Obseruations vpon the fiue first bookes of Cæsars commentaries setting fourth the practise of the art military in the time of the Roman Empire : wherein are handled all the chiefest point of their discipline, with the true reason of euery part, together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings, for the better direction of our moderne warres / by Clement Edmunds.

THE FOVRTH COM∣MENTARIE.

THE ARGVMENT.

THe Vsipetes, and Tenchtheri are driuen to seeke newe seates in Gallia; they driue the Menapij out of their ter∣ritories: but in the end are ouerthrowen by Caesar. That warre being ended, he made a bridge vpon the Rhene, and carri∣ed his Armie ouer into Germanie. He taketh reuenge vpon the Sicambri; and giueth libertie to the Vbij: returneth into Gallia, and carrieth his Armie ouer into Britanie, with the occurrences of that warre.

CHAP. I.

The Vsipetes, and Tenchtheri bring great multi∣tudes of peoples, ouer the Rhene into Gal∣lia: the nature of the Sueui.

THE winter following, Pompeie and Crassus being Consuls, the Vsipetes and Tenchtheri, two Germaine nations, passed ouer the Rhene, with great multitudes of people; not far from the place, where it falleth into the sea. The reason of their flitting, was the ill intreatie, which for manie yeares together they had receiued of the Sueui, the greatest & warlikest nation amongst the Germains. For these Sueui had one hundred Cantons or shires, which yearely furnished their warres, with 1000 men a piece; and kept as ma∣nie at home to maintaine both themselues, and their Armies abroad: and these the yeare following were in Armes; and the other staied at home, and performed the like dutie; and so by this meanes, they all continued their experience both of tillage, and matter of warre. They liued chiefly vpon cattell and milke, and vsed much hun∣ting, which was the cause (what through the qualitie of their diet, their continuall exercise, and libertie of life, being neuer tied to any discipline, nor vrged to any thing against their disposition) that they were strong and of a large stature, vsing skins and hides for their cloathing, which couered but part of their body, the rest being naked. Their horsmen oftentimes, in time of battell, forsooke their horse, and fought on foot;

being taught to stand still in one place, that when they would they might returne vn∣to them. Neither was there any thing more base, or dishonest in the course of their life, then to vse furniture for horses: & would aduenture to charge vpon great troups of horse, that vsed Equipage, with a few of their owne qualitie. They admitted no wine to be brought in vnto them, least it might effeminate their warlike inclination, or make them vnapt for labour. The greatest honour in their opinion, was to haue their bordering Territories lie wast and desolate: for so it would be thought, that ma∣nie states together, would not resist, their conquering valour: and it was reported, that the country laie wast from them one waie 600 miles together.

THE OBSERVATION.

BY this practise of the Sueui, it appeareth, how little a naked reso∣lution of valour auaileth, when it wanteth the ornaments of moral carriage and ciuill discretion, to make vse of that greatnesse which prowesse hath obtained: for notwithstanding that they were a nati∣on both warlike, and of good abilitie, they were so vainly carried on with a con∣ceit of manhood, that it sorted to no other ende, then to maintaine barbarisme at home, and desolation abroad; where as true valour is alwaies subordinate to the preseruation of common weales, and is as the defensiue armes of ciuill so∣cietie. Which I haue the rather noted, in as much as it resembleth an humour that aboundeth in this age, especially in the particular hauiour of our young ga∣lants, whose naked valour reuelling it selfe onely in the lie and in the stabbe, for want of other assistant vertues to temper the heat of so brittle a mettall, leadeth them into such inconueniences and disordered actions, that it changeth the na∣ture thereof, into giddie headed rashnesse; and in lieue of vertues guerdon, is repaide with irrision.

CHAP. II.

The motiues, inducing the Vsipetes to come ouer the Rhene into Gallia.

NEXT vnto these Sueui, inhabited the Vbij, a very ample and potent state: and through their entercourse and trafficke with marchants, somewhat more ciuill, then the rest of the Germans. With these, the Sueui had often waged battell: and albeit they could not expell them out of their country, forasmuch as their state was very great and populous; yet by continuall incursions they brought them vnder, and much weakned their estate. In the same case were the Vsipetes and Tenchtheri: for hauing made head against the Sueui

for many yeares together, they were constrained in the end to forsake their possessions; and wandering the space of three yeares through the continent of Germanie, at last they arriued where the Menapij inhabited the bankes, on both sides the riuer Rhene: but being terrified with the arriuall of such a multitude, they forsooke all their dwel∣lings beyond the riuer, and planted themselues on this side of the water, to hinder the Germans from further passage.

The Vsipetes with their associates, hauing tried all meanes, and not finding them∣selues able to passe ouer by force, for want of boates; nor by stealth, by reason of the di∣ligent watch of the Menapij, fained a retrait to their olde habitation: and after three daies iourney, their horsemen in one night speedely returned againe, and slew the Me∣napij, both vngarded and vnprouided. For they vpon the departure of the Germans, feared not to returne ouer the riuer into their townes and houses: these being slaine, and their shipping taken, they got ouer the riuer, before the rest of the Menapij had a∣nie notice of their comming: by which meanes they easily dispossessed them of their dwelling places, and liued that winter vpon the prouision they found there.

Caesar vnderstanding of these thinges, and fearing the weakenesse of the Galles, in as much as they are sudden and quicke in their resolutions, and withall desirous of no∣ueltie: he durst no waie trust their vnconstancie; for it was their practise and custome to staie trauellours and passengers, and inquire of them what they either heard or knew, concerning anie thing that had happened; and the common people would flock about marchants in faires and markets, and learne of them whence they came, and what newes they brought from thence: and by these rumours and hearesaies they di∣rected the maine course of their actions; whereof they could not but repent themselues, being grounded vpon such weake intelligence, as was vsually coined to please the mul∣titude. Which custome being knowne, Caesar to preuent a greater warre, hasted to his Armie sooner then he was woont to doe.

OBSERVATIONS.

SVch as haue spent their time in the contemplation of nature, and haue made diligent search of the temperature & quality of climates and nations, haue all with one consent made choler the regent of the French complexion; distinguishing the people, with such attri∣butes, as the saide humour vsually breedeth. Neither haue these conditions, which Caesar so long agoe obserued in the ancient Galles, anie disresemblance from that, which the learned of this age haue deliuered, concerning the nature of the said inhabitants: but that irresolute constitution, which breedes such no∣uelties and contrarieties of actions, continueth the same vnto these times, in the inhabitants of that country, notwithstanding the alteration of customes, and people, or what els so long a time hath changed; which argueth the vnresistable power of celestiall influence, establishing an vniformitie of nature, according as the site of the place lieth capable of their powerfull aspect.

The cause of the diuersity in the temperature of nations, which are differenced

by North and south, is not without apparant cause, attributed to their propin∣quitie, or distance from the course of the sunne, which distinguisheth by heate and cold the Northren and Southerne climates of the earth; and separateth the inhabitants thereof, by the dominion of their actiue qualities. But the reason whie two nations which are both in the same climate, and vnder the same pa∣rallel, receiuing the virtue of the celestial bodies, by the same downefal and re∣bound of their beames, being differenced only by East and West; are so much disunited in nature, and so vnlike in disposition, is not so apparant: whether it be as some haue imagined, for asmuch as the all inclosing spheare, which remai∣neth quiet and immoueable aboue the circuit of the first motor, hath his parts diuersly distinguished with varietie of properties; which by continuall refe∣rence and mutuall aspect, are imprinted in the correspondent quarters of the earth; and so keepe a perpetuall residency of one and the same quality, in one and the same place; and make also the varietie of fashions in such partes, as o∣therwise are equall fauorites of the heauens maiestie, by receiuing an equall measure of light, heat and vertue; or whether the saide quarters of the earth are in themselues diuersly noted, with seuerall qualities, which appropriate the selfe same influence to their particular nature, and so alter it into many fashi∣ons; or whether there be some other vnknown cause: I wil leaue euery man to sa∣tisfie himselfe with that which seemeth most probable vnto him, and proceed to the discouerie of this cholericke passion. Wherein I will indeuor to shew how impatiencie, sodaine resolution, and desire of noueltie, are naturall adiuncts of this humor: And if Caesar made vse of this philosophie in the managing of that warre, let it not be thought impertinent to the knowledge of a Generall, to enter into the consideration of this learning. Wherein first, I must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall, that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow, according as the complexion is tempe∣red, either with heat or cold: for as the flegmaticall humor, is of a moist, cold and heauy nature, begetting weake and grosse spirits, and benumming the in∣struments with a liueles disability; so is the motion of the internall faculties, proceeding likewise after a slow maner, according to the qualitie of the instru∣ments, whereby it moueth: and therefore men of this watrish constitution, are no way apt to receiue an impression, nor to entertaine any sensible apprehen∣sion, vnles it be beaten into them, with often and strong repetitions; and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence, and linger in the choise of their resolutions. On the contrary part, this flaua bilis, being of a hote piercing nature, and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire, doth so puri∣fie the instruments of sense, and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion, that they take the first impression as perfectly, as if it had beene oftentimes pre∣sented vnto them, with many strong circumstances. And thence it happeneth, that inasmuch as the Species is so readily receiued, and possesseth the apprehen∣ding facultie, with such facility of entrance, that it moueth the other powers of the soule, with as great efficacie at the first conception, as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities, and strengthened with manifest argu∣ments of vndoubted truth: It followeth therefore (by reason of the subtile and

fit disposition of the instrumentes, which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler) that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled, in the first receiuing facultie, that the other powers of the minde, with as great speede manifest their offices, concerning the apprehension; and deliuer a sen∣tence answerable to the strength of the first conception: which maketh them so impatient of delaie, and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions, not suffe∣ring the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof, by conference of circumstances; nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectu∣al court. It behooueth therefore euery man, in that vnsteady disposition, espe∣cially in matter of moment, to be suspicious of his owne credulity, and not to giue place to resolution, before his iudgement be informed, by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion.

