned: but whether he should be vnwilling to sinne, or no, that also did God fore-know.

L. VIVES.

THa•…•… (a) a necessitie] Me thinketh (saith Tully) that in the two opinions of the Philosophers th•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 holding fa•…•…e the doer of all things, by a very law of necessity (of which opinion Demo∣critus, Heraclitus, Empedocles and Aristotle were) and the other exempting the motions of the wil from this law: Chrysippus professing to step into a meane, as an honorable arbitrator betweene them, inclineth rather to those that stand for the minds freedom. De fato. lib. Therfore did Oenomaus y^• Cynike say, that Democritus had made our mindes slaues, and Chrysippus halfe slaues, Euseb. de * 1.46 praep. Euang. l. 6. Therin is a great disputation about Fate: The Stoikes bringing all vnder fate, yet binde not our mindes to any necessity, nor let them compel vs to any action. For all things come to passe in fate by causes precedent, and subsequent, but not principall and perfect: the first of which doe bu•…•… assist vs in things beyond our power, but the later do effect that w^t is in our 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Plutarch relating the Stoikes opinion, saith that they hold the euents 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thin•…•… to haue a diuerse originall: some, from that great necessity; some from fate, some from li∣berty of will some from fortune, and chance particular. They follow Plato indeed in all their doctrine of fate. Which •…•…lutarch both witnesseth, and the thing it selfe sheweth. But whereas they say y^• all things comes of fate, and that in fate there is a necessity, then they speake of the prouidence and wil of God. For as we haue shewen they called Ioue fate, and that said Pron•…•…, that prouidence, wherby he ruleth all fate like-wise. (b) We neither subiect] The Platonists say the gods must needs be as they are, and that not by adding any external necessity, but that na∣turall one; because they cannot be otherwise; being also voluntary, because they would bee no otherwise. Wherfore I wonder at Plinius Secundus his cauillation against Gods omnipotency, that he cannot do al things, because he cannot dye, nor giue him-selfe, that he can giue a man, death. It is vnworthy so learned a man. Nay he held it a great comfort in the troubles of this life, to thinke that the gods somtimes were so afflicted, that like men, they would wish fo•…•… death and could not haue it: he was illuded (bee-like with the fables that maketh Pluto grieue at his delay of death as Lucian saith: Et rector terrae quem longa saecula torquet. Mors dilata de∣um * 1.47—Earths god that greeued sore, his welcome Death should be so long delayed.—(c) O•…•… wils ar•…•… not] A hard question, and of diuers diuersly handled: Whether Gods fore-knowlede im∣pose a necessity vppon thinges? In the last chapter I touched at somthings correspondent: Many come out of the new schooles, prepared fully to disputation with their fine art of combinati∣ons, that if you assume, they will not want a peece to defend, and if you haue this, they wil haue that, so long till the question be left in greater clouds then it was found in at first: as this p•…•… case, God knoweth I will run to morrow, suppose I will not run, put case that, suppose y^e othe•…•… And what vse is there of these goose-traps? To speake plainly with Augustine here, a man sin∣neth not because God knoweth that he wil sin: for he need not sin vnles he list: and if he do not, God fore-knoweth that also: or as Chrysostome saith vpon the Corinthians. Christ indeed saith, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is necessary that scandal should be, but herein he neither violateth the will, nor inforceth the life, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fore-telleth what mans badnesse would effect: which commeth not so to passe because God fore-saw 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but because mans will was so bad: for Gods praescience did not cause those effects, but the corrupti•…•… * 1.48 of humaine mindes caused his praescience. Thus far Chrysostome interpreted by learned Donat•…•… And truly Gods praescience furthereth the euent of any thing, no more then a mans looking o•…•…

furthereth any act: I see you write, but you may choose whether to write or no; so is it in him: furthermore all future things are more present vnto God, then those things which we call pre∣sent are to vs for the more capable the soule is, it comprehendeth more time present. So Gods essence being infinite, so is the time present before him: he, the only eternity being only infinite. The supposition of some future things, in respect of Gods knowledge, as wel as ours, hath made this question more intricate then otherwise it were. (d) Therfore law] This was obiected vnto them that held fate to be manager of all euents: since that some must needs be good, and some bad, why should these be punished and those rewarded, seeing that their actions (being neces∣sities and fates) could neyther merit praise nor dispraise? Again should any bee animated to good, or disswaded from vice, when as the fate beeing badde, or howsoeuer, must needes bee followed? This Manilius held also in these wordes.

Ast hominum mentitanto sit gloria maior, Quod c•…•…lo gaudente venit, rursus{que} nocentes, Odcrimus magis, in cul•…•…am, penas{que} creatos. Nec resert scel•…•…s vnde cadat, scelus esse fatendum est H•…•…c q•…•…{que} est sic ipsum expendere fa•…•…um: &c.

Mans goodnesse shines more bright, because glad fate, And heauen inspires it: So the bad we hate Far worse, 'cause •…•…ate hath bent their deeds amisse. Nor skils it whence guilt comes, when guilt it is Fates deed it is, to heare it selfe thus sca•…•…. &c.

But wee hold that the good haue their reward, and the bad their reproch, each one for his free actions, which he hath done by Gods permission, but not by his direction. (e) Nor doth man] His sin ariseth not from Gods fore-knowledge, but rather our knowledge •…•…iseth from this sin, For as our will floweth from Gods will, so doth our knowledge from his knowledge. Thus much concerning fate, out of their opinions, to make Augustines the Playner.

Of Gods vniuersall prouidence, ruling all, and comprising all. CHAP. 11.

WHerefore the great and mighty GOD with his Word and his holy Spirit (which three are one) God only omnipotent, maker and Creator of euery soul•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of euery body, in participation of whom, all such are happy that follow his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and reiect vanities: he that made man a reasonable creature of soule and body •…•…d he that did neither let him passe vnpunished for his sin, nor yet excluded him •…•…om mercy: he that gaue both vnto good and bad essence with the stones, power of production with the trees, senses with the beasts of the field, a•…•…d vnder∣standing with the Angels; he, from whome is all being, beauty, forme and order, number, weight and measure; he, from whom al nature, meane & excellent, al seeds of forme, all formes of seed, all motion, both of formes and seedes deriue and haue being▪ He that gaue flesh the originall, beauty, strength, propagation, forme and shape, health and symmetry: He that gaue the vnreasonable soule, sence, memory and appetite, the reasonable besides these, phantasie, vnderstanding and will: He (I say) hauing left neither heauen, nor earth, nor Angel, nor man, no nor the most base and contemptible creature, neither the birds feather, nor the hearbes flower, nor the trees leafe, without the true harmony of their parts, and peacefull con∣cord of composition; It is no way credible, that he would leaue the kingdomes of men, and their bondages and freedomes loose and vncomprized in the lawes of his eternall prouidence.

How the ancient Romaines obtained this increase of their Kingdome, at the true Gods hand, being that they ne∣uer worshipped him. CHAP. 12.

NOw let vs look what desert of the Romains moued the true God to augment their dominion, he in whose power al the Kingdoms of the earth are. For the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 performāce of w^t we wrot our last book before, to proue y^• their gods whom

they worshipped in such ridiculous manner, had no such power; & thus f•…•…r haue we proceeded in this book, to take away the questiō of destiny & fate, least some man being perswaded that it was not the deed of the gods, should rather ascribe it vnto fate then to gods wil, so mighty & so omnipotent. The ancient Romains ther∣fore (as their histories report) though like to all other nations (exceping the He∣brewes) they worshipped Idols and false goddes, offering their sacrifices to the di∣uels, not to the true Deity; yet their desire of praise made them bountifull of their purses, they loued glory & wealth honestly gotten: honor they dearly affected & * 1.49 honestly, offering willingly both their liues, and their states for them The zea∣lous desire of this one thing suppressed al other inordinate affects: and hence they desired to keep their country in freedom, and then in soueraingty, because the saw how basenesse went with seruitude, and glory with dominion. Where-vpon they * 1.50 reiected the imperiousnesse of their Kings, and set downe a yearely gouernment betweene two heads, called Consuls à Consulendo, of prouiding; not Kings, nor Lords of reig•…•… and rule: (though Rex do seeme rather to come à Regendo, of gouerning, & * 1.51 regnum; the Kingdome, of Rex, then otherwise:) but they held the state of a King to consist more in this imperious domination, then either in his discipline of gouer∣nance, or his beneuolent prouidence: so hauing expelled Tarquin, and instituted Consuls, then (as (a) Salust saith wel in their praise) the citty getting their freedom thus memorably, grew vp in glorie, as much as it did in power: the desire of w^t glo ry wrought al these world-admired acts which they performed: Salust praiseth al∣so M. Cato and C. Caesar, both worthy men of his time, saying y^e Cōmon-wealth had not had a famous man of a long time before, but that thē it had a couple of illustri∣ous vertue, though of diuers conditions: he praiseth Caesar, for his desire of Em∣pire, armes and war, wherby to exemplifie his valour: trusting so in the fortune of a great spirit, that he rouled vp the poore Barbarians to war, tossing Bellona's bloudy en•…•…igne about, that the Romaines might thereby giue proofe of their vigors. This wrought he for desire of praise and glory. Euen so in the precedent ages, their loue, first of liberty, and afterward of soueraignty and glory, whetted them to all hard attem•…•…. Their famous Poet giues testimony for both: saying:

Nec non Tarquinium ei•…•…ctum Porsenna i•…•…bebat Accipere, inge•…•…ti{que} vrbem obsidiore premeba•…•… Aenead 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in serrum pro libertat•…•… r•…•…bant, &c.

Porsenn•…•… gui•…•…ts them with a world of men, Commands that T•…•…rquin be restor'd. But then To armes the Romaines for their freedome runne.

For then was it honour to die brauely, or to liue freely, but hauing got their free∣dome, then succeeded such a greedynesse of glory in them, that freedome alone seemed nothing, without domination, hammering vpon that, which the same Poet maketh Ioue to speake in prophetique-wise.

—Quin aspera Tuno Qua •…•…re nunc, terras{que} metu, c•…•…lumque satigat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in melius reseret, mecum{que} fouebit 〈◊〉〈◊〉, rerum dominos gentem{que} togatum. S•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lustris labentibus •…•…tas, C•…•… d•…•… A•…•…raci Phithiam, charas{que} Mycenas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pr•…•…et, ac victis dominabitur argis.

—•…•…nd Iuno though shee yet Fill heauen and earth with her disquiet fitte, Shall turne her minde at length, and ioyne with me, To guard the Romaines (c) go•…•…ned progeny, It stands, succeeding times shall see the day, That old (d) Assaracus his stocke shal sway (e) Phithia, Micena and all Argos round &c.

VVhich Virgill maketh Iupiter speake, as prophetically, beeing falne out true before he wrote these verses: But this by the way to shew that the Romaines af∣fection of liberty and domination, was a parcell of their most principall glory and lustre. Hence it is, that the same Poet in distributing the artes amongst the Na∣tions, giues the Romains the art of Domination & soueraignty ouer others saying.

Ex•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sp•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cr•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…re 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…elius, c•…•…li{que} meatus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 r•…•…dio & surgentia sydera dicent, T•…•…ere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…es, paci{que} imponere morem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & debellare superbos.

Others c•…•… better c•…•… in brasse perhaps, (f) Tis •…•…ue; or cutte the •…•…one to humaine shapes: Others can better practise lawes loud iarres, Or teach the motions of the fulgid starres. But (Romanes) be your artes, to rule, in warres, To make all knees to sacred peace be bow'd, To spare the lowly and pull downe the proud.

