St. Augustine, Of the citie of God vvith the learned comments of Io. Lod. Viues. Englished by I.H.

THE CONTENTS OF THE third booke of the City of God.

• 1. Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked doe feare, and which the world hath al∣waies beene subiect vnto, whilest it remained in Paganisme. chapter 1.
• 2. Whether the Gods to whom the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship, had suf∣ficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroi∣ed. chap. 2.
• 3. That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultery of Paris vsing it so freely and frequently themselues. chap. 3.
• 4. Of Varro's opinion, that it is meete in pol∣licy that some men should faigne themselues to be begotten of the gods. chap. 4.
• 5. That it is alltogither vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication, since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished. chap. 5.
• 6. Of Romulus his murthering of his bro∣ther which the gods neuer reuenged. chap. 6.
• 7. Of the subuersion of Illium by Fimbria a captaine of Marius his faction. chap. 7.
• 8. Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troian gods. chap. 8.
• 9. Whether it bee credible, that the gods pro∣cured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne. chap. 9.
• 10. Whether the Romaines might desire iust∣ly that their citties estate should arise to prehe∣minence by such furious warres, when it might haue rested firme and quiet, in such a peace as Numa procured. chap. 10.
• 11. Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae, that shed teares (as men thought) for the Grecians miseries, though he could not help them. cap. 11.
• 12. How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines, who induced thē beyond the institution of Numa. chap. 12
• 13. By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues. chap. 13
• 14. How impious that warre was which the Romaines began with the Albanes, and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine. chap. 14
• 15. Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings. chap. 15
• 16. Of the first Romaine Consulls, how the one expelled the other out of his country: and he himselfe after many bloudy murthers, fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe. chap. 16
• 17. Of the vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the consulls rule: And of the little good that their gods all this while did them. chap. 17
• 18. The miseries of the Romaines in the A∣frican wars, and the small stead their gods stood them there in. chap. 18
• 19. Of the sad accidents that befell in the se∣cond African warre, wherein the powres on both sides, were wholy consumed. chap. 19
• 20. Of the ruine of the Saguntines, who pe∣rished for their confederacy with Rome, the Ro∣mainē gods neuer helping them. chap. 20
• 21. Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio, that freed it from imminent danger, and of the con∣ditions of the cittizens in those times that Sa∣luste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous. chap. 21
• 22. Of the edict of Mythridates, comman∣ding euery Romaine that was to be found in A∣sia, to be put to death. chap. 22
• 23. Of the more priuate and interior mis∣chieues that Rome indured, which were presag∣ed by that prodigious madnesse of all the crea∣tures that serued the vse of man. chap. 23
• 24. Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi. chap. 24
• 25. Of the temple of Concord built by the Senate in the place, where these seditions and slaughters were effected. chap 25
• 26. Of the diuers warres that followed af∣ther the building of Concords temple. chap. 26
• 27. Of Silla and Marius. chap. 27
• 28. How Silla reuenged Marius his murders. chap. 28
• 29. A comparison of the Gothes irrupsi∣ons, with the calamities that the Romaines in∣dured by the Gaules, or by the authors of their ciuill warres. chap. 29
• 30. Of the great and pernitious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the com∣ming of Christ. chap. 30
• 31. That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idolls shew themselues fooles in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ, see∣ing that they endured the like when they did worship the diuills. chap. 31.

FINIS.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo, vnto Marcellinus.

Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked do feare: and which the world hath al∣waies beene subiect vnto, whilest it remained in paganisme. CHAP. 1.

WHat we haue already spoken I thinke is sufficient, concerning the depraued state of mens mindes and manners, which is prin∣cipally to be auoyded: that in these cases these faulse imagina∣ry gods did neuer endeuour to lighten their seruants of any of these inconueniences, but rather added vnto their loades and furthered their depriuations. Now, I see it is time to take those euills in hand, which are the onely things that these men are so loth to en∣dure, aboue and beyond all others, as famine, sicknesse, warre, inuasion, thraldome, slaughter, and such other like, as wee haue recited in our first booke: for these things alone are they, which euill men account for euills, that do not, nor are not of power to make men any way euill: nor are these wretches ashamed to giue goods things their due praise, and yet keepe euill still them-selues that are the praysers of good: being far more offended at the (a) badnesse of their lands, then of their liues; as if man were made to enioy all things except himselfe: But not∣withstanding all this, their gods (for all their dutyfull obseruance) neuer did go about to restraine the effects of those euills, which their seruāts are so sore afraid of, nor euer with-held them from lighting vpon them, for the world was oppres∣sed with diuers extreame & sore calamities at seuerall times, long before the re∣demption; & yet (as touching those times) what other gods but those Idols were there worshipped in any part of the world except only amongst the Iewes (b) and by some other peculiar persōs whom it pleased the vnsearchable wisdome of the great God to illuminate. But because I study to be briefe, I will not stand vpon the worlds miseries in generall: onely what is Romes peculiars, or the Romaine Empires, I meane to relate: that is, such inflictions as before the comming of Christ, fell either vpon the citty it selfe, or vpon such prouinces as belonged vnto it, either by conquest or society, as members of the body of that commonweale, of those I meane to speake somewhat in particular.

L. VIVES.

AT the (a) badnesse of their lands] Some read it, si illa mala, others, (and the more aunci∣ent) si villam malam, better, and more acutely by a figure called Denomination (b) some other peculiar] As Iob, and some other gentiles, that proportioned their liues by the lawes of nature, of whom heareafter:

Whether the gods, to whome the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship, had sufficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroyed. CHAP. 2.

FIrst therfore of Troy, or Ilium, whence the Romaines claime the discent (for we may not omit nor neglect what we touched at in the 1. booke:) why was Troy beseeged, & destroyed by the Greekes that adored the same gods that it did; The

priuity of (a) Laomedon: the father (say some) was wreaked in this sack, vpon Priam the son. Wel then it is true that (b) Apollo & Neptune serued as workmen vnder the * 1.1 same Laomedon, for otherwise the tale is not true that saith that he promised them pay and brake his oth vnto them afterwards. Now cannot I but maruell that such a great fore-knower, as Apollo was, would worke for Laomedon, and could not foretell that he would deceiue him: nor is it decent to affirme that Neptune his vncle Iupiters brother & king of al the sea, should haue no foresight at al in things to come. For (c) Homer brings him in foretelling great matters of the progeny of Aeneas, whose successors built Rome (yet is Homer (d) reported to haue liued before * 1.2 the building of Rome) nay more, he saueth Aeneas from Achilles by a cloud, desi∣ring to raze this periurd citty of Troy though it were his own handy-worke as (e) Virgill declareth of him. Thus then these two gods, Neptune and Apollo, were * 1.3 vtterly ignorant of Laomedons intention to delude them, and builded the walles of Troy (f) for thankes and for thankelesse persons. Looke now, whether it be a worse matter to put confidence in such gods, or to consume them. But Homer him-selfe (it seemes) did hardly beleeue this tale, for he maketh (g) Neptune to fight against Troy, and Apollo for it; whereas the fable giueth them both one cause of being of∣fended, namely Laomedons periury. Let those therefore that beleeue such re∣ports be ashamed to acknowledge such deities: and those that beleeue them not, let them neuer draw cauills from the Troians periuries, nor maruell that the gods should hate periuries at Troy, and loue them at Rome. For otherwise, how could it come to passe, that besides the aboundance of all other corruption in the city of Rome, there should bee such a great company in Catilines conspiracy that liued onely by their tongues practise in periury and their hands in murder? what other thing did the senators by taking bribes so plentifully and by so many false iudgments? what other thing did thee (i) people by selling of their voices, & play∣ing double in all things wherein they dealt, but (k) heape vp the sinne of periury? for euen in this vniuersall corruption, the ould custome of giuing & taking othes was still obserued, but that was not for the restraint of wickednesse by awe of religion, but to ad periury also vnto the rest of their monstrous exorbitances.

L. VIVES.

THe periurie (a) of Laomedon] Virgill in the first of his Georgikes:

—Sat is iampridem sanguine nostro, Laomedont•…•…ae luimus periuria Troi•…•….

—Our bloud hath long agone, Paid for the faith-breach of Laomedon.

(a) Then it is true] Apollo and Neptune seeing Laomedon the King of Phrygia, laying the foun∣dations of the walles of Troy, and marking the hugenesse of the worke hee went about, agreed for a great summe of gould, to make an end of this worke for him, which hauing done, he denied that he promised them any thing (c) Homer brings] Aeneas vpon a certaine time being in fight with Achilles, and being put to the worst, in so much that he was almost slaine, Neptune speaketh thus: Homer Iliad. 5.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. &c.

as followeth in English thus.

But let vs saue him yet ere he be slaine, Least great Achilles fury if againe It burst into effect, we helpe too late: Whilest it is time, let vs deceiue his fate: Least all the stocke be quite abolished Of Dardanus whom I so valued: Whome Ioue his father prised aboue all His sonnes, whose mothers were terrestriall. But seeing Ioue doth now detest his line, This man, in birth and valour neare diuine, Shall rule the Phrygians: and through him, their King, There to an endlesse nation shall they spring,

* 1.4

Because of these verses in Homer, Dionisius Halicarnasseus writeth that many haue affirmed, that Aeneas leauing his fellowes in Italy, returned into Phrigia, and there hauing repaired Troy, reigned as King, and left the crowne to his posterity after him. But Homer speaketh of the Italian Troy, and the kingdome which arose from that Phygian Troy, namely of the Albi∣ans & the Lauinians; both which nations descended from the Troians that accompanied Aene∣as (d) Homer reported] at what time Rome was built, or at what time Homer liued the auncient writers do not iustly and vniformely define: though the first be lesse dubitable then the latter. Plutarch in the life of Romulus saith that hee and Remus first founded the walles in the third yeare of the sixt Olimpiad on which day was an eclips of the moone: Dionisius and Eusebius say. the 1. yeare of the 7. Olympiade: after the destruction of Troy CCCCXXXII. yeares. Solin. in Polihist. Cincius will haue it built in the twelth Olympiad: Pictor in the eighth: Nepos, and Luctatius, (to whom Eratosthenes and Apollodorus agree) the seauenth Olympiade, the second yeare. Pomponius Atticus and Tully, the seauenth and the third yeare, therefore by all corres∣pondency of the Greeke computations to ours, it was built in the beginning of the seauenth Olympiad CCCCXXXIII. yeares after the ruine of Troy. About Homers time of liuing, his country, and his parentage, the Greeke writers keepe a great adoe: Some say he was present at the warres of Troy: Indeed he himselfe brings in his Phemius singing in the banquet of the wooers (Odissi.) But whether he do it through an ambitious desire to grace his M^r. in beyond the reach of the time or no, it is doubtful. Others say he liued not vntil an hundred yeares after this warre of Phrigia: and some there bee that ad fifty more vnto the number. Aristarchus gives him to those times about which there was a Colonye planted in Ionia, sixty yeares after the subuersion of the Heraclidae: CXXX. yeares after the Troians warrs. Crates thinketh that there was not foure-score yeares betweene the demolishing of Troy and the birth of Homer: Some affirme him to haue beene sonne to Telemachus, Vlisses his sonne, and Tolycasta, daugh∣ter to Nestor. In the cronicle of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea we find this recorded: We find (saith he) in the latine history, that Agrippa reigning amongst the Latines, Homer florished amongst the Greekes, as Appollodorus the Grammarian, and Euphorbeus the Historiographer do both testifie, CXXIIII yeares before the building of Rome, and as Cornelius Nepos saith before the fi•…•…st Olympiade an C. yeares. Howsoeuer then it fall out Homer was before the building of Rome: which Tully also doth beare witnesse of in his Quaestiones Tusculanae. (e) Uirgill decla∣reth.] Aeneid. 5.

—Pelidae tunc ego f•…•…rti, Congressum Aeneam, nec diis nec viribus aequis, Nube caua eripui: cuperem cum vertere ab imo, Structa meis ma•…•…ibus periturae maenia Troiae &c.

—Then in an hollow cloud, I sau'd him, when he combatted that Greeke, Though hauing neither fate, nor force alike. Then when mine own•…•… worke Troy, I sought to raze &c.

(f) for thankes and thankelesse] Gratis, & ingratis: that, an aduerbe, this an adiectiue, (g) Nep∣tune] * 1.5 Neptune after that Laomedon had thus cheated him, was alwayes a heauy enemy of the Troyans: But Apollo, being more gentle, and remisse, was as good friends with them as before. Virgill, Aeneid. 6.

Phaebe graues Troiae semper miscrate lab•…•…res. Dardana qui Paridis direxti •…•…ela manusque, Corpus in Acacidae &c.

Phaebus, that alwaies pitied Troies distresse, And g•…•…ue the hand of Paris good successe. Against Achilles life. &c.

(h) the senators] by the Semprnoian law which Caius Gracchus preferred, the Gentlemen of Rome had the iudging all causes twenty yeares together without any note of infamy and then by the law Plautian were selected fifteene out of euery tribe, by the suffrages of the people * 1.6 to be iudges for that yeare, this was done in the second yeare of the Italian warre. Cn. Pompeius, sonne to Sextus, and L. Cato being consuls, Afterwards the law Cornelian which Silla instituted, the authority was reduced to the senat: who iudged ten yeares together most par∣tially, and most corruptedly When the greater sort iudged saith Tully against Verres) there was great complaning of vniust indgements. Last of all by the law Aurelian, preferred by M Aureli∣us Cotta being praetor, both senat and people combined, had the hearing and censuring of cau∣ses (i) the people] Lucane in his first booke.

Hinc raptifasces precio, sectorque fauoris, Ipse sui populus, lethalisque ambitus vrbi: Annua venali referens certamima campo.

Hence, coyne Fought consulships, through this deiection The people sold their voices: this infection, Fild Mars his field with strife at each election.

(k) But heapt vp] for the iudges were sworne to iudge truly, and the people before they gaue their voices were sworne at a sacrifice, not to hold any reward, or fauour of the worth of the commonwealths estate and safety.

That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultry of Paris, vsing it so freely and frequently themselues. CHAP. 3.

WHerefore there is no reason to say that these gods who supported the em∣pire of Troy were offended with the Troians periury, when the Greekes did preuaile against all their protections. Nor is it, as some say, in their defence, that the anger at Paris his (a) adultery made them giue ouer Troyes defence, for it is their custome to practise sinne them-selues, and not to punish it in others. (b) The Troians (saith Salust) as I haue heard, were the first founders & inhabitants of Rome: those were they that came away with Aeneas, and wandered without any certaine abode. If Paris his fact were then to be punished by the gods iudgements, it was either to fall vpon the Troians, or else vpon the Romaines, because (c) Aeneas his mother was chiefe agent therein. But how should they hate it in Paris, when as they hated it not in Venus, one of their company, who (to omit her other pranks) committed adultery with Anchifes and by him was begotten (d) Aeneas. Or why should his falt anger Menelus, and hers (e) please Vulcane? I do not thinke the gods such abasers of their wiues, or of themselues, as to vouchsafe mortall men to partake with them in their loues. Some perhaps will say I scoffe at these fables: and handle not so graue a cause with sufficient grauity: why then if you please let vs not beleeue that Aeneas is sonne to Venus I am content, so (f) that Romulus like∣wise be not held to be Mars his sonne. (g) If the one be so, why is not the other so also, Is it lawfull for the gods to medle carnally with women, and yet vnlaw∣full for the men to meddle carnallie with Goddesses: a hard, or rather an incredi∣ble condition, that what was lawfull for Mars (h) by Venus her law should not be lawfull for Venus by her owne law. But they are both confirmed by the Romain au∣thority, for (i) Caesar of late, beleeued no lesse that (k) Venus was his grand-mother then (l) Romulus of old beleeued that Mars was his father.

L. VIVES.

PAris his (a) adultery] This I thinke is knowne to all, both blind men and barbers (as they say) that the warres of Troy arose about Alexander Paris his rape of Hellen, wife vnto Me∣nelaus (b) the Troians] at what time, and by whom Rome was built, Dionisius, Solinus, Plutarch, and diuers others, discourse with great diuersity: he that will know further, let him looke in them. (c) Aeneas his mother] for Paris vsed Venus as his baud, in the rape of Hellen, and Ue•…•… in the contention of the goddesses for beauty, corrupted the iudgement of Paris with promise of Hellen, (d) Aeneas] he was sonne to Anchises and Uenus. Uirgil.

Tunc ille Aeneas quem Dàrdanio Anchisa Alma Venus Phryg as g•…•…nuit Sy•…•…oēntis od vn•…•…s?

Art thou that man whom bea•…•…teous Uenus bore, got by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on smooth Symois shore?

And Lucretius.

Aeneadum genitrix hominum, diuum{que} vol•…•…ptas, Alma Venus.—

Mother t' A•…•…eas liue, the gods delight Faire Uenus—

(e) Vulcan] Husband vnto Venus, (f) Romulus not be] Dionysius. Ilia, a Vestal Virgin, going to Mars his wood to fetch some water, was rauished in the Church (some say) by some of her sutors, * 1.7 some, by her vncle Amulius being armed, others by the Genius of the place. But I thinke ra∣ther that Romulus was the son of some soldiar, and Aeneas of some whore: and because the sol∣diars are vnder Mars, and the whores vnder Venus, therefore were they fathered vpon them. * 1.8 Who was Aeneas his true mother, is one of the sound questions that the grammarians stand vpon in the foure thousand bookes of Dydimus, as Seneca writeth. (g) If the one bee so] Illud, and illud, for hoc and illud, a figure rather Poeticall then Rhetoricall. (h) By Venus her law] A close, but a conceited quippe. Mars committed adultery with Venus. This was lawfull for Mars by Venus lawe, that is by the law of lust, which Venus gouerneth: then why should not the same priuiledge in lust bee allowed to Venus her selfe, beeing goddesse thereof: that which is lawfull to others by the benefit of Venus, why should it not bee permitted to Venus to vse her selfe freely in her owne dominion of lust, seeing she her-selfe alloweth it such free vse in others. (i) Caesar] This man was of the Iulian family, who was deriued from Iulus, Aeneas his sonne, and so by him to Venus. This family was brought by King Tullus from Alba * 1.9 longa to Rome, and made a Patrician family. Wherefore Caesar beeing dictator built a temple to Venus, which hee called the temple of mother Uenus: my Aunt Iulia (saith Caesar in Sueto∣nius) on the mothers side is descended from Kings, and on the fathers, from gods. For from An•…•…us Martius, a King, the Martii descended, of which name her mother was: and from Venus came the Iulii, of which stocke our family is sprung. (k) His grand-mother] Set for any progenitrix, as it is often vsed. (l) Romulus of old] And Caesar of lat•…•…, because of the times wherein they liued, being at least sixe hundred yeares distant.

Of Varro's opinion, that it is meete in policy that some men should faigne them∣selues to be begotten of the gods. CHAP. 4.

BVt doe you beleeue this will some say? not I truly. For Varro, one of their most learned men, doth (though faintly, yet almost plainely) confesse that they all are false. But that it is (a) profitable for the citties (saith he) to haue their greatest men their generalls and gouernours, beleeue that they are begotten of gods, though it be neuer so false: that their mindes being as illustrate, with part of their parents deitie, may bee the more daring to vndertake, more seruent to act, and so more fortunate to performe affaires of value. Which opinion of Var∣ro, (by me here laid downe) you see how it opens a broad way to the falshood of this beleefe: and teacheth vs to know, that many such fictions may be inserted in∣to religion, whensoeuer it shall seeme vse-full vnto the state of the city, to inuent such fables of the gods. But whether Venus could beare Aeneas by Anchises, or Mars beget Romulus of Syluta, (b) Numitors daughter▪ that we leaue as we find it, vndiscussed. For there is almost such a question ariseth in our Scriptures. Whe∣ther the wicked angells did commit fornication with the daughters of men, and * 1.10 whether that therevpon came Giants, that is, huge and powrefull men, who in∣creased and filled all the earth?

L. VIVES.

IT is (a) profitable] It is generally more profitable vnto the great men themselues, who hereby haue the peoples loue more happily obliged to them. This made Scipio that he would neuer * 1.11 seeke to change that opinion of the people, who held, that hee was begot by some god: and Alexander in Lucian saith it furthered him in many great designes, to bee counted the sonne

of Iupiter Hamon. For hereby he was feared, and none durst oppose him that they held a god. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Barbarians obserued mee with reuerence and amazement, and none durst with-stand mee, thinking they should warre against the gods, whose confirmed sonne they held mee. (b) Numitors daughter,] Numitor was sonne to Procas the Albian King, and elder brother to Amulius, But * 1.12 being thrust by his brother from his crowne, he liued priuately, Amulius enioying the crowne by force and fraude. Numitor had Lausus to his sonne, and Rhea or Ilia Syluia to his daughter: the boy was killed, the daughter made Abbesse of the Vestals by Amulius, meaning by colour of religion to keepe her from children-bearing: who not-with-standing had two sonnes, Ro∣mulus and Remus, by an vnknowne father as is afore-said.

That it is altogether vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication, since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished. CHAP. 5.

WHerefore now let vs argue both the causes in one. If it be certaine that wee read of Aeneas and Romulus their mothers, how can it bee that the gods should disallow of the adulteries of mortall men, tollerating it so fully and freely in these particulars? If it be not certaine, howsoeuer, yet cannot they distaste the dishonesties of men, that are truly acted, seeing they take pleasure in their owne, though they be but faigned: Besides, if that of Mars with Rhea be of no credit, why then no more is this of Venus with Anchises. Then let not Rhea's cause be co∣uered with any pretence of the like in the gods. She was a virgin Priest of Vesta, and therefore with farre more iustice should the gods haue scourged the Ro∣maines for her offence, then the Troians for that of Paris: for the (a) ancient Romaines them-selues did punish such vestalls as they tooke in this offence, by burying them quick: (b) neuer censuring others y^t were faultie in this kind with death, (but euer with some smaller penalty,) so great was their study to correct the offences of persons appertaining to religion, with all seuerity aboue others.

