Obseruations vpon the fiue first bookes of Cæsars commentaries setting fourth the practise of the art military in the time of the Roman Empire : wherein are handled all the chiefest point of their discipline, with the true reason of euery part, together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings, for the better direction of our moderne warres / by Clement Edmunds.

THE FIFT COMMENTARIE OF THE WAR, WHICH CAESAR MADE IN GALLIA.

THE ARGVMENT.

CAesar caused a great nauie to be built in Gallia: he caried 5 legions into Britany, where he made war with the Bri∣tains, on both sides the riuer Thames: at his returne in∣to Gallia, most of the Galles reuolted; and first the Eburones vn∣der the conduction of Ambiorix, set vpon the campe of Q. Titu∣rius the Legate, whom they circumuented by subtilty; and then besieged the campe of Cicero: but were put by, and their Armie ouerthrowen by Caesar.

CHAP. I.

Caesar returneth into Gallia: findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers, and comman∣deth them to be brought to the hauen Iccius.

LVCIVS Domitius, and Appius Claudius, being Consuls; Caesar at his going into Italie, gaue order to the Legats to build as manie ships that winter, as possibly they could; commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are vsed in the mediterranean sea, for the speedier lading & vnlading of thē, and because the tides in these seas were verie great: and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse, he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome them such as were vsuall in other places, and all of them to be made for the vse of Oares, to which purpose their low building serued verie conueniently. Other necessaries and furniture for rig∣ging, he gaue order to haue it brought out of Spaine. Caesar after the assembly of the states in Lombardie, and that he set free Illiricum from the incursions of the Pirustae, he returned into Gallia; where he found 600 ships built, by the extraordinarie indu∣strie of the souldiers, notwithstanding the penurie and want of all necessarie matter, with 28 Gallies ready furnished, which in a few daies might be lanched: hauing com∣mended the soldiers and ouerseers of the worke, he commanded them to be brought to the port called Iccius, from whence he knew the passage into Britanie, was not aboue thirtie mile ouer.

THE OBSERVATION.

THis Iccius Portus Floide thinketh to be Caleis; others take it to bee Saint Omer, partly in regard of the situation of the place, which be∣ing in it selfe verie lowe, hath notwithstanding very high bankes, which incompasse the towne about; and in times past was a verie large hauen. To this maie be added the distance from this towne, to the next continent of the Iland of Britany; which Strabo maketh to containe 320 stadia, which agreeth to the French computation of 13 leages. Caesar maketh it thirtie mile: this is the hauen, which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum.

CHAP. II.

Caesar saileth into Britanie: landeth his forces, and seeketh the enemie.

CAESAR hauing prepared all things in readinesse, he left La∣bienus in the continent with three legions, and 2000 horse, both to keepe the hauen and make prouision of corne; and also to ob∣serue the motion of the Galles: and with fiue legions and the like number of horse, as he left in the continent, about sun-setting he put out to sea, with a soft south winde, which continued vntill midnight; and then ceasing, he was carried with the tide vntill the morning, when he perceiued that the Iland laie on his left hand: and againe, as the tide changed, hee laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland, where he had found good landing the yeare before: wherein the souldiers deserued great commen∣dation; for by strength and force of Oares, they made their great ships of burthen to keepe waie with the Galleies. About high noone, they arriued in Britanie, with all their ships: neither was there any enemie seene in that place; but as afterward Cae∣sar vnderstood by the captiues, the Britains were there with a great power; but be∣ing terrified with the infinite number of shipping, which they discouered from the shore (for there were in all aboue 800) they forsooke the shore, and hid themselues in the vpland countrie. Caesar hauing landed his men, and chosen a conuenient place to incampe, assoone as he vnderstood by the captiues where the enemy laie, in the third watch of the night, he marched towards them; leauing ten cohortes and 300 horse, for a garizon to his shipping: which he the lesse feared, because it lay at anchor in a soft and open shore: he marched that night about 12 mile before he found the enemie: The Britaines sending out their horse, and chariots to a riuer that ran betweene them and the Romans, and hauing the aduantage of the vpper ground; began to hinder the Ro∣mans, and to giue them battell, but being beaten backe with our horsemen, they con∣uaied themselues into a wood. The place was strongly fortified both by art and nature, and made for a defence (as it seemeth) in their ciuill wars: for all the entrances were

shut vp with great trees, laid ouerthwart the passages. And the Britaines shewed themselues out of the wood but here and there, not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification: but the soldiors of the seauenth legion, with a Testudo which they made, and a mount which they raised, tooke the place and droue them all out of the woods, without any losse at all; sauing some fewe wounds which they receiued. But Caesar forbad his men to follow after them, with any long pursuit, because hee was both ignorant of the place, and a great part of that daie being spent, he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his campe.

OBSERVATIONS.

CAesar, hauing taken what assurance of peace he could with the Galles, both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him, and by lea∣uing three legions in the continent, to keepe the vulgar people in obedience: he imbarked al his men at one place, that they might be all partakers of the same casualties, and take the benefit of the same aduentures, which being neglected the yeare before, drew him into many inconueniences for want of horse, which being imbarked at an other hauen met with other chā∣ces, and saw other fortunes; and neuer came to him into Britanie: The place of landing in this second voiage, was the same where he landed the yeere before; and by the circumstances of this history, may agree with that which tradition hath deliuered of Deale in Kent, where it is said that Caesar landed. In the first yeere we finde, that he neuer remoued his campe from the sea shore, where he first seated himselfe; although his men went out to bring in corne, as far as they might wel returne againe at night: but now hee entered further into the Iland, and within twelue miles march came vnto a riuer, which must needs be that of Canturbury, which falleth into the sea at Sandwich.

In that he saith that the garizon of his shipping consisted of ten cohortes, which I haue said to be a legion: we must vnderstande, that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garizon; but he tooke ten cohorts out of his whole forces, peraduenture two out of euerie legion, and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping.

CHAP. III.

Caesar returneth to his nauies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before.

THE next daie earlie in the morning, hee deuided his forces into 3. com∣panies, and sent them out to pursue the enemy: but before they had mar∣ched any farre distance, and came to haue the rereward of the enemy in vewe; there came newes from Q. Atrius, with whom he left the ten

cohorts, and the charge of the shipping, that the night before there was such a tem∣pest at sea, that the whole nauy was either sore beaten or cast on shore; and that nei∣ther anchor nor Gable coulde holde them, nor yet the Sailers indure the force of the weather; and that there was great losse in the shipping, by running against one ano∣ther, in the violence of the tempest. Vpon these newes; Caesar caused the legions to be called backe againe, and to cease for that time, from following the enemy any fur∣ther, he himselfe returned to the nauy, where he found 40. ships lost, and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines: first therefore he chose shipwrites and Carpenters out of the legions, and caused others to bee sent for out of Gallia; and writ to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could. And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour; yet he thought it best, to hale vp all the ships on shore, and to inclose them within the fortification of his campe: in this bu∣sinesse he spent ten daies, without intermission either of night or day, vntill hee had drawn vp the ships, and strongly fortified the camp; leauing the same garrison which was there before to defend it.

THE OBSERVATION.

WHerein we may behold the true image of vndanted valour, and the horrible industry (as Tully tearmeth it) which hee vsed to preuent fortune of her stroke in his busines, and comprehende casualties and future contingents, within the compas of order and the bounds of his owne power, being able in tenne daies space, to set almost eight hun∣dred ships from the hazarde of winde and weather; and to make his campe the Roade for his nauie, that so he might rest secure of a meanes to returne at his pleasure.

CHAP. IIII.

The Britains make Cassiuellaunus generall in this warre: the Iland, and the maners of the people described.

CAESAR returning to the place from whence hee came, founde far greater forces of the Britans there assembled, then he left whē he went to the nauie. And that by publike consent of the Bri∣taines, the whole gouernment of that war was giuen to Cassiuel∣launus, whose kingdom lay deuided from the maritimate states, with the riuer Thames, beginning at the sea, & extending it selfe 80. mile into the Iland. This Cassiuellaunus, made continuall war with his neighbor states: but vpon the comming of the Romans, they all forgot their home-bred quarrels, and cast the whole gouernment vpon his sholders, as the fittest to direct that war.