Th•…•…se artes they were the more perfect in, through their abstinence from plea∣sur•…•…, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 couetousnesse after ritches, (the corrupters both of body and minde) from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from the poore cittizen, bestowing on beastly plaiers. So that in th•…•… dominion of those corruptions which befell afterwards, when Virgil and Sa∣•…•… did both write, the Romaines vsed not the fore-said arts, but deceites and •…•…es, •…•…o raise their glories. And therefore Salust saith, At first mens hearts gaue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…bition, rather then couetousnesse, because that was more neere to vertue: for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…rious and the sloathful haue both one desire of honor, glory and souerainty. But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (saith he) goeth the true way to worke, the later by craft & false means, because he h•…•… •…•…t the true course. The true, are these, to come to honor by vertue, not by ambi∣ti•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 honor, Empire, and glory, good and bad wish both alike. But the good goeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that is, by vertue leading him directly to his possession of honor, glory, soue∣•…•…. T•…•…t this was the Romanes course, their temples shewed, vertues & honors being 〈◊〉〈◊〉) close togither: (though herein they tooke Gods gifts for gods them∣selu•…•…) * 1.52 wherein you might easily see, that their end was, to shew that their was no accesse to honor but by vertue, wherevnto all they that were good referred it: f•…•… •…•…e euil had it not, though they laboured for honor by indirect means, name∣ly by •…•…ceite and illusion. The praise of Cato excelleth, of whom he saith that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ned glory, the more it pursued him. For this glory that they seeke, is the goo•…•… (〈◊〉〈◊〉) •…•…ion of men concerning such or such. And therefore that is the best vertue, * 1.53 that s•…•…h not vpon others iudgements, but vpon ones own conscience, as the Ap•…•… •…•…h: Our glory is this, the testimony of our conscience: and againe: Let euery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his owne worke, and so shall hee haue glory in himselfe onely, and not in ano∣•…•… * 1.54 •…•…o that glory & honor which they desire so, & aime so after, by good means, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 go before vertue, but follow it: for there is no true vertue, but leuelleth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chiefest good. And therefore the honors that Cato required (i) he should * 1.55 not haue required, but the city should haue returned him them, as his due desart. But whereas there were but two famous Romaines in that time, Caesar & Cato, Ca∣toes v•…•…tue seemes far nerer the truth of vertue, then Caesars. And let vs take Cato's (k) opinion of the state of the city, as it was then, & as it had bin before. Thinke not (saith he) that our ancestry brought the citty vnto this hight by armes. If it were so, we •…•…ld make it far more admirable then euer. But they had other meanes which we want: industry at home, equity abroad, freedome in consultation, and purity of mindes in all •…•…en, free from lust and error. For these haue we gotten riot, and auarice, publike begge∣ry and priuate wealth: ritches we praise, and sloath we follow: good & bad are now vndi∣si•…•…guished, ambition deuouring all the guerdon due to vertue. Nor wonder at it, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 patcheth vp a priuate estate, when you serue your lusts at home, and your profit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ffect here. This is that that layeth the state open to all incursion of others. (l) He that •…•…deth these words of Cato in Salust, may think that y^e old Romaines were al such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ose, whom we haue shewne to be so praise-worthy before: it is not so: for o∣•…•…wise his words which we related in our second booke should be false, where he saith: that the city grew troubled with the oppressing powre of the great ones, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…he people grew to a diuision from their fathers vpon this cause: that there we•…•… di•…•…ers other dangerous dissentions, and that they agreed in honesty & con∣co•…•… longer then they stood in feare of Tarquin, & of the great war of Hetru∣ria: which being ended, the Senators began to make slaues of the people, to •…•…udg * 1.56

of their liues as imperiously as the Kings had done, to chase men frō their posses∣sions, & only their factiō bare the sway of all; vnto which discords (the one desy∣ring to rule, & the other refusing to obey) the second African warre gaue end be∣cause a feare began then to returne vpon them, and called their turbulent spirits •…•…om those alterations to looke to the maine, and establish a concord: But all the great affaires were managed by a few that were as honest as the times afforded, and so by tolerating those euills, the state grew well vp, through the prouidence of a few good gouernors: for as this writer saith, that hauing heard & read of many memorable military deeds of the Romaines by sea & land, he had a great desire to know what it was that supported those great busynesses, wherein the Romaines very often with a handfull of men (to count of) haue held out war with most powreful, rich & victorious Kings: & hauing lookt wel into it, he findeth, that the egregious vertue of a very few citizens hath bin cause of this happy successe of al the rest: surmoūting wealth by pouerty, & multitude by scar∣city. But after that corruption had eaten through the City (saith hee) then the greatnesse of the common-wealth supported the viciousnesse of her magistrats. So the vertue of a few, ayming at glory, honor, & soueraignty, by a true line: that same vertue, is that which Cato, so preferreth: This was the industry at home, that he so commended, which made their publike treasury rich, though the priuate were but meane (m) And the corruption of maners he bringeth in as the iust contrary, producing pub∣like beggery through priuate wealth. Wherfore, whereas the Monarchies of the East had bin along time glorious, God resolued to erect one now in the West al∣so, which although it were after thē in time, yet should bee before them in great∣nesse and dignity. And this he left in the hands of such men as swaied it, especially to punish the vicious states of other nations: and those men were such, as for ho∣nor & dominations sa•…•…e would haue an absolut care of their coūtry, whence they receiued this honor: and would not stick to lay down their own liues for their fel∣lowes, suppressing couetousnesse, & al other vices, only with the desire of honor.

L. VIVES.

CAlled (a) Consulls] That Consul comes of Consulo, this all do acknowledge: but Consulo sig∣nifieth many things, and here ariseth the doubt in what sence Consul is deriued from it. * 1.57 Quintil. lib. 1. Whether Consul come of Prouiding for, or of Iudging, for the old writers vsed Consulo to iudge, and it is yet a phrase, boni consulas, iudge well. Liuy and Quintil. say that the Consul was once called Iudge. But I rather hold with Varro, that the Consul is a name of minis∣tery, implying that he hath no powre nor authority in the state, but onely to be the warner of the Senate, and to aske the peoples counsell, what they would haue done. For the Senate of old, neuer did any thing▪ but the Conful first asked the peoples mindes, and brought them word how it passed, whence this ordinary phrase ariseth: He intreated the Consul to bring word backe how this or this passed: Caesars letters beeing brought by Fabius to the Consuls, The Trib•…•…s could very hardly with much contention obtaine that they should be read in the Senate, but th•…•… their contents should bee related to the Senate, they could not be perswaded. Caes. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de bello Pompei. lib. 1. Whereby it appeareth that the Senate gaue not their verdits vpon any thing, but what was related to thē by the Consuls which custome was duly obserued in old times. But afterwards some of the magistrates got powre to enforce the senates voices to any thing what they listed prefer. Uarro's words are these (de ling. lat. lib. 4.) He was called y^• Cons•…•…l for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the people and senate. Vnlesse it be as Actius saith in Brutus hee that Iudgeth right [Q•…•…i recte consulat,] Let him bee Consul. (b) Saluste] In bello Catilin. (c) Gowned] Rightly go•…•…d (•…•…ith Ser•…•…) for al ages and sexes there ware g•…•…nes. (d) Assaracus] Grandsire to An∣chises, father to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, of whom came Aeneas, of him Iulus, of him the Alban King and of * 1.58 them Ro•…•…lus. (e) 〈◊〉〈◊〉] This is touching the reuenge of Troy, that their countries that bur∣•…•…ed Troy should be subdued by a progeny of Troyans. So saith the Aeneads.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 ille Argos, Agamemnonias{que}, Mycenas, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A•…•…cidem genus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ac•…•…li 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Troi•…•…, & templa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mineruae

The towers of Argos he shall vndermine, And wrack (Pelides) that great sonne of thine, Reuenging •…•…roy and Pallas wronged shrine.

Phthia was Achilles his natiue soile, a towne in Phtheias a part of Macedoniae. Hee was * 1.59 bro•…•…ght vp tho at Larissa, and therefore called Larissaeus: though Phithia and Larissa bee both in Achaia, as else where I will make plaine, as also that the Argiue towre was called Larissa. Phthia in Macedonea was subdued by L. Aemilius, after he had ouerthrowne Per∣s•…•… * 1.60 •…•…nae, is in Argolis, as Mela testifieth, and from thence the Kingdome was transferred to •…•…gos. L. Mummius conquered it, together with all Achaia: Argos is neere Mycenae saith * 1.61 M•…•…. The Kingdome was the Argiues from Inachus to Pelops DXLIIII. yeares. Euseb. Iu∣•…•… Higi•…•…us saith that Uirgill erreth in these verses, for hee that conquered Argos did not 〈◊〉〈◊〉-•…•…hrow Pyrrhus, so that hee would haue the middle verse taken out. But Seruius saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is, Ille{que}, and hee, to be vnderstood, it beeing vnderstood of Curius. (f) Tis true] Nay all 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Marius built them after the Cymbrian warre: but because there was a gutter betwixt them, they seemed a couple. (h) Opinion of men] This is glory in generall: but the true glorie * 1.62 is a so•…•…d a•…•…d expresse thing (saith Tully) no shadow: and that is the vniforme praise of them that are goo•…•…, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vncorrupted voice of such as iudge aright of vertues exellence: which answeres ver∣t•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eccho, and followeth it like a shadow. Tusc. quaest. lib. 3. (i) Should not▪ This Cato of Utica (of whom he speaketh) sued for the tribuneshippe, and got it: the praetorship, and (after * 1.63 one repulse, Vatinius (a fellow hated of GOD and man) beeing preferred before him) got that too: the consulship, and there had a finall repulse. Hee was a man (saith Plutarch) fit to bee •…•…ought for a magistrate, and more fit to bee forced vnto dignities, then to sue for them. (k) Opinion] In his oration which (beeing Tribune) hee made in the Senate, against the C•…•…spiratours. Salust, Catilin. (l) Hee that heareth▪ The later Romaines were alwaies a talk∣ing of the vertues of their ancestry, extolling them to heauen: either because all things de∣clined from better to worse, or because they thought still that the times past were best. (m) And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ption] A diuersity of reading, vitium esse contrarium & è contrario, all to one sence: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ter is in all the old manuscripts.

O•…•… •…•…bition, which beeing a vice, is notwithstanding heerein held a ver∣tue that it doth restraine vices of worse natures. CHAP. 13.

B•…•…t hee is better sighted, that can see this desire of glory to bee a vice: Horace 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it, and therefore sayd,

〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 t•…•…es, sunt certa piacula quae te, (b) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lecto poterunt recreare libello.

You swell with thirst of praise: but I can tell A medecine: read this booke thrice ouer (b) well. * 1.64

〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Odes hee sung this, to the same purpose of suppressing ambitious thou•…•….

〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 auidum domando 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 si Lybiam remotis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & vter{que} Paenus, —Seruiat vni.