L. VIVES.

THE (a) ancient] If a virgin vestall offended but lightly, the high Priest did beate her: but being conuicted of neglect of chastitie, or whoredome, shee was caried in a coffin to * 1.13 the gate Collina, as if shee went to buriall, all her friends and kinsfolkes bewailing her, the Priests and other religious following the hearse with a sadde silence. Neere to the gate was a caue, to which they went downe by a ladder, there they let downe the guilty person, alone, tooke away the ladder, and shutte the caue close vp: and least she should starue to death, they set by her, bread, milke, and oyle, of each a quantitie, together with a lighted lampe: all this finished, the Priests departed: and on that day was no cause heard in law; but it was as a vaca∣tion, mixt with great sorrow and feare: all men thinking that some great mischiefe was pre∣saged to befall the weale publick by this punishment of the Vestall. The vowes and duties of those Vestals, Gellius (amongst others) relateth at large. (Noct. Atticarum lib. 1.) (b) Neuer censuring others] Before Augustus, there was no law made against adulterers, nor was euer * 1.14 cause heard (that I know of) concerning this offence. Clodius indeed was accused for pollu∣ting the sacrifices of Bona Dea, but not for adulterie, which his foes would not haue omitted, had it laine within the compasse of lawe. Augustus first of all instituted the law Iulian against men adulterers, it conteined some-what against vnchaste women also, but with no capitall pu∣nishment: though afterwards they were censured more sharpely, as we read in the Caesars an∣swers * 1.15 in Iustintans Code, and the 47. of the Pandects. Dionysius writeth, that at Romes first ori∣ginall Romulus made a lawe against adultery, but I thinke hee speakes it Graecanicè, as hee doth prettily well in many others matters.

Of Romulus his murther of his brother, which the gods neuer reuenged. CHAP. 6.

NOw I will say more: If those Deities tooke such grieuous and heinous displeasure at the enormities of men, that for Paris his misdemeanour they

would needes vtterly subuert the citty of Troy by fire and sword: much more then ought the murder of Romulus his brother to incense their furies against the Romaines, then the rape of Menelaus his wife against the Troians: Parricide (a) in the first originall of a Citty, is far more odious then adultery in the wealth and height of it. Nor is it at all pertinent vnto our purpose (b) whether this murder were commanded or committed by Romulus, which many impudently deny, ma∣ny doe doubt, and many do dissemble. Wee will not intangle our selues in the Laborinth of History, vpon so laborious a quest: Once, sure it is, Romulus his bro∣ther was murdered: and that neither by open enemies, nor by strangers. If Ro∣mulus either willed it, or wrought it, so it is: Romulus was rather the cheefe of Rome then Paris of Troy. VVhy should the one then set all his goddes against his countrey for but rauishing another mans wife, and the other obtaine the protec∣tion of (c) the same goddes for murdering of his owne brother? If Romulus bee cleare of this imputation, then is the whole citty guilty of the same crime how∣soeuer, in giuing so totall an assent vnto such a supposition: and in steed of kil∣ling a brother, hath done worse in killing a father. For both the bretheren were fathers and founders to it alike, though villany bard the one from dominion. There is small reason to be showne (in mine opinion) why the Troians deserued so ill, that their gods should leaue them to destruction, and the Romaines so well, that they would stay with them to their augmentation; vnlesse it bee this, that be∣ing so ouerthrowne and ruined in one place, they were glad to flie away to prac∣tise their illusions in another; nay they were cunninger then so; they both stayed still at Troy to deceiue (after their old custome) such as afterwards were to inhabit there; and likewise departed vnto Rome that hauing a greater scope to vse their im∣postures there they might haue more glorious honours assigned them to feede their vaine-glorious desires.

L. VIVES.

PArricide (a) in] Parricide is not onely the murther of the parent, but of any other equall: * 1.16 some say 'Parricidium, quasi patratio caedis, committing of slaughter. It is an old law of Num|'s: He that willingly doth to death a free-man shall be counted a Parricide (b) Whether this mur∣ther] * 1.17 There be that affirme, that Remus being in contention for the Kingdome, when both the factions had saluted the leaders with the name of King, was slaine in the by•…•…kerng between them: but whether by Romulus or some other, none can certainely affirme. Others and more in number, saie that he was slaine by Fabius, Tribune of the light horsemen of Romulus, because he leaped in scorne ouer the newly founded walles of Rome; and that Fabius did this by Romu∣lus his charge: Which fact Cicero tearmes wicked and inhumaine. For thus in his fourth booke of Offices he discourseth of it. But in that King that built the citty it was not so. The glosse of commodity dazeled his spirits: and since it seemed fitter for his profit to rule without a partner then with one, he murdered his owne brother. Here did he leape ouer piety, nay and humanity also: to reach the end hee aimed at, profit: though his pretence and coullour, about the wall, was neither pro∣bale, nor sufficient wherfore be it spoken with reuerence to Quirinus or to Romulus Romulus in this did well. (c) The same godds] Which were first brought to Aeneas to I auiniun, & from thence to Alba by Ascanius, and from Alba the Romaines had them by Romulus, with the Assent of Num•…•…tor: and so lastly were by Tullus transported all vnto Rome.

Of the subuersion of Ilium by Fimbria, a Captaine of Marius his faction. CHAP. 7.

IN the first (a) heate of the (b) ciuill wars, what hadde poore Ilium done that (c) Fimbria, they veriest villaine of all (d) Marius his sette, should raize it

downe with more fury and (e) cruelty then euer the Grecians had shewed vpon it before? For in their conquest, many escaped captiuity by flight, and many avoi∣ded death by captiuity: But Fimbria charged in an expresse edicte, that not a life should bee spared: and made one fire of the Citty and all the creatures within it. Thus was Ilium requited, not by the Greekes whom her wronges had prouoked, but by the Romaines whom her ruines had propagated: their gods in this case (a like adored of both sides) doing iust nothing; or rather beeing able to do iust nothing: what, were the gods gone from their shrines, that protected this towne since the repayring of it after the Grecian victory? If they were, shew me why? but still the better citizens I finde, the worse gods. They shut out Fim∣bria, to keepe all for Sylla; hee set the towne and them on fire, and burned them both into dust and ashes. And yet in meane-time (f) Sylla's side was stronger, and euen now was hee working out his powre by force of armes: his good be∣ginnings as yet felt no crosses. How then could the Ilians haue dealt more ho∣nestly * 1.18 or iustly? or more worthy of the protection of Rome? then to saue a cit∣ty of Romes, for better endes, and to keepe out a Parricide of his countries com∣mon good? But how they sped, let the defenders of these gods obserue. They for-sooke the Ilians beeing adulterers, and left their cittie to the fires of the Greekes: that from her ashes, Chaster Rome might arise: But why did they leaue her the second time, beeing Romes allied, not rebelling against her Noble daughter, but keeping her faith sincerely vnto Romes best parts and powers? why did they let her be demolished so vtterly, not by the valorous Grecians, but by a barbarous Romaine? Or, if the gods fauoured not Sylla's endeauours, for whom this cittie kept her selfe, why did they attend his fortunes with such happy suc∣cesse else-where? doth not this proue them rather flatterers of the fortunat, then fauorers of the wretched? And therfore they had not forsaken Illium vtterly whē it was vtterly destroied: no, no, the diuells will still keepe a watchfull eye for ad∣uantage to deceiue. For (g) when all the Images were burned together with the * 1.19 towne, onely Mineruàs was found vnder all the ruines of her Temple, as Liuy writeth, vntouched: not that it should bee sayd, You Patron gods that alwaies Troy protect: but that it should not be sayd. The gods were gone and left their altars bare: in their defence they were permitted to saue that Image, not that they might thereby proue themselues powrefull, but that we might thereby proue them to haue beene present.

L. VIVES.

IN the (a) first] Marius dying in his seauenth Consulship, Cinna ioyned Valerius Flaccus with him in office, committing Asia to his rule, (which Sylla then gouerned) and strengthning him with two legions. This Flaccus by his couetise (the souldiour-hated vice) and other crimes growing very odious, was killed by C. Fimbria, Embassador at Nicomedia: which Fim∣bria by the souldiors assent, entred vpon his place, and warred against Mithridates with good fortune: hauing almost taken him prisoner in the siege of Pergamus: leading his army into Phrygia, and hearing that the Ilians were of Sylla's faction, he entred the city cunningly (saith Appian) forcibly (saith Liuy) and killed all the Cittizens, man, woman, and child, without all mercy, sparing nothing neither hallowed nor prophane: after the Greekes had destroied it be∣fore M. L. yeares. (b) ciuill warres] After the first Marian warre, before Sylla came into Italy to the vtter subuersion of that faction, this fell out. (c) Fimbria] This was a most audatious and impudent fellow, most prompt vnto all villany. He killed Crassus, and in the funeral of Marius, made Q. Scaeuola a noble and honest man to bee sore hurt. But seeing that the wound was not * 1.20 mortall, he cited him to answere an accusation. The whole city wondring that the chiefe priest should accuse the most honest man of the whole state, and flocking to heare the crime: he sayd

he accused him for not taking the thrust of the weapon deepe inough into his body. This Tully relateth in his Oration for Roscius Amerinus. (d) Marius his] Rather Cynna's but all the facti∣on against Sylla was called Marian. (e) cruelty.] Appianus in Mithridato, saith that the daie after the burning of Ilium, Fimbria himself went all ouer the ruines, prying and searching whe∣ther ought was left standing, intending to raze that downe also, so that hee left no house, no temple, no nor no statue standing in all Ilium. (f) Sylla's side] Saluste. Sylla of late, being victor, when he commanded Damasippus and others that had patched vp their estate by the miseries of the weale-publike to be slaine who did not applaud him? euery man sayd that such wicked creatures as had kept the fires of sedition still burning in the common-wealth, were now well rewarded. But in∣deed this was the roote whence sprung a wood of miseries. Thus farre Saluste in his Catilines con∣spiracy: and a little before, Lucius Sylla hauing recouered the sway of the state by armes, beganne wel, but ended badly inough: Which saying, S. Augustine here toucheth. (g) when all the Images] Appian, and Iulius Obsequens also say that the Palladium remained still vnburnt. Seruius (in 2. * 1.21 Aeneid.) saith that Fimbria showed it, and brought it vnto Rome. Truly I wonder if that were the old Palladium that Aeneas (they say) brought from Troy into Italy, with the other Great Gods, which was placed by Hostilius in the Temple of Vesta after Alba was destroied: which Temple being fired, Metellus the Priest fetched the Palladium from forth the greatest flames, for which deede the Romaines assigned him ample honours: which fell out soone after the peace concluded betwixt Rome and Carthage, after the ende of the first African warre, be∣fore Fimbrias time, C. L. yeares. Some thinke that Aeneas leauing the Latine Kingdome to his fellowes, returned vnto Phrigia with the Palladium: but this wee haue else-where disal∣lowed of. The Lacaedemonians indeed beleeued that they had the Troyan Palladium, neere the temple of the Leucippidae: which one Temon stole from Ergiaeus a kinsman of Diomedes at Argos, and brought it to Lacedemon. Whose Cittizens beeing warned by oracle to keepe it, they erected it vnto Ulisses, one of the Heroes. But that is the Palladium which Ulisses and Di∣omedes bore away as wee said before in the Troyan warre. Seruius saith that Mamurrius the Smith made many figures of this Palladium, least the true one indeed should bee knowne. Wherein no doubt but Seruius forgot himselfe and tooke the Palladium for the Ancylia.

Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troyan gods. CHAP. 8.

VVHerefore seeing Troy had left so plaine a lesson for all posterity to obserue; what discretion was there shewne in the commending of Rome to the protection of the Troyan gods? O but, will some say, they were settled at Rome when Fimbria spoiled Ilium: were they so? whence comes the Image of Minera then? But well: it may be they were at Rome when Fimbria razed Ilium, and at I∣lium when the Galles sacked Rome. And being quick of hearing, and swift in mo∣tion, as soone as euer the geese called them, they came all on a cluster, to defend what was left, the Capitol. But they were not called soone inough to looke to the rest, or else it should not haue beene as it was.

Whether it be credible, that the gods procured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne. CHAP. 9.

IT is thought also that these are they that helped Numa Pompilius, Romulus his successor, to preserue that continuall peace that lasted all the time of his raign, and to shut the gates of Ianus his (a) temple; and that because hee deserued it at their handes, in instituting so many sacrifices for the Romaines to offer vnto their honour. In earnest, the peace that this Prince procured was thanke∣worthy, could hee haue applied it accordinglie, and (by avoiding so penicious a curiositie,) haue taken more paines in enquitie after the true diuinitie. But beeing as it was, the gods neuer gaue him that quiet

leasure: but it may bee they had not deluded him so fowlely, had they not found him so idle. For the lesse that his businesse was, the more time had they to en∣trappe him: for Varro recordeth all his courses, and endeauours to associate him∣selfe and his Citty with those imaginary gods: all which (if it please God) shall be rehersed in their due place. But now, since wee are to speake of the benefits which are pretended to come from those fained deities: peace is a good be∣nefit: but it is a benefit giuen by the (b) true God onely, as the raine, the sunne and all other helpes of mans transitory life are; which are common euen to the * 1.22 vngratious, and vngratefull persons as well as the most thankefull. But if these Romaine gods had any powre to bestow such a benefit as peace is vpon Numa, or vpon Rome, why did they neuer do it after, when the Romaine Empire was in grea∣ter maiesty and magnificence? was their sacrifices more powrefull at their first institution, then at any time after? Nay, many of them then were not as yet in∣stituted, but remained vnspoaken of vntill afterwardes, and then they were insti∣tuted indeed, and kept for commodity sake. How commeth it then to passe that Numa's 43. Or as some say 39. yeares were passed in such full peace? and yet those sacrifices beeing neither instituted nor celebrated vntill afterwardes; * 1.23 and the gods whom these sollemnities inuited, beeing but now become the gardians and patrons of the state, after so many hundred yeares from Romes foun∣dation vntill the reigne of Augustus, there is but (c) one yeare reckned, and that is held as wholy miraculous, which falling after the first African warre, gaue the Romaines iust leaue to shut vp the gates of warres Temple?

L. VIVES.

IAnus (a) his temple] Ianus was a god, whose temple-dore beeing opened, was a signe of wars, and being shut, of peace vnto Rome on all partes. This was erected by Numa, nere Argiletus * 1.24 his Sepulchre, as a monument of the fight against the Sabines, wherein a great deale of water bursting in at that gate, gaue the Romaines much furtherance to the victorie. And therevpon, it was decreed that that gate should be opened as it were to giue assistance in all designes of warre. He (that is, Numa) was the first that shut the gate that he builded, as saith Macrobi∣us, Saturnal. 1.) and Manlius the second time, after the first Punike warre. Augustus thirdlie. Liu. lib. 1. (b) true God] Therefore Christ our Sauiour gaue his disciples that peace which the world cannot giue (c) One yeare reckned] T. Manlius Torquatus &c. C. Attilius were Con∣sulls this yeare, if wee shall beleeue Eutropius, who is no bad historian. These Consulls ha∣uing triumphed ouer the Sardes, and hauing procured a settled peace both by sea and land, shut the gates of Ianus Quirinus, which not many monthes after was opened againe: A. L Posthumus Albinus, and Cn. Fuluius Centimalus beeing Consulls: or as others saie, Sp: Car∣bilius was in Fuluius his place: In the Illirian warre:

Whether the Romaines might iustly desire that their Citties estate should arise to pre∣heminence by such furious warres, when it might haue rested firme, and quiet, in such a peace as Numa procured. CHAP. 10.

VVIll they reply (thinke you) that the Imperiall state of Rome had no other meanes of augmentation but by continuance of warres, nor any fitter course to diffuse the honour thereof then this? A fit course surely! why should any Empire make disquiet the scale vnto greatnesse? In this little world of mans body, is it not better to haue a meane stature with an vnmooued health, then a huge bignesse with intollerable sicknesse? to take no rest at the point where thou shouldst rest, the end? but still to confound the greater grouth with the greater griefe? what euill had there beene, nay what good had there not beene if those

times had lasted that Salust so applawded, saying: Kings in the beginning (for this (a) was first Imperiall name on earth) were diuers in their goodnesse: some exercised * 1.25 their corporall powers, some their spirituall, and mens liues in those times were without all exorbitance of habit or affect, each one keeping in his owne compasse: why should the Empire be aduanced by those practises that Virgil so detesteth? saying.

Deterior donec paulatim & d•…•…color aetas Et belli rabi•…•…s, & amor successit habendi.

(b) Vntill peruerse declining times succeed: World-frighting warres, and •…•…ll-pretended need.

But indeed the Romaines as yet had a iust defence for their so continued con∣tentions and warres: because, their foes engirting them with such vniuersall in∣uasions, it was very necessity to saue them-selues, and not their endeauour to be∣come powrefull ouer others that put weapons into their hands. Well bee it so. For, (as Saluste writeth) when they had well settled their estate by lawes, cus∣tomes and possessions, and seemed sufficiently potent, then, as it is in most affaires of mortality, out of their eminence arose enuy in others, which armed many of their neighbour Kings against them, and with-held most of their reputed friends from assisting them; they rest standing affraid, and a farre off. But the Romaines them-selues, sticking to warres tackling, cheered vp one another, to encounter the foe with courage, standing in their armes as the bulwarkes of their freedome, their countrey, and their kinred. And hauing made their vertue breake through all mistes of opposed daungers, they aided those that affected them, returning more gaine of friend-shippe to their estate by beeing the agents of bounty then the obiects, rather by doing good turnes to others, then by receiuing such of others. In these formes of augmenting her selfe, Rome kept a good Decorum. But now, in Numa's raigne, was there any iniuries of enemy or inuasions, con∣curring to disturbe this peace of his time, or was there not? If Rome were as then molested with wars, & yet did not oppose hostility with hostility; then those meanes that kept the foe from beeing ouerthrowne in fight, and yet without stroakes compelled them to composition; those very meanes alone should bee still of powre to shut Ianus his gates, and keepe this peace continually in Rome. Which if it were not in their powre to doe, then verily the Romaines had not their peace as long as it pleased the gods to allow it them, but as long as the neighbour Princes listed not to inuade and trouble them; (c) vnlesse those gods had farmed that which lieth not in theirs but others powre, vnto each one at their pleasure, as it it were by the letter pattent. There is much difference truly in these deuills working vpon mens proper infirmities, whether they worke with terrors, or with incitations. But howsoeuer, were they of this powre alwaies, and were not controuled by a superior soueraignty, they would still be practising their au∣thorities in warres and slaughters: which (as they fall out in truth) ordinarily, are rather the effects of mortall mens peculiar passions and affections, then direct practises of the damned spirits.

L. VIVES.

FOr this (a) was] So saith Iustine lib. 1. Herodotus, and Pliny. This institution deriued from Aegipt, where they say that Menes was the first King: though Diodorus affirme that O∣syris, * 1.26 Horus, and diuers others of the gods raigned before him. Our scriptures say that Nem∣broth was the first King, and raigned at Babilon. (b) Vntill peruerse] Hesiod in his Opera & Di∣es, saigneth fiue ages of mortality, which place he beginneth thus.

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. —The gods did first of all Make men in golden moldes: celestiall Their habitations were: In Saturnes raigne * 1.27 The vvorld afforded such.—

This, Uirgil, Ouid, and others did immitate. The first age the Golden one, they say was

vnder Saturne: without warres, or will to warres, humanity was lockt in vnity; neither were men contentious nor clamorous. These were called Saturnian daies. The next age Siluer, vnder Ioue, then warre began to buffle: so did her daughter, care, hate, and deceit. The third, Brazen warre hurles all vpon heapes, and quasseth liues and bloud. The fourth of the Halfe-Gods, Heroes, who thought they loued iustice, yet their bosomes harboured an eager thirst of warres. The first, Iron, wherein mischiefe goeth beyond bound and limit, and all miseries, breaking their prisons, assault mans fortunes; open deceit, open hate, open warres, slaughters, vastations, burnings, rapes, and rapines, all open violent and common (e) vnlesse] vnlesse the gods be so impudent, that they will sell that vnto men, as a benefit from them, which hath the original from another mans wil, and so require thankes of them as though it were there guift when it is rather the gift of another. [One interpreter vnderstanding not the figure, rappeth * 1.28 out what came first on his tongues end, and vpon that, as vpon a marble foundation, Lord what a goodly building he raiseth, concerning selling, and the powers of deuills, mans affects, and many good morrowes: euen such like as this in foundation is much of our Philosophers and Schoole-diuines trattle for all the world, what wounderfull maters do they wring out of such or such places of Aristotle or the scriptures, as (indeed) they neuer could truly vnder∣stand. O happy builders, that vpon no foundation but onely a meere smoke, can rayse such goodly buildings, as are held absolutely sky-towring, so elegant, and so durable!]

Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae, that shed teares (as men thought) for the Grecians miseries though he could not helpe them. CHAP. 11.

NOtwithstanding, that there are many of these warres and conquests that fall out quite against those gods likings, the Romaine history it selfe (to omit those fables that do not tel one truth for a thousand lies) shall giue cleare profe, for therein we read that the statue of Apollo (a) Cumane, in the time of the Ro∣mans warres againe the Achaians and (b) King Aristonicus, did persist foure daies together in contiunall weeping: which prodigy amazing the South-sayers, they held it fit to cast the statue into the sea, but the auncients of Cumae disswaded it, and shewed them that it had done so likewise in the warres both against (c) Anti∣ochus, and (d) Pers•…•…us, testifying also, that both these wars succeeding fortunarly vnto Rome, the senat sent ther guifts and oblations vnto the statue of Apollo And then, the South-sayers hauing learned wit, answered, that the weeping of Apollo was lucky to the Romaines, because that (e) Cuma was a Greeke collony, and that the statues teares did but portend mishap vnto the country from whence it came, namely vnto Greece. And soone after, they heard how Aristonicus was taken pri∣soner, and this was the cause of Apollos woes, shewen in his teares. And as touch∣ing this point, not vnfitly, though fabulously, are the diuells trickes plainely dis∣couered in the fictions of the Poets: Diana was sory for Camilla in Virgill: And Hercules wept for the death of Pallas. And it may be that vpon this ground Numa in his great peace giuen him, hee neither knew nor sought to know by whome, bethinking him-selfe in his idlenesse vnto what gods he should commit the pre∣seruation of the Romaines fortunes, (neuer dreaming that it is onely the great and almighty God that hath regard of these inferior things) and remembring himselfe, that the gods that Aeneas brought from Troy, could neither preserue the estate of the Troians, nor that of the Lauinians erected by Aeneas, into any good continuance, he thought fit to seeke out some others, to ioyne with the for∣mer were gone with Romulus to Rome and that were afterwards to go, at the distruction of Alba either to keepe them from running away, or to helpe them when they saw them too weake.

