A treatise of treasons against Q. Elizabeth, and the croune of England diuided into two partes: whereof, the first parte answereth certaine treasons pretended, that neuer were intended: and the second, discouereth greater treasons committed, that are by few perceiued: as more largely appeareth in the page folowing.

A TREATISE OF TREASONS AGAINST Q. ELIZABETH, and the Croune of England, diuided into two Partes: whereof,

The first Parte answereth certaine Treasons pretended, that neuer were intended:

And the second, discouereth greater Treasons committed, that are by few perceiued: as more largely appeareth in the Page folowing.

Imprinted in the Moneth of Ianuarie, and in the Yeare of our Lord. M.D.LXXII.

The Argument of this Treatise diuided into two Partes.

The first Part confut••th the false accusa∣tions, and sclan••erous Infamies, printed in certeine namelesse and infamous Libelles against the Q. Maiestie of Scotland, Heire apparent to the Crowne of England: and against Thomas Duke of Norfolke, Earle Marshall of the same Realme: and defen∣deth the Honour and Loialtie of the said Princes.

The seconde Parte (which beginneth Fol. 83.) detect••th sundry deepe and hiddē Treasons, of long time practised and daily contriued, against the Honour, Dignitie, safetie, & state of Queene Elizabeth, her Roialtie, her Crowne, and all the Blood Roial of Englād, by a few base and ingrate persons, that haue bene called to credit by her: and remoueth the plausible vi••ards, wherewith they couer their Coniurations. It laieth open also, the dangerous state, that the said Q. and Realme doth stand in, if those Cōfederates, and their Conspiracies•• be not preuent••d in time.

The Preface to the Englissh Reader.

IN the sundry namelesse libels, of late put forth in print, euery man of meane capacitie may see two things princi∣pally laboured and in∣tended. The one, so¦eth and easie for euery man to perceiue, that he that wil not see it, shal yet feele and find it, whether he wil or no. That is to saie, how they labour to defame and discredit that vertuous Ladie y^• Queenes Maiestie of Scotland, being Heire appa∣rent to the Croune of England: to slaun∣der and deface that Noble Prince, the Duke of Northfolke, the chief Peere of that Realme: to blemmish and abase the reast of the Nobilitie, presently appre∣hended: to confirme & encrease the Prin∣ces di••fauour towards them al: to bring them al in hatred and obloquie of the

p••ople: to make their frindes a••eard to fauour them: to kendle the coles of their enemies malice against them: to frame the indifferent sorte, to becomme their fo••s: and so finally to bring the chiefest (with as many of them as they may) to conf••sion: the rest in trouble to disgrace and bring low, with al others bysides, that either for honour, duetie, or cōscience sake, do acknowledge those Princes to be, as they are, or that do lament their distresse, that do fauour the iustice of their cause, that do ough•• speake in defense of their Right, or that do appeare, to haue any compassion of their calamitie.

The other, though it be not altoge∣ther so plaine to euery weake sight, yet shal it, I trust, be as easily see••e anon by euery wise and indifferent man, that shal vouchsafe to consider this Treatise to the end. That is to wit, how craftily and cunningly some do labour, to bleare and blind the eyes of the ignorant, like Craftes-maisters, I warrant you, see∣king with many wrong pretenses, and with numbers of false shewes, to hide and couer those truthes, that do breake

••ut sooner, then the Capitaine Iugglers would haue them. By obi••cting, I meane, to your eyes and first sight, so great a shewe of Seditio••s and Trea∣sons, supposed to haue bene conspi∣red and attempted by those two Noble Princes (whiche by them, nor any other, were neuer thought on) to withdrawe thereby the eyes, and to diuert the mindes of the multitude, from beholding and falling into the recke∣ning of those greater Treasons, that are in deede mo in number, more odious in qualitie, and neerer at hand, yea already a working, and contriued by them chiefly that send these Libels emongest you.

Which kind of Coosoning, or rather coniuration, is passing necessary to be discouered, and more then high time, that it had ben done ere this: as wel for the peril of the practise finally meant, as for the mischieuous meanes vsed to bring it to passe. The final practise, I cal, the alteration of the succession of the Croune of that Realme, by vntimely extincting both those Lines, in which it presētly re∣steth, & shuld first fal vnto, by al lawes of

Nature, Nations, and your owne Coun¦trey: and withal to cōfirme and establish vnto certaine base persons (vnder the Title of a third Family, vnto which them selues are lately vnited) the perpetuall Regiment of y^e same, the possessiō where∣of they haue already obteined. Whose ambitious mindes are so limed with the pleasant gaine of present gouernāce, that th••y count both your Prince & Realme, and all the rest well aduentured, if them selues thereby may wynne that, which they aspire vnto.

This, do I call, the finall purpose of the practise in hand. And therein shal I for this time rest, how so euer both wise∣dome, reason and experience would, that no man should looke for an ende thereof, when it were come to that: nor expec•• any lesse, but that when these two first Families shalbe weeded out for that third, that also shalbe weeded out for an other, and so that fourth, for a fyfth, tyll none be leaft of the blood Royal, but the Realme come to be gouerned, eyther by a Foreiner, or by a Popular State.

And of the many mischieuous meanes

vsed to bring this purpose to passe, who can be ignorant, no man almoste being found of that Nation, that hath not tasted bitterly of them, by him selfe or his frind in more or in lesse? For who remem∣breth not, that to set vp a lawlesse Factiō of Machiauellian Libertines, that should not (by consciēce or feare of synne) be re∣strayned from any maner mischiefe, a new Religion was pretended, that with helpe of Authority, shouldred out the olde: of purpose chiefely, to leaue none at all in the hartes of the people, to the ende, that a Rable of vnbridled persons might alwayes be readily found, whiche by no Religion, nor zeale of soule, should feare, with force and face impudēt, to exe∣cute, what so euer should be committed vnto them, by those that haue created and set vp the Faction.

And vpon this foundation, who is so blind, as hath not seene, what seditions haue bene sowen betweene Prince and Prince, what rebelliōs haue bene raysed by Subiectes against their Superiors, what murders haue bene committed vpō whome so euer was thought to lye in

their way: what Sacrilege, what incest, what rapes of Nonnes & violēces don•• to other women, what vnnatural torments & sodain slaughters of mē, how many for∣cible inuasiōs into other Princes territo∣ries, what open robberies, what publike Piracies, what breache of faith betweene frinds, what violation of al leagues and lawes both of Nature & Nations, what corruptions with money & fauour of Au∣thority to suborne false accusations, what depriuations and imprisonmēts of Prin∣ces, what depositio••s of Prelats, what impudenci•• of lying without limite or measure both in writing & woorde, what forging & saining of frindship by fairest woords, when woorst was meant, & fi∣nally what wastes of Princes Treasures, what pillage of the people, & what cōsum∣ption of the A••ncient Nobilitie, and of principal Personags euery where?

Of this practise therefore & final p••r∣pose, that hath bene compassed by suche mischieuous meanes, and without the•• could not thus long haue bene vpholden, nor mainteined, can any man be found so grac••lesse, and so voide of honestie, as to thinke it not necessary, & more than high

time, both to detect y^e one, & detest y^e other? And if thou thinke•• y^t I inforce this mat∣ter ouer vehemently, I remit the iudge∣ment thereof to euery mans experience, that (not resting vpō swete & deceaueable woords) shal vouchesafe but to examine his owne memory, of the facts & dooings put in vre, by the setters vp of that Factiō, within these twelue or fourtene yeres last past, for the cōfirmation & e••tablishing of the same party erected of new, chiefely to serue the turnes of somme priuate men now in authority. And thereafter let him deeme, what maner of gouernance your present State susteineth, & whether any Religiō at al appeare to rule in the harts of your Rulers, or be m••ant to be leaft in the harts of your people. And that is it, that I cal a Machiauellian State & Re∣gimēt: where R••ligion is put behind in the secōd & la••t place: wher y^e ciuil Policie, I meane, is preferred before it, & not li∣mited by any rules of Religiō, but y^e Reli¦giō framed to ser••e y^e time & policy: wher both by word & exāple of y^e Rulers, y^• ru∣led are t••ught with euery chāge of Prince to change also the face of their faith and

Religion: where, in apparence and shew only, a Religion is pretended, now one, now an other, they force not greatly which, so that at hart there be none at al: where neither by hope nor feare of ought after this life, men are restrained frō any maner vice, nor moued to any vertue what so euer: but where it is free to slaū∣der, to belie, to forswear, to accuse, to cor∣rupt, to oppresse, to robbe, to inuade, to depose, to imprison, to murther, and to commit euery other outrage, neuer so barbarous (that promiseth to aduaunce the present Policie in hand) without scru∣ple, feare, or conscience of hel or heauen, of God, or Diuel: and where no restraint, nor allurement is l••ft in the hart of man, to bridle him from euil, nor to inuite him to good: but for vaine fame only & feare of lay lawes, that reache no further then to this body and lif••: that cal I properly a Machiauellian State and Gouernance.

Now for the order of this Treatise, before I come to lay open the foule and final fraude of this practise, I haue, as reason required, first answered the accu∣sations•• and cleared the crimes of the ac∣cused,

eche after other, in such order, as that Libel laieth them foorth, that seemeth to conteine more weight and pith, then al the rest: namely that, which is dated the 13^th. of October 1571. and subscribed, with the letters of ••. and G. vnto which I haue made choice chiefly to addresse mine Answ••re, as w••l for that I finde no mate∣rial point in any of the others, omitted out of this, and in this some effectual pointes a litle opened, that in the others are but obscurely glaunced at: as also, for that the chiefe substance of al the oth••rs consisteth in scoffes, taunts, and Railers Rhetorike, more liuely repre∣senting the sprite, from whence they pro∣ceede, then likely to seduce any wise or honest man.

And that done, I gi••e thee in a second parte by it selfe but a taste (as it were) of the Treasons in deede intended, yea ra∣ther in hand, in hammering, and wel set forward already. Not so largely yet, as with Gods helpe I purpose in an other tu••g to publish them, if cause hereafter shal so require, but yet so sensibly and plainly (I trust) as shal suffice for them of

your Natiō that are of iudgemēt, reading or experience: which sort being satisfied, & cōming to the cleare sight of this mischie∣uous mystery, my purpose is performed, and there shalbe (I hope) no further nede of enlarging the odious practises of men in Authoritie, vnto the vulgar multitude.

And in the detection of this pestiferous practise, considering that I am to im∣pugne that proceeding, that carieth a coū∣tena••ce of Authority to mainteine it: it behooueth (least I be mistaken & surmised to meane otherwise then I do) that I ad∣monish the Reader, & declare, how I am to be vnderstanden, when I come to en∣counter with any thing, that Authoritie setteth foorth, or do vse any termes of im∣proo••ing ought, y^• Authority cōmendeth.

Understand thou me therefore, good Reader, as a Stranger, that hath liued in thy Coūtrey for y^• most part abou•• thirty yeres, & thereby to haue cōceiued that re∣••erent opinion & affectiō to your Natiō, y^• the good nature of the people generally, & the fertilitie of the soile do wel deserue, and is iustly cōmended for: & to haue ob∣serued (as my smal capacity would reach) the se••••ral shap••s of your Go••ernement

v••der King Henry (for a f••w yeres before his death) king Edward, Q. Marie & Q. Elizabeth. And as my yeres haue growen riper, & my iudgemēt by experience hath bene enlarged, with the helpe of some rea∣ding of your histories, I haue principally noted, & most aduisedly entred into the cō∣sideration of the present state & ••orme of Regiment vsed vnder your Q. y^• now is. At whose entry into her Croune, I was present, & a witnes of her quiet beginning & conti••uance of raigne for twel••e yeres time, & beheld the first attēpt of mutation: to wit, whome she cast out, that had place & credit, & whome of new she called in, that had neither of both, as the Authors and inst••••ments of the innouation ensu∣ing. I enioied my parte of the common & qui••t s••steinyng of al, aboue expectatiō.

Amōg y^• instrumēts of innouatiō newly called in, I specially c••••d & noted those, to whom aboue others your Q. cōmitted ••••ē from y^e beginning, y^e chief cure & charge of her affaires: & whose managing of y^• same vnto this day, I account a rare testimony of your Q. cōstancie, respecting y^• variable affectiōs, that other Princes her Predeces••sors haue ben noted of in y^• chāge of thē, by

whome they would rule. And vnto these two persons specially) concurring with the iudgement of most men) I attribuce and impute, what so ••uer of importance commeth foorth vnder he••, or hath bene sene in her time. And towards them chief∣ly (yea only in effect) is my processe and speache therfore meant and directed. Not al only as the chiefe instruments of al her mutations at home•• & Garboiles abrode, but also as the special Sprites and Fami∣liars, that ••ollow her, in tempting, enti∣cing, alluring, and procuring her, by al arts and de••ises, to suffer her selfe, her Realme, her Authoritie, her Treasure & forces to be missapplied and abused, both to the one, and to the other.

Of these two persons therefore, as of the efficient and effectual causes of al the perilous practises and dangerous Trea∣sons, that I labour to lay open: of the pre∣sent change, from the quiet securitie your Q. was long in, to the vnsurety and dan∣ger she is in (if these Libels say true) & of the trouble & tormoile the whole Realme is like to taste, if those attempts go on against your Nobilitie and the Blood

Roial: of these two men, I say, and of no•••• other, am I to be vnderstanden in this Treatise, when I vse any terme, that may seeme to touche Authoritie: bycause I meane none other Authority, then of them two only: who (by craft and circumuen∣tion) haue obt••ined that Authoritie, that what so euer impugneth their pestilent pri••ate purpose (the end wherof I verily bele••e your Q. seeth not) must be taken and published for traiterous, seditious, sclaunderous, rebellious, & what so euer els can be thought more odious: be it ne∣uer so wel meant, and tende it neuer so euidently to the securitie of your Q. to the benefite of your Realme, and to the ho∣nour of ••ur Nobilitie.

And albeit, there are choice ynough to be found of your owne Nation, that for their wisedome and intelligence, do farre ••urmount me in habilitie, to ha••e treated this matter, to the better satisfactiō of the Readers, and that haue no lesse good wil thervnto then my selfe: yet considering the thral, ••••ate & serui••ude, that presently they susteyne, hauing (by seuere searches, by suborn••d accusations, by sodaine ar∣rests,

by sharpe impriso••ments, by fraudulent examinations, and pe••al∣ties) their handes bound from writing, sending, or receiuing: their eies closed from reading or b••holding: their eares stopped, from hearing: their mou∣thes and tunges tyed vp, from speaking: yea their very harts and minds restrai∣ned from thinking (if it breake out once) of any least sentence or syllable sounding toward the Detection of this detestable enterprise, or of any other truth, that the Capitains of this Coniuration would haue couered and concealed: whiles your owne, I say, remaine in that thraldome, wher no man almost speaketh with other, without rendring an account wh••••of they ••alke: yea, whiles yo••r Queene, whom cheifely it importeth to knowe it, is by arte and ab••sion depriued of al meanes, that might bring her to vnderstande it: whiles al bookes are forbidden, that would tell it: al letters kept from her, that would shew it: and al accesse of those that would intimate it vnto her, is by one crafte or other restrayned, and prohibited from her: it shal not, I trust, be taken for

presumption in me, that I•• vpon these cō∣siderations, haue yelded and relented to the requests of such, as for their honour and credit might haue commanded me.

Who (for mine owne priuate know∣ledge of the vanitie & vntruth of sundry principall points in these Libells obiec∣ted) haue moued and persuaded me, by putting foorth of somewhat, to breake the yse, as it were, and to leade the way to others of your owne, that in time con∣••e••ient will more at large set doune the truth of this storie, wherof I do here but succinctly speake. And my selfe hauing bene not altogeather a stranger to the first treatie of the mariage, betweene the Q. Maiestie of Scotland, and the Duke of Norf. nor to some of the principal per∣sonages, now imp••ached for the same, and thereby knowing, how falsely in these Libells they are belyed, in euery materiall point layed to their charge: and beholding them selues withall, to be so restrained, that either they can not come to say and shew the truth, or that they are not beleued, when they say truth: or that the truth is murthered and falsified,

though they be heard and beleeued: in this case now, if I should not by saying somewhat, giue the aduenture, to tye this bel about the Cattes necke, I see ••ot how to excuse my selfe of some par∣t••c••pation with the accusers of these in∣••ocent••s, and of communicating (in a sort) with the Contriuers of their con∣fusion.

And i•• any man shal thinke, that vp∣pon so lewd a Libel of so light credit, as comming out without approbation of Authoritie, without name of Author or writer, and without probable matter, lesse labour might haue serued, for the dis∣crediting and disprouing of that, which no wise nor honest men beleeued: let it be remembred, good Reader, that in a matter of this weight, as wherein go••th indaungered the Li••es of Princes and pearelesse Personages, the transposing of Cro••nes, the mutations of common Weales, and the hazard of turning one of the most principal and Auncient Mo∣narchi••s of Christendome, from a most Christian Gouernem••nt, vnto a Ma∣chiauellian State, it shal not be wise∣dome,

to measure the credit of the multi∣tude, by the conscience and discretion of those few that be wise and good.

Againe, considering how far this mat∣ter is proceeded onward towards the said ende and fine, that this Libel shooteth at (which, by the present state, that the Q. of Scotl. and the rest do stand in, is ••asy to perceiue) and regarding, that this matter standeth not now in equal termes be∣tweene mine Aduersary and me, but that hee shadowing him selfe vnder some in Authority, speaketh nothing but that, that is plausible to the present Rulers: yea when the writer is rather but the Cane and Trunke, thorough whiche, some in Authority do speake, with whome the creditte of the multitude commonly runneth: respecting also, that mine Aduersarie hath begonne, hath tolde his tale first, al wholy and at length, hath bene quietly heard without interruption, what soeuer he listed to say: remembring, how much those aduantages, for the most part, do preuail (for few are they in num∣ber, that are so wise and good, as to re∣serue their credit in suspēse, til the Answer

and second tale come foorth) waying fur∣ther, that his whole processe consisteth in briefe and bare affirmatiōs, without rea∣son or proofe: in which maner of writing much matter goeth conteyned in small roome (for a lie of a line, is not easely an∣swered in a leafe or two some times) and lastly considering, that what so euer I am to say (comming to impugne a Pro∣cesse, that hath before hand obteyned cre∣dit with many, as vpholdē by some of the Rulers) is already so preiudiced, y^• before it come foorth, it may be foresene to be termed slanderous, seditio••s, traiterous, tēding to Rebelliō, & to moue troubles in y^e Realme: vpō these cōsiderations, if thou vouchesafe, good Reader, to way them depely, albeit I haue in no subst••̄••ial mat∣ter leaft the ••ndifferent man vnsatisfied, yet shalt thou, I suppose, finde me rather more compendious in many points, then thou wouldest haue wisshed me, for one, wherin thou shalt thinke me tedious, or more abundant then needed.

And although in this Treatise, I re∣fuse not altogether mine Aduersaries Metaphors, of their Brood-hen & Tree

of treasons, but doe now and then as truely applie them, to display their deui∣ses, as they doe fals••ly abuse them, to giue shewe to surmises: yet, for as muche as the fained Goddesse, the famous Citie, and Noble king of olde Troy neuer tasted more detestable Treason by the huge Horse, which the Grecians forged, and the crafty Greeke Sinon by art con∣neied into that Citie (as a sole••ne Sa∣crifice to Pallas the Goddesse there) th••n your Qu••ene, Countrey, & Citie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Troy, with her nexte Posteritie of t••e blood Royal of England, are l••ke to taste by the deepe and suttle practises of an English Greke or two now among you, vnder the plausible shadow of your Q. securitie: and finding no Storie, that doth more aptly resemble y^e false sleights, that are now in the forge among you, and the mischieuo••s markes prefixed for their end, then doth that old deepe deuise and cruel conclusion: & finding likewise, no man more liuely, nor more neerely ex∣pressing (by name, nature, qualities, and forme of proceeding) a suttle Sym now among you (of whom I haue occasion

often to speake, as the Capitaine contri∣ner of your calamitie) then doth that old Sinon the crafty Gre••ke: I haue for these causes somtimes vsed, as by a Me∣taphor, to resemble this Tragedie pre∣sent, to that Storie past: and haue now and then alluded this craftie practise, to that suttle shift, and baptized your slie Sym, that now is, with that old Si∣nons name.

Which, that I do not al vnaptly, and that the Reader may the better vnder∣stand those places, as they shal in this Treatise present themselues before him: & to the end, that by comparing that old and this new practise together, he may t••ke the moralitie of the first (if it were but a Fable) and make benefite thereof in cases present, as wisemen haue bene wont to do: or, if it were a true Storie, that then, by the experience of that Tra∣gedi•• past, he may ta••e warning and ad∣mo••ition for this Treason now in hand: I haue for these resp••ctes, thought it ne∣cessarie in this place, briefly to remember y^• effect of that old Storie, for their helpe, that perhaps neuer read it: and by com∣paring

of a few partes thereof, with some partes of this, to induce the com∣mon Reader, to the better discerning, how aptly, how properly, and in how many sundry partes, the suttle procee∣dings to these Treasons present, do an∣swere the crafty practise of that old Tra∣gedie past.

When the Grecians by ten yeares besieging the Citie of Troie, perceiu••d themselues vnable by force to atchieue to the end of their desires, which was, to sacke that Citie, and to bring the Tro∣ianes vnder their yoke and Dominion: they shifted to su••tlety, and famed (by sounding a false retraite) that as persons discomfited, they would retire their Ar∣mie into Greece againe. And pretending a religious deuotion to Pallas the God∣desse who had a Temple in Troie, they forged a Horse of suche hugenes, as the like in no age hath ben s••ene since nor be∣fore. Wh••ch at their dissembled depar∣ture and fained imbarking thei left about the place of their Campe, as a consecrated Sacrifice ••owed to that Goddes••e.

Bu•• now see th•• Woolf, that was

hidden vnder this Lambes skinne. In∣to the belly and bulke of this huge beast the Grecians had cunningly conueied a great number of their most valiant ar∣med soldiers, who being once entred in∣to that Citie, vnder that Horses hide, should (by Sinon) be let out of the beasts belie, and at an houre in the night agreed vppon before, should make themselues maisters of the Towne Gates, and let in the reast of the Grecian Armie, that would by that constituted time, be re∣turned thither again••.

Now had the crafty Greek••s a bird among them of their owne brood named Sinon, whom they made priuie, and a principal worker of al the Treason, as one, that had a deepe witte, a smooth tongue, an aspiring mind, a shamelesse face, no honour, litle honestie, and lesse conscience, and was a slie and suttle shif∣ter to compasse whatsoeuer he would: and him they suborned, to take vppon him, not only to persuade King Pria∣mus and the Troianes, to take in this Sacrifice, but to aduenture himself also to get into the Citie, to open the Engin

of that beast, and to let out those Sol∣diars, when the time should be.

To be short: he accorded. And being of base birth, and vile courage, thought it no paine, to suffer shame & danger for a time, to leade the reast of his life out of y^• low condition (in which he was borne) in perpetual honour and wealth after∣ward, which were promised him for his enterprise. And to winne creditte with King Priamus, he feined to haue bene cruelly handled, and threatned with tor∣mentes and present death by his owne Nation: and that at their imbarking he should haue bene soorthwith offered in Sacrifice.

And in this maner, putting himself wher he might be taken by the Troians, and pretending great deuotion to the Goddesse Pallas, he tempered his tale in ••uch wise, & couered his hypocrisie with so liuely colours, as denied euery goo•• nature to suspect him of fraud, & so obtei∣ned such credit with King Priamus & the Troians, that against the opinion & dis∣suasions of sundry of their grauest & No∣bles•• Councellours (who feared and su∣spected

y^• treason that insued) they brake ••oune the walles of their owne Citi••, to let in the Monster that was their destru∣ction.

For, after the Horse was once in the Citie, Sinon, and his Mates so per∣fourmed their partes, and perfited their practise, that in the night, they let in the whole troupe of the Grecian Armie: who with great slaughter and crueltie, slew Priamus the King, murdered his Children, extincted his seede and Poste∣ritie for euer, defaced and burned the Temple of the Goddesse, to whome they pretended the honour of that Sacrifice, ••nriched the base Greekes with the spoile of the Noble Troians, rased old Troi•• to the hard ground, and brought the whole Countrey to final confusion.

19This being in brief the effect of that Fable, as the Poets do fame it, or of that true Historie, as some others do thinke: behold, I beseche you, in reading this Treatise, by these few exāples folowing, how aptly & fully the same doth resemble y^• Tragedie, that we are now to treat of.

[ 1] And first consider how iustly the

naughty nature, the false, cruel and crafty conditions of that insolēt and licencious Brotherhood, that, vnder pretense of a new Religion, do cal themselues a Par∣tie Protestant, dispersed euery where, doth answere and may be compared to the suttletie, falsehood, and lewed pro∣pertie of the Greekish Nation, testified by a Prouerbe, vsual in your Language, that reprehendeth mens insolencie and outrage, with these termes: Ab Sir, you are a Greeke in deede.

The modestie and conscience of the Catholike partie, that for feare of God, [ 2] & for hate of sinne, do absteine from offer of iniuries, and defend onely their aun∣cient possession in the Catholique Faith, and that with lesse care, zeale, and suspi∣cion, then is necessary: may in euery part very aptly be resembled to the Nobl•• nature and royal dealings of the olde Troians, that, with lesse suspect of their Aduersaries malice, then was necessary, without offer of iniurie to their enemies, defended onely their auncient possession in their Kingdome.

The violent assaultes, and forcible [ 3]

inuasions, made by the Protestantes vp∣pon the Catholike Faith, for many yeres together by sundry cruel & penal Lawes, enacted by King Henrie, King Edward, and Q. Elizabeth: and by sundry rebel∣lions, and conspiracies against Q. Ma∣rie, to bring the old Catholike regiment of that Croune, to a Protestant gouern∣ment: do aptly answere, the ten yeares warre, and forcible siege made by the Grecians, against the Citie and King∣dome of Troie, to bring the Troian Do∣minion to the Grecian subiection.

[ 4] The slaughter of Noble Hector, and of sundry others of King Priamus chil∣dren, done by force of Armes in the time of the si••ge: may not vnaptly be compa∣red, to the violent deathes of many noble & notable Personages, which in these late yeares they haue susteined: some by co∣lour of Lawes, some by Treason, some by sodaine murder, & some by poison, as thei haue ben found likely to repugne or resist the intended change of y^t regiment, from y^• old gouernance in Catholike wise, to a new Dominion vnder the Protestantes,

[ 5] The repression of y^e sundry rebellions,

& confederacies, made by the Protestants against Q. Marie, & their assault now, by suttletie & arte to winne that, which their force was to weake for: is iustly resem∣bled to the Grecians shifting vnto suttle∣tie and craft, when they had found their forces to feeble for their purpose.

The fained retrait, & coūterfeit depar∣ting [ 6] of y^e Greekes frō Troie, may be wel cōpared to y^e false shew of y^t coūterfeit cle∣mēcie pretēded by y^t Protestāts, for sundry y••res after your Q. cōming to her Croūe: whiles they fained a retire, frō al forcible cōstraint of any Catholikes conscience, & pretended no intention of troubling any mā for keping or folowing his old Faith.

The old Greekes, by hypocrisie, feined [ 7] a Sacrifice to Pallas, & vnder that cloke, couered their horrible fraud, with a com∣mendable deuotion, that was cōmon, as wel to the Troians, as Grecians: yea by y^e Grecians falsly in dede, & by y^e Troians only, was faithfully meant: & these your new Greekes, w^t as false a meaning, doe faine a Sacrifice of their ielousie & care for your Q. securitie, commonly tendred, both by Catholique and Protestant: yea

rather, but superficially fained by the Pro∣testāts for a time, and sincerely meant by the Catholikes alone: vnder which is couered the odious practise, that no man would endure, if he might see it at first, as it wil shew it selfe at last.

[ 8] The deuise was a huge bulke of a hol∣low beast, that conteined no substance of that it gaue shew of, but was of a cleane cōtrary metal within: and these Greekes deuise is, a grosse and beastly flatterie, that hollowly promiseth al Honour, se∣curitie, and quietnes of Raigne, al amitie abrode, and al obedient af••ection at home, with a huge Moūtaine bysides of al other commodities: but bringeth in it in deede a direct contrarie and mere opposite sub∣stance of passing dishonor, of decaie of fo∣reine f••indship, of weakening obediēce at home, of feare, of peril, of vnsafetie on al sid••s, so euident, that already it beginneth to appear•• to euery mans ••ye, and their owne printed Libels can not conceale it.

[ 9] Your Queene and her Pos••eritie, being the ne••rest of the Blood Roial of Englād may for many respects be res••mbled very wel, both to Pallas & P••iamus: as wel,

for the Spiritual (now taken vpon her) as the temporal Regiment, that she now in England, and they than in Troy did hold and maintaine.

The pretense of that olde Sacrifice was [ 10] plausible to the Troianes, and deceaued them the rather, bycause they were peo∣ple deuoutly affected, to the feare of their Goddes: and this pretense of your Queenes securitie, is adored by al the Catholikes, and blindeth them the rather from the sight of the Treasons couered therin, bycause that by the limits of Reli∣gion, and feare of God, they affect in deede the preseruation of theire Prince.

The Greekes charged the Troianes [ 11] with want of deuotion, and would put them in feare of the wrath of their God∣desse, if they refused her fained Sacrifice: and these Gre••kes, do charge the Catho∣likes, with your Queenes vnsuertie, and put them in fear•• of her disfauour, and death, if they conse••t not and applie not to the prouision, that is fained for her as∣surance.

The chi••f couered meaning of the olde [ 12] false sacrifice was, to winne the Kingdom

of old Troie, from King Priamus and his Posteritie: and one of the chief hid∣den meanings of this new practise, is, to winne y^• Dominion of new Troie, from your Queene, and her next lauful Suc∣cession.

[ 13] In that hollow Horse of Sacrifice, were couered and conueied the mightiest armed enemies of al Troian blood: and in this hollow pretense and shew of secu∣ritie, are couered & conteined the Trea∣sons, that tend to extirpe your present Priam, with sundrie of the neerest of her blood Roial.

[ 14] The bulke of that beast, being stuffed with Soldiers, was greater, then any Gate of the Citie could receiue or admit, and therefore must extraordinarily be let in by the Walles: & this pretense stuffed with so many horrible Treasons, is more huge, more hateful, & more odious, then would be admitted by any ordinarie pas∣sage: and therfore must by extraordinarie arte be winded into the creditte of your Prince and people, by an vnwoonted infamie, and ouerthrow of the innocent and guiltlesse.

That false sacrifice was at first suspec∣ted, [ 15] for a while doubted of, and refused by King Priamus and his Counsel, til the Greeke Sinon persuaded the admission of it, by making them beleue, that if they receiued the same and set it vp in their Ci∣tie, they should not only winne the grace and fauour of the Goddesse Pallas, but it should also saue and defend them, and make al Asia and other infinite Coun∣treis become subiect to them and their posteritie. And this false semblance was both by your Queene, and her faithfull••st seruants, at first not allowed of, and for a time resisted, til your English Sinon ob∣teined chief credit, and preuailed, to make it accepted, by persuading in the selfe same maner, that if this S••ct and Idol were now once againe set vp and settled in her Realme, it should not only defend & saue it from al foreine power and Potentates, but also make al Princes adioyning to followe her example, and bring many other Realmes to the same Lore. Which persuasion o•• his is hitherto ••ou••d as tru••, as Sinons than was.

Their old Sinon, was a Greeke borne [ 16]

by nature, & so an enemy from the begin∣ning, vnto the olde Troian blood, and posteritie of Priamus: And your new Sinon, beginning to be a Protestāt, euen from his childehood, hath euer bene an enemie vnto the olde Catholike Regi∣ment, and to that Posteritie of your olde blood Roial, that affected to gouerne in the auncient forme of the Catholike faith.

[ 17] For basenes of parentage, for ambition of minde, for suttlety of wit, for smothnes of ••ung, for shamelesse face, for litle hone∣stie, & no conscience: loking vpon olde Si∣non, you see the right retract of the new: yea their very names doe so concurre and resemble eche other, that both begin∣ning with o••e syllable, and eche of them hauing but two in al, conteining also like number of letters, and vowels, if in pro∣nuntiation, the last syllable of the one, did not varie from the other, one selfe name would expresse bothe the persons, whom like inclinations and qualities haue so liuely resembl••d eche to other.

[ 18] That olde Greeke (you know) was the persuader of Priamus to receiue his own ruine, and to make the more credit & ap∣parence

of some truth, he did not let sun∣dry waies to shame himselfe with forging lyes &c. to bring his false purpose to per∣fection: and is it obscure, to find one out now among you, that liuely answereth him in these partes? Is it not easie to see, who carieth your Quene in his hand (as it were) in matters specially of importāce? Who seeth not, how many waies your shifting Sim hath laid al shame aside? Can that man be said, to haue any longer the face of a man, that hath neither car••, nor remorse, what God, or the worlde seeth or saith of him? For doth not euery man see, that with an impudent, and bra∣sen face, he abuseth, & outfaceth, bothe his owne Prince at home, and al the worlde ••isides almost, with lyes vpon lyes, thick and threefolde, one in an others necke, & euery one lowder & lewder then other, to f••ede & vpholde the fi••r & flame of Rob∣berie, Rebellion, and of al other mischief, wherewith he hath infested al Co••ntries adioining? What sparke of shame or grace can any man defend to be least in him, that with so bolde a visage, so litle abassheth at the publike discouerie of so many false

accusatiōs, so many suttle subornations, & so many wrong condemnatiōs, of so noble & notable Personages, of suche depositiōs of Princes, of suche transpositions of States, such vsurpations of Kingdomes, suche hyred murders, and other infinite villanies, more vile, then may be expressed by any modest penne, as are dayly detec∣ted, to haue ben contrined by him, for sa∣tisfaction of his owne thirst to Heresie and ambition? Yea what child can shew a more base, abiect, and contemptible cou∣rage•• then he, whose insolency is intolera∣ble, whiles Authority fawneth on him: & for euery one least thwart of his Superi∣our, faineth either to be sicke for sorow, or ••ame of the goute: and falleth to sighing and sobbing, crouching and kneeling, weeping and whining, like a boye and a babe, til his head be stroked, and he com∣forted and called a good sonne againe.

The olde Tragedie did ende, as you haue heard, in the ruine of the Temple of Pallas, whome those Greekes preten∣ded to adore, in depriuing King Priamus and his Posteritie, when by Sino••s per∣suasion, he thought him selfe surest, and in

the irrecouerable confusion of the Citie and Countrey, when the people thought them selues farthest from danger, and to haue had no enemie nigh them, whiles their fatal foes slept amidst among them, &c. and of this Tragedie present though the end be not yet come and past, yet who so beholdeth indifferently so many stepps and degrees already laied towards it (as ••art you come to the ende of this Trea∣tise, you shal see, I trust, plainly shewed you) if he haue any witte or iudgement, he can looke for no lesse, then a semblable ende, of so like preparations.

Infinite other particulars might be re∣membred, in which these two Tragedies may very aptly be cōpared together. But my purpose in this place hauing bene by a few only to giue you a president & sample (as it were) in what maner your owne wisedomes & better vnderstāding of your domestical affaires, may (for the likenes of both the workes, and workemen) by comparing the proc••edings of this your owne time, with the examples of times past, informe your selues the better, what conclusion is to be looked for, to ens••w

suche actions present: I haue for that pur∣pose, taried long ynough in opening of this Metaphor, and wil now returne to shew you my further intention in this Treatise.

In whiche, what speache or terme so euer hath passed, or shal fortune to passe me: I here protest, that I meane not in any wise, to preiudice any act, sentence, or other thing done or declared by the holy Sea Apostolike: nor to derogate from your Q. what so euer may laufully be ge∣uen her: neither to charge or burthen her with other mens faults, acknowledging her good nature to haue bene alwaies in∣clined to clemency, and her selfe a confor∣mable Prince to them whome she credi∣ted: nor that I meane to blame or accuse any of your Nobilitie, other then those two persons of meane parentage, that for her time haue, aboue their desert, occupied the places of the Noblest: nor them no∣ther any further, nor with other minde, then as to shew them their error, to wish their amendment, & withal, al the honour and aduauncement that they can wish to them selues: confessing them (for gifts of

nature, and benefite of education) to haue bene instruments of rare habilitie: & ha•• bene very notable ministers in that com∣mon Weale, if (for want of appliyng their owne choice to Gods ordinarie grace) they had not preferred their owne priuate before the common profit of the Prince and people.

But that my principal and whole pur∣pose is (for preseruation of your Prince & Countrey in their auncient Honour and Christian libertie) to lay op••n before your Q. specially, and to your selues in gene∣ral, the frauds aud arts vsed to seduce & circumuent her (with her owne passing detriment & great danger of the Realme) to permit her Name, her Credit and Au∣thoritie to be vsed and applied to serue other mens turnes and priuate purposes: And for that, to hazarde & aduenture her owne State present: to purchase to her selfe continual vnquietnes, and vnsure∣tie in her Seate, raigne she neuer so long: Wilfully to ••xtirpe both the Suc∣cession of her owne Line, and of the Fa∣milie next her owne in blood. And there∣wi••h to induce the tearing and renting of

the Realme in peeces (as al the world by∣sides your selues, iudgeth & expecteth) if it be not preuēted in time: al, I say, to serue the priuate turnes of some particular men, & to aduance the Ambition of a few.

For he that seeth not your foreine and auncient enemies lyeng in a waite (as it were) and abiding but the opportunitie of their owne habilitie, and of some ad∣uauntage of time to reuenge both their olde gri••••••s, and their new iniuries: and [ 2] he that perceiueth not your forein frinds and olde Allies, passingly prouoked, and for their owne indemnitie constrained, to [ 3] to be ready in effect to become your fo••s: yea, he that f••eleth not such a pike and sus∣picion put betweene your Prince and people at home, that it may be doubted, which of these miseries wil sonest fal on you, that is to say, whether by continuing to make your selues mutual pr••ies one to an other (as for some yeares you haue done) you wil open the way, to make the whole a pray to Strangers: or whether your Q. for her assurance against her own Subiects (of whome she is falsely put in fear••) or her Subiects, for the intolerable

••eruit••de that they susteine vnder the Ty∣rannie of those two that raigne by her name, shal cal in Foreine forces in greater numbers, then both shalbe hable to put foorth againe: and therby in short time to lay on your owne neckes the yoke and thraldome, that Barbary, Greece, & Hū∣gary (whose steps you follow) do beare before you: he that seeth not, I say, these daungerous miseries imminently depen∣ding ouer your h••addes, is plainely so senselesse, that he is vnworthy to be tal∣ked vnto.

And, now good Reader, if in this dispu∣tation betweene mine Aduersary & me, & betweene his libel & mine Answer, thou shalt finde these differences ••ns••wing euident and plaine: that is to say,9 that he geueth thee words only, & I deed••s: that he laieth foorth knowē lyes, vnlikely sur∣mises, and headlesse reports, and I shew thee knowen truthes, open fac••es, & pro∣bable consequences: and that his ende and final purpose is (for pleasing of Authori∣ti••) to violate the honours and fames, & to destroy the persons of publike Princes, to waste your blood Roial, to shake your

Q. seate, and with the ouerthrow of your Nobilitie, to hazard the whole Realme: and mine (with hazarde of daunger and displeasure) to saue and defende both the one & the other: to preserue your Realme in his auncient honor, and Christian free∣dome: to reduce your Prince into the pathes & steps of her renoumed Proge∣••itors: to establish her state and conti∣nuance of Raigne, in that securitie and quiet that she began it: to reconcile your Nobilitie to your Princes fauour: and to vnite her and her Blood in vnfained a∣mity: if thy selfe, I say, vpon the aduised reading o•• this Treatise to the ende, shal see these oddes and differences betweene vs, and shal finde withal, that this An∣swere shal not yet obteine that indiffe∣rency, that the Libel hath found: ••reely to passe among you, I meane, nor suffered to be seene and solde as the other hath bene: then hast thou one cleare proofe & testimo∣ny more, to adde vnto the rest, to witnesse with me, that vnder those Rulers impu∣dent falsehood, fatal malice and desperate de••ises of destruction, may freely walke open-faced among you, and without in∣••erruption

reast in euery mans hande: whiles truth reuerently v••tered, iust de∣fense d••tifully layed foorth, and a grate••ul affection borne to your Prince and Coun∣trey, shalbe oppressed, condemned, forced to hide it selfe, and finde no man that dare auow to see it, or haue it.

And that point alone may likewise abundantly suffice, to discouer to your Queene (if she vouch••safe to consider it) the fraudulent meaning of those pain∣t••d pretenses put vppon their practises from time to time. Whereby she may manifestly discerne, whether her turne, or theirs: whether her selfe, or them selues: whether her honour, or their ambition: whether her securitie, or their owne: her posteritie, or theirs: her kinred, or their families, ha••e bene best serued, most ei••d, chiefely cared for, best prouided for, most prepared for, principally aduaunced and allied: whether her Croune and Realme be more enriched, or their owne possessiōs more encreased: answerably, I meane, to the di••••erence in qualitie betweene her, & them. And so consequently whether she in deede haue raigned, or they: whether

she in effect haue bene Queene, or they: not in name and shew, but in essence, and substance of Rule and Dominion. And thereafter let Gods grace and her owne wisedome direct her to prouide, and to put such remedie, as shalbe most to the glorie of God, that gaue her both her being, and her Croune: to the comfort of her people committed to her charge: to her owne true honour and most securi∣tie, while she li••eth here: to the benefite of her Posteritie ordained by God to succede her: and to the dis∣charge of her last account in the Worlde to come.

Allusio ad praesentem Angliae con∣ditionem, ex Aeneid. Lib. 2.

O Socij: fuimus Britones, fuit Anglia, & ingens Angligenûm splendor: dirum Schisma omni•• pessum Iam dedit, infesti Haeretici dominantur in Aula. Impia frugiferos latè diffusa per agros Hearesis, Indigenas Animas & Corpora passim Fudit humi ferro multos & carcere longo Abstuli••, in latebras multos & in extera regna Impellens, alter{que} Sinon incendia miscet Rumores spargens varios, & semina belli. Obsedêre alij maria, at{que} angusta viarum Oppositi, patulis alij iam portubus adsunt Vangiones, Bataui profugi, Belgae{que} propinqui, Vascones, Axônes, Morini{que}, & Lingones, atque Tota ea Collu••io, faex & sentina malorum, Millia quo•• magnis nun{que} venêre Myceni••.

A TREATISE OF TREASONS against Q. Elizabeth and the Crowne of England: partly answering certaine Treasons pretended, that neuer were intended: and partly discoue∣ring greater Treasons commit∣ted, that are by few perceiued.

THe Author seeming to write to a brother in law of his, to auoid su∣perfluitie of vnnecessa∣rie speaches, begin∣neth with a shorte and swete salutation of, Sa∣lutem in Christo, but what salutem he brin∣geth, or to whome he meaneth either health or wealth, let his owne wordes be iudge. I wil not by way of preuention

preiudice him so much, as out of his good wordes, to sucke his euil sense, til himself shal shew it: only here I wil warne thee, not to be hastily enamoured with the rest, for his soft and sugred entrie, that pre∣tendeth a m••morie of Christes name: vn∣lesse tho•• see the matter ensewing to sa∣uour and breath of a Christian spirit and charitable minde. Thus he beginneth.

1. GOod men and euil delight in contra∣ries. The good in seking for truth, and maintenance thereof: euil, in hiding of truth and oppressing thereof. And so consequently to publissh truth, is to please the good, and to displease the euill.

THis beginning, good Reader, wil serue as wel my pur••ose, as mine Aduersaries: & so much the better, in how much to the truer sense and meaning I hope to applie it, saying thus: Euil men and good delight in con••raries: The euil in hiding of truth, in vttering

vntruth, and in shamelesse maintenance thereof. The good in reuealing their malice, in discouering their falsehod, and in bringing truth to light. And so conse∣quently, to deuise vntruth, to publish lies, and by new and fresh lies to main∣teine old lies, is the propertie of the euil, pleaseth the wicked, and offendeth the good.

And therefore let not this glorious entrie & gay lines at first withdraw thee from the memorie of the wisemans coun∣sel, that sheweth, that the suttelest kind of lying & likest to deceiue men, hath com∣monly an honest shew at beginning, and a face of truth: vnder whiche the malice and falsehood for the most parte, hideth it self, and lieth couertly vnspied. But when it commeth nakedly forth without visard or guile, that men may see it in the owne likenes: then are errours and lies euer mainteined by lying, and can neuer be vpholden by plaine nor true dealing, & vniust attempts are wrought by wret∣ched steps and degrees, and can neuer be compassed by lauful meanes. Which two pointes I wish thee, Reader, to keepe in

memorie, and I doubt not, but to lay the proufe thereof so plaine before thee, ere this Treatise be ended, by the woordes and dedes of those that haue sette him a worke, that for thy satisfaction thou shalt desire no better trial nor proufe of the honour and innocencie of these Noble Princes, whome this Libel purposely is published to defame.