He that can conquer his affects rebelling, Hath larger Monarchy, then he that swa•…•…s * 1.65 The Lybians, (c) Gades, and both Africas, —And more excelling.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 notwithstanding, those that doe not bridle their exorbitant affects by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, by the powre of the holy spirit, and the loue of that intellectuall beauty, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they cannot bee happy, yet they may bee lesse vnhappy, in auoyding this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of humaine glory howsoeuer: Tully could not (f) dissemble this, in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Of the Common-wealth, where speaking of the instruction of a Prince, for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hee saith hee must bee (g) nourished with glory: and so there-vpon infer∣•…•… * 1.66 what worthy deedes this glory had drawne from his ancestors. So that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…e so farre from resisting this vice, that they did wholy giue themselues 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…nt and excite each one, thinking it vse-full to the state: Though in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b•…•…s of Philosophy, Tully neuer dissembles (h) this contagion, but confes∣•…•…th 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cleare as day. For speaking of studies, ayming at the true good, and

contemning the vaine blasts of humaine praises, hee inferreth this axione, (i) Ho∣nour nourisheth artes, and glory keepeth all men on worke in studies, and what men ap∣prooue not, lieth vnregarded.

L. VIVES.

Sayd (a)] Epist. lib. 1. to Maecenas. ter purè: thrise ouer (b) well] The Philosophers bookes of manners are to bee read purely, diligently, not against the will, but desirously, that wee may reape profit thereby, for so doing, wee shall. Prophyry saith wee must come with cleane * 1.67 handes, as vnto a sacrifice. (c) Latius] Carm. lib. 2. ad Salust. (d) Gades] An Island of Spaine, famous for Hercules his trauells and pillers. (e) Both Africa's] Acron and Porphy•…•…y thinke that by the one, hee meaneth Lybeans, and by the other the Gadetanes whom the Africans first placed there: as if the Poet intended a coniunction of Empire in lands diuided by seas, as hee saith in the said place, before. (f) Dissemble] Some read Silere, conceale, but the old Co∣pies •…•…ead it as wee haue set it downe. (g) Nourished] Stoicisme. A wise man is a creature of glory; Symonides, (quoted by Xenophon in his Hieron) distinguisheth a man from all other crea∣tures in this especiall thing, that hee is touched by glory and honour. (h) This contagion] The proposition [ab] in the Latine text is superfluous: our reading is in the better. (i) Honour] Prooem. Tusc. quaest.

That wee are to auoide this desire of humaine honour: the glory of the righteous being wholy in GOD. CHAP. 14.

VVHerefore without doubt, wee had better resist this desire then (a) yeelde to it. For much the nearer are we to GOD, as we are purer from this im∣purity: which although in this life, it bee not fully rooted out of the heart, be∣cause it is a temptation that troubleth euen the best proficients in religion, yet let * 1.68 the loue of righteousnesse suppresse the thirst of ambitiousnesse. And thus: if some things lie vnrespected, because men approoue them not, and yet bee good and honest, then let the loue of humaine praise blush, and giue place to the loue of truth. For this is a great enemy to our faith, if that the affect of glory haue more roome in our hearts then the feare or loue of our GOD: and therefore hee saith: How can you beleeue, that expect honor one from another, and seeke not the honour th•…•… * 1.69 commeth of GOD? And likewise it is said of some that beleeued in him and yet durst not professe it; They loued the praise of men more then the praise of GOD. * 1.70 Which the holy Apostles did not: for they preached the name of Christ, where it was (b) not onely not approoued of, (as Tully saith, and what men approoue not, lieth vnregarded) but where it was euen detested, holding the rule that their maister (the mindes phisition) had taught them. Whosoeuer shall deny mee before men, him will I also deny (c) before my Father which is in Heauen, and (d) before the * 1.71 Angells of GOD: So that all their reproaches, by their cruell persecutions, their extreame paines, could not driue them from preaching this saluation, let the madnesse of man oppose what it could. And whereas this diuine life, conuersa∣tion, and doctrine of theirs, hauing suppressed all hardnesse of heart, and erected the peace of righteousnesse, was crowned with an vnbounded glory in Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 church: this did not they rest, as in the expected guerdon of their vertues, but re∣ferred it all vnto Christ his glory, by whose grace they were what they we•…•…. And the same did they trans-fuse into such, as they conuerted vnto the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of him, whereby they might become such as they were before them: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to keepe them from touch of humaine ambition their Maister taught th•…•…

this, Take heede that you doe not your good deedes before men, to be seene of them, or else yee shall haue no rewarde of your father which is in heauen. But least they should mis∣conceiue * 1.72 this, and feare to doe well before men: and so become lesse profitable by striuing to keepe their vertuous acts in secret, then other-wise; he saith againe, Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good workes and glorifie your * 1.73 father which is in heauen. Doe not well with an intent that men should see you doe so, and so turne to behold you, who are not what you are by them: but doe so that they may glorifie your father in heauen, vnto whom if they turne they may bee such as you are. Thus did the Martirs, that excelled the Scaeuola's, C•…•…rtij and Decij, (not by punishing them-selues, but by learning the inflictions of others) in true vertue, piety, and innumerable multitude. But the others, liuing in an earthly citty, wherein the end of all their endeuours was by them-selues pro∣pounded to themselues, the fame (namely) and domination of this world, and not the eternitie of heauen, not in the euerlasting life, but in their owne ends, and the mouthes of their posteritie: what should they Ioue, but glory, whereby they desired to suruiue after death in the (e) memories and mouthes of such as com∣mended them.

L. VIVES.

THen yeeld (a) to it] So must the sence be: wee must resist the desire of glorie, and not yeeld to it. (b) Not onely not] wee haue giuen it the best reading of all I thinke and the nearest to likelyhood. (c) Before my father] Matt. 10. 33. (d) Before the Angels of God] Luc. 12. 9. (e) Memories and mouthes] I flie, as liuing, through the mouthes of men, •…•…aith Ennius.

Of the temporall rewards that God bestowed vpon the Romaines vertues and good conditions. CHAP. 15.

SVch therefore as we haue spoken of, if God did neither meane to blesse them with eternitie in his heauenly cittie, amongst his Angels (to which societie that true pietie brings men, which affordeth that true diuine worship (which the * 1.74 Greekes call (a) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) to none but onely the true God) nor to vouchsafe them an earthly glory or excellence of Emperiall dignity; then should their vertues, the good actes whereby they endeuoured to ascend to this glory, passe vnrewar∣ded. But the Lord saith euen of such as doe good for humaine glory; Verely I say vnto you they haue their reward: These therefore that neglected their priuate estates for the common-wealth and publike treasurie, opposing couetise, hauing a full care of their countries freedome, and liuing according to their lawes, with∣out touch of lust or guilt, these seemed to goe the right way to get them-selues honour, and did so: honored they are almost all the world ouer, all nations very neare, receiued their lawes, honored were they then in all mens mouths, and now in most mens writings through the world: Thus haue they no reason to com∣plaine of Gods iustice; they haue their reward.

L. VIVES.

Call (a) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to worship, or to serue. * 1.75

Of the reward of the eternall cittizens of heauen, to whom the examples of the Romaines vertues were of good vse. CHAP. 16.

BVt as for their rewarde that endure reproches here on earth for the cittie

of GOD, (which the louers of the world doe hate and deride) that is of ano∣ther nature. That City is eternall: No man (a) is borne in it, because no man * 1.76 dieth in it. Felicity is there fully, yet no goddesse, but a Gods guift: of this ha∣bitation haue wee a promise by faith, as long as wee are here in pilgrimage on earth, and longe for that rest aboue. The Sunne ariseth not there both vpon good and bad, but the Sonne of righteousnesse shineth onely ouer the good. * 1.77 There shalbe no neede to respect the common treasury more then the priuate, truth is all the treasure that lieth there. And therefore the Romaine Empire had that glorious increase, not onely to bee a fit guerdon to the vertues of such worthies as wee fore-named, but also that the cittizens of heauen in their pilgri∣mages vpon earth, might obserue those examples with a sober diligence, and thence gather how great care, loue, and respect ought to bee carried to the hea∣uenly country for life eternall, if those men had such a deare affect to their earth∣ly country for glory so temporall. * 1.78

L. VIVES.

NO man (a) is borne] That is, their is no increase of them, no more then there is decease, the•…•… iust number being predestinate and fore-knowne by the eternall GOD himselfe.

The fruites of the Romaines warres, both to themselues and to those with whom they warred. CHAP. 17.

FOr what skilleth it in respect of this short and transitory life, vnder whose dominion a mortall man doth liue, so hee bee not compelled to actes of impi∣ety or iniustice. But did the Romaines euer hurt any of the nations whom they conquered and gaue lawes vnto, but in the very fury and warre of the conquest? If they could haue giuen those lawes by agreement, it had beene better (but then had beene no place for triumph) for the Romaines liued vnder the same lawes themselues that they gaue to others. This (a) had beene sufficient for the state, but that Mars, Bellona and Victory should then haue beene displeased, and displa∣ced also, if they had had no wars, nor no victories. Would not then the states of Rome, and other nations haue beene all one? especially, that beeing done, which was most grauely and worthyly performed afterwardes, (b) euery man that be∣longed to the Romaine Empire, beeing made free of the citty, as though they were now all cittizens of Rome, whereas before there was but a very few, so that such as had no landes, should liue of the common? this would haue beene gran∣ted vnto good gouernours by other nations, sooner by intreaty then force. For what doth conquering, or beeing conquered hurt, or profit mens liues, manners, or dignities either? I see no good it doth, but onely addeth vnto their intollerable vaine-glory, who ayme at such matters, and warre for them, and lastly receiue them as their labours rewarde. Doth not their land pay tribute to the state as well as others? Yes. May they learne any thing that o∣thers may not? No. (c) And are there not many Senators that neuer saw: Rome? True. Take away vaine-glory and what are men but men? An•…•… if the peruersenesse of the age would permit the verie best meanes for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beare away the greatest honours, then should not this humaine honour b•…•… so prize-worthy howsoeuer, beeing but a breath and a light fume? But yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs vse these things, to doe our selues good towardes GOD. Let vs co•…•…∣sider what obstacles these men haue scorn•…•…d, what paines they haue tak•…•…

what affects they haue suppressed, and onely for this humaine glorie which af∣terward they receiued as the reward of their vertues; and let this serue to suppresse our pride also, that seeing the cittie wherein wee haue promised ha∣bitation and Kingdome, is as farre diffrent from this in excellence, as Heauen from earth, life eternall from mirth temporall, firme glory from fuming vaine∣glory, angells company from mens, and his light that made the Sunne & Moone, from the light of the Sunne and Moone: then haue the cittizens of this heauenly region done iust nothing, in doing any thing for attaining this celestiall dwel∣ling, seeing that the other haue taken such paines in that habitation of earth, which they had already attained: especially, the remission of sinnes, calling vs as * 1.79 cittizens, to that eternall dwelling; and hauing a kinde of resemblance with Ro∣mulus his sanctuary, by which hee gathered a multitude of people into his cittie * 1.80 through hope of impunity.

L. VIVES.

THis had beene (a)] The olde bookes reade Hoc si fieret sine Marte &c. if this could haue beene done without Mars, making it runne in one sentence vnto the interogation. * 1.81 (b) Euery man] The Latines were made free denizens of olde: and from them it spred fur∣ther into Italie, ouer Po, ouer the Alpes, and the sea. Claudius Caesar made many Barbari∣ans free of Rome: affirming, that it was the ruine of Athens and Lacedaemon, that they made not such as they conquered free of their Citties. Afterwardes, vnder Emperours that were Spaniardes, Africans, and Thracians, whole P•…•…ouinces at first, and afterwardes the whole Empire was made free of Rome. And whereas before, all were called Barbarians * 1.82 but the Greekes, now the Romaines beeing Lords, exempted themselues, and afterward the Latines, and all the Italians from that name: but after that, all the Prouinces beeing made free of the Cittie, onely they were called Barbarians which were not vnder the Empire of Rome: And thus doth Herodian, Spartianus, Eutropius, and later Historiogra∣phers vse it. So the riuer Rhine had two bankes the neither of them was Romaine, the further, * 1.83 Barbarian, Claudianus.