L. VIVES.

APollo (a) Cumane] King Attalus at his death, made the people of Rome heyres to his Kingdome: of which, Aristonicus his brothers bastard sonne, got possession before them: * 1.29 hence grew there warres, in which, Licinius Consull and Priest, was sent as Generall, whom Aristonicus ouer-came. M. Perpenna the next yeares Consull hearing of Crassus his fortune, came with speed into Asia, and hauing ouer-throwne Aristonicus, and forced him into Strato∣nica, through famine he forced him to yeeld, and so sent him to Rome. In this warre Nicome∣des, Mithridates, Ariarathes and Pylemanes, Kings of Bythinia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Pa∣phlagonia fauoured the Romaines: Achaia onely, assisted Aristonicus. (b) King Aristonicus] * 1.30 This weeping of Apollo happened in the Consulshippe of Appius Claudius, and M. Perpenna, as Iulius Obsequens (Fragm lib. de prodigiis) in these wordes affirmeth App. Claudius and M. Perpenna being Consulls, P. Crassus was slaine in battaile against Aristonicus. Apollo's statue wept foure daies. The prophets presaged the destruction of Greece, from whence it came. The Ro∣maines * 1.31 offered it sacrifice and brought giftes vnto the temple. Thus farre Obsequens. The weep∣ing of a statue portended mis-fortune to those that it fauoured, as vpon the weeping of Iuno Sospita at Lauinium (Consulls, L. Aemilius Paulus, & Cn. Bebius Pamphilus:) followed a great pestilence. So saith Lucane of the prodigies in the ciuill warres.

Indig•…•…tes fl•…•…uisse d•…•…os, v•…•…bis{que} laborem Testatos sudore Lares:—

The Patron gods did weepe: the cities paines, The swea•…•…ng Lars recorded.—

(c) Antiochus] King of Syria, conquered by L. Cornelius Scipio, brother to Africanus: Liuie * 1.32 at large Decad. 4. (d) Perseus] Some write Xerxes, but it is better, Perseus, sonne to Philip King of Macedon, whom. L: Aemilius Paulus conquered in a few houres, in the second Macedoni∣an warre. Plutarch in Aemilius his life: and others. (e) Cumae] The Chalcidians, and the Cu∣maeans (Strabo. lib. 5:) being people of Greece, sailed into Italy with a great nauy, and landing in Campania there built a citty: The Cumaeans captaine was Hippocles, the Chalcidians Me∣gasthenes: these agreed amongst themselues that the one people should inhabite the towne, and the others should name it: and so they did: It was called Cumae, and the inhabitants were Chalcidians. Of this Cumae, Virgil hath this verse. Aenead. 6. * 1.33

Chalcidica{que} leuis tandem superastitit ar•…•…: And light at last on the Chalcidian towre.

This City (saith Strabo) is the most ancient Citty both of all Italy and Sicily.

How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines, who induced them, be∣yond the institution of Numa. CHAP. 12.

NOr could Rome bee content with those sacrifices which Numa had in such plentifull measure prescribed, for it had not as yet the great temple of Iupi∣ter. For it was Tarquin that (a) built the Capitoll a good while after. And (b) Aesculapius came afterwards from Epidaurus vnto Rome: because he being a (c) most expert Phisitian, might practise in so famous a Cittie with the greater cre∣dite. The Mother of the gods also (of (d) whence, who can tell) came thether from (e) Pessinuns, It being a thing vnmeete for the sonne to bee the chiefe God of the Capitol, and the mother to ly obscured I know not where: But if shee bee the mother of all the gods, she did not follow all her children vnto Rome, but left some to follow her thither. I wonder whether shee were dam vnto Cynocephalus, that (f) came out of Aegipt long after or no. Whether the goddesse. (g) Febris bee one of her Children or no, (h) let Aesculapius, (i) her Nephew looke to that. But wheresoeuer shee was borne, I hope the stranger goddes dare not call a goddesse base, that is (k) a Romaine Cittizen. Well, Rome beeing placed vnder the protection of so many gods (as who can recken vppe?) both of Italians, and Forreyners, both of Heauen, Earth, Hel, Seas, Fountaines, and Riuers, & as Varro saith, both (l) certain & vncertaine,

and as it is in creatures, both male & female of all these seuerall kinds: me thinkes that Rome hauing all these to be her Tutors, should neuer haue tasted of such intol∣lerable troubles as I meane to relate briefely out of their huger multitude. The great (m) smoake she sent'vp was like (n) a beacon, and called to many gods to her defence: vnto all which the Priests erecting seuerall monuments, and seuerall mysteries, enflamed the furie of the true God in farre greater measure, to whom onely all these institutions & rights were belonging. Truly, Rome thriued a great deale better, when shee had farre fewer protectors: But growing greater, like as a ship calleth in more saylers, so call'd she in more gods: doubting (I thinke) that those few, (vnder whom she had passed a peaceable reuolution before, in compa∣rison of that that followed) were not now of sufficiencie to defend her greatnesse, it was so much augmented. For at first, vnder the Kings themselues, (excepting Numa, of whom wee spake before) what a mischieuous beginning of dissention was that, wherein Romulus killed his owne and onely brother?

L. VIVES.

TArquin (a) built] The proud. (Liui. lib. 1.) (b) Aesculapius] In the warre of the Sam∣nites he was brought from Epidaurus to Rome, by Ogolnius the Legate, in the shape of a * 1.34 tame Snake, and he swamme ouer into the Ile of Tyber, where his temple was built, and a feast instituted to him in the Calends of Ianuary. Epidaurus (once called Epitaurus: Strab.) is a towne in Achaia, aboue Corinthe, on the Easterne shore, which Pliny called Saronium, and is named at this day Golfo di Engia: it was famous for the Temple of Aesculapius which stood in that territorie, some fiue miles from the Cittie. (c) A most expert Phisitian] Cicero holds there were three Aesculapii. First Apollo's sonne, worshipped in Arcadia. Second brother to the second Mercury, who was sonne to Valens and Phoronis: hee was struck with thunder, and it is said hee is buried at Cynosurae. The third, sonne to Arsippus and Arsinoe, first inuentor of purging, and tooth-drawing: his sepulcher and his graue is to bee seene in Arcadia, not farre from the riuer Lusius. Tarquinius speaking of the famous men (this we haue from Lactantius) saith that Aesculapius was borne of vnknowne parents, and being cast out, and found by hun∣ters, was fed with bitches milke, and afterwards committed to Chyron, of whom hee learned Phisicke: that by birthe he was a Messenian, but dwelt at Epidaurus. Hippocrates saith, that he wrote the booke called Nauicula (as we haue said in our principles of Philosophie) Corn. Cel∣sus saith, he was numbred amongst the gods, for giuing excellence and lustre vnto Phisicke, which before was but rude and vnpolished. (d) Of whence,] She was of ignoble and ob∣scure descent, as Saturne her brother also was. For shee they say was Ops: and therefore they held them as the children of Caelus, knowing not indeed of whence they were, who not-with∣standing prooued so famous and admired. Such as these were, the people thought to come * 1.35 downe from heauen. (e) Pessinus,] Some write Mount Prenestine: this place is faultie in all the copies that euer I could finde. Others write Mount Pessinunt, but it were better to say, Mount Palatine, for there was the mother of the gods placed, at her first comming to Rome. (Liu. lib. 36.) and Victor de Regionibus vrbis. (f) Came out of Egipt] Apuleius in his Asse saith, that the Deities of Egipt were brought thence vnto Rome about Sylla's time, that is, aboue an hundred yeares after the mother of the gods came to Rome. But L. Piso, and A. Gabinius being Consuls, decreed by edict, that they should not come in the Capitoll, though afterwards they did. Tertull. Apologetic. (g) Febris,] Some read, the god Februus, which cannot be good: for Februus is Pluto, vnto whom they sacrificed in February, called so because of Purgation: this is not doubted of. But that it must bee Febris here, that which followeth of Aesculapius, doth approoue, and other subsequences. (h) Let Aesculapius,] Wittily applyed, because hee is a Phisition. (i) Nephew] Or grand-childe: hee was sonne to Apollo, hee to Iupiter, and hee vn∣to Ops. (k) A Romaine Cittizen] This is conceited also: for the Romaines made Febris a god∣desse. (l) Certaine and vncertaine,] For some of their Deities were doubtfull: as Pans, the Syluans, and the Nimphs. Ouid brings in Iupiter speaking thus:

Sunt mihi semidei, sunt rustica Nomina, Faumi,

Et Nymphae, Satyrîque & monticolae Syluani, Quos quoniam caeli nondum dignamur honore, Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus. * 1.36

We haue of Semy-gods, and Syluanes, store: Nymphs, Fawnes, and Satyres, and many more: Whom since as yet we haue debard the skies, We needs must guard on earth from iniuries.

Such also are Corybantes, Hyppolitus, Atys and Sabbazius, whom Lucian calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, aliens and doubtfull gods, (m) Smoake] Of the sacrifices: or meaning their vanitie, is an allusion vnto smoake, for smoake is often taken for a vaine and friuolous thing, as to sell smoake. (n) As a Beacon] In time of warre, or suspition, the watchmen * 1.37 placed bundels of drye small sticks, vpon their high watch-stands, that when the enemy approached on a sudden, they might fire the sticks, and so giue notice vnto their owne soul∣diers and the neighbouring townes: The Greekes called those bundels 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and by these fires within lesse then halfe an houre, notice might bee giuen vnto the contrey an hundred mile about, to come betimes to the preuenting of their danger. It may also bee vnderstood of the signe giuen in battels.

By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues. CHAP. 13.

IN like manner, neither Iuno (for all that shee was now as her husband was, good friends with the Romaines) nor Venus, could helpe her sonnes progenie to honest and honorable mariages, but suffered this want to growe so hurtfull vnto them, that they were driuen to get them wiues by force, and soone after were compelled to go into the field against their wiues owne fathers, and the wretched women beeing yet scarcely reconciled to their husbands for this wrong offered them, were now endowed with their fathers murthers and kin∣dreds bloud: but in this conflict the Romaines had the lucke to be conquerors. But O what worlds of wounds, what numbers of funerals, what Oceans of bloud∣shed did those victories cost! for one onely father (a) in lawe Caesar, and for one onely sonne in law Pompey; (the wife of Pompey, and daughter to Caesar being dead) with what true feeling, and iust cause of sorrow doth Lucane crie out.

Bella per Emathios plus quam ciuilia campos, •…•…us{que} datum sceleri canimus:—

Warres worse then ciuill in th' (b) Emathian plaines, And right left spoile to rage we sing:—

Thus then the Romaines conquered, that they might now returne and embrace the daughters with armes embrued in the bloud of the fathers: nor du•…•…st the poore creatures weepe for their slaughtered parents, for feare to offend their conquering husbands: but all the time of the battle, stood with their vowes in their mouthes (c) and knew not for which side to offer them. Such mariages Bellona, (and not Venus) bestowed vpon the Romaines: or perhaps (d) Alecto that filthy hellish furie, now that Iuno was agreed with them, had more power vpon their bosomes now, then shee had then, when Iuno entreated her helpe against Aeneas. Truly (e) Andromacha's captiuitie was farre more tollerable then these Romaine mariages; for though she liued seruile, yet Pyrrhus after hee had once embraced her, would neuer kill Troian more. But the Romaines slaugh∣tered their owne step fathers in the field, whose daughters they had already enioyed in their beds. Andromacha's estate secured her from further feares, though it freed her not from precedent sorrowes: But these poore soules being matched to these sterne warriours, could not but feare at their husbands going

to battell, and wept, at their returne, hauing no way to freedome either by their feares or teares. For they must either (in piety) bewaile the death of their friendes and kinsfolkes, or (in cruelty) reioice at the victories of their husbands. Besides, (as warres chance is variable) some lost their husbands by their fathers swords; and some lost both, by the hand of each other. For it was no small war that Rome at that time waged. It came to the besieging of the citty it selfe, and the Romaines were forced to rely vppon the strength of their walls and gates which (f) being gotten open by a wile, and the foe being entred within the wals (g) euen in the very market-place was there a most wofull and wicked battell, struck betwixt the fathers in law and the sons. And here were the rauishers cō∣quered maugre their beards, and driuen to flye into their owne houses, to the great staine of all their precedent (though badly and bloudily gotten) (h) con∣quests: for here Romulus him-selfe dispairing of his soldiors valors, (i) praid vn∣to Iupiter to make them stand, and (k) here-vpon got Iupiter his sur-name of Sta∣tor) (l) Nor would these butcheries haue euer beene brought vnto any end, but that the silly rauished women came running forth, with torne and dishe∣ueled haire, and falling at their parents feete, with passionate intreaties, insteed of hostile armes, appeased their iustly inraged valors. And then was Romulus that could not indure to share with his brother, compelled to diuide his King∣dom with Tatius, the King of the Sabines: but (m) how long would he away with him, that misliked the fellowship of his owne twin-borne brother? So Tatius be∣ing slaine, he to become the greater Deity, tooke possession of the whole king∣dome. O what rights of mariage were these, what firebrands of war; what leagues of brother-hood, affinity, vnion, or Deity! And ah what (n) liues the cittizens lastly led, vnder so huge a bed-roll of gods Guardians! You see what copious matter this place affordeth, but that our intention bids vs remem∣ber what is to follow, and falles on discourse to other particulars.

L. VIVES.

FAther in law (a) Caesar] Iulia the only daughter of C. Caesar was married vnto Cn. Pom∣peius the great. Shee died in child-bed, whilst her father warred in France. And after that * 1.38 he and his sonne in law waged ciuils wars one against another: (b) Emathian] That which is called Macedonia now, was called once Emathia. (Plin. lib. 4.) There did Pompey and Cae∣sar fight a set field. (c) And knew not.] Ouid (Fastor. 3.) hath these wordes of the Sa∣bine women when the Romaines battell and theirs were to ioine: Mars speaketh.

Conueniunt nuptae dictam Iunonis in aedem, Quas inter mea sic est nurus ausa loqui: O pariter raptae, quoniam hoc commune tenemus, Non vltra lentae possumus essepiae. Stant acies: sed vtradij sunt pro parte rogandi? Eligite, hinc coniunx, hinc pater arma tenet. Querendum est, viduae fieri malitis, an orbae? &c.

The wiues in Iunoes church a meeting make, Where met, my daughter thus them all be spake: Poore rauisht soules, since all our plights are one, Our zeale ha's now no meane to thinke vpon. The batails ioine: whom shall we pray for rather? Choose: here a husband fights, and there a father: Would you be spouselesse (wiues) or fatherlesse. &c.

(e) Or perhaps Alecto] The 3. furies, Alecto, Magera, & Tisiphone, are called the daughters of night & Acheron. Alecto affects y^• hart with ire, hate, tumult, sedition, clamors, war, slaughters.

T•…•… p•…•…es una•…•…s ar•…•…re in pr•…•…lia •…•…ratres, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…is ver•…•…re d•…•…s—

Tis thou can make sworne bretheren mortall foes, Confounding hate with hate—

Saith Iuno to Alecto, stirring her vp against the Troians. Aeneid. 7. (e) Andromache] Hectors * 1.39 wife, daughter to Tetion King of Thebes in Cilicia: Pyrrhus married her after the de∣struction of Troye. (f) Beeing gotte open] Sp. Tarpeius was Lieutenant of the Tower, whose daughter Tarpeia, Tatius the Sabine King with great promises allured to let in his souldiors when shee went out to fetch water. Shee assented, vpon condition that shee might haue that which each of his souldiors wore vpon his left arme. Tatius agreed, and being let in, the Sol∣diours * 1.40 smothered the maide to death with their bucklers: for them they wore on their left armes also, whereas shee dreamed onely of their golden bracelets which they bore on that arme. Plutarch (out of Aristides Milesius) saith, that this happened to the Albanes, not to the Sabines. In Parallelis. But I do rather agree with Liuie, Fabius, Piso, and Cincius, of the La∣tine writers, and Dionysius of the Greekes. (g) In the very market place] Betweene the Capitoll and Mount Palatine. (h) Conquests] Not of the Sabines, but of the Ceninensians, the Crus∣tumerians, and the Attennates. (i) Praid vnto Iupiter] In these words: But O thou father of Gods and men, keepe but the foes from hence, take away the Romanes terror, and stay their flight. Vnto thee O Iupiter Stator, doe I vowe to build a temple in this place, as a monument vnto all po∣steritie, that by thine onely helpe the citty was saued. Liuius lib. 1. (k) Herevpon] stato â sistendo, of staying, or à stando, of stablishing, that is, erecting the Romaine spirits that were deiected. Cicero calleth this Iupiter, the preseruer of the Empire, in many places. I thinke it is because his * 1.41 house was neere this temple. Saint Hierome saith, that this Iupiter was formed standing: not that he thinketh he was called Stator, because he standeth so vpright, but because Iupiter To∣nans (as Hermolaus Barbarus hath noted) was alwayes stamped and engrauen vpon ancient coynes sitting: and Stator, standing, as being in readinesse to helpe and assist men: Seneca giues a deeper reason of his name. Hee is not called stator (saith he) because (as history reporteth) hee stayed the Romaine armie after the vowe of Romulus, but because by his benefits all things consist, and are established. De benefic. lib. 4. And Tully likewise: When we call Iupiter, Almighty, Salu∣taris, Hospitalis, & Stator, wee meane, that all mens health, and stabilitie is consisting of him and from him, being vnder his protection. But both these authors doe here speake Stoically. For Tully maketh Cato the Stoike speake these fore-alledged words. De finib. lib. 3. For all these assertions of the gods the Stoikes reduced to a more Metaphysicall or Theologicall sence. (l) Nor would these Butcheries] In the middest of the fight the women gaue in betwixt the battels all bare∣headed and loose haired: and calling on their parents on this side, and their husbands on that, with teares besought them both to fall to agreement. So the battell ceased, a league was made, the Sabines became citizens, and Tatius was ioyned King with Romulus. (m) But how long] The Laurentians of Lauinium slew Tatius the fift yeare of his raigne with Romulus, because his friends had iniured their Embassadors. Hereof was Romulus very glad. (n) Liues] some read Iura, lawes. But in the old manuscripts, some haue vita, and some vitae, liues, both better then Iura.

How impious that warre was, which the Romaines began with the Albans, and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine. CHAP. 14.

BVT when Numa was gone, what did the succeeding Kings? O how tragicall (as well on the Romaines side as on the Albanes) was that warre betweene Rome and Alba? Because (forsooth) the peace of Numa was growne loath∣some, therefore must the Romaines and the Albanes begin alternate massacres, to so great an endamaging of both their estates: And Alba (a) the daughter of As∣canius, Aeneas his sonne, (a more appropiate mother vnto Rome then Troye) must by Tullus Hostilius his prouocation, bee compelled to fight with Rome it selfe, her owne daughter. And fighting with her, was afflicted, and did afflict, vn∣till the continuall conflicts had vtterly tyred both the parties. And then they were faine to put the finall ending of the whole warre (b) to sixe bretheren, three Horatij on Romes sides, and three Curiatij on Albas. So two of the Horatij

fell by the three other: and the three other fell by the third onely of the Horatij. Thus gotte Rome the vpper hand, yet so hardly, as of sixe combattants, onely one suruiued. Now who were they that lost on both sides? who were they that lamented but Aeneas his progenie, Ascanius his posteritie, Venus of spring, and Iupiters children? for this warre was worse then ciuill, where the daughter citty bore armes against the mother. (c) Besides, this brethrens fight was closed with an horrid and an abhominable mischiefe. For in the time of the league be∣tweene both citties, a sister of the Horatij, was espoused to one of the Curiatij, who seeing her brother returne with the spoiles of her dead spouse, and bursting into teares at this heauy sight, was runne thorow the body by hir owne brother in his heate and furie. There was more true affection in this one poore woman (in my iudgement) then in all the whole Romaine nation besides. Shee did not deserue to be blamed for bewailing that hee was slaine to whom shee ought her faith (or that her brother had slaine him to whom he him-selfe perhaps had pro∣mised her his sister.) For Pious Aeneas is commended in Virgill for bewailing (d) him whom hee had slaine as an enemie. And Marcellus, viewing the faire cittie Syracusa, being then to bee made a prey to ruine by the armes of his conduct, re∣uoluing the inconstancie of mortall affaires, pittied it, and bewailed it: I pray you then giue thus much leaue to a poore woman, in tender affection, faultlesly to be∣waile her spouse, slaine by her brother, since that warlike men haue beene praised for deploring their enemies estate in their owne conquests. But when this one wretched soule lamented thus, that her loue had lost his life by her brothers hand, contrarywise did all Rome reioyce, that shee had giuen their mother so mighty a foyle, and exulted in the plenty of the allyed bloud that she had drawne. What face then haue you to talke of your victories and your glories hereby gotten? Cast but aside the maske of mad opinion, and all these villanies will appeare naked, to view, peruse, and censure: weigh but Alba's cause and Troyes together, and you shall finde a full difference. Tullus began these warres, onely to renew the discon∣tinued * 1.42 valours and triumphs of his country-men. From this ground, arose these horrid warres, betweene kindred & kindred, which not-withstanding Saluste doth but ouer-run, sicco pede: for hauing briefly recollected the precedent times, when men liued, without aspiring or other affects, each man contenting himselfe with his owne. But after that (e) Cyrus (quoth he) in Asia, and the Lacedemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subdue the countries & cities within their reaches, th•…•…n desire of soueraignty grew a common cause of warre, and opinion placed the greatest glory in the largest Empire, &c. Thus farre he. This desire of soueraigntie is a deadly corrasiue to humaine spirits. This made the Romaines triumph ouer Alba, and gaue the happy successe of their mischiefes, the stile of glories. Because, as out Scripture saith; The wicked maketh boast of his hearts desire, and the vniust dealer blesseth himselfe. Take off then these deluding vayles from things, and let them * 1.43 appeare as they are indeed Let none tell me, Hee, or Hee is great, because he hath coped with and conquered such and such an one. Fencers can fight & conquer, & those bloudy acts of theirs in their combate (f) doe neuer passe vngraced. But I hold it rather fit to expose a mans name to all taint of idlenesse, then to purchase renowne from such bad emploiment. But if two Fencers or sword-plaiers should come vpon the stage, one being the father, & another the sonne, who could endure * 1.44 such a spectacle? how then can glory attend the armes of the daughter city against the mother? do yee make a difference in that their field was larger thē the fencers stage, & y^t they fought not in view of the theater but the whole world, presenting

a spectacle of eternall impiety both to the present times, and to all posteritie? But your great guardian-gods bore all this vnmooued, sitting as spectators of this tragedy, whilest for the three Curiatij that were flaine, the sister of the Horatij must be stabbed by the hand of her owne brother, to make euen the number with hir two other brethren, that Romes conquest might cost no lesse bloud then Alba's losse did: which, as the fruite of the victory (h) was vtterly subuerted: euen this place, which the gods (after Ilium, which the Greekes destroyed, and Lauinium, where Latinus placed fugitiue Aeneas as King) had chosen to bee their third place of habitation. But it may be they were gone hence also, and so it came to be razed: yes sure, all they that kept the state of it vp, were departed from their shrines. Then they left Alba where Amulius had raigned, hauing thrust out his brother, and went to dwell at Rome, where Romulus had raigned, hauing killed his brother. Nay, but before this demolition (say they) the people of Alba were all transported vnto Rome, to make one Cittie of both. Well be it so, yet the Cittie, that was the seate Royall of Ascanius, and the third habitacle of the Troian gods, was vtterly demolished. And much bloud was spilt, before they came to make this miserable confusion of both these peoples together. Why should I particu∣larize the often renouation of these warres vnder so many seuerall kings; which when they seemed to be ended in victory, began so often againe in slaughters, and after combination and league, brake out so fresh betweene kindred and kindred, both in the predecessors and their posteritie? No vaine Embleme of their misery was that continuall standing open of Ianus his gate: so that for all the helpe of these gods-guardians, there was not one King of them that continued his raigne in peace.