2. Wherefore, hearing, that emongest the common sortes of men at this time it is not certainely knowen, what is the cause, that the Duke of Northfolke is newly committed to the Tower, and sundry others: and knowing that good men ••il be wel satisfied to vnderstand the truth, which euil men would couer and oppresse: I could not but in con∣science, to satisfie the good, and bridle or stoppe the lying and open slaunde∣rous mouthes of the euill and sedi∣tious, notifie thus muche vnto yow, whereby you may also cōmunicate the same to others: for that it is likely, that false and slaunderous reportes wil be readily made hereof, to serue the ap∣petites of the euil disposed.

In this Paragraffe, good Reader, he pretendeth to shew the cause, that mo∣ued him to write, which was for conscience sake forsooth: euen for conscience pardie, and for nothing els, but to satisfie good folke and to stop the mouthes of the euil. Thus in any wise thou must vnderstand him, and take his meaning to be.

By which wordes of his thou maist perceiue two things: the one, that either the writers vocation & function is such, that he hath some special cure and charge aboue others, not to permitte the people to misconstrue and missetake the causes and occasions of the Duke of Norfolkes new imprisonment and the reast: or els, that his conscience is more tender and scrupulous, then other mennes are of his calling, syns none pretend those cau∣ses, nor wil be acknowē to intrude them selues therevnto, but himselfe. And the other is, that if this Author had not ta∣ken this paine in hand, & disclosed these secretes to satisfie good folke: y^t good sort els (y^u seest) had ben like inough to haue thought & said better of the Duke & the others, then this mā would they should.

For likely it is (saith he) that false and slaun∣derous reportes vvil be made of their impris••n∣ment by seditious mouthes, to serue the appetites of the euil disposed.

And by this he would lead thee to wene, that himself is no seruer of appetites, nor flatterer of authoritie: but hath taken this paine for conscience sake, chiefly to satisfie the good•• and to stoppe the mouthes of the euil, that els wo••ld haue thought & spoken to wel of the Duke and the rest that be in prison: of whome to speake wel, thou seest, how heinous and grieuous a crime it is ac∣compted, by the seuere punishment of an honest Citizen emong you, that lately on the pillorie lost one of his eares, onely for saying, that he thought, the Duke to be of more honour, and to beare to good an heart to his Countrie, to goe about those foule practises, that M. Recorder in the Yeld Hall had charged him with.

Now regarding, good Reader, that whosoeuer shal take this matter other∣wise, then this Author would haue him, must be accoūted by him, & by al that par∣tie y^t doth fauour & set him a worke, one of the euil sorte, one of the euil disposed, a

hider & oppressor of truth, a lying, open, & slaunderous & seditious mouth, & a ready reporter of slaunders to serue appetites: thou wilt graunt (I hope) that it beho∣ueth, and is principally necessarie, that we vnderstand, this Writer, that must be our Author and warrant, to be a man of such credite and honestie, as vpon whom we may boldely change our opinion of those Noble persons, and build now a new conceipt of them, and take them for such, as he defameth th••m for, and from henceforth no more to thinke of them, as hitherto we haue done.

For if it be muche, vpon the othes or wordes of any few to condemne & thinke ill of any knowen honest man neuer so meane, whose life hath geuen testimonie of his integritie against their affirma∣tions: can any man thinke, the slaunde∣rous and malitious pen of an vnknowen namelesse person (that spireth and brea∣theth out the spite and poison of the Wri∣ters hart) to be a good warrant for any wise man, to thinke ill of so many princi∣pal persons, that so long haue deserued to be wel thought of, til now, and to con∣demne

them of so many grosse errours, as this lewde Libell laieth to their charge?

Seeking therefore to find out and to know what this man is that telleth vs these secrete hidden crimes not kno∣wen to the multitude, that conteine the disgrace and defacement of so many per∣sons of importance, that I might some∣what waie his credite and authoritie, ••re I beleeue him so farre and grounde my self vpon him: we finde (you see) none other name nor description of him, but two bare consonantes of the Crosserow, scilicet, R. and G. which is a signification somewhat to general, so to commend vnto vs the credite or honestie of any knowen manne, as to make him our ground and warrant in suche a case, as this is, that toucheth our conscience and honestie before God and man.

For when I studie to coniecture, whome those letters might signifie, I find that ••he letter R. representeth as wel Robert, as Richard, Roger, Rafe, and many other: and the l••tter G. to repre∣sent as wel, Goodfellow, as Grafton,

Goodman, Goose, or many other. And hauing occasion in this Treatise, to make often mention of this Author, with whome I deale, that indureth not (you see) to walke in the light, nor to be seene in the daie: I wot not of which name to make choise before other. But for the re∣semblance of his propertie and qualitie with that spirit or pooke that we cal Ro∣bin Goodfellow, or Hobgoblin (by hi∣ding his name and person stil in darke∣nes, by framing his speache so obscurely as shal abide no light of answere or trial, and by telling vs lyes stil and nothing els, as suche foule sprites are wonte to doe, and for that the letters of R. G. serue aptly therefore) I haue made choice to vse that name sometimes, as least offen∣siue to any particular man, whome I might els fortune to mistake.

And if any man shal thervpon contend and thinke, that I presse him to much for his name to the Accusation, syns my selfe addeth not mine owne to this Answer: I require, that the matter be but indiffe∣rently considered, and the difference be∣twene our persons and partes wayed in

equal balance, and than I doubt not, bu•• the reason shal sone appeare to euery man of any iudgement, to be farre different and vnlike betwene him and me, and be∣twene his parte and mine. For he com∣meth (you see) to discredite and accuse by name, persons pearlesse in your common Weale, suche as whose disgrace with the people implieth a diuision in time be∣twene the Prince and the Subiect, be∣twene the Nobilitie and Commons: with the present personal confusion of the par∣ties accused, that haue generally wel de∣serued of al men, that haue ben il thought of by no honest, nor good man, that are pitied and lamented by euery man of any good nature, as persons eminent in di∣gnitie, vnspotted of life (where truth may be heard) and that haue geuen rare testi∣monie of their honour, vertue, wisedome and modest demeanour for many yeares together in al Coūtries where they haue liued, and in al actions and affaires fallen vnder their rule.

Which good opinion once wonne and obt••ined vniuersally would require (thou wilt graūt, I suppose•• more then the rai∣ling

termes of a nameless Libel, to dero∣gate, to preiudice, to bleminish and spot it: & doth so necessarily require the name of the Author, that if he be not of credite and authoritie of knowen conscience and integritie, yea of mo such also then of one or two, and if it haue not bysides good proofe and testimonie: without al these, I saie, such infamous Libels, that come to destroy, & not to edifie the honour and good name of any person of account be∣fore due and orderly conuiction, ought with no honest man to haue any credite at al: but ought to be taken as a railing re∣port of a rascal Parasite, a soother of af∣fections, and a seruer of appetites for flat∣terie or gaine.

On the other side, I come (as thou seest) not to destroy, but to vpholde the fame I find the persons in possession of: not to alter or diminish any good opi∣nion conceiued, but with continuance and increase of al mutual wel liking eche of other, to preuent the change and de∣cay thereof, til ordinarie meane and iudi∣cial proceeding shal giue warrant there∣fore. I come to saie somewhat for them,

that are not permitted to saie ought for themselues. I take not on me to an∣swer in al partes for them, nor would not be taken, as to saie al for them, that they can saie for themselues (for so should I, I know, rather hinder, then helpe them) but I only lay a parte of that before you, that euery Christian conscience and good natured man, that any witte hath, ought and is bound to suppose and beleeue of them, til they see other matter and better proued, then this pield Pamphlet brin∣geth foorth any.

I come not to accuse any person by name that is in disgrace, as this Author doth: I tel you no strange nor hidden things, as he professeth. That, which I laie and alleage, resteth not in deuises, in intentions and meanings onely, as al the accusations of this Author doth: but I laie foorth open knowen factes, and manifest dedes knowen to al men, with∣out the blame of any person by name now in estate to take harme thereby. Neither speake I in the person of any one or few, and therefore by putting a priuate name to the publique speache and

opinion of al good men, I should preiu∣dice both the parties and the cause.

Finally, I speake without name vn∣to you now, bycause with name you may not now be spoken vnto: and I forbeare my name at this time, to the end I may by name speake againe an other time (as if cause so require, I meane to do histo∣rically) knowing by experience long syns, lately, and often proued: that if by name I shoulde encounter with this namelesse man, neither should I be per∣mitted to speake, nor you suffered to heare me.

And now let vs turne to examine a ••itle, in what maner this man taketh in ••and to satisfie the good, and to stop the ••outhes of the euil: which he alleageth ••o be the whole cause of his writing.

First, he graunteth, that the better [ 1] sorte of menne are not satisfied with the imprisonment of these noble persons, for els pardie his seeking to satisfie them were plainely superfluous. And how doth this commend the cause, that honest men generally do mislike therewith by his owne confession?

[ 2] Then he commeth forth with an vn∣necessary and vnwonted forme of diuul∣ging such matters vnto the people. For al men knowe, that neither hath it bene thought nedeful, nor in time past vsed (for satisfaction of the multitude) in suche open assemblies, nor by prin••ed Libels to make such declarations, nor to publish such accusatiōs of any men, whose crimes were manifest, when the matter would beare it selfe, nor when the proceding in∣tended was iustifiable by Law, meant to be equally ministred.

[ 3] And comming to satisfie the one, and to close the mouthes of the other: the tale is told, neither of them both wotteth by whome, & the matter is straunge and vnknowen, as himselfe alleageth it, and yet commeth out to mooue them (as you see) to change their opinion, and to alter their affections: to hate whome they loued, and to condemne whome they ho∣noured.

[ 4] His matter alleaged, is for the chief pointes, of purpose confusely laied forth, obscurely penned, without pro••f or testimonie, without certaintie i•• it self, al

in general termes, and al without those particularities and circumstances, that are necessarily requisite, to induce any credite. And this is the waie that this man hath taken, to open truth, to satisfie the good, & to stoppe the mouthes of the euil disposed. And what place or effect can this take (trowe you) with any of both?

If therfore any plaine man of meane vnderstāding may euidently see, that this waie he walketh, is so farte from the pur∣pose that he pretendeth to bend it vnto, that it shal confirme, and not confute the lewd sorte in their lewd opinions, and leaue the good lesse satisfied, then they were before: then must it needes be, that this lewd Author either wittingly decei∣ueth vs, or sottishly is deceiued by o∣thers: in taking (I meane) good for euil, and euil for good: in calling truth, falsehood: and falsehood, truth: and in accounting the good sort for slaunderous and seditions, and the seditious in deede, for honest and vertuous.

Now where he telleth you, that it is likely, that false and slaunderous re∣portes

wil be made of this matter, to serue the appetites of the ••uil dispo∣sed: you must be warie, that you misse∣take not his meaning, but that you vn∣derstand him aright, what maner re∣portes they be, that he reckoneth false & slaunderous, and what maner persons they be, that he account••th euil disposed.

Whosoeuer therefore wil not rai••e on, nor reuile the Duke and the reast, nor accompt th••m for Traitours, til they see iust cause, but wil pitie their case, and la∣ment their ••states, and saie, that they yet see no cause, why to think•• them so wic∣ked, as to intende so many heinous crimes against your Q. and their Coun∣trie, as this Libel chargeth them with, nor yet so vnwise, as to haue done no∣thing towardes it, if they had meant it: those be they, whome this Author calleth the ••uil disposed, the hiders of truth, the ready reporters of slaunders, the lying, slaunderous and seditious mouthes, whome he now se••keth to stoppe, and al report••s of that sense and ••ffect, be those that he calleth false, slaund••rous and se∣ditious. And on the other side, who so

wil cal them Traitours and Rebels, and bidde hang them, headde them, drawe them, and quarter them, and saie, that they were conspired with the Pope and Duke of Alua, to d••stroy the Q. to sacke the Citie, to bring in straungers, & such like lies, euery one lowder and lesse like then other: these be the good and wel dis∣pos••d sorte, that delight in truth, and for whole satisfaction this Author for con∣science sake, hath writen this worke.

Now what cause he hath to feare, least these Prisoners thus disgraced and defa∣med should be better reported of, than their desertes require: let thine owne memorie and experience (Reader) if thou be of mature yeares, be iudge, & tel thee. Remember, what thou hast knowen to hau•• passed in that Realme for these thir∣tie or fortie yeares, in like cases occur∣ring: on which side (I meane) the wrong rumors & false report••s haue ben made: whether in the fauour of the imprisoned, or to their further disgrace and discredit.

Thou maist remember (I doubt not) in the time aboue limited, an ouer great number of great Personages fallen into

the depth of al worldly disgrace, vnd••r sundry Princes in thine owne Countrie: and tho•• maist by meanes cal vnto mind the brutes and fames, that forthwith ran abroad of them vpon th••ir first appre∣hensions, and their crim••s to be rumored farre mo in number, and gr••at••r in qua∣litie, then truth would beare, or thei could be charged with: yea and the most part of them vpon such causes condemned, as in y^e next Princes times (when truth might be talked) haue ben found erron••o••s, in∣sufficient, & wrongly laid to their charge.

And this hauing ben the common ex∣••erience of like cas••s occurring before this time, what feare s••est thou now of that, that this man pretend••th to doubt, who seemeth to feare, l••ast these Priso∣n••rs should be better thought & spoken of, th••n th••y deserue? Whereof the com∣mon experience teaching the contrary, it must needes be, that this Author h••re dubbleth and dissembleth with you, and would beare you in hand, that thing to be likely, that was lightly neuer seene: and vnder that pretense to becomme the same man that he chargeth others to be: that is

to saie, a false, lying, slaunderous mou∣thed man, a hider and oppressour of al tr••th, a ready reporter of false accusa∣tions, a flatterer of Authoritie, and a se∣ditious seruer of the appetites of the euil disposed.

And if this Author yet, or any man for him wil wrangle with me, and to ex∣tenuate his fault, wil pleade the reuerend opinion that men ought to haue of the do∣ings of Authoritie, & excuse him for thin∣king and speaking ill of them, whome Au∣thoritie apprehendeth and cōmitteth: and would likewise accuse me as an impugner of the Magistrates, and a defender of the faultie against common Authoritie: I answeare, that for so farre foorth as com∣mon order and publique Authoritie haue autentikely notified to the vulgare sorte, the inferiours ought to haue a reuerend opinion therof, and to deeme the best that knowen matter wil permit.

But being often and commonly seene, that sometimes vpon suspicion, somtimes vpon false accusation, common Authoritie hath bene moued by restraint of personal libertie, to cal sundrie persons to answere

matters supposed against them, whome they haue after with honour to both, dis∣missed and set free againe: shal it not now be lauful for me to preserue, as I can, the honour and same of those Noble Princes, not yet blemmished by any cōmon, order or Law, against a namelesse baggage fel∣low, that for flatterie or briberie runneth before the Magistrates, accusing, belying, and defaming them, whome no orderly sentence hath touched nor condemned? Of this I remitte the iudgement to the indifferent•• Reader, and shal proceede to see how this Author cōmeth to his matter.

3. First, it is not vnknowen, the Duke of Northfolke did of late yeares secretely practise to haue maried with the Scotish Q. without the knowlege of the Q. &c.

MArke wel, good Reader, the man∣ner & fourme of this Authors pro∣ceding, and how wel he perfour∣meth that whiche by his former speach, he hath made thee to looke for. He hath tolde thee pardie, that to close the mouthes of the euil disposed, that with

false reportes would hide truth, and to sa∣tisfie the good that delight in truth, euen for very conscience sake, he could do no lesse, but notifie this that he doth, &c. And the first thing he telleth thee, is so knowen a lie, and so malicious a lye, that thou shalt plainly see, y^t there is nother truth, shame, nor cōscience in him, that no good nor ho∣nest man can possibly bel••eue him, nor that there is any mouth to be stopped so impudent as his owne.

For beholding what this lye implieth, being ioyned to the next, that calleth the Q. of Scotland, your Q. most dangerous ••nemie: Who seeth not, y^• this li•• is meant to the Dukes final confusion, cōming out in this time sp••cially (when he had bene two yeares vniustly imprisoned vpon the same pretense, & whē the first false surmise thereof was by time, that trieth truth, wel worne away, & in effect confuted) to rub & renew afresh this mortal wound againe, to bring him thereby past hope of al re∣couerie.

What the Duke is by Parentage and Bloud, what rare vertues he hath ioy∣ned thereto, what his person importeth

in your common welth, & in what handes and hold it reasteth, when this commes foorth against him: you may more easily remēber, then I can dilate. And so much (I hope) e••ery man seeth in it, that he wil thinke it reason, to see the accusation more profoundly prooued, ere he ouer∣lightly beleeue it: the malice thereof r••a∣ching to the danger of the person and life of him, that bysides his Dignitie, is for vertue and wisedome a peerelesse Prince in your Nobilitie. Thus muche for the malice.

Now for the vntruth: Who seeth not, that the affirmation of this is mer••ly op∣posite & repugnant to the cōmon know∣lege not only of the Councel and Nobi∣litie, but of infinite numbers bysides of al states and degrees, and the plaine con∣trary most notoriously knowen: that is to saie, that the Duke did not onely (before any least attempt thereof) make al that were of the Priuie-Councel acqueinted with h••s intention, namely the Earles of Arundel, Penbrooke, Leicester, and the Secre••arie, bysides many others of the Nobilitie: ••ut was rather by them

mooued and inuited to attempt the same, before he sought it by any least meane: in so farre foorth, that being promised by two of the chief of them (for credite with your Q.) that h••r good wil should vn∣doubtedly be obteined vnto it, with pre∣tense of no doubt or scruple to be had ther∣of, he had relatiō made vnto him by them, that your Q. being by them moued there∣of at Otelands (if I remember it wel) in the Moneth of Iulie, 1569. did not dis∣alow the motion, but semed to like wel of it, and would at a conuenient leasure giue care to the Duke himself in that behalfe.

For which audi••nce promised (once at Guylford, than at Farnham, than at Basing, another time at Titchfild, bysides other places) the Duke attended al that Progresse, vntil by being often differred from dai•• to daie, by sundrie ill lookes & thwarting speaches let fal by your Q. against him, & namely by a secrete friend of good place and authoritie about her: he was assuredly aduertised, that so far was shee from treating with him in that mat∣ter, that already she had geuen order, that he should the ••ext night be taken in his

bedde by the Garde, & forthwith caried to the Tower.

And this being so abundantly te∣stified both by the Dukes owne volun∣tarie returne to the Courte from his house in Northfolke in Septemb••r then folowing, & by the publike displeasure and restraint of libertie, that the said Earles of Arundel, Penbrooke, Leicester, & some o∣thers did then susteine for a time: behold now, with what ••ace it is said, that he wēt about to contriue this mariage without your Queenes knowledge or cons••nt. For was it euer heard of, that a man minding to doe a thing without the con∣sent of an other, doth first treate and im∣parte the same with suche numbers of the intierest friends and seruantes of his, frō whom he would hide it? Who goeth to so many of a Princes Coūsel, & labou∣reth them, to procure y^• Princes fauor, in a a cause that he would haue hidden from the Prince?

Adde vnto this the impossibilitie, that the Duke must nedes see of compas∣sing this mariage without your Q. cōsent who held the other partie in close prison: &

ioine vnto it his assured foresight to haue thereby neither benefit, nor aduancemēt, without hauing your Q. fauor before it, and succor after it, but plainly the con∣trary, assured of all displeasure and daun∣ger of life, landes, and goodes.

Whiche pointes well waied, will discouer sundrie vnsauourie dealinges: whereof one is a d••epe dissimulatiō and great treachery in some of great credit a••out your Q that pretended to y^e Duke, to like and alow well of that match, that incouraged him thereto, that said they sawe nothing in it, but great honour to your Q. and securitie to the realme, and that promised to obteine your Q. consent thervnto: whiles withal in secrete they wrought the contrarie, persuading her to thinke & take the same, as daūgerous to her person, & pernicious vnto her state.

An other is, that wh••n they sawe your Q. displeasure to the Duke brought to the highest that they wished it at: then opening them selues, what so euer they misliked, (as impugning their fi••all and furthest ende) muste be termed treason to your Q. perilous to her

state, against her consent, without her knowledge, rebellious, seditious, and what els they list to call it.

And finally these reasons layd toge∣ther (Reader) in a wise mans consid••ra∣tiō, there should neede no more answere to any of the rest of this Libel. For where the first accusation is depr••hended to be so foule a lye, so well knowen a lye, a lye so wel testified, and a lye that carrieth in it neither reason, nor likelyhoode: what credit can the reste hope to haue? And therefore keepe it well in minde, and looke to see it, that so notorious a lye must needes be forged for some noto∣rious purpose that yet lyeth lurking vn∣discouered. But now let vs see, what h•• saith further.

4. It is also knowen (saith he) that the Q. of Scotland hath bene the moste daun∣gerous enemy that liued, against your Q. in that she sought to haue the Croune of England (as he saith) from her immediately after Queene Maries death. &c.

THis lye is more manifest & shame∣lesse, then the first: measured and con••ec••ured (no doubt) by, and vpō this Authors knowledge and con∣sideratiō of y^e monstrous and vnnaturall iniuries, wherewith your Q. name & au∣thoritie (to her owne p••rpetual infamie & dishonour) hath bene abus••d infinitely to oppr••sse y^e Q. of Scotland, her n••erest co∣sin, and Heire apparant: which maketh this Author to imagin the Q. of Scotlād to be, not such as (in deede by grace) she is, but such as by common course of na∣tu••e moste men are wonte to be, that haue had the cause, that she hath.

For of any proufes of her seeking the Croune from your Q. there is no man••r of shadow nor color•• neither alleged by him, nor els where to be heard of, other then the ioining of the Armes of Englād and Scotlande in certeine Scutchions sette vp by her husbandes the Frenche Kinges commandement, at a triumph in France•• more then thirt••ne yeres agone, which by blood and descent sh•• may most laufully geue and beare of any creature lyuing, next vnto your Kings laufull

children: and was suche an errour (if i•• were any) as is common in Englād, and not accoumpted of: and yet no more im∣putable vnto her, then as the wife is cul∣pable for the husbandes facte.

But of any attempt made by the Q. of Scotland, litle or muche towards the euiction of that Croune out of your Q. po••session, by stile, by title, by force, or by any other waie (by which such en∣terprises haue bene wonte to be a••saied) the whole world beareth witnesse with her, that no least signe nor token hath she geuen of any such intention: nor any leaft proufe doth this lewde man bring furth of this his false affirmation, other then the weight of his owne credite alone, whiche is of great valour, no doubt.

And albeit this, that is already said, might satisfie (I trust) any indifferent Reader, yet can I not so lightly digest it, to see so vile a lye of so great conse∣quence, so colourlessely fained, and so shamefully affirmed. For in euerie wise mans iudgement, that beholdeth what goeth couertly comprehēded in this im∣pudent

publishing the Heyre Apparant of your Croune to haue bene a most dan∣gerous enemie to your Q. that presently possess••th it, & holdeth her prisoner: there will appeare so deadly and so fatal a ma∣lice to be conceiued and ranckeled in the hartes of the principall Authors therof, against that innocent imprisoned Q. as manifestely tendeth and treatneth that towards her, that is to horrible to be named, and ought therefore to moue euerie man, that for natures sake loueth, or for dewries sake honoureth, the iust succession of the Croune of his countrey, well and aduisedly to examine, what cause and reason this Author hath, with this colourlesse lye, that importeth her life, so falsely to burden and defame her.

And finding nothing that he hath to all••age, but his owne false saiyng, that she sought to haue the Croune, &c. it be∣hooueth euerie honest English man, no further to credit him, then as the proufes he shal bring of his sainges, shal deserue.

Whiche when thou haste examined and founde, to rest and consist only in her dead husbandes making of the Armes

afore saide, now more then xiij. yeares before this accusation commeth forth: and neither than, nor neuer sins, nor be∣fore, any maner of the least worde, deede or thought, vttered or attempted, that might insinuate any suche meaning to haue bene in her heart: when thou hast called to memorie the Q. of Scotlandes troubled and oppressed st••te of lyfe ••or this xij. yeres daie continuing, and ther∣by the want of all meane and possibilitie (though shee had ••••ne so rash) to geue any shew or argument of an en••mie to∣wards your Q. When thow hearest her accounted and knowen to be wise, and for fiue yeares daie almost your Q. pri∣soner one where, or other: and thereby doost perceiue, how vaine a folie•• yea how daungerous an error it had bene for her, any waie to shewe her selfe a foe or enemy to her, in whose hands she was: and when thou haste fonnde her sundry o••ertures made, and a readines from time to time al these ten or twelue yeares past, to g••ue vnto your Q. any assurance for her selfe and her laufull issue, that pos∣sibly can be deuised without preiudice of

her owne interest in succession: yea when thou shalt consider this matter of pub∣lishing her for an enemy, neuer to breake out, til now after x. or xij. yeres buriyng of that quarrell in silence, and pretense of muche amitie and frindship of your Q. part towards her (whereof there ar•• both lyuing witnesses and letters extant to be brought foorth and shewed) when thou hast, I say, considered these thinges well, and doest see now this cankere•• rancor breake out but now: it must, and wil (I trow) if reason fayle thee not as w••l as grace, not only moue thee to ex∣pecte very good and manifest proufes of some actuall crime, & offensiue facte done by her newly and of late, before thou geue any credit to so vnlike and vnproo∣ued a tale, that conteineth suche conse∣quence, and commeth from such a mouth, as hath no face to avowe it: but it shall also plainly shewe, and satisfie thee, that this reporte of her being your Q. moste daun∣g••rous enemy. is so far from al reason and likelyhood of truth, that by common in∣tendment it is not possible to be true.

Yea on the contrary side, let euery

indifferent Reader examine his owne knowlege & memorie, whether your Q. haue not manifestly bene shewed to be y^• same towards her, y^t you wrōgly surmise her to haue bene towardes your Q. and the same prooued by factes & deedes put in vre & executiō, infinite in number, and vnknowen to no man: whereas y^• proufe of this false accusation resteth only in the bare affirmation of a namelesse fellow, y^• yet affirmeth no more, when he commeth to his prouffes, but deuises, intentions, meaninges and thoughtes, y^t neuer brake out by word nor deede, that neuer were likely to any indifferent iudgement, nor doe conteine any certeintie of matter, time, place, person, or number.

And thereafter let him deeme, and make account of this Authors conscience & true meaning: y^t either for mere flattery of Authoritie, or to couer his owne hor∣rible falsehood & traiterous intention (if him selfe be, as it is likely, one of the chiefe contriuers of the deepe hidden treason yet vndiscouered) he shameth not, nor is abasshed, against y^• opē know∣ledge of al men, to charge the innocent with the deedes of the guylty.

I haue heard, that there was in your Countrey a man of meane honestie called Scogan, who so fr••quently vsed (for co∣uering of his owne lewdnes) constantly to charge other men with his owne vi∣ces, that thereof it is growen a Prouerbe in your language, that when one wrōgly chargeth an other with the fault himselfe did, he that is wrongly charged, saith to the other, Thou playest Scogan vvith mee. And who seeth not now, this part plaied in his kind with the Q. of Scotland? Or who might euer more aptly say to an o∣ther, Thou playest Scogan vvith mee•• then that innocent Ladie may vnto this Author, and to al them that set him a worke? Who (with more scurrilitie then euer Sco∣gan vsed) woulde beare the worlde in hand, that shee had gone about those at∣temptes against your Q. whiche al the world seeth, she hath (by the abuse of your Q. name and authoritie) susteined euen at their handes chiefely, that thus charge her falsely.

For who hath had her subiectes raised in rebellion so often, as shee? How many times by her wisedome & clemencie haue

they bene appeased, & stil againe procured in armes to withstand her? Who hath had her Husband, her Seruantes, her Coun∣sailours and Subiectes barbarously mur∣thered, but she? Who hath had her Realme inuaded, her Territories bur••ed & spoi∣led, and her Castels and Fortresses taken and rased, but shee? Who is cast out of her Realme, & dispossessed of her Kingdome, but shee? Who hath had her owne borne Subiects set vp to vsurpe her Dominion against her, but shee? What Prince hath had the handes of her Subiectes layed on her person, but shee? Who hath bene ta∣ken prisoner by them, with whome they neuer were at warre, but shee? Who hath bene holden close prisoner fower yeares together by them to whome she fledde for succour, but shee? Who hath bene by in∣famous Libels (purposely printed) defa∣med in honour, and spotted in fame, but shee? What Prince imprisoned hath bene denied (by her owne neerest Cosyn and kinred) necessary seruantes of kno∣wen confidence, for the safetie and secu∣ritie of her person, but shee? Who was

euer denied the free benefite, and reliefe of other mennes liberalitie, or frind∣shippe, but shee? And by whome, and vnder whome susteineth shee this?

To saie (as I thinke) not directly by your Queene, nor expressely by her commaundement, nor otherwise by her, then as (beeing seduced and circumuen∣ted) shee hath bene abused to thinke ne∣cessarie for her owne state and securitie: and by some mennes taking an elle for euery inche graunted by her, and by mi∣nistring wrong for right pretended: and in that manner, vnder the name and au∣thoritie of none but of your Queenes: by some of her Counsailours the plottes drawen, deuised and contriued: by her messengers and money, the others Re∣belles raised, by her authoritie ••ncou∣raged, by her succours mainteined, by her menne and forces the others Coun∣trey ruined, her Castelles surprised, and the vsurpers erected and sette vppe to rule in her Realme, the other impri∣soned, deteined from her State, and kep•• captiue without crime, and without

libertie or release, vpon any raunsome condition, couenant, pledge, or other as∣surance, that possibly can be offered, ge∣uen or made. And this being so publike, as no man knoweth it not, out commes this Scogan, & as though your Q. were in the same state by her, chargeth her to be the moste daungerous enemie that your Q. hath.

Againe, who so considereth this Sco∣ganish lye wel, shal see it not onely the most pernicious and daungerous lye to the common welth, that could be imagi∣ned, but a dubble lye also, conteining in it selfe two lyes at once: the second parte (I meane) that is brought in for proufe of the former, being so open and knowen a lye, as no man can be ignorant of: to confirme that I told you before, that lyes must alwaies be maint••ined by lying. For who euer heard of any attempt made by the Q. of Scotland by worde, by dede, by law, or by force, against the Q. of Eng∣land? And can it be possible, that the pos∣session of a Kingdome can be sought to be wrested from them that haue it, without some open and outward fact in on•• sort or other?

Til this Author therefore haue shewed you some attempt geuen, certaine and particular, by worde, writing or dede, and done by her, by herself, I saie, (for it is not inough against her, to saie, her hus∣band did this, or her Father in Law did that, if any of them both had done ought at al•• til then, I saie, this lye is to daun∣gerous and to pernicious also, by any ho∣nest or wise English man to be harkened vnto. For it plainely comprehendeth the alienation of the heartes and affections of the people and subiectes from their Heire apparant and Prince in succession: yea in a crafty co••ert maner it carieth in it the assured mutation of the succession of your Q. and to that marke it is chi••fely bent, to transferr•• the same from her and her House, that by bloud and by Law is the knowen right Heire in succession. Which in dede is but a fine cūning way, to plan•• sedition, to create ciuil warres, and to in∣gender such a bottomelesse sea of bloudy Tragedies, and infinite confusions, as happened betwene y^• Houses of Lancast••r & Yorke: the bitter memorie wherof is yet so fresh, y^t no man, I we••e, hath forgotē it.

And this is the tale, forsooth, that euen for cōscience sake might not be kept from you: & is told you by him, that vnder pre∣tense of louing truth and opening truth (that seditious folke would couer & hide) couereth the seede of the most pernicious treason & ciuil seditiō, that can possibly be imagined to be planted emong you.

5. It is also knowē (saith he) that when she could not get it by force nor cunning, shee solemnely promised to acknow∣legde her errour, and to recognise the Right of your Queene, &c.

BEholde the folie of this honest man, who weneth that by his balde tale & naked saying only, without prouf, he hath perswaded al mē to see & beleue more, then euer yet any other man made mentiō of, or himself had wit to speake of. Yea rather beholde the craft & falsehod of this Fox, that by arte & cunning maner of speaking, would now beare you in hand, y^• either he had proued, or yourselues had graunted that, whiche neuer yet was at∣tempted nor intended.

For hauing hitherto said nothing but in general termes, & that of his owne naked affirmatiō only (that she sought y^• Croune of England) without any intimatiō of his parte, to shew how, or which way: now he goeth on, & taketh it for graunted, as if he had shewed & proued, y^t she had vsed both great force, & much arte in attempting the same. For he saieth, vvhen she could not by force nor cūning get it, &c. than she promised, &c. Which point nedeth no further Answeare (you see) til his folie hath found out and shewed vs, what forces she l••auied, where & when shee imployed them: what corru∣ptions she vsed, when, where, & to whom: or what other cunning practises or artifi∣cial meanes she hath put in vre for the re∣mouing of your Q. from enioying her State & dignitie present.

For in cases of lesse weight, then these are, that touche Princes, Crounes, and Realmes, his wisedome must know, that the naked affirmation of Master R. G. (carying with it neither proufe nor like∣lyhode, is farre to weake a foundation for any manne that eyther hath witte or honestie, to take any meane thinge

for proued, graunted or concluded: much lesse in a case of this importance, can any man be induced to thinke, that a Prince of her knowen wisedome, modestie, and gra∣cious nature, hath committed so many, so rash, so vndiscrete, & so violēt errours, as might haue bene attempted by force, and assayed by arte. Or els let him shew and proue it (for saie he wil inough, I doubt not) when, where, with whome, and by whome any of those many practises haue bene attempted by her, or by any of hers, against your Q. or against any of hers, y^t haue bene put in vre & executed (as al the world knoweth) against her & hers, both in raising her subiects against her, in dis∣possessing her State & Dignitie, in impri∣soning her sacred & annointed person, & in the seueral murthers of her dere husband, of her noble Uncle, & of her faithful seruāt & Secretarie. For so witlesse is no man, but that by these experiences he se••th and knoweth, that suche attempts might haue bene assaied & gone about (at least) if shee had had that conscience that the Authors and executours of the other factes had: & thereby seeth and knoweth, how lewdly

and lowdly this man lyeth, in tempering his speache so, as if she had left no meane vnassaied of policie, nor force.

6. It is knowen (saieth he) that she so∣lempnely promised to acknowledge her error, and to recognise the verie trewe right to be iustly in your Q &c. as laufull daughter and heire to kinge Henrie the eight. &c.

IN this Article, good Reader, the Au∣thor sheweth litle policie, in my mind. For he ministreth therby vnto euerie Reader occasiō of needelesse scruples and questions: both by his large rehersal of all your Q. Titles (to wit, as daugh∣ter to her Father, as sister to her brother, as successor to her sister, established by th•• lawes, confirmed by the homage of the Nobles, Prelats & people, acknowleg••d by her Coronation, & finally as worthy for her clemēcy, &c.) and by his allegatiō of the Q. of Scotl. promise, to recognise and acknowledge the same.

For when no man hath at any time shewed him selfe by worde, by writing,

nor by facte, to impugne nor interrupt your Q. quiet enioying her state and di∣gnitie, nor hath looked for any such reco∣gnitiō or acknowleging, as this Author now beginneth to make men enquire of: this rehersall is plainly frutelesse and needelesse, or rather doth harme, than any good, to the vniuersall opinion of men touching your Q. interest vnto that Croune, and persuadeth nothing, but a likelyhood, y^t your selues do either mi∣strust some padde in the strawe, touching that matter: or for malice to y^e Q. of Scot. haue put into your Q. head some more doubt of her owne Title, then either the Q. of Scotl. or any other haue moued, or appeared to thinke on.

7. It is also knowen (saieth he) that she hath not perfourmed her promise, but with friuolous answers hath delaied it. Neither is it of any force to be deman∣ded, nor woorth the hauing, if she would yeelde to performe it. For that, she that could not neither gette this realme &c. nor keepe her owne, &c. can not amende your Q estate, &c. nor yet is her promise in any thing to be holden fyrme or durable. &c.

IN this the Author graunteth yet, that the Q. of Scotl. hath offered and pro∣mised to doe ynowgh, and all y^t lieth in her, for the assurance of your Q. quiet possession. And this (no doubt) is verie trew, sauing that the condition is not here expressed, which was alwaies an∣nexed vnto the promise: that is to saie, so that she might be declared by Par∣liament to be the next Heire and Suc∣cessor to your Q. dying without laufull yssue of her owne body. And in this the Author seeth not, how he chargeth and burdeneth your Q. both with iniury and ingratitude, by stil oppressing her, that hath offered so much.

Yea but she hath not performed it (sayeth he) but differreth it with friuo∣lous answers, &c. Cuius contrarium verum est. For of this muche I take on me (who account my selfe as credible, as this Au∣thor of mine owne knowledge to assure you, as hauing bene in some sorte a par∣ty intreating those affaiers, y^t for the secu∣ritie of your Q. quiet enioying her pre∣sent Dominions, the Q. of Scotl. euer

hath bene, and yet is, readie to performe, not only what so euer she hath promised, but what so euer els also that any other Princes of Christendome shall thinke reason for her to do, or for your Q. to de∣maund. And the friuolous answers and delaies you speake of haue bene altoge∣ther made and vsed by your Q. who by force of reason (being pressed often both by the Q. of Scotl. her selfe, and by the letters and Embassadors of all other Princes) hath bene cōstrained to graunt and promise the reformation and abe••••e∣ring of the more then barbarous iniuries done to the other: and when it hath come to performance, hath either made friuo∣lous delaies, or vrged such other vnequal demaunds, as gaue manifest argument, that she neuer meant it.

And for her vnablenes to keepe her ovvne, I answere, y^• neither by any misgouer∣nance, nor other desert of hers is she ex∣pelled: and hereof I weene the world will witnesse with her. For and if you could haue shewed any, who seeth not, but that here had bene your time & place to vtter it, and that you want no malice

to do it? Of which example and irritatiō of yours if I should make my paterne, and follow you (where not your frontes more then meretriciae) I should make you blush, as bolde faced as you be. But it would require a larger place, and longer time, then my designement now wil per∣mitte, to laie foorth the infinite corrup∣tions, the innumerabile guiles, and false persuasions, the fained letters, and frau∣dulent messages, the frequent forces, and manifest violences, that (vnder your Q. name and authori••ie) haue bene vsed and put in vre towards the Nobilitie of that Realme of Scotland, to moue & inuite, yea to draw and enforce them from their allegeance and obedience dewe vnto this Q. their naturall Soueraigne, and to commit such outrages bysides, as by any Christian Nobilitie haue not bene redde nor heard of to haue bene done, til now.

Let the general reuolte there made in the yere 1560. by the procurement of the English: then the rebellion & ruine of the Monasteries by the Earle of Ar∣raine, abused with the hope to marrie your Q. let the rebellion of the Earle of

Murrey & his Confederates, with their flight and safetie in England: lette the slaughter of Dauid the Secretarie, con∣triued by the aduise of the Gouernor of Barwicke: let the murder of the King solic••ted by some English men, let the set∣ting vp of Murrey to be Regent, with a pension of 4000. pound English, let the sundrie open inuasions of English forces into that Countrey, the violent handes of Subiectes layed vppon their Soue∣raigne, the imprisonment of her Royall person, the rigorous threatening of her present death, if she refused to subscribe the resignation of her Croune: lette the persuasion of the English Embassadour, that moued her in any wise to do it: let the faire promises of your Q. letters and messages, so that she would yelde there∣vnto: let the surprising of the Castelles of Dun-Britton and Hume, the rasing of Dunbarre, the constitution of Lineux to be Regent there, with the barbarous wasting ••f the Countrey & ouerthrowe of the Noblemens houses, yea lette the imprisonment of the Embassadours pri∣uileaged person, and the violent taking

of all her faithfull seruantes both men and women from her: let these pointes (I saie) be searched, sifted and exami∣ned, why they were attempted, how they were contriued, by whome they were deuised, by whome executed, by whome mainteined, at whose charges, by whose Authoritie, vnder whose name, countenance and encoragement: and therevpon lette the indifferent Rea∣der geue sentence, how iustly and how wisely she is challenged and reproched, for not keeping her ovvne: if it had bene as trew, as it is false, that she had once had it quietly, as in deede shee neuer had.

And this is so verified by the im∣minent daunger and likelyhoode, that both the great Kinges of Spaine and France did lately stand in, of losing also, the one his whole state, and the other a great portion, euen by the same mens meane and ministery: that small rea∣son or colour is there left to any man, to impute vnto her any blame or de∣fault for the present lacke of her owne.

Now, on whether partie the delaie of accorde hath risen by friuolous An∣swers, let y^e consideration of these points ensuing argue and declare. In whome was the fault, that the meeting did not holde betweene the two Queenes in the yere 156••. for which there was on both sides so long preparation, and so many faithfull promises made? Did the Q. of Sco••l. denie, or del••ie it? In whom hath the sault bene, that with sower yeares traueil and sute, the Q. of Scotl. could neuer obteine to comme to the sight, pre∣sence, nor speache of your Q? Hath the delaie bene in her? Why was there no sentence geuen, nor declaratiō published of her condemnation, or clearing, vpon the treatie at Yorke before your Q. Com¦missioners? Did she sue to staie it? Who hath made the ••riuolous answers and delaies to kepe the Q. of Scotl. from co∣ming to your Parliament, there to ac∣knowledge and confirme your Q. estate in forme before mentioned? For, as it is well knowen, that she hath importunat∣ly laboured fo•• it: so can no man thinke, that she could haue any meaning to deny

or delaie it, when she shoulde haue come to that presence and Audience.

Of the sundry accordes treated be∣twene the two Queenes, and of the seue∣rall ouertures at all times made by her of Scotland for assurance of her promise and couenan••es, to haue geuen the per∣son of the Prince for xiiij. yeares with two Earles & two Lordes of Scotland, or their eldest sonnes for pledges: to haue made league with Englād offensiue and defensiue against all Nations: to haue pardoned and restored her Rebelles, as your Q. should haue required her: to haue procured and geuen the hands and Seales of the kinges of Spaine and France for performance of her Capitu∣lations: and finally not to haue dispo∣sed of her selfe in mariage, without your Q. aduise and consent: of these treaties (I say) let the Capitulations be brought foorth with the offers and answers of both parties, and then see, on which side the delaies did growe, and who it was, that made the friuolous answers.

Yea, in the last late treatie this sommer past, when she and her Nobi∣litie

had in all pointes yelded to more, then any reason or indifferencie could demaunde: did not the time expire, and the talke comme to nothing by the de∣fault of the English, that demaunded for assurance so vniust conditions (as the Princes person, all th•• chiefe Nobles on the Q. partie, with the chiefe Castelles and Fortresses of the Realme, to be ren∣dred into the handes of the English, be∣fore the Q. person should be set free, and suche other like Capitulations) as ma∣nifestly shewed, that the demaundes had no intention at al of her libertie nor re∣stitution: but finally to depri••e her for euer without hope of recouerie. And yet this second Scogan nowe chargeth her, as if the delaies and friuolous an∣swers had risen on her syde: whiche all the worlde knoweth, grew only vppon the English partie.

And when he hath taxed her deepely (as he thinketh) with this breache of her promise, prooued as you see: then he com¦meth foorth ful grauely, and sayeth, It is no ••orce•• vvheth•••• s••e do it, or no: for nothing, that she can do (saith he) can amend y••ur Q.

estate. &c. Wherein the poore man either perceiueth not, what a grosse and palpa∣ble folie he committeth, or els his malice maketh him vniustly to burden her, against his owne knowledge and reason. For, as with a great faul•• he chargeth her, and imputeth it to her for a great crime, and for suche would haue y^e world to take it, that she ratifieth not your Q. estate: and yet hee himselfe saieth here, that the same can not be done nor amen∣ded by her, nor is of any force at all, whether she do it, or do it not.

For the assurednes of her worde and promise, I referre the Reader to the re∣lation both of the Frenthe and Scottish Nobilitie, in both which Realmes she hath gouerned, and hath shewed her selfe alwaies so free and far from that crime of all others: that her Princely courage and magnanimitie in performing her worde and promise in al occasions what so euer, hath bene found, to be answer∣able to her honour, with what charge or detriment so euer otherwise.

But on the other side, if I should here laie foorth, what common fame

saieth in all the Courtes of Christendom, tou••hing the co••stancy and obseruation of the wordes and promises geuen, made and writen in your Q. name & behalfe: I should lance a full vnsauerie sore, and should shewe both this Scogan and his Authors to haue plaied the right Sco∣gans in dede. But taking no pleasure to rippe vp odious and displeasant reher∣salles, further then the iust defense of the cause presseth me, I shall here procede to the next Article.

8. It is said (saith he) and credibly auow∣ed. that the Q. of Scotl. was the grea∣test cause of the rebellion lately in the North: wherby some honorable hou∣ses &c. by her cunning practise were inticed to ouerthrowe them selues and their families with a multitude of mo English subiects, then she could haue done by armes in the field, if she had bene in possession of her king∣dome.