O 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doluit Rh•…•…nus quá Barbarus ibat, Quod •…•…e non geminis frueretur iudice ripis.

O how Rhine wept, on the Barbarian shore, I ha•…•… both his bankes were not within thy powre.

(c) And are there not] Many nations beeing made free of the Citty, many of the chiefe men of those nations were made Senators, though they neuer saw Rome, no more then a many that were Cittizens.

How farre the Christians should bee from boasting of their deedes for their eter∣nall country, the Romaines hauing done so much for their temporall Cit∣ty, and for humaine glory. CHAP. 18.

WHy is it then so much to despise all this worlds vanities for eternitie when as Brutus could kill his sonnes (beeing not enforced to it) for feare his country should loose the bare liberty? Truely it is a more difficult matter to kill ones children, then to let goe those things which wee doe but gather for our children, or to giue them to the poore, when faith or righteousnesse bids vs. Earthly ritches can neither blesse vs nor our children with happinesse; we must either loose them in this life or lea•…•…e them to be enioyed after our death, by one, we cannot tell whom, perhaps by those wee would not should haue them. No, it is GOD, the mindes true wealth, that makes vs happy. The Poet reares Brutus a * 1.84 monument of vnhappinesse for killing his sons, though otherwise he praise him.

—Natos{que} pater fera bella mouentes, Ad paenam patriá pro libertate vocabit Infaelix, vtcum{que} ferent ea fata minores.

His sonnes, conuict of turbulent transgression, He kills, to free his country from oppression, Haplesse how ere succeeding times shall ringe.

But in the next verse hee giues him comfort: Vicit amor patriae laudum{que} im∣mensa cupido. Conquer'd by's countries loue, and thirst of prey. (e) The two things that set all the Romaines vpon admirable action. So then if the Father could kill his owne sonnes, for mortall freedome, and thirst of praise, (both transitory affects) what a great matter is it, if wee doe not kill our sonnes, but count the poore of Christ our sonnes, and for that eternall liberty, which freeth vs from sinne, death and hell; not for humaine cupidity, but for Christian charity; to free men, not from Tarquin, but from the deuills, and their King? And if Torquatus, another Romaine, slew his owne sonne, not for fighting against his country, but for going onely against his command; beeing generall, (he bee∣ing * 1.85 a valorous youth and prouoked by his enemy, yea and yet getting the vic∣tory): because there was more hurt in his contempt of authority, then good in his conquest: why should they boast, who for the lawes of that neuer-ending country doe forsake onely those things which are neuer so deare as children; namely earthly goods and possessions? If Furius Camillus, after his banishment, * 1.86 by his •…•…ngratefull country, which he had saued from beeing oppressed by the va∣lourous Veians yet would daigne to come to free it the second time, because hee had no better place to shew his glory in: why is hee extolled (as hauing done great matters) who hauing (perhaps suffered some great disgrace and iniury in the church by his carnall enemies) hath not departed to the churches enemies, the Here•…•…es or inuented some heresie against it him selfe, but rather hath guarded it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 farre as in him lay, from all the pernitious inuasions of heresie, be∣cause their is no (a) other place to liue in vnto eternall life, though there bee o∣thers •…•…gh to attaine humaine glory in? If Scaeuola, when he saw he had failed to ki•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (a sore foe to Rome,) and killed another for him, to make a peace * 1.87 with him, •…•…t his hand into the fire that burned on the Altar, saying that Rome had a multitude such as he that had conspired his destruction, and by this speech so terrified him that hee made a present peace with them and got him packing) why shall any man talke of his merits in respect of the Kingdome of Heauen, if he loose, (not his hand but) his whole body in the fire for it, (not by his owne choise but) by the powre of the persecutor? If Curtius, (to satisfie the Oracle * 1.88 that commanded Rome to cast the best Iewell it had into a great gulfe, and the Romaines being resolued that valour and men of armes were their best Iewells) tooke his horse and armour, and willingly leaped into that gaping gulfe; why shall a man say hee hath done much for heauen that shall (not cast himselfe to death but) endure death at the hands of some enemy of his faith, seeing that GOD, his Lord, and the King of his country, hath giuen him this rule as a certaine Oracle: Feare not them that kill the bodie, but are not able to kill the soule. If * 1.89 the two Decii consecrated themselues to their countries good & sacrificed their bloud (as with praiers) vnto the angry gods for the deliuerance of the Ro∣maine armie, let not the holy Martires bee proude of doing any thing for the pertaking of their eternall possessions, where felicity hath neither errour nor ende, if they doe contend in charitable faith and faithfull charity, euen vnto the shedding of their bloud both for their brethren, for whom and also for their enemies by whome it is shedde. (k) If Marcus Puluillus in his dedi∣cation

of the Temple to Ioue, Iuno and Min•…•… false newes beeing brought (c) (by those that enuied his honour) of his sonnes death, that so hee might leaue all the dedication to his fellowe, and goe perturbed away, did neuerthelesse so contemne the newes, that (d) hee bad them cast him forth vnburned, his desire of glory vtterlie conquering his griefe of beeing childlesse: why should that man say hee hath done much for the preaching of the gos∣pell, (which freeth and gathereth Gods citizens out of so many errours) to whome beeing carefull of his Fathers funerall, the LORD sayd. Follow mee, * 1.90 and let the dead bury their dead? If M. Regulus▪ not to deale falsely with his most cruell enemies, returned backe to them from Rome it selfe, because (as hee answered the Romaines that would haue staid him) hee could not liue in the dig∣nitie of an honest cittizen in Rome, since hee had beene a slaue in Africke: and that the Carthaginians put him to an horrible death for speaking against them in Romes Senate: What torments are not bee scorned, for the faith of the coun∣try, vnto whose eternall happinesse faith it selfe conducteth vs? Or what reward had GOD for all his benefits, if, for the faith which euery one owes to him, hee should suffer as much torment as Regulus suffered for the faith which he ought to his bloudiest foes? Or how dare any Christian boast of voluntary pouerty (the (f) meanes to make his trauell vnto his country, where GOD, the true riches * 1.91 dwelleth more light and easie) when he shall heare or read of (g) L. Valerius, who dying consull, was so poore, that his buriall was paid for out of the common * 1.92 purse; or of Q. (h) Cincinatus, who hauing but 4. acres of land, and tilling it him∣selfe with his owne hands, was fetched from the plough to bee Dictator? an office (i) more honorable then the Consulls? and hauing (k) conquered his foes, and gotten great honor, returned to his old state of pouerty? Or why should any man thinke it a great matter, not to bee seduced from the fellowship of celestial pow∣ers, by this worlds vanities, when as hee reades how (l) Fabricius could not bee drawne from the Romaines by all Pyrrhus the King of Epirus his promises, * 1.93 though extended euen to the 4. part of his Kingdome, but would liue there still in his accustomed pouerty? for whereas they had a ritch and powrefull weale∣publike, and yet were so poore themselues, that (m) one that had been twise Con∣s•…•… was put out of that Senate of (n) poore men by the Censors decree, because hee was found to bee worth ten pound in siluer; if those men that inritched the treasury by their triumphs were so poore themselues, then much more ought the christians, whose ritches are (for a better intent) all in common, as the Apostles acts record: to be distributed to euery man according to his neede: neither any of them said that any thing he possessed was his owne, but all was in common: much more * 1.94 I say ought they to know that this is no iust thing to boast vpon, seeing that they doe but that for gayning the society of the Angells, which the other did (or neere did) for their preseruing of the glory of the Romaines. These now, and other such like, in their bookes, how should they haue beene so knowne, and so famous, had not Romes Empire had this great and magnificent exaltati∣on and dilatation? Wherefore that Empire, so spacious, and so contin•…•…ant & re∣nowned by the vertues of those illustrious men was giuen, both to stand as a rewarde for their merrites, and to produce examples for our vses. That if wee obserue not the lawes of those vertues for attaining the celestiall Kingdome, which they did for preseruing one but terrestriall, wee might bee ashamed: but if wee doe, then that wee bee not exalted, for as the Apostle saith. The afflictions of this present time are not worthy of the glory which shalbe * 1.95

shewed vnto vs. But their liues seemed worthy of that present temporall glory. And therfore the Iewes, that executed Christ, (the New testament reuealing what the old cōceiled, that God was not be worshipped for the earthly benefites which he bestowes vpon bad as well as good, but for life eternall, and the perpetuall blessing of that supernall citty) were iustly giuen to be the slaues and instruments of their glory: that those that sought earthly glory by any vertue soeuer, might ouercome and subdue those that refused and murdered the giuer of true glory and eternall felicity.

L. VIVES.

NO other (a) place.] Some texts want the second negatiue, but erroneously, I•…•… must bee read as wee haue placed it. (a) M. Puluillus.] Liu. lib. 2. Ualer. lib. 5. Plut. in Poplicol. Dionys, and others. This temple to Ioue, Iuno and Minerua, Tarquin. Priscus vowed, Tarquin the proud built, and the dedication falling to the Consulls, Puluillus had it, and was informed (as Augustine saith) that his sonne &c. (c) by those that] by M. Ualerius, brother to P. Valerius Consul, who greeued that that magnifi•…•…nt temple should not be dedicated by one of his family and so brought that news of Puluillus his sonnes death that the greefe of his family, might make him giue ouer the dedication. (d) Hee bad them cast him.] Plutarch, Liuy sayth hee bad them bury him then. (e) Let the dead] Liuing to the world, but dead i•…•… deed, since dead to God, let them bury such as they thinke are dead. (f) the meanes.] In ones life, as in ones trauell, the lesse Burthen he hath about or vpon him, the lighter he goeth on his iourny. (g) L. Ualerius Liu, Plutarch and Ualerius write y^t this Ualerius Poplicola was so poore that they were faine to bury him at the charge of the citty. So doth Eutropius and others. It is said each one gaue somewhat to his buriall: Plut, farthings a peece saith Apuleius, Apolog. de. Magia. Augustine doth but touch at the story, respecting neither his surname not the yeare of his death, for he was called Publius not Lucius and died a yeare after his 4. consul∣ship, Uerginius and Cassius being Conss. the sixt yeare after the expulsion of the Kings Liu. D•…•…. * 1.96 (h) Q. Cincinatus. Liu. lib. 3. Ualer. lib. 4. (i) More honorable.] The dictatorshippe was a regall office, from it was no apeale, to it were consulls and all obedient, it continued by the law but sixe monethes; and was in vse onely in dangerous times, the election was made alwaies in Italy, and in the night: Hee was called the maister of the People, and had the Maister of the horsemen ioyned with him. This office had originall in the CCLII. yeare of the Citty after Caesars death, by the law of Antony the consul; and for enuy of Caesar perpetuall dictatoriship was abolished for euer (k) conquered.] The Aequi, and triumped ouer thē (l) Fabritius.] One not rich, but a scor∣ner of ritches. Being sent Embassador to Pyrrhus King of Epirus abut the rans•…•…ming of the prisoners, he asked him if he would go to Epirus with him & he would giue him the forth part * 1.97 of his kingdom, he replied it was not fit, for al the people would wish rather to be vnder his cō∣mand then Pirrhus his. Pirrhus, content with this answer admired the plaine magnanimity of the man, offered him mony as a friend, he would none. (m) One that.] Cornelius Ruffinus this was: * 1.98 Fabritius the Censor put him off the Senat for being worth ten pound in coined siluer. Liu. lib•…•… nay he had beene Dictator saith Gellius. lib. 4. this was the first Cornelius that was called Sybi•…•… and then Silla, of all the Cornelian family. Macrob, he was first consull with Manl. Cur. denatus, and thirteen yeares after, with C. Iunius. (n poore men] Rome was neuer more fertile of conti∣nent honest men then in the warre of Pirrhus.