L. VIVES.

(a) ALba,] There were many Alba's: one in Spaine, called also Virgao. Another in that part of France called Prouence, a towne of the Heluii. A third in Italy, by the Lake * 1.45 Fucinus, now called Lago di Marso, or Lago di Celaeno, &c. A fourth in Lombardy called Pom∣peia. The fift vpon Mount Albanus, called Alba Longa. And Rome (not onely that which Romulus built) was a collony of the Albanes brought out by Romulus and Remus: but many thinke that the old Rome also, that was long before, was built by Romulus, Aeneas his sonne: which being at length through pestilence and often inuasion left desolate, was by the Albans (pitying the inhabitants cases) restored, and diuerse of them sent to repaire and people it. (b) Three bretheren,] (Liu lib. 1.) It is commonly knowne that Metius Suffetius the Dicta∣tor of Alba, counselled and agreed with Tullus the King of Rome, to take a course to saue the liues of so many innocent people on both sides, and to haue the controuersie decided by a few onely: so making a league, sixe men were appointed to fight for both the states soueraign∣ties. Now there were three bretheren in either armie, these were turned together into the lists, and whose side conquered, that people should bee soueraigne. (c) Besides,] Saint Augustine may be his owne comment herein, hee tells it so plaine. (d) Bewayling him] Lau•…•…us, Mezen∣tius his sonne, Aeneid 10. (e) Cyrus] There were two Cyri the greater, meant here, Conqueror of Asiae, Scythia, and all the East, reigning in the time of Tarquin the proud. Hee tooke Craesus * 1.46 the ritch King of Lydia: but by Tomiris Queene of Scythia, himselfe was taken, beheaded, and his head souced in a tubbe of bloud, to satisfie his cruell thirst. Plutarch, Strabo, Trogus, Herodotus, &c. Herodotus calleth him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the great King. And there-vpon the other Persian Kings are vsually so stiled. The other was Cyrus the lesser, sonne to Darius, bro∣ther * 1.47 to Artaxerxes, whose iourney into Persia, Xenophon wrote. (f) Doe neuer passe] With crownes hung all with labells and pendants. (g) Amphitheater] The Theater was like halfe a circle, the Amphitheater like a full circle: it was strowed with Sand, and there the Fencers * 1.48 fought. (h) Was vtterly] Liu. In the first Veian warre, when Metius of Alba stood as neuter with his armie, and would not helpe Tullus according to the conditions of the league, Tullus made him be drawne in peeces with horses, destroied Alba, & remoued all the Albans to Rome.

Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings. CHAP. 15.

BVt how ended their Kings still? for Romulus, let that flattering fable looke to him, which hath sent him vp into heauen. Let'some of their owne (a) writers iudge, that affirme him torne in peeces by the Senate for his pride, and that (b) I know not whom, one Iulius Proculus, was suborned to say, that he appeared vnto him, commanding him to bid Rome giue him diuine honor, and so was the furie * 1.49 of the people surprised. Besides, an Ecclipse of the sunne falling out at the same time, wrought so vpon the (c) ignorance of the rude vulgar, that they ascribed all this vnto Romulus his worthe and glories. As though that if the sunne had mourned, as they thought it did, (d) they should not rather imagine that it was because Romulus was murdered, and therefore that the sunne turned his light from such a villanie; as it did indeed when our Lord and Sauiour was crucified by the bloudy & reprobate Iewes. (e) That the Eclipse which befell at our Saui∣ours death, was quite against the regular course of the stars, is hence most plaine, * 1.50 because it was the Iewes Easter: which is continually kept at the ful of the Moone. But (f) the regular eclipse of the Sunne neuer hapneth but in the changing of the Moone. Now Cicero intimates plainely that this admission of Romulus into heauen, was rather imagined then performed; there where in Scipio's words (De repub.) speaking of his prayses, Hee attained so much (saith hee) that being not to be found after the sunnes Eclipse, he was accounted as admitted into the number of the gods: which opinion, there is no man without admirable merit of vertue can purchase. Now whereas hee saith, that hee was not to bee found, hee glanceth doubtlesse eyther at the secrecie of the murther, or intimateth the violence of the tempest. For other writers (g) adde vnto this Ecclipse a sudden storme, which either was the agent or the occasion of Romulus his murther. Now Tully in the same bookes, speaking of (h) Hostilius (third King after Romulus) who was striken to death with thunder, saith, that hee was not reckoned amongst the gods, be∣cause that which was prooued true (that is, that which they beleeued was so) in Romulus the Romaines would not (i) embase, by making it too common, in giuing it to the one as well as the other. And in his Inuectiues hee saith plainly. It is our good-will and fame, that hath made Romulus (this Citties founder) a God. To shew that it was not so indeed, but onely spred into a reporte by their good-will to him for his worthe and vertues. But in his Dialogue called (k) Horten∣sius, disputing of regular Eclipses, hee saith more plainely: To produce such a darkenesse as was made by the Eclipse of the Sunne at Romulus his death. Here he feared not to say directly his death, by reason hee sus•…•…ained the person of a dis∣putant, rather then a Panegyricke. But now for the other Kings of Rome, excepting Numa, and Ancus Martius, that dyed of infirmities, what horrible ends did they all come to? Hostilius, the subuerter of Alba, as I sayd, was con∣sumed, together with his whole house by lightning. (l) Tarquinius Priscus was murthered by his predecessors sonnes: And Seruius Tullius, by the villanie of his sonne in lawe Tarquin the proude, who succeeded him in his kingdome. Nor yet were any of the gods gone from their shrines, for all this so haynous a parricide, committed vpon this so good a King, though it bee affirmed that they serued wretched Troye in worse manner, in leauing it to the licentious fu∣rie of the Greekes, onely for Paris his adulterie. Nay, Tarquin hauing shedde his father in lawes bloud, seazed on his estate himselfe. This parricide gotte

his crowne by his step fathers murder, and after-wards glorying in monstrous warres and massacres, and euen building the Capitoll vp, with hence-got spoiles: This wicked man, the gods were so far from •…•…or saking, that they sat and looked on him, nay and would haue Iupiter their principall to sit, and sway all things in that stately temple, namely in that blacke monument of parricide, for Tarquin was not innocent, when he built (m) the Capitoll, and for his after-guilt, incurred expulsion: No, foule and inhumaine murder was his very ladder to that state whereby he had his meanes to build the Capitol. And (n) whereas the Romains expelled him the state and Citty afterwards, the cause of that (namely Lucresses rape) grew from his sonne and not from him, who was both ignorant and absent when that was done: for then was he at the siege of Ardea, and a fighting for the Romaines good: nor know we what he woold haue done had he knowne of this fact of his sonne, yet without all triall or iudgement, the people expelled him from his Empire: and hauing charged his army to abandon him, tooke them in at the gates, & shut him out. But he himselfe after he had plagued the Romaines (by their borderers meanes) with eztreame warres, and yet at length being not able to recouer his estate, by reason his friends fayled him: retired himselfe (as it is reported) vnto (o) Tusculum, a towne fourteene miles from Rome, and there enioy∣ing a quiet and priuat estate, liued peaceably with his wife, and died farre more happily then his Father in law did, who fell so bloudily by his meanes, and (p) his owne daughters consent, as it is credibly affirmed, and yet this Taquin was neuer surnamed cruell nor wicked by the Romaines, but the Proud; it may be (q) because their owne pride would not let them beare with his: As for the crime of killing that good King his Step-father, they shewed how light they made of that, in making him murder the King, wherein I make a question whether the gods were not guilty in a deeper manner then he, by rewarding so highly a guilt so horrid, and not leauing their shrines all at that instant when it was done, vn∣lesse some will say for them, that they staid still at Rome, to take a deeper reuenge vpon the Romaines, rather then to assist them, seducing them with vaine victo∣ries, and tossing them in vnceasing turmoiles. Thus liued the Romaines in those so happy times, vnder their Kings, euen vntil the expelling of Tarquine the proud, which was about two hundred forty and three yeares together, paying so much bloud, and so many liues for euery victory they got, and yet hardly enlarging their Empire the distance of (r) twenty miles compasse without the walles: How farre then haue they to conquer, and what store of stroks to share, vntill they come to conquer a City of the (s) Getulians?

L. VIVES.

THeir owne (a) writers] Dionisius (lib. 2) saith that the senators tore him in peeces and euery * 1.51 one bore away a peece wrapped in his gowne: keping it by this meanes from the notice of the vulgar (b) I know not whome] this hee addeth either because the author is obscure, or because the lye that Proculus told was vile & periured. (c) Ignorance] Before that their Philo∣sopers shewed men the causes of eclipses, men when they saw them, feared indeed either some great mischiefe, or the death of the planets themselues, nor was this feare only vulgar, euen the learned shared in it, as Stefichorus, and Pindarus, two lyrick Poets (d) They should not rather] not * 1.52 is put into the reformed copies otherwise the sence is inuerted, (e) that that eclipse] the partly meeting of the Sun and Moone depriues vs of the Suns light, and this is the Eclypse of the Sun but the shade of the earth falling from y^e suns place lineally vpon the moone, makes the moones eclipse. So that neither can the Sunne bee Eclipsed but in the Moones change, and par∣tile coniunction with him; neither can the Moone be eclipsed but at her ful, and in her farthest

posture from the sunne: then is she prostitute to obnubilation. (f) The regular] Regular and Canonicall is all one: of Canon the Greeke word: well was this waighed of the Augustine Monkes, who holding the one insufficient, would be called by them both. (g) Adde vnto this] Liuie, A tempest suddainely arose, with great thunder and lightning: (h) Of Hostilius] Some write that he and his whole house was burnt with lightning. Some, that it was fired by Mar∣tius * 1.53 Ancus his successor. (i) Embase] Vilefacere saith Saint Augustine, but this is not well, nor learnedly: no, if any of our fine Ciceronians correct it, it must be Uilificare: for this is their vsuall phrase: Hominificare, animalificare, accidentificare, asinificare. (k) Hortensius] Wee haue lost it: that which some take to bee it, is the fourth of the Tusculanes. Marcellus. (l) Tarquinius Priscus] The fift Romaine King, Demaratus his sonne of Corinth, hee was * 1.54 slaine by shephards suborned by the sonnes of Martius Ancus. After him came Seruius Tul∣lus his step-sonne, powrefull in peace, and warre: who adorned his Citty with many good in∣stitutions. Hee was slaine by the meanes of Tarquin the proude. This Tarquin was brutish and cruell to his people: but exceeding valourous in warre and peace. (m) The Capitol] On * 1.55 the hill Saturnius, afterwardes called Tarpeius, did hee dedicate the Capitol to almighty Ioue. (n) And whereas] The seauenth and last King of the Romaines, hee was expelled by Brutus, Collatinus, Lucretius, Valerius, Horatius &c. Partly because of many old iniuries, but chiefely for his sonne Sextus his Rape of Lucresse. Hee was befieging Ardea when the people beganne this depriuation, and when he came to the Citty, Brutus, that came into the campe another waie, with-drew all his army from him. (o) Tusculum] It is more commonly beleeued that hee died at Cumae with King Aristodemus, liuing neere at the age of 90. yeares: I doe not denie his stay some yeares at Tusculum with Octauius Mamilius his sonne in law, vntill at that memo∣rable filed at Lake Regillus (now called Lago. di. S. Prassede) Mamilius was slaine by T. Herminius, Legate of Rome. Which perhaps is cause of Saint Augustines forgetfulnesse in a matter of so small a moment, caring not whether it bee reported thus or thus, (p) His owne daughters consent] Nay, furtherance it is sayd, and continuall vrging her husband to the fact. (q) There owne pride] A pithy and elegant saying. (r) twenty miles] Eighteene, saith Ruffus, won by Ancus from Rome to Ostia by the sea. Eutropius hath but sixteene. (s) Getulians] Getulia is a part of Affrike, neere the inhabitable Zone, as Mela saith. Salust writeth thus of * 1.56 them. The rude and barbarous Getulians dwelt at first in Africa: the flesh of wild beastes & grasse was their meate, as beasts, haue also their apparell. Law had they none, nor gouernment, nor place of aboade. This and more hath Salust of the Getulians. Mela saith they are a great and popu∣lous country.

Of the first Romaine Consulls; how the one expelled the other out of his country, and hee himselfe, after many bloudy murders, fell by a wound, giuen him by his wounded foe. CHAP. 16.

VNto these times, adde the other, wherein (as Salust saith) things were mo∣destly and iustly caried, vntill the feare of Tarquin and the Hetrurian warre were both ended. For whilest the Hetrurians assisted Tarquins endeauours of re-instalment, Rome quaked vnder so burthenous a warre. And therefore (saith Salust) were things caried modestly and iustly, feare beeing the cause here of by restraint, not iustice, by perswasion. In which short space, O how cruell a course had the yeare of the two first Consulls! The time beeing yet vnexpired, Brutus debased Collatine, and banished him the Citty: And soone after, perished he him∣selfe, hauing (a) enterchanged a many wounds with his foe, (b) hauing first slaine his owne sonnes, and his wiues brothers, because he found them actors in a plot to recall Tarquin. Which deed, Virgill hauing laudably recited, presently doth in gentle manner deplore it: for hauing sayd.

—Natos{que} Pater mala bella mouentes Ad panam pulcra pro libertate vocabit.

His sonnes, conuict of turbulent transgression He kills, to quit his country from oppression.

Presently in lamenting manner he addeth.

Infaelix, vtcun{que} ferent ea fact a minores Haplesse, how ere succeeding times shall ringe.

Howsoeuer his posterity shall ring of the praise of such an act, yet haplesse is he, that giues deathes summons to his owne sonnes: But to giue some solace to his sorrowes, he addeth after all.

Vi•…•…t amor patriae laudum{que} immensa cupido, Conquer'd by countries loue, and lawds high thirst.

Now in Brutus his killing of his owne sonnes, and (c) in beeing killed by Tarquins sonne, whome hee had hurt, and Tarquin himselfe suruiuing him, is not (d) Collatines wrong well reuenged, who beeing so good a cittizen was banished (onely because his name was but Tarq•…•…n) as well as Tarquin the tyrant: (e) It was the name (you say) that was the cause of this: well, hee should haue beene * 1.57 made to change his name then and not to abandon his country. Againe (f) this word would haue beene but little missed in his name, if hee had beene called L. Collatine onely: This therefore was no sufficient cause, why hee, beeing one of the first Consulls, should bee forced to abiure both his honours and his Citie. But is this vniustice being so detestable, and so vse-lesse to the state fit to bee the foundation of Brutus his glory? Did he these things, being Conqu•…•…r'a by our coun∣tries loues, and laudes high thirst? Tarquin beeing expelled, L. •…•…arquin Collatine, Lucraetia's-husband was ioyned Consull with Iunius Brutus: how iustly did the people respect the conditions of the man a•…•…d not the name? But how vniust∣ly did Brutus (hauing powre to depriue him onely of the cause of the offence, his name) in depriuing him both of his country, and place of honour? Thus these euills, thus these thwart effects fell out euen then when things were said to be carried so modestly and so iustly. And (g) Lucraetius, that had Br•…•…tus his place, died ere this yeare ended: So that P. Valerius that succeeded Collatine, and M. Horatius that had Lucraetius his place, ended that Hellish and murderous yeare, which saw it selfe passe by fiue Consulls. This was the yeare, where∣in Rome deuised her platforme of new gouernment, their feares now be∣ginning to surcease, not because they had no warres, but because those they had were but light ones: But the time beeing expired wherein things were mo∣destly and iustly carried, then followed those which Salust doth thus breeflie deliniate. Then b•…•…ganne the Patriots to oppresse the p•…•…ople with seruile conditions, to iudge of life and death as Imperiously as the Kings had done before, to thrust men from their possessions, to put by all others, and to s•…•…are all themselues; with which outrages, and chiefly with their extorted taxes, the people beeing to much vexed, (beeing bound both to maintaine an armie and also to par contributions besid•…•…s) they rusht vppe to armes, and entrenched themselues vpon Mount Sacer, and Auentine: and there they made them Tribunes, and diuers lawes; but these discords and tumultuous contentions ended not till the second African warre.

L. VIVES.

HAuing (a) ent•…•…rchanged] With Arnus, King Tarquinius sonne•…•… beeing slaine, the matrons mourned a whole yeare for him, and his Coll•…•…ague, Valerius made an oration in his praise, the first of that kinde in Rome. (b) Hauing first slaine] The Vite•…•…, Brutus his wiues brethren, conspired with certaine secret messengers of Tarquin, to bring him secret∣ly in againe, and made Titus and Tiberius, Brutus the Consull sons, priuy and pertakers in this affaire. Brutus discouering the plot, put them all to death (c) In beeing killed] The manuscripts haue this diuersly: wee haue it the best. (d) Collatines wrong] I noted before, That those that

depriued their fellowes in Consull-ship liued not a yeare after. (e) For it is sayd] Hee was sonne to M. Iunius, and Tarquins sister. (f) This name would] Some hereof transpose the word if, but erroneously. (g) Lucraetius] This first yeare had fiue Consulls: first Brutus and Collatine: then P. Valerius Poplicola in Collatines place, Then Sp: Lucraetius (after the death of Brutus in warre,) had Brutus his place: and hee dying ere the end of the yeare, M. Horatius Puluillu: succeeded him.

Of the Vexations of the Romaine estate, after the first beginning of the the Con∣sulls rule: And of the little good that their gods all this while did them CHAP. 17.