But to leaue these speculatiue meditations, to Philosophers of learned con∣ceit: for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome, or commeth neerest to the same; I will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best be∣fitteth a soldier; or howe it auaileth, or disaduantageth in matter of warre. And first it cannot bee denied, that there is almost no passion, that doth more eclips the light of reason, or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudge∣ment, then this of anger, which we now speake of: Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions, or followeth them with greater heate in the execution. And if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe, and con∣uince a false pretended cause, as the authour of that passion, it oftentimes re∣doubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency. Piso condemned a soldi∣er for returning from forraging, without his companion, being persuaded that he had slaine him: but at the instant of the execution, the other that was mis∣sing, returned, and with great ioy of the whole army, they were caried to the ge∣nerall, thinking to haue much gratified him, with the manifestation of the truth: but hee through shame and despight, being yet in the torture of his wrath, re∣doubled his anger, and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall, he made three culpable for that he found one innocent; the first, because the sen∣tence of death was past against him, and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law: the second, for that hee was the cause of the death of his compa∣nion: and thirdly, the executioner, for not obeying his commandement.

Concerning matter of warre, as it consisteth of differenced partes; so hath choler diuers effectes. In case of discourse and consultation, when as the pow∣ers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections, it greatly darke∣neth the vnderstanding, and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement, as Caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning Cateline: and therefore a commander must, by al meanes indeuor to auoid, euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion; and season his affections, with that grauity and constancy of spirit, that no turbulent disposition may, either hinder his vnderstanding, or with-hold his will from following that course, which reason appointeth, as the best means to a fortunate successe: alwaies remembring, that al his actions are presented vpon a stage, and passe the censure of many curious beholders, which applaud graue and patient motions, as the greatest proofe of true wisdom;

and disallow of passionate, and headstrong affection, as derogating from the sin∣cere cariage of an action, how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth.

Concerning execution and furie of battaile, I take anger to be a necessa∣rie instrument to set valour on foote, and to ouerwage the difficulties of ter∣rour, with a furious resolution: for considering that the noblest actions of the minde, stande in neede of the impulsions of passions, I take anger to bee the fittest meanes, to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile: for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe; so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate; and therefore a Commaunder ought by all meanes, to suggest matter of an∣ger against an enemie, that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard, and thirst after the daie of battell, to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries. If any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the Galles, that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men, and in the latter end they were lesse then women; and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice, as we seem to make it. I answere, that there is a difference between a dis∣position to choler, such as was obserued in the Galles, and the passion of anger, wel kindled in the minde: for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions; but the other is furious, inuincible, neuer satisfied but with reuenge. And so that of Aristotle is proued true, that anger serueth oftentimes as a wea∣pon to vertue; whereunto some answere very pleasantly, saying, it is a weapon of a strange nature: for wee doe manage other weapons, and this doeth ma∣nage vs; our hande guideth not it, but it guideth our hande; it possesseth vs, and not wee it, as it happened in the raigne of Tyberius, amongst the muti∣nous legions at Vetera: and therefore a Commaunder ought to take greate heede, whome he maketh the obiect of that anger, which kindleth in his army: for as it is a passion of terrible execution, and therefore needeth to bee wiselie directed; so is it dangerous in regarde of obedience, which was the only thing which Caesar required in his soldiors.

But to leaue this hastie matter, and fall neerer that which we seeke after. I may not omit the prognostication, which Caesar made of the consequence of this accident, by the naturall disposition of the people; the euent whereof proued the trueth of his predictions; which sheweth what aduantage a learned general that hath bin somwhat instructed in the schoole of nature, hath gained of him, whom only experience hath taught the actiue rudiments of the war, & thin∣keth of no further lesson in that art, then that which the office of a ser∣iant or lanceprizado containeth.

CHAP. III.

Caesar commeth to his armie, marcheth towards the Germaines, and by the way treateth of conditions of peace.

CAESAR being come to his armie, found that to haue happe∣ned which he before suspected: for some of the states of Gallia had sent messengers vnto the Germaines, to leaue the bankes of Rhene, and to come further into the continent, where they should find ready, whatsoeuer they desired. Whereupon the Ger∣maines began to make further incursions, and to waste the lande as far as the confines of the Eburones. The Princes of the Galles beeing called together, Caesar thought it best to dissemble what hee had discouered, concerning their reuolt; and confirming their mindes with an approbation of their loialtie, hee commanded certaine troupes of horse to be leuied, and resolued to make warre vpon the Germains; and hauing made prouision of corne, hee directed his march towards them. From whom as he was on the way, within a few daies iourney of their campe, he receiued this message: The Germains as they were not willing to make warre vpon the Romains, so they would not refuse to make triall of their man∣hood, if they were iustly prouoked; for their ancient custome was to answere an e∣nemy by force, and not by treaty; yet this much they woulde confesse, that they came thither very vnwillingly, being driuen by violence out of their possessions. If the Romaine people would accept of their friendship, and either giue them territories to inhabite, or suffer them to keepe that which they had got by the lawe of armes, they might proue profitable friends vnto them. They only yeelded to the Sueui, to whome the Gods in feates of armes were inferior; any other nation they wold easily conquer.

To this Caesar answered what hee thought fit; but the purport of his speech was, that he could not make any league with them, if they continued in Gallia: neither was it probable, that they that could not keepe their owne, would get possessions out of other mens hands. Gallia had no vacant place to entertaine so great a multitude: but if they would they might find a welcome, amongst the Vbij, whose agents were at that instant in his campe, complaining of the iniurie of the Sueui, and desiring aide against them; this much he himselfe would intreat of the Vbij. The messengers went backe with these Mandates, promising within three daies to returne againe to Caesar: in the meane time, they desired him, not to bring his armie any neerer their quarters; which request Caesar denied: for vnderstanding that a fewe daies before, a great part of their Caualrie were passed ouer the Mosa, he suspected that this delay imported nothing more then the returne of their horsemen.

When Caesar was come within twelue miles of their campe, their Ambassadors returned; and meeting him on the way, entreated him earnestly to march no fur∣ther towardes them: but being denied of their suite, they besought him to sende to those troupes of horse, which marched before the army, that they should not fight nor make anie hostile incounter; and that he would giue them leaue to send messengers to the Vbij, of whose entertainement they woulde willingly accept, if the Princes

and senate would sweare faith & safe continuance vnto their people: Neither would they require more then 3. daies, to negotiat this busines. Caesar conceiued this trea∣tie to import nothing else, then the returne of their horsemen that were absent in pillage, whom they expected within 3. daies; notwithstanding hee promised them to march but foure miles further that day, to a conuenient watring place: in the meane time he sent to the commanders of the horse that were before, not to prouoke the e∣nemy to fight; and if they were set vpon to sustaine the charge, vntil he came neerer with the armie.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FIrst we may obserue his dissēbling of the practise of the Galles, with the Germans; & the incouragement which he gaue them in a faith∣ful and loial affection to the people of Rome, when he himselfe knew they had started from that duty, which both their honor and a good respect of their friendes required: for he well vnderstood that his presence did take away al scruple of any further motion in that kind; & therfore to haue ob∣iected vnto thē their errors, had not been to heale, but to discouer their wound: only he tooke the way, to cut off their hopes of any practises, which they might attempt against the Romaine people; and held them in the mean time in the ap∣parance of faithful friends, that they might not bee discouraged, by the detec∣tion of their reuolt.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly, vpon this resolutiō that there was no league to be made with the Germans, if they continued on this side the Rhene; we may obserue how he entertained a treaty of peace, with such consents and denials, as might manifest his readines to further what he made shew of, & not weaken the meanes of his best aduantage. For as he was content they should take a quiet farewel of Gallia, and plant themselues in the possessions of the Vbij; so was he loath to yeeld to any condition, which might disaduantage his forcible cōstraint or weaken his command, if perswasion failed: for he well knewe that powerfull means to effect that which he required, would further the course of a peaceable conclusion, and carry more authoritie in a parlee, then any other motiue, howe reasonable soeuer.

Moreouer wee may obserue, howe carefull hee was not to impose vp∣on the Germaines a necessity of fighting; but opened a passage (by propoun∣ding vnto them the association of the Vbij) by which they might auoide the hazarde of battaile. Which thing was alwaies obserued by Comman∣ders of ancient times, who diligently searching into the nature of thinges, founde that neither of those noble instruments, whereby man worketh such wonders (I meane the hande and the tongue) had euer brought so many ex∣cellent works to that type of perfection, vnles they had bin forced thereunto by

necessitie: and therefore wee are wisely to handle the course of our actions, least while we stand too strict vpon a violent guarde, we giue occasion to the e∣nemy, by the way of Antiperistasis, to redouble his strength; and so furnish him with that powerfull engine, which Vetius Mescius calleth vltimum and maximum telum, the last and greatest weapon; the force whereof shall better appeare by these examples.

Some few of the Samnites, contrarie to the articles of peace between them and the Romans, hauing made incursions into the territories of the Ramaine confederates; the senate of that state sent to Rome, to excuse the fact, and to make offer of satisfaction: But being reiected, Claudius Pontius generall of their forces, in an excellent oration which he made, shewed how the Romans would not harken to peace, but chose rather to be reuenged by war: and therefore ne∣cessity constrained them to put on armes: iustum est bellum (saith he) quibus ne∣cessarium, & pia arma quibus, nisi in Armis, spes est.

Caius Manlius, conducting the Roman legions against the Veij, part of the Veian armie had entered the Romaine campe; which Manlius perceiuing, hee hasted with a band of men to keepe the breach, and to shut in the Veij: which they no sooner perceiued, but they fought with that rage and fury, that they slew Manlius; and had ouerthrown the whole campe, had not a Tribune opened thē a passage, by which they fled away.