The inner part of Britanie is inhabited, by such as memory recordeth to be borne in the Iland; and the maritimate coast by such as came out of Belgia, either to make incursions or inuasions; and after the war was ended, they continued in the possessi∣ons they had gained, and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came: the countrey is very populous, and well inhabited with houses, much like vnto them in Gallia. They haue great store of cattell, and vse brasse for money, or yron ringes waighed at a certaine rate. In the mediterranean partes there is found great quantity of Tyn, and in the maritimate parts yron: their brasse was brought in by other nations. They haue all sorts of trees that they haue in Gallia, excepting the figge and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eate, either Haire, Hen, or Goose; notwithstanding they haue of all sorts, as well for nouelty as variety. The country is more temperate, and not so colde as Gallia. The Ilande lieth triangle wise, whereof one side confronteth Gallia, of which side that angle, wherein Kent is pointed to the East, and the other angle to the South: this side containeth about 500. mile. Another side lieth toward Spaine and the West, that waie where Ireland lieth, being an Ilande halfe as big as England; and as farre distant from it as Gallia: in the midway between England & Ireland, lieth an Iland called Mona, besides ma∣ny other smaller Ilands, of which some write that in winter time for 30. daies toge∣ther, they haue continuall night, whereof we learned nothing by inquirie, only we found by certaine measures of water, that the nights in England were shorter then in the Continent. The length of this side, according to the opinion of the inhabitants, containeth 700. mile. The thirde side lieth to the North and the open sea, sauing that this angle doth somwhat point towards Germanie; this side is thought to contain 800. miles: And so the whole Iland containeth in circuit 2000. miles. Of al the in∣habitants, they of Kent are most curteous and ciuill; al their countrey bordering vp∣on the sea, and little differing from the fashion of Gallia, Most of the inlande people sow no corne, but liue with milke and flesh, clothed with skins, and hauing their fa∣ces painted with a blew colour, to the end they may seeme more terrible in sight: they haue the haire of their head long, hauing al other parts of their body shauen, sauing their vpper lip. Their wiues are common to ten or twelue; especially brethren with brethren, and parents with children; but the children that are borne, are put vnto them, vnto whom the mother was first giuen in mariage.

OBSERVATIONS.

IN the descriptions of the ancient Britains, we may first obserue their pedegree, according to the Haraldry of that time: wherein we must vnderstand that in those ages, the Ntiaons of the worlde thought it no small honor, to deriue their descent from a certaine beginning, and to make either some of their Gods, or some man of a famous memorie, the father of that progenie, and founder of their state; that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their gouernment, being first laide and established by so powerfull a meanes. But if this failed, they then bragged of antiquitie, and cast all their glory vpon the fertility of their soile, being so strong and fruit∣ful, that it yeelded of it selfe such a people, as they were: and so we read howe the Athenians, for as much as they were ignoraunt from whence they came,

ware an Oaken leafe, in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwel∣led. And hereupon also grew the controuersie, betweene the Egyptians and the Scythians, concerning antiquity: wherein the Egyptians seemed to haue great aduantage, because of the fertility and heat of their countrey; whereas the Scy∣thians inhabited a colde climate, vnfruitfull and an enemy to generation. Of this sort were the Britains, that inhabited the mediterranean part of the Ilande: who not knowing from whence they came; nor who first brought them thither, satisfied themselues with that common receiued opinion, that they were borne and bred of the earth. The sea coast was possest by such as came out of the con∣tinent and retained the names of the cities from whence they came, as a memo∣riall of their progenitors.

The forme of the Iland is very well described, and measured out, according to the scale of our moderne Geographers. For concerning the difference of longitude between the Easterne angel of Kent, and the furthest point of Corne∣wal, they make it eight degrees; which in a maner iumpeth with Caesars dimen∣suration: the other sides are somewhat longer; and therefore. Tacitus in the life of Agricola, compareth it to a Carpenters Axe, making that side which bor∣dereth vpon France to resemble the Edge; and the other two sides to incline by little and little, one towardes an other; and so make the Ilande narrower at the top, according to the forme of that instrument. Hee setteth downe the whole compasse of the Iland, according to the manner of the ancient Geographers, who by the quantity of the circuit, did vsually iudge of the content, not consi∣dering that the Area of euery figure dependeth as well of the quantity of the angle, as the length of the side. Concerning the temperature of Britanie, in regard of the colde winters in France, we must vnderstand that Britanie hath e∣uer beene found of a more temperate constitution, in regarde of sharpe and colde winters, then any other countrey lying vnder the same parallell: whether the cause thereof may bee imputed to the continuall motion of the sea about the Iland, which begetteth heat, as some haue imagined; or to the site thereof, in regard of other Continents from whence the winde alwaies riseth, and cari∣eth with it the nature of the countrey by which it passeth; and so the Ilande ha∣uing no other continent lying North to it, from whence the winde may rise, but all for the most part vpon the South, hath no such colde windes to distemper it, as other parts of Germany, which are vnder the same parallel; but the Southern wind, which is so frequent in Britany, tēpereth the ayre, with a mild disposition, and so keepeth it warme; or whether it be some other vnknowne cause, our Phi∣losophers rest vnsatisfied. But as touching Gallia, it may bee saide, that foras∣much as it beareth more to the South, then this Iland doth, the aire thereof by reason of the continuall heate, is of a farre purer disposition; and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of Britany, & carieth the cold further into the pores; and so seemeth sharper and of a far colder disposition.

This Iland, which Caesar nameth Mona, is known at this time by the name of Man, and lieth betweene Cumberland and Ireland. Ptolemie calleth it Monaeda, Tacitus calleth Anglesey by the name of Mona, peraduenture from the nomina∣tion of the Britains, who calleth it Tyr mon, the land of Mon.

Concerning those places, where the night continueth in the midst of winter for 30. daies together, they must be sited 6. degrees beyond the circle Articke, and haue a day in summer of like continuance, according to the rules of Astro∣nomy. In that he found the nights in Britanie shorter then in the continent, we must vnderstand it to be only in summer: for the more oblique the horizon is, the more vneuen are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth; and the neerer it commeth to a right horizon, the neerer it commeth to an equality of daie and night: and hence it happeneth, that in summer time, the nights in France are longer then here in England; and in winter shorter. The like wee must vnderstand of all Sotherne and Northerne countries.

To conclude, I may not omit the ciuility of the Kentish men, and their curte∣ous disposition, aboue the rest of the Britains, which must be imputed to that ordinarie course which brought ciuility vnto all other nations: of whom such as were first seated in their possessions, and entertained societie, were the first that brought in ciuill conuersation, and by little and little were purified, and so attained to the perfection of ciuill gouernment. So we find that first Assirians and Babilonians (as neerest to the mountaines of Armenia where the Arke re∣sted, and people first inhabited) reduced their states into common weales, of monarchies of exquisite gouernment, florishing with al maner of learning and knowledge; when as yet other countries laie either waste, or ouerwhelmed with Barbarisme. From thence it flowed into Egypt; out of Egypt into Greece; out of Greece into Italie; out of Italie into Gallia; and from thence into England: where our Kentishmen first entertained it, as bordering vpon France; and fre∣quented with marchants of those countries.

CHAP. V.

Diuers skirmishes betweene the Romans and the Britaines.

THE Caualrie of the enemy and their chariots, gaile a sharpe conflict to the Romaine horsemen, in their march: but so, that the Romaines got the better euery way, driuing them with great slaughter to the woods and hils, and loosing also some of their owne men, beeing too venturous in the pursuit. The Britaines after some intermission of time, when the Romans litle thought of them, & were busied in fortifying their cāpe, came sodainly out of the woods and charged vpon those that kept station before the campe. Caesar sent out two the thickest cohorts of two legions, to second their fel∣lowes: these two cohortes standing with a small alley betweene them, the other that were first charged, being terrified with that strange kinde of fight, boldelie brake through the chiefest of the enemy, and so retired in safetie to their fellowes. That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the soldiours, was slaine; the Britaines were repelled with moe cohortes, which Caesar sent to second the former.