The difference betweene the desire of glory, and the desire of rule. CHAP. 19.

THere is a difference betweene desire of glory and desire of rule: for though the first do incline to the second, yet such as affect the true humane glory, haue a desire to be pleasing vnto good iudgments, for ther is much good in man∣ners, * 1.99 whereof many can iudge well although many againe haue not this good, not go that honest way to glory, honor and soueraignty that Salust saith of: He goeth the true way. But whosoeuer desires to rule without that desire of glory which keeps men in awe of good iudgments, he careth not by what villany he compasse

affect, and so his going about it will shew. And therefore the hunter of glory ei∣ther followeth the true tract or couers his courses so well, that he is held to bee * 1.100 still in the true tract, and thought to be good when hee is not so, wherefore to the vertuous, contempt of glory is a great vertue: because God beholdeth it, and not the iudgemēt of man, for whatsoeuer he doth before men, to shew this contempt, * 1.101 hee hath no reason to thinke they suspect him amisse, that thinke hee doth it for his more glory. But he that contemneth their opinatiue praise, contemneth also with it, their vnaduised suspect: yet not their saluation (if he be good) because he that hath his goodnesse from God, is of that iustice, that he loueth his very ene∣mies, and so loueth them that he wisheth his slanderers & backe-bit•…•…rs reformed, and to become his companions, not here but in his eternall country, for his com∣menders, as he respecteth not their praises, so hee neglecteth not their, loues, desi∣ring neither to falsefie their prayses, nor delude their loues: and therefore vrgeth thē to the praise of him, from whom euery one hath al his praise-worthy endow∣ments. But y^t man that despising glory, doteth on dominatiō, is worse then a beast, both in (a) manners barbarisme, & lustes extremity. Such men Rome hath had: for though it had lost the care of credit, yet it retained stil the affect of souerainty: nay Rome (saith History) had many such. But (b) Nero Caesar was he that got first of all * 1.102 to the top-turret of all this enormity: whose luxury was such that one would not haue feared any manly act of his: & yet was his cruelty such, as one ignorāt of him would not haue thought any effeminat sparke residēt in him, yet euen such as this man was haue no dominion but from the great Gods prouidence, holding mans vices sōetimes worthy of such plagues. The scripture of him is plaine: By me kings raigne, & Princes: Tyrans by me gouerne the earth. But (c) least Tyrannus here should be taken only for vild & wicked kings, & not (as it it meant) for al the old worthies, heare. Vir. Pars mihi pacis crit dextrā tetigisse T•…•…ranni, (d) Some peace I hope, by touching your kings hands.

But elsewhere it is more plainely spoken of God, that he maketh an hipocrite to raigne, because the people are snared in peruersnesse. Wherefore though I haue * 1.103 done what I can to show the cause why the true and iust God gaue the Romaines such assistance in erecting their Empires and Citties earthly glory vpon such a frame of Monarchy, yet there may be a more secret cause then yet we see; name∣ly the diuers deserts of the world, open to God, though not to vs: it being * 1.104 plaine to all godly men, that no man can haue true vertue without true piety, that is, the true adoration of the one and true God: nor is that vertue true neither, when it serueth but for humane ostentation. But those that are not of the eter∣eternall citty called in the scriptures the citty of God, they are more vse-full to their earthly citty (e) in possessing of that world-respecting vertue, then if they wanted that also. But if (f) those that are truly Godly, and vp-right of life, come to haue the gouernment of estates, there can no greater happines befall the world then through the mercy of God to be gouerned by such men. And they do attri∣bute all their vertues (be they neuer so admired) vnto the grace of God only, (g) who gaue them, to their desires, their faith and prayers: besides, they know how far they are from true perfection of iustice; I meane such as is in the angelicall powers, for whose fellowship they make them-selues fit. But let that vertue that serueth humaine glory without piety be neuer so much extolled, it is not com∣parable so much as with the vnperfect beginnings of the Saints vertues, whose assured hope standeth fixed in the grace and mercy of the true God.

L. VIVES.

MAnners (a) Barbarisme] or vices barbarisme, read whether you will (b) Nero] Sonne

to Domitius Aenobarbus and Agrippina, daughter to Germanicus: adopted by Cl. Caesar, his Stepfather, and named Nero •…•…aesar, after him he succeded him, and was the last of Caesars bloud that was emperor: a man of strange cruelty and beastlinesse, and for these vices left noted to all posterity: otherwise, as Suetonius saith, he was desirous of eternity of same. He called Apr•…•…, after him-selfe Neroneus, and ment to haue named Rome Neropolis. (c) Least Tirans.] Of * 1.105 this before, the King & the tyran, diffred not of old, the word comes of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to command or sway. Uirgill. Te propter lybicae gentis Nomadumque Tyranni Odêre incensi: for thee, the Libi∣ans * 1.106 and Numidian Kings, hated him fore. &c. and Horace carm. 3. Princeps et innantem Maricae Littoribus tenuisse Lyrim, latè Tyrannus. &c. Tyrannus is some-times Lord & some-times a cruell Prince, sometimes a Potent Prince. Acron. So Augustine here putteth worthy, for Potent, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke being both power, and fortitude: as Homer & Pindarus, often vse it: In Nemeis de Her∣cule. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, my sonnes valor. (d) Some peace.] Latinus his words of Aeneas, whom he held to be a good man. (e) In possessing.] A falty place, the sence is: when they haue that desire of hu∣man glory they are of more vse in an ea thly state, thē when they want it. (f) Those that.] They are the true Philosopers and if they should rule, or the rulers were like them, happy should the states be, saith Plato. (g) Who gaue.] Iames. 1. 5, 6. If any of you lacke wisdome, let him aske of God, which giueth, to all men liberally and reprocheth no man, and he shall giue it him. But let him aske in faith and wauer not. &c.

That vertue is as much disgraced in seruing humaine glory as in obeying the pleasures of the body. CHAP. 20.

THe Philosophers that (a) make vertue the scope of all humaine good, do vse in disgrace of such as approued vertue and yet applied it all to bodily delight (holding this to be desired for it selfe, and vertue to be sought onely for respect to this pleasure) to deliniate a Picture (as it were with their tongues) wherein * 1.107 pleasure sitteth on a throne, like a delicate Queene, and all the Vertues about her, ready at a becke to do her command. There she commands prudence to seeke out a way whereby pleasure may reigne in safety: Iustice must go do good turnes, to attaine friends, for the vse of corporall delights, and iniury none: fortitudes taske is, that if any hurt (not mortall) inuade the body, she must hold pleasure so fast in the mind, that the remembrance of delights past, may dull the touch of the paine present. Temperance must so temper the norishment, that immoderation come not to trouble the health, and so offend Lady pleasure, whome the Epicures do say is chiefly resident in the bodies soundnesse. Thus the virtues being in their owne dignities absolute commanders, must put all their glories vnder the feete of pleasure: and submit them-selues to an imperious and dishonest wo∣man. Then this picture, there cannot be a sight more vild deformed, and abho∣minable to a good man, say the Phylosophers, and it is true. Nor thinke I that the picture would be so faire as it should be, if humaine glory were painted in the throne of pleasure: for though it be not a (b) nice peece, as the other is, yet it is turgid, and full of empty ayre▪ so that ill should it beseeme the substantiall ver∣tues, to be subiect to such a shadow, that prudence should fore-see nothing, iustice distribute nothing, fortitude endure n•…•…thing, temperance moderate nothing, but that which aymeth at the pleasing of men & seruing of windy glory. Nor are they quite from this blot, who contemning the iudgements of others (as scorners of glory) yet in their owne conceit hold their wisdome at a high prise, for their vertue (haue they any) serueth humaine glory in another maner, for he that plea∣seth him-selfe is (c) but a man, but he that builds and beleeues truly and piously vpon God, whome he loueth, applieth his thoughts more vpon that which hee displeaseth himselfe in, then vpon those things, which if they be in him, do rather please the truth, then him: nor doth he ascribe the power he hath to please, vnto

other, but vnto his mercy, whom he feareth to displease: giuing thankes for the cure of this, and praying for the cure of that.

L. VIVES.

PHilosophers that (a) make] The Stoikes, as Cleanthes. This picture Tully talketh of, De finib. l. 2. (b) Nice.] For glory is got by sweat and paines. (c) But a man] bends his affects no fur∣ther then mans present being.

That the true God in whose hand and prouidence all the state of the world consisteth, did order and dispose of the Monarchie of the Romaines. CHAP. 21.

THis being thus, the true God (a) that giueth the heauenly kingdome onely to the godly, but the earthly ones both to good and bad, as himselfe liketh, whose pleasure is all iustice; he is to haue all power of giuing or taking away soue∣raignty, ascribed vnto himselfe alone, and no other, for though we haue shewen somethings that he pleased to manifest vnto vs, yet far, far is it beyond our pow∣ers to penetrate into mens merits, or scan the deserts of kingdoms aright. This one God therefore, that neither staieth from iudging, nor fauouring of man-kinde, when his pleasure was, and whilest it was his pleasure, let Rome haue soueraignty: so did he with Assyria & Persia (b) who (as their bookes say) worshipped onely two gods, a good & a bad.) to omit the Hebrews, of whom (I thinke) sufficient is already spoken, both of their worship of one God, & of their kingdome. But he that gaue Persia corne without Sigetia's helpe, and so many gifts of the earth, without any of those many gods (that had each one a share in them, o•…•… rather were three or foure to a share,) he also gaue them their kingdom, without their helpes, by whose ado∣ration they thought they kept their kingdome. And so for the men: he that gaue (c) Marius rule, gaue Caesar rule, he that gaue Augustus it, gaue Nero it: he that gaue Vespatian rule or Titus his sonne (d) both sweet natured men, gaue it also to Do∣mitian, that cruell blood-sucker. And to be briefe, he that gaue it to Constantine the Christian, gaue it also to Iulian (e) the Apostata, whose worthy towardnesse was wholy blinded by sacriligious curiosity, and all through the desire of rule: whose heart wandered after the vanity of false oracles, as hee found, when vpon their promise of victory he burned all his ships that victualed his armie: and then being slaine in one of his many rash aduentures, hee left his poore armie in the •…•…awes of their enemies, without all meanes of escape, but that God Terminus (of whom we spake before) was faine to yeeld, and to remoue the bounds of the Em∣pire. Thus did he giue place to necessity that would not giue place to Iupiter. All these did the True, sacred and only God dispose and direct as hee pleased, & if the causes be vnkowne why he did thus, or thus, is he therefore vniust?