THe answer to this obiection (good Reader) doth minister occasion to speake somewhat of that, which I minde to treate apart in a volume by it selfe: y^t is to say, to open vnto you y^e deepe & hidden great treason in dede, frō espying wherof these pamphlettes & per∣suasions would faine misleade & drawe you, by holding you still in y^e wrong cōsi∣deration of y^t late Northerne troubles, & by setting before your ••ies a false painted shew of others, which were neuer inten∣ded. Neuerthelesse I shall in this place but briefely shew you y^e trew ground and occasiō of those late troubles (which this Author so oftē mētioneth with so odious termes) whereby your selfe shall see, not only how this Scogan now laboureth to defame the Q. of Scotl. with the death of al those, that by pretēse of iustice suffe∣red for the same by your Q. commission: but also, how farre the seueritie of y^t exe∣cutiō surmounted the desert of the facte.

Thou must vnderstand (good Reader) y^• as it many times happeneth in al com∣mon Weales, y^t few or none do at the first perceiue nor obserue the mischieuous in∣tentions

of the ambitious, that suttelly by litle and litle & in length of time do worke and compasse their aspiring purposes: euen so in few or no places it chaunceth, but that some sooner, and some later, do fall into the reckening thereof, and as by processe of time & outward factes the matter groweth riper, so doth the greater number come to discouer and espie it.

When your Q. therefore vpon the first entrie into her Raigne, had commit∣ted the gouernement of her affaires vnto some few meane and base persons, who foorthwith vsed those fewe of the No∣bilitie (whome they reserued in appa∣rence of creditte) but as Cyphers and signes: who by sleight deuises and false persuasions did winne her by the change of Religion against her owne affection to separate her selfe from the vnion she was (in that parte) leaft in, with the greate Christen Princes her neighbours and allies: who persuaded her, to change all the Counsell and chiefe Officers of the Realme: who induced her, to de∣priue and depose together and at once, all her Bisshopp••s one and other, with

hundreds of the principal of the Clergie bysides: to holde their persons in prison ten or twelue yeares together, till by stinche and close keeping, some sooner, some later, they are all in effecte pined awaie without colour of fault or de∣sert (vnlesse you account it a fault for a whole Clergie of a Christen Realme, not to accepte a newe faith with the chaunge ••f euery Prince) to subuert all the Altars in her realme: to burne all the Reliques, Images, and holy or∣namentes of Christe and his Saintes: to constitute a newe forme of publique seruice in the Churche: to create her selfe Chiefe Ruler of the same: and by that authoritie to prohibit the Adora∣tion of Christe in the Blessed Sacra∣ment: to abrogate the Masse with fiue of the seuen Sacramentes: to chaunge the fourme of the administration of the o∣ther two: of the dregges of the vilest sort of the people, to erect a new Clergie, & to them to geue y^e cure of soules, with al the Bishopricks and principal spiritual pro∣motions of the Realme: to permitte them to marie, & with the goodes of the Church

so to enrich them, as with great endow∣mentes bestowed on their bastardes, to disparage in short time all the Noble houses of the Realme: to intrude them into the possessions of al the Monasteries and Sacred fundations of praier or al∣mes: to cast out of the Realme all the Religious of the same, that would liue in their order and habit••: y••a, when in a little more processe of time, she was by them so circū••ented, as without the con∣sent and against the aduise of all her aun∣cient Nobilitie she was content to haue her name and authoritie abus••d, to the le∣uiyng of sundry exactions and paiments of her people, therewith to corrupt and suborne gr••at numbers of the noblest subiectes of France, Flanders & Scot∣land, seuerally to leauy arm••s against their seuerall and natural Soueraignes: and ou••r that, without colour of cause, to violate the long cōtinued amitie with the house of Spaine, and to breake the anciēt l••ague with y^e house of Burgundy, by forcible taking of the kings money, by paying the same vnto his owne & other Princ••s reb••lles, by spoyling his good

subiects, by succouring his rebels, by fur∣nishing of Pirates, in infinite nūbers, to rob him & his people: & to infest the Seas so, as no passage might be free for any ho∣nest man, and this with the great impoue∣rishment of her Realme, & to y^e great dan∣g••r of the same, by turning the old frinds and allies therof into new & mighty ene∣mies, euē for their own indemniti••: when th••y saw, that vnder pretense of Charitie & Religion, the Realme was filled with mo then fortie thousand strangers, & pe∣stered with y^e very skom & froth of al Na∣tions adioyning that had abandoned their allegeanc••, & taken armes against th••ir se∣ueral Soueraignes: when they sawe, by such Rascall••s and Rakchelles al the Artisans of the R••alme (being the borne subiectes of that Land) oppressed in effect vnto vtter b••ggarie: when they saw your Q. so craftily abused, as to her owne dis∣comfort, to forbeare mariage: to her grea•• grief, to want succession of her owne bo∣die: and against the policie and securitie both of herself and her Realme, to admit no knowen successour: when their craftie counsels had so preuailed, that no intrea∣tie

nor petition could induce her to y^• one, nor the other: and when they saw withal so many practises deuised, & so many de∣uises put in vre, that tended to y^e change of the knowen succession, and to the dis∣h••rison and destruction both of the Q. of Scotland, that is your Q. next Heire and Cosyn, and to the extinguishing of your Q. own•• line also: wh••n they saw with∣al, by this meane, threatened the ruine of al the chi••fe Monarchies of this parte of Europe, and the bringing of them into the thraldome and subi••ction of this con∣federate faction: when they sawe, their owne Countrie within it selfe purpos••ly wrought into factious & partes, to make the way open to Ciuil force and violence: and when they saw their owne Q. now a Queene but in name, and those ras∣calles raigning in dede and ••ff••ct ouer h••r and her Realme: las••ly, when she was so farre s••duced, as against al Lawes of Nature and Nations, and with her pas∣sing dishonour, to procure y^• dispossessing and imprisonment of the Q. of Scotland, an absol••te Prince from many d••sc••nt••s, her owne neerest kinsewoman, and Heire

apparant: to take her as prisoner, that ne∣uer had warre with her: to hold her close prisoner, that fledde to her for succour vp∣pon hope giuen her by her letters and messages mo then a few: to set vp a Ba∣stard to vsurpe her Dominion, and with so large a pension, as Englād ne••er gaue, to mainteine him to k••epe it against her•• yea, when shee had so wholy betaken her ••elf to the gou••rnem••nt of those few per∣sons of meane condition, that manifestly shee contemned the persons, & left to vse the ser••ice & aduise of her Nobilitie (that la••oured the iust restitution of the Q. of Scotland, conformable to her right, and to your Q. honour and safetie) and being withal obserued, that al th••se notable in∣iuries & oppressions done to such a Ladie, a Queene, and a desolate widow for many moneths, yea yeares together, suffised no∣thing to satisfie nor qualifie y^e malicious thirst of her destruction, which was then perceiued (by some of the wis••r sorte) by those base men to be chiefely ••yed & inten∣ded, and that for a further purpose not y••t discouered: When y^e Duke of Nor••hfolke (I saie) & the other Nobilitie by length of

ten yeares time & more, and by these no∣torious mischiefes daily put in vre, both at home and abrode, could not but see your Q. reputation touched, her securitie in∣dangered, y^e amitie of the Realme weake∣ned, the treasure of the Croune consumed, the people impouerished, their foreine frindes lost, themselues contemned & in awe of their inferiours, and consequently their honours slaundered, their Families and Succ••ssions in peril and likelyhod of of ruine, if this fourme of gouernement were not ab••ttered the soner: therevpon, eche lamenting to other the sequele and consequence, that was in short time like to ensue to themselues, to the Countrey, and to your Queene also, they conferred now and than (as occasion serued them to meete) how, and by what meane your Q. might be induced, to take b••tter waies to the recouering of her honour & fame, to the establishment of her securitie, & to pre∣uent the imminent daungers that by these meanes depended ouer themselues, and the whole Realme. And the plat therof being debated, was at length deuised, and resolued by a general cōsent of many both

of the Counsel & other Nobilitie, to cōsis•• principally in remouing from her by some good meanes, twoo or three persons of meane birth & condition, that by false sug∣gestiōs & crafty speaches, had so intruded themselues into her fauour & credit, that with contempt & reiectiō of al the reast, she was wholy gouerned and ruled by them. And the same in a sort once offred & assaied to be put in executiō, & by a crafty meane shifted ouer & eluded: those suttle felowes smothly dissembled y^e mattter for a season, humbly crouching & lowly behauing them selues, til they saw a better time.

But when they had within a fewe moneths after, so compassed your Queene (with pretense of al care & ielouzie of her state & securitie) that they had irremoue∣ably perswaded her, that the mariage of the Q. of Scotland with the Duke of Northfolke, must needes be intended to her derogation (yet still putting him in comfort and assurance of her good wil to the same) & had by that mean••s wrought her, first to deface him with il speaches & lookes, than to take and defame him with disloyal attempting this matche, and at

length to committe him prisoner to the Tower: they therevpon procured her, to write out her Letters, to cal in also sundry others of the Nobilitie, namely the chiefe and principal in the North partes.

Who hauing heard of the Dukes im∣prisonment, notwithstanding her many Letters of assurance, that they knew he had both from your Q & her chief Coun∣sailours, if he would come vp: when th••y heard of the r••s••rai••t of the Earles of Arund••l and P••nbrooke, of the show of displeas••re that Leicester had sustei••ed ••or the same cause, and of the straight keping of the L. Lumley: they therevpon dis∣cretely excused their comming a while, minding to heare ••if they might) what should becomme of the others already ta∣ken. Which whiles they exp••cted, they so∣denly vnderstood, certaine secrete forces and companies of armed men to be pri∣uily leuied by your Q. commaundement, and by Commission prepared and layed in places apt for the purpose, by force to take th••m•• & to bring them vp prisoners.

Wherevpon knowing and assuring themselues (as ful wel they might) that

they should find neither fauour nor indif∣ferencie, where & whiles those men ruled (whome they knew to be determinately bent to go through with the face & forme of Regiment before mentioned, for causes yet hidden) vnto which those of the No∣bilitie and of the North partes especially were most opposite and repugnant: they were constreined for their present safety•• to make choice of the lesse of those distres∣ses, that were presented vnto them. Of which the present seeming the harder (as naturally it doth to al men) they resolued rather to abide the hope, & to make proufe of better to come, then to render them∣s••lues to their present and assured ruine. And so calling such good cōpanies of their frindes, seruants & Tenants together, as might be hable to d••fend their persons from the present violences & forces than beset about them: vpon the gathering of that multitude ther•• folowed and ensewed the rest, as ye haue heard of.

And these being the true causes & occa∣sions, that moo••ed those Noble men and Gentlemen to put thems••lues in arm••s: to wit, for God chiefely, for the Catholike

Religion, for the honour & safetie of their Q. for preseruation of their Countrie, for due respect vnto their Peers, for conser∣uation of the Auncient Amities of the Croune, for the remouing of a mean man or two, the causers of al those mischiefes, & for their owne safetie of bodie and soule, so testified by their Proclamations in wri∣ting, so auowed by al confessions and exa∣minations, & so confirmed by al that hath folowed and fallen out syns, & neuer pro∣ceding so farre, as whereof died aboue one person at the most, nor to the spoile or losse of any mans goods to any valour: behold now, how rightly the Authors of these Pamphlets plaie the Scogans here, who being ashamed (as shamelesse men may be) of the seuere executiōs, or rather of the cruel seueritie vsed towards the inferiour multitude (whose Capitaines by flight had saued themselues) for a fact of suche qualitie as this was in them that did but folowe and obey their Masters & Lords) (of whome mo then six or seuen hundred lost their liues and goods, and their litle landes also, those that had any) these Scogans (I saie) finding them selues

now confounded with this their owne bloudy proceeding, to couer the same, would now burden and defame the Q. of Scotland therewith, craftily tempering their woordes so, as to make the worlde weene and take their fact for hers.

And•• be not so much abused, Reader, by these scholers of Scogan, that for couering of their owne vncleannes, would drawe you into suspicion of al your Nobilitie in effect: and would make you mistrust them to haue meant that to your Q. whiche themselues haue already contriued and executed against her of Scotland. For thinke not, your Noblemen and Gentle∣men of the Northpartes, and the reast also now troubled & defamed, to be al so wit∣lesse & hartlesse: but that if euer they had meant any such thing, there were, and yet are emong them inough, that both know the meanes how to haue contriued it, and want no courage to haue perfourmed it, in farre other sorte (I meane) then euer was yet attempted, or thought on, I dare saie and sweare for them.

9. And it is knowen (saith he) that your Q. as one voide of a reuenging nature, did labour to haue restored her to her Coū∣trey, and saued her life after the death of her Husband, and laboured to put an ende to the Ciuil warres in her Realme, &c.

My purpose is not, good Reader, to accuse your Queene, nor to dis∣alowe of her nature. For as I may, I honour her, and lament nothing more, then that shee suffereth her selfe, her name, her Dignitie and Authoritie to be so much abused, her for∣ces and treasures to be so ill imployed to the danger of her State, and to the dis∣honour and infamie of her person: to the oppression of the innocent, whome na∣ture bindeth her to defende: and to the offense of the olde frindes and Allies of herselfe, her Parentes and Dominions. And so wel inclined am I, to thinke the best of her, that ope•• cause wil permitte, that I beleeue the brute, that said, shee had bene murdered in Loughleuen, if

your Queene would haue consented to it: neither I denie, but y^t your Queene hath bene made beleeue (perhappes) that some meanes ••aue bene vsed in her name, and by her Authoritie, to the other endes and purposes alleaged.

And of some fewe Letters haue I heard, written by your Queene, that haue ••arr••ed in deede suche face and ap∣parence: but when there hath gone with∣al, yea before them and after them, some∣time to the same, sometime to other personnes, other Letters of so contrary tenors, secretely sent, secretely deliue∣red, and to be imparted to none but to them of the faction: and therein to de∣••ise them the fourme, and shew them the waie, to animate and encourage them, yea to innite, perswade, and hire them, to doe cleane contrarie, and to per∣fourme nothing of that, which the pub∣lique Letters did giue face and shew of: and when the euent and successe hath dis∣co••ered, that secrete aduise to haue taken place, and the publique motion to haue ben contemned: how can any man possi∣bly be blinded in this?

Truely if I knew any suche benefite or pleasure particuler, that the Q of Scot∣land had ••asted by your Q. meanes: I would not heere conceale them, nor any way seke to minish the honour or thanke that shee iustly deserueth. And sory I am, that the blemmish and blame due to her Ministers, should redound to herself, and spot her cote.

For, like as nothing hath bene heard of, faithfully or effectually done by your Q. ministerie towardes the others resti∣tution, nor towardes the compounding of the ciuil warres of that Realme, other then by seeking to bring suche of her Ma∣iesties loyal Nobilitie and faithful Sub∣iectes as haue stood for her, to abandon their allegeance, as the reast haue done, and to vnite themselues with the others against her, to her final depriuation for euer: euen so the whole worlde witnes∣seth (I weene) that al the garboyles and blouddy Tragedies in her Countrie com∣mitted these twelue or thirtene yeares, haue al in effect ben by your Q. Ambassa∣dours & Counsaillers deuised, by her ser∣••ants, Pēsioners & ••eed mē practised, with

her name & Authoritie countenanced, the Rebels and Traitours in her Countrey succoured and incouraged, with her mo∣ney and men mainteined, by her giftes re∣warded, and by her meanes restored: and contrarily, the Q. frindes and partie from time to time by her ••••en forces persecuted and oppressed, her Embassadours impri∣soned, her seruants diuersely a••flicted her Noblemens landes spoiled, many of their houses burned, sundry of their Castles battered and taken, and some of their per∣sons murthered and quartered, that fel in∣to the handes of suche Regents and Go∣uernours as she constituted: and finally, the Q. owne person by the Authoritie of yours, deteined prisoner, sundry Regents one after an other set vp by your Q. coun∣tenance, to vsurpe her Dominions against her, yea her priuate seruants both men & women requisite for her honour & safety, by cōma••ndement of yours remoued frō her, al speaking with her, al writing to her, al recei••ing and hearing from her, al relief sent or geuē her in money or meat, al comfort don her by writing, word or loke, al good report and true relation made ••i∣ther

of her good nature, of her rare giftes, of her honourable dealing, any commen∣dation of her person, beautie, wisedome, vertue, or other qualitie: yea, any least woorde spoken in the iust defense of her Honour and innocencie, is accounted se∣ditious, traiterous, iniurious to your Q. and tending to rebellion. And yet this Gnato blussheth not, so to temper his tale, as if the Queene of Scotland had de∣serued al the ill in the worlde at your Q. handes, and that shee as one not in∣clined to reuenge, had contrarily done vnto her singuler benefittes and plea∣sures.

If this general rehe••sal of so com∣mon knowen truthes so lately put in vr••, do not yet satisfie captious and curious eares that wil saie, that I chalenge the Authors of this Libel for want of parti∣culers, and do bring foorth none my self: let this briefe memorie of some fewe, brought foorth for example, suffice to cal the reast vnto your owne remembrances.

[ 1] Of your ministers that seduced the Earle of Arraine to flee out of France, that accompanied him in Scotland, and

gaue him the platte fourme of the general reuolte of al that Nobilitie in the yeare 1560. by abusing him with a hope to ma∣rie your Queene: some be dead, and some other yet liuing, & stil couering the egges not yet al hatched.

Likewise of them that taking ad∣uantage [ 2] of the Lord Darleys credite and mariage, abused the Earle of Murreyes ambitious minde, and by often solicita∣tion and vari••tie of messengers with pro∣mise of pension and gouernement, did winne him at last, both from duety and nature, to rebel against his Sister and Soueraigne: their names be knowen, their seueral trauailes vnderstood, and some of them be dead, and some others yet aliue.

When your Realme was the refuge [ 3] for him and his Confederates, and your Q. in apparence not seeming to fauour his fact, nor to admitte him to her pre∣sence: the persons are yet knowen, that in priuate brought him to her, and in se∣crete, money from her, with comfort and counsel, how to dissemble, til his r••conci∣liation were wonne, for the better com∣passing

and finishing of that, whiche he brought to passe afterward.

[ 4] Of the practises and procurementes of the seueral murders, first of Dauid the Secretarie, and than of the King, their names are knowen, that than serued in Barwicke, who by direction from some of the Counsel at London, layed the plotte, gaue the deuise, and when it was ripe, did put the fire also to the flax.

[ 5] Your special messenger knowen by name, gaue the Q. of Scotland aduise, to subscribe the resignation made in Lough∣leuen.

[ 6] Neede they to be named, that first im∣prisoned the B. of Rosse, that betraied and diuers waies afflicted Charles Baily a straunger, without colour of cause, other then for seking to publish a Pamphlet in the Defense of their Mistresses honour & title, th••t impeached not your Q. in any ••o••e?

[ 7] Can he be vnknowen, that by your Queenes Commission entered Scotland with an Armie, rased Dunbarre, and toke the Castel of Hume?

Can his name be hidden, that with [ 8] like commission inuaded againe, spoiled and burned the landes and houses of Hamelton and Maxwell?

Can it be doubted, from whome, [ 9] and from whence the Earle of Lineux was sent, and set vppe: when he caused Dunbriton to be betraied, and quarte∣red the Archebishop of S. Androwes most barbarousely?

And can any man be in doubt, by [ 10] whose meanes and solicitation your Q. keepeth the other in prison, taketh her seruantes from her, denieth all men to geeue her comfort or relief: & accounteth all those litl•• better then Traitours, that speake any woorde for her, or in her de∣fense?

These fewe for example maie serue to bring many mo to minde, and they be particuler inough for any indifferēt man. The names of your English I doe for∣beare, in respect that some of them be deade, some other haue founde their er∣rour, and be becomme honester men, and the reast may do•• the like, and (I hope) will.

Neuerthelesse if I shall be further pressed thereto, I will lay foorth to the world such a Rable of names, with their seuerall actions and practises, and the copies of suche, and so many monstrous horrible letters (which y^e writers thinke are not to be seene) as shall fully satisfie euery man, that I speake not without my booke, & shal make them to looke for some better proufe at this mans hands, then he hath brought yet, before they be∣leeue, y^t she of Scotl. hath ought done to∣wards yours, that deserueth reuenge, or that yours hath don ought for her, that is worth gramercy, h••r state now cōsidered.

10 It is also knowen (sayeth he) that the Q. of Scotl. did by writing vtterly re∣nounce the Dukes mariage vpon his first apprehension, &c. with some note, that of her sel••e she did not first moue it, nor yet like of it. Also that the Duke did the like at that time both by messa∣ges and writings, and acknowleged his offense in seeking it: and vnder his hande and seale did firmely promise, neuer to deale therein an•• further, or in any other matter with the Q. &c.

THis obiection, good Reader, lac∣keth little (for ought I se•• in it) but that it might be graunted, and passe vnspoken to, without touche or reprorche to any of both. If it had, I meane, the conditiō annexed, that the Q. and the Duke did alwaies expresse: that is to saie, that without your Q. fauor & good consent, as they had not before euer intēded it, they would not hereafter pro∣cede further in it.

And not vnlike is it, that the Q. of Scotl. might answere in sense & effect, as he hath alleaged: y^t is to wit, that she nei∣ther first moued it, nor at first liked it. For a rare matter is it, to finde a right meane womā to be y^e first mo••er of a mariage for her selfe, or at y^e first motiō to appeare to like of it. And euen so may euery man see, y^t any wit hath, that without y^e fauour of your Q. first obteined, y^e other of Scotl. had litle reason or cause, to think y^• match any way beneficiall vnto her, regarding specially the state she stoode & stands in.

And for the Dukes parte, as it hath bene already s••id, he neuer vndoubtedly meant to assaie it, without y^t promise and

assurance of your Q. consent therevnto: if not by her owne mouth, yet by them, that (for their credit with her) all men knewe were able easely to persuade and obteine it, if they had as faithfully gone about it, as they did fraudulētly promise it. Nay, this I say further, that if he had not bene first inuited to thinke of it, and daily animated, & encouraged for a long time together to procede in it, euen by some of them, that now most persecute him for it, and would make treason of it: the matter had neuer bene moued, nor thought on: to any purpose, I meane.

This obiection therefore expressing their promises of renuntiatiō doth more burden and charge your Q. then any of them both. For being trew that they pro∣mised so firmely by handes and seales, by mouthes and writinges, as this man saieth: what could they do more, what could be more asked? And why hath your Q. then kept them still in prison now, more then two yeares sins? For, that which he alleageth in the accusation fol∣lowing, will neither serue to excuse your Q. in that facte, nor to defende this Au∣thors

follie in framing his tale no better. For thus he ••aieth.

11. And now it is certeinly found (saieth he) that the former practise betwene the Q. and Duke (notwithstanding their ••euerall renuntiations and pro∣mises) hath had continuance without interruption, &c. till now his last com∣mitting, &c.

IF we graunted, good Reader, that it were now founde, as this accusation supposeth: how will that yet defende the iniurie & iniustice don vnto them, for two yeares full before that this was found and discouered? For betwene the Dukes first apprehension, and the date of this booke, are more then two yeares fully complete. Vpon his first apprehension (saith this accuser) they both renounced and made promise, &c. Then why haue they remained in prison euer sins? For, if now it be found (as he saith it is) that they haue broken promise: than, vntil now it was not perceiued. For nothing can ••e said to be found now, that was vnder∣stoode

before. And for more then two yeares, before this continuance of that practise was found, had they renounced and promised (if this Author say trew) which was as muche as they could doe, and that notwithstanding, were kept stil in prison, for two yeares fully, before this newe crime of their breach•• of promise was found or perceiued, as this Author t••lleth it.

And now l••t vs set, of what weight the fault is, th••t is newly found, being gra••nted to be as y^• accusation affirmeth. Forsooth it is, that, by secret meanes the treaty betvveene them for mariage, hath had cō∣tinuance vvi••ho••t inter••u••tion &c. Now in what parte riseth the fault of this? They are within age bylike, and Wardes to your Q. and the Master of the Wardes complaineth of this, who hauing your Q. in warde already, can not indure the other shoulde be free: or els, there is betweene them some suche nerenesse of kinred by Consanguinitie or Affinitie, as will not permitte them to marie. and the Bishoppe therefore complaineth of this.

Be it the one, or the other (as all men know it can be neither of both) it must needes be, that they haue wrong, that for talke and treaty only of mariage (without contracte) which had ben law∣full, haue bene thus seuerely imprisoned & defamed with treason. Or if any other impediment shall be alleaged, when we heare what it is, it shalbe answered vnto•• And in the meane time, it must be taken thus, y^• all this fault imputed vnto them, resteth in this: that by secret messages or letters they haue had mutuall con∣ference and intelligēce touching a laufull mariage betweene thēselues. And is not this a sore matter, and a greiuous crime?

Yea, but they vvere prisoners (he sayth) and vvithout your Q. cōsent, and against their ovvne promis•• they treated it, &c. I answere, that none of all these be iust impedimentes to prohibite laufull matrimonie, neither by practise, nor booke lawe. But contrarily, exāples many both of old & late yeres may be brought foorth, manifestly prouing, that neither y^e restraint of y^e body by per∣sonal imprisonmēt, nor y^e wāt of y^e Prin∣ces cōsent, nor any promise of y^e parties,

by message or letter (grounded only vpō feare of displeasure or temporall paine) are any sufficient impediments to stay a laufull mariage.

And here this Author endeth his re∣hersall of thinges knowen and certeinly found, as he termeth them, which beeing all so weakely proued, so vnlikely of themselues, and so manifestly disproued by common reason and knowen factes, as ye haue heard: what may now be loo∣ked for in the reast, which he rehearseth but vpon coniectures and reportes, or rather as thinges not yet fully reported nor coniectured, but as thinges y^t might be saied, and maie be said, and hereafter (bylike) shalbe said, to be knowen things also.

12. But now appeareth it (saith he) how daungerous the intention of that ma∣riage is to your Q. by other daunge∣rous practises that haue accompained and followed this attempt (if you wil beleue him) which almighty God hath merueilously discouered, to the preser¦uation, both of your Q. person, and the Realme. &c.

THis obiection threateneth some fearefull bugge at hande, whiche bylike we shal see anon. But whe∣ther this matche were like to be dangerous to your Q. and Realme (as he concludeth it to be) or no, I minde not here to dispute long: specially sins the same is already by a namelesse Discour∣ser so grauely discoursed, on both sides argued, and for the profoundnes of it pu∣blished in print, this somer past: which (seeming to conclude, that it were more safety to your Q. and Realme, that y^e Q. of Scotl•• maried with a foraine Prince, rather then with a subiect of England) doth yet chiefely rest & relie vpon this, y^t she is to marry, or not to marry, as your Q. will, or will not, and when, & whome so euer she shal appoint. For shee remay∣ning in your Q gouernment, y^• contrary disputation (sayth he) is as much, as to aske, whether your Q. maie gouerne in her owne Realme, or not.

Now let vs (good Reader) turne our speach for a word or two from this Hob∣goblin, vnto that namelesse Discour∣ser, the force of whose argument being

grounded vpon the Queene of Scotl. being in your Q. gouernment, lette vs aske him this question: to wit, whether the same reason doth hold, or no, in euery other person that is in your Q. gouern∣ment, as well as in the person of the Q. of Scotl? If he saie no, I shall be glad to heare his reason, why? and to vnder∣stande the difference that he will make betweene the condition of her person, and theirs: and why she should be more in that subiection, then all the reste.

If he answer, for her proximitie in bloud vnto your Q. and for her Title to y^• Croune of England: I answere, that there is neither lawe, nor statute, priuate of that Realme (now in force, as I take it) nor publike in the world, I am sure, that restraineth the liberty of matrimo∣ny, more in a Prince, then in a poore mā. And so consequently no colour of law to giue to your Q. any such Iurisdiction ouer the person of the Q. of Scotland.

But supposing your Discourser fore∣seeing, that he should haue little thanke to make that answer (at their hands, I meane, that chiefely manage your Q.

affaires, and would beare the world in hand, that the Q. of Scotl. hath to tha•• Croune no Title at all) will flee therfore to the other refuge, and answer, that your Q. being sole and supreme gouerner in her owne Realme, of al persons & affaires whatsoeuer, hath therfore the disposition and gouernance of al persons in her Do∣minions, as well in their mariages, as in all other thinges (for otherwise I see not, but that it would be somewhat ab∣surde, to say, that she should haue more Iurisdiction in the person of the Q. of Scotland (who is an absolute Prince of a for••ine Dominion, not borne vnder her subiection, nor otherwise present in her Dominion, but by violence deteined against her will) then she hath in the per∣sons of her owne borne subiects): & then if he rest vpon that supreme authority of your Q. to be preeminēt ouer y^e persons and mariages of all her borne subiects, by cause they be vnder her gouernance: I see not then, that this discourser maketh any difference betweene the mariages of Christian creatures, and the brutish cou∣pling of vnreasonable beasts.

For if your Q. Christian subiects be no more free in chusing of their wiues, nor may no more freely couple them sel∣ues in laufull matrimonie, but at her choice and election, as the horse and the mare, the dogge and bitche be ioined and coupled at the will and choice of y^e yomen of the Studdery and L••ash (according to the race they desire to haue the colts and whelpes of) as this Discoursers opinion seemeth to be: then behold, what ••stima∣tion Christian mariage is in with suche discoursers, and what preaty doctrine is couertly taught in pamphelets of such pretense, permitted by Authoritie.

Againe, if thou marke the Authors scope in that discourse, thou shalt see, that it tendeth wholly in effect to proue that marriage likely to be dangerouse to your new Machiauellian Religion, ra∣ther then either to your Q. or Realme. Whereby you may see, that they, that set both that Author, and this a worke, woulde faine haue it taken, that the secu∣ritie of your Q. and Realme, consisted in the maintenance of that licentiouse doctrine, which hath in shorte time con∣founded

al Princes and places, that euer yet receaued it.

In deede euident it is, that that matche strongly impugned the secret and finall purpose of those two English Machiauelles, who for their owne ad∣uancement, intende to wreste the succes∣sion of the Crowne to a wrong family. But how it coulde possibly haue indan∣gered either your Q. or Realme, neither doth this Author shew, or that Discour∣ser proue, nor by any common intende∣mente can be presumed. And by the way notable it is, that a thing so ma∣nifestly beneficiall to your Queene and common Wealth, shoulde be accompted offensiue, and published to be daunge∣rouse to your Prince, for impugning only the priuate preference of two suche persons.

I want no will here to spende a fewe words mo•• in answering any daun∣gers that coulde haue growen to your Queene by this matche, if the Discour∣ser had brought furth any worthy the speaking to. But bycause his obiections and reasons be so fonde, friuolous and

vnhable to moue any man that wit or reason hath: I may rather thinke it to muche, that I haue thus farre aparted my speache from my principall purpose, then yelde to be drawen to folow his fo∣lie any further, specially sins this pam∣phelet now beareth vs in hand, that we shal see such dang••rous practises to haue accompani••d and folowed that attempt: that if God had not euen miraculously saued both your Q. and the Realme, they both had bene in wonderfull perill ther∣by. Which dangers when we shall come to consider, there wil be apte place to say therevnto, as the matter shal moue, and truth and reason require.

In the meane while note this here, that like as this Synon hath alreadie wrought and brought the Que••ne of Scotl. into his owne power, ready to be dispatched at any sodaine, to serue his finall turne and purpose against the Crowne, vnder his false pretense of ca∣ring for the Q. securitie: euen so vnder a like false glose, that this mariage might be dang••rous to your Queene, he would

execute his owne priuate malice and re∣uenge against the Duke, for charging him once at Brinewich, as you knowe, with robbing the Realme, dishonouring and indangering your Queene to raise and maintaine Rebelles abrode.

13. It was deuised and determined (sayth he) that a new Rebellion should haue bene moued nigh London. The Citie should haue bene taken by force, fo∣raine Souldiours in great numbers should haue come out of the Lowe Countreis by Sea vnto a notable Port of the Realme. So should Rebelles and foraine enemies haue ioyned and pro∣ceded to further things not expedient yet to be spoken of. &c.

HEre beginneth now (good reader•• the fire & flame to appeare, that y^e former obscure smoke did threatē should breake out. Which resting yet in deuises & determinations of many things to haue bene done (yea, rather

in his owne bare and naked saying so) I trust euery wise man will see some bet∣ter proufe thereof, then the credit of a Robbin Goodfellow only, before they beleue so grosse, so palpable, and so vn∣likely lyes.

Deuised and d••termined (this man saith) it was: but he n••ither sheweth, by whome, by how many, where the de∣uise was made, when the determination was concluded, nor any other cert••inty, vnto which a perfect answere might be made: and this is one of the moste pro∣per qualities and euident tokens of a lie.

The proposition ther••fore being so general and vncerteine as admitteth no such answer, as whervpon any certaine issue or triall might be ioyned: I must therefore frame my answer somewhat after the nature of the proposition, and argu•• vpon likelyhoods and probabili∣••ies: and so leaue it to the Reader to iudge, wh••ther of our two speaches ca∣rieth with it moste reason and likely∣hood.

Resorte therefore againe vnto the con∣sideration of the number & weight of the

things that he saith were determined, and I affirme it to be vtterly vnlikely, and neuer deuised nor determined. Un∣likely, I cal it, and vnlikely (I weene) al men of common sense wil thinke it, that any such rebellion at home, any such surprising of suche a Citie by force (with the sacke and spoile of the welthie men in it, as Master Fleetewoodes Oration o••t lauisheth and termeth it) or any conclu∣sion to bring in foraine forces to sacke your owne, could be resolued or deter∣mined by any of your owne Nation, as a thing repugnant to common nature.

Unpossible also (in common reason) I must affirme it to be, that any suche thing could be deuised and determined without the knowledge and cons••nt of great numbers of sundry States and de∣grees: as things that necessarily require the counsel and authoritie of Noblemen mo then a few, the gouernance and order of Gentlemen in great numbers, the tra∣uail & labour of multitudes both of Soul∣diers and Capitaines, and the confedera∣cie of some great partie and faction in the Realme and Citie it selfe, & consequently

sundry actual things to haue ben don and executed, by messages, by letters, by pre∣sent conferences of sundry persons, by money receiued and paied, by prouision of armour and munition, by constitution and agreement vpon daies and times, by a readinesse and assurance of shippes and mariners, and by many other like things, that require fact and action, before suche enterprises can be resolued and deter∣mined.

Let vs therefore require of this Accu∣ser, for the furnishing of his accusation, to tel vs of some few at least, that beganne this deuise: of some fewe of those many, that did determine it: of some of the mul∣titude, that should haue executed it: of some Citizen or other that conspired to raise the reast, or to let in the others that should come from without: or els from whence the Ordinance should come to bat∣t••r the walles, or the botes to enter by water. Let him tel vs the name of some strange Capitaine or foreine souldier wa∣ged or hired, of some shippe prepared, o•• some mariner taken vp, of some armour prouided, of some Artillerie mounted, of

some sho••te or pouder barrelled, of some money geuen or borowed, or of some Prince or great man that promised or in∣tended it. Let him gi••e vs the message or Messenger, the Letter or Writer, of some one or other•• that testifie it. Let some Port be named so nigh the Citie, as he spea∣keth of•• some inhabitant there that would giue landing to straungers, some of those Gentlemen, that with forces should mete them, and guide them to London: or some one thing or other of the many particulers that such an exploite demaun∣deth, let vs intreat this accuser, to shew vs to haue ben done in fact, that may giue some breath or life to his accusation.

Syns euery man knoweth, that it is no meane companie, that can take London by force, in which are thought to be not so few at this daie, as ten thousand armed men: and standeth in so strong a Countrey, and so farre from the Sea, as I ween••, it were hard to finde a foreine Capitaine so simple, nor so single a soul∣dier, that woulde put his foote there (without greate and presente aide to

receiue him) where he must marche many daies in so strong a wooddy land, so peo∣pled with his enemies, and they of suche valour, as Englishmen are knowen to be, before he could come to ioyne with his frindes.

And of these particulers so iustly de∣maunded, and so necessarie to the deter∣mination of such an enterprise, as he saith was determined, til this Author haue shewed and wel proued some suche good number, as may plainely conuince his affirmation to be true: we may in the meane time (I trust) with right and rea∣son take this tale of his for an impudent, malicious, and a starke ••taring lye, pro∣ceeding of a Diuellish sprite, that inten∣deth to ground therevpon some horrible and outragious exploite.

And wil you see it proued euen by his owne wordes? The rebelles and enemi••s (saith he) thus ioyned, should haue pro••eeded to further things not ex••edient to be spoken of at this time. Now marke ye, how this be∣traieth the reast. For by this it is euident, that th••y which serte this Hobgoblin a woorke, doe by these woordes reserue stil

vnto themselues, a libertie to change and increase these lies, as they lift.

For, wel you see, hauing thought this time expedient ynough, to charge and de∣fame both those Noble Persons by name, & a great number of others bysides, with raising of the rebellion in the North, with conspiring a new in the South, with in∣tention to surprise London by force, to s••cke the wealthy Citizens (as M. Re∣corder gabbleth) to bring in foreine forces and straungers, to haue destroyed your Q. person (if M. Recorder lyed not) to seeke to haue the Croune from her, and to be vnto her the most dangerous enemie that liued: these crimes (I saie) hauing ben thought expedient inough to be vtte∣red at this time, what matter of more im∣portance can there remaine expedient yet to be concealed, if the same were already hammered and forged?

These wordes therefore that seme to pretend other matters to be founde, not yet expedient to be vttered, must needes argue and inferre, both that the Authors haue not yet agreed with their false accu∣sers, nether haue heard of any other man,

nor are resolued within themselues of any further matter, then they haue here alrea∣dy coughed out: and also that they haue an intention, hereafter to deuise and set foorth more, as already they haue done al this that ye haue heard.

And here beholde withal, how this Robin Goodfellow plaieth also the Sco∣gan. For whereas he perceiueth a general misselike & iust discontentation conceiued by al States and Degrees among you, for the bringing in of suche an infinite multitude of Foreiners & Strangers, as swarme euery where almoste throughout the Realme: to couer your eyes from be∣holding the same, he here telleth you and ••eareth you in hand, that other folkes had conspired and deuised to haue done the same thing, that his Authors and Pa∣trones haue already perfourmed. And the arte is suttle and fine, that syns they can not preuent the eyes and mindes of the multitude from seeing & feeling sun∣dry oppressions growen by that fludde of Foreiners that they haue brought in to serue a turne at a daie: they would nowe peruert the cogitations and talkes of the

people from the Foreiners that already are there, to the Foreiners that thei would haue them feare shal come.

14. These deuises saith he) were not onely talked of, put in writing, and fully con∣cluded: but the Messengers were also sent ouer Sea in Lent last with sufficient authoritie of commission and writings, to testifie the determination of them, that should be the Heads and Condu∣ctours of this Rebellion, as the same beeing imparted on the other side the Sea was well accepted and allowed: and thereof seuerall Letters were spee∣dily written to the saied Queene, to the Duke of Northfolke, and special∣ly, to that vngracious Priest the Bis∣shoppe of Rosse, the instrument of all the Dukes calamitie, and the feed man of al treason against England: that this enterprise must be kept secret•• namely from the Frenche, for causes of great moment, vntill the Messenger should poste to the Pope for money, and to the King of Spaine for order and direction for menne and shippes. & caet.

This is a long sentence, good Rea∣der, comprehending in apparence many particulers, and geueth a face of a plaine Storie wel opened & certainely knowen: but being wel obserued, it wil appeare intricate, confuse and obscur••ly writ••n of purpose, to geue the Author a shifting and starting hole, from being taken with ma∣ny manifest lies.

And if I had not ben somewhat exer∣cised and trauail••d in the scrutiny & search of these m••ns bold affirmations, I might as easily haue ben moued and caried away to b••l••ue this whole and smooth tale, as many other (I feare me) are. For surely few wise and modest men are there, that haue the face, so boldly and precis••ly to af∣firme neuer so knowen a truth, as these men doe common knowen lies. Their wordes therfore must be wel marked, and their craftie sentences warely taken h••de of, if thou wilt not be seduced by them.

Understanding me therefore, alwaies to m••ane and affirme (til I see some bet∣ter proufe) that there was by these per∣sons (whome he nameth and insinuat••th) neuer any such deuise made, muche lesse

any such determination concluded, much lesse any such put in writing, muche lesse any messengers sent therewith, or with any credit of such effect, neither any suche thing imparted to the Pope, nor Duke of Alua, whome M. Recorder (ouer rashly for a man of his grauitie) nameth to be Conspiratours and your Q. e••emies, much lesse any such thing well liked or allowed by by them, much lesse any such certificate by any letters to your Q. to y^e Duke, nor to y^• B. of Rosse: vnderstanding me alwaies thus, I saie, I shal procede to the conside∣ration of this mans tale, as hims••lf telleth it. For it were no reason (pardie) finding al to be lies that he telleth (& they so infi∣nite in number) to graunt him more, then himself hath wit to speake of, or for shame dare vtter, or for feare of deprehension, dare affirme.

As faire and as whole as this tale seemeth to be, yea though nowe he adde, that the deuises aforesaid were put in wri∣ting (whereof he spake not before) yet he telleth thee not, that those deuises were in writing sent ouer, if thou marke his words wel.

Nor in telling thee, the messengers vvere ••ent, yet hee sheweth thee not, who they wer••: he nameth not one, though thei were many, neither whose Messengers they were, nor what message they caried: no, not so muche as that they were the Mes∣sengers of the d••uisers, nor that they caried the written deuises. Loke againe on his wordes.

Of Messengers hee speaketh here in the plurall number, as beeing moe then one: and within few lines after, ••ither he forg••tteth him selfe, and r••duceth it to one onely, or els al the Messengers, saue one, did forgette themselues: for here is no mention of answeare, but from one alone.

VVith suf••icient authoritie of commission and vvritings (hee saieth) they vvent, but with whose Authoritie, by whose Com∣mission, or with what, or whose writings, here is no maner of mention, but a plaine insinuation, that what soeuer the Mes∣sengers caried (if ought were caried by any Messenger at al) was not the writ∣ten deuises o•• the Rebellion, nor of the in∣troduction of strangers.

But it sufficiently testifi••d (saieth he) the determination of them that should haue ben the Heades and Conductours, &c. By this it should seeme, that the Author meaneth, that it was the testification of some other men, geuen for the better credite of the deuisers, determinours, heades, and con∣ductours, and not their owne.

But it vvas vvel liked and allovved (saith h••) on the other side of the Sea: by the Pope, and Duke ••f Alua, saieth M. Recorder. But neither what was accepted, who accepted it, nor where it was imparted, can any man perceiue by ought that this Author saieth: and muche lesse by that, that M. Fletwood hath saied (who hauing la∣uishly termed those notable Personages, that be absent and a thousand miles asun∣der, to be Conspiratours of an enterpris•• distant a thousand miles from one of them, and Enemies to your Queene) maketh no manner mention, neither o•• Messengers, nor writings, nor of any o∣ther thing that might giue any life or ligh•• to the matter.

Of the vvel liking and good acceptation, se∣••eral Letters vvere speedily vvriten, saith he:

but whether by them that accepted it, or by them that imparted it, or by any other that heard of it, or by any Spie that did counterfait it, he declareth not a woorde.

••o the Queene, to the Duke, and to the Bis∣shop of Rosse•• he saith, the letters vvere vvriten: but whether they al three, or any one, or two of them, or none of al three, receiued any such, he expresseth not yet, nor geueth not any copie, any date, any subscription, any superscriptiō, nor any place, to whom from whome, where, nor when any of al three Letters were writen.

The lette••s gaue charge, he saith, to keepe the matter from the Frenche, but from which Frenche, he sheweth not: albeit no man is ignorant, how notorious the factions of that Nation are, nor how ne••re in blud many principal Personages of that Na∣tion be vnto the Que••ne of Scotlande, from whome it can not be thought, that she would haue her counsell••s concealed. And therefore in this the Author or deui∣ser hath geuen a great wound vnto his whole tale.

Til the messenger had b••n at Rome, saith he, for money. Now he speaketh of one

messeng••r in the singuler number, that hitherto hath talked of Messengers in the plurall: but what money he went for, what summe he required, for whome he demaunded it, or to what vse, you see he l••au••th euery man to coniecture at large. Yea hauing saied before (if M. Recorder and he doe agree) y^t the Duke of Alua was of the conspiraci••: beholde y^e wisedome of this tale, that now sendeth the Messenger to Rome for money a thousand miles of, where litle or none is, and presently cause there, to occupie what there can be goten: hauing the Duke of Alua and A••dwerpe both at hand, and in his waie, being the Monopolie for money of Christ••ndome at this daie. And who seeth not, how pregnant a suspicion this giueth, that al the reast is plainly forged?

And til he had ben at Spaine, to haue order for men and shippes, he saieth. But what number of any of bothe, at whose in∣stance, at whose charges, to whose vse, against what time, or for how long time, we know no more by this man, than by the man in the Moone. And so grosse is the folie of this falsehood, that he forgeth,

that the Duke of Alua wanteth no•• commission, to giue menne, money and shippes too, without sending to Spaine therefore: as was wel testified by the last Ciuil warres in France, when the Duke Dewponts was there at the charges of the English.