And for asmuch as the fight happened in the vewe of all the campe, it was plain∣ly perceiued, that the legionarie soldiors, being neither able for the waight of their armor, to follow the enemy as he retired, nor yet daring to go far from his ensigne; was not a fit aduersarie to contest this kind of enemy: and that the horsemen like∣wise fought with no lesse danger, inasmuch as the enemy would retire backe of pur∣pose, and when they had drawne them a little from the legions, they woulde then light from their chariots and incounter thē, with that aduantage, which is between a footeman and a horseman. Furthermore, they neuer fought thicke and close toge∣ther, but thin and in great distances, hauing stations of men to succour one another, to receiue the wearie, and to send out fresh supplies.

OBSERVATIONS.

VPpon this occasion of their heauie armour, I will describe a legi∣onarie soldior in his compleat furniture, that we may better iudge of their maner of warfare, and vnderstand wherein their greatest strength consisted. And first we are to learne, that their legionarie soldiors were called Milites grauis armaturae, soldiors wearing heauie armour, to distinguish them from the Velites, the Archers, slingers, and other light armed men. Their offensiue armes were, a couple of Piles, or as some wil, but one Pile, and a Spanish sword, short and strong, to strike rather with the point then with the edge. Their defensiue armes were, a helmet, a corslet, and boots of brasse, with a large Target; which in some sort was offensiue, in regarde of that vm∣bonem which stucke out in the middest thereof. The Pile is described at large in the first booke, and the Target in the second: the sworde (as Polybius wit∣nesseth) was short, two edged, yerie sharpe, and of a strong point: and there∣fore Liuie in his 22. Booke saieth, that the Galles vsed verie long swordes without pointes; but the Romaines had short swordes, readier for vse; these they called Spanish swordes, because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniarde. The olde Romaines were so girt with their swordes, as appeareth by Polybius, and their monuments in Marble, that from their left shoulder it hung vpon their right thigh, contrary to the vse of these times, which as I haue noted before, was in regard of their target, which they caried on their left arme: this sworde was hung with a belt of leather, beset with studs as Varro noteth, and these were their offensiue weapons.

Their Helmet was of brasse, adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cu∣bite in length, by which the soldiour appeared of a large stature, and more terrible to the enemie, as Polybius saieth in his 6. booke. Their brest plate was either of brasse, or Iron, ioynted together after the maner of scales, or platted with little ringes of yron: their bootes were made of barres of brasse, from the foote vp to the knee. And thus were the legionarie soldiours armed, to stand firme rather then to vse any nimble motion, and to combine themselues into a bodie of that strength which might not easilie recoile, at the opposition of anie confrontment; for agilitie standeth indifferent to helpe either a retreit

or a pursuit, and nimble footed soldiors are as readie to flie backe, as to march forward; but a waighty body keepeth a more regular motion, and is not hinde∣red with a common counterbuffe: so that whensoeuer they came to firme buc∣keling, and felt the enemy stand stiffe before them, such was their practise, and exercise in continual workes, that they neuer fainted vnder any such taske; but the victorie went alwayes cleere on their side. But if the enemy gaue waie to their violence, and came not in but for aduantage, and then as speedilie retired, before the counterbuffe were well discharged; then did their nimble∣nesse much helpe their weakenesse, and frustrate the greatest parte of the Ro∣maine discipline. This is also proued in the ouerthrowe of Sabinus and Cot∣ta, where Ambiorix finding the inconuenience of buckeling at handy blowes, commaunded his men to fight a far off; and if they were assaulted, to giue backe; and to come on againe as they saw occasion: which so wearied out the Romaines, that they all fell vnder the execution of the Galles. Let this suffice therefore to shew, how vnapt the Romans were to flie vpon any occasion, when their armour was such, that it kept them from al starting motions, and made thē sutable to the staied and wel assured rules of their discipline, which were as cer∣taine principles in the execution of a standing battaile; and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit, or a flight.

Concerning the vnequall combat betweene a horseman and a footeman, it may be thought strange, that a footeman shoulde haue such an aduantage a∣gainst a horseman, beeing ouermatched, at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agilitie: but wee must vnderstande, that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere; so in speedie and nimble turning at hand, where∣in the substance of the combate consisteth, the footeman farre exceedeth the horseman in aduantage, hauing a larger marke to hit by the Horse, then the o∣ther hath. Besides, the horseman ingageth both his valour, and his fortune in the good speede of his horse, his woundes and his death doe consequent∣lie pull the rider after, his feare or furie maketh his maister either desperate or slowe of performance, and what defect soeuer riseth from the horse, must bee answered out of the honour of the rider. And surely it seemeth reasonable, that what thing soeuer draweth vs into the societie of so great a hazard, should as much as is possible, be contained in the compasse of our owne power. The sword which we manage with our owne hand, affoordeth greater assurance then the harquebuse, wherein there are many partes belonging to the action, as the pouder, the stone, the spring, and such like; whereof if the least faile of his part, we likewise faile of our fortune: but howe probable soeuer this seemeth, this is certaine, that in the course of the Roman wars, the horse were euer defeated by the foot, as is manifestly proued in the first of these bookes.

CHAP. VII.

Caesar giueth the Britains two seuerall ouerthrowes.

THE next daie, the enemie made a stand vpon the hils a far off from the campe, and shewed themselues not so often; neither were they so busie with our horsemen, as they were the day be∣fore: but about noone, when Caesar sent out three legions, and al his Caualry to get forrage, vnder the conduction of the Cai∣us Trebonius a legate, they made a sodaine assault vpon the for∣ragers, and fell in close with the Ensignes, and the legions. The Romans charged very fiercely vpon them, and beate them backe; neither did they make an end of following them, vntill the horsemen trusting to the succour of the legions which were behinde them, put them all to flight, with the slaughter of a great number of them; neither did they giue them respite either to make head, to make a stand, or to forsake their chariots. After this ouerthrow, all their Auxili∣arie forces departed from them; neither did they afterward contend with the Ro∣mans with any great power. Caesar vnderstanding their determination, caried his armie to the riuer Thames, and so to the confines of Cassiuellaunus, which riuer was passable by foot but in one place only, and that very hardly; at his comming hee found a great power of the enemy to be imbattailed on the other side, and the banck fortified with many sharpe stakes, and many other also were planted couertly vnder the water. These things being discouered to the Romans by the Captiues and fugi∣tiues; Caesar putting his horse before, caused the legions to followe sodainlie after, who notwithstanding they had but their heades cleere aboue the water, went with that violence, that the enemy was not able to endure the charge, but left the bancke and betooke themselues to flight.

THE OBSERVATION.

THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio, that hee runneth into as strange conclusions, concerning this matter, as first that he that imitateth Caesar, may doubt of his good fortunes: for his proceeding in this point, was not directed by any order of war; and that a great commander hath nothing common with other leaders: but es∣pecially, he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britains, that woulde suffer them∣selues so cowardly to be beaten. But if wee looke into the circumstances of the action, we shal find both Art & good direction therein; for being assured by the fugitiues, that the riuer was passable in that place, & in that place onlie, he knew that he must either aduēture ouer there, or leaue Cassiuellaunus for an other sū∣mer, which was a very strong inducement to vrge him to that enterprise. The

difficultie wherof was much relieued by good direction, which consisted of two pointes, first, by sending ouer the horsemen in the front of the legions, who might better indure the charge of the enemie, then the footmen coulde, that were vppe to the necke in water; and withall, to shelter the footmen from the furie of the enemie. Secondly, he sent them ouer with that speede, that they were on the other side of the water, before the enemie coulde tell what they at∣tempted: for if he had lingered in the seruice, and giuen the enemie leaue to find the aduantage which he had by experience, his men had neuer bin able to haue indured the hazard of so dangerous a seruice. It is hard to coniecture at the place, where this seruice was performed; for since the building of London bridge, manie foordes haue beene scoured with the current, and fall of the wa∣ter, which before that time carried not such a depth as now they doe.