BVt why should I spend so much time in writing of these things, or make o∣thers spend it in reading them? How miserable the state of Rome stood all that long time vntill the second Punike warre, how sorely shaken by forraine warres, and intestine discord, Salust hath already made a succinct demonstration. So that their victories neuer brought any true felicity to the good, but onely vaine solaces to the wretched, and inductions & inticements to the turbulent, to continue disquiets progresse. Let no wise Romaine then bee angry with vs for saying this: but we need not intreate, wee are already assured, they will not. For wee vse but the words of their owne writers, and that with farre lesse gall, then themselues meant it, and in lesse glosse then they spoake it. Yet those doe they learne, and those they make their children learne: Then why stomack they mee for saying as Salust sayes: Many troubles, seditions, and lastly ciuill warres burst out, whilst a few (a) of the greatest, vnder the honest stile of fathers, vsed the licence of ty∣rants, nor did the Cittizens attaine the titles of good and bad, according to their (b) deserts in the state (all being fowle a like) but he that had most wealth and powre to in∣iure, because hee defended the present gouernment (as fittest for his turne) hee was the onely good man. If these writers now held it as pertinent to an honest mans liber∣ty to be so free tongued against their owne citties corruptions, which other-wise they haue beene often enforced to commend, in that they had no knowledge of any better state, wherein they might become denizens eternall; what then shall wee doe, whose trust in God by how much it is firmer, so much ought our tongues to bee the freer, in repelling the scandall they cast vpon our Sauiour Christ, with intent to seduce vnsettled and vnsound mindes from that citty, where happinesse is mans possession vnto all eternity? Neither do we loade their gods with any more horrid guilt, then their owne writers doe, whom they reade and reuerence: what wee say, we say it from them, beeing vnable to recite all, or all that they haue of this kind. (c) where then were these gods, (which men hold so venerable for the attayning of worldly vanities) when the Romaines, whose seruices they angled for so cunningly, were afflicted so extreamely? where were they when Consull Valerius was slaine in defence of the Capitol, when it (d) was scalled by slaues and exiles? It was rather in his powre to protect the temple of Iupiter, then in the powres of all that kennell of gods, and their great King, to yeeld him any helpe at all. Where were they when the citty being so ouer-borne with seditions, was faine to send to Athens to borrow lawes, and in that little ex∣pectation of quietnesse, was vnpeopled by such a sore famine and pestilence? Where were they besides, when the people in this great famine, elected their first Praefect of the prouision, and when that in the increase of this dearth, (e) Sp: Aemilius, for distributing of corne ouer bountifully amongst the starued people, was brought in suspition of affecting Monarchy, and at the instance of the sayd

praefect, by the meanes of L Quintius, Dictator, an aged weake man, hee was slaine by the hand of Q. Seruilius the Generall of the horse-men, not without a most dreadfull and dangerous tumult in the whole Citty. where were they when at the beginning of a wastefull pestilence, the people beeing wholy tyred with frustrat inuocations, thought it fitte to appease them with new (f) Bed-spreadings, a thing neuer done before? Then were there beddes brought into the Temples and spread in honour of the goddes, and hence this sacrifice (nay sacriledge) tooke the name. Where were they when for ten full yeares together the Romaines neuer fought against the Veians but they had the worse, until Furius Camillus was faine to help them, whome they kindly banished afterwards for his good seruice? Where were they when the Galles tooke Rome, sacked it, spoyled it, burned it, and made a very shambles of it? Where were they when that great plague destroyed almost all the Citty, and Camillus amongst the rest, who hadde saued his thanklesse country from the Veians and after from the Galles? In this pestilence they first brought vppe their Stage-playes, a greater plague then the other, to their conditions though not to their carkasses. Where were they, when (g) another sadde contagion arose (as it is said) from the poysoning trickes of the Matrons, yea of the most and Noblest, whose conditions here∣in proued worse then all those pestilent ayres? Or when the two Consuls with their armie beeing shutte in the Caudine Straites by the Samnites, were gladde to make a base composition with them? And deliuering sixe hundred Gentle∣men for hostages, went away with all the rest, without armes, without bag∣gage, without any thing but their very vpper garments? Or when the army pe∣rished almost wholly, part by the plague, and part by thunders? Or when in ano∣ther great mortallity the Citty was forced to fetch Aesculapius (as a Phisition for her) from Epidaurus, because Iupiter the King of the Capitoll, hadde euer beene so imployed in his youth in rapes and adulteries, that these exercises gaue him no time to learne Physicke. Or when the Brutians, Lucans, Samnites, He∣trurians and Senonian Galles, conspiring altogether, first flew their Ambassadours, and then a whole army with the Praetor, ten tribunes, and thirteene thousand sol∣diours? Or then when the long and fatall sedition in the Cittie, wherein the people at last incamped them-selues on Ianiculus, hauing booty-haled all the whole Cittie? Which mischiefe grew to such a lamentable passe, that they were gladde (for the last refuge in all desperate cases) to create a Dictator: Horten∣sus, who hauing re-vnited the people, and recalled them, died in his office, as no Dictator had done before, which was a great shame to the gods, now that Aescu∣lapius was come to make one. And (h) then grew wars so fast vpon thē, that their Proletarii their Brood-men, those that they alwaies forbare for getting of childrē, being so needy they could not follow the wars themselues, were now for want of soldiars, compelled to serue them-selues? For now did (i) Pyrrhus that famous and warlike Epirot (beeing called in by the Tarentines) become Romes hea∣uie foe: (k) And asking the Oracle of his successe, truly Apollo answered him very neatly, in such ambiguous manner, that which way so ere it happe∣ned, his deity might stand vnblemished: Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse: saith hee: So that whether Pyrrhus or the Romaines hadde the vpper hand, the Oracle neede not care, for Apollo speakes true how euer. After this, followed a sore and bloudy fight, wherein notwithstanding (l) Pyrrhus was conquerour, so that now hee might iustly esteeme Phaebus a true fore-teller, as he vnderstood him; but that in the next conflict the

Romaines hadde the better (m) and in this great hostility, arose as great a plague amongst the women: For, ere they could bee deliuered, being bigge with childe, still they dyed. Now heere Aesculapus hadde an excuse, hee professed him-selfe (n) the Prince of Physicke and not of Mid-wifery. Cattell dyed also so sore, that one would haue thought the worldes vtter vastation was entered. And then there was a winter how strangely vnseasonable! The snow lying in the Market∣place forty daies together in a monstrous depth; all Tiber beeing frozen quite ouer: If this hadde hapened in our times, Lord how it would haue beene scan∣ned vppon. And then for that (o) great pestilence, how many thousand tooke it hence: (which maugre all Aesculapius his druggs) lasting till the next yeare, they were faine to betake them-selues to the bookes of the Sybils: (p) In which kind of Oracles (as Tully saith well in his booke De diuinat.) the expounders of them are oftener trusted, then otherwise; gesse they neuer so vnlikely: and then it was said that the pestilence raged so because that (q) many of the Temples were put vnto priuat mens vses: Hereby freeing Aesculapius either from great ignorance, or negligence. But why were these Temples turned vnto priuate habitations without prohibition, but onely because they saw they hadde lost too much la∣bour in praying to such a crue of goddes so long: and so becomming wiser by degrees, had left haunting of those places by little and little, and at length aban∣doned them wholy, for the priuate vses of such as would inhabit them. For those houses that as then, for auoiding of this pestilence, were so dilligently repared if they were not afterwards vtterly neglected, and so incroched vppon by priuat men as before; Varro should bee too blame to say (speaking of Temples) that many of them were vnknowne. But in the meane time this fetch was a pretty ex∣cuse for the goddes, but no cure at all for the Pestilence.

L. VIVES.

A Few (a) of the greatest] The Plebeians, either through hate to the Nobles, or ambition in them-selues, disturbed the common state exceedingly, to assure and augment their owne: pretending the defence of the peoples freedome, notwithstanding in all their courses the Pa∣triots opposed them, abstracting from the peoples meanes to share amongst them-selues, preten∣ding the defence of the Senates dignity, which the state would haue most eminent: but indeed they did nothing but contend & bandy factions, each with other, according to his power. (b) deserts] Some books put in incesserant, but it hurteth the sence. (c) Where then were] All this relation of Augustines is out of Liuie: read it in him least our repitition becomme both te∣dious and troublesome. (d) It was scaled] Incensum scaled, and not incensum fired: (e) SP. Aemilius] This must be Melius assuredly, by the history. (f) Bed-spreadings] It was an old fashion to banket vpon beds. But in their appeasiue, and sacrifical banquets, in the Temples, and in the night orgies, they made beds in the place, for the gods to lye and reuel vpon, and this was called Lectisterium, Bed-spreading. the Citty being sore infected with the plague (saith Liuie lib. 5.) a few yeares ere it was taken by the Galles, the Sybils bookes directed the first Bed-spreading, * 1.58 to last eight dayes: three beds were fitted: one for Apollo and Latona, one for Dia∣na and Hercules, one for Mercury and Neptune. But how this can bee the first Bed-spreading I cannot see, seeing that in the secular games y^t Poplicola, Brutus his Collegue ordayned, there were three nights Bed-spreadings: Valer lib. 2. Censorin de die Natall. (g) Another] In y^• Consul∣ship of C L. Marcellus & T. Ualerius, was a great question in the Court about poisons because many great men had bene killed by their wiues vsing such meanes. (h) Then grew wars] Against * 1.59 the Samnites, Galles, Tarentines, Lucans, Brutians, and Hetrurians: after al which, followed Pyrr∣hus the King of Epirus his warre. But now a word or two of the Proletarij, the Brood-men here named: Seruius Tullus the sixt King of Rome, diuided the people into six companies or formes, in the first was those that were censured worth C. M. Asses; or more, but vnder that King the greatest Censure was but C X M. (Plin: lib. 33.) the second contained all of an estate between

C. and LXXV Asses. the third, them vnder L. the fourth them vnder XXXV. the fift, them vnder XI. the last was a Century of men freed from warre-fare, Proletarii or Brood-men, and Capiti-censi. A Brood-man was hee that was rated ML. Asses in the Censors booke more or * 1.60 lesse, and such were euer forborne from all offices and vses in the Cittie, beeing reserued onely to begette children, and therefore were stiled Proletarii, of Proles, brood or ofspring. The Ca∣pite Censi were poorer and valued but at CCCLXXV. asses. Who because they were not cen∣sured by their states, were counted by the poll, as augmenting the number of the Cittizens. These two last sorts did Seru. Tullius exempt from all seruice in warre, not that they were vnfit them-selues, or hadde not pledges to leaue for their fealty, but because they could not beare the charges of warre; for the soldiers in those daies maintained them-selues. It may be this old custome remained after the institution of tribute, and the people of Rome thought it not fitte that such men should go to warre, because that they accounted all by the purse. This reason is giuen by Valerius and Gellius. But these Brood-men were diuers times ledde forth to the wars * 1.61 afterward, mary the Capite Censi neuer, vntill Marius his time, and the warre of Iugurthe: Salust. Valer. Quintillian also toucheth this In milite mariano. And here-vppon Marius their Ge∣nerall was called Capite Census. (i) Pyrrhus] Descended by his mother from Achilles, by his father from Hercules, by both from Ioue: This man dreaming on the worlds Monarchy, went * 1.62 with speed at the Tarentines intreaty against the Romaines: hence hoping to subdue Italie, and then the whole world, as Alexander had done a while before him. (k) Who asking] Cicero de diuinat. (lib. 2) saith that it is a verse in Ennius: Aio and as in the text. Which the Poet affir∣meth that the Oracle returned as answer to Pyrrhus in his inquiry hereof. Whence Tully wri∣teth thus.

But now to thee Apollo, thou that sittest vpon the earths nauell, from whence this cruel and superstitious voice first brake. Chrysippus fill'd a booke with thine Oracles, but partly fai∣ned (I thinke) and partly casuall, as is often seene in ordinary discourses: and partly equiuocall, that the interpreter shall need an interpreter, and the lotte must abide the try all by lotte: and partly doutful, & requiring the skil of Logike.

Thus farre he: seeming to taxe Poets verse with falshood: Pyrrhus is called Aeacides, for Achilles was son to Peleus, and Peleus vnto Aacus. Virgill. ipsum{que} Aeacidem &c. meaning Pyrrhus. (l) Pyrrhus was conqueror] Pyrrhus at Hera∣clea * 1.63 ouerthrew Valerius, Consull, but got a bloudy victory: whence the Heraclean victory grew to a prouerb; but after Sulpitius and Decius foyled him, and Curius Dentatus at length ouer∣threw him and chased him out of Italy. (m) And in this] This is out of Orosius (lib. 4.) hapning in the Consulship of Gurges and Genutiu•…•…, in Pyrrhus his warre. (n) Prince of physicke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Iatros is a Physitian, Obstetrix, a mid-wife: and Archiatri were also the Princes Physitians: Ius∣tin. * 1.64 Codic. Of the Comites, and Archiatri which the Spaniards call Protomedici, &c. (o) Great pestilence] (Oros. lib. 4.) In the entrance of the first Affrican warre. (p) In which] Cice. de diuini: (lib. 2) at large, of the Sybils and their books. (q) Many of the temples] The Sooth saiers answer in Tullies time concerning the prodigies, was y^• very same. Cic. Orat. de Aruspic. respons.

The miseries of the Romaines in the Affrican warres and the small stead their gods stood them therein. CHAP. 18.

BVt now in the wars of Affrica, victory still houering doubtfully betwixt both sides, and two mighty and powerful nations vsing all their might & power to reciprocrall ruine, how many petty Kingdomes perished herein? How many faire citties were demolished, or afflicted, or vtterly lost? How sar did this disastrous contention spread, to the ruine of so many Realmes and great Estates? How often were the conquerors on either side conquered? What store of men (armed and naked) was there that perished? How many ships were sunke at •…•…eas by fight and tempest? Should we particularize, wee should become a direct Historiographer. Then Rome beeing in these deep plunges, ran head-long vnder those vaine and re∣diculous remedies: for then (a) were the Secular plaies renued by the admonition of the Sibils books: which institution had bin ordained an hundred yeares before,

but was now worn out of al memory, in those so happy times. The high priests also (b) renued the sacred plaies to the hel-gods w^t the better times had in like manner a∣bolished before: nor was it any wonder to see thē now reuenged, for the hel-gods desired now to becom reuellers, being inriched by this continual vncesing world of men: who (like wretches) in following those blody & vnrelenting wars, did no∣thing but act the diuels reuels, and prepare banquets for the infernal spirits. Nor was there a more laudable accident in al this whole war, then that Regulus should be taken prisoner: a worthy man, and before that mishap a scourge to the Cartha∣ginians: who had ended the Affrican war long before, but that he would haue boūd the Carthaginians to stricter conditions then they could beare. The most sodaine captiuity, & the most faithful oth of this man, and his most cruel death, if the gods do not blush at (c) surely they are brazen-fac'd, and haue no blood in them. Nay for all this, Romes wals stood not safe, but tasted of some mischiefe, and all those within them, for the riuer Tiber (d) ouer-flowing, drown'd almost al the leuel parts * 1.65 of the citty: turning some places as it were into torrents, and other some into fens or lakes: this plague vshered in a worse of fire, (e) which beginning in the market∣place, burned al the higher buildings therabouts, sparing not the owne (f) harbor * 1.66 and temple of Vesta, where it was so duly kept in, by those (g) not so honorable as damnable Votaresses. Now it did not only continue here burning but raging: with the fury wherof the virgins being amazed (h) Metcllus the high Priest ran into the fire, and was half burned in fetching out of those fatal reliques which had bin the ruin of (i) three citties, where they had bin resident. (k) The fire neuer spared him for all he was the Priest. Or else the true Deity was not there, but was fled before though the fire were there still: but here you see how a mortal man could do Vests more good then she could do him: for if these gods could not guard them-selues from the fire, how could they guard their citty w^c they were thought to guard frō burnings and inundations? Truly not a whit, as the thing shewed it selfe: Here∣in we would not obiect these calamities against the Romains, if they would affirme that al these their sacred obseruations only aime at eternity, and not at the goods of this transitory world; and that therefore when those corporall things perished, there was yet no losse by that, vnto the endes for which they were ordained, be∣cause that they might soone be made fit for the same vses againe. But now such is their miserable blindnesse, that they think y^• those idols that might haue perished in this fiery extremity, had power to preserue the temporall happines of the citty: but now seeing that they remained vnconsumed, and yet were able to shew how such ruins of their safeties and such great mischiefs hath befalne the citty, this makes them ashamed to change that opinion which they see they cannot possibly defend.

L. VIVES.

THen were (a) the secular plaies] I think it will not be amisse if I say somwhat of those plaies, from their first originall. Ualesius Sabinus, a rustick, as the best were then, praying for his three sick children, heard a voice y^• said they should recouer, if he would carry them ouer Tiber * 1.67 to Terentum, & there recreate them with the warm water of Dis and Proserpina. Valesius drea∣ming of the citty Terentum, though it were far off, and no such riuer as Tiber neer it, yet hiring a ship, sailed with his sons to Ostia, & setting them on shore to refresh them-selues in Mars his field, he asked y^• ship-master where he might haue som fire: he replied at the adioining Terentū, for ther he saw som that y^e sheapheards had made: (it was called Terentum of Tero to weare, be∣cause the riuer ware away the shore: or because Dis his alter was there inhumed) Ualesius hea∣ring the name commanded the shippe to put ouer thether, thinking this was the place mean•…•… by the Oracle: and departing to the citty, to buy an altar, hee bad his seruants meane while

to digge a place for it. They digged 20. foot deep, and there they found an old altar inscrib'd, To Dis and Proserpina. (This the Romaines had inhumed after their infernall sacrifices, beeing to fight with the Albasnes, for so the deuil bad them doe ere they ioyned battaile.) Ualesius returnes, and finding the altar, offers blacke offrings to Dis and Proserp. and spreading beddes for the gods, staied there three nights (for so long after were they sicke) with reuells and dances, that these children had escaped this sicknesse. This custome. P. V. Poplicola, one of Valesius his progeny brought into the Citty, in the first yeare of the freedome. Three daies and nights the people watched at the altars of Ioue and Apollo, offring a white bull, and cer∣taine children whose parents were liuing sung a song to Apollo. Then watched they at Iu∣no's: offring a white Heifer; this was in the day time: on the night at Dianas, Proserpina's, Terra's and the Destenies, offring black creatures, and burning of tapers: and then were Stage∣plaies presented to Apollo, and Diana, and the Circian Games: and those stately and famous spectacles were called y^e Secular plaies, because they were acted once euery age, taking an age here for the longest space of mans life: Some giue it more yeares, some lesse, as it is in Censo∣rinus. The Romaines called an C yeares, an age: as Valerius, Antias, Varro, & Liuie lib. 136. * 1.68 doe report. But by the Quindecimvirs commentaries, and Augustus his Edict, together with Horace his verse, it includes a space of ten yeares more, and euery C. X. yeare, those plaies were kept. Though this verse of Horace, Certus vndenos deciès per annos, which Censorinus and others trust to, I cannot see but may be read Certus vt denos decies per annos, and so diuers doe reade it. But there is another Greeke verse cited by Zosimus, cut of the Sybills bookes, hee saith, wherein is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 without point or accent. Besides, the crier called the people inthese words Come to those plaies that none of you euer saw, nor hereafter euer shall see. Hence came Vitellius flattery to Claudius, presenting those plaies: May you doe it often. Poplicola, as wee said, first presented them: Ab vrbe cond. CCXLIIII. yeares: they were renewed Ab. vr. Con. D. I. Consulls, P. CL. Pulcher and L. Iuni. Brutus, the XI. yeare of the first African warre: acted againe, the third yeare of the second Punick warre: Consulls, M. Manlius M. Censorinus. Fourthly, before their time, L. Aem. Lepidus, and L. Aurel. Orestes, Consulls, the fift: Augustus and Arippa presented, hauing brought them to the iust time: Consulls, Furnius and Sillanus: the sixt, C L. Caesar, too soone for the time: Himselfe and L. Vitellius, the third Consulls. The seauenth, Domitian, after a true computation, Himselfe and L. Minutius Ruffus being Consulls: the eight Septimius Severus, at their iust time: Conss. Chilo, and Vibo. the ninth Phillip Vostrensis ab vrbe Cond. a M. years: Aemilianus and Aquilinus being Conss. Cassiodore. Thus much of the Secular plaies from Varro, Valer. Horat. L. Florus, Festus, * 1.69 Zosimus, Herodian, Suetonius, Censorinus, Cassiodorus, Porphiry, Aeron, and Politian, now to the rest. (b) Renewed] Here seemes a difference betweene the plaies of Dis and Proserpina, and the Secular plaies, but indeede there is none, vnlesse Augustine diuide the infernall Orgies, from the sacrifices offered at the same time to other gods: and truely the Infernall Orgies and the Secular plaies seeme to differ in their originall: for Festus saith thus: The Tauri were games made in honour of the infernall gods, vpon this occasion. In the raigne of Tarquin the proude, there falling a great death amongst the child-bearing women, arising out of the too great plenty of bulls-flesh, that was sold to the people, herevpon they ordained games in honour of the Infernalls, calling them Tauri. Thus farre Festus. Besides, the Secular plaies were kept vnto Apollo on the day, and Diana on the night, but the Tauri were kept to the Infernall powres. (c) Surely brasse] Some put Aerei, ayry, for arei, brazen, and more fitting to Augustines opinion: for the Platonists say the diuells are ayrie creatures, whose doctrine Augustine doth often approue in some things, as wee will shew hereafter. In blushing the bloud adornes the face with red-nesse. (d) Ouer-flowing] Oros. L. 4. (e) Fire] Ib. Liu. lib. 19. Ouid. Fast. 6. Sencca's declamers dispute whether Metellus should bee depriued of his Priest∣hood or no beeing blind; the law commanding them to haue a perfect man to their Priest. (f) Harbour and temple] Because there was the fire worshipped as is immediately declared. (g) Honoured] Their honour was vniuersall great, their very Magistrates gaue the way vnto V•…•…stas Priests. (h) Metellus] L. Caecilius Metellus was High Priest, twice Consull, Dictator, Maister of the Horse, Quindecemvir in the sharing of the landes, and hee was the first that led Elephants in. Triumph in the first African warre, of whom Q. Metellus his sonne left re∣corded * 1.70 in his funerall oration, that he attained the ten things so powrefull and so admirable that the wisest haue spent all their time in their quest. That is, to bee a singular warriour, an excellent orator, a dreadlesse commander, a fortunate vndertaker, a especiall aduancer of honor,

an absolute man of wisdome, a worthy common-wealths man, a man of a great estate well gotten, a father to a faire progenie, and the most illustrious of the whole cittie. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 4. (i) Three citties] Ilium, Lauinium, Alba. (k) The fire neuer] This place is extreamely depraued, we haue giuen it the best sense befitting it.

Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre, wherein the powers on both sides were wholy consumed. CHAP. 19.

BVt all too tedious were it to relate the slaughters of both nations in the se∣cond African warre, they had so many fightes both farre and neere, that by (a) their owne confessions who were rather Romes commenders then true Chroniclers, the conquerours were euer more like to the conquered then o∣therwise. For when Hannibal arose out of Spaine, and brake ouer the Pirenean hilles, all France, and the very Alpes, gathering huge powres, and doing horri∣ble mischieues in all this long tract, rushing like an inondation into the face of Italy, O what bloudy fields were there pitcht, what battailes struck! how often did the Romaines abandon the field, how mans citties fell to the foe, how many were taken, how many were razed? what victories did that Hanniball winne, and what glories did he build himselfe vpon the ruined Romaines. In vaine should I speake of (b) Cannas horrible ouer-throwe, where Hanniballs owne excessiue thirst of bloud was so fully glutted vpon his foes, that hee (c) himselfe bad hold: (a) whence hee sent three bushells of rings vnto Carthage, to shew how huge a company had fallen at that fight, that, they were easier to be measured thē num∣bred: and hence might they coniecture, what a massacre there was of the meaner sort, that had no rings to weare, and that the poorer they were the more of them perished. Finally, such a defect of souldiars followed this ouer-throw, that the Romaines were faine to get (e) malefactors to goe to warre for quittance of their guilt; (f) to set all their slaues free, and out of this gracelesse crue, not to supply their defectiue regiments, but euen to (g) make vp a whole army. Nay these slaues, (O (h) let vs not wrong them, they are free men now) wanted euen weapons to fight for Rome withall: that they were faine to fetch them out of the temples, as if they should say to their gods, come, pray let these weapons goe, you haue kept them long inough to no end: wee will see whether our bond∣slaues can doe more good for vs with them, then your gods could yet doe: And then the treasury fayling, the priuate estate of each man became publike, so that each one giuing what he was able, their rings, nay their very Bosses, (the wretched marks of their dignities) being al bestowed, the senat themselues (much more the other companies & (i) Tribes) left not themselues any mony in the world: who could haue endured the rages of those men, if they had bin driuen to this pouerty in these our times? seeing we can very hardly endure them as y^• world goeth now, although they haue store now to bestow vpon stage-plaiers, which as then, they were ful faine of, for their vttermost means of safety, to spend vpon the soldiars?