And wil ye see now, why the Author walketh thus obscurely disguised in this general and vncertaine maner of spea∣ches? Forsooth it is both natural, ne∣cessarie, and of old accustomed, for al false rumors, and ••orged deuises, meant for other mischieuous practises, to pro∣ceede in that man••r: the rather and the more, according as the weight and im∣portance of the final intention amounteth v••to.

For if we should here graunt him, that there had b••n a Messenger or a wri∣ting sent (as til it be better proued, I vt∣terly denie, that euer there was any such matter, m••aning or man) and should ther••with sh••w him, how there might be lauful wri••ings and lauful messages sent to your Queenes dearest frindes, testi∣fiyng the good meanings of faithful sub∣iectes,

& the same wel allowed of by her foreine frindes, & that certified at home: if I should•• I saie, laie al this open, and shew in particular, how this might be (albe it, I saie stil, there was no suche thing) yet, bycause these craftie false for∣gers foresaw, that they might be so an∣swered, & the things declared & iustified (if any at al were): they therefore wade and walk•• in this general, confuse, and vncertaine maner of sp••aking, that they might alwaies shift ••rom vs, and saie, that they meant not this man, nor that man that we should speake of: nor this letter, nor that writing, that we should declare, and so of al the reast: but that they might haue scope to saie stil (as ••uer they haue done, & here often do) that such persons, and such writings as they meant of, were sent forsooth, but not expedient at this time to be vttered from whome, from whence, nor when, nor what the matter was, that the Letters did signifie to be wel liked and allowed, nor by whome. For that is yet to deuise, and shal come foorth herea••ter by likelyhode.

Now with the Bishop of Rosse he plaieth the Scogan againe, as he did be∣fore with the Queene his Mistresse. For who is ignorant of the long enuie•• that these men haue borne to the Duke, for the good affection that the people wor∣thily bare him for his good nature, wise∣dome, temperance, and inclination to iu∣stice? And who knoweth not, how the chief Aut••ors of these Libelles haue per∣secuted the Duke euer syns that he disco∣uered himself at Grenewich, as I remem∣ber, in the yeare 1569. to mislike with some of those base Counsailours, that so much abused your Queene & the Realme, and would haue remoued them from her? Syns which time euery man seeing, how by degrees they haue pursued him, vntil they haue brought him to the estate you see: now they would charge the Bishop of Rosse to be y^e chiefest cause of the Dukes calamitie, whome before and aboue al o∣ther, next vnto his Soueraigne and Mi∣stresse, he hath euer honoured and serued, as his publike dedes do sufficiētly testifie.

Likewise in calling him the feed man of al treason vnto your Realme: respite but a while

your credit thereof, till you haue seene, what the treasons be, that are in deede intended. And in the meane time, do but examine a little the said Bishops proce∣dings, sins he came into England, and to what ende they haue tended.

Wherein finding y^t he hath none other wise done, but that which the dutie of a good subiect to his Soueraigne, y^e affec∣tion of a good seruant to his Mistresse, y^• office of a Christian Bishop to y^• Church, the natural & iust loue to his owne Coū∣trey, with the vnfained good will and seruice borne to your Q. & Realme, haue bound him vnto and required of him: behold you then, what a regiment that is, and how y^• common weale is gouer∣ned, wherin so honest & vpright a seruāt, in seeking to serue both his owne & your owne Q. & Realmes, directly & plainely, by truth, by reason, and by al good policy (from time to time laied open both to your Q. & Councell) is yet now defamed with such odious Epithets, bycause his ser∣uice and trauayle hath tended to pre∣uent the secrete hidden treasons, that yet lye vndiscouered.

••5. The Messenger had his letters of cre∣dit from the Scottish Queene, th•• Duke and others to the Pope, and the king of Spaine. And so comming to Rome he returned letters from th•• Popes gratious Holinesse in the begin∣ning of Maie, to the sayd Q•• and to th•• Duke, and others. The letter to th•• Duke was in Latine beginning: Dilecte fili, Salutem. But in deede the Duke might well say, he sent not Salutem, but perniciem. The Duke had them, and redde them, by the intercession of that aforesaied vngracious Priest. The con¦••entes in some parte were, that the Pope well allowed of the enterprise: he would write also to the King of Spayne to further it, but his present busines of the charitable warres than in preparing against the Turke was the cause, that money could not then be had for that sommer: and yet his vngratious Holynes after his accusto∣med sorte comforted them all not to despaire.

IN this paragraph (good Reader) the Author maketh mention of two sorts of letters or writings, as he did in the other: the one, y^t the Messenger should ••arrie: and the other, that he should re∣turne and sende from them, to whome it is supposed he went. And to auoide con∣fusion, we must therefore diuide our An∣swer, speaking first of those, which he first mentioned, and than of the other, which he lastly speaketh of. Of the first he sait•• heere, that they vvere letters of credit, from the Q. from the Duke, and others. &c. Now for∣get not, that in the next paragraph before he sayd, that the deuises vvere put in vvriting, the Messengers vvere sent ouer sea vvith autho∣ritie and commission in vv••iting, ••uf••icient to te∣stifie the determination of the h••ades and Con∣d••••tors of the Rebellion. &c. Ioyne now these two paragraphs together, and (if I be not deceiued) tho•• shalt see the one of them sufficiently confound and confute the other, and plainly shewe, that the Q. and Duke be not the heades, that before he spake of, as al his former ••peach••s, til now, haue seemed to sound & insinuate.

For (protesting still, til it be better prou••d, that there was no such matter at

all) if the Mess••nger caried such writings as sufficed to testifie both the deuises and the determinations of the heads of the rebellion: to what ende then were his letters of credit? For, letters of credi•• suppose the matters to go by mouthes, and are not wont to go, where the chiefe matter & purpose goeth sufficiently pen∣ned bysides, nor from those persons that haue otherwise by writing giuen suffi∣cient testimony of the matter committed to credit. And in a matter so dangerous both to the senders and carriers, who doth vse to make superfluous writings, and to send mo letters then be necessary? This therefore sufficing to shewe euery wise man a plaine probabilitie, that al is forged aud feined: let vs yet examine a litle, what is in this accusation, if it were as he sayeth.

For the Q. parte first, I meane, if she gaue letters of credit to a Messenger, that went to the Pope and King of Spaine: what offence had it bene, or to whome? Who se••th not, what greate reason she hath•• to seeke to them both? Her impri∣sonment can not take from her y^t, which

nature hath geuen her. She remaineth a Queene by Birth and Right, and by Na¦ture shee is bound to seeke the libertie of her person, and restitution to her owne. And what iust Prince, or good common Weale can impute that for a crime, that all lawes of Nature and Nations doe moue all men vnto?

If therefore there were any suche Messenger, and any such letters of credit: euery honest man ought and is bound, to presume (till the contrary be proued) that the credit was for the most likest and laufull cause: to wit, by laufull meanes and mediation of forreine frindes, to come to that, that Nature and al Lawes gaue her, which by any meanes at home she could not obteine. And now let vs resorte a litle to examine the likelyhood and probabilitie, whether the Duke gaue any such letters of credit to any suche messenger.

The letters, sayth this Author, vvere to the Pope, and King of Spaine: betweene whome and this Duke how small the amitie and acquaintance hath bene, few or none in your Realme are ignorant.

Letters of credit are not wont to go be∣tweene persons all estranged eche from other: muche lesse, where causes of vn∣kindnes rath••r then of frindship haue mutually occurred, as betweene y^• Duke & the Sea Apostolique it is wel knowen, hath happened on both sides. The Par∣ticularities whereof might be here re∣membred, if any man were so blind or ignorant, as to thinke, that the Duke could possibly hope so much of the Pope, as men do of them, to whome they sende letters of credit, which plainly implie a confidence and an assured frindship.

Adde vnto this, that if their purpose vvere (as this Author beareth you in hā••) to moue rebellion, to bring in strangers, to sacke London•• &c. who can imagine, that they (being knowen to be no fooles) would seeke aide a thousand miles from them, for, and in an enterprise that required helpe so neere at hande? Let the creditte therefore be searched, that the Messenger ••aried by mouth (if there were any such at all) let his written instructions and commission be seene, if any he had, or le•• the firmes & hand••s of the Conductors

appeare and come foorth: let somewhat be seene, if all be not lies. For without some more demonstratiō then this Hob∣goblin hath made yet, there is in his tale so little reason and likelyhood, that euery man may and must (in my minde) take al his whole tale for a wicked spritish lye, forged and f••ined to a Diuelish purpose.

Againe, let it be considered, how vn∣likely it is, that any of them in the stat•• they be in ••being knowen for wise•• would by letters, by credit or any other way commit or attempt any vnlauful action, that might increase the danger and cala∣mitie that they both stode in: they (I say) y^t when they were both free, neuer gaue the least shew of any such minde, & wil∣lingly did put them selues into your Q. hands, when they were at their seuerall liberties, and might haue chosen to haue gone els where. Thus much touching the letters of credit, that these Authors doe surmise were sent to the Pope and King of Spaine.

Now concerning the letters that the Queene, the Duke & others are sayd to haue receiued: marke you wel, that this

accusation maketh no particular mentiō, what was in the Q. letter, nor in any of theirs, whome he calleth others, but a sentence or two of the letter written (if the Author say true) to the Duke only, and that from the Pope only. For, as frō the king of Spaine, he speaketh not of any at all. And that which he telleth you of the Popes wordes to the Duke, doth plainly prooue and conuince (to euerie man that hath grace or wit) that if there were any such credit at al from the Duke to the Pope, or any such answere from the Pope to the Duke: they both were farre of a contrary sense and meaning from that, which this Author hath hi∣therto sought to persuade you.

For (sayth he) the Pope allovved vvell of the enterprise. was that, trowe you, an enterprise of rebellion? was that the enterprise of sacking London by stran∣gers? If the Pope could be thought to thinke it, yet being wise, and hauing counsell, it is not like, he would write it. If he would needs write it, yet he would not choose to write it first to the Duke of Northfolke, a stranger to him, &

a knowen Protestant from his educatiō.

Well, the Pope vvould vvrite (sayth he) to the king of Spaine to further it. Iudge thou Reader, whether that be like or not, that his Holines esteemeth his owne credit so litle with the greatest King in Chri∣stendome, that he would require him to further a rebellion, and to sacke a Citie of suche force, wealth, and renowne, them selues both being knowen to haue cōsu∣med both their money and men in the re∣pressing of the sundry rebellions, y^t haue bene moued vnder your Q. name & au∣thority by y^e very Authors of these Libels.

But now let vs suppose and put the case, that it were true (as we haue shewed it false) that there had bene a Messenger and letters of credit, and that the Pope had written, as this Author alleageth him: let vs see, what will follow and fall out thereof, if it had bene so, as till he better prooue it, we still affirme, that there was no such. Admitting therefore, [ 1] that thy selfe, good Reader, were fallen into the state that these two noble per∣sonages are in, as borne to a Kingdome, or other great possessions, expelled ther∣fro,

cast into prison, and so pursued, that no man at home durst shewe him selfe thy frinde, or to pitie thy case, and that thou haddest so many yeares indured that tea∣dious captiuity, and pi••yng prisonment, as they haue susteined, yea without co∣lour of cause by any law vpon earth: and withall, if thou diddest finde and forsee y^e maliciou•• machination, & daily contri∣••ing of thy finall destruction (whereof these Noble personages may iustly stand in doubt) and if thou were for al that not desperate to find a frind of countenance & credit, y^t with authority would & were hable to treate and speake in thy cause, if thou couldest finde meane to lament thy case vnto him: wouldest thou now thinke thy selfe indifferētly d••alt withal, if (after all meanes vsed at home without case or reliefe) for quiet & secret opening of thine vniust oppressiō, by mouth or by writing abrode, thou shuldest be accused of treasō, & by printed books defamed for a traitor?

Suppose also, thy selfe to be next heire to that Croune, or y^e chiefe Peere of that Realme, holding thy Q. there not only as thy Soueraigne by dutie, but as thy

mother, thy sister & neerest kinsewomā in al honour & affection: if now thou didst by secret meanes of credit, or letter lay open vnto y^e Pope and King (the chiefest Pa∣trons and most auncient Allies of that Croune) y^• miserable state, and desperate termes that thy Prince, thy Countrey & whole Nobilitie stand in at this daie, to∣gether with y^e infinite mischiefs & calami∣ties y^t all Countreis adioyning do taste & feele by the insolent gouernance thereof, taken in hand & ministred by one or two base & inferior persons: & withall diddest require the one and the other (by some meanes) to interpone them selues, to treate and traueil for y^e remedie of it, and by remouing of those vnworthy instru∣ments, to cure & recouer thy Q. appaired honour and fame, for y^• more securitie of her Dignitie and State, for restoring of her Nobilitie now contemned, to y^e esti∣mation of their predecessors, due to them by antiquitie of bludde and vocation, to preserue the Realme of England from vtter impouerishment, and all Prouin••s adioyning from infinite iniuries and spoyles: if thou (I saie) by creditte

of messenger, or otherwise, haddest in this maner treated the matter with those auncient frindes & Allies of thy Coun∣trey, how so euer perhaps those base fel∣lowes (whome it touched) might terme it treason, conspiracy, rebellion, or what they would els: had thy iust Prince, thy Countrey or Nobilitie any reason, to cō∣plaine, or to condemne thee therefore?

[ 3] Againe, put the case, Reader, that thy selfe being a Catholike Christian, robbed & spoiled of all thy temporall goods, and bereeued withal of all spirituall comfort, and so closely restrained, that neither for thy soules health after ••o many yeares vexation in sundry garboiles, nor for the necessary expenses of thy selfe, thy ser∣uants, nor of thy affaires, thou haddest wherewith to susteine or comfort thy bo∣dy or soule: if now thy credit or m••ssage were vnto those principall Princes, y^t in both thy necessities are (aboue all other) best hable to helpe thee for their succour and reliefe in these thine extremities, and diddest craue y^e cure of thy conscience at y^t hands of the one, and diddest commend thy selfe, thy State and Posteritie to the

fauour of the other, with petition of suc∣cour in money from both: if it were thus (I say) or any other like, what honest man could accuse thee thereof? Or what offense were it to any good Prince or well gouerned common Weale?

Thou maist not yet take me, good Reader, by these examples alleaged, that I acknowledge them to haue done any like thing. For verily I knowe not, that either they wrote or sent at all. But being very sure and assured, that if they did it, it was to no such ende, as these lying li∣belles do falsely pretende: I haue there∣fore shewed thee (for the better satisfactiō of euery honest and indifferent man) among many other that might be allea∣ged, these causes and occasions y^t might mooue them to write, but as examples: to shew how those letters of credit, that this obiector so precisely auoucheth, might be very well, very laufully, and honorably meant.

And let vs see, whether this supposi∣tion of mine doth not bett••r cōcurre and agree with the very words of the Popes answer, as this Author feineth them, then

with his owne bare and balde affirma∣tion.

The contents (sayth he) of the Popes letters to the Duke vvere, that he allovved vvell o•• the motion, and vvould vvrite to the King of Spaine to further the enterprise. &c. Which may be, a••d is moste like to be, by honourable, by iust and frindly meanes, to treate with your Q. for the libertie of those Noble Personages, for their restitution to their Estats, for your Q. better account of her Nobilitie, for her better knowing of those fewe base fellowes, that seduced her, and for lesse crediting them hereafter, for the better consideratiō of her owne Honour and fame, for some indemnitie for y^e Ca∣tholikes of that Realme to liue out of Schisme in the vnitie of the Church, as it is well knowen the Emperour Ferdi∣••ande, the Frenche and Spanish Kings did long sins treat with her for the same: & finally for some reliefe of money to sup∣plie their owne necessary affaires, whiles their owne reuenues are deteined from them, or for such other like purpose which might be very well allowed of, & cōmen∣ded by his Holinesse, though he had no

present money to spare for y^e cause allea∣ged. And can it in reason be obiected for a fault, if the Q. for her selfe, or y^• Duke for her, had required succour of money for y^e reliefe of her faithfull noble seruants and subiectes: whiles both they, and her selfe are so many waies iniuried and oppres∣sed, and all their owne wasted, burned and deteined from them?

Thus hauing reasoned a while with this Author, as if th•• most parte of his false affirmations had bene true, we haue leaft, I suppose, no materiall point in this accusation vnanswered, nor no in∣different man vnsatisfied. For his scoffes of perniciem, for Salutem, and his grace∣lesse termes of vngratious, for Gratious, and such like, I account not woorth the answering: holding few Readers for so simple, as that can be abused by so grosse a Rhetorike, either to thinke the men the worse, for so lewde a mans worde, or to imagine the Dukes perni∣cious state to rise by meane of the Pope or Bishop•• but that by these lewde de∣uises made to shift away t••e obloquie thereof fro the Authors of these Libells,

that haue so long persecuted them, doth plainly sh••w to euery wise man the guil∣tines of their consciences, that do see the fact so damnable: that faine they would transferre the blame and brute thereof from them selues, vnto the Pope and Bishop.

And as lewde a sophistrie vseth he, where he noteth, that bysides the letters (that he sayth, were sent and returned, to, and fro the Duke and Q.) he ioyneth in both this terme, others, both to haue sent, and receaued, &c. But in not expressing who, he plainly sheweth him selfe to meane, as before he did (in speaking of Heads and Conductours) that is to say, hereafter to deuise, who they shalbe, and to charge whom he list vvith being Heades and Con∣ductors &c. vvith sending of credit &c. and re∣ceyuing of letters from the Pope•• &c.

I passe ouer here, that the wise man forgetteth, to haue feyned some answer to haue come from the king of Spaine also, or from the Duke of Alua, whome M. Fl••etvvood ca••leth one of the Conspirators. But he would bylike either haue y^• Rea∣der to thinke y^t Nation to proude & vn∣courteous

to answere Prisoners letters: or ••ls not hauing matter ready forged, to feine to be writen by the King or Duke of Alua (of whome it would not be beleued, to saie they lacke money) he was loth to come forth with any other particularitie, for beeing y^e more manifestly deprehended with a lye: which he forseeth to be more easy to do, when he commeth to alleage things certaine and particuler, then while he lurketh in y^• confusion of general spea∣ches, and termes.

Nor I wil not deteine thee longer in encountring this Authors folie and ma∣lice against the Bisshoppe of Rosse: whose wisedome, constancie and fidelitie sufficiently commendeth him in the eyes and eares of al the world, for so faithful a subiect, and so trustie a seruaunt, as hath bene rarely found in this age: hauing not spared in this time of his Princes oppres∣sion, with her to o••fer and committe his person and life, to any trauaile or danger whatsoeuer.

But let vs for a worde or two examine, how vnable and insufficient al this whole tale is, to defame two suche Noble, wise,

and vertuous Personages in the opinion of any man, that hath wit or grace.

First, the Libels are many that are put out to defame them.

[ 2] The matters of the Libels are gene∣ral only and vncertaine, & without those necessary particularities, that are requisite to perswade credit.

[ 3] They are laied out with such odious termes, to ingender feare, and to threaten ruine, where nothing is, as plainly shew∣eth either al the whole to be forged, or of a Moldhil a Mountaine to be made. For euery man perceiueth, that the chief pur∣pose of these Libelles be, to discredite those Noble persons with the people, and to bring them into hatred and obloquie of the multitude. Which fourme of procee∣ding is knowen to euery man of expe∣rience, or con••ersant in Histories, to be the wonted entries and beginnings of al vnlauful enterprises, and by no practise allowed (in your Realme specially) where good matter hath serued, and the cause would beare it selfe.

16. It was also by the deuisers of these Rebellions and inuasions determined, that the Realme of Ireland should be assailed at the same time, thereby to weaken the Queenes Maiesties forces, or to diuert them from defense of her selfe and her good subiects.

THis lye, good Reader, is not much vnlike vnto the last, sauing that of the other, he seemed hable to feine some colour and pretense, whereby to couer yet a litle his falsehood and ma∣lice: but of this the honest man is able to deuise none at al. And although he would craftily dissemble, & passe ouer the name of him, by whome he meaneth Ireland should be assailed•• yet may not I forbeare to tel you plainely, that he meaneth the King of Spaine, whome by suche forged deuises they seeke to defame, and to bring in hatred likewise.

And behold the impudencie of these men, that, albe it they did this Sommer last past obiect the same to the King him self by expresse letters, and were foorth∣with so answered thervnto, that they had

not to replie with any colour of reason or truth: yet now they shame not to come foorth with the same againe, and care not how oft they lye, how lowd they lye, and wil so prepare withal, that they wil not be told they lie, least you should perceiue when they lye.

And it is worth the noting, how oft they roue in this maner at the King of Spaine, sometime vnder the name of the Duke of Alua, of the Low Countries, of foreine forces, and by such other speaches, as euery man may see, whom they meane, and yet this crafty child thinketh it po∣licie, to hide & forbeare his name, as wel for that he wanteth that couer to cloke his lye withal towards the King if he should haue named him) that he found out for the Pope (for no man would haue bele∣ued the excuse of want of money to haue bene pleaded by the King of Spaine) as also bycause he would haue a shifting and starting hole, ready to replie (with saying that he meant not the King) against any plai••e demonstratiō, that should be made to shew how falsely he belyeth the King.

How plaine a lye that affirmation

is, time it selfe hath sufficiently shewed, more then some yeares being passed, syns they pretended and said, y^t they had disco∣uered that intention in y^e King of Spaine: though heere the Authors shroud them∣s••lues vnder obscure & vncertain termes, such as shal admit no answere, that may come to issue or trial. For, by the deuisers (saith he) of this rebelliō it vvas determined, &c. Now who w••re the deuisers, he hath not yet shewed you: Ergo who determined this inuasion of Ireland, remaineth yet to be deuised and named by the Authors of the Libels at their next contemplatiue l••isure.

For who can denie, that if there had b••n any such intention, either in y^e King of Spaine, or in any other Prince, but that there haue ben for this ten yeres day together, many good times and apt op∣portunities to haue executed the same, by y^• sundry factions, seditions & rebellions, there moued yearly, & to this daie main∣t••ined, by and among themselues alone: not onely without al aide and succour of one man, or any money at al, but also without al comfort and courage from any

Prince liuing: yea without shew of any worde, any message, any letter, any ship, any boate, any Capitaine, any souldiar, any armour, or any pennie euer demaun∣ded towards it, that himself is able to al∣leage, as shamelesse as he is.

Now draweth this Author towardes his conclusion, and hauing spent the most of his matters that he dare affirme, and thereby eased but litle his stuffed stomake of that tough malice that lyeth there con∣geled against the Queene chiefely: he can not yet cont••ine from lasshing out some more vile and vaine lye•• against her, some lesse likely then the reast, and others of no weight, though they were as true, as they be false. And his owne litle rea∣son yet seruing him to see, that few or none wil beleue him: he wil not discredit his owne reputation, nor the honour of his Authors, with affirming these, as he hath done the reast, but would, that you should take some of these as credible re∣portes, you wotte not by whome, and some others as things that might be said, and may be said, rather then said yet, and

bylike her••after shalbe saied, as crimes yet vncre••ted, and not made nor deuised into their particular shape or fourme, but the confuse substance of them reasting yet only in the breastes of the Authors. For thus it foloweth.

17 Now were it best to leaue with these former branches: for it is credibly said, that this tree of treason and rebellion hath a number of other branches of the very like nature: that is, in deuising how the Scottish Queene should haue ben conueyed away, sometime by dis∣guising, sometime by plaine force and raising of rebellion, and so put to liber∣tie and proclaimed Queene of England ••nd Scotland: but to encrease the er∣rour of her stile, shee should haue ben proclaimed King and Queene of Eng∣land and Scotland.

IT is not onely now time, but it was high time, y^t you had ended this lewd talke, before you began it. But where you presuppose your former accusations

to be so wel set forth, that vpon them, as vpon things beleued, you thinke you may now procede and perswade what you wil bysides: you shal find, I weene, few wise men caried away with that wrong Rhe∣torike. The weight and consequence of the matter, the importance of the persons whom it toucheth, and the sequele of their credit or discredit, importing the whole Realme so much: it mnst be a very simple and weake witted man, that is leadde to beleue you in any thing you haue said yet.

And now if he wil limit his credit of that you are to saie, by the manifest falshood of that you haue said: then must you bring him some better proufes of your credible reportes, then you haue hi∣therto done of your naked affirmations. For by that you haue already said, it ap∣peareth, that whatsoeuer your owne ma∣licious inuention can deuise, whatsoeuer any Traitour, or Spie corrupt with mo∣ney can inu••nt, whatsoeuer any knowen e••emy list to forge or feine, whatsoeuer any lewd rascal or boye, neuer so base for flatterie can imagin, or whatsoeuer priso∣ner or poore soule for torment or for feare

can be forced to saie against the Queene and Duke: al is (for you) Text, Autho∣ritie, and Gospel inough, to publish, per∣swade, & to preach vpon, & at your mou∣thes must be taken for credibly reported.

Yet see, good Reader, the goodnes of God, that hath suffered the Diuel and this limme of his, so to be meashed and intan∣gled in their own turne•• & to ouerwhelme themselues so deepely in their owne ma∣lice, that their iudgement faileth them in discerning the errour of their own penne. For minding to shew now sundry other branches of the same tree of treason & re∣bellion (as he termeth it) that he beareth you in hand he hath shewed you already: the first of these new branches, which he pu••teth in the front (as it were) of his battaile, is so farre from treason, that it had ben neither felonie, nor trespace, if it hab ben executed, as himself saith it was deuised.

For, the Q. saith he, should haue ben con∣ueyed avvay by disguising, &. And had that ben treason, trow you? What y^e Lawyers of your owne Realme for feare or flattery wil saie, I am not very sure: but neither ••••

and violēce (which shee neuer assaied, nor thought to do) yet is there no man, I weene, so senselesse, to thinke, that if shee had by arte, or other frindly, or peac••able maner found, or set herself at libertie, that she could haue thought this Style & Ti∣tle that he speaketh of, to be commodious for her, or to tend to her securitie or quiet.

And ouer this, waying well, that al these accusations of his, reast and con∣sist only in deuises and deuisings (for no least thing sheweth hee, that was put in vre towards it) who wottes but himself, how largely this terme of deuising shal be str••tch••d and racked, where him selfe being per••lesse in authoritie, must be also the Iudge? And if by the reast that w••e already see, it be lauful to diuine of this: and if by, and vpon the apprehensions & imprisonmentes present, with the thicke thundring out of so many treasons, rebel¦lions, conspiracies (and I wot not what bysides) that these Libelles do so terribly threaten and diuulge, if by this we may coniectur•• the sequele to come: we must looke for none other, but that euery ima∣gination of the parties themselues, that

naturally aspire to freedome and personal libertie, and euery speache of compassion betwene frindes abrode lamenting the ca∣lamitie and hard state of these Princes, shal now be wrested and drawen to come within the compasse of this mans deuises and deuisings, and so (if his word may be law) shalbe made Treason & Rebellion.

For, for such (you see) he hath alrea∣dy published and condemned them, albeit himself confesseth, they proceeded no far∣ther then to deuise onely: & of their deui∣sing neither hath he any other proufe or witnes but his own bare & naked saying, that it is credibly reported: & that without shewing, either to whom, or by whom it is reported. So as the valour and credit of this accusation vttered only by a Robin Goodfellow, I leaue to the••, Reader, to way and esteeme.

18. It might be also reported, how her Sonne should haue ben stolen out of Scotland, to be sent into Spaine, with suche like deuises tending to mooue troubles in the Realme, that was, and yet is (thanked be God) quiet.

I wil not long trouble thee, good Rea∣der, with the answere of this, which he saith might be reported: least perhaps he wil saie, that he doth not affirme it to ha••e ben reported. His goodwil yet thou se••••t, tha•• wil leaue nothing vntold thee, that hims••lf deuiseth, nor that is otherwise reported: no••or y••t that, that might be reported, though it be not. Neither wil I occupie both thy time & mine owne, in laying forth the foli•• & malice of these Au∣thors, who to persecute stil these Noble Princes, spare not to vtter these friuolous speaches, that haue neither groūd to leane on, nor certaintie in themselues.

I shal therfore for y^e answer of this Pa∣ragraph, only praie thee to looke a litle into y^e mind & meaning of y^• Authors ther∣of, & to tel me, what it cōprehendeth & im∣plieth, y^t an intentiō of remouing y^e person of the Prince of Scotland into Spaine (if any such intent were) should be heere ac∣counted & brought in among y^e deuises of treason to Englād, & of mouing troubles vnto that Realme. If thou consider this point deepely, thou shalt smel and find out the stinking ratte, that lyeth yet hid∣den

betweene the benche and the wall. For, litle difference or none is there (if it be truely sifted) whether Spaine or France had the person of that Prince: vn∣lesse it be this, that through the great fac∣tions and ciuil seditions of the one, there may be some more hope of finding one meane or other, to destroy him in France, rather then in Spaine.

And he that remembreth the warres of Leeth in the yeare 1560. with the causes therof then pretēded & published in print, must plainly conclude, that they that now would beare you in hand, that the intentiō of sending the Prince of Scotland into Spaine, were in effect treason, & tēding to y^• trouble of England, must nedes meane, the sending of him into Frāce, to be much more preiudicial, & more clearely to tend to the motiō of troubles in your Realme: the Princes & Coūtries of Spaine being knowen to be y^e old Allies vnto y^e Croune of England, & contrarily y^e other accoūted y^e auncient enemies of y^e same. The treason therefore & troubles meane by these Au∣thors to be threatened to Englād, by th••s intention (if any such had ben) must ned••s

reast and consist in remouing the person of that yong Prince vnto the Countrey or custodie of any King, that is like and able to saue and defend him. For, to remoue him into England hath ben pardie euen by these Authors chiefly so long sought, so many waies practised, so violētly vrged & pressed: y^t euery man may see, the trauei∣lers therof would haue that taken neither for treason, nor tro••ble vnto y^• Realme.

But the mischieuous machination and final end thereof, neither by your Queene (as I suppose) nor by few others is yet knowen, sauoured, nor suspected. But plaine it is, that if the meaning thereof were for his securitie or aduanncement: this intention of sending him into Spaine (if euer it had ben thought) could not haue ben so offensiue to these men, as here (by betraying thēselues vnawares) they haue cōfessed it to be. For how can it possibly be thought, that the safety of the person and the aduancement of the state of that In∣fant, that is y^e borne Heire to any Croune, can be treason, or tēding to moue troubles to that Realme, which himself shal in suc∣cession enioy?

And they that haue already procured the murder of his father, the expulsion of his mother out of her Kingdome, y^e put∣ting of his bastard Uncle in possession of the same, y^e imprisonment of his mothers Roiall person for v. years almost fully complete, the persecution vnto death of all those that pitie her state, or wishe it better: and finally, that thus by open corruption of accusers, by subornation of false witnesses, by infinite numbers of namelesse Libells printed, do still follow and persecute both her Honour & fame, & (as they maie) disgrace her Rightes, & disprooue her Titles to al her States, with so many colourlesse lyes, false s••lan∣ders, odious crimes, and by wrested ar∣guments against law, to prepare & make readie the way to her finall destruction: and that now in the ende do pretende it to be treason, and to threaten troubles to England ••if it had bene meant) to put his person for safetie out of that Countrey, (where so many ciuil seditions and mu∣tuall murders for many years haue bene, and yet are dayly committed, raised and renewed) into the hands of that King,

that is best hable to defende him, that is the olde confederate of the chiefest States which he is borne to inherite, and that hath choice of daughters, for yeares and otherwise meete, to matche with him: can this (I say) be thought by any man that any wit hath, to be meant by these fellowes for the Princes safetie and secu∣ritie? Nay, but by this you may plainly see, that the Authors of these Libelles haue a farre other marke and ••nd in their eye, then they haue yet discouered.

19. And now it may be, that some will say, that many of these thinges are doubt∣full, and percase wrested in reporte, either by malice, or by ouermuch cre∣dulitie. But truely in such credible sorte are all the thinges aboue mentio∣ned with sundry others to me repor∣ted to be verie true, by such as haue cause to knowe them, and vse not to report vntruthes, as I do boldly auow them to be true.

IN this it appeareth, that the Authors inward & guiltie consciēce doth breath out & b••wray some parte of the secrets of his owne hart & knowledge: y^t testi∣fieth & telleth him, how litle credit wise men wil geue to al that he hath said. And if you marke his words well, you shall see, y^t him selfe vnwares doth not a litle diminish the credit of his owne speache. For albe it, he hath hitherto taken vpon him, flatly & firmely to affirme, al y^• chiefe & principall matters to be true & knowen truthes, as he termeth them: yet now here he commeth out, & calleth al the matters a••ore mentioned, to be but credible re∣ports. For they all came reported to him, he saith, in such credible maner &c. as that he doth boldely a••ow them to be true.

Now, how rotten a patche this is to botch vp y^• hole withal, I leaue to y^e Rea∣der to iudge. For what valor and weight y^t bare & naked auowing of an vnknowē Sprite or Hobgoblin amounteth vnto, who seeth not? being grounded only vpō the credit he hath in the reporters also vnknowen: whome he taketh for such men, as haue cause to knovve the truth, and be not vvoont (he sayth) to reporte lyes.

Untill therefore that it shal please this Robin Goodfellow, somewhat further to discouer him selfe vnto vs, in suche sor••e, that we may first knowe the man, and then his wisedome, honestie, credit, and conscience to be such, as that neither he will deceiue, nor can be deceiued: till then, I say, his wisedome must pardon vs, that still we take them, as we did be∣fore, for starke staring lies in effect euery woorde he hath spoken.

And be your selfe iudge, whether I haue reason thus to say, or no. For ad∣mitting that, which is moste likely: to witte, that they be this mans Authors & reporters of these lyes now, that haue ben the Authors and reporters of like lies here before: as for example:

• 1. that New hauen was taken but to the vse of the Frenche king, as to saue it frō the House of Guyse y^• meant to vsurpe it:
• 2. that the Duke of Guyse w••s cōming with great forces to conquere England:
• 3. that the Condie first, and the Admi∣rall sins, haue in euery battaille preuai∣led against the French king:
• 4. that by your Lottery in London no

• man should leese aboue two shillings & six pence, and greate numbers should winne large summes:
• 5. that the Prince of Orange shoulde driue the Duke of Alua out of Flanders:
• 6. that the king of Spaines mony was taken but to saue it from the Frenche:
• 7. that the Duke of Alua hath ben com∣ming with greate forces to conqu••re England:
• 8. that he and the Spanish Embassador were the causes of al the spoiles & robbe∣ries done vpon their owne Kings sub∣iectes:
• 9. that no Pyrates should be mantei∣ned in your Ports:
• 10. that the Queene of Scotl. was with childe by the Earle of Shrewsburie:
• 11. that a Portugal Physitiō should haue poisoned your Q.
• 12. that London should haue ben burned by certeine fellowes taken with balles of wilde fier about them:
• 13. that the King of Spaine had poiso∣ned his wife that now is:
• 14. that the Lords of Leicester and Bur∣ley should haue bene killed by the pro∣c••rement

• of the Spanish Ambassadors Stuard••: and infinite other suche like deuises, & preati•• stuffe published among you, and g••uen out, some by printe, some by Greate mens letters, and some by lewde mens mouthes, sent abrode with th••m, of purpose to fill your peoples ••ares, and to moue their affections as au∣thoritie would haue them: admitting, I saie, that those men that for these ten or twelue yeres past haue bene the Authors and reporters of these, and suche other pretie deuises, were also this mans Au∣thors and reporters of this like stuffe, that he bringeth vs now: then hath the Author of this Libell litle gained, nor amended the credit of these his Accusa∣tions, by t••lling vs, that th••y come from suche mouth••s (and from mouthes of greater Authoritie they can not come) but rather h••th holpen me to the dispro∣uing of all that him selfe hath said, by this allegation of suche Authors and Reporters as haue tolde so many things before, alr••ady discouered to be so gr••at ly••s and manif••stly fals••.

20. And if they shalbe found otherwise, than it is likely, that somme of the Q. Maiesties Counsel wil cause them to be reprehended: who vpon this my wri∣ting shall reporte them, and thervpon I will patiently suffer correction for my hasty credit. For it is most likely, that such matters of Estate as these are, will not be suffered to be communica∣ted without reprehension.

WHen this Author wrote this, either he thought, that none should come to see his boke, y^t by reading or practise had any vnderstanding in worldly policie: or els, to blinde & abuse the simpler sorte (which ar•• the greater number) he was content for the preiudice of these Noble Princes, to lay shame aside, and willingly to yelde himself, by the wiser sort (y^t are th•• fewer in number) to be accounted both false, foolish, and malicious without measure.

For his reason brought foorth in this Paragraph (whereby he would proo••e, and beare the Readers in hand, that it is likely, that somme of the Counsell vvould re∣prehend

the reporters of these matters, if they vvere not true) is as poore a clout to patche vp the hole, as the other was before, and the plaine contrary ouer well knowen to be the likest thing that may be, according to that was tolde you at first: Lyes must euer be mainteined by lying.

For, by his owne words not six lines before, if you haue marked them, it is pro¦bably gathered, and by his other words within twentie lines following, mani∣festly prooued: that of y^e Counsel they be, of whome this man hath receiued his in∣formations, & instructiōs, if not immediatè at their owne mouthes, yet by suche meanes as he is assured, y^t the matter co∣meth from some of y^t authoritie. For he said (if you remember) that he receiued the reportes by such, as had cause to knovv the mat∣ters, and vse not to reporte vntruthes.

whiche ioyned and layed together with his present wordes, that call these matters, matters of State, and with the last words of his booke, that do affirme the Lordes of the Counsell in the Sta••re chamber, to haue said to the Maior and his Bretherne the same in effect, that him self hath said here these

speaches of his, I say, being laied toge∣ther, do plainly conuince him of a false & crafty dissimulation, in pretending here, as though the Counsell were so little of his couns••l in writing of these, that they would reprooue him, if he had written vntruely•• whereas he being in deede set a woorke by some of them, to write as he hath done: what likelyhood is there of any reprehensiō by them for what so euer he hath written, being by consent or cō∣maundement of some of them selues?

For proofe whereof, to whome (I pray you) are matters of State orderly dis∣couered, but first to the Counsellers, and after by them to suche others, as they thinke meete to diuulge them abrode?

Then this mans Reporters being such, as did know these matters of Sate: what oth••r can they be, but either some Counsellers them selues, or such others, as in those matters they haue made Coū∣s••llers for the time?

Againe, they being such, as vse not to tell vntruthes, must needes insinuate, y^t they be persons of more then cōmon a••¦thority. For vpon meane mens mouthes

there is no suche warrant woont to be made by any wise man.

Adde vnto this the small likelyhood, that either the Writer or Printer of this lewde Libell (that seeme to be persons but of base vocation) would or durst en∣daunger them selues, with publishing such matters of State, and of such impor∣tance, if they were not sure of good au∣thority to backe them: in this time spe∣cially, when the searches are so straight, & the penaltie so sharpe, for any least thing vttered by writing, printing, or by word, otherwise then Authoritie would.

Againe, behold how long it is, sins the first of these Libells haue bene in print commonly solde: how daily new and mo do freshly come foorth to confirme y^e for∣mer: how all come without name of Ma∣ker, Printer or Priuilege, or ••erus••d ac∣cording to your owne Consti••utions, & all sold without controlm••nt: and with what seueritie likewise all books, al wri∣tings, yea all speaches and words, that might answer the same, or shew you any 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••e ••orbidd•••• holden and kept backe from you, yea and your owne eares and mouthes locked and shutte vp mutually

among your selues, from speaking or hearing of any thing contrary to that, that these Libels geeue out.

Lastly, ioine vnto this, the knowen experience testified ••y Stories for time past, and witnessed still by daily practise, that there neuer wanteth in any common Weale such petit odde fellowes, as this Scogan R. G. is, that are ready alwaies by words, or by writing, to blase and set foorth, what so euer any persons of au∣thoritie would haue for the time spread & beleued amōg the vulgar sorte: yea many times without the knowledge or consent of the chiefe Prince or Magistrate, as most of these are, I verily beleeue.

And these points now laid ••ogether & well considered, hath not this wise man said much, trow ye, for the credit of these his sclaundero••s lies, by bearing you in hand, that some of the Counsel vvould reprooue his reporte, if it vvere not true? when him selfe (you see) by the verie processe of his matter hath vnwittingly discouered, that some of that authority were his Authors and Reporters: and commō practise hath testified, that some of great credit, are al∣waies

setters of such Botchers a worke.

And by this, be thy selfe iudge (Rea∣der) what a Scogan this is, that (hauing hitherto borne thee in hand, that the prin∣cipall cause of his writing was for feare, least seditious mouthes would make fals•• and sclaunderous repor••s, to serue the appetites of the euill disposed) doth now plainly shew him selfe here, to be the chiefe soother of some in Authority, & the seditious sclaunderer of y^e principall persons among your people: to serue the appetites of some of so great credit, as know the secrets of State matters, and be no more s••eldome woont to lye, then wicked Sprites be woont to say true. But then he goeth foorth, and say••th.

21. On the other side, if they be true, as I haue reported, and yet not fully y∣nough reported than time wil shortly enlarge and confirme them, when her Maiestie shall cause the parties now imprisoned to answer openly thereto, by order of her lawes, as there is no doubt she wil obserue to all maner of subiects that course, that hitherto she hath done•• &c.

NAy, good Syr, that shift will not serue you neither, to wynne cre∣dit to those your incredible lyes. For whoso beholdeth y^t presidēts past of vniust Conuictions, and Attain∣ders passed among you, shall see, that a forme & apparence of orderly proceeding by law sufficeth not alwaies to make the sentence perfect in euery part. The lamē∣table memory of the vniust ouerthrow of many noble Families of your Realme, is yet so fresh and new, that few now (being of mature yeares) can be ignorāt of them. Of whome if I should here geeue you the seueral names, and causes pretended against them: these Authors (I dare say) would (for many of them) agree and say with me, that they were vnworthely cō∣demned, though they wanted not a shew of conuiction by law. And though they would not for stubbernes graunt me so much, yet will the late restitutions made by Queene Mary of so many Noble Fa∣milies, so amply testifie al crimes geeuen in euidence against prisoners, not to be alwayes neither so grieuous in nature, ••or so sufficiently prooued, as the con∣d••mnation

of the person doth sometime seme to inferre: that it were here both vaine and lost labour, and might be also offensiue, to vse any particular nomina∣tion of them.

And take me not here, good Reader, to condemne or disalow your lawes, your Iudges, nor your ordinary forme of pro∣ceeding in those cases: but that I confesse and graunt them to be as ciuile, as poli∣tike, as well ministred and executed, and as seldome to erre, as commonly y^• lawes of any other Countrey••s. But often it happeneth euery where, & namely among you it hath chanced also, that by y^e wants and defects, either of the partie accused (that sometime is not hable to answere for him selfe with that aduātage, that his cause doth allow him) or by some errour in the inferiour ministers (that to satisfie Authoritie doe sometimes make great shew of smal things) or by y^e error of the Prince (y^t is somtimes inuegled to thinke woorse of his subiect, then he hath deser∣ued) or by the plaine malice of some in Authority (that for some practise, or re∣uenge do sometimes procure and suborne

false accusations to be forged & testified): by these meanes, I say, & by many other such like, it happeneth oftē, y^t the law hath his due course and forme of orderly pro∣ceeding in such sorte, as the ordinary mi∣nisters (being innocent of the malice and fraude) haue not to answer to God, nor man for any iniustice, and yet the partie condemned hath plaine iniurie & wrong.

And therefore what so euer shadow or showe the face of orderly proceeding in these matters maie fortune to geeue: yet shall these vile lies and forged sclaun∣ders be neuer the truer, the more confir∣med, nor the better beleeued by any wise or honest man, sins there are so many waies and meanes, how euill men may, and often doe, by arte and fraude, abuse & peruert the name & Authoritie of Iu∣stice and Law: specially where there is ministred before hand, vnto e••ery man, so many manifest occasions of suspicion, yea and plaine proofe of false dealing, as in these cases are seene. For, who can looke for any vpright triall, or sin∣ce••e proceeding towardes those par∣ties, against whome are vsed before

hand such vnwoonted and extraordinary practi••es, to sclaunder, to defame and belye them, and to bring them into ha∣tred and discredit, as neuer hath bene vsed against knowen and guilty offen∣ders?

And ouer this, marke well, good Reader, how God hath permitted the Author of this Libell in these woords (vnwares•• I dare say) to shew him selfe either so foolish, that no wise man ought to beleeue him, or so false, that no honest man can credit him in none of all these matters heretofore reported by him. Remembring therfore, y^t in the ninetenth Article he tolde you, that all these matters came to him so credibly reported &c. and spea∣king still of all, here he telleth you, that he hath not fully ynough reported them: in this, I say, marke you well, what he confes∣seth against him selfe.

If he haue not fully ynough reported the matters, that he hath spoken of: it must be graunted, y^t his reports of them do want some part requisite for a report, either in respect of y^e thing reported, or in regarde of them, to whome the reporte is made.