CHAP. VII.

The conclusion of the Brittish warre: Caesar returneth into Gallia.

CAssiuellaunus hauing no courage to contend anie longer, dismis∣sed his greatest forces, and retaining onely foure thousand chari∣ots, obserued their iourneies, keeping the wood countries, and driuing men and cattell out of the fields into the woods, for feare of the Romans; and as their horsemen straied out either for forrage or bootie, hee sent his chariots out of the woods by vn∣knowne waies, and put their horsemen to great perill: in regard whereof, the horsemen durst neuer aduenture further then the legions, neither was there anie more spoile done in the countrey, then that which the legionarie souldiers did of themselues. In the meane time, the Trinobantes, being almost the greatest state of all those countries (from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia, for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome, was slaine by Cassiuellaunus) sent Ambassadours to Caesar, to offer their submission, and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassiuellaunus, and sent vnto them to take the kingdome. Caesar hauing receiued from them fortie pledges, and corne for his Armie, sent Mandubratius vnto them. The Trinobantes, being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers, the Cenimagni, Seguntiaci, Anacalites, Bibrocassi, yeel∣ded themselues to Caesar. By these he vnderstood, that Cassiuellaunus his towne was not farre off, fortified with woods and bogges, and well stored with men and cattell. The Britaines call a towne a thicke wood, inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier, made for a place of retrait when they stood in feare of incursions from the borderers. Thither marched Caesar with his Armie, and found it well fortified both by arte and nature: And as he assaulted it in two seuerall places, the enemie vnable to keepe it, cast himselfe out of the towne by a backe waie, and so he tooke it. Where he found great store of cattell, and slew manie of the Britaines.

While these thinges were a doing, Cassiuellaunus sent messengers into Kent, wher∣in there were foure seurall kinges, Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Sego∣nax, them he commanded with all the power they could make, to set vpon the campe where the nauie was kept. These kinges comming to the place, were ouerthrowne by a sallie which the Romans made out vpon them, manie of them being slaine, and Cin∣getorix taken prisoner. This battell concurring with the former losses, and especially moued thereunto with the reuolt of the forenamed cities, Cassiuellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras. Caesar being determined to winter in the conti∣nent, for feare of sudden commotions in Gallia, and that the summer was now farre spent, and might easilie be lingered out, hee commanded pledges to be brought vnto him, and set downe what yearely tribute the Britaines should paie to the Romans: the hostages being taken, he caried backe his Armie to the sea, imbarked his men and ar∣riued safe with all his ships vpon the coast of Gallia.

THE OBSERVATION.

ANd thus ended the warre in Britanie, which affoordeth little matter of discourse, being indeede but a scambling warre, as wel in regard of the Britaines themselues, who after they had felt the strength of the Roman legions, would neuer aduenture to buckle with them in any standing battel, as also in regard that there were no such townes in Britany as are recorded to haue been in Gallia, which might haue giuen great honour to the warre, if there had been any such to haue been besieged, and taken in by Caesar. And although Tacitus saith, that Britanie was rather viewed then sub∣dued by Caesar, being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law Agrico∣la; yet we finde here, that the Trinobantes, which were more then either the skirt, or the heart of Britanie, (for our Historians doe vnderstand them to haue inhabited that part, which lieth as farre as Yorkeshire and Lancashire) were brought vnder the Roman Empire by Caesar: who was the first that euer laide tribute vpon Britanie, in the behalfe of the people of Rome; or cast vpon them the heauie name of a subdued people.

TO THE WOORTHIE KNIGHT SIR ROBERT DRVRIE.

SIR, my purpose was to haue conclu∣ded these discourses, with the ende of the Brittish warre: reseruing the latter part of this fift booke, for an entrance vnto such obseruations, as may be ga∣thered from the sixt and seauenth Commentaries, which I intend to make a second part of this worke: but your desire to see the errours of Sabinus and Cotta discouered, and the famous fight of Q. Cice∣ro in his wintering campe, hath brought them forth somwhat before their time, annexing that to the first part which was meant for the latter. If my labour shall be found too weake to deserue well of militarie dessignes; yet I thinke it verie well imploide in that it pleaseth you to giue it the reading, and so rest

Readie to doe you seruice, C. EDMVNDS.

CHAP. VIII.

Caesar disposeth his legions into their winte∣tering campes.

AFTER he had put his ships in harbour, and held a councell of the Galles at Samarobrina; forasmuch as that yeare by reason of the drought there was some scarcitie of corne in Gal∣lia; he was constrained to garizon his Armie, and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before. And 1 he gaue one legion to Caius Fabius, to be led among the Mori∣ni; another to Q. Cicero, to be carried to the Neruij; another to L. Roscius, to be conducted to the Essui; a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of Rheimes, in the marches of the Treuiri vnder T. Labienus; three he pla∣ced in Belgia, with whom hee sent Marcus Crassus his Questor, L. Munatius Pla∣nus, and C. Trebonius Legates; he sent one legion, that which he had last inrolled, be∣yond the riuer Po in Italie, with fiue cohortes, vnto the Eburones, the greatest part of whose countrie lieth betweene the Maze and the Rhene; with them he sent Q. Titu∣rius Sabinus, and Lucius Arunculeius Cotta. By distributing his legions in this ma∣ner, he thought to remedie the scarcitie of corne; and yet the garrizons of all these le∣gions, excepting that which Roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part, were con∣tained within the space of 100 mile: and vntil his legions were settled, and their win∣tering campes fortified, he determined to abide in Gallia.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Haue heard it oftentimes contradicted by some, that vnderstand not the waight of a multitude, when it was said, that an Armie keeping head continually in one part of a kingdome, was more burthensome to the common-wealth in regard of the expence of victuals, then when it was dispersed into particular cities and families, before the time of the muster and inrolement: for (say they) in the generall account of the publike weale, it differeth nothing, whether a multitude of 30000 men be maintained with necessarie prouisions in one intire body together, or dispersed particularly throughout euerie part of the countrie: forasmuch as euerie man hath but a competent quantitie allotted vnto him, which hee cannot want in what sort or condition of life soeuer he be ranged; neither doth the charge of a multitude grow in regard they are vnited together, but in regard they amount to such a multitude wheresoeuer. But such as looke into the difference with iudgement, shall finde a maruellous inequalitie, both in regarde of the portion of victuals which is spent, and the meanes whereby it is prouided: for first we must vnder∣stand,