L. VIVES.

GOd that (a) giueth] Here is a diuersity of reading in the text: but all comes to one sence. (b) Who as their] The Persian Magi (whose chiefe Zoroafter was) held two beginnings * 1.108 a good and a bad: that the God of heauen•…•…, this the god of hell. This they called Pluto and A∣ri•…•…anius, the euill Daemon: that Ioue and Horosmades, the good Daemon, Hermipp. Eudox. Theo∣•…•…p. apud * 1.109 Laert. Those Plato seemes to follow (de leg. l. 10.) putting two sorts of soules in the world, originalls of good and originall of bad: vnlesse he do rather Pythagorize: who held, that the vnity was God, the minde, the nature, and the good of euery thing: the number of two, infinite, materiall, multiplicable, the Genius and euill. The Manichees also (Aug. de heres.) held two beginnings, contrary, and coeternall: and two natures and substances of good and of euil: wherein they followed the old heretikes. (c) Marius] He coupleth a good and a bad together. Marius most cruell, Caesar most courteous, Augustus the best Emperor, Nero y^e worst that could be. (d) Both sweetly] T. Vespatian had two sonnes, Titus & Domitian. Their father was conceited and full of delicate mirth: and Titus the sonne so gentle, and indeed so full a man, that hee was * 1.110

called Man-kindes Delicacy: Sueton. I haue resolued (saith Pliny the second in his prefa•…•… of his naturall Historie to Titus the sonne) to declare vnto you (most mirthfull Emper•…•…, for that stile is the fittest, as being your olde inheritance from your Father. &c.

Domitian was neither like father nor brother, but bloody and hated of all men. (e) The Apo∣stata] a fugitiue, or turne-coate: for being first a Christian, Libanius the Sophister peruerted * 1.111 him, and from that time hee was all for oracles, lottes, with crafts and promises of Magitians, where-by he came to destruction, being otherwise a man of a great spirit, and one as fitte for * 1.112 Empire as the world afforded.

That the originalls and conclusions of warres are all at Gods dispose. CHAP. 22.

SO likewise doth he with the times and ends of warre, be it his pleasure iustly to correct, or mercifully to pitty mankind ending them sooner or later, as he wil∣leth. Pompeyes (a) Pirate warre, and Scipio his (b) third African warre, were ended * 1.113 with incredible celeritie. The Slaues was also, (c) though it cost Rome two Con∣suls and many Captaines, making all Italy feele the smart of it, yet in the third yeare after it was begun, it was finished. The Picenes, Martians, Pelignians, (Itali∣ans all) sought to pluck their necks from their long and strickt seruitude vnto Rome, though it now had subdued huge dominions, and razed Carthage. In this warre the Romaines were sorely foyled (d) two Consulls killed, and many a tall souldior and worthy Senator left dead: yet this warre had continuance but vn∣to the 5. yeare: mary the second African warre lasted a great while, eighteene yeares: to the great weakning of the common-weale, and almost the vtter ruine * 1.114 thereof, 70000. soldiors falling in (e) two battels. The first Afr•…•…can warre held three and twenty yeares: Mithridates warre (f) forty yeares. And least any one should thinke that in the ancient lawdable times the Romaines had any better rules to dispatch warre sooner then the rest, the Samnites warre lasted (g) almost fiftie yeares, wherein the Romaines were conquered, euen vnto slauerie. But be∣cause they loued not glory for iustice, but iustice for glory, they (h) broake the peace and league which they had made. These I write, because some being igno∣rant in antiquities, and other-some being dissemblers of what they know, might other-wise vpon discouery of a long warre since the time of Christianitie, flie in the face of our religion, and say if it were not so potent, and if the old adorations were restored, that warre would haue beene ended by the Romaines vertues, and the assistance of Mars and Bellona, assoone as the rest were. Let them that reads of their warres, recollect but what (i) vncertaine fortune the ancient Romaines had in the warres with the whole world, being tossed like a tempestuous sea, with thousand stormes of inuasions and armes: and then let them needes confesse, what so faine they would conceale, and cease in this opposition against Gods power, to possesse others with errors, and be the butchers of their owne soules.

L. VIVES.

POmpeys (a) Pyrates warre] Ended in fortie dayes after Pompeys departure from Brund•…•…. Flor. Cic. pro leg. Manl. (b) Third African] Begunne and ended in three yeares. (c) Although] Arius the Pr•…•…tor and two Consuls, Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius were ouer∣throwne by Spartacus. (d) Two Consuls] L. •…•…ul Caesar, and P. Rutilius. L•…•…uie. (e) Two battles▪] At Thrasy•…•…ne▪ and at Cannas. (f) Forty yeares] Florus, but it was first staied by a peace made with Sylla: then renewed by L. Lucullus, and lastly ended by Pompey the great. (g) Almost fiftie.] fortie nine▪ as Eutropius and Orosius account. Florus saith fiftie, Appian eightie, and he is neerest Li•…•…es account, that saith the Romaines warre with the S•…•…nites lasted neare an hundred yeares, in vncertainty of fortune. lib. 23. But if Fabius Gurges ended it in his Con∣sulship,

it is but fiftie yeares from the Consulships of M. Val. Coruinus and Cornelius Cossus. But indeed the Samnites ioyned with Pyrrhus, and had had a conflict before with D•…•…ntatus▪ betweene Gurges his Consulship and Pyrrhus his comming into Italy. (h) Broake the peace] This Li•…•…ie she weth crookedly inough. lib. 9. wherein hee saith, that the Romaines childishly deluded the faith, league, and othe, which they had passed to Pontius Captaine of the Sam∣•…•…tes: it was true. For they sought forth childish euasions for their owne profit. (i) Vncer∣ta•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉] some haue Euentus here for Fortune, I will not dispute whether Euentus may haue * 1.115 the plurall number: Ualla saith it is rare, but yet sometimes it is so vsed, he doth not deny it.

Of the battell wherein Rhadagaisus, an idolatrous King of the Gothes was slaine, with all his armie. CHAP. 23.

NAy that wonderfull mercy of Gods, in an acte done with in our memories, they will not so much as mention with thanks-giuing, but endeuour as much as in them lieth, to smother it in eternall obliuion; which should wee doe, wee should bee as gracelesse and vngratefull as they. Rhadagaisus (a) King of the G•…•…es▪ hauing brought a huge armie euen before the walles of Rome, and hold∣ing his sword euen ouer their necks (as it were) vpon one day was ouer-throwne so sudde•…•…ly, that not so much as one Romaine being slaine; slaine? no nor yet woun•…•…, his whole armie consisting of aboue ten thousand men, was vtterly de∣feated▪ •…•…ee himselfe and his sonnes taken and iustly beheaded. If this wicked Bar∣•…•… had entred Rome with those forces, whom would hee haue spared? what places would hee haue honored, what God would he haue feared? whose bloud, whose chastitie should haue escaped him? But ô how these wretches boasted of his precedent conquests, that he had beene so victorious, that hee had gotten such and such fields, onely because he was a dayly sacrificer to those gods which Christianity had chased from Rome! For at his approach thether, where by the b•…•…ck of Gods Maiestie hee was crushed to nothing, his fame was so spacious that it was tolde vs here at Carthage, that the Pagans beleeued, reported, and boasted that hee could not bee conquered by any of those that would not suf∣f•…•… the Romaines to adore those gods, whose good fauours he had obtained by the dayly sacrifices hee offered. Thus they neuer gaue thankes for the mercifull goodnesse of God, who hauing resolued to chasti•…•…e the worlds corruption with a greater Barbarian irruption, yet did moderate his iustice with such mercy, that at first he gaue their leader into the hands of his enemies, because the Deuils whom he serued should gaine no soules by the perswasion of the glory of his conquests. And then when such Barbarians had taken Rome, as against all custome of hostili∣•…•… defended▪ such as fled into the holy places▪ onely in reuerence of Christianity, pro•…•…ing them selues farre greater enemies for the name of Christ, vnto the D•…•…ls and sacrilegions sacrifices, (in which the other reposed his trust) then vn∣to the opposed souldiers them-selues: Thus God did giue the Romaines this mer∣cifull correction, and yet by destroying the Deuils adorer, shewd them that there was neither any helpe in those sacrifices for the state of this present life (as they may see that will bee attentiue and not obstinate) nor that the true religion is to bee refused for earthly necessities, but rather held fast, in hope and expectati∣on of the heauenly gloryes.

L. VIVES.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a) King, [This was in Honorius his time, of whom read the preface.

The state and truth of a Christian Emperors felicitie. CHAP. 24.

FOr wee Christians doe not say, that Christian Emperors are happy, because they haue a long reigne, or die leauing their sonnes in quiet possession of their Empires, or haue beene euer victorious, or powerfull against all their opposers. These are but gifts and solaces of this laborious, ioylesse life; Idolaters, and such as belong not to God (as these Emperors doe) may enioy them: Because God in his mercy will not haue these that know him, to beleeue that such things are the best goods hee giueth. But happy they are (say wee) if they reigne iustly, free from being puffed vp with the glozing exaltations of their attendance, or the cringes of their subiects, if they know them-selues to bee but men, and re∣member that: if they make their power their trumpetter, to diuulge the true ado∣ration of Gods Maiestie, if they loue, feare and honor him: if they long the most for that Empire (a) where they need not feare to haue partners: if they be slack to auenge, quick to forgiue: if they vse correction for the publick good, and not for priuate hate: if their pardons promise not liberalitie of offending, but indeed onely hope of reformation: if they counterpoyse their enforced actes of seueri∣tie, with the like waight of bounty and clemencie, (b) if their lusts bee the lesser because they haue the larger licence: if they desires to rule their owne affects, ra∣ther then others estates: and if they do all things, not for glory, but for charity, and with all, and before all, giue God the due sacrifice of prayer, for their imper∣fections; Such Christian Emperors wee call happy, here in hope, and hereafter, when the time wee looke for, commeth indeed.

L. VIVES.

EMpire (a) where] On earth Kings loue no consorts: power is impatient of participation, saith Lucan, but in heauens ioyes, the more fellowes, rather the more ioy then the lesse. (b) If their] A prouerbe, the more leaue, the lesse lust should follow.

Of the prosperous estate that God bestowed vpon Constantine a Christian Emperor. CHAP. 25.

FOr the good God, least those that worship him for the life of eternitie, should thinke that no man can attaine to this earthly glory, but such as adore the De∣uills, (whose (a) power in those things beareth a great swaye) bestowed such store of those earthly benefits as no other man durst wish for, vpon (b) Constan∣tine the Emperour, one that worshipped no Deuills, but onely the sayd true God. To him did hee grant the building of (c) a new Cittie, pertaker of the (d) Romaine Empire, as the Daughter of Rome her selfe; but (e) excluding all diabolicall temples, or idols. Long did hee reigne therein, and alone sway de (f) the whole Romaine worlde: hee was in warre most victorious: in suppressing (g) tyrants most fortunate. Hee dyed an aged man, and left his (h) sonnes all Emperors; But least any Emperor after him, should turne Christian for hope of attaining Constantines felicity, (the scope of Christianitie being not that, but life eternall.) He cut off (i) Iouinian far sooner then he did Iulian, & suffred (k) Gratia•…•… to be slaine by his enemies sword: yet with far more respect, then (l) Pompey was * 1.116 killed, that worshipped the Romaine gods. For Cato, whom hee left as his successor

in the warre hee waged, could neuer reuenge his death; But Gratianus (though the soules of the godly regarde not such solaces) was fully reuenged by (m) Theodosius, with whome hee shared the Empire, though hee had (n) a yon∣ger brother: being more respectiue of a faithfull friend then of a too awfull power.