In like manner Camillus, the wisest of the Romaine Captaines, beeing en∣tered into the citie of the Veij, that hee might take it with greater facilitie, and disarme the enemie of that terrible weapon of necessitie, hee caused it to bee proclaimed, that no Veian shoulde bee hurt, that was founde vn∣armed. Whereupon euery man cast away his weapon, and so the towne was ta∣ken without bloudshed.

Let a soldiour therefore take such holde of occasions, and oportunities that are offered vnto him, that in time of battaile hee may seeme to cast necessitie vpon his own cause, and retaine it in his paie: considering how the power ther∣of altereth the workes of nature, and changeth their effects into contrary ope∣rations, being neuer subiect to any ordinance or lawe; and yet making that law∣ful which proceedeth from it.

CHAP. IIII.

The Germans, contrary to their owne request made to Caesar, set vpon the Romaine horse∣men, and ouerthrew them.

NOtwithstanding the Germans request, concerning the truce, assoone as they saw the Romaine horsemen, which were in number 5000, (where∣as the Germans had not aboue 800. herse) they charged vpon the Ro∣mains, not expecting any hostile incounter, inasmuch as their ambas∣sadours were newly departed from Caesar, and had obtained that daie of truce; but

being set vpon, they made what resistance they could. The Germans, according to their vsuall custome, forsooke their horse, and fighting on foote, did easely put the Romains to flight; who neuer looked backe, vntill they came into the sight of the le∣gions: in that battell were slaine 74. Romaine horsemen. After this battel, Cae∣sar thought it not safe, either to harken to anie conditions, or to receiue any message from them, that by fraud and deceit had songht for peace, and ment nothing but war: And to attende any longer vntil their horsemen returned, was but to giue them that aduantage against him, especially considering the weakenesse of the Galles, a∣mongst whom the Germans by this battel had gained great reputation; and therfore he durst not giue them space to thinke vpon it.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis cunning of the Germans offereth occasion to speake somewhat, concerning that maine controuersie of policie, which is, whether the actions of Princes and great commanders, are alwaies to bee at∣tended with integrity, and faithful accomplishment thereof. Wher∣in I wil only set down such arguments, and grounds of reason, which vertue and morall honesty on the one part, (for we wil make it no question to a Christian minde) and the daily practise of states men on the other side, alleadge, to make good their contrary assertions.

The great Polititians of the world, that commend vertue in a shew, and not in esse and being, and study to maintaine their states onely with humane reason, not regarding the authority of diuine ordinance, set this downe as a maxime in their Art; That he, that is to negotiate a matter, and meaneth to bring it to an ende sorting to his contentment, must in all respects bee like qualified, both in iudgement and disposition, as the party is, with whom he dealeth: otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared, to hold himselfe strong in the matter, which he vndertaketh. For a wrastler that cōmeth with meere strength to incounter an o∣ther that hath both strength & cunning, may beshrew his strength that brought him thither, to be cast by skil, and be laught at, as an vnworthy chāpion for seri∣ous sports: in like maner in this vniuersall confusion of infidelitie, wherein sub∣tilty flieth at so high a pitch, he that thinketh with simplicitie of spirit to winde through the labyrinths of falshood, and auoide the snares of deceit, shall finde himselfe too weake for so difficult a taske, and beshrew his honesty, if he regard his commodity: for it is the course that euery man taketh, which must bring vs to the place, to which euery man goeth: and he that opposeth himselfe against the current of the world, may stand alone in his own conceit, and neuer attaine that which the world seeketh after. Forasmuch therfore, as craft and deceit are so general, it behooueth a man of publike negotiations, to carry a mind apt & dis∣posed to these qualities. This was signified by that, which anciēt writers report of Achilles, who was sent to Chiron the Centaure, half a man & half a beast, to be instructed in the rudimēts of princely cariage; that of the brutish part, he might learn to strengthen himself, with force & courage; & of the humane shape, so to

manage reason, that it might bee a fit instrument to answere or preuent, what soeuer mans wit might forge to ouerthrow it. Neither ought a priuate man to wonder at the strangenesse of these positions; considering that the gouernment of kingdomes, and Empires is caried with another bias, then that which con∣cerneth particular affaires in a well ordered state: wherein truth-breakers and faithlesse-dissemblers are worthely condemned, inasmuch as they necessarilie enforce the ruine thereof. But these that sit at the helme of gouernment, and are to shape the course of a state, according to the variation of times and for∣tunes, deriue their conclusions from other principles, whereof inferiour sub∣iects are no more capable, then men are able to vnderstande the workes of the Godes: and therefore they are called arcana imperij, to bee reuerenced rather, then lookt into.

To conclude, the affaires of particular persons are of so short extension, and incircled in so small a compasse, that a meane capacitie may easily apprehend the aduantages or inconueniences, which may ensue vppon the contract: and therefore it is requisite they should stande to the aduenture, and their iudge∣ment is worthely taxed with the losse: but the businesses of a common weale are, both subiect to so many casualties of fortune, and relie vpon such vnex∣pected accidents, that it is impossible for any spirit, howe prouident soeuer, to foresee the issue, in that variety of chances. Besides that, euery particular sub∣iect is much interessed in the fortune of the euent, and may iustly, chalenge an alteration of the intended course, rather then suffer shipwracke through the er∣rour of their Pilot: And so the safety of the state doth balance out the losse of credit in the Gouernor.

On the other side, such as zealously affect true honour, affirme vertue to be the same both in prince and people; neither doth condition of state, or calling, or the qualitie of publike or priuate businesses, alter the nature and essence of goodnes: for to depriue the toung of truth and fidelitie were to breake the bond of ciuill societie, which is the basis and ground plot of all states and common∣weales. They doe not denie but that a wise Prince maie so carrie a treatie, that he maie seeme to affect that most which he least intendeth; or answere doubt∣fully concerning the propositions; and that he maie vse with great honour the practises and stratagems of warre, when the fortune of both parties consisteth vpon their owne industrie: but to breake any couenants agreed vpon, may well get a kingdome, but neuer honourable reputation.

And thus they contend concerning the meanes, whereby a state is continued in happie gouernment: whereof this much I dare say by the warrant of this hi∣storie, that he who falsifieth his words vpon aduantage, howsoeuer he regardeth his honour, had neede to paie them home in regard of his owne safetie: for if they once recouer the losse, and get any aduantage against those truth-breakers, they will finde as little fauour, as the Germans did with Caesar.

CHAP. V.

Caesar marched directly to the campe of the Germans, and cut them all in pieces, and so ended that warre.

VPON these considerations, Caesar manifesting his resolution to the Legates, and Questor; there happened a very fortunate ac∣cident. For the next daie, very early in the morning, most of the Princes and chiefest of the Germans came vnto Caesar into his campe, to excuse their fraudulent practise; and withall to continue their petition of truce. Whereof Caesar was exceeding glad, and caused them to be kept in hold; and at the same instant, brought his Armie out of the campe, commanding his horsemen to follow the legions, because they had beene daunted with so late an ouerthrow: And making a triple bat∣tell, marched speedely eight miles, and so came vpon the Germans, before they had no∣tice what had happened; and being terrified with our sudden arriuall, and the depar∣ture of their owne leaders, knew not whether it were their best course, to bring forth their forces, or to defend their campe, or otherwise to seeke their safety by flight. Which tumult and feare was no sooner perceiued by the Roman souldier, but calling to mind their perfidious trecherie, they brake into the campe, and were at first a little resisted; in the meane time, the women and children fled euery one awaie: which Caesar per∣ceiuing, sent his horsemen to pursue them. The Germans hearing the clamour and schrichings behinde their backes, and seeing their friends pursued and slaine, did cast awaie their weapons, and fled out of the campe, and comming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene, such as had escaped cast themselues into the riuer; where, what through feare, and wearinesse, and the force of the water, were all drowned. In this conflict the Romans lost not a man: the number of the enemie was 430000 with wo∣men and children. To them, whom he had retained in his campe, he gaue leaue to de∣part; but they fearing the crueltie of the Galles, desired that they might continue with the Romans: which Caesar agreed vnto.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis relation affoordeth little matter of warre, but onely a seuere re∣uenge of hatefull trecherie: notwithstanding I will hence take oc∣casion, to discouer the offices of the Questor and the Legates; and shew what place they had in the Armie. And first concerning the Questor, we are to vnderstand, that he was elected by the common voice of the people, in the same court, which was called to creat the Generall. His office was, to take charge of the publike treasure, whether it came out of their Aera∣rium, for the paie of the Armie; or otherwise was taken from the enemie. Of

him the souldiers receiued their stipend both in corne and money; and what o∣ther bootie was taken from the enemie, he either kept them, or solde them, for the vse of the common-weale.

The Legates were not chosen, by the people, but appointed by the Senat, as assistants & Coadiutors to the Emperor, for the publike seruice, and were alto∣gether directed by the Generall, in whose absence they had the absolute com∣mand: and their number was for the most part vncertaine; but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Armie.

CHAP. VI.

Caesar maketh a bridge vpon the Rhene, and carrieth his Armie ouer into Germanie.