that an armie lying continually in one place, falleth so heauie vpon that part, that it quickly consumeth both the fatte and the flesh (as they say) and lea∣ueth nothing vnspent, which that part can affoord them; and without further supply of prouisions, would in a small time come to vtter destruction. This want then must be relieued by taking from the plentie of other bordering quarters, to furnish the wants of so great a multitude: wherin there cannot be obserued that proportion of moderate taking, to vittaile the Armie with a sufficient compe∣tencie, but the partiall respect which the purueiers, and vittailers will haue to their priuat commodity, wil quickly make an inconuenience either in the coun∣trey, from whence it is taken; or in the Armie, for which it is prouided; accor∣ding as the errour may best aduantage their particular, what discipline soe∣uer be established in that behalfe. Whereas on the contrarie part, when euerie particular man of that multitude shal be billeted in a seueral family, throughout all parts of the kingdome, the charge will be so insensible, in regard of the ex∣pence of the said families, that the country will neuer feele any inconuenience. And if euerie housholder that had receiued into his house one of the said army, should giue a true account of that which riseth aboue his ordinary expence; by the addition of one man, it would fall farre short of that treasure, which is ne∣cessarily required, to maintaine the saide number of men vnited together into one bodie. Neither doth the difference consist in the quantitie of vittailes, which euerie man hath for his portion, whether they be dispersed or vnited; but in the maner of prouision, and the meanes which is vsed to maintaine them: wherein euery master or steward of a familie, endeuoureth to make his prouisions at the best hand, & so to husband it, that it may serue for competencie, and not for su∣perfluitie; and by that means, the general plenty of the country is maintained, & the cōmon-wealth florisheth by well directed moderation. But in the victua∣ling of an army, there is no such respect had, which may any way aduantage the publike good; for there the gaine of the purueier riseth by experience & super∣fluous wasting, rather then by thrift and sauing frugalitie: and so the common-wealth is weakned by the il husbanding of that great portion of vittaile, which is allowed for so great a multitude. And if they should haue such varietie of viands in an Armie, as they haue when they are in seuerall families, it were vnpossible it should continue any time together. And therefore the Romans, notwithstan∣ding the exactnesse of their discipline, could affoord their armies no other pro∣uision but corne, and larde, as well in regard of the commoditie which that kinde of diet affoorded them in the course of their warres, as also for the good of that countrey, wherein they were resident. And if it so fell out, that the extre∣mitie of the season, or any other cause, had brought a dearth into the lande, there was no readier waie to helpe that inconuenience, then by dispersing their Armies into diuers quarters; which Caesar disposed with that care, that they might be as neere together as they could.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the choice of their souldiers and their maner of inrole∣ment, I had rather referre the reader to Polybius, then enter into the particular discourse of that action; which was carried with such grauitie and religious ceremonies, as might best serue to possesse their mindes of the waight and consequence of that businesse: but for as much as the largenesse of their Empire, and the necessitie of their occasions would not admit, that the enrolment should still be made at Rome amongst the citi∣zens, as it appeareth by this legion which was inrolled beyond the riuer Po; it consequently followeth, that such Ceremonies, which were annexed to the place, were altogether omitted: and therefore I cannot speake of that which the olde Romans did in that part of their discipline, as a thing continued vnto Caesars time. But he that desireth to see the maner of their choise, with such com∣plements as might adde both a reuerent respect, and a Maiestie to the worke; let him reade Polybius of that argument.

CHAP. IX.

Ambiorix attempteth to surprise the campe of Sabinus and Cotta; and failing, practi∣seth to take them by guile.

FIFTEENE daies after the legions were settled in their wintering campes, there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the meanes of Ambiorix, and Catiunculus, who, hauing re∣ceiued Sabinus & Cotta into their confines, and brought them in corne to the place, where they laie; at the inducement of Induciomarus of Triers, they stirred vp their people to rebelli∣on: and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood, came with a great power to assault the campe. But when our men had tooke Armes, and were got vppe vpon the rampier, and had ouermatched them in a skir∣mish of horse, which made a sallie out of the campe vpon the Galles: Ambiorix despairing of good successe, withdrew his men from the assault; and then after their manner, they cried vnto vs, that some of our companie should come and speake with them: for they had somewhat to discouer touching the publike state, whereby they ho∣ped all controuersies might be ended. Whereupon Caius Carpineius a Roman horse∣man, and one of Titurius his familiar friendes, and one Iunius a Spaniard, who

diuers times before had beene sent by Caesar to Ambiorix; were sent out to treat with them. Ambiorix first acknowledged himselfe much indebted to Caesar; for manie curtesies, in that by his meanes hee was freed from a pension which hee pai∣ed to the Aduatici; and for that both his own sonne, and his brothers sonne, whom the Aduatici had held in prison vnder the name of hostages, were by Caesar relea∣sed and sent home againe. And touching the assault of the campe, hee had done nothing of himselfe, but by the impulsion of the state, among whom such was his condition, that the people had as great authoritie ouer him, as he himselfe had in re∣gard of the people: who were likewise inforced to this warre, because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the Galles, whereof his small meanes might be a sufficient argument. For his experience was not so little, to thinke himselfe able with so small a power to ouerthrow the people of Rome; but it was a generall appoint∣ment throughout all Gallia, vpon this daie to assault all Caesars garrizons, to the end that one legion might not giue reliefe vnto another: Galles could not easily denie the request of Galles, especially when it concerned their publike libertie. Nowe hauing satisfied that duetie which he owed to his countrey, hee had respect to Caesar and his benefites, in regard whereof, he admonished them, and praied Titurius for the hospi∣talitie that had beene betweene them, that he would looke to the safetie of himselfe, and his souldiers. There were a great number of Germaines that had alreadie passed the Rhene, and would be here within two daies: and therefore let them aduise them∣selues, whether they thought it good before the next borderers perceiued it, to depart with their soldiers out of their wintering places, either to Cicero or Labienus, of whō the one was not past fiftie mile off; and the other a little further: for his owne part, he promised them this much, and confirmed it by oath, that they should haue safe passage through his territories; for so he should both doe a pleasure to his countrey, in disburdening it of garrizons, and shew himselfe thankefull to Caesar for his benefits. This speech being ended, Ambiorix departed, and Carpineius and Iunius made re∣port thereof to the Legates.

OBSERVATIONS.

LEander his counsell, to vse the foxes skin where the lyons faileth, doth shew, that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour, then the powers of our bodie are ouercome with force. For oftentimes the minde is so disquieted, with the extremitie of perturbation, that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions, nor the iudgment determine of that which is most for our good: but according as any passion shall happen to raigne in our disposition; so are we caried head∣long to the ruine of our fortune, without sense of errour, or mistrust of wel∣succeeding: where as the bodie continueth firme in his owne strength, and is subiect onelie to a greater waight of power, by which it maie bee sub∣dued and ouerthrowen. It behooueth vs therefore to take good heed, that our surest holde bee not vnfastened by the subtiltie of the foxe, when it

hath continued firme against the force of the Lyon: and that the treche∣rie of the spirit doe not disaduantage those meanes, which either our owne power or oportunitie, hath gained in our actions. Wherein a commander cannot haue a better rule for his direction, then to beware, that violence of passion doe not hinder the course of sound deliberation: and withall, to bee iealous of whatsoeuer an enemie shall, either by speech or action, seeme to thrust vpon him, how colourable soeuer the reasons maie be, which are allead∣ged to induce him thereunto. For first, if the minde be not confirmed by the vertue of her better faculties, to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions, it may easily bee seduced either by feare or vaine imagination, diffident con∣ceptions or ouer easie credulitie, with manie other such disturbing powers, from that waie, which a good discretion and an vnderstanding, free from pas∣sion, would haue taken. First therefore I holde it necessarie, to haue the con∣sistorie of our iudgment well settled, with a firme resolution, and with the pre∣sence of the minde, before wee enter into deliberation of such thinges, as are made happie vnto vs by good direction. And then this, amongst other cir∣cumstances, will giue some helpe to a good conclusion; when we consider how improbable it is, that an enemie, whose chiefest care is to weaken his aduersa∣rie, and bring him to ruine, should aduise him of anie thing that maie concerne his good; vnlesse the profite, which he himselfe shall thereby gather, doe farre exceede that which the contrarie part may expect. I grant that in ciuill warres, where there are many friendes on either partie, and haue the aduerse cause as deere vnto them as their owne; there are oftentimes many aduertisements gi∣uen, which proceede from a true and sincere affection, and maie aduantage the partie whom it concerneth, as well in preuenting any danger, as in the fur∣therance of their cause; and therefore are not altogether to be neglected, but to be waied by circumstances, and accordingly to be respected; whereof wee haue manie pregnant examples in the ciuill warres of France, and particularly in Monsieur La Nou his discourses: But where there are two Armies, different in nation, language and humor, contending for that which peculiarly belon∣geth vnto one of them; where care to keepe that which is dearest vnto them, possesseth the one, and hope of gaine stirreth vp the other; there is commonlie such an vniuersall hatred betweene them, that they are to looke for small aduantage, by aduertisements from the enemie: which if the Ro∣mans had well considered, this subtile Gall had not dispossest them of their strength, nor brought them to ruine.

CHAP. X.

The Romans call a councell vpon this aduertise∣ment, and resolue to depart, and ioyne them∣selues to some other of the legions.