L. VIVES.

BY (a) their owne] Liu. Proaem. 3. Decad. The victors were the nearer vnto ruine, continu∣ally. Sil. Ital. 1. This Poet, and Liuy, the first in verse, and later in prose, haue recorded these warres at large. Besides others, reade them. (b) Cannas] There Haniball gaue the Romaines a•…•…ore ouer-throw in the third yeare of the warre. L. Aem. Paulus, and L. Terent. Varro, * 1.71 Consulls. Liu. lib. 12. Cannas is not the towne Canusium, but a towne in Apulia, nere the riuer Aufidus now Cannella. Sabbellic. Annot. (c) Himselfe badde hold] Perhappes Augustine meaneth of the wordes that Hanniball said to Maharball, that willed him to march straight vnto Rome: no saith hee, Let our foes leade the waie, all is well, wee will follow them at leasure. For I reade not that Hanniball euer spared the Romaines, either in the fight or after it. Vnlesse it bee their that Liuie saith, that after the fight at Cannas, Hannibal called the Romaines to him (which hee neuer did before) and gently told them, that it was

not for bloud, but for Empire and dignity that he warred with them, allowing them leaue to redeeme the prisoners, rating an horse-mans ransome at fiue hundred peeces, a footmans at three hundred, a seruants at a hundred. (d) Three bushels] some adde halfe a bushell, some diminish two bushels, which Liuie saith is most likely. The Ring was the Gentlemans * 1.72 marke or cognisance, distinguishing them from the common sort: the Senate also and the No∣bility wore them. But they were generally vsed about this time. (Plin. lib. 33.) Else (saith he) they could not haue sent three bushels of them to Carthage. A bushell what it is Budaeus declares, in his booke De Asse, amongst other measures the discourse is long, look it there. (e) Malefac∣tors] Iunius Bubulcus his deuice, in imitation of Romulus, that made his citty populus by al∣lowing sanctuary to male factors.

Oros. lib. 4. Iunius (saith Liuie) allighted from his horse and proclaimed, that all such as were capitall offenders, or desperate oebters, should go with him to warre, vpon condition to bee freed of all their aff•…•…ctions.

(f) To set all the slaues] eight thousand of slaues were freed, imbanded, and called Volones: because beeing asked if t•…•…ey * 1.73 would fight, each one said Volo, I will. Liuie. (g) Make a whole] For there were eight thousand of these, and six thousand of them Malefactors, whom they armed with French spoiles of C Fla∣minius his triumph. (h) Nay let vs not] Though they were not free vntill they had ouerthrown Hanno at Beneuentum, and were therefore freed by the Generall Gracchus, vnder whome they fought most stoutly. (i) And tribes] Whether this word bee added by some other or no, I * 1.74 know not. Truly the Senate them-selues were of the tribes, which were three in the whole, as Romulus appointed them at first, but in time increased to thirty fiue. The Senators, Gentle∣men and Plebeyans were parts of each of these: nor was there any Romaine cittizen but he was of some tribe. Is there any of you (saith Cicero Antonian. 6. ad Pop. Rom.) that hath no tribe? none. They haue made him Patron of thirty fiue tribes. Wherefore what should this meane? The Senate was as well diuided from the tribes, as it was from the Gentlemen and Ple∣beyans; or it may be spoken as this is: The Senate and people of Rome, or, the Senate People and commonty of Rome: both, or all three, being all included one in another: This hold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the most likely.

Of the ruine of the Saguntines, who perished for their confederacy with Rome; the Romaine gods neuer helping them. CHAP. 20.

But in all the disasters of the second Affrican warre, there was none more la∣mentable then the dissolution of the (a) Saguntines: these inhabiting in a citty in Spaine being sworne friendes to the Romaines, were destroied for keeping their faith to them. For Haniball breaking the league with Rome, gaue here the first oc∣casion of warre, inguirting the citty of Saguntum with a cruell and straight siege: Whereof the Romaines hauing intelligence, sent an Ambassage to wish Haniball to raize his siege: but the Legats being dispised by him, went to Carthage, whence (hauing done nothing) they returned without any redresse for the breach of the league, and in the meane time, this citty (whilom so stately) was now brought to that misery, that about eight or nine months after the beginning of the siege, the Affricans tooke it and raized it to the very ground. To reade how it perished were a horror; much more to write it: yet I wil run ouer it briefely, seeing it is ve∣ry pertinent to the argument we prosecute: first it was eaten downe with famine: for some say it was driuen to feed vppon the carkasses which it harboured. And then being in this laborinth of languors, yet rather then it would take in Haniball as a conqueror, the cittizens made a huge fire in the Market-place, and therein in∣tombed all their parents, wiues, children and friends (after they had slaine them first) and lastly them-selues (b) Here now these gluttenous, trecherous, waste∣full, cousening, dauncing gods should haue done somew-hat: heere they should haue done some-what to helpe these distressed faithfull friendes of the Romaines,

and to saue them from perishing, for their loyalties sake. They were called as witnesses betweene both, when the league was made betweene Rome and these poore men; who keeping that faith which they hadde willingly passed, sollemnely sworne, and sacredly obserued, vnder their protections, were besieged, afflicted, and subuerted by one that had broken all faith, all religion. (c) If the goddes with thunder and lightning could fright Hanniball from Romes walles, and make him keepe aloofe from them, they should first haue practised this here: For I dare a∣uerre, that with farre more honesty might they haue helped the Romaines friends, beeing in extreames, for keeping their faith to them, and hauing then no meanes nor power, then they did the Romaines them-selues, that fought for them-selues, and had very good forces, and purses able to repell Hannibals powers. If they hadde beene carefull guardians of Romes glory, they would neuer haue left it stai∣ned with the sufferance of this sadde calamity of the Saguntines. But now how sottish is their beleefe that thinke these goddes kept Rome from perishing by the hand of victorious Hanniball and the Carthaginians, that could not saue Sagun∣tum from perishing for keeping hir faith sworne so sollemnly to the Romaines? If Saguntum hadde beene Christian and had suffered such an extremity for the Gos∣pell, (though it ought not as then to haue wrackt it selfe by fire nor sword) yet had it indured such for the Gospell, it would haue borne it stoutly, by reason of that hope which it would haue held in Christ to haue beene after all crowned by him with an eternall guerdon. But as for these false goddes, that desire to bee and are worshipped onely for the assurance of this transitory tearme of our mortallitie, what can their Atturneies, their Orators, say for them in this ruine of the Sagun∣tines, more then they said in that of Regulus? only he was one man, this a whole cit∣ty, but perseuerance in faith was cause of both calamities. For this faith would he returne to his foes, and for this would not they turne to their foes. Doth loyalty then greeue the goddes? Or may vngratefull citties (as well as men) be destroyed, and yet stand in their gods liking still? Let them choose whether they like: If the goddes bee angry at mens keeping of their faith, lette them seeke faithlesse wretches to serue them. But if they that serue them and haue their fauours, bee neuer-the-lesse afflicted and spoiled; then to what end are they adored? VVherfore let them hold their tongues that thinke they lost their Citty because they lost their gods: for though they had them all, they might neuer-the-les not only com∣plaine of misery, but feele it at full, as Regulus and the Saguntines did.

L. VIVES.

THe dissolution (a) of the Saguntines] (Liu. lib 21.) Saguntum is a citty of that part of Spaine * 1.75 which is called Arragon. a mile from our sea, built and inhabited by the Zacynthi and the Ardeates (saith Silius) people that came into Spaine before the destruction of Troy. It was made famous by the fall, and true faith kept to the Romaines. The ruines at this day doe shew the models of diuers ancient, and most magnifical houses and diuers inscriptions & monuments are to be seene there as yet. It is called now in Spanish Moruedre; the old wall, belonging to the County & iurisdiction of Valencia. There is a peece of the Towre yet standing vpon the moun∣taine that diuides almost all Spaine. Polib. (lib. 3.) saith that it excelled al the citties in Spaine, both for plenty, populousnes, & arts military. Hanibal hated it, for sticking so to y^e Romains: for it had done much hurt to the Carthaginian consederats in Spain: so he made war vppon it, both to reuenge the wrongs it had done others, and also to turne the whole aime of the war vpon the Romaines, which he had desired most feruently euer since he was 9. yeares old. (b) Here now] some copies want Dii, goddes, but they are imperfect. Glutton is vsed by Tully in an ho∣nest sence, calling Cato a Glutton of Bookes. (De fin. lib 3.) (c) If the goddes] Liuie, lib. 26.

Hanniball standing before the walles of Rome, being now to throw warres dice at the citty it selfe, a great tempest arose, and parted the armies, who were no sooner retired, the one to their tents, and the other into the Citie, but immediatly it grew admirably faire and cleare: And this happened the second day also, both armies being in the field, and staying but for the signall to ioyne battles. Which Hanniball obseruing, grew superstitious, doubting the gods displeasure with him for staying there, and so commanded the campe to remoue from thence.

Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio, that freed it from imminent danger, and of the conditions of the Cittizens in those times that Saluste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous. CHAP. 21.

FVrthermore, in the space betweene the first and second Carthaginian warre when as Saluste saith the Romaines liued in all concord and content (the re∣membrance of my theme makes me omitte much): In those times of concord and content, Scipio, (a) that protector and raiser of his countrie, the rare, admirable ender of that so extreame, so dangerous and so fatall a warre as that of Carthage was, the conqueror of Hanniball, the tamer of Carthage, whose very youth is graced with all praises of (b) religiousnesse, and diuine conuersation: this man so great and so gratious, was forced to giue place to the (e) accusations of his enemies, to leaue his country, which but for him had beene left to destruction, and after his high heroicall triumph, to bequeath the remainder of his dayes to the poore towne of (d) Linternum: banishing all affect of his countrie so farre from him, that it is said that he (e) gaue expresse charge at his death, that his body should not in any case bee buried in that so vngratefull soyle of Rome. (f) Afterwards, in the triumph of Cn. Manlius (vice-Consull) ouer the Gallo∣grecians, the (g) luxurie of Asia entred, the worst foe Rome euer felt. Guilded beds, and pretious couerings gotte then their first ingresse. Then began they to haue wenches to sing at their banquets, and many other licentious disorders. But I am to speake of the calamities that they suffered so vnwillingly, not of the offences that they committed so lauishly. And therefore what I spo•…•…e of Scipio, that left his country for his enemies (hauing first preserued it from vtter ruine) and died a willing exile, that was to our purpose, to shew that the Romaine gods, from whose temples he d•…•…aue Hanniball, did neuer require him with any the least touch of temporall felicitie, for which onely they are adored. But because Sa∣luste saith that Rome was so well mannered in those dayes, I thought good to touch at this Asian luxurie, that you might vnderstand that Saluste spoake in comparison of the after-times, wherein discorde was at the highest floud, and good manners at their lowest ebbe. For then, (that is betweene the second and last African warre, the (h) Voconian law was promulgate, that none should make a woman his heyre, no were shee his (i) onely daughter; then which decree, I can see nothing more barbarous and vniust. But indeed the mischieues that the cittie suffered were not so many nor so violent in the space betwixt the two Punicke warres, as they were at other times: for though they felt the smarte of warre abroade, yet they enioyed the sweet of victorie; and at home they agreed better then they did in the times of securitie.

But in the last African warre, by the onely valour of that Scipio, that there∣fore was surnamed African, that Cittie, that compared and contended with Rome, was vtterlye razed to duste and ruined; And then brake

in such an inundation of depraued conditions drawne into the state by securitie and prosperitie, that Carthage might iustly be said to haue beene a more dange∣rous enemy to Rome in her dissolution, then shee was in her opposition. And this continued vntill Augustus his time, who (me thinkes) did not abridge the Romaines of their liberty, as of a thing which they loued and prised, but as though they had vtterly despised it, and left it for the taking: Then reduced be all things vnto an imperiall command, renewing and repairing the common∣weale, that was become all moth-eaten and rusty with age, vice and negligence. I omitte the diuerse and diuersly arising contentions and battels of all this whole time: that league of (k) Numance, stained with so foule an ignominie, where the (l) chickens flew out of their cages, as presaging some great ill luck (they say) vnto Mancinus then Consull: so tha•…•… it seemed (m) that little cittie that had plagued the Romaine armie that besieged it so many yeares, did now begin to be a (n) terror to the Romaines whole estate, and boded misfortune vnto those her powers that came against it.

L. VIVES.

SCipio (a) that protector] P. Cornelius Scipio African, who passing ouer into Africke, fet∣ched Hanniball out of Italy, sixteene yeares after his first entrie, ouer-threw him in •…•…frick, * 1.76 chased him thence, and gaue end to this most dangerous warre. (b) Religiousnesse] Liu. lib. •…•…6. Besides from the time that he tooke on his gowne of man-slate, hee would neuer meddle in any matter publike or priuate, before he had beene in the temple, in the Capitoll, and had me∣ditated there awhile alone. This he vsed all his life time. (c) Accusations] Liu. lib. 38. Plut. in his life. (d) Linternum] It is in Campania, called now Torre della Patria. (e) Gaue charge] Liuie reciteth diuerse opinions of the place of his death. For it is vncertaine whether he died at Rome, or no. (f) Afterwards] Liu. lib. 39. The Gallo-grecians were a people of the lesser * 1.77 Asia, called in Greeke Galatae, of the Galles that went thether vnder Brenne, and inhabited there. (g) Luxurie of As•…•…] the lesser: whereof hereafter. (h) Voconian] preferred by Q. Voconius Saxa, tribune. Approoued by Cato the elder, a little before Perseus warre. Liu. lib. 41. * 1.78 where Volumnius is read for Uoconius. (i) Onely daughter] Though he had no other children but her. (k) League of Numance] Hostilius Mancinus Consull with an armie of 30000. was ouer-throwne by the Numantines, being but 4000. and forced to make a shamefull peace with them. (l) Chickins flew] The Romaines in their warres vsed to carry chickens about with them in Cages, and he that kept them was called Pullarius, the chickin-keeper. If they fead greedily it was a good signe, if so greedily that part of their victuales fell to the earth, it was the best of all. For that was called Tripudium Solistimum, and once it was called Terripa∣nium, * 1.79 à pauiendo, of striking the earth in the fall of it. And Solistimum of Solum, the ground. For thus it was written in the Augurs bookes, that if any of the Chickens meate fell from them, it was Tripudium. But an vnluckly signe it was, if they fedde not, as happened to P. Claudius, Caecus his sonne. But a worse if they flew out of their cages. The Sooth-sayers (as Festus saith) obserued the signes of fiue seuerall things: the heauens, birds, these Tripudia, beasts, and curses. (m) Little citty,] Without walles or Fortes, keeping but an armie of 4000. men. The warre began, because they receiued the Sedigenses (people that the Romaines ha∣ted, and had ouer-throwne) into their cittie and houses. (n) Terror] Cicero calles Carthage and Numance, the two terrors of the Romaine Empire. Pro Muraena.

Of the Edict of Mithridates, commanding euery Romaine that was to be found in Asia, to be put to death. CHAP. 22.

BVt as I said, these shall passe: marry not that of Mithridates, (a) King of Asia who gaue direct command, that what euer Romaine was to bee found

traffiquing or trauelling any where in al Asia, vpon one certaine day he should be immediately slaine: and it was effected. How dolorous a sight was this, to see men slaine in such numbers, wheresoeuer they were taken, in field, way, towne, house, streete, court, temple, bed or table, or wheresoeuer, so suddenly and so wickedly? what sorrowes would possesse the standers by, and perhaps the very doers of the deeds themselues, to heare the sad grones of the dying men? vnto what extremi∣ty were the hosts of lodgings brought now, when they must not onely behold those murders committed in their houses, but euen helpe to performe them them∣selues. To turne so suddenly from gentle humanity vnto barbarous cruelty? to do the act of an enemy in peace, and that on his friend, enterchanging indeed wounds with the murthered, the murthered being striken in the body, & the mur∣therer in the mind? & did al these that were thus slaine, neglect Auguries? Had they no gods publike nor priuat to aske counsell of ere they betooke them vnto this trauell from whence they were neuer to returne? If this bee true, then haue they of our times no cause to complaine of vs, for the neglect of those things, the Romaines of ould contemned them as vanities. But if they did not, but vsed to aske counsell of them, then tell me (I pray) to what end was it when other mens powers fell so heauy vpon these wretches without all prohibition, or meanes to avoyd them?

L. VIVES.

MIthridates (a) King.] The first Mithridates was of the bloud of the seauen Persians that * 1.80 tooke the kingdome from the Magi. Antigonus King of Syria was his foe and chaced him into Cappadocia, where he was afterwards King: and so left his crowne to his sonne, he to his, and so downe to the sixt of his descent, the sixt was the Mithridates that warred with the Romaines, a man of a strong body, and of as stout a spirit, he guyded sixe horses in his chariot, he spake two and twenty seuerall languages, and was surnamed the great. First hee was friend to Rome, for hee sent Crassus ayde against Aristonicus, but by reason of the warre hee had with Nicomedes King of Bythynia, he fell from affecting the Romaines; inuaded the Romaine Prouinces in Phrigia, expelled the legate Aquilius, and soone after imprisoned both him and Q. Oppius, viceconsuls together: and sent his letters forth through out all Asia, that vpon one set day, what euer Romaine were resident, in all his dominions, should be forthwith slaine without all respect of dignity, age, sexe or place that hee should fly into. And it was done as he commaunded.

Of the more priuat and interior mischieues, that Rome endured, which were presaged by that prodigious madnesse of all the creatures that serued the vse of man. CHAP. 23.

BVt now let vs do what we can to recite those euills which the more domes∣tique they were to Rome, the more miserable they made it: I meane the ciuill or rather vnciuill discordes, being now no more seditions but plaine warres, and those in the very bowells of the Citty, wherein so much bloud was spilt: where the Senators powers were now no more bent to altercations (a) and wranglings, but directly to armes and weapons. O what riuers of Romaines bloud flowed from the Sociall, Seruile, and Ciuill warres? how sore a wast fell vpon the brest of all Italy from hence? For before that (b) Latium, (being associate and confederate with the rest) arose against Rome (c) all the creatures that were vse-full vnto Man, dogges, horses, asses, oxen, and all others besides, that serued humane occasions, * 1.81

growing suddenly starke mad, and losing all their meeknesse, runne wild out of the townes into the deserts, fieldes and forrests, flying the company not onely of all others, but euen of their owne maisters, and endangering any man that offered to come neare them. What (d) a prodigious signe was heare? but if this, being so great a mischiefe of it selfe, were but the presage of another, what a mischiefe must that be then, that was vshered in by such a mischieuous presage. If this had befallen in our times, wee should bee sure to haue had these faithlesse miscreants a great deale madder then the others dogs were.

L. VIVES.

ALtercations (a) and [For before, they did but wrangle, reuile, and raile, their fights were only in words, no weapons. (b) Latium being associate] when as the Senate had set vp M. Li∣uius drusus tribune against the power of the Gentlemen, who had as then the iudging of all causes, through Gracchus his law, Drusus to strengthen the senates part the more, drew all the seuerall nations of Italy to take part with him, vpon hope of the possessing the citty, which hope the Italians catching hold vpon, and being frustrate of it by Drusus his sudden death, first the Picenians tooke armes, and after them the Vestines, Marsians, Latines, Pelignians, Maru∣cians Lucanes, and Samnits Sext. Iul. Caesar, & L. Marcius Philippus being consulls: in the yeare of the citty, DCLXII. They fought often with diuers fortunes. At last, by seuerall generalls, * 1.82 the people of Italy were all subdued. The history is written by Liuy, Florus, Plutarch, Oro∣sius, Velleius, Appian (b) asociats] the Latins begun the stirre resoluing to kill the consulls, Caesar and Philip vpon the Latine feast daies, (c) all the creatures] Orosi. lib. 5. The heards about this time fell into such a madnesse that the hostility following was here-vpon coniectured, and many with teares fore-told the ensuing calamities. (d) a prodigious signe▪ Here the text is diuers∣ly written in copies, but all to one purpose.

Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi. CHAP. 24.

THe sedition (a) of the Gracchi about the law Agrarian, gaue the first vent vnto all the ciuill warres; for the lands that the nobility wrongfully possessed, they would needes haue shared amongst the people, but it was a daungerous thing for them to vndertake the righting of a wrong of such continuance, and in the end, it proued indeed their destruction: what a slaughter was there, when Tiberius Gracchus was slaine? and when his brother followed him within a while after? the noble and the base were butchered together in tumults and vproars of the people, not in formal iustice nor by order of law but al in huggermugger. After the latter Gracchus his slaughter, followed that of L. Opimius consull, who taking armes in the Citty agaist this Gracchus and killing him and all his fellowes, had made a huge slaughter of Cittizens, by this meanes hauing caused three thousand to bee executed, that he had condemned by law. By which one may guesse, what a mas∣sacre there was of all in that tumultuous conflict, sith that 3. thousand were mar∣ked out by the law, as orderly condemned, and iustly slaine. Hee that (b) killed Gracchus, had the waight of his head in gould, for that was his bargaine before And in this fray was (c) M. Fuluius slaine, and all his children.

L. VIVES.

THe (a) Gracchi] we haue spoken of them before, Tiberius was the elder and Caius the youn∣ger, Tiberius was slaine nine yeare before Caius: read of them in Plutarch, Appian. Ualerius, Cicero, Orosius, Saluste, Pliny and others (b) killed Gracchus] C. Gracchus seeing his band

expelled by the Consull and the Senate, hee fled into the wood of Furnia, Opimius proclaiming the weight of his head in gold, for a rewarde for him that brought it. So Septimuleius A∣nagninus a familiar friend of Gracchus his, came into the wood quietly, and hauing talked a * 1.83 while friendly with him, on a sudden stabbeth him to the heart, cuts off his head, and to make it weigh heauier, takes out the braines and filles the place with lead. Opimius was Consull with Q. Fabius Maximus, nephew to Paulus, and kinsman to Gracchus. (c) M. Fuluius] one that had beene Consull with Marcus Tlautius but fiue yeares before.

Of the temple of Concord, built by the Senate in the place where these seditions and slaughters were effected. CHAP. 25.