THE German warre being thus ended: Caesar thought it neces∣sarie, to transport his Armie ouer the Rhene into the continent of Germanie, for manie causes: whereof this was not the least, that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded, to bring their colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia: he thought it good to make knowen vnto them, that the Roman people could, at their pleasure, carrie their forces ouer the Rhene into Germanie. Moreouer, those troupes of horse, which were absent at the late ouerthrow of the Germans, were fled into the confines of the Sicambri; to whom, when Caesar sent messengers to demand them to be sent vnto him, they answered, that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene: and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia, why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters? Lastly, the Vbij, who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship, and giuen pledges of their fidelitie, had made earnest suit vnto him, to send them aid against the Sueui; or at the least to transport his Armie ouer the Rhene: for the name and opinion of the Roman Armie was so great, and of such fame, what with Ariouistus ouerthrow, and this last seruice, that it sounded honourable amongst the furthest nations of Germany. For these reasons, Caesar resolued to passe the Rhene: but to carrie his Armie ouer by boate, was neither safe, nor for the maiestie of the people of Rome. And albeit it see∣med a matter of great difficultie, by reason of the breadth, swiftnes, and depth of the riuer, to make a bridge; yet he resolued to trie what he could doe, otherwise he deter∣mined not to passe ouer at all: and so he built a bridge after this maner.

At two foote distance, he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square, sharpened at the lower end, and cut answerable to the depth of the riuer: these he let downe into the water with engines, and droue them in with commanders, not perpendicularly, after the fashion of a pile, but gable wise and bending with the course of the water: opposite vnto these he placed two other trees, ioyned together after the same fashion, being 40 foote distant from the former, by the dimension betweene their lower parts

in the bottome of the water, and reclining against the course of the riuer: these two paire of couples thus placed, he ioyned together with a beame of two foote square, e∣quall to the distance betweene the said couples, and fastened them at each ende on ei∣ther side of the couples, with braces and pins: whereby the strength of the worke, and nature of the frame was such, that the greater the violence of the streame was, and the faster it fell vpon the timber worke, the stronger the bridge was vnited in the coup∣lings and iointes. In like manner, he proceeded with couples, and beames, vntill the worke was brought vnto the other side of the riuer: and then he laide straight planks from beame to beame, and couered them with hurdles; and so he made a floore to the bridge. Moreouer, on the lower side of the bridge, he droue downe supporters, which being fastened to the timber worke, did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water; and on the vpper side of the bridge, at a reasonable distance, he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boates, or what els the enemie might cast downe to trouble the worke: within ten daies, that the timber began to be cut downe and carried, the worke was ended, and the Armie transported. Caesar, leauing a strong garrison at ei∣ther end of the bridge, went into the confines of the Sicambri.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT shall not be amisse, to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge; as wel in regard of the ingenious Architecture therof, as also that we may somwhat imitate Caesar, whom we may obserue to insist with as great plenty of wit & eloquēce, in presenting vnto vs the sub∣tilty of his inuentiō in such maner of handy works, as vpon any other part of his actiōs; as this particular description of the bridge, may sufficiētly witnes: besides the fortifications at Alesia, and the intrenchments in Britanie, for the safetie of his shipping, with many other workes, which he might well record, as the grea∣test dessignes of an heroick spirit, and the wonderfull effectes of magnanimous industrie; that succeeding ages might not boast either of Arte or prowes, which his vertue had not expressed; or otherwise might wonder at that worth, which they themselues coulde not attaine vnto: And to that purpose hee entertained Virtuuius, the father of architecture, and as worthilie to bee imitated in that facultie, as his maister Caesar is in feates of armes. By whose example a great commander may learne howe much it importeth the eternitie of his fame, to beautifie his greatest dessignes with arte; and to esteeme of such as are able to intreat the Mathematicall muses, to shew themselues vnder the shape of a sen∣sible forme; which albeit through the rudenesse of the matter, fall farre short of the truth of their intellectuall nature, yet their beautie expresseth such a maie∣stie of Arte, that no time will suffer the memorie thereof to perish.

The workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefely in the oblique situation of the double postes, whereof the first order bending with the streame, and the lower ranke against the streame, when they came to be coupled together with o∣uerthwart beames, which were fastened in the couplings with braces, which he nameth Fibulas; the more violent the streame fell vpon the worke, the faster

the iointes of the building were vnited, as may better appeare by a modell of that making, then can be expressed by any circumstance of wordes.

I might hence take occasion to speake of the diuersitie of bridges, and of the practises which antiquitie hath deuised to transport Armies ouer riuers: but in∣asmuch as it is a common subiect for all that vndertake this militarie taske, and hath beene handled by Lipsius, vpon the occasion of this bridge; I will refer the reader to that place; and only note the singular disposition of this action, in as much as Caesar made the meanes correspondent to that end which he intended. For considering that the chiefest end of his passage was, to let the Germans vn∣derstand, that the power of the Roman Empire was not boūded with the Rhene; and that a riuer could not so separate their Territories, but that they were able to ioine both the continents together, and make a common roade waie, where it seemed most vnpassable: he thought it best to passe ouer his Army by a bridge, that so the Germans might know the power of his forces, and also conceit their Territories, as vnited vnto Gallia; or to be vnited at the pleasure of the Romans, with a firme Isthmus & plaine passage by foot, which in times past had alwaies been separated by a mightie riuer. Neither would a transportation by boat haue wrought that effect, for as much as the daily vse thereof was so familiar to the Germans, that it nothing altered their imagination, of an vnaccessible passage: but when they saw so strange a thing attempted, and so suddenly performed, they would easily vnderstand, that they were not so farre off, but that they might be ouertaken; and so direct their demeanour accordingly.

Let this suffice therfore to proue, that a passage ouer a riuer by a bridge, is more honourable, safe, and of greater terror to the enemy, then any other way that can be deuised; especially if the riuer carrie any depth, such as the Rhene is otherwise, if it haue either shallowes or foordes, whereby men may wade ouer, without any great incombrance, it were but lost labour to stand about a bridge; but rather to thinke of it, as of a place incombred with such hindrances, as men often meete with in a march.

CHAP. VII.

Caesar taketh reuenge vpon the Sicambri: giueth libertie to the Ʋbij; and returneth a∣gaine into Gallia.

THE Sicambri, vnderstanding that Caesar was making a bridge ouer the Rhene, prepared themselues to flie; and at the per∣swasion of the Vsipetes, forsooke their country, and conuaied selues and their possessions into woods, and solitarie desartes. Caesar continuing a few daies in their quarters, hauing set on fire their villages and houses, and burned vp their corne and prouision; he came to the Vbij, promising them aide against the Sueui: by whom he vnderstood, that assoone as the Sueui had intelligence, that he

went about to make a bridge, calling a councell according to their maner, they sent vnto all quarters of their state, that they should forsake their townes, and carie their wiues and children, and all that they had, into the woods: and that all that were a∣ble to beare Armes, should make head in one place, which they appointed to bee the midst of their countrey, and there they attended the comming of the Romaines, and were resolued in that place to giue them battell. Which when Caesar vnderstood, ha∣uing ended all those thinges, in regard whereof he came into Germanie, which was chiefely to terrifie the Germans, to be reuenged vpon the Sicambri, to set the Vbij at libertie; hauing spent in all 18 daies beyond the Rhene, as well in regard of his owne honour, and the good of the common-weale: he returned into Gallia, and brake vp the bridge.

CHAP. VIII.

Caesar thinketh of a voiage into Britanie: he enqui∣reth of marchants, concerning the nature of that people.

ALTHOVGH the sommer was almost spent, and that in those partes the winter hasteneth on a pace, inasmuch as all Gallia in∣clineth to the North; notwithstanding he resolued to go ouer into Britanie; forasmuch as he vnderstood, that in all the for∣mer wars of Gallia, the enemie had receiued most of their supply from thence. And although the time of the yeare would not suf∣fer him to finish that warre; yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he went only to view the Iland, to vnderstand the qualitie of the inhabi∣tants, and to know their coast, their portes, and their landing places; whereof the Galles were altogether ignorant: for seldome any man, but marchants, did trauell vnto them. Neither was there any thing discouered but the sea-coast, and those regi∣ons which were opposite vnto Gallia: And therefore calling marchants together from all quarters, he neither could vnderstand of what quantitie the Iland was, what na∣tions, or of what power they were that inhabited it; what vse or experience of warre they had; what lawes or customes they vsed; nor what hauens they had to receiue a nauie of great shipping.

OBSERVATIONS.

AS the Germans had oftentimes stirred vp motions of rebellion a∣mongst the Galles, by sending their superfluous multitudes into their kingdome; so the Britaines had vpheld most of their warres, by furnishing them with such supplies, as from time to time they stood in neede of. So that if Caesar, or the Roman people, would rest secure of their quiet and peaceable gouernment in Gallia, as they had chastised the inso∣lencie

of the Germans, & sent them backe againe, with greater losse then gaine; so was it necessarie to make the Britains know, that their assistance in the warre of Gallia would draw more businesses vpon them, then they were well able to manage. For as I haue noted in my former discourses, the causes of an vnpeace∣able gouernment are as well externall and forraine, as internall and bred in the bodie; which neede the helpe of a Phisition, to continue the bodie in a perfect state of health, and require as great a diligence to qualifie their malicious ope∣rations, as any internall sicknesse whatsoeuer.

In the second Commentarie, I briefely touched the commoditie of good discouerie; but because it is a matter of great consequence, in the fortunate ca∣riage of a warre, I will once againe by this example of Caesar, remember a Ge∣nerall not to be negligent in this dutie. Suetonius in the life of our Caesar re∣porteth, that he neuer vndertooke any expedition, but he first receiued true in∣telligence of the particular site, and nature of the country, as also of the maners and qualitie of the people; and that he would not vndertake the voiage into Bri∣tanie, vntill he had made perfect discouerie by himselfe, of the magnitude and situation of the Iland. Which Suetonius might vnderstand by this first voiage, which Caesar would needes vndertake in the latter end of a sommer, although it were as he himselfe saith, but to discouer.