THE Romans being troubled at the sodainnesse of the matter, albeit those thinges were spoken by an enemie, yet they thought them no way to be neglected; but especially it moued them, for that it was incredible that the Eburones, beeing base and of no reputation, durst of themselues make war against the people of Rome: and therefore they propounded the matter in a coun∣cell, wherein there grew a great controuersie among them: L. Arunculeius and most of the Tribunes, and Centurions of the first orders, thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashlie, nor to depart out of their wintering campes, without expresse commandment from Caesar; forasmuch as they were able to resist neuer so great a power, yea euen of their Germans, hauing the garizons wel fortified: an argument whereof was, that they had valiantly withstood the first as∣sault of the enemy, and giuen them many wounds. Neither wanted they anie victu∣als, and before that prouision which they had was spent, there would come succor frō other garizons and from Caesar. And to conclude, what was more dishonorable, or sauored of greater inconstancy, then to consult of their waightiest affaires, by the aduertisement of an enemy? Titurius vrged vehementlie to the contrarie, that it then would be too late for them to seeke a remedie, when a greater power of the e∣nemy, accompanied with the Germans, were assembled against them; or when anie blow were giuen to anie of the next wintering campes hee: tooke Caesar to be gone into Italie, for otherwise the Eburones, would not haue come so proudly to the camp. Let them not respect the authour, but the thing it selfe; the Rhene was not far off, and hee knewe well that the ouerthrow of Ariouistus, and their former victories, were greeuous to the Germans. The Galles were vexed with the contumelies they had receiued, being brought in subiection to the Romaine Empire, and hauing lost their former reputation in deedes of armes. And to conclude, who would imagine that Ambiorix should enterprise such a matter, without any ground, or certaintie thereof? but howsoeuer thinges stoode, his counsell was sure, and could bring no harme: for if there were no worse thing intended, they should but goe safelie to the next garizons; or otherwise, if the Galles conspired with the Germans, their onelie safetie consisted in celeritie. As for the counsell of Cotta, and such as were of the contrarie opinion, what expectation could be had thereof? wherein if there were not present danger; yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege. The dispu∣tation being thus continued on either part, and Cotta with the Centurions of the first orders, earnestly repugning it; doe as please you, since you will needes haue it so, saith Sabinus; and that he spake with a loud voice, that a great part of the sol∣diours might well heare him. For I am not he that most feareth death among you,

let these be wise: and if any mischance happen vnto them, they shall aske account thereof at thy hands, inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them, they might ioine them∣selues within 2. daies to the next garizons, & with them sustaine what chance soeuer their common destinie should allot them; and not perish with famine and sword, like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellowes. After these wordes, they began to rise out of the councell; but holde was laide vpon them both; entreatie was made that they would not obstinatelie bring all vnto a desperate hazard; the matter was all one whether they went or staied, so that they all agreed vpon one thing; wheras in disagreeing, there was no likelihood of well doing: the disputation was prolon∣ged vntill midnight; at length Cotta yeelded, and the sentence of Sabinus tooke place. And thereupon it was proclaimed, that they should set forth by the breake of day: the rest of the night was spent in watching, euery soldior sought out vvhat he had to carry with him, and what he should be constrained to leaue behind him of such necessaries, as he had prepared for winter: all things were disposed in such sort, to make the soldiours beleeue, that they could not stay without danger.

OBSERVATIONS.

BY the resolution in this disputation, it appeareth how little a graue and wise deliberation auaileth, when it is impugned with the vio∣lence of passion, according to the truth of my former obseruati∣on; for the matter was well reasoned by Cotta, and his positions were grounded vpon thinges certaine, and well knowne to the whole councell: and yet the feare of Sabinus was such, that it caried the conclusion by such sup∣posed assertions, as the qualitie of his passion had ratified for true principles; being grounded altogether vpon that which the enemy had suggested, and not vpon any certaine knowledge of the truth: neither is it often seene, when a Councell disputeth vpon matters of such consequence, that their deliberati∣ons are altogether cleere from such troublesome motions, but that it will som∣what incline to the partialitie of a strong affection; so powerfull is passion in the gouernment of the soule, and so interessed in the other faculties. And this is one cause of the vncertainty of mans iudgement, from whence all con∣trarie and different opinions do arise. Neither is this so strange a matter, that a councell of warre should so much varie in case of deliberation, when as many especiall points of military discipline remaine yet vndecided; hauing the au∣thoritie of the great Commaunders of all ages, to ratifie the trueth on either parte; whereof I coulde alleage many examples. But concerning the issue and euent of our deliberations, what can bee more truelie saide then that of the Poet?

Et malè consultis pretium est, prudentia fallax, Nec fortuna probat causas, sequiturque merentes; Sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur: Scilicet est aliuà quod nos cogatque regatque Maius, & in proprias ducat mortalia leges.

Notwithstanding, forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subiect to fortune, but that it may comprehend within it selfe, the good direction of most of the oc∣currences, which fall within the course of our businesse; or if we must needes miscarrie, yet it somwhat helpeth our ill fortune to thinke, that we went vpon best probabilities; it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation. Wherein we are to vnderstand, that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses, and our senses comprehende onely particularities, which being caried vnto the apprehension, are disposed into formes and degrees, according as they either concur or disagree in their seuerall properties: from whence there arise intellectual notions, and rules of Arte; wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth: so hee that inten∣deth to debate a matter, with sound deliberation, must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in generall, to the exact distinction of particu∣lar parts, which are the occurrences to be directed, and the materiall substance of euery action: he therfore that can giue best direction, either by experience, or iudicious discourse, concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded, can best aduise which is the safest way to auoid the oppo∣sition of contradicting natures. But to make this somewhat plainer, I will al∣leage 2. examples: the one moderne in case of consultation; the other ancient, and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter, in regard it is a meere Apology, yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances, it may giue great light to that which we seeke after.

The moderne example is taken out of Guicherdin, from the warres which Lewis the French King had with the Pope and the Venetians, concerning the state of Ferrara and the Duchie of Milan: wherein there arose a controuersie among the French captaines, whether it were better to go directlie to seeke the enemy, who albeit were lodged in a strong and secure place, yet there was hope, that with the virtue of armes and importunitie of artillerie, they might bee dislodged and driuen to a retreit: or otherwise, to take the way either of Modi∣na or Bolognia, that so the enemy for feare of loosing either of those townes, might quit their holde, and by that meanes Ferrara should bee freed from the warre. Monsieur Chaumont the Generall of the French, inclined to the for∣mer aduise: But Triuulce, a man of great authoritie and experience, hauing beene an executioner in 18. battailes, reasoned thus in particulars to the con∣trary. We debate (saith he) to go seeke the enemy to fight with him; and I haue alwaies heard great captaines holde this as a firme principle: Not to attempt the fortune of a battell, vnlesse there be either an offer of an especiall aduan∣tage, or otherwise, compulsion by necessitie. The rules of warre giue it to the enemy that is the inuader, and hath vndertaken the conquest of Ferrar, to seeke to assaile and charge vs; but to vs, to whom it is sufficient to defende our selues, it cannot be but impertinent to vndertake an action, contrary to all di∣rection and discipline of war. I am of opinion, which is confirmed by euident reason, that there is no possibility to execute that deuise, but to our harmes and disaduantage: for we cannot go to their campe but by the side of a hill, a streight and narrowe way, where all our forces cannot be imploied; and yet

they with small numbers will make resistance, hauing the oportunitie of the place fauourable to their vertues: wee must march by the rising of a hill, one horse after another; neither haue we anie other waie to draw our Artillerie, our baggage, our cartes and bridges, but by the streight of the hill: and who doub∣teth not but in a waie so narrowe and combrous, euerie artillerie, euerie carte, or euery wheele that shall breake, will not stay the Armie a whole houre at the least? By which impediments euerie contrarie accident may put vs to disorder. The enemie is lodged in couert, prouided of victuals and forrage; and wee must incampe all bare and naked, not carying with vs that which should serue for our necessarie nouriture, but expect the things to come after; which in rea∣son ought to go with vs. To attempt newe enterprises, whereof the victorie is lesse certaine then the perill, is contrarie to the grauitie and reputation of a lea∣der; and in actions of the warre, those enterprises are put to aduenture, that are done by will and not by reason. Many difficulties may compell vs to make our aboade there, two or three daies; yea the snowes and raines ioyned with the ex∣tremitie of the season, may suffice to detaine vs: how shall we then doe for vic∣tuals and forrages? What shall we be able to doe in the warres, wanting the thinges that should giue vs strength and sustenance? What is he that conside∣reth not, how dangerous it is to go seeke the enemie in a strong campe, and to be driuen at one time to fight against them, and against the discommoditie of the place? If we compell them not to abandon their campe, wee cannot but be inforced to retire; a matter of great difficultie in a countrey so wholy against vs, and where euerie little disfauour will turne to our great disaduantage, &c.