A Fine decree surely was it of the Senate, to giue charge for the building of Concords (a) temple, iust (b) in the place where those out-rages were acted: that the monument of Gracchus his punishment might bee still in the eye of the (c) pleaders, and stand fresh in their memory. But what was this but a direct scof∣fing of their gods? They built a goddesse a temple, who had she beene amongst them, would neuer haue suffered such grose breaches of her lawes as these were; vnlesse Concord being guilty of this crime, by leauing the hearts of the citizens, deserued therefore to be imprisoned in this temple. Otherwise, to keepe formality with their deedes, they should haue built Discord a Temple in that place. Is there any reason that Concord should be a goddesse and not Discord? or that (according to Labeo his diuision) shee should not bee a good goddesse and Discord an euill one? Hee spoake vpon grounds, because he sawe that Feuer had a Temple built her, as well as Health. By the same reason should Discord haue * 1.84 had one as well as Concord. Wherefore the Romaines were not wise, to liue in the displeasure of so shrewd a goddesse: they haue forgotten that (d) shee was the destruction of Troy, by setting the three goddesses together by the eares for the golden Apple because shee was not bidden to their feast: Where-vpon the goddesses fell a scolding; Venus shee gotte the Apple, Pa∣ris, Hellen and Troye vtter destruction. Wherefore if it were through her anger because shee had no Temple there with the rest, that shee sette the Romaines at such variance, how much more angrye would shee bee to see her chiefest enemie haue a Temple built in that place, where shee had showne such absolute power? Now their greatest Schollers doe stomacke vs, for deriding these vanities, and yet worshipping those promiscuall gods, they cannot for their liues cleare them-selues of this question of Concord and Dis∣cord, whether they let them alone vnworshipped, and preferre Febris and Bel∣lona before them (to whome their most ancient Temples were dedicated) or that they doe worship them both as well as the rest. How-so-euer, they are in the bryers, seeing that Concord gotte her gone, and left Discord to play hauock amongst them by her selfe.

L. VIVES.

COncords (a) Temple] There were many Temples of Concord in Rome: the most anci∣ent, * 1.85 built by Camillus, for the acquittance of the Galles from Rome. I know not whe∣ther it was that which Flauius dedicated in Vulcans court, which the Nobles did so enuie him for, P. Sulpitius and P. Sempronius being Consulls. I thinke it is not that. Another was vowed by L. Manlius Praetor, for the ending of the Souldiers sedition in France.

It was letten forth to bee built by the Duum-viri Gn. Puppius Caeso, and Quintius Flaminius were for this end made Duum-virs. It was dedicated in the towre by M. and Gn. Attilii. Liu. lib. 22. and 23. A third was in the Romaine court neere to the Greeke monuments, built by Opimius Consull, hauing dissolued Gracchi his faction, and there also is the Opimian Palace. Varro. de Ling. Lat. lib. 3. The building of this temple vexed the Romaines extreamly: and at the building, there was written in it, Opus vecordiae: the worke of sloath. A fourth was built by Liuia Augusta, vnlesse it were but Camillus his olde one which she repared. Ouid. fast. 1. Con∣cords feasts were in Februaries Calends the xviii. (b) In the place] Appian saith in the plea∣ding place, and so doth Varro and Victor de region. vrb. puts it in the eight Region, that is, in the Romaine court, the fight ending in Auentinus though it began in the Capitoll. (c) Pleaders] Tribunes, and such as spake to the people in Couenticles: that they should speake nothing but well of the Senate, taking example by Gracchus, whose memory that monument still remembe∣red. (d) She was] Discord alone being not bidden to the mariage of Peleus and Thetis being angry hereat, sent a golden ball into the feasters, with this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, let the * 1.86 fairest haue it. Herevpon grew a strife betweene Pallas, Iuno, and Venus. So they came to Paris to haue iudgment, whence arose all that deluge of destruction that ouer-whelmed Troy.

Of the diuerse warres that followed after the building of Concords temple. CHAP. 26.

NOw they all thought that this new temple of Concord, and testimony of Grac∣chus, would be an excellent restraint vnto all seditious spirits. But how farre they shotte wide, let the subsequent times giue aime. For from that time forth, the Pleaders neuer went about to auoide the examples of the Gracchi, but labou∣red to exceed them in their pretences. L. (a) Saturninus Tribune, (b) C. Caesar, Seruillius Praetor, and (c) not long after that, (d) M. Drusus, all these began more bloudy seditions, whence there arose not onely ciuill slaughters, but at last they brake openly out into the Confederates warre, which brought all Italy vnto most miserable and desperate extremities. Then followed the (e) Slaues warre, and other ciuill warres, wherein it is strange to recorde what fields were pitched, what bloud-shed and what murther stucke vpon the face of all Italy, as farre as the Romaines had any power or signorie. And how small a company, lesse then seuentie Fencers, began this Slaues warre, which mounted to that terrour and danger. What multitudes of Generalls did this raskall crew ouer-throw? what numbers of Romaine citties and Prouinces they destroyed, it is more then worke enough for a professed Historian to declare? For the warre held out not onely in Italy, but these slaues ouer-ranne all Macedonia, Sicily, and the sea coastes. And then what out-ragious robberies at first, and what terrible warres after∣wards were managed by the (f) Pyrates, what penne is them sufficient to re∣capitulate?

L. VIVES.

L. (a) Saturninus,] This man being Tribune, and troubling the state with the Agrarian law, was killed by C. Marius, and L. Ualer. Flaccus, Consuls, to whom the Senate had com∣mitted the protection of the state: yet did Saturninus preferre this law to doe Marius a plea∣sure. (b) C. Caesar.] This name is not in the old copyes, but onely C. Seruilius Glaucia, Prae∣tor, of Saturninus his faction: Of the Seditious, Lucius Apuleius Saturninus came nearest the Gracchi in eloquence, for he attracted all mens affections by his gesture and apparell, more then by his tongue or discourse. But C. Sext•…•…lius Glaucia was the most wicked villaine that euer was, and yet most suttle and quick witted, but yet hee was very ridiculous. He had beene Consull for all his filthinesse of meanes and manners, if it had beene held fit hee should haue stood for it: For hee had the people sure for him, and had wonne the Gentlemen by pleasuring

them. But being Praetor he was publikely slaine on the same day with Saturnine, Marius and Flaccus being Consuls. All this is out of Tullies Orator

But if some will haue it Caesar, they are not much amisse; excepting for the times: mary hee that was L. Caesars brother, mooued the Romaines against Sulpitius the Tribune, which conten∣tion gaue beginning to the warre of Marius, as Pedianus hath recorded. This Caesar saith Tully, being Aedile, made euery day an Oration. In Bruto. (c) Not long after▪ Seauen yeares passed iust betweene the Tribuneships of Saturnine and Drusus: and from the Consulships of Marius and Flaccus, to Flaccus and Herennius. (d) M Drusus] he was of good birth but the proudest man in Rome: quicke to speake: and being called to the Senate, hee sent the Se∣nate worde to come to him: and so they didde. The Senate called his father their Patron (e) Slaues warre.] It began in Cicilie before the Confederates warre, by one Eunus a Syrrian that fained him-selfe to bee inspired with the Cibels spirit. Hee gotte together sixtie thou∣sand * 1.87 men: ouerthrew foure Praetors and tooke their tents. At length Perpenna besieged and conquered them. A little after Cleon a Cicilian, began such another warre in the same Iland, getting huge powers, ouerthrowing the Praetors as before, and spoyling the Tents. This warre M. Aequilius ended. In Italy Spartacus and Chrysus began it, who broke out of the schoole of Lentulus, when hee was at Capua, and gotte forth to the number of seauenty-foure, to whome a great many slaues adioined them-selues soone after. P. Varenus Prae∣tor, and Claudius Pulcher Legate, that met them first in armes, they ouercame. Afterward Chrysus and his bands were defeated by Q. Uarius Praetor. Spartacus continued the warre with great good fortune, against Lentullus the Consull first, and then against L. Gellius and Q. Arius Praetor, and afterward with Cassius Vice-Consull, and Cn. Manlius Praetor. Lastly M. Crassus being Praetor ouercame him, and put his armie to the sword. (f) Pyrats.] The Cilician Pirats troubling the sea P. Seruilius Vice-Consul was sent against them, who took Isaurum and * 1.88 diuers of their Citties: but hee retyring home, they rose with greater powers, and boote-hal'd all the Coast vnto Caieta, Missenum and Ostia, to the great terror and reproch of the Romaine name. At length Cn. Pompey beeing made Admirall by the Gabinian Lawe, quitte the sea of them in forty daies. (Liu. lib. 99.) Cicero pro leg. Manil. L. Florus, and others.

Of the ciuill warres betweene Sylla and Marius CHAP. 27.

VVHen Marius being now imbrued with his countrymens bloud, and hauing slaine many of his aduersaries, was at length foyled and forced to flie the citty, that now gotte time to take a little breath; presently (to vse (a) Tullies wordes) vpon the sodaine Cinna and Marius began to bee conquerours againe. And then out went the heart blouds of the most worthy men, and the lights of all the cittie. But soone after came (b) Sylla, and reuenged this barbarous massa∣cre; but with what damage to the state and cittie, it is not my purpose to vtter; For that this reuenge was worse, then if all the offences that were punished, had bene left vnpunished. Let Lucan testifie: (c) in these wordes.

Excessit medicina modum, nimium{que} secuta est Qua morbi duxêre manus: periêre nocentes Sed cùm iam soli possent superesse nocentes Tunc data libertas odijs resolutà{que} legum Frenis ira ruit—

The medicine wrought too sore, making the cure Too cruell for the patient to indure: The guilty fell: but none yet such remaining, Hate riseth at full height, and wrath disdaining Lawes reines brake out—

For in that war of Sylla and Marius, (besides those that fell in the field,) the whole cittie, streetes, Market-places, Theaters, and Temples were filled with dead

bodies: that it was a question whether the conquerors slaughtered so many to at∣taine the conquest, or because they had already attained it. In Marius his first victory, at his returne from exile, besides infinite other slaughters, Octauius his head (the Consuls) was polled vp in the pleading-place: Caesar and (d) Fimbra were slaine in their houses, the two (e) Crassi, father and son, killed in one anothers sight, (f) Bebius and Numitorius trailed about vpon hookes till death: (g) Catulus poisoned him-selfe to escape his enemies, and (h) Menula the Iouial Flamine cutte his owne veines and so bled him-selfe out of their danger, Marius hauing giuen order for the killing of all them whome he didde not (i) re-salute, or profer his hand vnto.

L. VIVES.

TO vse (a) Tullies words] For the following words are Tullyes in his 3. Inuectiue against Ca∣teline: Where men were slaine by Cinna and Marius (saith he) wee haue already rehearsed in our third Oration for Sylla: namely the two bretheren C. and L. Iulij, Caesars, Attillius Soranus, P. Lentulus, L. Crassus, M. Anthony the Orator, Gn. Octauius, L. Cornelius, Merula the Diall Flamine: Consuls, L. Catulus, Q. Arcarius, M. Bebius, Numitorius, Sext. Licinius. (b) •…•…ylla, and reuenged] Tullyes wordes also ibid. (c) In these wordes] Lib. 2. * 1.89

Sylla quo{que} immensis acce•…•…sit cladibus vltor, Ille quod exiguum restabat sanguinis vrbi Hausit: dam{que} minis iam putrida membra recidit, Excessit medicina modum—

Then Sylla came to auenge the worthi's slaine And that small Romaine bloud that did remaine He drew: but clean sing still the parts impure The medicine wrought to sure—

(d) Fimbria] There was one C. Fimbria, whome Velleius calles Flauius, he was a Marian, and the razer of Ilium. There was an other C. Fimbria, sur-named Licinius, who liued with the * 1.90 Gracchi, and entring inro the ciuil wars, was slaine in his own house, as Caesar was: of this Fim∣bria speaks Tully de clar. orator. And he it was (I thinke) that would not giue his iudgemet in the contention about a good man. (Cic. offic. lib 3. Valer. lib. 7.) e) Crassi.] The son fel by the hands of the soldiors of Fimbria, Cinna's Lieutenant: the father stabbed him-selfe. (f) Be∣bius] He was torne in peeces by the executioners like a beast, without any vse of yron vppon him. (Lucan. lib. 2.) * 1.91

—Vix te sparsum per viscera Bebi Innumeras inter carpentis membra coronae, Discerpsisse manus—

—Nor thee poore Bebius, torne, And scattered through a thousand bloudy hands, Renting them in a ring—

(g) Catulus] L. Luctatius Catulus was ioynt Consull with Marius in his 4. Consulship in the Cimbrian warre, and tryumphed with him ouer them: The whole Senate intreating Mar•…•… * 1.92 for him, he answered he must die, which Catulus hearing of, stifeled him-selfe with coales: whe∣ther swallowing them as Portia did, or inclosing the smoake close in his chamber, hauing newly limed it so he died, it is not certaine: (for this later is a present way to death, vnlesse remedies be forth-with gotten) Some think he died of poison, as Augustine saith here. (h) Merula] He cut his veines in Ioues shrine. (i) Re-salute] That was the signe that Marius gaue for life and death.

How Sylla reuenged Marius his murthers. CHAP. 28.

NOw as for Sylla's victory, y^e reuenger of al this cruelty, it was not got with•…•… much store of cittizens bloud, and yet the wars only hauing ended and n•…•… the grudges: this victory brake out into a far more cruell wast, in y^e midst of al the peace. For after the butcheries that the elder Marius had made (beeing yet b•…•…

fresh and bleeding, there followed worse by the handes of the yonger Marius & Carbo, both of the old faction of Marius. These two perceiuing Sylla to come vp∣pon them, being desperate both of safety and victory, filled all with slaughters, both of them-selues and others: For besides the massacre they made else-where in the citty, they besieged the Senate in the very Court, and from thence as from a prison, dragged them out by the heades to execution. (b) Mutius Seaeuola, the Priest was slain iust as he had hold of the altar of Vesta, the most reuerend relique of all the cittie (c) almost quenching that fire with his bloud, which the Virgins care kept alwaies burning. Then entered victorious Sylla into the citty (d) and in the common streete, (wars cruelty now done, and peaces beginning) put seauen thousand vnarmed men to the sword, not in fight, but by an expresse commaund. And after that he put euen whom he list to death, throughout the whole citty, in so much that the slaughters grew so inumerable (e) that one was gladde to put Sylla in mind that he must either let some liue, or else he should haue none to bee Lord ouer. And then indeed this rauenous murtherer began to be restrained by degrees; and a (f) table was set vp (with great applause) w^t proscribed but 2000. of the Patriots and Gentlemen, appointing them all to bee presently killed. The number made all men sad, but the manner cheered them againe: nor were they so sad, that so many should perish, as they reioyced, that the rest should escape. Ne∣uerthelesse, this cruell carelesnesse of theirs groned at the exquisite torments, that some of the condemned persons suffered in their deaths. For (g) one of them was torn in peeces by mēs hands without touch of iron, wher the executiōers shew∣ed far more cruelly in rending this liuing man thus, then they vse ordinarily vpon a dead beast. (h) Another hauing first his eies pluckt out, and then all the parts of his body cut away ioint by ioint, was forced to liue, or rather to die, thus long in such intollerable torment. Many also of the noblest citties and townes were put vnto the sacke: and as one guilty man is vsed to be led out to death, so was one whole Citty as then laid out and appointed for execution. These were the fruits of their peace after their warres, wherin they hasted not to gette the conquest, but were swift to abuse it being got. Thus this peace bandied in bloud with that war, and quite exceeded it. for then war killed but the armed, but this peace neuer spared the naked. In the war he that was striken, if hee could might strike againe: but in this peace, he that escaped the war, must not liue, but tooke his death with patience perforce.

L. VIVES. * 1.93

THe yonger (a) Marius] Son to the elder: ioined Consul with Carbo ere he were 25. yeares old by forced meanes. He commanded his man Damasippus to kill all the Patriots in the citty, who (being military Praetor) like a good seruant did al that his maister bad him, & vnder shew of calling a Senate, killed them euery one. (b) Mutius Scaeuola] (Liu. lib. 87.) But Lucan (lib 2.) seemes to hold that Scaeuola was slaine by the elder Marius: mary so do not the Histori∣agrahers; but by the yonger. (c) Almost quenshing] In imitation of Lucan.

—Parum sed fessa senectus * 1.94 Sanguinis effudit iugulo; flammis{que} pepercit.

—Nor did the aged sire Bleed much: but spared the prophaned fire.

(d) In the common streete] Liuie saith, eight thousand, and the author of the booke De viris illustribus, saith nine thousand. (e) One was] This Eutropius and Oros. thinke was Q. Catulus. Others say that C. Metellus trusting to his kindred with Sylla spake this in a youthfull for∣wardnesse: Plutarch and Florus say it was Fusidius (though Plutarch call him Offidius that is but a falt as a great many more are in him either through him-selfe, his translators, or the

copiers.) Orosius saith Fursidus. This Fusidius, Salust remembers in his oration of Lepidus the Consull. (f) A table] The table of proscription, shewing the certaine number of such as should bee slaine, that each might know what should become of him. Such as were proscribed it * 1.95 was lawfull to kill, their goods were shared, part to Sylla, part to the executioner. Their chil∣dren were depriued of honors and forbidden by Sylla's law to sue for any. This was the first proscription table, that Rome euer saw. (g) One] This was Bebius, a Marian, the other was for Sylla: and they died both one death. For the Syllans returning like cruelty for like vpon the Marians, vsed their Bebius after the same sort as the other was vsed by them. Florus names * 1.96 them both. (h) Another] M. Marius Gratidianus, Caius his kinsman. This deed was Cat∣ilines, at the Graue of L. Caculus, vpon this Marius, a most gratious and honest man, hauing beene twice tribune, and twice Praetor. Q. Cicero in Paraenes. ad. M. Fratr. He first cut off his armes and legges, then his eares, tongue, and nose: then puld out his eyes, and lastly cut off * 1.97 his head. (i) Put to the sacke] Subhastatae, doth Laurinus reade it, most congruently to the history. The fairest holds of Italy (saith Florus) Subhastatae sunt, came to the souldiors spoyling: Spoletum, Interamna, Praeneste, Fluentia. But Sulmo, an ancient friend of Romes, (Oh vnworthy deede) being vnbesieged, euen as warres pledges beeing condemned to die, are ledde forth to executi∣on, so was this City by Sylla, singled out and appointed for a direct spoile and slaughter. Flor. lib. 3. Liuie lib. 88. Saith that Sylla commanded all the Prenestines, beeing disarmed to bee slaine, * 1.98 Subhastate was a word of vse in Augustines time, for Theodosius, and Archadius Emperors doe both vse it. C. de rescind. vend.

A comparison of the Gothes coruptions, with the calamities that the Romaines en∣dured either by the Galles, or by the authors of their ciuill warres. CHAP. 29.

VVHat barbarousnesse of other forraigne nations, what cruelty of strangers is comparable to this conquest of one of their Cittizens? What foe did Rome euer feele, more fatall, inhumane and outragious? Whether in the irrup∣tions first of the Galles, and since of the Gothes, or the invndations that Sylla, Marius, and other great Romaines made with the bloud of their owne citizens, more horrible, or more detestable? The Galles indeed killed the Senate, and spoi∣led all but the Capitol, that was defended against them. But they notwithstand∣ing sold the besieged their freedome for golde, where as they might haue ex∣torted it from them by famine, though not by force. But as for the Gothes, they spared so many of the Senate, that it was a maruell that they killed any. But (a) Sylla, when as Marius was yet aliue, sat on the very Capitol, (which the Galles entred not) to behold from thence, the slaughters which hee commanded to bee performed. And Marius, beeing but fled, to returne with more powre and fury, hee, keeping still in the Capitol, depriued numbers of their liues and states, co∣louring all this villany by the decrees of the Senate. And when he was gone, what did the Marian faction respect or spare, when they would not for-beare to kill old Seaeuola, a cittizen, a Senator, the chiefe Priest, embracing that very al∣ter, where on they say the fate of Rome it selfe was adored? And for that (b) last ta∣ble of Sylla's, (to omit the inumerable deathes besides) it cut the throates of more Senators, then the Gothes whole army could finde in their hearts but to offer, ransacke, or spoile.

L. VIVES.

BVt (a) Sylla] In his first victory against Marius, proclaming Sulpitius, the Marii, and di∣uers others his foes, enemies to the state by a decree of the Senate. (b) Last table] Plutarch saith, th•…•… as then in a little space, were diuers proscription tables hung vp.

Of the great and pernicious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the comming of Christ, CHAP. 30.

WIth what face then, with what heart, with what impudency, folly, nay mad∣nes, do they impute these later calamities vnto our Sauiour, and yet wil not impose the former vpon their Idols? Their ciuil discords by their own writers confessions haue beene euer more extreamely bloody then their forraine warres. The meanes which did not afflict, but vtterly subuert: their state arose long be∣fore Christ, by the combination of these wicked causes arising from the warre of Sylla and Marius, vnto that of (a) Sertorius and (b) Cateline, the one of whome, Sylla proscribed, and the other he nourished: and then downe-wards to the wars of (c) Lepidus and Catulus, wherof the one would confirme Syllas ordinances, and the other would disanull them: Then to the warre of (d) Pompey and Caesar: where∣of Pompey was a follower of Sylla, and either equalled, or at least exceeded him in state and power; And (e) Caesar was one that could not beare the greatnesse of Pompey because hee lackt it him-selfe: which notwithstanding, after hee hadde o∣uerthrowne him and made him away, hee went far beyond. From hence they come downe to the other Caesar, called (f) Augustus, in whose raigne our Sauiour Christ was born. This Augustus had much ciuil wars, wherin were lost (g) many excellent men, & (h) Tully that excellent common-wealths-man was one amongst the rest For C. (i) Caesar, the conqueror of Pompey though hee vsed his victory with mercy, restoring the states and dignities to al his aduersaries: notwirstanding all this, by a conspiracy of the noblest Senators he was stabbed to death in the court, for the defence of thei•…•… liberty, who held him to affect a Monarchy. After this (k) Antonie (a man neither like him in meanes, nor manners, but giuen ouer to al sensuality) seemed to affect his power: Whome Tully didde stoutly with. stand in defence of the said liberty. And then (l) stepped vp that yonger Coesar, the other Caesars adopted sonne, afterwards stiled (as I said) Augustus: Him did Tully fa∣uour and confirme against Anthony, hoping that hee would be the man, who ha∣uing demolished Anthonies pretences and powers, would re-erect the liberty of his country. But (m) farre mistaken was hee and mole-eid in this matter, for his young man whose power he hadde augmented, first of all suffered Anthony to cut of Ciceroes head, as if it hadde beene a bargaine betweene them, and then brought that liberty which the other wrought so for, vnto his owne sole commaund, and vnder his owne particular subiection.