It is recorded by auncient writers, that those demigods that gouerned the world in their time, gaue great honor to the exercise of hunting, as the perfect image of warre in the resemblance of all parts, and namely in the discouerie and knowledge of a country; without which all enterprises, either of sport in hunting, or earnest in warres were friuolous and of no effect. And therefore Zenophon in the life of Cyrus, sheweth that his expedition against the king of Armenia, was nothing but a repetition of such sportes, as he had vsed in hunting. Howso∣euer, if the infinite examples registred in historie, how by the dexteritie of some leaders it hath gained great victories, & through the negligence of others, irre∣couerable ouerthrowes; are not sufficient motiues to perswade thē to this duty: let their owne experience in matters of small moment, manifest the weakenesse of their proceedings, when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they haue in hand. But let this suffice in the second place, to proue the necessitie of good discouerie; and let vs learne of Caesar, what is principally to be inquired after in the discouerie of an vnknowne country; as first the quan∣titie of the land: secondly, what nations inhabite it: thirdly, their vse of warre: fourthly, their ciuill gouernment: and lastly, what hauens they had to receiue a nauie of great shipping. All which circumstances are such principall Arteries in the bodie of a state, that the discouerie of any one of these demaundes would haue giuen great light, concerning the motion of the whole bodie.

CHAP. IX.

Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus, to discouer the coast of Britanie; and prepareth himselfe for that voiage.

CAESAR sent out Caius Volusenus, with a gallie to discouer what he could concerning these thinges; and to returne againe vnto him very speedely: he himselfe marched in the meane time, with all his forces, vnto the Morini; forasmuch as from thence laie the shortest cut into Britanie. Thither he commanded that shippes should be brought from all the maritimate cities of that quarter, and namely that fleete, which he had built the yeare be∣fore for the warre at Vannes. In the meane time his resolution being knowen, and carried into Britanie by merchants and others, manie priuate states of that Iland sent ambassadours vnto him, promising him hostages of their loialtie, and signifying their readinesse to submit themselues to the Roman Empire. To these he made liberall pro∣mises, exhorting them to continue in that obedience; and so sent them backe againe: And with them he sent Comius, whom he had made king of Arras, whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account, and knew it to be of great authoritie in those Re∣gions: to him he gaue in charge to go to as many of the states as he could, and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire, and that Caesar himselfe would presently follow after.

Volusenus, hauing taken what view of the country he could; for he durst not go on shore to commit himselfe to the barbarisme of the enemy; after fiue daies returned to Caesar: and while he staied in those places for the furnishing of his fleete, the Mori∣ni sent messengers vnto him, excusing their former faultes, and manifesting their readinesse to obey his mandates. Caesar not willing to leaue any enemy behinde him, or to neglect his voiage into Britanie, for such small matters; hee willingly accepted of their submission, hauing first receiued manie hostages of them, and hauing made readie eightie shippes of burthen, which he thought sufficient to transport two legi∣ons, he deuided the Galleies to the Questor, the Legates and the commanders of the horse. There were also eighteene shippes of burthen more, which laie windbound at a port eight miles off, and them he appointed for the horsemen: the rest of the Armie he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus, and L. Arunculeius Cotta, commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapij: and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus, a Legate, to keepe the port, with a sufficient garrizon.

CHAP. X.

Caesar saileth into Britanie, and landeth his men.

THESE thinges being thus dispatched: hauing a good winde in the third watch, he put out to sea, commanding his horsmen to imbarke themselues at the further port, which was but slow∣lie performed: hee himselfe arriued vpon the coast about the fourth houre of the daie, where he found all the cliftes possessed with the forces of the enemie. The nature of the place was such, that the hils laie so steepe ouer the sea, that a weapon might easily be cast, from the higher, ground vpon the lower shore: and therefore he thought it no fit landing place; notwithstanding he cast anker vntill the rest of the nauie were come vp vnto him. In the meane time▪ calling a councell of the Legates and Tribunes, he declared vnto them what aduertisements he had receiued by Volusenus, and told them what he would haue done; and withall admonished them that the course of mi∣litarie affaires, and especially sea matters, that had so sudden and an vnconstant mo∣tion, required all thinges to be done at a becke, and in due time. The Councell being dismissed, hauing both wind and tide with him, he waighed anker, and sailed eight miles from that place, vnto a plaine and open shore. The Britaines perceiuing the Ro∣mans determination, sent their horse and chariots before, and the rest of their forces followed after, to the place where the Romans intended to land. Caesar found it ex∣ceeding difficult to land his men, for these respectes: the ships were so great, that they could not be brought neere vnto the shore: the souldiers in strange and vnknowne places, hauing their hands laden with great and heauie weapons, were at one instant to go out of the shippe, to withstand the force of the billow, and to fight with the ene∣mie; whereas the Britaines either standing vpon the shore, or making short sallies in∣to the water, did boldly cast their weapons in knowen and frequented places, and ma∣naged their horses as accustomed to such seruices.

The Romans being terrified with these thinges, and altogether vnskilfull of this kinde of fight, did vse the same courage, as they were woont to doe in land seruices: which when Caesar perceiued, he caused the Galleies, that were both strange to the Britaines, and readier for vse, to be remoued from the shippes of burthen, and to bee rowed vp and downe, and laide against the open side of the enemie; that from thence with slinges, engines & arrowes, the enemy might be beaten vp from the water side; which stood the Romans in good steede: for the Britaines, being troubled with the strangenesse of the Galleies, the motion of their Oares; and the vnusuall kinde of en∣gines; were somewhat dismaied, and began to retire backe, and giue waie to the Ro∣mans: but the soldiers still lingering, and especially for feare of the depth of the sea, the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods, that it might fall out happely to the legion: If you will (saith he) forsake your Eagle, O ye souldiers, and betraie it to

the enemy, for mine owne part I will do my duty both to the common weale, and to my Imperator, and hauing spoken this, with a loud voice, hee cast himselfe into the sea, and caried the Eagle towarde the enemy; the Romaines exhorting one another, not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed, they all leaped out of the ship: which when others that were neere at hande perceiued, they followed them with as great alacritie, and pressed towards the enemy to incounter with them. The fight on both partes was very eager, the Romaines not being able to keepe any order of battell, nor to get any firme footing, nor to follow their ensignes, forasmuch as euery man kept with those ensignes, which he first met withal, were wonderfully troubled: But the enemy acquainted with the flats and shallowes, as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships, putting spurs to their horse, woulde set vpon them in∣combred and vnprepared, and many of them would ouerlay a few; others would get the aduantage of the open side, and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troupes of them: which when Caesar perceiued, he caused the shipboates and smaller vessels to be manned with soldiours, and where he sawe neede of helpe, he sent them to re∣scue such as were ouercharged. As soone as the Romaines got footing on the firme land, they made head together and charged the enemy, and so put them to flight; but they were not able to follow them, nor take the Iland at that time, for want of horse∣men, which thing was only wanting to Caesars fortune.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

VPon this circumstance of landing, I may iustly take occasion to handle that controuersie, which hath beene often debated by our English Captaines, which is, whether it be better in question of an inuasion, and in the absence of our shipping, to oppose an enemy at his landing vpon our coast; or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore, and retire our forces into some inland place, and there attend to giue him bat∣tell? It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot, and were of an opini∣on, that we ought not by any meanes to encounter an enemy at his landing; for so wee might much endanger our selues and our countrey; did ground them∣selues vpon the authority of Monsieur de Langey, not obseruing the difference betweene an Iland and a continent. For where he setteth down that position, he plainly aimeth at such Princes, as border one vpon an other in the same conti∣nent: but where their territories are disioyned by so great a barre as the Ocean, and haue not such meanes to supprise one an other, it were meere folly to hold good that rule, as shall better appeare by the sequell of this discourse. Where∣in I will first laie downe the reasons, that may be vrged to proue it vnsafe to op∣pose an enemy at his landing, not as beeing vrged by that party; for I neuer hearde any probable motiue from them which might induce any such opini∣on, but set down by such as haue looked into the controuersies, both with expe∣rience and good iudgement.

And first, it may be obiected, that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing, as well in regard of the vncertaintie of place, as of time: for beeing ignorant in what place hee will attempt a landing, wee must either defende all

places of accesse, or our intentions wil proue meere friuolous; and to performe that, it is requisite that our defensiue forces be sufficient, according to the par∣ticular qualitie of euery place subiect to danger: which considering the large extension of our maritimate parts, and the manie landing places on our coast, will require a greater number of men, then this Iland canne affoord. And al∣though it coulde furnish such a competent number, as might seeme in some sort sufficient; yet the vncertainty of the time of the enemies arriuall, would require that they should be lodged, either vpon or neere the places of danger, manie daies at least, if not many weekes, before the instant of their attempt, which woulde exhaust a greater masse of treasure, then could bee well affoor∣ded by the state.

Secondly, it may be obiected, that all our landing places are of such disad∣uantage, for the defendantes; that it were no safetie at all to make heade a∣gainst him at the landing: for in asmuch as such places are open and plaine, they yeelde no commodity to shelter the defendantes from the fury of the ar∣tillerie, wherewith the enemy will plentifullie furnish their long boates and lan∣ding vessailes; which beating vpon the beach (for most of our landing places are of that quality) will so scatter them, that no man shall bee able to indure the inconuenience thereof.

The thirde obiection may arise from the disparitie both of numbers, and condition of the forces of either partie: for the first it must needes bee granted, that the defendantes being to garde so many places at once, cannot furnish such numbers to euerie particular place for defence, as the assai∣lants may for offence. Concerning the qualitie of the forces, it is without question, that a great and potent Prince, (for such a one it must bee, that vn∣dertaketh to inuade the territories of so absolute and well obeied a Princesse as her Maiestie is) woulde drawe out the floure of his solderie wheresoeuer; be∣sides the gallant troupes of voluntaries, which do commonly attend such serui∣ces. Now these being thus qualified, and drawne into one head, and being to make as it were but one body: how can it be reasonably imagined (the time and place of their attempt being vncertaine) that the defendants should equal them with forces of like vertue and experience?