And thus proceeded that graue discourse, in the discouerie of the particular occurrences, incident to that enterprise; which being laied open to their confu∣sed iudgments, did manifestly point at the great disaduantages, which were to be vndergone, by that attempt.

The other example is of more antiquitie, taken out of Tacitus, and concer∣neth the araignment of certaine senatours, for the friendship that had past be∣tweene Scianus and them. Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himselfe; according as it hath of late been published by translation.

It would be peraduenture lesse behoouefull for my estate to acknowledge, then to denie the crime I am charged with: but happe what happe maie, I will confesse that I haue beene Seianus friend, and that I desired so to bee, and that after I had obtained his friendship, I was glad of it. I had seene him ioint officer with my father, in the gouernment of the pretorian cohort; and not long after in managing the cittie affaires, and matters of warre: his kinsemen and allies were aduanced to honour, as euerie man was inward with Seianus, so he was graced by Caesar: and contrariwise, such as were not in his fauour, liued in feare, and distressed with pouertie. Neither doe I alleadge any man for an ex∣ample of this; all of vs who were not priuie to his last attempts, with the dan∣ger of my onely estate I will defend: not Seianus the Vulsiniensis, but a part of the Claudian and Iulian familie, which by alliance hee had entered into; thy sonne in law Caesar, thy companion in the Consulship, and him, who tooke vp∣on him thy charge of administring the common-wealth, wee did reuerence

and honor. It is not our part to iudge of him, whom thou doest exalt aboue the rest, nor for what considerations: to thee the highest iudgement of thinges the gods haue giuen; and to vs the glory of obedience is left. We looke into those thinges which we see before our eies, whom thou doest inrich, whome thou doest aduance to honours, who haue greatest power of hurting or helping, which Seianus to haue had, no man will denie. The Princes hidden thoughts, or if he go about any secret drift, it is not lawful to sound, and dangerous; nei∣ther shalt thou in the ende reach vnto them. Thinke not onely Lordes of the senate, of Seianus last daie; but of sixteene yeeres, in which wee did likewise fawne vppon and court Satrius, and Pomponius; and to be knowne vnto his freed men and partners, was reckoned for a high fauour. What then? shall this defence bee generall, and not distinguished, but a confusion made of times past, and his latter actions? no, but let it by iust boundes and tearmes be deuided: let the treasons against the common wealth, the inten∣tions of murdering the Emperour bee punished; but as for the friendships, dueties, pleasures and good turnes, the same ende shall discharge and quit thee, O Caesar, and vs! The constancie of this Oration preualled so much, that his Accusers were punished with exile. And thus wee see howe particularities decide the controuersie, and make the waie plaine to good direction.

CHAP. XI.

The Romaines take their iourney towardes the next legion; and are set vpon by the Galles.

AS soone as the daye lyght appeared, they set foorth of their Campe, like men persuaded that the counsell had beene giuen them not by an enemie, but by Ambiorix an especiall friende, with a long tailed march, and as much baggage as they were able to carrie. The Galles vnderstanding of their iourney, by their noise and wat∣ching in the night; secretlie in the woodes some two miles off layed an Ambuscado, in two seuerall places of aduan∣tage, and there attended the comming of the Romaines; and when the greatest part of the troupes were entered into a valley, sodainlie they shewed themselues on both sides the vale, pressing harde vppon the rerewarde, and hindering the formost from going vppe the hill; and so beganne to charge vppon the Romaines in a place of as great disaduantage for them as coulde bee. Then at length Ti∣turius, as one that had prouided for nothing before hande, began to tremble, ran

vp and down, and disposed his cohorts, but so fearefully and after such a fashion, as if all things had gone against him, as it happeneth for the most part to such, as are for∣ced to consult in the instance of execution.

THE OBSERVATION.

IT nowe plainelie appeareth, by this negligent and ill ordered march, and the vnlooked for incounter which the Galles gaue thē, that feare had ratified in the iudgment of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix, with an approbation of a certaine truth; and laied that for a principle, which a discourse free from pas∣sion would haue discerned to be but weake, and of no probabilitie: which so much the more amazed Titurius, by howe much his apprehension had erred from the truth, and betraied good counsell to a course full of danger; which as Caesar noteth, must needes fall vpon such, as are then to seeke for direction when the businesse requireth execution. I haue handled alreadie the inconue∣niences of disappointment; and therfore at this time wil but bring it only into remembrance, that wee may take the greater care to preuent an accident of that nature: wherein, as the best remedie for an euill is to foresee it, according to the saying, praeuisa pereunt mala; so the greatest mischiefe in an euill, is when it commeth vnthought of, and besides our expectation; for then it fal∣leth vpon vs with a supernaturall waight, and affrighteth the minde with a su∣perstitious astonishment, as though the diuine powers had preuented our des∣signements, with an irremediable calamitie, and cut off our appointment with a contrarie decree: although peraduenture the thing it selfe carie no such im∣portance, but might be remedied, if wee were but prepared with an opinion, that such a thing might happen. It were no ill counsell therefore, what reso∣lution soeuer bee taken, to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions, as that which is likelie to happen from the directi∣on of our chiefest proiects; and so we shall be sure to haue a present mind in the middest of our occasions, and feele no further danger, then that which the nature of the thing inforceth.

CHAP. XII.

The Romans cast themselues into an Orbe; and are much discouraged.

BVT Cotta, who had before thought that these things might happen by the waie, and for that cause would not bee the au∣thor of the iourney, was not wanting in anie thing that con∣cerned their common safetie: for both in calling vppon the soldiours and incouraging them, hee executed the place of a Commaunder; and in fighting, the dutie of a soldiour. And when they found, that by reason of the length of their troupe, they were not able in their owne persons to see all thinges doone, and to giue direc∣tion in euerie place; they caused it to bee proclaimed, that they should all forsake their baggage, and cast themselues into an Orbe: which direction, although in such a case bee not to be reprooued; yet it fell out ill fauoredlie: for it both abated the courage of the Romans, and gaue the enemie greater incouragement, inas∣much as it seemed that that course was not taken, but vppon a great feare and in extremitie of perill. Moreouer, it happened, as it coulde not otherwise chose, that the soldiours went from their Ensignes, to take from the cariages such thinges as were most deere vnto them: and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings. But the Barbarous Galles were not to learne howe to carrie themselues: for their Commaunders caused it to bee proclaimed, that no man shoulde sturre out of his place; for the praie was theirs, and all that the Romaines had laide aparte, was reserued for them: and therefore let them sup∣pose that al things consisted in the victorie. The Romans were equal to the Galles, both in number of men and valour▪ and albeit they were destitute of good Cap∣taines, and of good fortune, yet they reposed in their manhoode al the hope of their safety: and as often as any cohort issued out, they failed not to make a great slaughter of the enemy on that part.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Haue alreadie handeled the nature of an Orbe, with such pro∣perties as are incident to a circle; wherein I shewed the con∣ueniencie of this figure, in regarde of safe and strong imbat∣tailing: I will nowe adde this much concerning the vse thereof, that as it is the best manner of imbattailing for a defensiue strength, and therefore neuer vsed but in extremitie; so we must be very care∣full, that the sodaine betaking of our selues to such a refuge, doe not more dismaie the soldiours, then the aduantage of that imbattailing canne benefit