If the defect therefore be in respect of the persons, to whome he writeth: that is to saie, that his reportes are in such manner laid foorth, as are not fully ynough to make his Readers perceiue his meaning: then you see his grosse folie and lacke of witte, to vtter his mind fully ynough.

If it be (as al mens writings are) ful∣ly ynough for some, but not fully ynough for al: then you see his grosser folie, that calleth this not fully ynough, whiche is fully ynough, as commonly any mannes writings are. For neuer man wrote so fully, ye wotte, as coulde satisfie euery man. If the defect be (as I plainly con∣clude it is, and you haue seene proued) in the nature of the thing it selfe: that is to saie, that his reportes doe lacke those ne∣cessary parts, that a report ought to haue, as truth & certaintie of y^e matter reported, and a good warrant & foundation for y^• re∣porter to speake vpō: then may you see his fals••hod & malice more then fully ynough.

Once graunted it is by himselfe, that fully ynough they are not reported: and a reporte neuer so brief, conteining truth, matter certeine, and hauing a lauful Au∣thor,

is sufficient ynough for the common number of wise and honest men. For no man is bound further to enlarge his re∣port, then truth & certaintie doth require, nor to satisfie euery man.

These wordes of his owne then, you see, do plainly conuince and conclude, that either these reports be al false, vncertaine, and ill grounded in more or in lesse, (and than plaieth he the very Dauie, to thinke and saie heere, that they are not yet fully ynough reported, which you haue seene proued to be to much by altogether) or els the very Sot, to cal that not fully ynough reported, that is fully ynough for the pur∣pose it is vttered for and euery way more than fully ynough, beeing false in euery parte.

Synce I wrote this, I am the more em∣boldened to thinke al these things true, for that this present day the Lord Maior of the Citie of London with a number of his Brethren were at the Starchāber with the Q. Maiesties Councel: where I vnderstood by the reporte of some of them, that heard what was said by the Councel to them concerning the pre∣sent

case of the Duke of Norf. that the substance of al, that is by me before reported, is very true, with muche more, &c.

THis Author hauing now eased som∣what his loden stomake towardes these Princes, by vttering of these vnsauerie and filthy forged lyes to their infamie & confusion (as he hopeth) is come at length to the end & conclusion of his spiteful poysoned Pamphlet, for whose credit he leaueth no way vnassaied.

For hauing vttered those argumentes and reasons, that he hoped might induce the multitude to beleue him: yet his owne guiltie conscience doth put him in feare (you see) least his falsehood should be to easy to be discouered, & therefore he fleeth now at last (as you may perceiue) & cra∣ueth refuge of the wing of Authoritie. Whose owne woordes yet (if you marke them wel) doe plainly shew, that himself hath but euen s••ant credit in them: how often soeuer he hath affirmed and repea∣ted them to be knovven, and vvel knovven, and credibly reported, &c.

For in this Paragraph, rehearsing that by the relation of the Lordes in the Starre Chamber, made after this Libel was written, he was the more embolde∣ned to beleue them: he sheweth, that his owne belief of them was but weake, when he wrote them: and fearing, least other men would beleeue them as weakely as himselfe, he shifted to this shore, whiche (God wotte is to weake to vpholde him in the iudgement & consideration of them that either be of ••xperience, or haue bene conuersant in Histories, which are ful of such Orations, Declamations, Protesta∣tions, & Persuasions made in such pub∣lique places and presences, pretending to the people a terror of one mischief neither looked for, nor thought on, thereby to co∣uer an other, and farre greater, not ripe to be reuealed.

Pervse your owne Stories of King Richard the third his vsurpation of the Croune, and murdering of his Brothers children, with diuers other vnlauful at∣temptes, that haue passed in that Realme, when one hath intended to compasse the displacing of a•• other from his Dignitie

and State. And behold the sundry smooth tales, that for contriuing thereof, haue bene publikely told both in the Starre and Checker Chambers, in the Yeld hall, and in other great presences: and thereby shal you see, not only that this Authoritie helpeth nothing the credit of these lewde lyes, but rather contrarily, y^t the extraor∣dinary publishing of them in such places, doth geue manifest suspicion, and dimi∣nish their credit. Suspicion, I say, of a farre fouler thing to be intēded & at hand, and sheweth euidently, that in the matter vttered and pretended, there is litle truth or rather none at al.

For short and plaine proufe whereof, (if any thing may suffice to proue it vnto thee) resort but vnto this. Did either the Queene or Duke, when they were free in their owne Dominions, by any least acte, attempt the disturbance of your Q. or no? If they did, shew it. If they did not, then proceede. Is the Q. of Scotl. expulsed out of her State, or no? Thou seest shee is. Was Ieames the Bastard set vp to vsurpe her Dominion in the Infantes name, o•• no? He was. Was Lyneux after him,

& ••ar after Lyneux, sent & suborned to do y^• same, or no? It cannot be denied. Were thei al three w^t pensions frō Englād, with ready money, with forces of men & muni∣••ion, procured, encouraged, & mainteined therein, or no? It is wel knowen to be so. Had the Q. of Scotland, by Ieames his cōmaundement ben murdered in Lough∣leuen, if your Q. had not letted it, or no? Your Q. & her Catilines can tel, and this libel in one place insinuateth no lesse. Did Ieames y^• Bastard determine to murder the Infant Prince, or no? Let the Lordes of Grange and Hume yet liuing testifie, vnto whome Ieames moued the matter, when they were of his partie: and who for that cause desisted from him, and leaft his faction. Are both the persons of the Q. of Scotland, and the Duke of North∣••olke, deteined close prisoners by your Queenes name and Authoritie, and in the handes of hers, or no? Their presence among you sheweth. Hath the one ben so, for foure yeares almost, and the other, for two yeares ful, before these forged trea∣sons were surmised against them, or no? Let the dates of their seueral imprison∣mentes

be conferred with the date of this Libel, and let that speake. Haue they had good meane in prison to molest your Queenes quietnes, that founde none, when they were free? Let common in∣tendment be iudge. Or if any had bene offered them, is it likely, they would at∣tempt it, whiles they were close priso∣ners, and their li••es stood vpon it? Let their knowen wisedomes and common presumption speake.

This then being their present estates vnknowen to no man, behold now what these publike & extraordinarie speaches in y^• Starchamber & Yeldhal, before such as∣semblies, & these vnwonted Libels publi∣shed in print to defame and accuse them of cōspiring Rebelliōs, of inducing Stran∣gers, of sacking London, and of compe∣tencie with your Q. for her Cronne: be∣hold, I say, what this must inferre, and doth implie. Is any man so grosse of ca∣pacitie, that he seeth not whervnto it ten∣deth?

If the •••• fame of euery common pri∣soner be a shrewd euidence vnto his Iu∣rie, and a meane to furder him towardes

the galowes: what must this purposed & prepensed defamation of these Princes in prison promise and portend?

I conclude therefore, that these Star∣chamber talkes, and Yeldhal orations, do so litle aduance the credit of those slaun∣derous lies: that to euery wise man (that considereth by the Stories, what haue ben the sequeles of suche vnwonted actions) they manifestly conuince them to be for∣ged and feined: and do bring withal pre∣gnant suspicion, of a further desperate in∣tention, to be hidden and couered therein.

And now, good Reader, consider wel, I beseeche thee, what thou hast heard and seene on both sides. Waie the difference betwene wordes and dedes, and kepe the eyes of thy minde firmely fastened, rather vpon the truth, the reason, the proufes & likelyhodes of that, which is said by mine aduersarie or mee: then vpo•• the bold∣••es of the affirmation, the Authoritie of the Speaker, or the first face of the endes and sequeles, that may fortune to ensew. For it is to be ••resumed, that persons in Authoritie ••a••ing thus farre intruded themselues into so publike and important

a Tragedie, will not take a foile in their owne imagination, whose blood so euer it cost therefore.

The number of the prisoners, you knowe, is great: and therefore great dif∣ference of natures like to be found among them, some weaker then others, and one subiect to that, whereof an other is free. Authority carieth in her hand (as it were) all hope and feare, all paine and reward. Such as can not be wonne by feare nor paine, may yet be seduced by flattery or gaine. Torments haue bene tried, as the voice goeth: and subornations shall not want, as hath bene well prooued. False arts and treachery to deceiue the simple and plaine, haue bene so frequently prac∣tised with persons of lesse importance, y^t among these no man can looke for lesse.

Harde it were therefore, if among so great a number none should be founde, y^• by paine or feare, by hope or by fauour, by flattery or simplicitie, haue bene sedu∣ced, allured, nor constrained to say this or that, of him selfe or of others. The malice borne towards them is euident, y^• crimes obiected against them, obscure and not

likely. I haue good reason therefore, to speake in their defense, whiles nothing is passed, y^t cōuinceth them: nor nothing pro¦ued, y^t bindeth me to thinke them guiltie.

It is possible, that hereafter some of them may be cōdemned in forme of Law. For where such arts haue bene vsed to sclaunder and intrap them, no lesse can be looked for. And yet y^t ought not in reason to minish the credit of that I haue said, hauing hitherto said no further for them, then as mine Aduersaries false accusatiōs in defense of the trueth hitherto knowen, haue moued and drawen me. Which con∣sisting in hearsaies, reports, and in y^t bare words of an unknowen Author: I haue answered with facts, with reasons and probable consequences, that giue to them selues more credit & authority, then any mannes name y^t could be put vnto them.

And if the Duke shall fortune here∣after vpon any other matter here not touched, or vpon the same inforced aboue the iust desert (as sometime it happeneth) or through the suttle practise and malice of his enemies (as to his Noble Father and Grandfather it chanced) to be by ver∣dict

or Parliament found otherwise, then I heere defend him to be: acknowledge thou, the true ground and cause thereof to be (as in deede it is) the mercifull hand and visitation of God, now laid vppon him, as than it was vpon them: not for the causes pretended against the one, nor the other (in the sight of God, that seeth all truth) not for the breache, I meane, of their allegeances against their seuerall Soueraignes (to whome in all loialty & affection, neuer were they, nor this found inferiour to any) but rather cōtrarily for their ouermuch adoring of the same, for making their earthly Princes their Gods in this world. He his Q. Elizabeth, and they their King Henry, whome (it may b•• presumed) they looued, feared, and ser∣ued more zelously, then they did their King and Creatour of heauen and earth, not sticking for satisfiyng the one, to offende the other. They by conforming them selues (for pleasing their King) to his inordinate appetite and affectiō some waies that might be remembred: namely of his intrusion into y^e Spiritual Prima∣cy, which neuer Christen King attempted

b••fore him. And this, by conforming him selfe (for pleasing of her) to be made a principall instrument in her creation of a Feminine Primacy in y^e Church of God, which neuer Christian Q. attempted be∣fore her.

And for which, who so euer shall ac∣knowledge the wonderfull wisedome of God to haue prouided, that that King her Father, and this Q. his daughter, should render and yeeld one like paiment and reward to this Grandfather, Father and Sonne, for a manifest and mercifull admonition, of them selues principally, (to shew them their own errour ••or their reformation) and of all others, that may take benefite of their example: shal make a frut••full and profitable construction thereof: and the same, I doubt not, that Gods grace shall moue this Du••e to make to him selfe, to his owne great comfort for the time he hath to liue here, and to his eter∣nall felicitie af∣warde.

The Second Parte.

AND hauing now answe∣red al the cruel accusations of this Libell, in such sorte, as who so hath either ho∣nestie, wit, or grace, & maie be suffered to reade it, shal finde him selfe, I trust, amply satisfied therwith, & shall plainly ynough see the deadly malice, and impudent vanitie of them: to cleare yet the same the more euidently to al sights, and to shew the innocēcie of those Noble Princes more eminently then the Sonne at noone daies, by vnbuckling & lifting vp (as it were) the visards and veiles of th••se Machiauel Catilines, that like Ro∣bin goodfellowes would walke vnseene and abuse the worlde with idle feares, whiles them selues might freely finish th••ir determined mischiefes: I shal now (as in the beginning I promised) some∣what open and touch vnto you the very true grounds and causes, why all these false accusations, sclaunderous surmises,

and colourlesse lyes are so impudently forged, fained, and laied out to the world.

The marke and finall ende, whereof is to your Realme the most dangerous Treason, that can be imagined to any cō∣mon Weale, and the plats and practices vsed to bring y^• same to passe, do likewise conteine as monstruous, as v••naturall, & as dangerous Treasons against your Prince, as can be deuised, and are already so farre set forward, and so many of them put in vre, that the ende and intentiō be∣ginning by them to breake out ••to some of deepe insight) more soone, then the cōtri∣uers would ha••e it: these false feares are therefore like flasshes of lightning terri∣bly thundred out vnto you, to abuse your Q. to blinde your people, and to deceiue the world, by making you all to fix your ••i••s and min••s vpon those fained fanta∣sies: and thereby not only to holde you from espiyng and cōsidering the treasons that are in deede euery daie vnder the name of good seruice committed among you, but also fi••ely by those pretenses, to re••ooue and weede awaie those princi∣p••ll persons, that they fors••e like to be

impediments to their finall intention: which (as the deuisers thinke) remaineth yet secrete in the heads and harts only of themselues, being those two, that by other mens pennes doe persecute these Princes, as the Principall obi••cts likely to frustrate their pestilent purpose.

And bycause it is not commonly seene, that one Traitor accuseth and persecuteth an other, but that such doe defende and mainteine ech other: if I shal now shew and open vnto you, that these two En∣glish Catilines (whom all you know to be the principall persecutours of these Princes, and the priuie publishers of these Pamphlets) are them ••elues y^• chief offenders in deede, guiltie and culpable of those crimes, of which they accuse the other, and of greater also, if greater may be: it shall serue, I suppose, to good pur∣pose (bysides the declaration of the inno∣cencie of these Noble persons) for your Prince and Nobilitie. Whereby they may see, and in time prouide for the pre∣uention of the terrible treason finally in∣tended against them both, and the whole Realme: and may serue also, to admonish

your Q. not ouer long to endure those practises of abusion of her selfe: lea••t they shalbe so farre ronne, before she resist them, that the Canker growen of them may be incurable.

And when I shall haue proued, and made plaine vnto you, that these two Macchiauelles for their owne priuate ad∣uauncement haue practised, and do daily contriue, not only the wresting & diuer∣ting of your Croune from that course, race, and line, in which y^• Lawes of your Countrey (concurring with all lawes of Nature and Nations) haue established and settled it, but also for the same pri∣uate Auarice & Ambition of their owne, haue circumuented your Queene, indan∣gered her State, steined her honour, op∣pressed her people, impouerished the Realme, and procured infinite perils to depende ouer the same, if they be not in time preuented, for preference only of their owne priuate policie: when this, I saie, shalbe prooued vnto you, I shal then leaue the determination of the weight & qualitie of those crimes to your Queenes consideration, and to the iudgement of

your Lawiers, and shall therevnto con∣forme mine owne opinion, how so euer I terme them here for the time.

And for as much as it were somewhat absurde, to thinke that treason lighter & lesse odious, that (being couered with the title of seruice and affection) is not mi∣strusted, espied, nor prouided for, then y^t, which being open and apparent, may be resisted and defended: I haue thought it meete, not to pretermit some briefe insi∣nuation of a few of those infinite circum∣uentions and abusions, by which your Prince hath bene already deceiued, to her owne detriment & preiudice, vnder those titles of duetie and seruice, for seruing in deede the priuate turnes of those two Machiauellians: who (not all vnlike to Ulysses & Synon the Greekes) to make themselues & their faction lordes of your new Troy, haue forged a new faction, fraught as full of mischieuous meanings to your Priame now, as euer was the bulke of their woodden horse, to the Tro∣ianes than. And that donne, I shall turne to touch a little the festered Car∣buncle, that li••th yet vnperceiued, ranck∣ling

in the hartes and breasts of those Coniurators.

No man will denie, I suppose, that at the death of Q. Marie the face and au∣thority of that Realme being wholy Ca∣tholike, and all the gouernmēt, treasures, and forces thereof reasting in the hands, order, & direction of the Catholiks alone, their partie also being infinitely the mightiest and strongest for number, for wealth, for credit, for force, & euery other way, and the party Protestant so base and low, y^t few or none appeared to be of that Factiō: your Q. was than with as great honour, quietnes, & vniformitie of mind, by all sortes brought vnto her Croune, settled, & established in her Roiall seate, & with as great assurednes, as euer came any of her Progenitors to the same.

That she found also the whole face of y^• common Wealth settled & acquieted in y^e auncient Religion, in which, & by which all Kings and Q. of that Realme, from as long almost before the Conquest, as y^e Conquest was before her time, had liued, raigned & mainteined their States, & the terrible correctiō of those fewe that swar∣ued

from it so notorius, as no man could be ignorant of it. As king Iohn without error in Religion, for contempte only of the See Apostolike, plaged with y^e losse of his State, til he reconciled him helfe, and acknowledged to holde his Crowne of y^e Pope: king Henry the viij. likewise with finding no ende of heading & hanging, til (with y^e note of tyranny for wasting his Nobilitie) he had headed him also, y^t pro∣cured him to it. And than sought his re∣conciliatiō, & had obteined it, if death had not preuēted him. The two dukes also, of Somerset & Northumberlād (thought not in name, yet kings in effect for their short times) w^t their owne lamētable ruines, by cōtending to passe y^• vnpassable bottōlesse gulfe, that findeth no shelfe nor shore, but either their owne infamous death by the way y^t attēpt it: or infidelity, Barbarisme and Turkish slauery to their Contrey in short time folowing: as Afrik, Grece, Bo¦heme, & Hungary haue tasted & do testifie.

That she found likewise all the great Princes and Countreies adioining vnto her, as Spaine, France, Flanders and Scotl. in the same Religion settled and

vnited with her, and shee with them, as children al of one Mother the Catholike Church, by professing one faith and one fourme of Religion: which carieth with it an amitie of such force and effect (as ex∣perience teacheth) that where the Reli∣gions are diuers, the frindship is weake, and continueth neither long, nor firme.

That than shee stood free and indiffe∣rent, to make her owne choice, without preiudice to herself, to be serued by al her subiectes equally, and was by no feare of any detriment to herself tyed to any: nor forced to vse one more then an other, but as their habilities deserued, and as her pleasure was to chuse.

Againe, that being in this maner free∣ly entred, and quietly possessed in her seat, by the death of her Sister, the chief of these two Machiauellians than of meane state, and out of credit, whose ambition endu∣red not to abide the time of her calling, intruded himself by preoccupation into her presence and seruice, some few daies before the death of her Sister: & (to winne credit of wisedome) suggested vnto her certaine false feares, and colourlesse su∣spicions

against the chief of her Sisters Counsel, and therby obteined fauour: and finding that he had a yong Ladie in hand, that was vnexpert in matters of State, of a deepe wit, and timorous nature, and thereby easily made suspicious, sone cir∣cumuented by them that could cunningly abuse her, conformable to them that shee trusted, and that promised, with securitie, her ease and disburdening of the care of her weighty affaires: he induced foorth∣with, a confederate of his owne (by birth more base then himselfe, neerly yet allied vnto him, & in heresie more feruent then he) into such credit and confidence at first, that foorthwith was remooued the most vpright Prelate and incorrupt Iudge of Europe, to aduance this second Synon, the most knowen Briber of al the Isle of Britanie, to giue him the chief place and Dignitie of that Realme vnder herself.

This being than the state and condi∣tion, in which your Prince, a yong Ladie, and sole Uirgin, without helpe of Hus∣band entered & was setled in her Croune and Dominion, & toke to her seruice this couple of Counsailers: I shal now shew

you (folowing y^e Metaphors of mine Ad∣uersaries) for their imaginatiue Tree y^t no man can see, a stincking Tree of Treasons plāted in dede, w^t some of y^e crooked bran∣ches & vnsauery frutes, y^t it hath already spred & brought furth. And bewray I shal also y^t Hen, that hath laied mo eggs then a few, both in y^t North, and in the South, in the West, and East parts, & in euery corner through out your Realme, of Treasons, that stand not (as mine Aduersaries pre∣tended treasons do) in sayings, ••urmises, deuises, and reports: but in dooings, in fac••s, and in common knowen actions, of which no man iustly shal pleade ignorāce.

Your Q. therfore resting & reposing her self (now beginning to raigne) chiefly vpō the cōsidence and counsel of these two new broumes newly brought in, & sweeping al cleane, as they semed: you wil not deny, I suppose, but y^t she was wrought & seduced (against her owne affection than, & against the aduise both of her Nobilitie, & faithful oldest seruants, forthwith to intrude into the Spiritual Dominion, and to vsurpe to her selfe the chiefe Ecclesiastical Iurisdic∣tion, to change the Religion both in sub∣stance

and shew, to set vp a new Partie & Faction, with the reiection of the former y^t she found: & so consequently frō time to time after, to prosecute & follow y^e same than begonne, by what so euer els apper∣teined therevnto, and was by those two thought meete, for y^t maintenance therof.

And this is it, that I cal y^e Stem, the Stocke, & body of the Tree of Treasons, y^t spredeth & bringeth foorth y^e Branches & frutes, of which I shal herafter entreat: in which Stem & Trunke (being rotten at hart, hollow within, & without sound substāce) hath our spiteful Pullet laied her vngracious egges, mo than a few: & there hath hatched sundry of them, and brought forth Chickēs of her owne feather, I war∣rant you. A Hen I cal him, as wel for his cackeling, ready & smoth tung, wherein he giueth place to none) as for his depe & sut∣tle arte in hiding his Serpentine Egges from cōmon mens sight: & chiefely for his h••̄nish hart & courage, which twise alrea∣dy hath ben wel proued, to be as base & de∣iect at y^e sight of any storme of aduerse for∣tune, as euer was Hennes hart at the sight of a Fox. And had he not bene by his

Confederate, as with a dunghil Cocke, troden as it were, and gotten with egge: I doubt, whether euer his Hennish hart ioined to his shrewde witte would haue serued him, so soone to put the Q. greene and tender state in so manifest pe∣rill and aduenture.

And that thus she was induced to doe without cause or neede for her owne parte, let it be considered, that neither the Pope, nor other Prince, Papisticall sub∣iect, nor none els, at home, nor abrode, had any way attempted any least practise against her, neither for her succession be∣fore she came to the Croune: to vnquiet her entry, when she should come to it: nor to disturbe her, when she was in it: nor no least murmur, grudge, nor want of satisfaction, founde in any of her people, that might, ••eeue colour or shadow o•• feare, or mistrust.

And withall, let it be remembred, that to vphold and mainteine her in the course and trade of the olde Religiō of her Pro∣genitours, which she found established (against any attempt of Heretikes, that by example of Her Sisters molestations

might be mistrusted) shee found assured, and had in a readines both the same peo∣ple at home, & the same Princes abrode: that euen than lately and freshly had mi∣raculously (it must be so confessed) recoue∣red and wroong it out of the iawes, as it were, & power of the heretikes, that be∣fore by tyrannie possessed and oppressed it, and that with an euident demonstration of Gods special fauour, and allowance of that Religion.

For syns it can not be denied (by them that in their heartes acknowledge any God) but that God more respecteth the right Religion, the true faith, & the soule of man, than he doth the earth of y^e Coun∣trey, the bodies of the people, or their lay and ciuil gouernance: Law also & Reason telling vs, that the chief intētion of euery Act must be presumed and deemed to be for the principal sequeles and effectes that fo∣low it: and euery man seeing, that the chiefe & most effectuall consequence of Q. Marie•• miraculous cōming to y^e Croune, was y^e restitution of y^e old Religiō: it must necessarily be concluded, y^• more for y^• Re∣ligions sake, then either for her selfe, or her

people, she was by Gods mighty & mira∣culous power brought vnto her Croune.

Well, y^e Religiō notwithstāding being altered, as you haue heard: we are now first to see & searche out some of y^e fine de∣uises (for al no man knoweth, but her self, nor she can now remember) vsed by these two Synons, to draw and inuite her to y^e change thereof: than to consider of the trueth, & vntruth of the persuasions, and after to examine, who gained, and made moste profit of y^e same. But y^e persuasions passing in secret betweene her & them, I can therefore come to knowe but few of them, & may therby perhaps not speake of the chiefest: of those, I meane, y^t con∣teined the suttlest and deepest hidden cir∣cumuentio••s of all the reast. Neuerthe∣lesse those y^t I shall here speake of (being such as are publik••ly knowen) shall suf∣fise, I ••rust, to induce your ••ueenes me∣morie, to remember many mo: and her wisedome, to discerne the fraudulent arts, by which she hath b••ne abused.

And for the first of them I put thi••, that by persuading her falsely, that the most Reuerend Prelate Cardinal Poole (b••ing for lerning and vertue y^• light and

starre of your Natiō) with diuers of Q. [ 1] Maries Counsell, had made in her time certaine assembles and conferences about this Q. depriuation, which was neuer thought on: they wrought, & wanne her, to hold al that old Councel suspected, and to remoue them all, one & other, sauing three, or fowre of the Noblest by birth (whome partly for feare, and partly to countenance them, y^t had no countenance of their owne) they kept as signes with∣out substance, for any Authority they had. And by this they two became chiefe Go∣uernours of the affaires, put them selues i•• possession of the chiefest offices of the Realme, and had Authority to dispose the reast at their deuotion.

By bearing her falsely in hand, that y^• [ 2] Catholiks of her Realme were not to be trusted, as persons not satisfied in y^e que∣stion of her Mothers Mariage: they ob∣teined y^e alteration of Religion, the vaca∣••ion of the Bishoprikes & Spiritual pro∣motions, to feede them selues, and the base Rable they brought with them, and the ••rection of a new Partie Protestant, whereof them selues might be Heads.

[ 3] By persuading her falsely, that her State at home was not secure, that the King of Spaine aspired to her Croune, and by promising her the recouery of Ca∣lice by an other meane: they seduced her, rather to giue ouer that Towne, which then might haue ben had, then to be be∣holden to y^e King of Spaine for any thing, & made her beleue, that her gaine should be the greater with y^e losse of that Toune, to establish her new Partie and faction at home, against the dangers of her State (whereof they seemed to stand in feare): then with the recouery of that Toune, to continew the Regiment and Religion in which shee found it. For the dishonour of the lacke of that Toune should redound (said they) to the Queene her Sister: the recouery of i•• now should redound more to the King of Spaines honour, then to h••r owne, and the recouery of it hereafter (whereof they assured her) should be to her owne glorie, and no mans els.

[ 4] By pretending al mildenes in Reli∣gion, and that they meant not to cōstraine any ma••s conscience, y^t would liue quiet∣ly, were he neuer so Catholique: they ob∣teined

of her (against her owne affection) the pretēded establishmēt of the Schisme by Parliament, and penalties to be put, by coulour of Law, vpon cases of Reli∣gion. The performance and true meaning wherof euery man now seeth and fe••leth, either by himself, or by some frind of his. For what familie is there founde emong you so meane, as hath not had some of his kinred, alliance, frindes, or seruants, cal∣led by letters, vexed with Processe, arre∣sted by Officers, polled by Keepers, con∣uented by Commissioners, fined, impri∣soned, intangled by bandes, publiquely arrained, or forced to flee, and one waie or other impouerished, to the notorious decaie of him self, and al his, for hearing of Masse, for not comming to Communion, for refusing their Othe, for absence from schismatical sermons & seruice, or for but speaking in defence of y^e Catholike faith.

As the ••irst Serpent tempted with [ 5] ambition the first Maiden Eue, to eate of the forbidden Apple, by telling her, that she should therby be made like vnto God, by knowing good and il: euen so did th••se S••rpentes tempt this Uirgin by a like

to intrude & intangle her selfe in the Ecclesiasticall ministerie, by telling & assuring her, that if shee would begin it, & giue y^e President: al y^• Princes her neigh∣bours would folow her therin, for y^• spoile and gaine that went annexed therewith. Whose exāple neuerthelesse no Prince can yet be found, that wil imitate or embrace.

13Now when they had by these arts & de∣uises, & by other mo like not so publike∣ly knowen, wrought her and brought her to this intrusion of her selfe into y^t spiri∣tuall Regiment & change of Religion: let vs consider a little (before we proceede to y^• reast) what y^• same carried & cōprehēded in itself: what branches, I meane, this ho∣low trun••k & Tree hath vttered & spred foorth, & what difference of frutes your Q. & her Catil••es haue gathered thereof.

[ 1] In that went necessarily included y^t se∣paration of her selfe from the Unitie and amitie of the Sea Apostolike, and y^• ma∣king of the same a new enemy, which all∣waies had bene an old frind to her State and Croune: who being a State absolute that can neuer die, nor leaue his Heire an infant, and being of such account with all

Princes that professe Christes name, that who so hateth most his office, is yet glad of his frindship: the rash renouncing o•• the amitie thereof, may more importe her, then all the English Sect of Synon can profit or auaile her.

In that went away the ministery and [ 2] seruice of all the Bishops and principall Clergy of her Realme, & of infinite num∣bers of the grauest also of the lay Nobi∣litie. of whose seruice she depriued her selfe, by presuming to y^t spiritual Preemi∣nence, in which such as were carefull of conscience, and fearfull to offende, would beare no function, but with any temporal losse, did chuse to yeld their ministery in y^e cōmon Wealth to them y^t would take it. Wherof ensewed y^t n••cessary suppliyng o•• those places with them, y^t were greedy & hungry of lyuing & credit, wherof before they had neither of both: & y^• smart therof euery mā feleth, though few perceiue, frō whēce it cōmeth. By y^t a cōtention & pike was put betwene y^• two obediēces, y^t eue∣ry of her Catholike subiects oweth: y^e one to God, y^e other to her: whiles those two Authorities did so seuerely exact, 〈◊〉〈◊〉

contrary and opposite things, y^• one vpon paine of eternall damnation, the other vppon losse of present life. Which was an intolerable clogge to euery Christian conscience, and must therefore needes in∣gender some decaie of the ••eruent affectiō that the Catholikes had towardes her, who were then the strongest, and her most assured partie.

[ 4] In that, & not til then, went away the hope of the recouerie of Calice, whiche til then could not be said to be lost, bycause y^e warres remained open as well for it, as for the reast: which was a more necessary ornament for that Croune, then these Ca∣tili••es seeme to account it.

[ 5] In that alone went also conteined a di∣••ision of herself (in a sorte) from al y^• other Princes her neighbors of Itali••, Spaine, Frāce, Flanders, & Scotlād, yea & of Ger∣manie too, in such forme as it was: wher∣by she (whose Progenitors w••re wont by one line to draw with the other Princes their Peers, their equals, & confederates) hath now aparted herselfe from them al, draweth by a nother, yea by a contrary line against them al. Shee receiueth,

that they reiect: she planteth, that they grubbe vppe: she mainteineth, that they represse: and contemneth, that they adore. And how can this possibly s••ande and cō∣curre with that harty amity, that assureth Princes in their States? Or can it be de∣nied, that euery Prince is not y^t strōger, for the faithfull frindship of his Cōfede∣rats? Or were her Progenitors forced (for their owne safety) to seeke those foule shifts, that haue in her name and behalfe bene sought out, in euery Coun∣trey about her? The practises vsed to vpholde thenterprise hitherto, do make plaine demonstratiō of short continuance of such amitie.

In that, was also conteined a gene∣rall [ 6] change of the whole face of her com∣mon Weale: the discrediting, the abase∣ment, and the impouerishing of all, in more or lesse, whom she found established in credit, Authority, & Gouernance: and likewise the aduancement of the inferior and base sorte to Dominion and rule.

In that, went comprehended, her [ 7] great infamy, and dishonor: as by all fo∣reine Nations presently, and by all per∣petuall

Histories at home & abrode (more for these mens fault, then for her owne) to be accompted, called, written, and re∣corded by those odiouse termes, and re∣pro••heful Epithets, that persons cōdem∣ned for Heresie & Schisme haue ben wont to heare: And with the skorneful nick∣names of a Shee-headde, a Breetchelesse Head, and a domme Head of the Church by S. Poules prescription: to y^• manifest diminution of that Reuerende estimatiō, that is dewe to her, by Parentage, as a Kings daughter: by Dignitie, as a Q. and by profession, as a Christian.

In that was the seede sowen, and y^• foundation laied, whervpon ineuitably must ensew her Excommunication, if she persisted. The weight of which yoke I leaue to be considered by the Histories and Presidents of times past, yea and by their owne startling, storming, & raging therat, that seeme vnto her most to con∣temne, and to make least of it.

[ 9] In that, went included her violent vnion with her two Machia••ellians: to whome from thence foorth by plaine ••orce and constraint she was coupled and

tied, to cleaue and leane to them, for bet∣ter, for worse: and might no more with∣out preiudice departe from them after, than he that leauing the dry land, sitteth in the water vpon an other mans backe, maie leaue him that carrieth him, with∣out weeting his skinne. Which practise is more perilous to a Prince (if it be deepely considered) than at the first face it appeareth.

In this, was necessarily comprehen∣ded [ 10] the creation of a new Crew, and the setting vppe of a Partie Protestant, not appearing before: who being come to the height of their pride, obey her no more now, then they do the Pope, nor no more esteme her cōmandements, then his Ca∣nons, in what so euer her pleasure im∣pugneth theirs: but wil haue their owne waies, by force or by arte, in short time, be the same neuer so diuers, variable, & contrarious. Whereof let the exaction of the Othe, and the infinite vexations of her subiects for religiō: yea, let the Crosse in her owne Chappell, the lights on the table there, the decēt attire of Ministers,

the Surplisses in their Synagogs, their feelde preachings, their secrete lectures, and the infinite differences of Sects, of seruises, and formes of Religion vsed in corners, & knowen to all men, giue triall and testimonie.

[ 11] And in the setting vp of that partie, goeth plainly included the derogatiō and danger (if not the subuersion, and ouer∣throwe) of all Nobilitie, yea of the chiefe Monarkes & Princes themselues. Wher∣of Flanders and France, Scotland and England are already witnesses to euery man that hath any wit or discourse. For the substance and effecte, which you see al∣ready ••ully wrought in Scotlād, & almost halfendell in France by plaine violence and force: the same you see by arte com∣passed in England, and hath ben by both so proudly assaied, that it lacked not much to ha••e ben brought to passe in Flanders. In which three Realmes, of Scotland, England, & France (properly to speake) the seuerall Confederats and faction of euery Country doe chiefely gouerne and raigne: though a King in the one, a Q. in the other, and a Childe in the thirde, doe

kepe the names and shew, God knoweth how litle while some of them shall.

In that goeth also conteined suche [ 12] a corruption of her people at home, as in shorte time threateneth plaine inci••ilitie and barbarous manners: wherof both y^• Histories, and present estates of Afrike, Greece, Boheme, and Hungary do giue manifest proofe. And Germany also (for the small time that is ronne, sins it fell thervnto) doth witnesse the same noto∣riously: to all them, I meane, y^• did know that Countrey and people before their defection, and haue bene conuersant with them since, of whome there are yet great numbers li••ing.

Yea England it selfe (if tr••eth mai•• be confessed) doth so plainly prooue it, for their litle time, as will admit no contra∣diction: if the generall manners of the multitude now, be compared with their conditions in Q. Maries time, whiche was but yesterdai•• to speake of. The dif∣ference wherof is so notable to all Forei∣ners, that than li••ing among you haue for eight or ten yeares bene absent from you, and be now returned to you againe:

that they seeme to find, as it were, a new Land, a new Nation, new Lawes, new customes, and manners, & plainly a new face and aspect of the people.

Yea, goe yet a litle nearer, and if thou be indifferent, I wil demaund none other Iudge but thy selfe, of the difference, that thou findest betwene the modest maners of them, that are yet suche Catholikes a∣mong you, as the time and place wil per∣mit, and the vnbridled light conditions of the professed Protestantes generally: betwene the fideli••ie of the one, and the vnfaithfulnes of the other: betweene the sinceritie of the one, and the craft of the other: and betweene the brideled feare of conscience in the one, and the insolent im∣pudencie of y^• other. The notorious oddes wherof in so short time do make manifest demonstration, whervnto it tendeth and must come, in the reuolution of a few yeares mo.

[ 13] Finally in this was conteined a kinde of exchāge or barter, as they cal it: wherin renouncing to confide vppon the assured fidelitie of her learned Clergie, of her aun∣ciēt Nobilitie, & of her Catholike partie at

home (that in al things obeyed her with∣out exception) shee accepted for the same the painted promises of her vpstart Pro∣testantes, that obeyed her no longer, then til their Partie were of strength.

And for the foreine and auncient en∣tier amitie, that she had with y^• Sea Apo∣stolike, with the Emperour, and with al the Princes of Italie, Spaine, France, Flanders and Scotland, she accepted the amitie of a Condie, an Orange, a Lodo∣wike, a Murrey, a Murton, and a French Admiral: that haue hitherto let fal by the waie, al that euer leaned and reasted vp∣pon them.

These now being the profites and frutes that your Queene and Countrey haue reaped and gathered of this Tree of mutation: let vs see, what other frute it hath yelded to the Deuisers themselues, and to their frindes and faction, that haue bene the drawers of your Queene, to the planting thereof: and whether their owne priuate turnes be thereby no better serued, then hers, nor their owne a••arice & ambition no better aduaunced, then she, her Croune, or Realme are strengthned. ••••

be to friuolous and vaine to abuse any wise man. For they y^• vnder King Hen∣ry were as Catholike, as the six Articles required: that vnder King Edward were such Protestants, as y^• Protectour would haue them: that vnder Q. Marie were Catholikes againe, euen to creeping to the Crosse: and that vnder Q. Elizabeth were first Lutherans, setting vp Parker, Cheiny, Gest, Bill. &c. than Caluinistes, aduauncing Grindall, Iuell, Horne &c. then Puritans, maiteining Sampson, Deering, Humfrey, &c. and now (if no•• Anabaptists, and Arrians) plaine Mac∣chiauellians: yea, they that persuade in publike speaches, that man hath free li∣bertie to dissemble his Religion, and for Authoritie do alleage their owne exāples and practise of feining one Religion for an other in Q. Maries time (which con∣teineth a manifest euacuation of Christes owne comming & doctrine, of y^• Apostles preaching & practise, of y^• blood of y^• Mar∣tyrs, of y^• constancie of al Confessors: yea and of y^• glorious vaine deathes of al the stincking Martyrs of their innumerable Sects of Heretiks, one & other, hauing

alwaies taught, the confession of mouth to be as necessarie to saluatiō, as y^t belief•• of hart): shall these men now be admit∣ted to pleade conscience in religion? And can any man now be coosyned so much, as to thinke, that these men by conscience were than moued to make that mutatiō?

And, as for the feare of the French, I neede not deteine you, or stand thervpon. For the Discourser of the mariage inten∣ded betwene the Duke of Norf. and the Q. of Scotland hath sufficiently (and in that parte truely) satisfied all men, and deliuered vs of all feare of oppression by the French, by allegation of the policies of Burgundy and Spaine: though there were no more to be said vnto it.

And thus hauing seene, that this mu∣tation of the Religion (made not for conscience, nor for any cause or neede of your Queenes parte) her coosyning Councellors haue gained to them selues and their Faction honour, and Autho∣rity, richesse, reuenewes, creditte and strength in the highest degrees euerie waie: and your Queene contrarily no∣thing but dāmage & dishonour, decay of

amitie abrode, lesse assured at home, a∣mong her Catholikes lesse loued then be∣fore, among her heretikes now contem∣ned more then euer, and in fine, keeping the name of Quene to herself, circumuen∣ted to yeld vnto them the substance and effect of all Kingly Dominion: this being seene, I say, by them that wil acknow∣ledge the sight of that they see, to be al the frutes hitherto hatched of that muta∣tion, and common reason teaching vs withal, to deeme and presume the inten∣tion of euery enterprise by the principal effectes that folow vpon it: we must con∣clude, that purposely they did draw your Q. by suttletie vnto that attempt, that conteineth in it her owne detriment and prei••dice of her Realme, to serue thereby their own turnes, to aduance themselues and their needy Faction, and to quenche alitle the thirst of their owne priuate aua∣rice and ambition.

And if this muche may be seene in so few (for hard it were to shew you al) of the depe deceits & suttle circumuentions vsed to seduce her, to renounce y^• auncient Religion of al her Progenitours, if this

much may be seene by the manifest preiu∣dice proued to be growen to herself ther∣by, if this be to be seene by the peril al∣ready appearing to depēd vpō y^• Realme for the same, and if this also be sene by the notorious aduancement of y^• priuate pro∣curers thereof: what would appeare, trow ye, if the hidden & secrete practises, knowen to none but to herself & to them, might once come to light? And how eui∣dent & odious would it appeare, if al the detriment••s and perils of hers••lf and her Realme, & al the priuate gaines of these vngracious Guides could be called to memorie, & set doune by writing, as fully and effectually, as euery man seeth them?

But being plaine ynough to them that wil see any thing, let vs now proceede to see, what egges our vnhappy Hen hath laied in this holow tree, yea what Chic∣kens shee hath hatched there, or rather what other brāches & frutes of like sappe & sauo••r this vnsauery tree hath budded & brough•• forth, & what haruest in the end it geueth hope of.

If I should begin to rehearse in parti∣••ular any of the infinite numbers of im∣pudent

lies published by Authoritie in y^• time of these mens gouernment, to claw ••••ching eares, to blinde simple sights, to sclaunder Catholikes, to belie Princes, and by abusion to holde the worlde occu∣pied with cra••ts and vanities, from loo∣king into y^e practises of these Cōiurators: ••he number of them are so infinite, that neither should I finde ende, when I had begonne them, nor could tell of which to make choice before other (when all be so impudent and of importance) nor y^e tenth, no not the twenteth of them that present them selues vnto my pen, would this place permit to be expressed vnto you.

I must therefore remit the considera∣tions of them to your owne memories, and praie yo•• to re••ewe the sundry prin∣ted Pamphlets, Proclamations, Libels, Letters, Rithmes, and other like things sent out among you: and to remember•• what hath bene tolde you by them, and otherwise of the warres of Le••th, and Newhauen, of the Rebellions in Frāce, Flanders, and Scotl•• of the Lott••rie in London, of lāding of y^• King of Spaines money, of y^• sundry Treaties of your Q.

mariage, of the Papists practises, of pro∣hibiting Pyrats from the Ports, of these present troubles, of the Dukes of Alua & Guise, of the Duke of Norf. of the Q. of Scotl. of them that were suborned to be apprehended, some with balles of wilde∣fire, and some with daggs, and hired to co••fesse, that they should haue burned London, and killed greate folkes, first for shew im••risoned, and ••han dismissed and rewarded: & finally of the delaies of resti∣tutiō betwene the low Countreis & you, and of infinite other like deuises: & ther∣vpon to deeme indifferētly, & to acknow∣ledge what you finde, and you shall see, I doubt not, that with lies they beganne, with lies they go forwarde, and still doe mainteine one lie with an other.

But to come to some of their particu∣lar [ 2] facts, among other who can pleade ignorance, how often they haue by lying abused their Princes name and Au∣thoritie, to sowe sedition, and to raise Rebellion in France, Flanders, and Scotland: to the touche of her Honour and fame in the worlde abrode: to the danger of the quietnes of her State,

when those Princes shal find themselues hable, & thinke the time mete to reuenge or reforme it: and to the passing consum∣ption of the Nobilitie in al those Coun∣treys.

[ 3] Who seeth not, what infinite ••umines of money by lying persuasions haue ben wonne from your Q. caried out of your Realme, and that waies imployed: as wel for corrupting the subiectes of those Countreies by present mony & pensions to renounce their alleageance, as for wa∣ging the Rebels and souldiers that haue bene in armes: namely y^• Condy, Duke Dewponts, the Admirall, and other in France: to Orange, Lodouike, & others in Flanders: to I ••ames, Lineux, Mortō and others in Scotland: to the great di∣minishing of her owne treasures, and to the great impouerishing of the whole Realme.

[ 4] Who hath not tasted and felt to his cost the new inuent••ons to pill your people for these purpos••s: & (bysides accustomed Subsidies, Fifteenes, and lones) to leuie new exactions of them by forcible Tas∣king and Collections, vnder false names

of Lotteries, of Building of Poules Steeple, of Charitie for the afflicted Bre∣thern, and suche other feined titles, im∣ploied to the raising and maintenance of Rebellion in all Prouinces adioining.

Yea, who can hope for better, where the chiefe Manager of your affaires pro∣fesseth, the yearely fleesing of the Subiect by extraordinary paiments to be as ne∣cessary a policie for the Prince, as is the yearly shearing of the sheepe a needefull prouision for the Subiect?

Who can deny, that (which experience [ 5] hath shewed) of the falshood of that per∣suasion, whereby they induced your Q. to laie hands vpon the king of Spaines money, for paiment of y^t French Rebels, and to spoile his subiects euer sins, as by way of Preoccupation, to iniurie him be∣fore hande, that meant to oppresse her, as they lyengly saied: wherof three, yea thir∣tene years experience hath giuen good proofe. And whereby they haue not only violat••d the olde League long continued betwene your Q. and him: her Realme, and his Countreis: but also made her Amitie vnassured with the mightiest and

sincerest frinde, that she had vpon ••arth.