These are the reasons, which may be drawne from the disaduantage, which they haue that go about to oppose an enemy at his landing: the rest that haue beene vrged, by such as maintaine this opinion, are either impertinent to the question, or taken altogether from false grounds. But before I proceede to the answere of these reasons, I will lay this downe for a principle. That it is impos∣sible for any forraine Prince how puissant soeuer, to make such a preparation as shal be fitting to inuade a state so populous, and respectiue of their soueragine, (notwithstanding the pretenses deuised to dissemble the same) but it must of ne∣cessitie be discouered, before it can bee made able to put any thing in executi∣on: which I might enlarge by particularizing the infinite equipage, which is required for so great a fleete. But I will rest my selfe in the example of the yeere 88. which proueth the discouery of the pretended inuasion, before it could come to execution.

Concerning therefore the first obiection: it cannot indeed bee denied, but the place of the enemies landing will be doubtfull, and therefore our care must generally extend it selfe to all places of accesse: but that our defensiue forces are not sufficient in a competent maner to garde all such places, according as the necessitie of them shall require, that is the point in question. To prooue that our forces are sufficient: wee must necessarily enter into particularities, wherein I will take Kent for a president, as not altogether vnacquainted with the state thereof; which, if I deceiue not my selfe, is a shore of as large extension vpon the maritimate partes, as any other within this kingdom, for the breadth thereof enlarging it selfe from the point of Nesse by Lyd, which is the vttermost skirt vpon the coast of Sussex, vnto Margate vppon the coast of Essex; is by computation about twenty foure miles: but notwithstanding this large circuit, who knoweth not that the sixt part thereof is not subiect to the landing of such an enemy, as wee speake of, partly in regarde of the hugenesse of the cliffes, which do inclose a great part of that skirt; and partly in regard that much of that quantitie, which may be landed vpon, hath such eminent and difficult places neere adioyning, as an armie that shoulde put it selfe there on shore, shoulde find it selfe being opposed but by a small force, so straitened, as they would not easily find a way out, without apparant ruine of their whole forces. Further it cannot be denied, but that generally along the coast of Kent, there are so many rocks, shelues, flats, and other impediments, that a nauie of great ships canne haue no commodity to anchor neere the shore: and for the most part the coast lieth so open to the weather, that the least gale of wind will put them from their Anchor: all which particularities duly considered, it wil appeare that this large skirt of Kent will affoord a far lesser part fit for the landing of an army, then was thought of at the first. And were it that so publike a treatise as this is, would ad∣mit with good discretion such an exact relation, as falleth within my knowledge concerning this point, I would vndertake to make it so euident, by the particu∣lar description both of the number, quantity and qualitie of the places them∣selues; as no man of an indifferent iudgement would imagine our forces to be insufficient, to affoord euery of them such a safe and sure garde, as shall bee thought requisite for the same. But forasmuch as it is vnfitting to giue such par∣ticular satisfaction in this publike discourse, giue me leaue, submitting my selfe alwaies to better iudgements, to giue a generall taste of that meanes as woulde secure all places, with a competent number of men.

Hauing shewed you before the circuit of the maritimat parts of Kent, I would obserue this order: first, to make a triple diuision of all such forces, as shall be appointed for this seruice; as for example, I wil suppose the number to be 12000 of which I would lodge 3000. about the point of Nesse, and 3000. about Mar∣gate, & 6000. about Foulkston, which I take to be as it were the center: for my greatest care should be so to dispose of them, as they might not only succor one an other in the same shire, but as euery shire bordereth one vpon an other; so they should mutually giue helpe one vnto an other, as occasion should bee of∣fered: as if the enemy shoulde attempt a landing about Nesse, not onely the 6000. lodged as before, shoulde march to their succours, but such also of the

Sussex forces as were neere vnto that part; and so likewise of the rest: by which you may see how great a force would in few houres bee assembled, for the ren∣forcing of any of these out skirts; and the rather, forasmuch as the one halfe of the whole forces are thus lodged in the center of the shire, which is neerer to all parts then any other place whatsoeuer. There woulde also in the quarte∣ring of them, an especiall care bee had to the places of daunger, as might bee answerable to the importance thereof: for my meaning is not to lodge them close together, but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and com∣panies, as the country might affoord best oportunity, to entertaine them.

Now concerning the latter part of this obiection, which vrgeth the vncer∣tainty of time, when the enemy shall make his approches: I holde it most re∣quisite that our defensiue forces should be drawne into a heade, before the ene∣my should be discouered neere our coast ready to put himselfe on shoare: for it were a grosse absurdity to imagine, that companies coulde vppon such a so∣daine be assembled, without confusion; and make so long a march, with such expedition, as the necessity of the occasion would require. Nowe for that hus∣banding respect of her Maiesties coffers, which is vrged to such extremity, as it would be vnsupportable for this state to beare: as I doubt not but good intel∣ligence would much qualifie that supposed immoderate expence; so I assure my selfe, that men of sound iudgement, will deeme it much out of season to dispute about vnnecessary thrift, when the whole kingdome is brought in question of being made subiect to a stranger:

Vt iugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones, Non expergesceris, vt te ipsum serues?

the enemy (peraduenture) hath kept 30000. men in paie 2. months before, to make hauocke of our countrey, and to bring vs into perpetuall thraldome; shal we thinke it much to maintaine sufficient forces vppon our coast, to assure our selues, that no such enemy shall enter into our countrey? the extremity of this charge woulde bee qualified by our good espiall, which would proportion our attendance, with the necessity which is imposed vpon vs to bee carefull in busi∣nesses of this nature. Let this suffice therefore to proue, that our forces are suf∣ficient to keepe the sea cost; and that the vncertainty of time, when the ene∣my will make his attempts, ought not to hinder vs from performing that dutie, which the care and respect of our Prince and countrey imposeth vpon euerie good subiect, which is the substance of the first reason, which I set downe in the beginning of this discourse.

Now concerning the second reason, which vrgeth the disaduantage of the place, in regarde of the fury of the enemies artillery. True it is, that such pla∣ces as yeelde the enemy commodity of landing, are for the most parte plaine and open, and affoord naturally no couert at all. What then? shall a soldiour take euery place as hee findeth it, and vse no arte to qualifie the disaduantages thereof? or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of aduantage rather, then hee will relieue with industry the discommoditie of some particular circum∣stance? I make no question but an ingenious commander, being in seasonable time lodged with conuenient forces vpon any of those places, yea vppon the

beach it selfe, which is vnapt to make defensible, as anie place whatsoeuer; woulde vse such industrie as might giue sufficient securitie to his forces, and ouerwaie the enemie with aduantage of place; especially considering that this age hath affoorded such plentifull examples of admirable inuentions in that be∣halfe: but this cannot be done, if our forces doe not make head before the in∣stant of the enemies attempt, that our commanders may haue some time to make readie store of Gabions, handbaskets, with such moueable matter as shal be thought fit for that seruice.

Neither let this trouble anie man, for I dare auouch it, that if our for∣ces are not drawne into a heade before the enemie bee discouered vppon the coast, although wee neuer meane to oppose their landing, but attende them in some inlande place, to giue them battaile; our Commanders will bee farre to seeke of manie important circumstances, which are requisite in a matter of that consequence. And therefore let vs haue but a reasonable time to bethinke our selues of these necessaries, and we will easilie ouercome all these difficulties, and vse the benefit of the firme lande to repell an enemie, weake∣ned with the sea, tossed with the billow, troubled with his weapons, with ma∣nie other hinderances and discouragementes, which are presented vnto him both from the land and the sea. He that saw the landing of our forces in the I∣land of Fiall, in the yeere 97. can somewhat iudge of the difficulty of that mat∣ter: for what with the working of the sea, the steepnesse of the cliffes, the trouble∣somnes of their armes, the soldiors were so incombred, that had not the enemie beene more then a coward, he might wel with 200. men haue kept vs from ente∣ring any part of that Iland.

Concerning the thirde obiection, this briefelie shall bee sufficient, that wee are not so much to regarde that our forces doe equall them in num∣ber, as to see that they bee sufficient for the nature of the place, to make it good against the enemies landing: for wee knowe that in places of aduan∣tage and difficult accesse, a small number is able to oppose a great; and wee doubt not but all circumstances duelie considered, wee shall proportiona∣blie equall the enemie, both in number and qualitie of their forces: alwaies presupposed, that our state shall neuer bee destitute of sufficient forces trai∣ned, and exercised in a competent maner, to defende their Countrey from forraine enemies. For the neglect thereof, were to drawe on such as of themselues are but too forwarde, to make a praie of vs; and to make vs vn∣apt, not onelie to oppose an enemies landing, but to defende our selues from beeing ouerrunne, as other nations liuing in security, without due re∣garde thereof, haue beene.

And this much concerning the answere to those three reasons, which seeme to prooue that an enemie is not to bee resisted at his landing. Nowe if we do but looke a little into the discommodities, which follow vpon the lan∣ding of an enemy, we shall easilie discouer the dangerousnesse of this opinion: as first, we giue him leaue to liue vpon the spoile of our countrey, which cannot be preuented by any wasting, spoiling, or retiring of our prouisions, in so plen∣tiful a countrey as this is, especially considering that wee haue no strong townes

at all to repose our selues vpon. Whereof wee neede no further testimonie, then is deliuered vnto vs out of the seuenth booke of these Commentaries, in that war, which Caesar had with Vercingetorix.