L. VIVES.

VVHose (a) power] In the earth there is none like Behemoth, saith Iob. Chap. 41. vers. 24. for he knowes indeed where all treasure lyeth, which is the meanes to height, and the ruining of foes. (b) Constantine] sonne to Constantius and Hellen: borne in Brittaine, first Christian Emperour of Rome, after Phillip: he ouer-threw his opposers, and liued and dyed an * 1.117 happy old Emperor, at Nicomedia, the 31. yeare of his Empire. (c) A new Citie] Uirgill.

O regina nouam cui condere Iupiter vrbem, &c. O Queene, whom Ioue voutchsafes to build a new, &c.

Constantine hauing gotten an vniuersall peace, and ridde himselfe of troubles, began to thinke of building a new citty, to bee called by his name: first hee beganne one at Sardis in Asia, then at Sigeum in Troas: thirdly at Chalcedon, and there hee erected walles. But as they wrought, the birds tooke the lines of the Masons, and carryed them to Bizantium in Thrace, * 1.118 and so by Gods appointment (as it were) they built it vp there, naming it Constantinople, as it is called yet: and Byzantium also, because of the other towne that Pausanias the Spar∣t•…•… King built there: which Seuerus almost, and Galienus souldiours vtterly subuerted. (d) For thether did Constantine transport many Senators, and noble families; and the Emperors laye more at Constantinople then at Rome: so contended it with Rome in state and dignitie. (e) Excluding] Hee dedicated it to the Blessed Virgin Mary. (f) Romaine world,] * 1.119 World, for that part of the world that the Romaines had vnder them: so say wee the Chri∣stian world, for that part wee holde. Lucane vseth the Iberean world, for Spaine, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 world for France and Germanie: And when Caesar was to remooue out of Spaine into Italy, and so into Greece:

Uictrices aquilas aliam laturus in orbem, Bending his Eagles to another world: saith he.

The phrase Marcellinus vseth often: and Aurelian to Zenobia wrote himselfe Emperor of the Romaine world, Trebell. Pollio. Now it is foolish to call them Emperors of that part of the world that they neuer conquered: or of that which they once had conquered, and now haue lost, because they lost it by the same law they gotte it, by warre and bloud-shed. But these vaine titles make Princes goe madde, whereas in-deede they are nothing but the worlds fire-brands, and man-kindes destructions. Shame on the doltish Lawyers, for iangling so about them. (g) Tyrants] Maxentius and Licinius. (h) Sonnes] Constantius, Constan∣tine, and Constans: It is not certaine whether hee him-selfe shared the Empire amongst them, or they amongst them-selues after his death. (i) Iouinian] hee dyed at Dadastan in * 1.120 Asia, of a paine in the stomacke, the seauenth moneth of his Empire. Uarromanus and hee being Consulls. Hee was a Christian, and cannonized a Saint by Valentinian. (k) Gra∣tian] * 1.121 Valentinians sonne. The Romaine bandes conspired against him whilest hee liued at Tre•…•…ers, and elected one Maximus for their leader, who slew him as hee was vpon going in∣to Italy, Hee was a religious Christian Prince. This of him, and the rest here mentioned, I haue from Eutropius, Paulus Diaconus, Oros. and Pomp. Laetus, (l) Pompey] Ptolomyes guard * 1.122 flew him in a boate before all the people of Alexandria, looking on them. An vn worthy death for so worthy a man. Liu. Flor. Plutarch, Lucane, Appian. (m) Theodosius] He was * 1.123 a Spaniard, Gratian at Syrmium made him his fellow Emperor, with the peoples great applause, being a man both vertuous and valiant, descended from Traian, and (they say) like him in person. He tooke Maximus at Aquileia, and beheaded him. (n) A yonger] Valentinian.

Of the faith and deuotion of Theodosius Emperor. CHAP. 26.

SO he did not onely keepe the faith which hee ought him in his life time, but

like a Christian indeede, receiued his little brother Valentinian into his protec∣tion and defence, when Maximus his murderer had chased him from his state: and held the care of a father ouer him, which he needed not haue done, but might easilyly haue taken all to himselfe, had his ambition ouerpoysed his religion. But he preserued his state imperiall for him, and gaue him all the comfort, honest courtesie could bestowe. And when as the good fortune of Maximus begot him a terrible name, Theodosius did not creepe into a corner of his Palace, with wizards and coniurers, but sent to (b) Iohn, that liued in a wild ernesse of Aegipt, whome * 1.124 he had hard was graced from God by the spirit of prophecy: to him sent hee and receiued a true promise of victory. So soone after hauing killed the tyrant Maximus he restored the (c) child Valentinian to this empire, from whence he was driuen shewing him all the reuerend loue that could be: and when this child was slaine, (as hee was soone after, either by treachery, or by some other casualty) and that Eugenius another tyrant was vnlawfully stept vp in his place, receiuing another answer from the prophet, his faith being firme, hee fetched him downe from his vsurped place, rather by prayer then power, for the soldiors that were in the battell on the vsurpers side told it vnto vs, that there came such a violent wind from Theodosius his side, that it smote their darts forth of their hands, and * 1.125 if any were throwen, it tooke them presently in an instant, and forced them vp∣on the faces of those that threw them. And therefore (d) Claudian (though no Christian) sings this well of his praise.

O nimiu•…•… dil•…•…cte deo cui militat aethaer, •…•…t coniurati veniunt ad cl•…•…ssica venti.

O god's belou'd, whom•…•… powers aereall, And winds come arm'd to helpe, when thou dost call•…•…

And being victor (according to his faith and presage) hee threw downe cer∣taiue Images of Iupiter which had beene consecrated (I know not with what ce∣remonies) against him, and mirthfully and kindly (e) gaue his footemen their thunderboults, who (as they well might) iested vpon them: because they were glad, and said they would abide their flashes well inough: for the sonnes of his foe, some of them fell in the fight (not by his command:) others being not yet Christians, but flying into the Church, by this meanes hee made Christians, and loued them with a Christian charyty: nor diminishing their honoures a whit, but adding more to them. He suffered no priuat grudges to bee held against any one after the victory. He vsed not these ciuill warres, like as Cynna, Marius, and Sy•…•… did, that would not haue them ended, (f) when they were ended; but he rather sorrowed that they were begun, then ended then, to any mans hurt. And in all these troubles, from his reignes beginning, hee forgot not to assist and succou•…•… the labouring Church, by all the wholesome lawes which hee could promulgate against the faithlesse: (g) Valens an Arrian heretike hauing done much hurt therein wherof he reioyced more to be a member then an earthly Emperour. He commanded the demolition of all Idols of the Gentiles, knowing that not so much as earthly blessings are in the diuells power, but all and each particular in Gods. And what was there euer more memorable then that religious (h) humility of his, when being euen forced by his attendants to reuenge the i•…•…∣iury offered him by the Thessalonicans, (vnto whome notwithstanding at the Bishoppes intreaties hee had promised pardon) hee was excommunica•…•… * 1.126 and showed such repentaunce, that the people intreating for him, rather did lament to see the imperiall Maiesty so deiected, then their feared his war•…•…

when they had offended. These good workes, and a tedious roll of such like, did he beare away with him out of this transitory smoake of all kinde of humaine glory: their rewarde is eternall felicitie, giuen by the true God, onely to the good. For the rest, be they honors, or helpes of this life, as the world it selfe, light, ayre, wa∣ter, earth, soule, sence, and spirit of life, this he giueth promilcually to good and bad: and so he doth also with the greatnesse and continuance of the temporall Empires of all men, whith he bestoweth on either sort, as he pleaseth.

L. VIVES.

WHen (a) as] Andragathius one of Maximus his Countes, an excellent souldior, and a cunning leader, managed all the warre, and with his trickes brought Theodosius to many shrewd plunges. (b) Iohn] An Anchorite, that had the spirit of prophecie presaging many * 1.127 things, and this victory of Theodosius amongst others. Prosper Aquitan. Theodosius sent often to him for counsell in difficult matters. Diacon. (c) The childe] He made him, being Gratians brother, Emperor of the West, but Arbogastes, Count of Uienna slew him by treachery, set vp Eugenius, and with a mighty power of Barbarians stopped the passage of the Alpes, to keepe Theodo•…•…s back. The godly Prince fasted and prayed all the night before the battle, and the next day fought with them, though being farre their inferiour in number, and yet by gods great and miraculous power, gotte a famous victory. Eugenius was taken and put to death. Arbogastes slew himselfe. (d) Claudian] Most men hold him an Aegiptian, and so Posidoni∣us * 1.128 that liued with him, and was his familiar affirmeth. Not Posidonius the Rhodian, but a cer∣taine Prelate of Africa. He was borne to Poetry, elegantly wittied, but a little superstitious, There is a Poeme of Christ vnder his name, perhaps he made it to please Honorius, for he was a great flatterer. The verses here cited, are in his Panegyrike vpon Honorius his third Consul∣ship, written rather in his praise then vpon Theodosius, though he speake of this victory at the Alpes, which like a scurrilous flatterer, hee rather ascribeth to Honorius his fate and felicity, then to Theodosius his piety. For thus hee saith:

—Victoria velox Auspiciis effecta tuis: pugnastis vter{que}, Tu fatis, genitor{que} manu: te propter & Alpe•…•… Inuadi faciles: cauto nec profuit hosti Munitis haesisse l•…•…cis: spes irrita valli Concid•…•… & scopulis patuerunt claustra reuulsis. Te propter gelidis Aquilo de monte procellis Obruit aduersas aci•…•…s, reuolutáque tela Vertit in auctores, & turbine repulit hast as. O nimium dilecte deo cui fundit ab antris Aeolus armatas hyemes, cui mi•…•…itat aether, Et coniurati veniunt ad classica venti!

—Swift victory needs not be sought, Shee's thine: this fight, thou and •…•…hy father fought; Their natiue strength: nor did it boote the foe To man his fortes: the trench and rockes fell flatte, And left away for thee to enter at. For thee, the North-winde from the heights descended, In whi•…•…le-windes raining all the darts they bended At thee, on their owne brests, in pointed showers: O Gods belou'd! to whom the stormy powers Raisd from the deepe in armes ethercall, And windes are prest to helpe, when thou doost call.

T•…•… Claudi•…•…n hath it, differing some-what from Augustines quotation. It may be the vers•…•…s were spred at first as Augustine hath them, for he liued in Claudians time. In the copie of Col•…•… it is r•…•…d, lust as it is in the text. O nimium dilecte deo cui militet •…•…ther! &c. And so in Orosius and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. (e) Footemen] An office in court, that was belonging to the speedy dispatch of the * 1.129

Princes message: not much vnlike our Lackeys at this day: Footmen they were called both of old by Tully, and of late times by Martiall. Suetonius mentioneth them in his Nero: He neuer trauelled •…•…r made a iourney (saith he of Nero) without a thousand Caroches, their mules shodde all with sil•…•…r, his muletours all in silken raiments, and all his coatch-men and foote-men in their brac•…•…lets and ritch coates. And in his Titus: Presently he sent his foote-men to the others mother, who was a farre off, to tell her very carefully that her sonne was well. The Romaine Emperor re∣moouing into Greece, gaue Greeke names to all the offices about them: and amongst others, these foot-men were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, runners. Such they had of old also, as Alexander the great had Philonides, that ranne 1200. furlongs in one day: Plinie. (f) When they were] They would not be quiet when the warres were finished: but hauing no foes left to kill, made them-selues some continually to practise murther vpon. (g) Valens] A chiefe Arrian, hee did extreame * 1.130 harme to the Bishops and religious men in the Church, and put many of them to death, and sent Arian Bishops to the Gothes, that desired to be instructed in the Christian faith. (h) Hu∣militie] The Thessalonicans (cittizens of a towne of Macedonia so called) hauing by a tumult * 1.131 begun in the Theater, expelled the Magistrates out of the towne, Theodosius being here-at greeuously offended, intended to punish this iniurious act most seuerely: yet by the Bishops intreaties, pardoned them. Not-with-standing, the wronged parties hauing many friends in court that ceased not dayly to animate and vrge Theodosius to this reuenge, at length being ouer-come by their intreaties, hee sent an armie, and put a many thousands of the citizens to death. For which deed, Ambrose Bishop of Millaine, on good-Friday, excommunicated him, •…•…arring him the Church, vntill he had satisfied for his crime by a publick repentance. He obey∣ed * 1.132 and prostrating himselfe humbly before the world (as the old custome was) professed him∣selfe repentant, and sorry for his offence, intreated pardon first of God and the whole hoast of heauen, next of the Bishop, and lastly of all the whole church, and being thus purged, was re∣stored to the vse of Church and Sacraments.