And who beholdeth not with teares the lamentable praies, that mutually you make one of an other, amōg your selues: whiles for thirtine yeares time, or more, al your Catholiks haue bene good praies for your Protestants: and thereby the strongest Party of your people infinitely more weakened, then the weaker sorte be strengthened. The bare and needie Bre∣thren, that by the spoile of the Papists ••re set vp, being in creditte or force no∣thing comparably aduaunced to y^• others decaie in number and strength. And like as of this euerie man fe••leth more or lesse, by him selfe or his frinde (by loss•• of Lands, Rents, ready money, Pen∣sions, offices, or credit in his Countrey) euen so shall both your Prince & Realme finde want of it, if euer God permitte them to feele the force of any forein ene∣mie, vnlesse it be in time preuented.

[ 7] Can any man be fo••nd so blind, so popular and vnnaturall, that seeth not, and bewaileth not with teares the blood, the wasting and consumption of your

Auncient Nobilitie both in number, in wealth, in credit among your people, and in Authoritie with your Prince? Whiles these base men (holding the Key of both in their hands) deriue thereof litle or nothing to any that are more Noble then them selues: but doe participate all in effect vnto the base or needy sorte, to raise a Nobilitie of their owne qualitie and constitution, and to be sure of them against a daie of seruice to come.

And who perceiueth not the greate [ 8] weakning of your Princes strength and State thereby? For (bysides that euerie Princes chiefe securitie reas••eth in the loialtie and habilitie of his Nobles) your Queene being her selfe of no new risen Race: her surety must be presumed (by al common intendement) to consist more in the confidence of her Auncient Nobi∣litie, whose parentes haue bene nouris∣shed vnder her Progenitours, then vpon a new Nobilitie, that accounteth y^• thank of their aduauncement to be dew rather to those that rule her, and preferred them, than vnto her selfe, whome they

recken to be but the hatchet in the work∣mans hande.

And who seeth not most euidently, that these Catilines haue bene the cause of drawing the Excommunication out against her? Is it not well knowen, that they only haue holdē her from admitting the accesse of all the Popes Legats and Nuncios so often sent fro Rome into Flanders and France, frindely to admo∣nish her, and charitably to mooue her, to reconcile her selfe to the vnitie of the Church, and to ioine in Religion with the other Christian Princ••s, and with them to gouerne her people by one Faith and Doctrine, according to the steps of her Progenitonrs? Haue not these men. I saie (for feare of y^• decaie of their owne priuate Dominion that might haue en∣sewed thereby) so reiected that, whiche should haue bene her safetie, that they made her not only to deny a••dience vnto them, but likewise to cōtemne the sundry frindly motions both of the Emperours Ferdinande and Maximilian, and of the Kings of Spaine and France, made vnto her for some pe••missiō to haue bene grā∣ted

to the Catholiks of her Realme? Yea haue they not vpon those motions more rigorously increased the seuere searches & scrutinies, and executed more sharpe pe∣nalties (aboue and against law) towards euery Catholike, that in any corner, neuer so secret, could be found to haue vsed the libertie of his conscience, in hearing of Masse, were it but twise in a yeare?

And did not the Sea Apostolike for twelue yeares time suffer this con∣tempt, in hope and expectation of bet∣ter? And could he (without some note of omitting his duetie and office, any longer forbeare, autentikely to declare to the world, that contumacie to be within the Censures of the Churche? And can this worke any lesse, then her manifest infamy in all Christian Nations, which esteeme that A••thoritie? And doth not this con∣teine some preiudice and derogation to her State and security, by daunger of Foreine correction: vnlesse she returne, I meane•• or ha••e some more priuilege, then any Christian Emperour, or King euer had before her? Let the Stories tell ••ou: and not to trouble you with many,

namely those of the late king of Nauarre, and of your owne King Iohn her owne Progenitour. Yea, conteineth it not her plaine weakening & vnsuretie at home? Where (whiles she thus persisteth) Christs ordinary Authoritie vpon earth (being the Supreme Iudge of all obe∣dience among Christian men) hath set her Christian subiects free, from obeying her for Conscience sake.

I will not here say what further, but for the reast do referre thee to the Presi∣dents and examples of all Christian Princes and Nations excommunicated before her. Of which I wish thee by thine owne reading to make thy selfe I••dge, and not to trust to these mens impudent expositions and gloses: but vpō thine owne pervsing of the sequeles ensued (in few yeares to speake of) to eue∣ry excommunicated Emperour, King, or Countrey, that persisted obstinate: be thy selfe Iudge, whether it shalbe wisedome or policie for your Queene, to trust to these Machiauellians light regarde and estimation made therof.

Neither is it obscure to men of any

insight, that these Carlines do prepare & [ 10] make them selues ••trong for a day y^t they looke for ere it be long. What other can their fortifiyng of them selues and their Party euery waie portend: but that they wil be in case to gouerne the Prince, and dispose the Realme at their pleasure and deuotion?

Let it be considered, what numbers of [ 11] forein Nations, for Rebellion & heresie ••led out of other Countreis, are drawen into your Realme: yea and vnder those Titles what multitudes of Pyrates, th••eues, m••rderers, Churche-Robbers and idle vagabunds be flocked thither by ••eapes. Beholde their placing & planting in s••ndry parts, euen in the hart and bowels of the Countrey. And soberly waie it, what it may importe you, to haue amiddest among you forty or fifty thou∣sand Strangers (I speake far within the cōpasse of wisemens accompt) in readines alwaies, to be imploied to any sodaine exploit•• amōg you, I meane, y^t are by these Catilines purposely diuided into factiōs among your selues (some for Religion, and some for Successiō) & your Capitaine

Coniurators so prouided, that they will haue the disposing both of their owne Party, of the indifferent sorte, and of the foreine forces wholy at their owne de∣sign••ment. This being deepely weied, manifestly implieth an intention both to make a question among you, ere it be long: and to ouerwey the same also, on which side so euer the Contriuers of the deuise shall applie them selues.

[ 12] Ioint vnto this their Leagues with the French, Flemmish and Scottish Re∣bells, with y^e preparation they haue made to haue all the Pyrats persons & vessels (in effect) of this parte of Europe, col∣lected together vpon the English seas: & with the liberty of the vse of your Ports (for sale of their spoiles & stolen goods) to be waged, hired, and in ordinary ser∣uice, as it were, of those Capitaine Py∣rats, that by bribes robbe them that haue robbed al others: wh••rby to the infamy of your Realme is verified and cōfirmed the infamous prophecie that said: Anglia e••it meretrix, malorum omnium nutrix. And being thereby accounted the Nest & Den of those theeues, that liue by the Spoile

of all other Nations, it remaineth sub∣iect and in danger to answer the same at one tyme or other, if not by restitution, by way of reuenge: or els with such charge to it selfe, by standing on her owne garde, as wil be ouer heauy for the Countrey to beare.

At home likewise apparent it is, how [ 13] they prouide euery way to make them selues strong there also. For being by their owne mariages allied already to y^e house of Suffolke of the Bloud Roiall, and by consequence thereof to the house of Hartfoord also, & their children therby incorporated to both: marke you, how now by mariage of their children, with wily wit & wealth together, they winde in your other noblest Houses vnto them that are leaft, I meane, in credit and countenance.

Consider likewise, how at their owne commēdacion and preferment, they haue erected, as it were, almost a new halfe of your Nobilitie (of whome also they haue reason to thinke them selues assured) and the reast than (that were out of hope to be wonne to their faction) beholde, how

by sundry fine deuises they are either cut of, worne out, fled, bannished, or defaced at home.

And adde vnto this, how they pre∣serue and saue harmelesse all their owne frinds & Alliances in all Criminal causes that doe occurre, and in Iudicialles pre∣ferre them, with the iniury of any thirde whatsoeuer, that wil not with mony bye his iust sentence. By which meane they maie hope (when their daie shall come) to finde that, that is commonly found euery where: that is to say, that affection for kinred sake shall beare more sway, th••n the respects to God, or to Iustice shall be hable to resist. And let your Q. consider, whether the ende of this practise do tende more to her strengthening and securiti••, or to their owne.

[ 14] Againe, he that willingly winketh not against that, that euerie man seeth, must needs perceiue, and (hauing any wit) can not but cōsider, what goeth cōprehended in the making of them selues mighty and stro••g in money, plate, Iewels, Armour, and other shorte treasures, by their long Bribery, corruption, and sale of Iustice.

How rich their Bishops & ecclesiasticall Ministers be•• by long possessing al y^e Spi¦rituall Promotions of y^• Realme, and by spending litle or nothing therof. And fur∣der, y^t in their owne hands, their frinds, & Factiō remaine al y^e Offices of y^e Realme, y^• charge of all the Ports, the keeping of all the Fortresses, the Princes treasure, Armour & Munition, together with the whole Nauie, which are the only walles & bulwarks of y^t Iland. And these points being laied and considered together: who seeth not, y^t in their hands they haue both y^t Prince present, y^e Succession to come, & the whole Realme to dispose at their wil?

And will you see the same yet better prooued? yea, by their owne confessions, if mens facts and doings can not be d••∣nied to be farre y^e more surer & truer vt∣terers of the secrets of mens harts and meanings, then are their smooth tungs, and dissembled words. Let vs therefore now consider their manifest attempts made against the Croune it selfe.

Let vs beholde, how lustily they haue assailed the same, daily more and more, and now of late specially, finding

your Q. beset round about with feares & dāgers prepared by them selues, meetely well weakened of all frindeship at home, and abrode: the Countrey (what for Re∣ligion, and what for Succession) diuided into Factions and parts: and themselues withall now in strength euery waie. Let vs see, I saie, what other egges this Cockatrice hath now laied, and wel sitten on, till the Cockerell Chickins be quicke in the shell, that shall crowe at the Croune it selfe.

Remembring therfore, that Ambition abideth not any ordinary time, and that both the Houses & lines of King Henry of Eng. and of his Sister Q. Margaret of Scotl. (the one reasting presently in your Q. that now is, and the other in the Queene of Scotl.) were opposite obiects, and as plaine impediments did lie in their waie against their purpose of bringing the Croune immaturely to the thirde House of Suffolke, vnto which them selues are vnited, and their children incorporated: and would preuent also the last refuge, which is by their owne force & frinds to be hable (in case that Familie of

Suffolke by any accident should quaile, and be repelled) to giue the Regall chaire to whome they list, finding, I saie, these two Houses & Lines to stande strongly in their way: we haue now to see and cō∣sider, what arts and deuises haue bene vsed, to cut of and extinct them both.

And perceiuing that the Queene and Line of Scotl. for many respectes was more easy to be remooued and cut of (by Parliament, by pining imprisonment, or by plaine force and violence) than was your Q. and House of England, which reasted in a faire yong Ladie of goodly personage, of rare beauty, of singuler wit of excellent qualities, learned, lāguaged, rich, & mighty in Dominion, and thereby so likely to marie & to haue children, y^t lesse could not be looked for, & that the rather for y^e earnest motion and labour that the greatest Prince of Europe did make euen at the first to ioine with her in mariage, and for the other daily offers and solli∣citations made by all other Personages of account, both at home, and abrode that haue bene to marie these fourtene yeares ••ime, to haue matched with her:

and finding withall, that the cutting of of the house of Scotland would little auaile them, and that their finall pur∣pose should be little or nothing aduaun∣ced thereby, if that Line and House of England should by Succession continew and encreace: and perceiuing no waie, how by violence to make an ende of that of England without their owne pre∣sent ruine and fall, till them selues and their Party were stronger: the de••ise therefore rested, and concluded in this.

First by arte and policie to make that Queene and House of England so to waste and consume it selfe, that in, and with that person of her selfe, that whole Line of hers might finish: and withal to compasse her (being the greatest and prin¦cipall of the two) to be the instrument of the extirpation of the other, either by co∣lour of law, by apparence of polici••, or by plaine force.

This being the platte, they found no better waie to compasse the same, then by of••en laying before her many crafty and s••ttle argumēts, and many false reasons (for wante of matter in fa••te) to keepe

her in ••eare of her owne State, as though the same were dangerous: to make her beleue, that still she stode in perill of re∣bellion by her Catholiks: of the King of Spaines aspiring to her Croune: and of the Q. of Scotl. competency with her for the same, by the helpe of the French, with whome she was mightily allied, as they pretended.

By often and crafty inculcatiō of these colourlesse dangers vnto her, as if she had bene beset round with perils on all sides, and sure of no Prince to sticke vnto her, thei obteined for themselues increace of credit, as carefull Councellors for her securitie: and persuaded withall, y^t there was none assured pillar for her to leane vnto against all euents, but to keepe her selfe free, to holde her selfe vnmarried: and what so euer she pretended, neuer so often, and to whome so euer, yet to re∣teine her mariage in her owne hands to be disposed by her selfe, when any extre∣mitie should so require. For by that only (said they) she should be hable alwaies to make her peace, to preserue her owne State, and to draw to her party what

Prince she would: bysides that by pretē∣ding to marry now here, now there, and no where in deede, she should alwaies with the hope thereof so feede euery fo∣reine Prince, that she should th••reby be hable, both to encounter any storme ry∣sing towards her selfe, and to aduance what so euer purpose she listed els.

This, you must consider, asked crafty conueiance, and fine suttle meanes of vt∣terance (least by persuading it grosly, her wisedome might haue perceiued the mea∣ning) and therfore at times betwene they haue often interlaced pretenses of prefer∣ring some few of the many motions that haue bene made vnto her for marriage: and with apparence of wordes & looks, and of feined reasons faintly laied foorth, haue wished to see some Succession of her owne body. But in the ende y^t boule hath allwai••s so come about to his bias, that n••ither Prince, nor subiect, Catho∣like, nor Prot••stant could yet be found, in whom there was not seene either some notable imp••diment, or an other propo∣ned to be meter, then he: to shift ouer the matt••r, that none at all might be had.

Now examine a litle, how this con∣curreth with her confidence reposed in th••m, and with th••ir pretenses of the Ho∣nor, loue and care, that they owe her, and haue of her.

Can that man honour or loue me, that desireth to see my Succession and Po∣steritie buried with my person? Can they loue me, that procure for me the want and lacke of them, that should be my chiefe suretie and defense? What thing in this earth is, or can be so great a safety for the person of any man that hath possessions, as to haue children of his owne, either Naturall, or Adoptiue? Your Q. is per∣mitted to haue neither of both. And in whome is the fault, but in them, that first dissuaded her from mariage with the Ca∣tholike, that euery waie was meetest for her: and n••ith••r can, nor will since finde any Protestant, to supplie the place?

What other is this, but to kil her aliue? What is it els, but with her body to bury her memory: and with her corps, to carry all her Succession vnto her Sepulcher? Yea, what is it els in deede and effect, but by extincting her race, to prepare

waie for an other, which they haue in store.

Pretende what they list by words and shewes: th••se deeds speake manifestly, y^t h••r owne life should not thus long haue escaped their hands, if they could haue wonne her consent, to haue made awaie the Q. of Scotl. whose person and Issue remaineth yet betwene them and th••ir designement.

And by this fine art, they haue drawen your Q. to loose h••r youth vnfrutefully, vntill she be now in effect fortie year••s olde: and they being therby in very great hope, y^t now she shall haue no Succe••sion of her owne, hauing also gotten her next Heire into prison (where not vnlikely they hoped that by close aire, by want of exercise, or by some dissease she woulde haue died long eare this) and to reast in their power to make her die, when th••y list: & likewise hauing in y^e meane while made them selues strōg (as ye haue h••rd) they now see their own w••bbe more th••n halfe wo••en, & therfore do begi••ne to pro¦ceede forwarde vnto some other attēpts, y^t reuele more & mor•• their hiddē intētiō.

For being now more then halfe assu∣red [ 2] (as they thinke) that though your Q. maried to morrowe, she should haue no children likely ••o liue, but that her selfe therby should rather be indangered: to pren••nt now, that none other should be declared nor accepted as her childe by adoption, as Heire by law, nor as Suc∣c••ssour by right to the preiudice of their purpose: they haue by pretense of law cō∣passed, that like as by arte they haue pro∣uided, she shall haue no Children natu∣rally, ••uen so by Statute they haue pre∣pared, she shal haue no Heire iudicially: l••ast there might be any leaft, when your Queene shalbe dead, to reueng•• the vio∣lence that shall hereafter be offered her, if she wil not die by nature, when, or before that they thinke it time, to haue her re∣moou••d.

Now looke a little, good Reader, into this Law, and consid••r, whether ••uer there were publike thing more per∣nicious to a Prince, or more noisome to a cōmon Wealth? Hardly is there so meane a subiect in your Realme to b•• found, as hath not one knowen Heire or other,

to succede him in his goods, and by iu∣stice to persecute any personall iniury of∣fred vnto him. Only your Q. may now haue none. Who reuengeth the Husbāds murder, but the wife? Who the Fathers, but the childe? And who the Uncles, but the Nephew, or they, that by Nature and Law are presumed to be neerest to the Parties iniuried? And what must it portende, that this benefite is taken from your Q? How infinite are the examples in euery Story, of them, whose deathes haue ben•• hastened by want of hauing some knowen Heire: whereby sundry Competitours of their goods haue put them selues in seuerall hopes to gaine by their deathes.

And if this hath bene cōmon in meane mens cases: how much more dangerous is it, and more assuredly to be looked for in a Princes case, whose Croune can lacke no Competitours, and whose Heire spe∣cially is laboured, yea enacted before hād to be doubted of, & vnknowen? For this m••••••th them, that thinke they haue good Titles, to hasten their Claimes: least by this lawe their interests maie be brought

into obliuion: and putteth them in hope, who had but weake Titles, and thought to haue geuen place to other, that if they can make them selues strōgest, they maie be preferred before them, that (before this lawe) had better interest then they, and by this law haue now as little as they: for it barreth all a like.

And to your common Wealth, y^t neuer dieth, what can be more odious, more dangerous, and more vnnaturall: then so to disfournish it of a knowen Heire, as to haue no marke of obediēce nor allegeāce left, whervpon the people maie fix their eies? Let the question be proponed, and see whether in the intention of that pro∣uision there can be, by any possibility, any other or lesse presumed: then a plaine meaning and resolutiō, to bring y^e Cards to shuffling for the Croune, now, when them selues be strongest, to the ende that he that can winne it, maie weare it. For if the words of that Lawe be marked, it is euident, that the meaning of the Pro∣curers thereof is, to haue (as well after your Q. death, as before) a pretense and colour of law to impeache all Interests

and Titles to the Croune what so euer: to the intent that (fayling of their pur∣pose to place the Croune in their owne Familie) no Title should be so cleare, but that by colour of this lawe, there might be somwhat to saie against it: whereby the triall & iudgement thereof may come to the sworde: now, I saie, when as they account them selues farre the strongest party. And what this importeth vnto all States & Degrees of the whole Realme, I weene there is no man so simple that s••eth not.

If he saied, that can not lie, that a Kingdome diuided in it selfe, can not stande: consider whether it be possible, to haue any greater Diuision, then this Sta¦tute doth purposely prepare to haue. If in the ende of King Henries viij. daies (who leaft behinde him three Children) it seemed yet necessary for the safetie and quietnes of the Realme, to haue declared mo Heires in succession (if God would haue suffered him to perfourme it): how opposite and contrario••s is this policie now, not only to ••stablish none, but to establish, that there shalbe none: not thre, not two, no not one?

In all ages hitherto by al the Princes that ha••e bene, & by all their Councelles that haue serued them, such care and re∣spect hath bene had to preuent Ciuile di∣uision and sedition for the Croune, that nothing hath bene preferred, nor so sone prouided for, as to make the Succession knowen: as foreseing, that no one thing in the world can so so••e bring a Realme vnto ruine, as to leaue the knowen Heire in doubt. And now among you, not only an Heire is not ••stablish••d, but your knowen Heire is laboured to be made not knowen, and by speciall lawe pro••ided (yea vnder paine of Treason) that no Heire at all shalbe knowen. And what doth this implie, but that the la∣bourers and procurers thereof woulde haue with your Queene the present Head of that Common Wealth, the whole cō∣mon Wealth to die also: & with her death, that the whole Sate of the Kingdome should perish withall?

Bysides, consider how in this Law. they play the honest men with her in an other point: craftily to make the worlde holde her for infamous, and incon∣tinent.

For, in the prohibition of any Heire to be named, they except only the Issew of her bodie, with the terme and additiō of Naturall. Which Terme being in your Statutes and Iudicial writings strange and vnwonted, and in all other languages signifiyng plaine Bastards: & they, now purposely forsaking the accu∣stomed words of your Law in such cases, by changing lawfull, for Naturall: and by leauing the olde vsuall words of law∣full Heire, lawfull Children, or Children lawfully begotten, for the new terme of Naturall Issew, that in all languages signifieth Bastardie: what other can be gathered of this (being spoken of your Queene, that is vnmarried) but y^t they would thereby couertly insinuate vnto the worlde, that she hath, or mindeth to haue children Naturall, and not lawfull? And is not this a token both of their smal reuerence, & lesse affection towards her?

Beleeue not, I say, their gloses and false expositiōs: but let them either shew you those Termes of Natural Issue, to haue bene vsed to signifie in your Law wri∣tings, lawfull Children: or els (what so

euer their words shalbe) you plainly see, they haue heerein plaied the very ones, euen with her, whome they pretend so much to adore.

Well, hauing now brought your Q. to this, that neither by children of her owne body, nor by any Heire knowen they feel•• any impediment, nor stande in any feare: behold, how now they come neerer vnto her, euen to the plucking of her prin¦cipall feathers. He that intēdeth to stocke vp a tree by the roote, doth first hewe and dig awaie, what so euer defenses of earth•• stone, or wood doe growe or lie about the stemine.

A Princes chiefe defence must be gran∣ted to consist chiefely in foresight of his perill by wisedome: in force of faithfull frinds to resist it, and in feare of Heires to reuenge it. And now behold, how the principallest of all these are by fine arts and deuises pared and weeded away frō your Queene.

Was there any man in that Lande for [ 1] affection to her, more faithful and diligēt: for wisedome, more circumspect, foreca∣sting, and of deeper foresight: of counsel,

more inuentiue, or of better consideratiō, then was Syr Nicolas Throgmorton•• And is not ••e finely weeded awaie from her?

[ 2] Consider, who by nature and affectiō was so neerly tied vnto her, who in al her seruices was so zelous and assured, and who with frinds and force was so well hable to defende her, as was the Duke of Norf? And marke you now the arte, by which he is also pared away from her.

[ 3] What childe, what Cosin, or what Heire had she by blood and law, so nere vnto her, to succede her, in the worlde, and so ready and hable to reuenge any violence offered her, as was the Queene of Scotland? And beholde, whether she be not also weeded awaie from her: made sure ynough, I meane, from persecuting any iniury that shalbe offered to your Q. and brought into that state, that the offe∣rers maie be out of all feare of her. Yea rather see, whether they both, as mother and daughter, be not subiect and in perill to receiue one ende (though not in one place, nor perhaps at one time) as did the two Hargills, Father and Sonne.

If Q. Elizabeth the widow of King Edward y^e fourth in th'apprehensions of the Lords Riuers and Graies, did wisely and truely foresee the destruction of the yong King her sonne: can not this Q. Elizabeth the Daughter of King Henry y^e eight (being a Paragon of wisedome among women) foresee, what is towards her selfe, when the Duke of Norf. and Throgmorton be taken from her? And did the other Q. a widow forsee, y^e death of her Sonne to hasten and approche, when his yong brother and Heire might be suffred no where, but in the murderers hands: and can not this Queene now (though a Uirgin for state, yet a widow for wisedome) forsee, how neere her owne ende draweth, when her Heire is alreadie in the handes of them, that haue circumuented her selfe to extinct her owne Line, and haue procured the others depriuation with the slaughter already of her husband and seruant? Doth Queene Marie of Scotland now plainely see, what Iames meant to∣wardes her, when he abused her so much as to make her depriue her selfe of the

Earle of Huntley: and wil not Q. Eliza∣beth of England, by so fresh and manifest an example, be taught to see, what Sinon meaneth towards her, that circumuen∣teth her so much, as to make her to de∣priue her selfe of her Cosin of Norf?

Who about your Q. hath the head (now Throgmorton is gone) to meete with Sinons shrewd head, in y^e foresight of her safety, or in espiyng his false crafts? Who about her hath the force, the frinds and zeale also, to defende her person, and to resist these Catilines malice, now the Duke of Norf. is gone? against them, I meane, that haue made them selues so strong. And who shall call those Caitifes to account (whiles the Q. of Scotl. re∣maineth in their powers, or when she shall be dead) for the force and oppression, that they shal offer your Q. which immi∣nently now hangeth ouer her head?

The Scottish Prince is an Infant, so (as bysides the hope they ha••e to make him awaie to) sure they thinke they are, by the death of yours, to raigne & ••nioie their Dominiō, whiles he is within age, at leas••: and in y^e time so to prepare also,

that he shall neuer come to full age. To leaue therefore the Q. of Scotl. in this maner a prisoner, at these mens order & deuotions to be made awaie at euerie sodaine, is a plaine promise and assurance to them of al securitie and indemnitie, for murdering of your Qu••ene her selfe.

As the Queenes of Scotl. life there∣fore is your Queenes preseruation: and her strength, and good state, is your Q. surety and assurance: euen so is the ende of the Q. of Scotl. life, the entry and be∣ginning of your Queenes death, if either Historie of things past, or probable iuge∣ment of things present maie suffice to tell and teache her the truth of her owne state at this day.

And hauing now compassed in this maner the extincting of the House and Line of England, and brought it euen to the brinke to be finally ended at euerie sodaine, when them selues list (and which hath by likelyhood no long time to tarry, now Norf. is gone, and the Q. of Scotl. ready to be gone after him): let vs now s••e and examine some of these mens arts and attempts, by which they haue assailed

the House and Line of Scotl. and how litle that wanteth of vtter extirpation and rooting out also, that their waie may be plaine and smooth to the House of Suffolke their owne familie.

For proufe wherof I wil not her•• de∣teine you with the rehersall of the sundry attēpts made vnto your Q. sundry years past by Parliament, to haue remoued & cut of that Family. Nor I will not holde you with remembrance of y^e occasion first taken, and quarell picked, only vpon an armes made in Scutchions, at a Triūph in France: whervpon ensewed the subor∣nation of y^e whole Nobilitie of Scotl. to reuolt against their Soueraigne, the in∣uasiō with an Army into that Countrey, the surprising of Lith, y^e rasing of y^• walles and Bulwarks therof, y^e expulsion of the French y^t were y^• security of the Princes State, y^• barbaro••s ruine of all y^e Mona∣steries, her subiects vsurpation of y^• spiri∣tual possessions, & temporal Dominion: & by degrees af••erward, sundry slaughters & murders, new inuasions with English forces, the imprisonmēt of her person, her exp••lsiō frō her state, & other Tragedi••s

many, of which the ende is not yet seene.

With these, I saie, I shall not deteine [ 1] you: but beginne I will with remem∣bring vnto you the assured amitie and vn¦f••ined frindship that was betweene your Q. and her from the time of her returne out of France, being a widow, vntill her mariage with the Lord Darley. Which amitie continewing so many yeares with so many euidēt tokens of sincere meaning on both sides: I would now demaunde, what iust cause of your Queenes feare, or mislike any man could see in that matche and mariage. Only this, euery man maie see, was conteined therin: that wheras before she was without Children, & these Catilines thereby assured, that with her owne life her Line should finish: by this mariage now they founde them selues preuented of that hope, whervpon en∣sewed so cruel a persecution against y^e Q. & her husbād, as giueth euidēce to al men, that her chiefe offence was, in prouiding by mariage to haue laufull Succession. [ 2]

Againe, being before her mariage in all matters of State subiect to Ieames the Bastard (a third confederate Catiline

with these twoo) whereby their mon∣struous Impe of womanish and lay Pri∣macie newly planted, did spring and take roote in both Realmes: when she now with her mariage beganne to take y^e Re∣giment into her owne hands, and to dis∣couer her selfe to be Catholikly inclined, these two points so pearced and strake these Catilines to hart, that the feud thereof is deadly and implacable for euer.

For if she could haue bene content, still to haue enioyed the name of Q. only, and with her owne life to haue ended her line (as your Q. giueth them hope y^t she will do for her part) & would stil haue suffered her Bastard Brother to haue reigned and ruled both her, & her Realme, as his Cō∣federats yet do yo••rs: they had, no doubt, permitted her much lōger, then they did.

But when she had now by her ma∣riage discouered her intētion & meaning to be so fla••ly repugnant and contrarious to theirs, albeit to euery wise and honest mans sight, that mariage had bene your Q. securitie: beholde, how than was re∣newed vnto your Q. memory the buri••d matter of the Armes made in France,

and great dangers and feares pretended now againe, and often, and suttelly laied before her. And therevpon new Embas∣sadours and Messengers sent into Scot∣land thicke and threefold, with letters and arrants of one sense to the Queene, and secrete Commission of co••trary pra∣ctise to I••ames the Bastard and his con∣federates.

Then went new Plats and Deui∣ses to raise new rebellions: and they re∣pressed, the Rebels in England succou∣red, by in••reatie from thence reconciled, money and pensions secretely promised, aied and succour ready prepared, her hus∣band wonne to ioyne with her enemies, & to consent to the murder of her Coun∣sellours: and he no faster wonne to this, then other were wrought to dispatche him: he abused with the bait to haue the State to himself: and they with the pro∣mises, that she should be inforced to mar∣rie the vnknowen murderer, when her husband were killed. Then her person imprisoned, and after their maner depo∣sed: imprisoned, I saie, first among her owne traiterously, and then among you

(to whom she fled for succor) vnnaturally.

[ 3] Al this appeasing yet nothing these Machiauels malice (bycause now shee had a Child, that lyeth also in their waie) out went than Bookes and Libels, Let∣ters, and Songs, Rimes and Talkes at euery table: yea by tongues of Autho∣ritie to spot her honour, to reproche and defame her for an Aduoutresse, a murde∣rer, a Papist, a Competito••r of your Croune, and whatsoeuer els could be [ 4] thought on more odious. And with often inculcation thereof into your Queenes ••ares, forget not, how vehemently shee was pre••sed (euen at y^• iumpe) by whole Parliamentes two or three, one in an o∣thers necke, to declare her Heire in suc∣cession of the Croune: in hope, that if then they might haue obteined your Q. con∣sent therevnto, it had not ben vneasy (as they had made their parts in both Hou∣ses) to haue set both her and her sonne byside the Cussion.

That deuise taking none effect neither, behold now an other, I wot not whether more impudently false, or more insatiably malicious. For hauing by plaine rebelliō

depriued her of her State, & otherwise in∣iuried her with y^• most lothsome & odious wrongs, that y^• Diuel of hel could deuise: they now write & print out to y^e worlde, that she is a Competitor of your Croune, an enemie to your Q. a raiser of rebelliōs, a shedder of English blood, a caller in o•• foreine forces, & finally charge her with conspiring & intending of the very same mischiefes against your Q. (who neuer tasted iote of them) y^t herself hath receiued through y^e suggestiōs of these Synons at your Q•• handes. Which is a manifest & in∣uincible argumēt, respecting the cōsidera∣tions of her person & theirs (she being by birth inheritable to y^e Croune, of which they be borne subiectes) that they meane to depriue her of her State and life too.

An other plat also of the same kind is, [ 5] this deadly persecution of the Duke of Norf. entended mariage with her: spe∣cially being remēbred, in what credit, ho∣nor, & reputatiō he was euen w^t these Cai∣tifes, vntil he disco••ered himself to owe some affectiō y^• waie, & to yeld to the mo∣tions made vnto him for mariage w^t her. Which proceding first frō your Nobility &

Councel, and by them al (in effect) so wel liked and allowed of, was, no doubt, so maturely ••igested: that there was no∣thing possibly to be found in it by any honest meaning man, that could any way haue preiudiced your Q. but sundry waies haue strengthned and aduaunced her securitie.

But these Catilines, and those Coun∣cellours looking with farre different and vnlike eyes: these vpon the Quene, and Realme, and right Succession: and they vpon themselues, and their priuate trai∣terous marke, made, as you s••e, farre di∣uers and vnlike constructions. Where∣vpon (for their credit with your Prince aboue the others) hath ensewed al this late lamentable Tragedie: out of which mariage no indifferent man aliue of com∣mon sense and intendmēt could haue suc∣ked•• nor wrested any doubt, feare, or su∣spicion towardes your Q. respecting what was to be considered in the person of the man, and in the state of the wo∣man: shee your Queenes neere Co••yn, expulsed from her State, and so impriso∣ned in her custodie, that her personal li∣bertie,

the recouery of her Realme, her mariage, and whatsoeuer els should hap∣pily folow after, was al to be receiued at your Queenes handes, with what con∣ditions & assurance so••uer herself would haue demaunded: and he your Queenes neerest kinseman, of power best hable to serue and defend her, in readines and af∣fection therto, wel proued to be inferiour to none, a meere subiect of England, no way allied to any forein Prince, in Reli∣gion than a Protestant vndoubted, and yet also, if the great ingratitude of these iniuries hath not lately by grace opened the eyes of his heart. So as no colour of cause remaineth of mis••iking that matche, other then, that the same might haue tur∣ned to the preseruation and safety of that Q. and her succession, longer, then these Catiline Caitiues doe intende shee shall li••e.

It would be to long a worke,16 to per∣vse in this maner al the pointes attem∣ted against her by these Machiauellians, that do breath & spire out their fatal ma∣lice towards her. To be therfore as brief as I can, I shal put yo•• in mind of the

last Tragedie of like nature and qualitie wrought among your selues, by K. Ri∣chard y^e third, as the Stories make men∣tion: cōpassed by like fraudulent, imp••∣dent, & mōstr••ous meanes, & ended with that Tyrannical & blouddy successe, that this also threateneth & plainly portēdeth.

Uouchafe therefore with your selfe to compare the maner & forme, how y^e terri∣ble mischief was contri••ed and wro••ght by steps & degrees, from a farre time, be∣fore the ende thereof appeared: with the maner & forme of proceeding towardes these greate Princes, and other Noble personags now. And so shalt thou, I doubt not, see so much therein, as shall suffice to shew thee in thine owne cōcept, the whole substance & effect of y^t I meane to say in my next volume, if occasion shal require. And for thy helpe therein among y^e infinit resemblances that may iustly be made betwene y^t Tragedy & this, I shall put the in mind but of some few, to induce y^e rest y^t better vnto thine owne memorie.

Begin thou therefore with y^e pike that was put in the life of king Edwarde the fo••rth, & the stomake & tooth y^t was fead & mainteined all his time betwene y^e two

kinreds of him selfe & his wife. And vnto y^t laie thou this suspicion now put, & this Diuision now wrought by false persua∣siōs, betweene your Q. y^t now is, & y^t Q. of Scotl. her next Cosin & heire apparēt.

Remember y^t fine deuises, & far fet po∣licies [ 2] vsed to circumuent king Edward y^e fourth in making awaie his brother the Duke of Clarence, vpō precēse pf preuē∣ting the danger of his Children, and the troubles of his Realme: but meant in dede, as to weede away y^t person, that the deuisers of y^t Treason did foresee, might, & would be th'impediment of their final p••rpose. And compare thou that vnto the sundry notable personages alredy made away (I wil not say by your Q. cōmand∣mēt directly, but al the world witnesseth it to be by their practise, y^t haue vsed her name & Authoritie to those plats & deui∣ses) I meane, y^t seueral destructions of the Dukes of Norf. & Guise, y^t L. Huntley, the Lord Darley, the Archebishop of S. Andrewes, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and of Dauid the Secretarie: and the neernes there vnto of others yet ly••ing, God knoweth how little while they shal.

For let no man looke for long life, that standeth in their waie, if God preuent them not.

[ 3] Compare thou the first apprehension of the Lordes Riuers and Grayes, Syr Thomas Uaghan, and the reast of the Q. kinred than, with the soft and milde speaches at the first made of them, & sun∣dry comfortes geuen them, that al should be wel: to blind and staie the multitude for a time, from seeing that at the first, that shortly folowed after. Compare thou that (I saie) with the first apprehensions of the Duke of Northfolke, the Earles of Arundel and Penbrooke, the Lord Lum∣ley & the reast, with the quiet smoothing ouer of the same againe for two yeares time, til now: and their deathes, to the deathes of them, that are yet to die, be∣fore this Tragedie shal take his ful ef∣fecte.

[ 4] Laie the rumors then spred and pub∣lished of the one, how they would haue destroyed the Kings Kinred, namely the Dukes of Glocester & Buckingham, and such other pretie deuises: laie that (I saie) vnto the Rumors and voices,

Libelles and Pamphlets printed & pub∣lished against the other now, how they would haue destroied your Q. brought in foreine forces, taken London, inuaded Ireland, yea and then haue proceeded to further things (saith the Libel) not expe∣dient yet to be vttered.

Remember the Queene than a widow, [ 5] and lying in Sanctuary for the safetie of her yonger sonne, while the elder was in the hands of the vnknowen Traitour, than taken for the chiefe and most lauful Gouernour. Remember ••I say) how she was defamed for an enemie to her hus∣bands kinred and blood Roiall, to the Nobilitie of the Realme, to be a Sorce∣resse, a witche, and by Nigromancy to haue wasted the Protectors body and limmes: only to deface and disgrace her, and to bring her into obloquie of the people, that for her great vertue had her in iust reuerence. Laie this (I saie) vnto the sundry ••••launderous infamies forged and raised against the Queenes Maiestie of Scotland, a widow and in prison (whiles the contriuers of the greate Treason haue your Queene in their pos∣session)

of beeing an harlotte, of killing her husband, of raising Rebellions, and I wot not what bysides: to bring the people to hate her, that for her rare ho∣nour & vertue haue worthily loued her.

[ 6] Compare you the publishing than of King Edward the fourth not to be the s••nne of Richard Duke of Yorke, and his two sonnes also to be Bastards, vppon a false pretense of his former contract with Dame Elizabeth Lucie, and therefore neither he, nor his sonnes to be right Heyres to the Croune. Compare thou that vnto the Libels and bookes made against the Q. of Scot∣landes Title, namely that, that was pre∣sented to your Queene, by Iohn Hales: whereby they would pretend, that for her being borne in Scotland, shee could not be inheritable to the Croune of Eng∣land: and the infamy of Bastardy, wher∣with they would spot and barre the La∣die Margaret Lyneux and her succession.

[ 7] Forget not, that o••e of the preten∣ses than made, to get the yo••ger Lambe into the woulfes mouth, was a supposi∣tion, that the Mother intended to send

him ouer the sea, to the great dishonour of the Nobilitie, and to the great discom∣fort of the litle King his brother, that lac∣ked him for a plaifellow, and other like Argumentes: against whiche nothing could satisfie, til the innocent were in the murderers hands. And compare this to the surmise alleaged in this Libel, that the Prince of Scotland should haue bene conueied into Spaine: and to the infinite practises and deuises vsed to get him in∣to their handes in England, that haue already both the person of his Mother in prison, and your Q. also at their gouern∣ment and deuotion: and whose thirst no∣thing can quenche, whiles either mother, or sonne remaineth aliue.

Marke you, how al those motions and pretenses then were couered with the iustest & most plausible shewes, that could be deuised: to wit, with the Kings securitie and comfort, with the honour of the Nobilitie, with preuentiō of troubles to the Realme, & with all good meaning to euery man bysides: til their heades were of, that were desperate to be wonne to the final Treason intended.

And compar•• the same to the af••able and plausible apparences now, that pretende nothing but your Q. securitie, whome them selues ha••e endaungered, if any daunger be towards her: that pretend her hono••r, whome they haue dishono∣red, by abuse of her name and authoritie, more than euer they are hable to recouer: that pretend, to preuent the troubles of the Realme, who haue in deede begonne to bring it into mo troubles, both foreine and domesticall, than they be hable to ende, or bring it o••t of aga••••: that pre∣tend, to defend the Realme from inuasion of foreiners, who haue already so peste∣red it with such infinite nūbers of Stran¦gers, to serue a priuate turne of their owne, as since the Conquest was neuer seene in that Realme: and that pretende the safety of London and general libertie of the Realme, when they haue brought [ 9] both into that thraldom & ser••itude, that they neuer tasted of, synce they shooke of the yoke of the Danes Dominion.

Let the example of the Bishoppe of Yorke and Eli••, of the Lordes Hastings, Stanley, and others, who not knowing

the end finally meant, had bene instru∣mentes with & for the secret hidden Trai∣tours in the ouerthrow of the Q. kinred, and in helping to bring the matter to∣wardes some ripenes, against whome there was no colour of quarel, other then their owne honour, vertue, and fidelitie, that shewed them not likely to be wonne to so foule a Treacherie, when it should come to be reuealed: Let this example, I saie, (ioyned vnto the vniust captiuitie of the Earles of Arundel, Worcester and Sowthampton, of the Lordes Cobham & Lumley, the B. of Rosse, with so many other Knightes & Gentlemen imprisoned at this present, for the very same cause & none other) be a paterne & president vnto some others of the Nobilitie now, that yet thinke themselues ful safe, and in the matters now in hand doe goe on and ioyne with the r••ast (for the faire preten∣ses and shewes made) as not sauouring the filthy fine intended.

Let them, I saie, (as safe as now they thinke them selues) looke at the ende, for the end y^t the others had: vnle••se they can in the meane while winne so

much of themselues by litle and litle, as when the end shal appeare, headlong to tumble downe with the reast into the depth of al dishonour and infamy of de∣posing their iust Princes, to their owne perpetual reproch, and vtter extirpation of their succession for euer.

[ 10] Compare the weeding and dropping away by few and few, of that litle Kings old seruants than from him, as the time of his destruction drew neerer and nee∣rer: vnto the remoouing of the Queene of Scotlandes knowen and trusty ser∣uantes from her, by diuers times and degrees, til shee haue now in effect none at al left about her, either hable to resist any violence offred her, or to complaine of it, til it shalbe to late.

[ 11] And make a comparison betweene the speach of the litle babe than, mention∣ned in y^• Historie, when he said: Though mine Uncle wil haue my Kingdome, I would to God, he would yet let me haue my life still: compare y^•, I saie, vnto the sundry ouertures & passing offers made by the Queene of Scotland, to recouer but the libertie and securitie of her per∣son,

with the like deafe eare geuen then to the one, and now to the other.

Beholde likewise the instrumentes [ 12] of the one than, and of the other now. Among the Clergie there lacked then no Shawes, nor now no Sampsones. Among the Lawyers there wanted than no Catisbees, nor now no Nortons. And as a Duke of great dignitie, wise∣dome, eloquence, courage and authori∣tie in the Realme was than found out, to aduaunce and solicite that vnnatural en∣terprise, as chiefe of the Councel, highest in rule, and principall Officer vnder the Prince than: euen so haue you one or twoo nowe, so farre from Dukes borne, that they be the first Gentlemen of their Genealogie, who for wisedome and wealth, for alliance now and cre∣ditte, for eloquence of tongue, for au∣thoritie with your Prince, and for reue∣new also, beeing equal or superiour to your Noblest of birth, and the chiefe Councellours and Magistrates of your present gouernement, that are the Ca∣pital contriuers of this treason now in hand.

[ 13] And like as for a gentle Brakenburie found than, a noble Shrewsbury hath ben found now, of whome neither than, nor now, any hope could be had, to make them y^• slaughtermen of such a shambles: euen so for a Caitif Knight founde out than, to whom Brakenburie must render the keies of those Innocents: I could name you an other Knight founde out now, to whome Shrewsburie muste yelde the custodie of this Queene. But whiles the choice is his owne to relent vnto, or resiste so vile a villanie: I will not doe him the iniurie (before his de∣sert) by name to resemble him to Bout∣cherly Tirell.

[ 14] For priuate respects saith the Story, as partly for malice against the Queenes kinred, and partly for hope of an Earle∣dome, was that Duke induced to abase him selfe to so vile an office, as to com∣passe that cruelty. And for like priuate respects of malice to some, and reuenge to others, & for hope of further aduance∣ment yet to them selues, by bringing the Crowne to that Familie, to which them selues are vnited, & their succession

incorporated, doe a couple of Catilines now all this that they doe.

The pretenses alleaged both of that, [ 15] and of this (euery man seeth) are so farre from truth, that they passe probabilitie: all appearing, either plainly forged and fained of nothing, or of a mote a milstone made: or the innocent charged with the accusers crimes. In neither of both haue lacked some, y^• saw the truth, forethought the ende, and would haue preuented it, if they had bene hable. Wherfore whoso be∣holdeth by the Historie, the ende of the one past and irreuo••able, and looketh not of the other to see the same ende, eare it be long: either he winketh willingly, and will not see that, that his foote stumbleth at: or els he is so weake sighted and sen∣sed both of body & minde, that as pleasant is a puddell, as a path way, for that man to walke in.

Finally, as that practise ended by [ 16] rooting out the Masculine Rase of King Edward the fourth: so this deuise must fi∣nish in ending the Impes of king Henry the eight, when the last Line hath bene made the meane, to waste and weede

awaie all those, that first should followe and succede it. In the ••oresight wher∣of, be not abused, neither by faire speaches, that pretende better, nor by the difference of the waies vsed there∣vnto. For what varietie so euer is in the waies and meanes vsed to any one thing: (if the fine and ende be one) the fish pardie is caught, for which the nette was laid.