Secondly obedience, which at other times is willingly giuen to Princes, is greatly, weakened at such times; whereby all necessary meanes to maintaine a war is hardly drawn from the subiect. Thirdly, oportunity is giuen to malecon∣tents and ill disposed persons, either to make head themselues, or to flie to the e∣nemy. Fourthly, the madnes to aduenture a kingdom vpon one stroke, hauing it in our disposition to do otherwise, with many other disaduantages, which the o∣portunity of any such occasion would discouer.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe worde imperator, which the Eagle-bearer attributeth to Cae∣sar, was the greatest title that could be giuen to a Romaine leader: and as Zonaras in his second Tome saith, was neuer giuen but vpon some great exploite, and after a iust victorie obtained; and then in the place where the battaile was fought, and the enemie ouerthrowne, the Generall was saluted by the name of Imperator, with the triumphant shoute of the whole armie; by which acclamation, the soldiours gaue testi∣monie of his worth; and made it equiualent with the most fortunate Com∣maunders.

This ceremonie was of great antiquitie in the Romaine Empire, as ap∣peareth by manie histories, and namelie by Tacitus, where hee saith, that Tyberius gaue that honour to Blesus, that hee should be saluted Imperator by the legions; which hee sheweth to bee an ancient dignitie belonging to great Captaines, after they had foiled the enemy, with an eminent ouerthrowe. For euerie victorie was not sufficient, whereby they might chalenge so great an honour, but there was required (as it seemeth) a certaine number of the ene∣mies to be slaine. Apian in his second booke saieth, that in olde time, the name of Imperator was neuer taken, but vpon great and admirable exploits: but in his time 10000 of the enemy being slaine in one battell, was a sufficient ground of that honour. Cicero saith, that 2000 slaine in the place, especial∣lie of Thracians, Spaniards or Galles, did worthely merit the name of Impe∣rator. Howsoeuer it seemeth by the same author, that there was a certain num∣ber of the enemy required to be slaine, where he saith, Se insta victoria Impera∣torem appellatum.

CHAP. XI.

The Britains make peace with Caesar, but breake it againe, vpon the losse of the Romain shipping.

THE Britaines being ouerthrowne in this battaile; assoone as they had recouered their safety by flight, they presently dispat∣ched messengers to Caesar to intreate for peace, promising ho∣stages and obedience, in whatsoeuer he commanded. And with these ambassadors returned Comius of Arras, whom Caesar had sent before into Britanie. Caesar complained, that, whereas they sent vnto him into Gallia to desire peace, notwithstanding at his comming they made warre against him, without any cause or reason at all; but excusing it by their ignorance, he commanded hostages to be deliuered vnto him: which they presently performed in parte; and the rest being to bee fet further off, shoulde likewise be rendered within a short time; in the meane while, they comman∣ded their people to returne to their possessions, and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commende themselues and their states to Caesar. The peace be∣ing thus concluded; foure daies after that Caesar came into Britanie, the eighteen shippes which were appointed for the horsemen, put out to sea with a gentle winde, and approaching so neere the coast of Britanie, that they were within viewe of the Romaine campe: there arose such a sodaine tempest, that none of them were able to holde their course, but some of them returned to the porte from whence they came; othersome were cast vpon the lower part of the Ilande, which lieth to the West warde; and there casting anchor tooke in such seas, that they were forced to commit themselues againe to the sea, and direct their course to the coast of Gallia. The same night it happened, that the moone being in the full, the tides were verie high in those seas; whereof the Romaines being altogether ignorant, both the Gal∣lies which were drawne vp vpon the shore were filde with the tide, and the shippes of burthen that laie at anchor, were shaken with the tempest, neither was there anie helpe to be giuen vnto them: so that many of them were rent, and split in pee∣ces; and the rest lost both their anchors, Gables and other tackling: and by that meanes became altogether vnseruiceable. Whereat the whole armie was excee∣dinglie troubled; for there was no other shipping to recarrie them bcke againe: Neither had they anie necessaries to newe furnish the olde: and euerie man knew that they must needes winter in Gallia; for as much as there was no prouision of corn in those places where they were. Which thing beeing knowne to the Princes of Britanie, that were assembled to confer of such thinges as Caesar had comman∣ded them to performe, when they vnderstood that the Romaines wanted both their horsemen, shipping, and prouision of corne, and coniecturing of the paucitie of their forces, by the small circuit of their camp; and that which was more important then all the rest, that Caesar had transported his soldiours without such necessarie cari∣ages, as they vsed to take with them: they thought it their best course to rebell, and to keepe the Romaines from corne and conuoies of prouision, and so prolong the matter, vntil winter came on. For they thought that if these were once ouerthrown

and cut off from returning into Gallia, neuer any man would afterward aduenture to bring an army into Britanie: therefore they conspired againe the second time, and conuaied themselues by stealth out of the campe, and got their men priuily out of the fields, to make head in some conuenient place against the Romans.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and the causes there∣of; it hath already beene handled in the second booke, to which I will adde this much, as may serue to shew, how the Romaines be∣came so ignorant of the spring tides, which happen in the full and new of the moone. It is obserued by experience, that the motion of this waterie element is altogither directed by the course of the moon, wherin she exerciseth her regency, according as shee findeth the matter qualified for her influence. And for asmuch as all mediterrean seas, and such gulfes as are inclosed in sinues and bosomes of the earth, are both abridged of the liberty of their course, and through the smallnes of their quantity, are not so capable of celestiall power; as the Ocean it selfe: it consequently followeth, that the Tuskane seas, wherwith the Romains were chiefly acquainted, were not so answerable in effect to the o∣peration of the moon, as the maine sea, whose bounds are ranged in a more spa∣cious circuit; and through the plenteous abundance of his parts, better answe∣reth the vertue of the moone. The Ocean therfore being thus obedient to the course of the celestial bodies, taking hir course of flowing from the North, falleth with such a currant between the Orcades, and the maine of Noruegia; that she filleth our channel between England and France, with great swelling tides; and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters, then in any other partes of the world. And hence it happeneth, that our riuer of Thames, lying with her mouth so ready to receiue the tyde as it commeth, and hauing withall a plaine leuelled belly, and a very smal fresh currant, taketh the tide as far into the land, as any other known riuer of Europe. And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the spring tides in the ful of the moone.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SVch as either by their own experience, or otherwise by obseruation of that which history recordeth, are acquainted with the gouernment of common weales, are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation, that ei∣ther hath long liued in liberty, or bin gouerned by cōmanders of their own cho∣sing, is made subiect to the yoake of bondage, or reduced vnder the obediēce of a stranger. For as we are apt by a naturall inclination to ciuill societie; so by the same nature wee desire a free disposition of our selues and possessions, as the cheefest end of the saide society. And therefore in the gouernment of a subdu∣ed state, what losse or disaduantage happeneth to the victor, or how indirectlie

soeuer it concerneth the bond of their thraldome, the captiue people behold it as a part of their aduersaries ouerthrow; and conceiue thereupon such spirites, as answere the greatnes of their hope, and sort with the strength of their will, which alwaies maketh that seeme easie to be effected which it desireth. And this was the reason, that the Britaines altered their resolution of peace, vpon the losse which the Romans had receiued in their shipping.

CHAP. XII.

Caesar new trimmeth his late shaken nauie: the Bri∣taines set vpon the Romans as they haruested; but were put off by Caesar.

CAESAR although he had not discouered their determinati∣on, yet coniecturing of the euent by the losse of his shipping, and by their delay of giuing vppe hostages; hee prouided against all chances: for he brought corne daily out of the fields into his camp; and tooke the huls of such ships as were most dismembred, and with the tymber and brasse thereof hee mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest, causing other necessaries to bee brought out of Gallia. Which being handeled with the great industrie and trauell of the souldiers, he lost onely twelue shippes, and made the other able to abide the sea.

While these thinges were in action, the seuenth legion being sent out by course, to fetch in corne, and little suspecting any motion of warre; as part of the souldiers con∣tinued in the field, and the rest went and came betweene them and the campe; the sta∣tion that watched before the gate of the campe, gaue aduertisement to Caesar, that the same way which the legion went, there appeared a greater dust then was vsually seene. Caesar suspecting that which in deede was true, that the Britaines were entered into some new resolution, he tooke those two cohorts which were in station before the port, commanding other two to take their place, and the rest to arme themselues, and pre∣sently to follow him, and went that waie, where the dust was descried. And when he had marched some distance from the campe, he saw his men ouercharged with the enemie, and scarce able to sustaine the assault, the legion thronged together on a heape, and weapons cast from all partes amongst them. For when they had haruested all o∣ther quarters, there remained one piece of corne, whither the enemie suspected the Romans would at last come; and in the night time conuaied themselues secretly into the woods, where they continued, vntill the Romans were come into the field, and as they saw them disarmed, dispersed and occupied in reaping; they suddenly set vp∣on them, and slaying some few of them, rowted the rest and incompassed them about with their horsemen, and chariots. Their manner of fight with chariots, was first to ride vp and downe and cast their weapons, as they saw aduantage; and with the ter∣rour of their horses & ratteling of their wheeles, to disorder the companies; and when

they had wound themselues betweene anie troupes of horse, they forsooke their cha∣riots and fought on foot: in the meane time the guiders of their chariots would driue a little aside, and so place themselues, that if their maisters needed anie helpe, they might haue an easie passage vnto them. And thus they performed in all their fightes, both the nimble motion of horsemen, and the firme stabilitie of footmen; and were so readie with daily practise, that they could staie in the decliuitie of a steepe hill, and turne short or moderate their going, as it seemed best vnto them; and runne along the beame of the coach and rest vpon the yoake, or harnesse of their horses, and returne as speedely againe at their pleasure. The Romans being thus troubled, Caesar came to rescue them in verie good time: for at his comming, the enemie stood still; and the souldiers gathered their spirits vnto them, and began to renew their courage that was almost spent. Caesar, thinking it an vnfit time, either to prouoke the enemy, or to giue him battell; he continued a while in the same place: And then returned with the legions into the campe. While these thinges were a doing, and the Romaines thus busied; the Britaines that were in the field, conuaied themselues all awaie.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