Augustines inuectiue against such as wrote against the Bookes already published. CHAP. 27.

BVt now I see I must take those in hand, that seeing they are conuicted by iust plaine arguments in this, that these false gods haue no power in the distribu∣tion of temporall goods, (which fooles desire onely) now goe to affirme that they are worshipped, not for the helpes of this life present, but of that which is to come. For in these fiue bookes past, wee haue sayd enough to such as (like little babyes) cry out that they would faine worship them for those earthly helpes, but cannot be suffred. The first three Bookes I had no sooner finished, and let them passe abroade vnto some mens hands, but I heard of some that prepared to make (I know not what) an answer to them, or a reply vpon them. Afterward I heard, that they had written them, and did but watch (a) a time when to publish it se∣curely. But I aduise them not to wish a thing so inexpedient: (b) It is an easie * 1.133 thing for any man to seeme to haue made an answer, that is not altogether silent; but what is more talkatiue then vanitie, which cannot haue the power of truth, by reason it hath more tongue then truth? But let these fellowes marke each * 1.134 thing well: and if their impartiall iudgements tell them, that their tongue-ripe Satyrisme may more easily disturbe the truth of this world, then subuert it, let them keepe in their trumperies, and learne rather to bee reformed by the wise, then applauded by the foolish. For if they expect a time (not for the freedome of truth but) for the licensing of reproch, God forbid that that should bee true of them, which Tully spoake of a certaine man, that was called happy, in hauing free lea•…•…e to •…•…ffend. (c) O wretched hee that hath free libertie to offend! And therefore what euer hee be, that thinketh himselfe happy in his freedome of re∣pro•…•…hing others, I giue him to vnderstand that farre happyer should he be in the

lacke of that licence, seeing that as now, hee may in forme of consultation con∣tradict or oppose what hee will, setting aside the affecting of vaine applause: and heare what hee will, and what is fit in honest, graue, free, and friendly dispu∣tation.

L. VIVES.

WAtch (a) a time] Many write against others, and watch a time for the publication, to the hurt of the aduersary and their owne profit. Such men writing onely to doe mischiefe, are to be hated as the execrable enemies of all good iudgments. For who cannot doe iniurie? And what a minde hath hee that thinketh his guifts and learning must serue him to vse vnto others ruine? If they seeke to doe good by writing, let them publish them then, when they may do•…•… others the most good, and their opponents the least hurt. Let them set them forth whil•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aduersary liues, is lusty, and can reply vpon them, and defend his owne cause. * 1.135 Pl•…•… •…•…tes that Asinius Pollio had Orations against Plancus, which hee meant to publish 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 death, least hee should come vpon him with a reply. Plancus hearing of it, tush saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is none but ghosts will contend with the dead: which answer so cutte the combes of the •…•…ions, that all Schollers made ieasts and mockes of them. (b) It is easye] The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, (the voluntary censurer of the contentions betweene the greatest Schollers) if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 silent, presently condemne him, and giue him for conquered, without any other tryall: and holding him the sufficient answerer, that doth not hold his peace. If both write 〈◊〉〈◊〉; O •…•…en (say they) it is a hard controuersie, and so leaue it: neuer looking, (nor if they wo•…•…ld could they discerne) whose cause is better defended; because they doe not vnderstand it: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 euen as Augustine saith here, Uanity hauing more words then veritie; those fooles ofte∣•…•… •…•…on that side, that kept the most coyle. (c) O wretched] Tusc. l. 5. speaking of Cin∣•…•…: Is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…appy that slew those men: no, I rather thinke him wretched, not onely for dooing it, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ied himselfe so to gette the licence to doe it: Though to offend is vnlawfull, and li∣•…•… •…•…o man, wee abuse the world: for that is lawfull which each mans good hath left 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…o performe or follow.

Finis, lib. 5.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Fortune & Fate what.
• * 1.2

  What the vulger hold fate.
• * 1.3

  The Astro∣logian•…•… ne∣cessity of the starres.
• * 1.4

  Fate what it is.
• * 1.5

  The deste∣nies 3.
• * 1.6

  Epicurus.
• * 1.7

  Fortunes. Casualties what they are as A∣phrodyse∣•…•… thinketh.
• * 1.8

  The Starrs dominion.
• * 1.9

  Plotine.
• * 1.10

  Seneca.
• * 1.11

  Mars a Sta•…•…
• * 1.12

  Possidonius
• * 1.13

  Horoscope, what.
• * 1.14

  Nigidius Figulus.
• * 1.15

  The stars out run ou•…•… slacke thoughtes.
• * 1.16

  Gen. 25.
• * 1.17

  Hipocrates his guesse.
• * 1.18

  The An∣gles of hea∣uen.
• * 1.19

  Man is not conceiued after the first con∣ception, vntill the birth.
• * 1.20

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.21

  Creatures superfaetan•…•… that is bree∣di•…•…g vpon blood.
• * 1.22

  Twinnes both be got∣ten and borne.
• * 1.23

  The tide of the sea.
• * 1.24

  What male & female is
• * 1.25

  Astrologers how true presagers.
• * 1.26

  Hesiod.
• * 1.27

  •…•…riters of husbandry.
• * 1.28

  Sup Gen ad. lit. et. 2. de. doct. Chr.
• * 1.29

  God•…•… fore-knowledge.
• * 1.30

  The Stoiks fate.
• * 1.31

  Foure opi∣nions of Fate.
• * 1.32

  God the changer of the Will,
• * 1.33

  Psal. 14. 1
• * 1.34

  F•…•…te of no f•…•…rce.
• * 1.35

  Voluntary causes.
• * 1.36

  Genes. 1. Spirit of life.
• * 1.37

  Euill willes not from God.
• * 1.38

  Our wills causes.
• * 1.39

  Deny gods prae•…•…cience, and deny God.
• * 1.40

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kind•…•….
• * 1.41

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.42

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 God 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.43

  God al∣mighty indeed.
• * 1.44

  •…•…raescience & freedom of will also.
• * 1.45

  How man s•…•…neth.
• * 1.46

  Democri∣tus. Chrysip∣pus.
• * 1.47

  Pluto.
• * 1.48

  Go•…•… p•…•…∣science no c•…•… o•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.49

  Loue of glory.
• * 1.50

  Kings.
• * 1.51

  Consuls
• * 1.52

  Vertues and honors temples.
• * 1.53

  Glory.
• * 1.54

  2. Cor. 1. Galat. 6.
• * 1.55

  True ver∣tue.
• * 1.56

  Lib. 2. Cap. 18.
• * 1.57

  Consulls.
• * 1.58

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.59

  Phthia. Larissa.
• * 1.60

  Micaenae.
• * 1.61

  Argos.
• * 1.62

  Glory.
• * 1.63

  Cato of v∣tica.
• * 1.64

  Epist lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.65

  Car. lib. 2
• * 1.66

  Glory a Princes nourish∣ment.
• * 1.67

  Philosophy to be well read.
• * 1.68

  The loue of iustice should ex∣cell the loue of glory.
• * 1.69

  •…•…o. 5. 43.
• * 1.70

  •…•…o. 12. 43.
• * 1.71

  M•…•…t. 10. 33 Luc. 12. 9
• * 1.72

  Mat. 6. 1.
• * 1.73

  Mat. 5. 16.
• * 1.74

  True pietie.
• * 1.75

  Latria.
• * 1.76

  The eter∣nall city.
• * 1.77

  Rom. 8. Mat. 5.
• * 1.78

  2. Cor. 5.
• * 1.79

  Remission of sinnes.
• * 1.80

  Romulus his sanctu∣ary.
• * 1.81

  All the Ro∣maine sub∣iects made free of the citty.
• * 1.82

  Barbarians who they are.
• * 1.83

  Rhines bankes.
• * 1.84

  God the minde•…•… •…•…rue wealth.
• * 1.85

  Torquatus.
• * 1.86

  Camillus.
• * 1.87

  Scaenola.
• * 1.88

  Curtius.
• * 1.89

  Mat. 10. 28 The Decii.
• * 1.90

  Regulu•…•….
• * 1.91

  The praise of volunta∣ry pouerty.
• * 1.92

  Valerius Poplicola. Q. •…•…incina∣tus.
• * 1.93

  Fabricius.
• * 1.94

  Act 4
• * 1.95

  Rom. 8. ve•…•…. 18.
• * 1.96

  The dicta∣torship.
• * 1.97

  Fabricius a scorner of ritches.
• * 1.98

  Corn. Silla.
• * 1.99

  Desire of rule with∣out loue of glory.
• * 1.100

  Desire of rule vvith∣out loue of glory.
• * 1.101

  Contempt of glory.
• * 1.102

  Gods pro∣uidence is it y^t rais•…•…h the vvicked. Pro. 8, 15.
• * 1.103

  Iob 34.
• * 1.104

  True vertue serueth not glory.
• * 1.105

  Tyrannus.
• * 1.106

  Anea•…•….
• * 1.107

  The picture of pleasure.
• * 1.108

  Zoroafter.
• * 1.109

  Two kinds of soules in Plato's world. Pythagoras his num∣bers. The Mani∣chees.
• * 1.110

  Vespasian.
• * 1.111

  Domitian.
• * 1.112

  Iulian.
• * 1.113

  Warres soone en∣ded.
• * 1.114

  Warres hardly en∣ded.
• * 1.115

  Euentus.
• * 1.116

  Christian Emperors dying vn∣fortunately.
• * 1.117

  Constan∣tine.
• * 1.118

  Pyzance. Constanti∣nople.
• * 1.119

  The Ro∣maine world.
• * 1.120

  Iouinian.
• * 1.121

  Gratian.
• * 1.122

  Pompey.
• * 1.123

  Theodosiu•…•…
• * 1.124

  Iohn an Hermit and a Prophet.
• * 1.125

  A great wind ayded Theodosius
• * 1.126

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 h•…•…s humi∣•…•…y.
• * 1.127

  Iohn the Anchorite.
• * 1.128

  Claudian.
• * 1.129

  Foo•…•….
• * 1.130

  Valens.
• * 1.131

  The massa∣cr•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thes∣salonica.
• * 1.132

  Th•…•…odosius 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.133

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.134

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…hen truth
• * 1.135

  In pr•…•…at. h•…•…stor nat.