L. VIVES.

OF (a) Sertorius] Q. Sertorius Mirsinius, seeing the faction of Marius (which he fauoured) to go downe the winde, by the leaders follies, gotte away with the forces hee led, through * 1.99 all the ragged and difficult passages into Spaine, and there warred valiantly against the Syllans. At last being put to the worst by Pompey, hee was stabbed at supper by the treason of Perpenna, Antonius, and others his fellowes: A worthy Captaine hee was, hadde he hadde a worthier meane to haue shewed him-selfe in. (b) Cateline] Hee was for Sylla, and cutte many throates at his command. Afterward rebelling and taking armes against his country, hee was ouer∣throwne * 1.100 and slaine by Cicero and C. Antony Consuls. (c) Lepidus] In his, and Q. Luctatius * 1.101 Catulus his Consulship Sylla dyed and was buried in Mars his field. At his buriall the two Consuls were at great wordes about the reformation of the state, Lepidus desiring to recall Sylla's proscripts, and to restore them their goddes, and Catulus contradicting him together with the Senate: not that it was not iust, but because it would bee the originall

of a new tumult, the most dangerous of all in that little breathing time of the state. from wordes they fell to weapons. G. Pompey and Q. Catulus ioined battell with Lepidus, ouer∣threw him with ease, and despoyling him of his whole strength returned to Rome without any more stirre or other subsequence of war. The victory was moderately vsed, and armes presently laid aside. (d) Pompey.] Cn. Pompey the great, C. Pompey Strabo's sonne mette Syl∣la * 1.102 comming out of Asia, with three legions which hee hadde taken vppe amongst the Pise∣nes: hereby furthering Sylla greatly in his victory, who vsed him as one of his chiefe friendes, and surest Captaines in ending the ciuill warre in Cicilie, Afrike, Italy and Spaine. Hee try∣umphed twise beeing but agent of Rome, no Senator. Hee hadde great good fortune in subduing the Pyrats. He conquered Mithridates and all the East, getting greate and glorious triumph therby, and wondrous wealth. He was of mighty power and authority in the State, all which I haue more at large recorded in my Pompeius fugiens. Lastly, warring against Cae∣sar for the Common-wealth hee was foiled, fledde away to Ptolomey the young King of Aegipt, where to doe Caesar a pleasure, hee was murdered. (e) Caesar.] This man was sonne to L. Caesar, whose Aunt Iulia was wife vnto Marius; beeing Consull, by Pompeys meanes, * 1.103 hee gotte the Prouince of France for fiue yeares: and those expired, for fiue more, of the Con∣suls, Pompey and Crassus. In which tenne yeares hee conquered all France: and fretting that Pompey could doe more in the state then hee, pretending other causes, hee brought his forces against his country. Lucan.

Nec quenquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem Pompeiusue parem—

Caesar indureth no superiour, Pompey no equall—

Suetonius in Caesars life writes a Chapter of the causes of these warres. But Pompey beeing dead, Caesar gotte to bee perpetuall Dictator and then gouerned all the state like a King.

Of this ciuill warre wrote hee him-selfe, Plutarch, Appian, Florus, Eutropius, and Ci∣cero who was present, and pertaker in the whole businesse. (h) Augustus] C. Octauius, Cneius his sonne (a Praetorian) and Actia's, the daughter of Actius Balbus and Iulia, Caesars sister. * 1.104 Caesar made him heire of the nineth part of his estate, and called him by his name. Sueton. Many of the old soldiers after Caesars death came vnto him for his Vncles sake, by whose meanes (as Tully saith) hee defended the causes of the Senate against Anthony when hee was but a youth: ouer-threw him, chased him into France vnto Lepidus: at whose returne, hee made a league trium-virate with them, which was the direct ruine of the Common-wealth. The Trium-viri were Anthony, Lepidus and hee him-selfe. The conditions were, that Antho∣ny should suffer his Vncle Sext. Iul. Caesar to be proscribed: Lepidus his brother Lucius, and * 1.105 Octauius, Cicero; whome hee held as a father. This was Anthonies request, because Cicero in his Orations hadde proclaimed him an enemy to the Common-weale: Of these three, Tully was killed by Anthonies men, the other two escaped. The Octauians warred with Brutus and Cassius, and at Phillippi by Anthonies helpe ouerthrew them. Then hee warred with L. Anthony, the Tryumvirs brother, and at Perusia made him yeelde the Towne him-selfe: After∣ward with Pompey the greats sonne, and tooke the Nauy from him: and then with Lepidus depriuing him of the Triumvirship: Lastly with Marke Anthony the Tryumvir whome hee conquered, and so remayned sole Emperour of Rome, hauing ended all the ciuill wars, and beeing saluted Augustus by Ualerius Messala in the name of the whole Senate and people of Rome.

In the foure and fortith yeare of his reigne ab V. C. DCCLI. an happy peace breathing on the bosome of all the earth both by Sea and Land, mankind beeing in absolute quiet from contention, THE PRINCE OF NATVRE, THE CREATOR, THE KING OF KINGS, AND THE LORD OF LORDS, IESVS CHRIST was borne in Bethelem * 1.106 a cittie in Iuda. (g) Many excellent] The Triumviri proscribed farre more of euery sort then Sylla didde. Those three Iun•…•…nal calls (bitterly) Sylla's Shollers, and faith they excelled their men in the art of proscription.

(h) Cicero] Hee was slaine being 63. yeares of age: After the reckoning of Liuie and Aufidius * 1.107

Bassus The diuers opinions of his death are to be read in Seneca. (Suasor. lib. 1.) Augustine calles him an excellent Common-wealths-man, because his tongue (like a sterne) did turne the Shippe of the State which way hee would: which he knowing, vsed this verse to the great vexation of his enemies.

Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea lingua.

That armes should yeeld to arts tis fit: Stoope then the wreath, vnto the witte.

Pliny the elder meeting him, Haile thou (quoth hee) that first deserued a tryumph by the gowne, and a garland by thy tongue. (i) C. Caesar] Brutus, Cassius, and sixty Senators more * 1.108 conspired against Caesar, and in Pompeies court killed him with daggers the Ides of March.

(k) Anthony] He and Dolabella were then Consuls. Anthony hauing the command of the armies, affected the Soueraignty of the state exceedingly, which at first Tully by his Orati∣ons * 1.109 suppressed: but then (as I said) he became Triumvir. The story of his warre is as well recorded in Tullyes Philipques as can bee. (l) Kept vp.] Tully by his eloquence armed him and Hircius and Pansa the Consuls against Anthony. (m) Far mistaken] Brutus hadde giuen Tul∣ly * 1.110 sufficient warning of Octauius, not to make him too powerfull, nor trust him too much: that his witte was childish, though good, and better fortunes might make him insolent. And here are yet two most graue Epistles of Brutus vpon his theame, one to Tully and another to Atticus: wherin Brutus his manlynesse and iudgement is clearly apparent. I think not Tul∣ly so foolish, though that he could not fore-see this as well as he didde many other euents not so apparant: which he shewed in his frequent vse of these wordes, Octauius Caesar is to be com∣mended, adorned, extolled, Velleius and Brutus in an Epistle to Cicero do both make mention of this.

That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idols, do shew them-selues fooles, in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ, seeing that they indured the like when they didde wor∣shippe the Diuels. CHAP. 31.

BVut lette them blame their owne goddes for such mischiefes, that will not thanke our Sauiour Christ for any of his benefits. For when-soeuer they be∣fell them before their goddes altar steamed with Sabaean perfumes, and fresh flowers, their Priestes were gallant, their Temples shined, playes, sacrifices and furies were all on foote amongst them. Yea euen when there was such an effusi∣on of ciuill blood, that the altars of the very goddes were besprinkled with it. (b) Tully choose no Temple for refuge, because he sawe it auailed not Scae∣uola. But those that are now so ready with their saucy insultations against Chris∣tianity, of late either fledde them-selues into such places as were dedicated to Christ, or else were brought thether by the Barbarians.

This I knowe, and euery vnpartiall iudge may know as well as I, that if man-kinde hadde receiued Christianity before the Affrican warres (to omitte the other that I haue rehearsed, and that is too long to rehearse) and withall that such a desolation should haue happened, as fell vppon Europe and Africke in the said warres; there is none of those Infidels that oppose vs now, but would haue laid onely the cause of it all vppon the backe of Christendome. But much more intollerable would their railings bee, if that either the irrup∣tion of the Galles, or the inundation of Tiber, and that great spoyle by

fire had immediately followed, vpon the first preaching and receiuing of Christi∣an religion: but worst of all, if the ciuill warres, that exceeded all, had followed therevpon. And those evills which fell out so incredibly, so farre beyond all be∣liefe, that the world reputed them as prodigies, had they come to passe in Christi∣an times, who should haue borne the blame thereof, but the Christians? for those things which were rather strange, then pernitious, as the (c) speaking of the oxe, the exclamations of children in their mothers wombes, the (d) flying of serpen•…•…s, and the (e) alteration of female creatures, both hens, and women into masculine formes, and such as these I willingly omit, those things are recorded in their his∣tories, not in their fables, but be they true or false, they do not bring so much af∣fliction vnto man as admiration. But when (f) it rained earth, and (g) chalke, and (h) stones, (not concrescences, that might be called haile, but (i) direct stones) this verily might greatly endomage the earths inhabitants. In the said authors wee read, that the fires of (k) Aetna brake out so far, that the sea boyled therewith, the rockes were burned, & the pitch dropt of the ships. This was noe light hurt, but a large wounder. Againe, (l) Sicily was so ouerwhelmed another time with the ashes therof, that the houses of (m) Catina were all turned ouer into the dust: wherevpon the Romaines pitying their calamity, released them of (n) that yeares tribute. It is recorded also, that the number of the (o) Locusts in Africa was most wonderfull, * 1.111 and prodigious, it being as then a prouince of the Romaines: and that hauing con∣sumed al the fruites & leaues of the trees, they fell al into the sea like a most huge & vnmesurable cloud. And being dead, and cast vpon the shore againe, arose such a pestilence of their stinke that thereof died (p) 80000. men (q) only in Massi•…•…s∣sa * 1.112 his kingdome, and (r) many more in other countries thereabouts, and of the (s) 30000. Romaine souldiars that remained at Vtica, there were but only ten that sur∣uiued. So that this foolery of theirs, which we must both endure and answer, what wronge would it not offer to the profession of the ghospell, had it beene preached before the birth of these prodigious accidents? yet it will not call the meanest of their gods to account, for any of these misfortunes whatsoeuer, and yet (t) these fooles will worship them still in hope to be protected by them from these incon∣ueniences, when they see neuerthelesse, how those that worshipped the same gods before haue beene oppressed, and ouer-borne with the same burdens of cal∣amity, nay with loades of miseries, farre more ponderous and intollerable then euer these latter times produced.

L. VIVES.

SAbaean (a) perfumes] Saba is the mother of Frankencence lying betweene Syria, and Arabia. India mitit ebur, molles sua thura Sabaei, saith Virgil: Ebon from Inde, from Iaua, Frankencense, * 1.113 Seruius saies they are so called of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to worship: because frankincense is an expiation, (b) Tully chose.] He died in his farme Formianum, being kept by tempest from crossing the sea to * 1.114 Brutus. (c) speaking of] often falling out, once in the second Punicke warre, in the consulships of Fabius Maximus and Marcellus, the fourth of the firsts consulshippe and the third of the laters, and in the same yeare, a woman became a man at Spoletum and an infant in the mothers wombe at Marusia, cried out Io triumphé. Liu. lib. 24.) another time, in the warre of Anticchus an Oxe cried Rome looke to thy selfe: and in Antonies ciuill warre, the Maister whipping his Oxe to worke, the beast told him. There would want no corne but there would want men to eate 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And often besides. (d) flying.] The Southwest wind brings many of those flying Serpents out of Lybia into Egypt, to the great annoyance of the inhabitants. And therefore Tully saith, they adore the Ibis, for driuing away these pestilent creatures from them. So saith He∣rodotus * 1.115 in his Euterpe. (e) Of females] Changing of sexes, women into men and hennes into

cockes. There is no fault in the text: [Our interpreter knew not the force of the coniuncti∣on: and thought that Female, Faemina, had belonged onely vnto man, and that homo was one∣ly * 1.116 of the masculine gender. See what sort of men the age before vs respected and reueren∣ced: they would take vpon them the interpretation of worthy authors, and yet knew not that •…•…mo might belong to a woman, nor faemina to a beast. Wee doe wonder how wee haue our * 1.117 liberall artes so corrupted, but considering that these men haue had the medling with them, wee haue more reason to wonder how wee haue any sparke of them left vs at all.] This alteration, Pliny saith, is possible: bringing confirmation of diuers examples, and his owne credite, saying hee had seene it verefied himselfe: But considering the seuerall natures of the sexes, it is hard for a male, to become a female: but not so hard for the other change. For the masculine member to be drawne in, and dilated into the feminine receptacles, is exceeding hard, mary for the female partes to bee excrescent, and coagulate into the masculine forme, may be some-what, but not neare so difficulte as is thought, though it bee seldon seene. (f) It rained] Often, say authors. Liuius Iul. Obsequ. &c. (g) chalke] Consulls Q. Metellus, and Tul. Didius. Obsequ. (h) Stones] This is not rare. First it did so in Tullus Hostilius his time, and then it was strange. But after it grew ordinary, to perticularize in this were idle. (i) Direct stones] Some reade, directly earth, &c. (k) Aetna] Aetna is a hill in Sicily, sacred to Vulcan, cas•…•…ing out fire in the night by a vent, ten furlongs about; the vent is called the cauld•…•…on. Solinus saith it hath two of them. Aetna, Briareus Ciclops his son, or Aetna, sonne to Caelus and Terra otherwise called Thalia, gaue it the name. Seruius. Uirgill describes it in a large Poeme, which some say is Ouids: but Seneca saith, Ouid durst not deale with it, because Virgil had done it before him. Others say Cornelius Seuerus did it. The fire doth much harme to the bordering partes of the Island. This that Augustine declareth, happened in the Consul∣ships * 1.118 of Cn. Seruil. Scipio, and C. Laelius: and in M. Aemilius and L. Aurelius their Consul∣ships, the flames burst forth with an earth-quake, and the sea was heated therewith, as farre as the Island Liparae, so that diuers shippes were burnd, and diuers of the saylours stifled with the sulphurous vapor. It killed an inumerable company of fish which the Liparians feeding vpon, got a pestilent disease in their bellies, which vnpeopled almost all the whole Is∣land. Obseq. This was a little before Gracchus his sedition, and it was such, that many were driuen to flie from their dwellings into other places. Oros. (l) Sicily] Oros. lib. 5. and 12. (m) Catina] Or Catana, it is called by both names, though their be one Catina in Spaine, and ano∣ther in Arcadia. This that Augustine relateth of is recorded by Pliny lib. 3. (n) That yeares] And nine yeares more, saith Orosius. (o) Locusts] This was in the Consulships of P. Plautius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. Fulu. Flaccus, before C. Gracchus his sedition. Liu. lib. 9. Oros. Eutrop. Iul. Obseq. (p) 80000.] So saith Orosius, but of Micipsa his Kingdome. Of this sicknesse in al, died 800000. men, saith Obsequens. 900000. saith Eutropius (who is indeede no good computator) in Nu∣midia, * 1.119 about Carthage, 200000. of the Romaine souldiars that kept the legion there, 30000. so saith Orosius, putting onely 80. for 90. (q) Onely in Masinyssa's] Or rather Micipsa's his sonne. For Masinissa himselfe was dead. But it might bee called his, because Rome gaue it him, for his worthy deserts. (r) Many more] Our historians write not so; perhaps Augustine followed others, or els like an Orator, applied the history to his owne vse and purpose, which Cicero doth allow in his Brutus, and hath practised some-times himselfe, as wee haue obserued in his Orations, and as Pedianus hath noted therein also. (s) 30000.] Beeing left at Vtica as the Guarison of Afrike. (t) a difference of reading: we haue giuen it the truest sence.

Finis lib. 3.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Apollo and Neptune worke the building of Troy.
• * 1.2

  Iliad 2.
• * 1.3

  Aeneid. 5.
• * 1.4

  Neptunes Prophecy.
• * 1.5

  Apollo fa∣uoreth the Troians.
• * 1.6

  The law Sempronian of iudge∣ments. The Plau∣tian The Corne∣lian, The Aure∣lian.
• * 1.7

  Romulus his •…•…atner.
• * 1.8

  Aeneas his mother.
• * 1.9

  Caesars fa∣mily.
• * 1.10

  Gen. 6.
• * 1.11

  The bene∣fit of being held diuine.
• * 1.12

  Numitor & his children
• * 1.13

  The punish∣ment of the offending vestall.
• * 1.14

  No lawe against a∣dultery be∣fore Au∣gustus.
• * 1.15

  The lawe Iuliana.
• * 1.16

  Parricide.
• * 1.17

  Numa's. •…•…aw Remus his death.
• * 1.18

  Sylla's side stronger then Marius his.
• * 1.19

  The deuills car•…•… to de∣ceiue.
• * 1.20

  C. Fimbria.
• * 1.21

  The Palla∣dium.
• * 1.22

  Peace be∣stovved on the vnvvor∣thy.
• * 1.23

  Numa's peace of 43. or 39. yeares.
• * 1.24

  Ianus.
• * 1.25

  The first Kings prac∣tises.
• * 1.26

  The first Kings.
• * 1.27

  Fiue ages of men.
• * 1.28

  [Paris co∣py leaues out this intirely.]
• * 1.29

  Aristoni∣cus.
• * 1.30

  Cra•…•…us death.
• * 1.31

  The gods in a sweate.
• * 1.32

  Antiochu•…•….
• * 1.33

  Cumae.
• * 1.34

  Aesculapius.
• * 1.35

  But best of all by Li∣uie h•…•… leaue to say with the text, Pessinus, for Pessinus was a towne in in Phrygia, where Cybel had a tem∣ple, before she had any at Rome.
• * 1.36

  Metamorph.
• * 1.37

  Sellers of smoake.
• * 1.38

  Aema∣thia.
• * 1.39

  Andro∣mache.
• * 1.40

  Tarpeia.
• * 1.41

  Stator.
• * 1.42

  Rome had no iust cause of war against Alba.
• * 1.43

  Psal. 10. 3.
• * 1.44

  As they did in Rome to fight for •…•…heir lines.
• * 1.45

  Alba.
• * 1.46

  The two Cyri.
• * 1.47

  Magnus Rex.
• * 1.48

  The Thea∣ter & Am∣phitheater.
• * 1.49

  The sunnes naturall Eclipse at Romulus his death.
• * 1.50

  Luc. 13.
• * 1.51

  Romulu his dea•…•….
• * 1.52

  Eclipses.
• * 1.53

  Tullus Hostilius.
• * 1.54

  Tarquinius Priscus.
• * 1.55

  The Ca∣pitol.
• * 1.56

  Getulia.
• * 1.57

  For it is said Brutus was •…•…ar∣quins ki•…•…∣man.
• * 1.58

  Bed-sprea∣ding.
• * 1.59

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 vsed at Rome.
• * 1.60

  A Brood-man.
• * 1.61

  Capitae censi
• * 1.62

  Pyrrhus.
• * 1.63

  He•…•…aclear. victory.
• * 1.64

  Archiatri.
• * 1.65

  Tibers in∣undation.
• * 1.66

  Fire in the Citty.
• * 1.67

  The secu∣lar plaies.
• * 1.68

  An Age.
• * 1.69

  The Tau•…•…i∣an games.
• * 1.70

  Mettellus.
• * 1.71

  The mas∣•…•…cre of C•…•….
• * 1.72

  The Ring.
• * 1.73

  The volons
• * 1.74

  I•…•…s.
• * 1.75

  Saguntus.
• * 1.76

  Scipio. African.
• * 1.77

  The Gallo∣grecians.
• * 1.78

  The lawe Uoconian.
• * 1.79

  Tripudium Solistimum.
• * 1.80

  Diuerse Mithridates
• * 1.81

  Prodigies in the catle.
• * 1.82

  The con∣federats •…•…rre.
• * 1.83

  Septimu∣leius Anag∣ninus.
• * 1.84

  Discord a goddesse.
• * 1.85

  Concords Temple.
• * 1.86

  The cause of Troyes destruction
• * 1.87

  The slaues warre.
• * 1.88

  The pirate war.
• * 1.89

  Nobles slaine. by Cynna & Marius.
• * 1.90

  C. Fimbria Licinius.
• * 1.91

  Bebius.
• * 1.92

  Catulus.
• * 1.93

  Marius his Sonne.
• * 1.94

  Scaeuola.
• * 1.95

  Tables of proscripti∣on.
• * 1.96

  The Bebii.
• * 1.97

  Marius Gra•…•…idia∣nus his death.
• * 1.98

  Sulmo.
• * 1.99

  Sertorius.
• * 1.100

  Cateline.
• * 1.101

  Lepidus. Catulus.
• * 1.102

  Cn. Pom∣pey.
• * 1.103

  Iul. Caesar.
• * 1.104

  C. Octauius.
• * 1.105

  The Tri∣umviri.
• * 1.106

  Christ borne. Luc. 2.
• * 1.107

  Ciceroes death.
• * 1.108

  Caesars death.
• * 1.109

  M. Antony.
• * 1.110

  Brutus.
• * 1.111

  Locusts in Africa.
• * 1.112

  Pestilence.
• * 1.113

  Sabaea.
• * 1.114

  Prodigies.
• * 1.115

  P•…•…ying ser∣•…•….
• * 1.116

  lbis whv worshiped in Egipt.
• * 1.117

  [] Paris co∣pie doth leaue out this be∣tweene these markes.]
• * 1.118

  Aetna.
• * 1.119

  Catina.