BY this wee plainely finde, that there were vsually two cohortes (which according to the rate of 120 in a maniple, amounted to the number of 720 men) which kept the daie watch before the gate of the campe, and were alwaies in readinesse vpon any seruice. The commoditie whereof appeareth by this accident, for considering that the aduertisement required haste and speedie recourse, it greatly furthered their rescue to haue so manie men readie to march forward at the first motion, that they might giue what helpe they could, vntill the rest of their fellowes came in.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THeir manner of fight with chariots, is very particularly described by Caesar, and needeth not to bee stood vpon any longer: onely I ob∣serue, that neither in Gallia, nor any other country of Europe, the vse of chariots is neuer mentioned: but they haue euer beene attri∣buted, as a peculiar fight, vnto the easterne countries, as sutable to the plaine and leuell situation of the place, whereof we finde often mention in the scrip∣ture: which may serue for an argument to Geffrey of Monmouth, to proue the Britaines descent from Troie in Asia, where we likewise finde mention of such chariots.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THirdly we may obserue, the discreete or moderate temper of his valour, and the meanes he vsed to make his souldiers confident in his directions: for notwithstanding the Britaines had exceedingly vrged him, to make hazard of a present reuenge; yet finding it an vnfit time, (inasmuch as his men had beene somewhat troubled, with the furie of the Britaines) hee thought it best to expect some other oportunitie. And a∣gaine, to auoid the inconueniences of a fearefull retrait, he continued a while in the same place, to imbolden his men with the sight of the enemie. And this manner of proceeding wrought a full perswasion in his souldiers, that his acti∣ons were directed with knowledge, and with a carefull respect of their safetie; which gaue his mē resolution when they were caried vpon seruice, being assured that what seruice soeuer they were imploied vpon, was most diligently to bee performed, as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that warre: wher∣as if they had perceiued that headstrong furie, which carrieth men on with a de∣sire of victorie, and neuer looketh into the meanes wherby it may be obtained, had directed the course of their proceedinges, they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments, and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise. And hence ariseth that confident opinion, which the sol∣diers haue of a good Generall; which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre.

CHAP. XIII.

The Britaines make head, with their forces; and are beaten by Caesar: his returne in∣to Gallia.

AFTER this; for manie daies together, there followed such tempests and foule weather, that both the Romans were con∣strained to keepe their campe, and the Britaines were kept from attempting any thing against them: But in the meane time, they sent messengers into all quarters, publishing the small number of the Roman forces, and amplifying the great∣nesse of the bootie, and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie, if they could take the Roman campe. Shortly vpon this, hauing gathered a great companie, both of horse and foote; they came to the place where the Romans were incamped. Caesar (although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened, that if the enemie were beaten backe, he would auoide the danger by flight) yet hauing some 30 horse, which Comius of Arras had carried with him, at his

comming into Britanie; he imbattailed his legions before his campe; and so gaue them battell. The enemie not being able to beare the assault of the Roman souldiers, turned their backes and fled: the Romans followed them, as farre as they could by running on foote; and after a great slaughter, with the burning of their townes farre and neare, they returned to their campe. The same daie the Britaines sent messengers to Caesar, to intreat for peace; whom he commanded to double their number of hostages, which he commanded to be carried into Gallia. And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand; he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea, with such weake ship∣ping: and therefore hauing got a conuenient time, he hoised saile a little after mid∣night, and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent. Two of these ships of burthen, not being able to reach the same hauen, put in somewhat lower into the land: the sol∣diers that were in them being about 300, being set on shore, and marching towardes their campe: the Morini, with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace, in hope of a bootie, first with a few of their men stood about them, commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons; and as the Romans, by casting them∣selues into an Orbe, began to make defence, at the noise and clamour amongst them, there were suddenly gathered together about 6000 of the enemy. Which thing being knowen, Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them: in the meane time the Ro∣mans sustained the force of the enemie, and fought valiantly the space of foure houres; and receiuing themselues some few woundes, they slew many of the enemie. After the Roman horsemen came in sight, the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled, and a great number of them fell by the horsemen.

OBSERVATIONS.

OF al the figures which the Tactici haue chosen to make vse of in mili∣tarie affaires; the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest, to be ap∣plied in the defensiue part, as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that Area: and therefore Geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line, for as much as if you alter the site of the parts, and transport one arch into the place of another; the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same, because of the e∣quall bending of the line, throughout the whole circumference. Which proper∣tie, as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit, so that it can∣not be said that this is the beginning, or this is the end; this is front, or this is flanke. So doth that, which Euclide doth demonstrate in the 3 of his Elements, concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line, and a circle (which being drawen to touch the circumference, doth touch it but in a point only) shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line, by which it may be broken. Which, howsoeuer they seeme, as speculatiue qualities, conceiued rather by in∣tellectuall discourse, then manifested to sensible apprehension; yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure, in a defensiue part, aboue any other maner of imbattailing; let vs not neglect the knowledge of these na∣turall properties, which discouer the causes of this effect: neither let vs neglect

this part of militarie knowledge, being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour, and the sinew of all our abilitie: for order correspondent to circumstances, is the whole strength and power of an Armie. Neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline, to be irregular, or voide of order: and therefore the Romans did neither eate nor sleepe, without the direction of the Consull, or chiefe commander; otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue: but when their courage was ranged with order, and disposed according to the occurrences of the time; it neuer failed as long as the said or∣der continued perfect.

It appeareth therfore, how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing, and to waigh the nature thereof; that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion. The Romans tearmed this figure Orbis, which signifieth a round body both with a concaue, and a conuex surface: in resemblance whereof, I vnderstand this Orbe of men imbattailed to be so named; which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes, inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles, de∣scribed about one Center: so that either the middest thereof remained voide, or otherwise contained such cariages, and impediments, as they had with them in their march. This forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed, but in great extremitie: for as it was the safest of all other; so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of excee∣ding danger, which abated much of their heat in battell, as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of Caesar himselfe, in the fift Commentarie, vpon the occasi∣on which happened vnto Sabinus and Cotta.

CHAP. XIIII.

THE next daie, Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate, with those legions which he had brought out of Britanie, against the reuolted Morini; who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs & fens were dried vp, where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before, they all fell vnder the power of his mercie. Q. Titurîus, and A. Cotta the Legats, who had led the legions against the Menapij, after they had wasted their fieldes, cut vp their corne, burned their houses, for the Menapij were all hid in thicke woods; they returned to Caesar: these thinges being thus ended, Caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions a∣mongst the Belgae; to which place two only of all the cities in Britanie, sent hostages vnto him: the rest neglecting it. These wars being thus ended: vpon the relation of Caesars letters, the senate decreed a supplication for the space of 20 daies.

OBSERVATIONS.

IN the ende of the second Commentarie, we reade of a supplication granted by the senate, for 15 daies; which was neuer granted to anie man before that time; since the first building of the citie; but foras∣much as in this fourth yeare of the warres in Gallia, it was augmented from 15

vnto 20 daies, I thought it fit to referre the handling thereof, vnto this place. We are therfore to vnderstand, that whensoeuer a Roman Generall had carried himselfe well in the warres, by gaining a victorie, or enlarging the boundes of their Empire; that then the senate did decree a supplication to the Gods, in the name of that captaine. And this dignitie was much sought after, not onely be∣cause it was a matter of great honour, that in their names the Temples of their Gods should be opened, and their victories acknowledged, with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people: but also because a supplication was com∣monly the forerunner of a triumph, which was the greatest honour in the Ro∣man gouernment: And therfore Cato nameth it the prerogatiue of a triumph. And Liuie in his 26 booke saith, that it was long disputed on in the senate, how they could denie one that was there present to triumph, whose absence they had honoured, with supplication, and thankesgiuing to the Gods, for things happily effected? The maner of the Ceremonie was; that after the Magistrate had pub∣likely proclaimed it with this forme or stile, quod bene & faeciliter rempublicam administrasset; the Roman people cloathed in white garmentes and crowned with garlands, went to all the temples of the Gods, and there offered sacrifices, to gratulate the victorie in the name of the Generall. In which time they were forbidden all other businesses, but that which pertained to this solemnity. It see∣meth that this time of supplication, was at first included within one or two daies at the most, as appeareth by Liuie in his third booke, where he saith, that the victorie gained by two seuerall battels, was spitefully shut vp by the senat in one daies supplication: the people of their owne accord keeping the next daie holie and celebrating it with greater deuotion then the former.

Vpon the victorie which Camillus had against the Veij, there were granted foure daies of supplication; to which there was afterward a daie added, which was the vsuall time of supplication vnto the time that Pompei ended the warre, which they called Mithridaticum; when the vsuall time of fiue daies was dou∣bled, and made 10, and in the second of these Commentaries, made 15, and now brought to 20 daies. Which setteth foorth the incitements and rewardes of wel doing, which the Romans propounded both at home and abroad, to such as in∣deuoured to enlarge their Empire, or manage a charge, to the benefit of their common-wealths. And thus endeth the fourth Commentarie.

Notes

• Those of Zutpnen.
• Of Hassia.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Geldres and Cleeue.
• Salust.
• Tacit. 1. Anal.
• Caesar.
• Liege.
• Colonia A∣gripina.
• Vincitur haud gratis iugulo qui prouocat ho∣stem.
• Liu. lib. 9.
• Liu. lib. 7.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Lib. de Machi.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar. Teroanne, or Monstrell.
• Caesar.
• Answere to the first ob∣iection.
• The answere to the second reason.
• The answere to the third reason.
• Of the name Imperator.
• 3. Annal.
• Phil. 14.
• Lib. 2. epist. 9.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Li. 15. fami. Cicero.