And therefore if your Queene by arte and cunning be wrought to finish and extin••te her owne Fathers Line, by want of Issue of her own. bodie, vnder pretense of politike reseruing her ma∣riage, as a trumpe in store against all euents, and by violence and force to ex∣tirpe the other Line of her eldest Aunte, vnder pretense of her owne securitie: the ende of both two, thou seest, is one, and ••ath made the waie plaine, to the pesti∣lent purpose finally intended.

Now this correlation and comparison of that Story past, with this Tragedie present, being e••larged (in a wisemans consideration) with infinite other partes, wherein the same maie aptly be resem∣bled

and doe answer eche other, hauing shewed the one already to haue extirped the Issu•• and Line of king Edward the fo••rth, and the other now to tende to the rooting out of all the Heires of your blood Roiall, (as well them, that maie yet come of King Henry the eighthes body and Line, as all ••he r••as•• that are alreadie descended from his eldest Sister Margaret maried to the king of Scotl.) that maie claime before the Issue and line of Marie his yonger Sister, now called the House of Suffolke, vnto which the two Capitaines of this Coniuration haue vnited them selues, and incorpo∣rated their Successions:11 if thou shalt vouchesafe vnto this (well kept in me∣morie) to adde also the politike and abun∣dant pro••isio•• made for the continuance and establishment of that third Line and Familie: this ende (I doubt not shal ap∣peare so clere vnto thee, that tho••gh thou wouldest winke & close thine eies agains•• it, thou shalt palpably feele it, and fal vpō y^• account of it, whether thou wilt, or no.

Begin therefore with remembring, how litle it failed, that that Family had

not sette both your Q. and her Sister by∣sides the Cushion, in the yeare 1553. And let your Q. owne wisedome informe her, whether her owne entry at first, & raigne euer sinces could haue bene (by common iudgement) so quiet as they were, if that familie had standen in the same ful force and hope at the death of her Sister, in which it stoode at y^e death of her Brother, or vnto which it is now restored againe.

[ 2] Than consider, how the weakenes of that House growen by the attaindre of the last Duke of Suffolke, is now re∣paired againe, by vniting vnto it the House of Hartforde.

[ 3] Beholde, how lately the Remaine of that Line reasted in two soole and selly Ladies, destitute of parents, mariage, & indowment: and yet is now multiplied into choice of heires males.

[ 4] Beholde againe, how the doubtfulnes of that wedlocke (growen vpon a sen∣tence pronounced by your Q. Cōmissio∣ners) is cleared againe (in their frindes opinions) by the Seales of certaine fo∣reine Uniuersities, and by the Firmes of sundry famous learned men obteined to

the Question, by the traueill of Rob. Beale, in the yeare. 1563. and procured by the counsell of these two Catilines, and is reserued in secret, to serue the turne, when the daie commeth.

Consider with this, the Books and [ 5] Libels spread & cast abrode in the yeare 1566. made in the preference of the Title of that Line and House only, and to the preiudice and disproufe of the Right of al other Heires, that by blood and Descent might claime before it: and copies of the same geuen out (in Print, as it is said) to remaine in the hands of the Fac••iō only, till the time come to vse them.

Beholde, how the Princes displeasure [ 6] cōceiued against al them, y^t were Parties both to the vnknowen coupling, and to these blinde books, seeming great at first, is by time so cunningly extennated, that the parties at this daie haue more credit, then euer before.

Consider againe the seueritie vsed, to [ 7] suppresse and keepe out the booke, writtē in the defense of the Honour and Title of the Heires of the House of Scotland, de∣scended from Margaret the elder Sister:

how for that cause only y^e priuileged per∣son of an Embassadour, against the Law of Nations, had hands laied on him, re∣maineth yet prisoner, his seruant tormē∣ted, and betraied in close prison, and both yet threatened and indangered of their liues: and looke withal, how your owne mouthes are stopped, and your eares are closed, and your hands tied among your selues, euery one from speaking, hearing, or writing mutually one to an other, in y^e defense or aduauncement, of y^e Honour or Right of any of y^e House, & how freely w^t fauour & thanks, euery mā may speake & write what he wil in preferēce of y^e other.

[ 8] Beholde also•• how importunatly your Q. was pressed by her Nobilitie, by her Counsell, and by Parliaments one or two, to declare a Successour: in y^t time, I meane, whiles that Family of Suffolke was so frinded, & had made such a partie, by the authoritie of these two Catilines, that they thought no Competitour could haue bene heard against them. And lay that vnto the present state of that affaire now: I meane, how penally & cruelly it is b•• Parliament prohibited, y^t no Suc∣cessor

at all shalbe named or knowen: whiles these of the yonger House (for their authoritie with your Q.) haue the iudgement & iurisdictiō, with terro••r to stop all mouthes, y^t shall speake or write of y^e right of y^e elder house, & with al seue∣ritie do it, and haue like power to winke at, to excuse and reward all those, y^t shall set foorth the yonger, which also they do.

Than consider, how the Capitaine Ca¦tiline [ 9] of this Coniuration now linketh him selfe with y^e Noblest & Auncientest of your Nobilitie (leaft in credit, I meane) how strong thereby he maketh him selfe, & what a partie he and his Familie with their adherēce, and the number of Stran∣gers by them brought in, shalbe hable to make, being so riche in reuenue, so stuffed w^t Treasure, & frinded for y^e Preferment, that by his place with your Prince, he geueth and denieth to & fro, whom he list: now (I meane) whiles y^e rest of your No¦bilitie are so diminished in number, de∣caied in credit, disgraced and defaced, and euerie way brought so lowe and so bare.

Beholde also, how the Duke of North∣folke [ 10] being by birth and blood a member

of that yonger Line now of Suffolke was honoured and esteemed by these two Catil••nes, and his credit euery way ad∣uaunced and commēded for many yeares together, whiles they nothing doubted, to ha••e him (for kinred sake) the principal Piller and head of their Faction. And lay that to the depth of all deiection and dis∣grace, that forthwith and sodei••ly he was turned and tumbled into as sone as ••u••r he had g••••en shew of his affectiō, to vnite and ioin•• him sel•••• (in a n••erer man••r of vnion) vnto the elder House of Scotlād.

[ 11] Lastly, if you forget not, the House of Hartford now vni••ed to Suffolke (and consequently these two Catilines incor∣porated thereby vnto both) is the Family which first called and created (as it were) the principallest of the two from Cam∣bridge Schoole, to credit of Courte: you shall see, that by this meane he hath well prouided both for his auarice & ambition, these Noble Families being alreadie lin∣ked vnto him by three strong bands: by Coosinage, first to the one, and now to both: by being a chicken of Hartfords brood••, and by aduauncing it to matche

with the blood Roiall: and now looketh by the fourth alone to make the band stronger, then by the other three: if he maie, I meane, bring his purpose to passe of wasting and weeding all away, y^t are betweene them and the Regall Seate. Then is he sure, stil to gouerne & raigne, which is the point, that chiefely he aspi∣re••h to. Then shal he be sure, to keepe his lands & goods corruptly gotten, wherof he standeth in doubt and feare. Then shal his succession be Coosins to the Croune, and annumbred among the noblest: what more afterward, who wotteth yet?

Many other prouisions might be here remembred, made by these Machiauelles for their owne assurance, to the euident preiudice & contempt of your Prince, to y^e danger of her Crowne & State, & threat∣ning plainly the ruine of your Realme: but that my purpose for this time hath bene, rather (by shewing some few things in briefe maner) to induce your selues to the larger sight and memory of mo, than to dilate these matters Historically, till they shalbe somewhat riper, and more fully fallen out.

Now therfore that you haue seene but the shadow, as it were, or a fewe briefe Notes of that monsterous Massa that might be shewed you of the Tragicall Treasons and false sleights daily put in vre & committed among you: I shal leaue y^e reast to be collected by your own wise∣domes, not doubting but y^t if with leasure ye vouchsafe to loke depely into these few memories here laid before you, they shall suffice to bring much more to your owne minds (y^t are in your own Countr••is af∣faires more informed & better exercised) than I (y^t am but a stranger among you) can come to knowe, or dare y••t expresse.

And that which I ha••e said, reasting (as you see) not in meanings only, nor in deuises & determinations alone (as al the sclanderous accusations of these Princes alleaged in this Libell doe consist) but being things put in vre and execution, as euerie man knoweth: it shal b••houe you, like wise men, so to deeme of the meaning & iudge y^t intent, not as deceiuable words maie abuse and g••eue shew, but as the facts do purporte and minister cause. By which line and square if ye measure your

iudgements, ye shal than easely discerne, not only the vanitie of the seuerall accu∣sations of this Libell in them selues, and the truth of the particular Answers made vnto e••erie of them aparte: but also the fatall feude & deadly malice, from whence those surmises ar•• risen & sprong: to wit, from the rootes of Ambition and malice only, whose nature being insatiable, it neuer ••easteth, whiles any matter remai∣neth, wheron it may woorke.

And therefore doe the Q. of Scotland what she will, offer what she can, and be shee whatsoeuer she may be: wise men thinke, & long haue said, y^t shee seeth not y^• woorst, but the best of her State, whiles these two Catilines sit at the Sterne of your common Wealth: whome nothing wil satisfy, whiles ought lieth in the way betweene them & their marke. But what so••u••r tendeth to preuent that end y^t they shoote at, as I haue shewed you, must be turned & termed dangerous to your Q. tending to Rebellion, moouing troubles to the State, seditio••s, and sclanderous, and I wot not what bysides, as by this Libell appeareth.

And who soeuer is foreseene not likely to be woonne, to be an instrument and meane to aduance that ende of theirs: be he what so euer by nature, by d••etie or affection, ne••er so ne••re to your Queene by blood, neuer so deere a frinde, neuer so faithfull a subiect, neuer so affectionate a seruant, yea or by grace neuer so sincere of life: he must, & shalbe persecuted with fier and sword, & either by sodaine mur∣der taken awaie, or by false accusations condemned, defamed and brought into disgrace, as a Traitour, Conspirator, Re∣bel and sclaunderous ••ower of seditions, and finally wasted, and weeded awaie by one meane or other: as by these Noble Princes, the neerest of your Q. blood, the most affectionate vnto her, of any two y^• liue, I dare saie, and by the reast of your Nobilitie and Gentlemen now fled, im∣prisoned, and otherwise defaced, (no few in number, if they be well marked) doth manifestly appeare.

And now that you haue also seene (sen∣sibly I trust, though succintly touched) some of those other great Treasons (for hard it were to tell you of all) that are

in deede daily committed among you, & little espied, nor but by few discerned, for the plausible pretenses that they go co∣••ered and disguised withall, for as much as the whole body and corps of this Cō∣iuration, and all the practises by which it is compassed (be they neuer so impious in the sight of God, neuer so odious in the sight of man, neuer so traiterous to your Q. neuer so daungerous to your Realme, neuer so lothsome to him that hath any sparke of honestie left in him, nor neuer so manifest & apparent to them that are not naturall fooles) are made yet to beare and carry a face and shew, like a right Sinons Horse, of a Sacrifice to your Pallas or Diane, coloured & pain∣ted, I meane, with the bright glistering titles of your Queenes seruice, safetie, Honour and profite, & be as boldly pu∣blished, and as impudently auowed by books, Proclamations, by Letters of Au¦thority to all Countreis and Courts, by open Orations, & secret subor••ations of whisperers at home, to dasell the dimme sighted ••ies, to claw the itching cares, and to fill the hungry mouthes of y^• bab∣ling

multit••de, as if all were meant and intended only for her quietnes, honour and securitie in her Seate: and by this bright shining shew and pleasant sound do the soner deceiue both her selfe & eue∣ry other good subiect bysides (for euery honest man must needes allow all care∣full prouision for a Princes surety, and few are so de••pe sighted, that they can looke thorow the timber or wood, to see what is hidden in the hollow horse with∣in): for as much also, as this terrible Tragedy seemeth not yet so nigh to his ende, but that there are many plaiers not yet comme to the Stage, that are like to play blooddy parts in the same (for of the blossomes already shewed yo••, the frutes must be looked for, as the haruest time of this sowing season that you haue seene) and bycause the losses and detri∣ments thereof partly are, and more wil be irreco••erable and aboue all recom∣pense, if it go on vnpreuented in time (for, bysides many other, what can coun∣teruaile or restore the infinite ruines that go cōprehended in displacing of Princes, and in wresting y^e Successiō of Crownes

from their dew course?) and preuented it can not be, whiles the mischeuous my∣sterie remaineth vnperceiued, and while you harken still to the Syrenes song, that this Horse of Sinons soundeth without foorth, and doe not harken nor attende to know, what treason to Troy he brin∣geth in his bosome: for as much likewise, as the most principal, and of all other the moste pernicious arte vsed to compasse and to contriue this Treason, and that neuer wanteth nor is absent from any parte or practise thereof, resteth and con∣sisteth chiefly in abusing your Queene with lies, fables and false persuasions, some finely forged, and other grosse ynough, so heaped yet, and thicke laied out, one in an others necke, and euery one so boldely bolstering out other, that the verie impudencie and copious fludde of them deceiueth many modest mindes, that without great triall and long experience, can not weene it were possible, that all should be so false, as they are, being laied out by any that beareth the face of a resonable man: And finally, for as muche as no liue

can be a iuster measure to deeme or diuine of things vnseene and vndone, then is the obseruatiō of things past, nor no cre∣dit being more equally dew, or attributed to any mans woords or deeds, that are obscure, to come, or of doubtfull euent, then answerably to his former faith and honestie, and as he hath in other woords and deedes appeared to deserue: I haue vpon these considerations thought it ne∣cessary here to conclude, with laying be∣fore you, or rather (in speaking to you) by presenting to your Q. some few images or looking glasses, as it were, drawen out of the matters before remembred.

Wherin, and by which (if she vouche∣safe to consider them) she shall, as in pat∣terns or samplers of things done & past, plainly see and discerne, not only what is ••o come, and to be looked for hereafter: but the very truth also of her owne, and your Stat••s pr••sent as they are, which it passingly importeth both her and your selues, and your Nobilitie most of al, na∣kedly to beholde without veile or visard, and to be no longer abused nor deceiued, as you ha••e bene in the sight & iudgemēt

of your owne affaires, but that you may by li••ely presidēts of things freshly past, wisely and in time foresee what is com∣ming: that being warned, you maie be halfe armed: that by other mens harmes you may prouide to be harmelesse, & that you may rather preuent the wound, be∣fore you receiue it, then seeke to salue it, when it shall be to late.

This art of abusing you by lies, this crafty circumuention of your Queene by false and suttle arguments, making both her and you all to weene, your forme of Gouernance to be far other then it is, making you beleeue, your doings & pro∣ceedings to be otherwise deemed of, then they are, persuading you, that the worlde abrode is blinded and abused by your words and pretenses, as most of your owne are at home, terming that to be your Queenes Honour, that is her ma∣nifest reproch, calling that her safety, that is her euident danger, naming that to be for her seruice, that is euery way losse and dishonour vnto her, pretēding that to be for the common quiet of the Realme, that is in deede the ••pparent confusion and

ruine of the same, and finally feining, that of your doings Foreine or Dome∣stical you haue not to care, nor neede not regarde what any other Nation saie or thinke, bycause you are an absolute Mo∣narchie within your selues: these, and such other wrong conceiptes grounded vppon fraudulent reasons and crafty ar∣gumentes, beeing to your owne sightes and outward shew, like deceiuable spec∣tacles before your eies, that make white things appeare greene, & one thing, ma∣ny, vnto your sightes: forasmuche as it were a plaine iniurie to your Q. to pre∣iudicate her so much, as to thinke her so vnnatural, as to be carelesse of her owne Honour and State present, of the pro∣speritie of her Succession, of the quiet of her people and Realme, and of the Noble fame & renoune of both in time to come, when nature shal haue exacted of her the tribute of this life (for that were as much, as to condemne her of plaine infidelitie, Atheisme, and more then Moorish Ma∣••hometisme) and carelesse plain••ly must she be thought to be, both of the one and the other, if being made to see the horrible

outrages, the dangerous detrimentes, and dishonourable infamies, that daily and hourly do spring and appeare in the particular practises of this Coniuration, both towardes her people, her Nobles, her neerest of bloud, her owne person and State, her Posteritie for euer, her fame among men, & to her soule before God: and likewise, if hauing the great vaniti•• and deadly malice of the coueines and craftes contriued to cloke the same with∣al, laied open before her, and made plaine vnto her: if it were, I saie, to muche wrong to thinke, that yet she would be carelesse to preuent them, or preferre the present and priuate, before the re∣medie and prouision for the common and perpetual: it shal not therefore (I trust) be tedious nor fulsome to the in∣different Reader, that for conclusion of this Pamphlet, I do assaie to laie open before her some few of the treasons and practises before touched, nakedly, alone, and bare as they stand, and as they be o•• themselues, without those lying couers & defenses, y^t are laied aloft ouer them: by seuering & remouing them, I meane, frō

those false additions, lewde and lowde lies, that go ouer linked and ioined vnto them. To the ende, that both she, & your self may see them in their own likenes, as other men do beholde them, that you may looke on them with like eies, as other men doe, that you maie iudge of them, as the indifferent sorte doth, that you maie know them for such, as of truth they be, and that you maie by them, as in liuely images and true looking glasses, see and discerne all the rest: and thereby leaue at length, to deceiue your selues, as long you haue done, by looking vpon thes•• matters with partial and affected sights, and by making a farre vnlike iudgement of them, vnto that which all equall eies doe deeme and discerne them to be: yea imagining them to be of a cleane con∣trary shape and forme, from that, which they shew to all the worlde bysides your selues: not all vnlike to them, that daun∣cing naked in a net, suppose that no man seeth their vncleane parts, which euerie man beholdeth and laugheth at. And that you may yet in time (if you take holde of it) helpe and assist your Q. to deliuer her

selfe of this long ••hraldome and abusion, wherin she lieth tied hand and foote, as it were, with lies, fables & painted woords put vpō such poisoned deeds, as for their owne vile substāce would sh••tter, moul∣der & come to nothing of themselues in euerie mans sight, if they had not those forged persuasiōs mingled alwaies with them as morter or lime to holde them to∣gether: and by which malicious mixture she is dragged and drawen to her owne passing detriment, and to the irreparable ruine of her Realme for euer.

1. And not to trouble you with many, since the sight of a few may serue to make your owne wisedomes to looke for the like in the reast that shalbe shewed you in these: turne againe to beholde a little the first publike action of these mens re∣giment, the violent innouation of Reli∣gion: by Law, I meane. Wherof though I haue at some length treated already, & may therefore seeme (to some perhappes) ouer often to iterate one thing: yet shal I not long hold you therin, nor appeare tedious, I trust, to any indifferent Rea∣der, that weyeth the importance, which

this cause carrieth in it, for so many diuerse and sundry respectes, as haue not yet bene spoken of, nor can here be all remembred. Let that Change of Religion, I say, be vewed by it selfe, stripped out of those vaine fables,10 and idle lies, suggested to draw your Queene vnto it.

And first, weede from it the vntrue surmise, that said the Change was conue∣nient, bycause she could not assure her selfe of her Catholiks, &c. as if they, that hauing all in their hands, receiued and settled her in her State: that euer since, I say (and for twelue years time no man wil deny) haue qui••tly susteined manifest oppression in body and goods, euident abasement in honour and credit, violēce, pillage, and disgrace euery waie, without fault or offense, or without foote or finger moo••ed against her, might w^t any reason or colour, be feared or mistrusted of Re∣bellion, if they had found fauour & iustice.

2. C••t from it likewise that feined De∣uise, that said it was necessary against the Scottish Title & French faction than &c. as if the auncient and vniuersal alienatiō

of al English hartes from those Nations specially: as if the firme amitie of the Ca∣tholike king of Spaine wel witnessed by his motion at that time, to haue maried with your Queene, and well tried by his refusing to conclude any peace with France in the yeare 1559. till England were sa∣tisfied for Calice: as if the very policie of all his owne Countreis (truly testified by the namelesse discourser of the inten∣ded mariage betweene the Queene of Scotland, and the Duke of Norf.) as i•• the factions in Scotl. it selfe: and as if the low state that France was then in (as appeared by their peace then taken with so many dissad••antages) suffised not to shew, how vaine that suggestion was, and how contemptible, the woorst that they could haue donne.

3. Take that lie also from it, that per∣suaded the Change to be requisite, to sa∣tisfie and winne the partie Protestant at home, feined to be the stronger factiō &c. Which was than so farre the weaker in deede, that none at all appeared, neither mēber, nor Head, no nor Sinon him selfe, y^• than durst seeme to be of that side: and

when the Catholikes had in their hands the whole Gouernance and Authoritie, the Nauie, the Portes, the Armour, the Treasures, the Offices of credit, assured also of the aide and support (if your Q. stood indifferent) of the Sea Apostolike, of the King of Spaine, and of him of France also: who of purpose to attend the p••rging of his Realme from y^e Pro∣testant pestilence (crept into his Coun∣trey by long licentious warres) had euen than deerly bought his peace w^t Spaine, as euery man knoweth.

4. Pare from it also that lie and false arte, that made your Queene beleue, that al Princes adioyning (to haue the spoile of their Churches) would folow her ex∣ample in that attempt, &c. Whereas ma∣nifest experience hath taught euery man, not only that no one wil folow her: but also that both the chiefe, that is to saie, they of Spaine and France, haue consu∣med their treasures, haue bestowed the liues and bloud of their Subiectes in great numbers, both by battaile and iu∣stice, and haue susteined al personal peril and danger of their States: rather then

they would admitte that Atheisme into their Countreis. And looke on Den∣marke, Germany, Swetia, Polonia and Moscouiato, if you will: and see whether any one of them all can be induced by her example, to go one iote furder foreward, then they were before.

Yea, looke on all the free Cities of Eastland, or els where, & on Hamborow it selfe, where they preache publikly, that who so lodgeth any man of the English Religion, is an hoste vnto Sathan, and lodgeth a Diuel in his house. And against their impudency, that will say all these Countreis and Cities last named were of your Religion before, and be all one with you: let their Churches decently adorned with images, let their Altars standing, let their doctrine of Christes reall presence in the Sacrament, let the vse of Auricular Confession, of Priuate Masse, of Latin Seruice, and of infinite other points of the olde Religion per∣mitted to all that will: let euerie gate of their Cities, euery high waie in their Countreis, decked with Crucifixes, and Crosses, being all publike markes, and

knowen differences betweene their Re∣ligion and yours: let them, I saie, giue ••••idence, and ••estifie, not onely that no Prince nor lauful Magistrate in Europe hath followed her example: but also that neuer any yet did leade her the waie, in that exorbi••••nt cou••se, I meane, that she hath bene misseledde to runne.

5. Se••er it also from that smooth and sweete lying speache, pretending, that they meant not to constraine any mannes conscience, forsooth, neither to force any manne to comme to their Sectes, till Godde, pardie, shoulde draw him: nor to leaue and lacke the vse of his owne Religion in quiet and pri∣ua••e manner, &c. whereas within lesse then one ••eare they expelled al the Re∣ligions of the Realme, that would liue in their Order or Habite: they tooke away their ho••ses and landes without colour of cause, and foorthwith after depriued the Bisshoppes and Cler∣gi••, remooued the Laitie (al in effect) from Queene, from Councel, from cre∣••i••••••, and Office, in Court and in Coun∣trey.

And of the reast since let the sundry imprisonmentes, arainements, amercea∣mentes, & other publike punishmentes of al sortes of Catholiques, yea of wi∣••owes and women, onely for hearing Masse in a corner, let the multitude of them that are called vp by processe, that remaine in bandes, that are fled, hidden, and in prison, for not taking the Othe and Communion, and for not comming to sermons and seruice: yea, let the pi∣ning deathes in stincking prisons, of al your old Clergie (in effect) that neue•• made fault: let these, I saie, speake and declare, what meaning there was hidden vnder those sugred shewes.

6. Lay aside also from it that idle plea and forged defense, that wil ascribe the quie••nes of your Queenes Raigne hi∣therto vnto that innouation and change of Religiō, &c. since euery man knoweth, that by the Catholiques onely shee ente∣red, by them onely shee was placed, by them established and confirmed in her Royal Seate, and by them chiefly obeied and mainteined euer since: chiefely, I saie, by them, who are well knowen

to be most in number, and strongest party yet, if she stoode indifferent.

Yea, who seeth not plainly the con∣trary? to wit, that by that Change she gaue vnto her Aduersary king Henry of France a manifest aduantage against her, such as must needs increase y^e allowance of his quarell, and decaie the force of her defense, to the dubbling of ••er danger and trouble? For though the se∣uerall deathes of two French Kings in so short time as could not be looked for, did abetter the s••quele of that rash at∣tempt more than could be hoped of: yet doth that euent following nothing com∣mend the temeritie of that fact & Counsel preceding: so as euerie man of common sense must ne••des cōfesse, that y^e quietnes of her raigne is more to be attributed to Goddes secrete ordinance, to the peace∣full nature of the greatest Princes in her time, and to the loiall fidelitie and con∣science of her Catholikes: then to the te∣merarious and wilfull mutations made by her Machiauellians.

7. 8. Take from it also those two manifest lies, that pretended the Change to be for

conscience sake, and for truth of the doc∣trine, &c. as if the old faith o•• the Church from Christes daies to yo••r owne, and the generall faith of your owne, and all other Nations, y^• euer professed Christes name, had bene false and erroneous. And as if they could be said to haue conscience in Religion, that haue no one Religion: but that like the mutable Chamelion (that liueth without substance, by ai••r only, and changeth his colour to what so euer it standeth on, white only excepted) haue for substantiall Religion, certaine imaginatiue opinions: which they alter with euery time they liue in, the time of truth excepted, & do daily passe & change from one sect, to an other, in such māner, that now after xiiij. years ende, no man yet wotteth, which sect shall preuaile?

And who seeth not, that, what so euer your woords are, your deeds do cōuince, that to be a manifest lie, euen from the be∣ginning? For did you not euen at first prohibit all Catholike preachings? Did you not by bands tie the Catholikes spe∣cially from al priuate writing & speaking against your Heresy? Did you not close

them vp in prison, and keepe them in cō∣••••ituted houses, bycause they should not dwell among your people, l••ast by their words or examples they might stay the multitude in the Catholike faith? Doth not your prohibition of al books written ••gainst your doctrine, and your extreme punishmēts inflicted for hauing, keeping or reading of them, plainly implie & con∣uince: that your selues than did, and y••t doe se•• and know, that your doctrine is false, and not hable to abide triall of lear∣ning? Yea did not Grindall•• Parker, Pil∣kinton and some other confesse the same to some yet liuing witnesses by th••se ex∣presse woords: that (what so euer y^• truth were) being now beg••nne, it must be gone thorough withall for credit and re∣putations sake?

9. Remoue it also from that flattering lie, by which the Parasits and clawbacks bare yo••r Q. in hand, y^t by the change of Religion, she should cleare y^e question of h••r Mothers mariage, & of her owne le∣gitimation. &c. wheras cleane contrarily she raised & reuiued therby y^e buried que∣stion & scruple therof: which time had so

put to silence, & bro••ght in obliuion, that neither was her selfe, nor her interest to her Crowne any way prei••diced by that•• in the opinion of subiect at home, nor of friende abrode. But on the other side, by that mutation offensiue to so many: her Fathers life and manners, her Mothers mariage and death, yea her owne bir••h and conuersation is made th•• subiect and ma••ter of much secrete talke at home a∣mong ••er owne, and of more open speach and penning euery where abrode.

Tenthly, y^t the Minister lacke not one lie for his tithe, strip it out of that couein and craftie lie, that bare you in hande at first, that y^e change was no change nor re∣pugnancie in Religion: but y^t both were one in substance & effect, & that both parts might be saued wel ynowgh, bycause they beleued in one Iesus Christ, &c. And see what your Ministers tel you now, & whe∣ther in their pulpits any crime be excla∣med on cōparably to y^• old faith & religiō. Yea see, whether open adultery, professed vsurie, purposed periury, sacril••ge, incest, slaughter of Priestes, murder of Catho∣liks, mariage of brother & sister toge••her,

or ought els be punnishable equally to the confession of the Catholike faith.

And can these two Religions be cal∣led one in effect, wherof the one teacheth that to be Idolatry, and the high way to hel: that the other doth adore, as y^e chiefest outwarde Honour, Sacrifice, & seruice, that man can doe, or geue to God in this life? And can that be called one in effect, wherof who so professeth y^e Affirmatiue, shal die as a Traitour, by y^e rigour of this your new law•• & he that professeth y^e Ne∣gatiue, go••••h demned for an Heretike, by your owne & all other olde lawes of Christendome? Et sic de caeteris. For y^e diffe∣rences be mo, then can be expressed: more repugnāt, then white and blacke: & more notorious, then a mans nose in his face.

These examples now sufficing to shew you the vanitie, the absurditie, the false sleights, and malitious arts vsed to draw your Q. vnto y^t change: & the disco∣uery also & disproufe of them, resting not in words & affirmations, but proued by time, and cōsisting in facts, which can de∣ceiue no man, being a iust ballance, in, and by which you maie measure and wey

al the other fraudulent reasons and craf∣ty argumentes suborned vnto her, to wind her into the reast, and may be assu∣red to find them like vnto these that you haue heard: laying them apart, I saie, from that mutation and change (as your reason, I suppose, seeth cause to do) let vs now returne alitle to behold that in∣nouation, as it standeth, alone by itself, and without this false furniture, which you haue heard: that the change may ap∣peare to yourselues in the owne simili∣tude and same forme, in which it sheweth it selfe to euery other man, that hath com∣mon sense, & standeth indifferent: whome your Sinons can not bleare and blind, nor deceiue with sugred termes put vp∣pon vnsauery things, as they haue done your Queene, and al the reast almost, of your owne at home.

Being aparted therefore from them, see now, how this change looketh, and what it is of it self. A change it is, made from one Religion that you had, vnto an apparence of many, and to none at al in deede. From auncient, vnto new, if any be: from vniuersal and common, to pri∣uate

& singular: from that, which had the vniforme cōsent of yourselues at home, & of al the chief Christian Natiōs of Eu∣rope bysides: vnto that or them, in which neither yourselues are agreed, nor no Monarchie Christened agreeth with you.

A change from a Religion gouer∣ned by a iust Monarchie, to a mōstruous Policratie of so many heads, as there are Princes, yea of women Heades, of chil∣dren Heades and of popular heades: as though there were as many Gods, as there be absolute Princes: & as if it were lauful, to haue as many diuers fourmes of regiment in the Church of God, which can be but one: as we may haue seueral policies in Ciuile Kingdomes, be they neuer so many.

A change from that, which was plan∣ted by poore Apostles, vnto this, y^t is plan¦ted by the vsurpers of Princes powers.

A change from that, which made Fis∣shers Apostles, vnto this, that makes Friers Apostatas.

A change from that, which was buil∣ded by preaching an•• persuading: vnto this, that is erected by plaine cruelti••, &

constraint. A change frō that which was spred through y^e world at first, & euer since mainteined by the written Gospels and Epistles of selie, simple, weake, and base men: vnto this, which by Arcabusses & Pistolers o•• armed soldiars, is first in∣truded, & than mainteined euerywhere.

A change from that, which by no least penaltie constrained any man to leaue the faith or Religion that he had: vnto this, which by feare of Authoritie, by com∣maundementes of Commissioners, by processes with sureties, by bonds & other vexations, by fines, by Amerceamentes, by deprination from liuings, by turning out of Offices, by disgrace in Countrey, by defacement in Court, by displeasure of the Prince, by losse of lands, by confisca∣tiō of goods, by personal imprisonment, yea by sundry deathes, some long & lin∣gering, other short and violent, compel∣leth most men by worde or by deede, in more or in lesse, to fal from the faith in which they were baptized.

A change from that, which did draw no man vnwillingly to it: vnto this, which by infinit violēces forceth mē to accept it:

yea, makes them that by grace and wise∣dome do abhorre it, yet seeme to allow it. A change from that, which by auncient and general Lawes corrected only those that would needes depart from it, when they had freely first professed it: vnto this, which by a new and priuate law, yea be∣fore law, aboue law, and without law, punnisheth, impouerisheth, impriso∣neth, and euery way oppresseth them, that neuer accepted it, nor yet allowed of it.

A change from that whose first frutes were to ronne into wildern••s, to forsake the world and al the felicities of this life: vnto this, whose first frutes are, to robbe Churches, to make Monkes and Fri••rs to robbe their Cloisters: the vowed wo∣men, to ronne away with varlettes: the professed men, to steale away lay mens wiues and daughters, and to make them robbe their husbands and fathers.

A change from that, whose Bishops & Priestes promised chastitie, & for farre the greatest nūber liued continent liues: vnto this, whose Bishops and Priests (if it haue any) professe procreation, & many

of them pluralitie of wiues. A change from that, which was serued by the mi∣nisterie of them, that had ben brought vp in learning, order and obedience: vnto this, whose ministers are made of Tin∣kers, Coblers, Broomemen, Chimnei∣sweepers, Canelrakers, and of the basest in qualiti••, and lewdest of condition that can be found among the people, bycause the honester sorte wil not accept the vo∣cation.

A change, I saie, from a bridle against sinne, to a spurre of al iniquitie. From that, which feared men from doing ill: to this, which feareth men from doing wel, least thereby they may be thought Pa∣pists. From that, which by hope of Gods reward in••ited men to good woorkes: vnto this, which by hope of mans ad∣uauncement, allureth men to mischiefe. From conscience in ceremonies, to defye Sacram••ntes. From contrition of hear•• for sinne, to induration of hart in sinne. From confe••••ion of si••ne by mouth, to concealing of sinne by others. From see∣king to satisfie for sinne, to dubble and heape sinne vpon sinne. From shamefast

and seldome swearing, to open and vsual periurie. From feare to lie, to plaine and vsual impudencie. Frō building of Chap∣pels, to robbing of Churches. From ••recting of Alters, to ouerthrowing of Abb••ys. From praiyng for soules, to sup∣pressing of Chanteries. From geuing of almes, to dissoluing of Hospitals. From ••reeping into Couents, to bragging in Courtes. From vowing of chastitie, to mariyng of Monk••s. From consecra••ing Uirgins, to wedding Nonnes & Friers. From promising pouertie, to professed vsurie. From voluntary obedience to ob∣stinate ambition. From fasting fish daies, to flesh on Fridaies. From watching in praiers, to sleeping by payers. From Churchemens praiyng, to laie mennes preaching. From sermons by Doctours, to womens lectures. From reasoning, to railing. From ••••uerent speach, to scoff•••• ••nd scor••••s at al holy things. From pul∣pittes in Churches, to fiel••es & woods. From honouring of Saintes, to burning their Images. From going in Pilgri∣mage, to haunting of harlottes. From visiting Prisoners, to pliyng the Grome∣porters.

From penance and Pardons, to onely faith. From we••ping for sinne, to laughing at sinne. From scruple of smal sinnes, to glory in great.

And from that, whiche through Charitie, conteined menne in the limites of Pietie, Iustice, Temp••rance, and vertuous exercises: vnto this, which by a solifidian hope, first induceth in man loosenes of life, r••denes of man∣n••r••, wildenes of lokes, pride of speach, ha••tin••s of g••sture, and a Ruffianlike russhing into al vice, and after vnto Atheisme, Barbarisme, or Machometes ••aith at least.

And from that, which kept your fe∣minine sexe in al womanly grauitie: vnto this, that leadeth them that be the z••alouse imbracers of it, into al iolitie and galantrie. From that which taught them maidenly bash••ulnes: to this, that t••ach••th them to blush at nothing, & hath drawen them from the English sobrietie, to the French vanitie. From the rare and plain•• speach of England, to the Spa∣nish complementes. From cl••ann••s by wasshing, to vnsauery painting.

From moderate feeding, to Flemmish quaffing: and from being the examples of modestie to al Nations, to be the Pa∣tronesses of brauery, and of al lightnes to al the Dames of Europe: by sucking, as it were, and selecting together the im∣modestest demeanours of euery Nation. From feare to heare, to be bold to speake I wil not saie what. From sober lookes, to light eyes. From sad & seldome spea∣king, to bold babbling what so euer, least they might seeme ignorant. From lear∣ning of their husbandes, to teaching their husbandes. From obeying their Par∣sons, to commaunding their Uicars. From woorking, to playing. From spa∣ring, to spending. From hiding their lockes, to imbrodering their smockes. Frō samplers in their handes, to skarfes on their armes. From bookes of praier, to ballades of loue. From occupying beades, to feathers in their heads. From wearing Christes Crosse or Image, to carrie their friendes colors or visage. From dis••a••fe and needle, to folow the fiddle. From blusshing to hear•• of ma∣riage, to laughing to heare of lone.

From the bondage of wedlock with one, to the libertie of louing many. From a decent fearfulnes cō••enient to their kind, to an vndecent hardines for their sexe. From trembling to see a swoord drawen, to carrying of daggers, and discharging of dagges without feare at all. And (not to saie all) from bashfull modestie and shame fast behauiour comely for women, vnto a more then mannish audacitie in woord, in deede, and in all demeanour: plainly repugnant to all holines of life, and to the qualities of a profitable wife: if she set ought by her selfe, I meane, or will be esteemed among her betters.

A change, I say, from that Religion, which condemned all errors, vnto this which conteineth all heresies: no heresie almost, being of olde condemned, that is not now among you re••iued & professed. Yea vnto this, that by Parliament vn∣saincteth Sancts Canonised & confirmed by miracles 300. yeares together: vnto this, that for want of wiues meete for gentlemen, giueth by Parliament, the lauful wife of the liuing labourer, to be a kinghts Lady and Lemman•• Unto this,

that for feare to lacke lauful procreation, bringeth foorth children betwene Bro∣ther and Sister. And finally vnto a Reli∣gion, that termeth it Tyranny, to burne heretikes, by the common lawes of Chri∣stendom more then twelue hundred yeres olde, and by an English Parliament con∣stituteth new Capital crimes of her owne creation only, such as neuer were crimes among your selues before, nor to this day are not in the whole worlde bysides.

A religion, that forbiddeth the Image of Christe crucified, in Churche, or els∣where: and permitteth the pictures of pa∣ramours in euery house. A religion, that as treason forbiddeth the vse of holy Re∣likes and consecrated things, and prin∣teth for Saintes obstinate heretikes, pu∣blikely cōdemned, dying impenitent, and trayterous murderers of their Masters. And so, a Religion that maketh your Q. to her owne dishonour the birde that blemisheth her own nest, by condemning her Sister, her Brother, her Father, and al her Progenitours, as murderers of Martyrs, and slaiers of Saintes, who cō∣demned

that for heresie, whereof she for Treason condemneth the contrary. A fit frute for the first feminine Head, that euer toke Moyses Chaire in Christes Church.

A Religion of Negatiues, a Reli∣gion of Lyes, a Religion of Libertie, a Religion that leadeth to loosenes and to al lewde life. A Religion that of Scri∣pture denieth sundry whole Uolumes: that of the Text it selfe corrupteth places infinite, and vntruely translateth the rest, that should decide, I meane, any que∣stions of controuersie. And therby (how so euer they abuse you with woords of reuerence vnto Scripture) a Religion it is, that leaueth you in dede no Scriptur•• at al, by the iudgement of your owne lawes. For if a writing rased in any least letter by a stranger, after the sealing, be iustly pleaded not to be the deede of him that sealed it: how can your Bible be called the Woorde or Scripture of God, whereof so many whole books are de∣nied, so many places corrupted and chan∣ged, so many Texts falsely translated, and s•• many false gloses and expositions put vpon it?

A Religion, that falsifieth y^e Fathers, that sclandereth the Doctours, belieth the Popes, belieth the Emperors, belieth the practise of the Church, and all Histo∣ries, that doe testifie the truth of things past. A Religiō, that hath neither externe Sacrifice, nor outward Ceremonies, o∣ther then by Rebelliō to depriue al Prin∣ces, that impugne it: by poison, by Pisto∣lets, or by treason to murder what Ca∣tholike soeuer lieth in their waie, to leade Nūnes naked about the markets, to flea Friers, to martyrise Mōks, to kil Priests, to make lyuing men butts to shoote at, & markes for Arcabusses and handgonnes, to bowell men quicke, to frie their flesh aliue, and this to iustify as acceptable sa∣crifices to their God, and as the most sa∣cred Ceremonies of their profession.

A Religion, that generally euery where is first apprehended, most zelously ••mbraced, and most vehemently maine∣teined, by the lewdest of cōdition, y^e most vicious of maners, the most cōtentious, the busiest, vnquietest, and worst of con∣uersation. Whereof let euerie mans pri∣uate experience giue testimony, that may

remember, I meane, the first Preachers of this doctrine, and the prime, and most feruent disciples thereof in euery towne, Citie, Uillage, Parish and househol••.

A Religion I saie, that calleth Christ in the Sacrament, an Idoll: that calleth the only Sacrifice of y^e Christian Church, Idolatrie: that professeth it to be sinne for any man to beleue, y^e fasting, praiyng, almes, vowes, penance, or any other good woorke doth please God, or ap∣pease his wrath: that teacheth your Chri∣stian faith to be false doctrine, and heresy to be the trew faith of Christ: y^t teacheth the chiefest outwarde seruice and honour to God y^• euer was vsed where Christes name was professed, to be Idolatry: that teacheth sacrilege, incest, and the wilfull slaughter of sacred & anointed persons, to be vertuous and acceptable to God: and that teacheth, the olde, the common, and knowen waie of saluation, to be the high way to damnation. I call it therfore, by ineuitable consequents a Religion that turneth darknes into light, & light into darknes: and that teacheth Hell to be Heauen, and God him selfe to be the

Diuel of Hel. A change also I cal it from that Religion, in which your Queene folowed the steps of her Progenitours and of al other Princes: vnto this, wher∣in shee is the first, that euer vsurped wo∣manish Primacie. From that, wherein shee was vnited with al great Princes her neighbours: vnto this, in which shee standeth post alone, and hath neither Prince nor lauful Magistrate to accōpa∣nie her. From that, by which she was as∣sured to kepe her old frinds, that w••re of habilitie to stande her in steade, both at home, & abrode: vnto this, for which some of necessitie are forced to fal from her, and the reas•• are decaied both in number and affection: and by which new enemie•• are ingendred both secrete and open, and no friend wonne•• that may be trusted and is worth the hauing. From that, which was so light & easie to beare, that n••••er Chri∣stian King found himselfe weary of the burden ther••of, but her Father alone: vnto this, the deadly paise and weight wh••r••of hath bene so heauy and intole∣rable, y^t it hath sunken & oppres••ed so infi∣nite numbers of great, Noble & worthy

Personages (& of Quenes especially) that haue within these fortie or fiftie yeres as∣saied to vphold it, first in Germanie, than in England, than in France, & Scotland, & lastly in Flāders: that if your Q. should see the lamentable list of their names laid together, she might with reason, & would I weene, be shrew their hartes ful harti∣ly, that haue made her a Companion of so vnfortunate a felowship.

A change it is from that, which of her owne wis••dome shee was not willing to leaue: vnto this, whervnto she was wre∣sted with many perils, & without gain to herself, ••or their gain•• onely, that twisted her to it.

And to conclude, a change it is, to a Re∣ligion so plainely Turkish and Heathen, that no where hath it passed or fixed foo∣ting, without leauing behinde it the very printes and foote steppes of Ma∣chomettes Armado. Whereof let them be Iudges, that haue seene in Hun∣garie and Slauonie the decaied Ci∣ties, the wasted Countries, the rui∣ned buildings of all sortes, and the desolate aspecte of al that falleth vnder

mans eie, where the Turks army hath pitched any time: and haue sene withall, and will compare therevnto the subuer∣ted monasteries, the ouerthrowē Abbeis, the broken Churches, the torne Castels, y^e rente Towers, the ouerturned walles of Townes and Fortresses, with the cō∣fuse heapes of all ruined Monumentes remaining yet as Reliques of this Reli∣gion in those parts of France and Scot∣land, where it hath had Dominion. Yea be your selues Iudges, y^t for your yeres can remember the standing of your Ab∣beis, and doe now beholde the great dif∣ference and decay of al your owne greate Cities and Townes, where your Mona∣steries were planted, in comparison of the state, that the same were in, when the Catholike faith flourished among you.

Many other like properties and qua∣lities it hath, mo then can be shewed you particularly, which doe conteine danger, dishonour and disprofit to your Queene, and Realme euery way: but these be ynough, I trow, to shew it a change, and a change for the woorse. Wherin, if you thinke, that ••eruour of spirit hath carried

my penne to far, let y^e points be shewed, in which the indifferen•• Reader remaie∣neth vnsatisfied, and they shalbe iustified, not by surmises and words only, but by demonstration of times, places, persons, and facts, as the matter will permit.

And this being the true shape and likenes, in which your present Religion appeareth, and sheweth it selfe to all mens eies abrode (that are not, I meane of the Confederats) your Wisedomes can discerne, how much it importeth, that you leaue at length to deceiue yourselues therin, by weening, that your Prouin∣ciall Parliament can either alter y^e truth of the Christian Religion, or blinde the eyes of other Natiōs, or close y^e mouthes and staie the pennes of other men: (how so euer by arte and force you haue donne with your owne) but that the same that was true before, shalbe true for euer, and wilbe so said, deemed, and written for euer: how so euer you forbid yours to say it, or hang them for saying it. And this is the first wall and warde of your Com∣mon wealth that is broken downe, to make an entry for your Sinons horse,

that bringeth in his bosome the ruine both of the Temple and Toune of your Pallas and Troie.

[ 2] Of your Queenes deliuerie of her selfe, her Realme, and al her a••faires, so wholy into the handes of her two Cati∣lines, that al cases of importance, not by ordinary Iustice, but by their willes, and authoriti•• must be determined: that al be ••duanced that they commend, and al op∣pressed, whome they would abase: what other, I saie, is folowed, and doth en∣sue of this (if it be truely looked on, with∣out the lies sent out to shadow it) but that the Iustice of her Realme generally is prostibulated, to be solde or hired by money, malice, or affection: few or none being, that by themselues, or their frinds, haue not felt the smart of vniust decrees, procured by briberie, or for difference in Religion? Yea, what matter commeth to hearing or sentence, where they twoo sitte as chief, without briberie, in so ex∣cessiue manner, as if their owne twoo handes sufficed not to take fast ynough, without the helpe of their Ladies, that

must be presented also, ere any ende can be gotten of charges or sute? And can any man denie, that a light crime in a Catholique is made moste heinous, yea, very vertues in them punnished for vi∣ces: and huge horrours in Protestantes passed ouer, or pardoned as light pecca∣duliums?

Consider your Statute made for the Othe of your Womanish Prima∣cie, which vnder great penalties of Pre∣munire, and of death by Degrees, bin∣deth the inferiour multitude vnto that, wherein it leaueth the Nobilitie free. Waie wel the euident iniustice, and the passing absurditie of that Lawe, and ye shal find it as vile a practise, as filthie a fetche, and as dangerous a dishonour, as euer was contriue••.

The meaning of the Acte, ye wotte, conteineth as well matter of conscience betweene God, and mannes soule: as matter of duetie and bonde, betweene Prince and Subiecte. Nowe who euer heard, that the Gentleman and Yeoman, the Artisan, and the Labourer, haue to accounte for that before God,

Whereof the Baron, the Uicount, the Earle, and Duke stand free & not charge∣able? As if y^• ••ne sort had soules, and the other none at al: or, as if the poore and meane man were bound in the sight of God, with hart to beleue, & with mouth to confesse so special a point of faith and Doctrine, wherof the Nobleman is free, and bound to neither of both.

And was it euer heard of, or read be∣fore now, that any Monarch, or Prince, was more a King ouer his subiect, that is a Gentleman, or vnder: than ouer his Uassal, that is a Lord or aboue? Or that one of them was bounden to ac∣knowledge such a Title, and Superiori∣tie in his Soueraine, as the other might safely denie? Yea, the selfe and same, for the third refusall whereof the greatest number infinitely must by this Law die as Traitours, & the fewer number freely may, not only three times, but thirtene, thirtie, and three hundred times refuse it, and bid their King goe whistle him, and charge them withal, ouer whom he hath Authoritie in that behalfe? Looke you vpon the consequents, which of very iust

reason, that Law carieth in it. Let the Degrees be surueied betwene the lowest Labourer, and the greatest Duke in your Dominion. And according to the diffe∣rence of their Dignities, let your Prin∣ces iurisdiction ouer them be rated and proportioned, in such wise, that ouer the highest sorte, his Regalitie be least: ouer the meaner and middle sorte, somewhat more: and ouer the lowest sorte, greatest of al, in as many different proportions, as there are differēces of degrees among your people: (for so of reason ought it to be, if this Law be an equal patterne and president) and than, shal you see your Kingly Prerogatiue and Authoritie, so measured and minced from more to lesse, til your Duke may accompt himselfe fe∣low with his King, and the poore man must take his King for more then a God. Can any thing be thought vppon, more iniust and absurde before God and the worlde?

Behold you also, how base, and fil∣thie the practise was: that to winne som∣what in so vile an enterprise (which to al the Nobilitie appeared so farre out of

course, and so repugnant to reason, that they could not possibly be induced to yeelde them selues subiect to a yoke so exorbitant, and opposite both to Gods Law and mannes) the Caitifes so cir∣cumuented yet both the States, of the Nobilitie, and Commons, that the one accepted suche a Thraldome, as ne••er before was laied on Christian mennes neckes: (for by King Hen∣rie his Law, the Commons were that way no further bounden, then was the very Noblest o•• the Realme) and the other by oppressing the people with suche a b••rden, whereof them selues woulde bee free, incurred so daunge∣rous, and so dishonourable an infamie, as wil not in many ages be cleared againe.

For was there euer practise more infamous, or perilous vnto the whole State of your Nobilitie, then by suche a meane to put a pike betweene them∣selues on the one partie, and all the Gentlemen and Cōmons of the Realme on the other partie, who should ••eele

themselues loden, and burdened with such an oppression, both towardes God, and their Prince, as the Nobilitie, that clogged them, woulde beare no parte of it with them?

Coulde any thing possibly haue benne deuised more iniurio••s to the people, more infamous to the Nobi∣litie, and more like to bring the Ru∣lers in contempt of the inferiours, and to make the base people repine at their Superiours gouernemente? But I tarie to long in opening the iniquitie of that, whiche is so manifest and so pal∣pable an iniustice of it selfe. Lette vs therefore consider an other.

Beholde likewise the equall Ordi∣nance of your Wednesdaies fast: where the riche sort, that are fewest, being hable to buy flessh and fissh, may freely eate both: and the poore sort most in number, being vnhable to buy fish, must either get white meate, or ea••e stones. And see what iustice it is, that forbiddeth the sub∣iect to honour, to acknowledge, or to cō∣fesse

his duty & office to his Soueraigne, that shalbe, or so muche as to haue his person or name fixed before the eies of his minde, to obey him the better, when the time shal come.

And loke vpon the equalitie of that lawe, that creating a new crime of that, which was none, ordeineth the penaltie thereof, to haue relation, and to take place, from xiiij. yeares before the crime was constituted, or any offense commit∣ted. These things, you see, doe beare the names and titles of lawes. And were there euer things hard of, that more di∣rectely impugned common Iustice?

Many examples mo might be brought you, of the open violation of the Iustice of your Realme, which I call y^e rupture and ruine of the seconde wal and warde of your Common wealth, broken downe to bring in the hollow Horse that I haue tolde you of. Wherein abuse yourselues how you will, a••d at your pleasure stop the mouthes of your owne: but preuaile you can not, to staie other men frō seeing and saying as they finde it in deede: that is to saie, naught els, but the raising, en∣riching

& strengthning of those two Ca∣tilines and their Confederats, with the weakening & preiudice of your Queene, with the iniury of your Nobilitie, with the pillage of your people, & with the ge∣neral detriment of your whole Realme.

Than come to the estats of your aun∣cient [ 3] Nobilitie at home, & of your forai∣ners brought in from abrode. I put them together, bycause I would be as briefe as I can. Consi••er, whether euer y^e one wer brought so low, or the other euer risen to that greatnes & strength, synce the smoke of your Conquest was extinguished. Account the number of your Dukes, Earles, & Barons fled, imprisoned, impo∣uerished, defamed, disgraced, & brought into your Princes disfauour. If you be∣holde it (as other men doe) aparted from the lyes put foorth to excuse it, & finding them not so few in number, as fourtene or fiftene, and of your principalest: it must appeare many in your Common Wealth.

Of Knights and Gentlemen of good hability, aboue foure hundred may be na∣med vnto you, y^t at this day are brought into the same Predicament. And where

••••

[ 4] Be content likewise to heare y^e accoun•• that other Nations, yea and your owne to, if they durst shew it, do make of your erection of that Crew and bande of the party Protestant, which lying til your Queenes time like a dead lumpe of flesh, without spirit or life, was by her Ma∣chiauellians first set a foote, and brought foorth to shew their face in the world. Diuide it, I say, from the lyes suborned to countenance and accompany it: if you wil beholde it, as other men do, you must acknowledge it, as the creation of a Cō∣federate company of licentious and vn∣bridled persons, dispersed in euery Coū∣trey (as the Iewes lately were) that be∣ing limited by no lawe of God nor of Conscience (nor yet of man, where they be of strength to shew it) are the profes∣sed enemies of al Monarchie and King∣ly Dominion. Which whoso seeth not, is more then be••tle blynde, so grosse and senselesse, or els so impudent and shame∣lesse: that he is as vnworthy to be talked and reasoned withal, as is a stocke, or an image of stone.

The professed poison I cal it, of al king∣ly

Regiment. Whereof can any man be ignorant now, that hath seene this four∣tene years experience of euery Countrey, where the Confederats for number and strength haue bene bold to shew themsel∣ues? How they haue, I meane, somewher by arte, & elswhere by force, either wonne the Dominion into their owne hands: or haue giuen proude pusshes for it, with the great consumption of the Nobilitie, with excessiue slaughter of the people, with the Princes passing charge and danger of State.

In England you see, what by arte they haue wonne, and who raigneth in deede, by, and vnder the name of your Queene. And for proufe, if she haue bene alwaies wel inclined of her selfe, to fauour her Co∣sin and Sister of Scotl. (as, no doubt, she hath bene) and yet that fa••our so little auailed, that vnder the couer there of the cleane contrary hath bene compassed, and al possible oppressions laied on her, that her deadlyest enemy could deuise, vnd••r that wing & protection of your Queenes good affection, til by degrees she be come to the state, you see her in: let this be

o••e marke to shew you, who raign••th in deede, whosoeuer beareth the name. And if your Queene saued the others life in Loghleuen (as it is beleeued shee did) and yet the other, brought now by other meanes, and in an other place into more danger of life, then euer shee was there: let that speake and tel you, who ruleth and bringeth his wil to effecte. For can it be thought, that they that de∣fame, depriue, and imprison a Prince, do minde any lesse, then to destroy him at last?

And can any manne with reason thinke, that if Sinon did not intend by one meane or other, to make her away: would his shrewd head defame him selfe in this manner, and spotte his owne fame among al menne, with the iust su∣spicion of procuring her murder, though shee should fortune to die by nature, by casualtie, or by others faulte, as a great•• womanne didde not long since (you know) of whose death, he knoweth, some giltlesse personnes were infamed ••aultie? And how neere death hath she benne once or twise already, through

duresse of imprisonment? Or is there any difference in substance and effecte, which way sh••e die, (if her dai••s bee shortened by malice of manne) whether it bee, by shorte and blouddy violence, by intoxication, or by suche maner hol∣ding and intreating, as by experience they knowe shall kil her in litle more tracte of time? This beeing seene (I saie) to be done to her, whome your Queene hath saued, and would saue: tel mee than, who is found to raigne as King in deede, whether hee, or shee?

If your inuasions into Scotland and France, if the money sent to paie Rebels in both, and if the Commissions and Processe to call the Catholiques to the Othe and Communion, were done and sent, some without your Qu••nes know∣ledge, and the reast against her opinion and aduise: let these things beare wit∣nes, who hath the Dominion.

Yea if their contempt of her be such, and so manifest, that euery man seeth, how they coosen and scorne her, in what soeuer question her pleasure impugneth

theirs•• be it for case of Religion, for mat∣ter of warre, for Coosyn of Scotl. for ad∣uancing or defacing, for punishing or re∣warding, or what soeuer els, how s••ily they smile at her in their sleeues, in ap∣parence yelding vnto her woords, and winding her finely to yeld to their dedes either by weeping to her face, when they laugh behind her backe, or by feining sik∣nes for sorow, when they ••reat for anger, til she send to comfort them, & do relent to their lusts: if this practise, I say, be so frequēt & cōmon, y^t no Courte Christened is ignorāt of it: who can be said to raigne & to rule, but they, whose pleasures do•• prenaile? Thus muche for England.

In Scotl. than it is manifest, that whē the Con••ederats could be permitted no longer by arte to gouerne both Prince & Realme: they foorthwith by force depri∣ued their Queene, and with plaine vio∣lence vsurped the Regiment by strong hand, and so do keepe it to this day.

In France likewise, if a mean•• subiect holdeth the Kinges nose to the Grinde∣stone, if he haue mainteined against him now twelue yeres warres in his owne

Realme, if he keepe the Kings townes, mangre y^e Kings wil, if by force of sword he missed litle to haue layed hands vpon his Soueraignes person, if he coined mo∣ney vnder his owne stampe, if he and his faction do kil whome they list without impeachment, if the King be constrained to permit them their preachings, to write his knowen R••belles, good Cosins and Councellours, and to cal their Rebellion his owne good seruice: if it can not be denied, but that it is so, than be your sel∣ues iudge, whether that faction in Frāce be partetakers with the king in his Do∣minion, or no.

And let the seueral assaies giuen in Flanders by the Confederats ther, to the lamentable ruine of that Nobilitie, de∣clare also, what they aspire vnto in that State. And let these al together (being open knowen facts) put in vre by that faction (that was not seene in the world, til your Sinons set it vp) serue to shew you, with what eies the indifferent mul∣titude of men abrode do see and beholde the same: what they thinke of it, and take it to be: and what your Quee••e her selfe

shal bylike find and taste of it, if any way she encounter them, or when so euer she shal offer to deliuer her selfe out of their thraldome, and to take her Regiment out of theirs, into her owne hands.

And passe not this ouer as a matter of words & arguments only, but looke vpō the printed bookes, called The Blasts of the trumpets, that manifestly impugne al womanly Regiment: and behold, how the French law called Lex Salica, that dissa∣bleth women to raigne there, is by these Confedera••s adored and extolled euery where. Consider, how neerely and nar∣rowly your Queene & her Sister escaped their seueral violent & forcible attempts, i•• y^• yeres of 1553. & 1554. And winke not wilfully at this performance & executiō of their purpose, with the Queene of Scot∣land, that they assayed before against those Sisters of England. And remember, that neither in Flanders, nor France, are the ••oles of the same fire quenched, nor the asshes yet colde to this day.

And finding the intention of their harts so manifestly testified by printed bookes, by daily and publike speaches,

by frequent facts and deedes, from yeare to yeare, and from day to day renewed: can it be lesse, then a plaine fascination and sorcery, if your Queene can not yet be induced to se•• it? Or if she see it, how farre from policie is it, and what a blind∣nes of harte and iudgement is she fallen into: if yet she thinke it for her safetie, to be made the instrument of the others con∣fusion?

Can it possibly tende to the seruice of any of both, that one of them should now persecute an other, when their cōmon en∣emy is so euidently sene to be ready to de∣uoure them both? Y••a, is not al that they both can possibly doo eche for other, not only little ynough, but also to be feared to be farre to little, to keepe any of both in their Seates: from which the one is al∣ready remoued, & the other abideth but the deuotion of them, that in woorde and deede r••pine at womens Rule?

Some among your selues, I knowe, do see it plaine ynough, if they durst shew it: and do shed therfore teares of blood from their hartes, wisshing both those Qu••enes to make better account eche

of other, eche to helpe and assist other, and eche to fortifie and strengthen other, as foreseeing al to be little ynough, against the malice intended to both. And in the sight of foreine Nations y^• practise threa∣teneth so manifestly your Queenes speedy ruine (if it be not in time preuē••ed) that her offended enemies reioyce to see it so neere at hand: and the indifferent sorte con∣demneth them, that see it not, as grosse, senselesse, and voide of common reason.

[ 5] This being the true acconnt, that other men cast of your home affaires, touching the true principal defenses of e••ery com∣mon Weale, that remaineth gouerned by a Christian Monarch: beholde in a few woords their est••mation and concept of your forein treatie with the Natiōs your neighbours.

And to beginne with the French: Be∣holde the sedition sowen in that Realme, and renew the memorie of the warres of Newhauen: put aparte, I meane, from the lies that were forged for the recouery of Calice, by those meanes to feede and foster it vp withal. Looke also on the oftē raising of Rebels against that king syus,

after sundry accords and pacifications. Consider the calling in, and paiment of foreine forces, to inuade his Countrey, the secret subornation of the Cōfederats euen to this day, to holde his Townes from him against the Articles of the last Treaty. Diuide from these, the lies and fables, put foorth to couer those facts withall: and imagine with your selfe, whether that King for his youth feeleth not, or for lightnes forgetteth, or for fauour forgeeueth that consumption of his treasures, that waste of his No∣bilitie, that infection of his people, that danger of his person, and that diui∣sion of his Crowne (as it may be sayd) that he hath susteyned, and to this day in∣dureth by those meanes. Or is he igno∣rant, and hath no man to tel him, who hath wro••ght him this wo, and therfore wot••th not whome to accuse?

Nay, what soeuer your words are, and how brauely so euer you brag of the mat∣ter vnto your Q. your Acts do shew, and your deeds do speake, that your selues do see, what remaineth laide vp in store a∣gainst you, til it may stand with his po∣licie,

to shew & lay it out. Why fawne you els so much vpon that new friend in face, made of your olde enemie in hart? Wher∣fore els do you vpholde that Faction in his Countrey, and euery way feede the diuision betwene him and his subiects? Why els do you sende some to treate a league with him in apparen••e, and others to practise with his Rebelles in secret, to holde that they haue? You thinke it is not knowen (and euery man seeth it) that euē presently you haue in his Courte, some as Embassadors, to manage one thinge in shew: and some priuy workers, to con∣triue an other in hucker mucker.

How so euer you bolster vp the matter to your owne, assure your sel∣ues, that you can not deceiue free sight••s abrode, but that other menne b••holding deepely al parts of the same, do finde therein of substance and weight that wil abide si••ting, naught els in the worlde, risinge towardes you, or your Queene, but great charges lost, muche ••are cast away, English blood spilt, dis∣honour only gayned, a seede of Quarrel sowen, a roote of reuenge planted, and

laied vp in the decke, to be demaunded against you, when your dissembled french friend shal see his time to exact it: and which, the English people and Nobility must answere in tyme, in what Princes daies so euer it happen. Calice therby is made irrecouerable, and the face of Reli∣gion in France, as it was.

With Scotland likewise looke [ 6] what your dealings haue bene, with the same sight and iudgement, that o∣ther men doe, whome with lyes you can not abuse: the particulars whereof be more fresh and conspicuous, then that here they neede to be expressed againe. And looking on them, without the knowen lyes, put foorth to excuse them, (for so do other men beholde and con∣sider them) see, whether euer there were by King or Queenes name, so many treacheries committed, more heinous and indigne for a Kingly vocation.

If it were honourable in Charles the Emperour, to restore the Infidel and Barbarous King of Tunis: if King Henry the eigth, Father to your Queene, leaft not to vrge the redemtion

of Francis the French King (being iust prisoner) til he had procured his libertie: if it were great honour to the King of Spaine, to restore the Duke of Sauoy, & to succor the French king against his re∣bellious subiects: if the Pope and other Princes of Italie, thought themselues bound, both in honour and iustice, to as∣siste the same King in those his Ciuile warres: if these, I say, be facts open and knowen, and such, as no mā hath the face, but to speake honour of them: be your selues then iudge, what must be thought and said of these twelue yeares troubles and oppressions vnder your Que••n••s name, and by her Authoritie, layed vpon her Cosin of Scotl.

Ouer which laie what couer you wil to dec••iue your selues, and to blind your owne: few wise or honest men can you draw thereby, that be free from fearing you, to weene the same to be otherwise, then they are, nor for other to take th••m, to wr••te them, or to speake of them, but that your Queene (while she wil beare the burden of her Coniuratours crimes) wil be deemed, and infamed, to be the

contriuer of al those Rebellions against that Ladie, that Wydow, that Christian Queene, that Absolute Prince, of her owne blood Roial, and neerest kinsewo∣man: that she hath bene the inuader of the others Countrey, the spoiler of her good subiects, the countenance of her Traitors, the surpriser of her Fortresses, the procu∣rer of the barbarous outrages commit∣ted against her selfe, her husband, and her Secretary: of the vsurpation of her Do∣minion, of her vnnatural depriuation: & finally the vniust gailor of her personal imprisonment, against al lawes of Na∣ture and Nations.

Pervse likewise your proceedings with [ 7] your olde Allies, the houses of Burgundy & Spaine, with the same sight (I meane) that other men do suruey them: & let not the Kings good inclination to pacience & peace, and his vnfeyned affection to your Queene and Realme, deceiue your iudge∣ments, how so euer perhaps it increaceth your insolency. For the wise and indiffe∣rent sorte can neither be blinded with your painted Proclamations of many woords and few true, nor with his suffe∣rance,

be it ne••er so commendable in a Prince of his might, I meane: but that they see the iniustice and the ingratitude of surpri••ing his mo••ie, of deteining the goods of his subiects, of robbing his people from day to day, of secrete succou∣ring and assisting his Confederate Uas∣sals, of cutting away the mutual traffike, accesse, and concourse betwene his owne Coūtreis by calling together and main∣teining of Pirats.

Which, being seuered from the lies and fables, that you put foorth to couer it with (with which you please your selues & blind a few) the indifferent multitude yet, that be the beholders and lookers on, can not but see them as they are, nor finde lesse in them, then manifest iniurie and open robberie of Millions of poore men, done by a kinde of Cōmission, as it were, from your Queene (as her authori∣tie is abused) & proceding of an vnprince∣like ingratitude, & vnthankful nature (she bearing others faultes) towards her dee∣rest, her surest, and her mightiest frinde vpō earth. And without policy also for her and her Realme, since it cannot be possible

by Nature (be that King what he may be, yea though he were as patiēt as Iob) but that this dealing must weaken & minish y^e harty amity & aff••ctiō betwene him, & her, betwene his Coūtreis, & hers, & betwene both their successions. Which her Poste∣ritie and Realme must remaine lyable to answer, to the smart of euery state therin, one way or other, in whose tyme so euer it shal fortune to come. Wherein who so seeth her security encreased, her honour aduaunced, or her Realme benefited, must ••etch his authority from Machiauel only. For, example, in any honest Authour, is none to be found, of any Christian Prin∣ces securitie to be greater, by the doubt∣fulnes & decay of the frindship of his Cō∣federats: nor that euer Christian Region was benefited, by weakening the amitie with her olde Allies.

Beholde, how her mildenes & Clemēcy [ 8] in gouernmēt for many yeres together, by speach and print was iustly commended, and remaineth, no doubt, in her owne good nature stil: and the renoume therof redounding to her great Honour, whiles those Coniuratours (I meane) found

not yet them selues in sufficient strength. But now the worlde abrode, finding the great terrour and feare, that vniuersally oppresseth the harts of al your people, & ouerwhelmeth, in a sorte, your whole Realme, cannot but heare and see that cō∣mendatiō of her clemency, that was iustly her owne, quite and cleane cōuerted, into an iniust infamy of other mens tyranny.

For, bysides the late extreme executiōs in the North, in Norfolke•• and about Lon¦don (aboue the measure of the delicts, by∣cause the most of them were Catholikes) and bysides al your prisons pestered with Noble men & Gentlemen, no man almost wotteth why: bysides this (I say where few or none, to speake of, can passe from towne to towne vnsearched: where no letter almost goeth from friend to friend vnopened: where no mans talke with o∣ther scant scapeth vnexamined: where it is accounted treason, rebellion, & sedition to haue, or to see to sende, or receyue, to keepe, or to heare any letter, booke, or speach, that might shew you any parte, either of this Coniuration, or of the crafts and falsehoods vsed to bring it to passe:

yea, when the iust commendation of a••y Noble man among your selues (whom these base fellowes do enuie or maligne) is accounted a crime and derogation to your Queene: and where euery man that iustly imputeth any of these disorders vn∣to those Catilines, is takē and punished, as an attributour of the Gouernance frō your Queene to a Subiect: can any man that hath witte or iudgement, see other therin, then thraldome and slauery? Yea, what seruitude can be greater? What go∣uernance can be further from clemencie and mercie?

Finally, sequestring this change of your State, from the lies laied out to excuse it: it doth plainly conclude & conuince, that these Caitifes wil now haue your Quene to beare the burden of their Crueltie. And bycause they feele them selues now in strength, wil bring her into hatred and obloquie, to kindle in the harts of her people a wearines of her subiection, and a mislike of her regiment: that they may be the readier and gladder to embrace the mutation, that these men intende to at∣tempt, and to beare well, what so euer

shal become of her, when these fellowes shal thinke the time ripe, by death, or de∣posing, to remoue her.

[ 9] Remember, what can be gathered by any reasonable men, that do beholde the vnfeyned affection and r••uerente regarde, that the Queene of Scotland hath alwaies borne vnto yours, as to her Mother, her Sister, her de••rest Coo∣sin and friend: that do beleue likewise your Queen••s go••d inclination and af∣fection towards her for many yeares to∣gether shewed, by s••eking to restore her (if these libells say ture): that forget not, how for al that time, there was no feare had of her, no rumours of reproch raised against her, she hold••n in no sus∣picion, nor no motion or memorie of quarell against h••r: that did see also, your Queenes securitie than a••sured, the stronger, the great••r, and euery way vndoubted, for the fauour and good termes, that her successour stood•• in with her: that seeke and search to know, what she hath since committed, so offensiue to your Queene, as should deserue the in∣tr••aty, which now she receiueth: or how

your Queenes safety should be the grea∣ter for the others perill, when a thirde is seene prepared to supplant both: and finally, that see the feare and i••louzi••, that by your printed libels and publike im∣prisonments you pretend and seeme to stand in, of your Queenes safety now: they, I say, that as standers by & lookers on, do indifferently beholde these points, s••cluded from the glos••s & fables blowen out to feede fooles withal: what other thing possibly can they discerne therein, and iudge to be meant th••rby, but a plaine preparation, yea almost halfe an executiō of your Queenes r••m••uing: she remay∣ning the lesse by one halfe in euery mans sight, whiles the other is leaft in hands of the thirde, as plainly she is, while these two Catilines gouerne al three?

If the reading of approued writers [ 10] be the way to teach men speculation, if the Histories of ages past do testify the practise, and if the iudgement of the indif∣ferent sorte, that be not parties nor Agēts to the action in hand, be the truest glasse & image, by which euery man may see him selfe and his doings, & if the late examples

of our owne Familiars, and the vniforme counsel of present and assured frinds, be a better line & measure to square our daily doings by, then are our owne partial and affected fantasies: if this be so, then is it high time, yea and more then high time, that al you that tender your Queenes as∣surance, or your owne preseruations, doe looke on this matter with an other eie, then yo•• haue done. Not by any violent and vnlawful attempt: take me not so (for I meane it so little, that I hate and ab∣horre it) but by leauing nothing vndon•• with your Queene, by counsel without ceassing (ye that be called to that place) & by petition without ende (you that be not called so high) that she wil vouchsafe with her owne wisedome to way the weight of this cause, to see the same in it, that other men see, and in time to preuent and pro∣uide for the worst.

She may remember, I suppose, that when her Father King Henry was fore∣seene to draw towards his ende, and had made a prouision to gouerne his Realme by certaine Executours and Assistants, with special prohibition to haue no Pro∣tectour

in his Sonnes Minoritie: h•• that then had the purpose in ••art to fru∣strate that ordinance, to make him selfe Protectour, and to gouerne both Realme & King, plaied his first Pageant in King Henries owne life, & made the King him selfe the first instrumēt, of fru••trating his owne intention, and the laier of the first stone, in the others buylding, by taking away, before him selfe died, the Noblest, the mightiest, and the faithfullest Sub∣iects (if any might be said to be more faith∣ful then other) that he had in his Realme: the famous Father and Grandfather (I meane) of this Noble Norf. now also cut of, euen for like cause and crime in truth & in deede. For though other faults were pretended in both, yet their very chiefest crimes in deede were, that they than, and this now, were the hablest, & the likelyest to resist that purpose than, and this prac∣tise now intended.

She may also remember (I doubt not) how he, that than had in minde, after to remo••e that Protectour, played also his first parte in the Protectours owne time, and made the Protectour him selfe,

the prime roote of his owne ruine, and first to put hand to the others woorke: by ••utting from himselfe his natural Bro∣ther, and in applying himself to be so po∣pular: of which the one was the ground of his fal, and the other, should haue bene his piller to leane on. In whose decaie there wanted not (though I wil not af∣firme so much) that did prognosticate, the raigne of the Infant King Edward not like to continue long, whose name was vsed to his Uncles confusion. And it can not be, but that shee remembreth, that the foundatiō made by that Brother of hers (if that may be called his, that was done in his name) to haue depriued both herselfe, and her Sister, was a pre∣tense of Religion, and feare of Foreine Dominion: though no manne were so blind, but that he saw, it bended and ten∣ded to a farre other marke.

Of the seueral murders of the D. of Guise, of Dauid the Scottish Secretarie, and of her Cosin Darley, called King of Scotland, it can not be, but shee seeth, that whatsoeuer the seueral pretenses were, the sequeles of those actes shortely

brought forth the plaine depriuation o•• the one Prince, from her whole Domi∣nion: and the diuiding of the other into halues, as it were, betwene that King & his Confederate subiectes. On which examples, beeing al so fresh and new, when men, that be wise, doe deepely be∣thinke them, & do withal remēber, what ougly pretenses were vsed, to shadowe them al when they were in doing, which in this shorte time haue already appea∣red so vaine, so idle, so false, and fabu∣lous toyes, as your s••lues (I dare say) wil now confesse them to be: this being so, what lesse or other can it now be, then a playne bewitching, that your Queene being of so rare wisedome, for a wo∣man, should yet be so circumuented and blinded, as not to see herselfe made the instrument of her owne vndoing?

Wil they, troweth she, lacke preten∣ses to pleade and to obiect against her, when they see their time, that haue found these pretenses against her two Cosi••s? Wil they lacke matter, to de∣fame her to the world, and to bring her in hatred and obloquie of the people:

that haue forged so many colourlesse sclan¦ders against these, that are her neerest in blood? Specially hauing giuen them before hand their pardon, as it were, and a free discharge, of what villanie so euer they shal committe against her? For, lesse thā that, do few wise men deeme & gather of this captiuity of those two Princes, that are her children, her heires, her pil∣lers to leane on, her stayes to vpholde her, her faithfullest frinds, her moste loial ser∣••ants, and the only reuengers of her quarel and wrong.

[ 11] Now these Treasons against your Queenes person, being not trauersable in the eyes of al them, that can and wil see light at noone daies: reuewe a litle againe the other committed against your Country and Realme: the two seedes of sedition (I meane) purposely sowen, to diuide it into Factions, that it may rent it selfe in peeces. For like as no man de∣nieth, but that Ciuile sedition and inte∣stine diuision is the moste pernicions poison, that possibly can be giuen to any common Wealth: euen so must al men cō∣fesse, that by nothing earthly, are al men

drawen thervnto so soone, so sharply, and so vneasy to be reconciled, as when for their Religion, on which reasteth their soules, or for the Title of their Crowne, on which resteth their liues & their welth, a question, quarel, and pike is put, wherof not only two, but ten, or twenty parties and Factions may haue colour, ech to re∣sist and withstand other. And see, whether purposed preparation be not made for both, and both two planted, yea and wel growen already: as if one of them were to little, or might fortune to be appeased, that yet the other thā might serue, to teare the Country a sunder.

Of the quarel for your Crowne, you haue somewhat heard before, how the Title of a third House is prouided for, and preferred before the second, which in lawe is before it. How they both two, and al other interests bysides, are laboured by law to be brought in obliuion, and to be∣comme vnknowen: now, and at this time (I meane) when the Contriuers thereof finde them selues in that strength, that they shalbe hable to make them selues Iudges and Arbitrato••rs of the quarel, &

to giue the Croune to whether Partie they list. And looke not herevpon, as vpon a forced or streined argument: but looke vpon your owne Law, that giueth to him, that can ••irst laie handes on it, vvhatso∣euer is found vvithout an ovvner. And this last new Law taking his e••fect (as needes it must, if it continue in force any time) leaueth your Croune without Proprie∣tarie to claime it, v•• occupanti concedatur. And the Cro••ne of your Realme, be∣ing suche a Garland, as few in Christen∣dome do passe or exceede it: can any man imag••ne, that mo then one wil not presse to laie hand on it, when th••y shal find it free for him that can catche it? Or if such prouision shalbe made in the meane time, that none but one shal be hable to attempt the same: then s••••, how base the reast must be brought befor••.

And ouer that, bysides the duety the people doth owe, to whome so euer they tak•• to haue iust Title (and for such the Multitude taketh, who so euer is by Authoritie among them commended for such one vnto them) bysides this, I saie, if both by Nature, by Iustice, & by al ex∣perience,

euery subiect looketh for ad∣uancement and reward at his handes, whome they can set vp: now behold you, whether here be a bone cast forth, or not, for your owne to stri••e for? yea though that law should faile of his effect, whiles that Title of Scotlād, that your Law pre∣ferreth, is by false artes and argumentes laboured to be supplanted. Neither is it to be forgotten, that in like cases it hath chanced in other Countreys: where, whiles two such Titles haue ben at con∣tention, the weaker hath ben glad, to cal for Foreine helpe to make him equal with his Aduersarie, who many times hath taken the bone from both.

For Religiō likewise, behold how ma∣nifest it is, y^t they wil haue the contention mainteined. For beīg vnpossible (as ••uery man seeth) to e••tinct y^e Partie Catholike, whiles France, Flāders, Spaine, Italie, Irelād, a great part of Germanie, Pool∣land, Swicherlād & diuers other States cannot be induced to admit any other, yea whiles your own Authority in al publike wordes, & apparence, & in al pretēsed Let∣ters to Princes, do giue and make shew,

that Catholikes with you may liue after their conscience, that none of them are im∣peached for their Religion nor faith: ye•• whiles to craue the thanke and glory to be accounted clement and merciful, your Go••ernors make choice, to pretend other crimes against such. Catholikes as they would kil, and rather to pine them and waste them away, by length of imprison∣ment, & oppressions, by pillage & endelesse vexations, then by speedy and violent death (which were lesse paine of the twoo, & the way to extinct them) are not al these euident argumen••s and playne demon∣strations, that th••se Contriuers wil not haue the Catholike party so vtterly ex∣tinct, but that there should stil remaine a Party of them, to vpholde and mainteine the inwarde diuision, how so euer they oppresse it, and seeke to make the other the strong••r?

And what possibly can come of this among your selues, but the same that you haue seene come to passe in Scotl. and France: when so euer any gappe shal be opened, whereof both parties may haue hope to take holde? And who can say, that

these practises are not purposely procured to bring forth this end, that is so euident to be s••••ne ensewing vpon them? And can there be to any Country•• a more vnnatu∣ral Treason intended? How so ••uer with feare you tye vp most tungs among your selues: there be nūbers, that see it plainly ynough, & wher they dar•• trust, do speak•• it also. And as for the reast of the worlde abrode, few or none of any discourse, con∣ceiue otherwise, nor looke for lesse.

And now, good Reader, loke what I haue here shewed you, to be the speache, sense, and sentence, of al foreine Nations, and of many of your owne, if they durst shewe it (speaking s••uerally of the most number of them•• whose iudgements are regardable) in these few particulars, of which by iteration in a sort, I ha••e made new mention: the like could I also shew you, of al the reast before spoken of, and so sensibly proue them, as by reason th••y should not be denied. For most certeine, vndo••bted, & w••l knowen it is to them, that conuerse with Strangers abrode, and a••e trusted by your grauest at home,

that it is not the stopping of the mou∣thes of the multitude among your selues, nor yet the forged feares pr••tēded to your owne, that can stay the tonges or pennes of the worlde abrode, nor deceaue them in seing the truthe of those affaires, vppon which the eyes and eares of al the West worlde are bent at this day.

But these sufficing to bring more to minde, and plainly shewing to them, that haue any eye open, that these painted pre∣tenses of plausible things, s••ggested to drawe your Queene on by litle and litle ••rō time to time, into this confusion, haue so farre failed and wanted to performing that they promised, and of bringing forthe the frute, that the faire blossoms gaue hope of, that after fourte••e yeares, fol∣lowing the trade and steppes of those men in steede o•• al quiet, security, and prospe∣sperous Raigne, shee neuer fo••nd her selfe lesse quiet, lesse secure, nor her State more doubteful: wisedome (I wene) yea and Machiauell him selfe, if he were now liuing, would thinke it good policie to ••rie Ho bytimes, to beleeue words no longer, but deeds an other while: & rather

wisely to acknowledge her sel••e seduced & out of the way, by following those erro∣neous Guydes, that forsaking the high way of her publike office, haue led her the by-path of their owne priuate gaine: than wilfully to runne forward without spa∣ring thicke or thinne or care of inconue∣niencie.

If your Q. therefore shal vouchesafe to consider, by occasion of these few, what other important mutations and practises haue passed vnder her name and Autho∣ritie, since the tyme of her Raigne: & shal by that great wisedome, wherewith God hath endued her, disco••er and finde (as easely she may, since euery man seeth it) that by none of them al, vnto her selfe, or her State, to her Realme or Domi∣nions, to her Line or Succession, to her Nobilitie, or people, no manner quiet nor securitie, no common benefite, nor care, no prouision, nor honour, no estima∣tion, nor other aduauncement hath ben•• in deede and in truth purchaced or procu∣red, but cleane contrarily by them al al∣most, her selfe in Honour touched, her se∣curitie of State weakened, her assured

friends in number minished, and in affec∣tion alienated, and therby her Realmes & Dominions indangered of dāmage, her knowen Succession by penal law labou∣red to be brought in doubt (that of her owne body fast growing to despaire, and that of her next Line, brought euen to the brinke to be vtterly extirped) her Nobili∣tie so wasted in number, and their credit so consumed, that few or none of them haue authoritie with her, or reputation with her people: and finally, her Com∣mons so corrupt with want of conscience & la••ke of feare to sinne, and so fast grow∣ing to inciuilitie by lacke of Iustice and Religion, that al fidelitie is ••ailed, al mu∣tual trust ceased, & scant is one man found that dare and may safely trust an other: yea and that al this hath bene by arte and cun••ing compassed and contriued by a couple of Companions (whome she called to credit, of base parents borne, at s••hoole barely mainteined, first called to Courte, the one from Booke, the other from But∣tery, now more then Barons by Office & Dignitie, more then Earles in possessions and wealth, and more then any Dukes in

authoritie with her) chiefely to feede their owne humours, to serue their owne tur∣nes, and to bring their owne priuate pur∣poses about, which were, to roote out the olde Religion, and with the name of a new, for a while, in shorte time to leaue none at al, to raise a Rable of Rascals as base as themselues to countenance & accō∣panie them, to enrich themselues without limit or measure, to plāt them a Posterity among the Noblest, to ••stablish their own Authoritie stable and permanent, and fi∣nally, to aduaunce that Familie vnto the Croune, to which by mariage they haue vnited them selues: if this frute and ende only, her selfe (I say) shal see, to haue growen and bene gathered of al the mu∣tations in her time, and in truth to haue brought foorth none other to her selfe, nor to any of hers, and the promised bringing also al Princes to her bent, to be at this day as farre from performance, as when they began it, what shew and face so euer they lay on the matter: thā hath she great reason, now at length, to know these Ca∣tilines for such, as they are, and to cash & cast ••oth them and their Counselles, out

of her credit and Courte, and thereby re∣couer her selfe out of their thraldome and subiection: in which by fraudulēt feares, by craftie counsel, by false persuasions, & by many a lowde lie vpon many an ho∣nest man, they haue long holden and de∣••••ined her.

Out of which captiuitie if she were once deliuered, and thereby at libertie to laie the fault where it is (which she can neuer do, whiles they be the chiefe of al her con∣sultations there would be do doubt, but that grace would so worke with her wisedome and good nature, that in short time she would redresse these disorders, and restore her selfe againe to her prima∣tiue quiet and first assured State.

The way whervnto (if I may presume to shew it her) is, first to reconcile her selfe vnto the Sea Apostolike: whereby she [ 1] may raigne in that Christian vnitie of the Catholike Churche, that al her Progeni∣tors for ••ight hundred yeres and more, haue raigned in before her: wherby God may prosper againe her attemps & pro∣cedings, & wherby her people may againe vniformely, and for conscience sake, ••oth lou•• and obey her.

Than, to renew and establish the vn∣fained [ 2] Amitie of the olde Confederats and Allies of her Croune, by which mutual amitie euery Prince is made the stron∣ger.

Than, to restore her Cosin of Scotland [ 3] to her libertie, State, Honour, and fame: whose prosperitie (no doubt) is her owne assurance.

Than, in one place or other to marry [ 4] her selfe at her owne good liking, sins yet she is not past hope of child-bearing.

Than, to reduce her Nobilitie to their iust and woonted credit, and by their ad∣uise [ 5] to gouerne hereafter.

Than, to rule her people by Religion [ 6] and Iustice.

And lastly, to repaire the wasted Trea∣sures [ 7] of her Croune, by the dew search and iust correction of the bribery, corrup∣tions, and oppressions long vsed vnto her Subiects.

These shal she finde to haue bene the steps and presidents of her Royal Pro∣genitors. And in these shal she finde true qui••tnes, both outward, and inwarde, true honour before God, and man, vnfai∣ned

amitie abrode, and harty obedience at home, faithful looue and reuerence of her Coosins and Heires, and al duetie and loialtie of her Nobilitie: which are the principal and vndoubted pillars of al se∣curitie and safety of euery Christen Prin∣ces State. And by these, shal she long (if God so please) enioye her Raigne, & ende it (when God wil) with the quiet and peace, that she began it.

Which way if her pleasure be not to take, but that (either for fauour, or feare of the Faction that her selfe hath set vp) she shal make choice to runne on the race already begonne, with what so euer euēt: it is not only likely, but it must be looked for, that she hath already seene the best and the quietest of her time.

That she shalbe, as she hath bene, in euery thing almost, stil circumuēted more or lesse. Her name shalbe abused, her Au∣thority missapplied, the Religion of her Realme so oft turned this way, and that way, til none at al shalbe leaft in her peoples harts, the Iustice of the same shalbe set as an harlot out to hyre, he•• Nobilitie shalbe wasted, til few be leaft of

them, and they of no credit. She shal beare the Infamie of consuming the olde, and her Catilins shal haue the glorie of erec∣ting the new. She weakened by the one, and they strengthened by the other. Her people shal obey her no farther, then feare of mans law shal enforce thē, her Forein frinds shal fal frō her, her Forein enemies shal grow insolent & glory ouer her, her Realme shal stil be impouerisshed and op∣pressed with Strangers, of whose loue nor seruice she can neuer be sure: of Forein inuasions euer in doubt, of tumults at home neuer assured, her Nobles brought low that should defend her, her Kinred consumed, that should stand by and suc∣ceede her, her securitie talked of, but no∣thing intended, the succession of her owne line in short time desperate, and she made the Instrument to extinct the next.

Which when she hath done, and taken them away, whose liues are her suertie: then shal the time be ripe, vntimely also to make an ende of her owne, if God by some meane preuent not the malice of them, that this way leade her, for their own•• ambition, to her owne destruction.

And than shal she leaue her Croune in question, the Religiō in debate, her people diuided for bothe, and her Realme an∣swerable for in••inite iniuries to al Na∣tions adioining (the smart whereof, you my Lordes of the Nobilitie, and your Successions, shal cheifely feele) without harty frinde abrode to succour or defend it.

And after al these troubles and gar∣boiles in which she shal leade and end the rest of her raigne, with the l••cke of al the comfortes of this life, yet shal she leaue the things, for which she forreinly con∣tended, in litle other termes, then she found them, as fourtene yeres experience already hath taught her. For stil re∣maine both Flanders, and France, Italie and Spaine in their former state touching Religion (which she was borne in hand•• by her caitife Catilines, would with her haue renounced the obedience of the Churche of Rome) and Calice stil French as it wa•• before: and their Princes stil so ready and hable in al those their Con∣treis to impugne her Proceedings, that she hath no more hope, then she had at the first, of drawing them to follow her ex∣ample therein.

Whereby her wisedome may see, with what care and feare she turmoileth, how vainly she laboureth, and is likely at last in greate infamie to ende her daies, and with her body to burie her honour, with more reproche for other mens faults, then euer any Parent of hers, Prince of that Realme, hath susteined for their owne. Which God graunt her as muche grace to consider and preuent, as he hath giuen her wise∣dome to vnderstand and perceiue.

FINIS.

Faultes escaped in the Printing.

Fol.	Page.	Lin.	Fault.	Correction.
5.	1.	9.	pooke	powke.
2••.	2.	17.	her state	her, of her state.
25.	2.	13.	demandes,	demanders.
49.	1.	11.	your Quene	the Quene.
5••.	1.	27.	forgeth,	forgeteth.
73.	1.	19.	Sate,	State.
122.	2.	25.	example: Bisshop	examples: Bisshops
145.	1.	margine. Barthol, Barr.
Ibid.	2.	margine. Donat, Dannet.
1••5.	2.	2.	for coosen,	for her coosen
166.	2.	6.	her?	herself?