them. For vnlesse a leader be carefull to keepe his men in courage, that their hearts may bee free from despaire and amazement, what profit can there arise from any disposition or bodie soeuer, when the particular members shall bee sencelesse of that duty, which belongeth vnto them? for order is nothing but an assistance to courage, giuing meanes to manage our valour with aduantage. In the warre of Africke wee reade, that Caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies, were forced to make an Orbe; but he quick∣lie turned it to a better vse, by aduancing the two Cornets two contrary waies, and so deuided the enemy into two partes; and then beate them backe to their great disaduantage.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I Neede not stand vpon this order which the Galles heere tooke, con∣cerning pillage, that no soldior should forsake his station, or disranke himselfe in hope of spoile; which is a thing that from the very infan∣cie of warres hath often changed the fortune of the day, and solde the honor of a publike victorie, for priuate lucre and petty pilfering. Amongst other examples, let that which Guichardine reporteth of the battell of Taro, suffice to warne a well directed armie, as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name, King of France, receiued at that time, as by the losse which the Italians felt by that disorder, not to seeke after pillage vntil the victory be obtained.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THe insufficiency of these Commanders, whereof Caesar now com∣plaineth as the only want, which these Romans had to cleere them∣selues of this daunger; bringeth to our consideration that which former times haue made a question, which is, whether it were the vertue of the Roman leaders, or the valor of their soldiers, that inlarged their Empire to that greatnes, and made their people and senate Lords of the world? Polybius waighing the causes of a victorie, which the Carthagineans gained of the Romans, by the counsell and good direction of one Zantippus a Greci∣an, hauing before that time receiued diuers ouerthrowes, during the time of those warres in Africke; concluded, that it was more in the worthines of the Commanders, then in any extraordinary vertue of the soldiours, that the Ro∣mans atchieued so many conquests. And besides the present example of Zan∣tippus, he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of Hanniball; who from the beginning of the second punicke warre, still gained of the Roman Empire, enlarging the territories of Carthage, and streightening the iurisdiction of mightie Rome, vntill it had got a leader matchable to that subtle Carthagine∣an, and found a Scipio to confront their Hannibal. To this may be added that

[illustration]

SABINVS AND COTTA

famous battell betweene the olde Romans, and the last Latines; wherein both parties were equally ballaunced, both in number and quality of their soul∣diers, hauing both the same Armes, the same vse of their weapons, and the same discipline, as if it had beene in a Ciuill warre: neither could fortune tell by the presence of their Armies, where to bestowe her fauour, or where to shewe her disdaine; but that the worthinesse of the Roman leaders brought the oddes in the triall, and made Rome great with the ruine of the Latines. Whereby it ap∣peareth, how much it importeth the whole fortune of an Armie, to haue a lea∣der worthie of the place which he holdeth: forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequalitie betweene two equall Armies, then the wise∣dome and experience of a graue commander, or the disabilitie of an vnskil∣full leader; which are so powerfull in their seuerall effectes, that there is grea∣ter hope of a heard of Hartes led by a Lyon, then of so many Lyons conduc∣ted by a Harte.

CHAP. XIII.

Ambiorix directeth the Galles how they might best fight with aduantage, and frustrate the weapons of Romaine souldiers.

THE which thing when Ambiorix perceiued; he commanded his men to throwe their casting weapons a farre off, and keepe themselues from comming neare at hand, and where the Ro∣mans charged vpon them to giue waie; and againe, as they sawe them retire to their ensignes, then to pursue them. Which commandement was so diligently obserued by the Galles, that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the Orbe to giue an assault, the enemie gaue backe as fast as they could; and in the meane time there was no help, but that part must be left naked and open to the inconuenience of casting weapons; and againe, as they retired to their place, they were circumuented as well by them that had giuen place vnto them, as by such as stood next about them: And if they went about to keepe their ground, they could neither helpe themselues by their man∣hood; nor standing thicke together, auoide the dartes that such a multitude cast vp∣on them: and yet notwithstanding these inconueniences besides the woundes which they had receiued, they stood still at their defence, and hauing so spent the greatest part of the daie (for they had fought eight houres together) they counted nothing dis∣honourable or vnworthie of themselues.

THE OBSERVATION.

I Haue spoken alreadie of the manner of the Roman fight, consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattailing, and in firme stan∣ding, and buckling at handy-blowes: as may appeare by this circum∣stance, where Ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them, but to giue backe and follow on againe, as the lightnesse of their Armes gaue them oportunitie. In like manner in the first booke of the Ciuill warres, in the battell betweene Caesar and Affranius, it appeareth, that Caesar his souldi∣ers were bound to keepe their araie, not to leaue their ensignes, nor without a waightie occasion to forsake their stations appointed them: whereas the Af∣franians fought thinne, and scattered here and there; and if they were hard laied vnto, they thought it no dishonour to retire and giue backe, as they had learned of the Portugals, and other Barbarous nations.

CHAP. XIIII.

The Romans are ouerthrowen.

THEN T. Baluentius, who the yeare before had beene Pri∣mipile of that legion, a valiant man and of great authoritie, had both his thighes darted through with a Iauelin: and Q. Lucanius, of the same order, valiantly fighting to succour his sonne, was slaine: and L. Cotta the Legate, as he busilie incou∣raged all the Cohortes and Centuries, was wounded in the mouth with a sling. Titurius mooued with these thinges, as he beheld Ambiorix a farre off incouraging his men, sent C. Pompeius vnto him, to intreat him that he would spare him and his souldiers. Ambiorix answered, that if he were desirous to treat, he might: for he hoped to obtaine so much of the people, to saue the souldiers: but for himselfe he should haue no harme at all; for the assu∣rance whereof, he gaue him his faith. Titurius imparted the matter to Cotta, who ab∣solutely denied to go to an armed enemie, and continued resolute in that opinion. Ti∣turius commanded such Tribunes and Centurions that were present, to follow him; and when he came neere to Ambiorix, being commanded to cast awaie his armes, hee obeied, and willed those that were with him, doe the same. In the meane time while they treated of the couditions, and Ambiorix began a solemne protestation of purpose, Titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slaine. Then according to their custome, they cried victorie, and taking vp a houling, charged the Romans with a fresh assault, and routed their troupes. There L. Cotta fighting valiantly was slaine, with the most part of the souldiers with him. The remnant retired into their campe, amongst whom L. Petrosidius the eagle-bearer, when he sawe himselfe ouercharged with enemies, threw the Eagle within the rampier, and fighting with a great cou∣rage,

before the campe was slaine. The rest with much adoe indured the assault vntill night, and in the night being in despaire of all succour slewe themselues euerie man: a few, that escaped from the battell, came by vnknowne waies through the woods to Labienus, and certified him how all things had fallen out.

OBSERVATIONS.

ANd thus haue we heard of the greatest losse, that euer fel at any one time vpon Caesar his Armie, from the time that hee was first Pro∣consull in Gallia, vnto the ende of his dictatorship. For in the two ouerthrowes at Dirrachium, he lost not aboue 1000 men, and in that at Gergouia not so manie: but here fifteene cohortes were cut in pieces, which amounted to the number of 7000 men, or thereabout. Which maketh cowardice, and ill direction the more hatefull, in regard that the great victorie, which his valour obtained in Pharsalia, cost him but the liues of two hundreth men. The resolution of such as returned to the campe, witnesseth the exceeding valour of the Roman souldier, if a valiant leader had had the managing thereof; or if Cotta alone had beene absolute commander, there had beene great hope of better fortune in the successe: but here it happened as it commonly doth, that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chiefe authoritie, the direction for the most part followeth him that is more violent in opinion then the rest: which being a propertie rather of passion then of iudicious discourse, forceth a consent against the temperat opposition of a true discerning vnder∣standing; and so consequently it falleth out, that one coward, hauing place and authoritie in the councel, doth either infect or annihilate the sound delibe∣rations of the rest of the leaders: for his timerousnesse flieth alwaies to extre∣mities, making him rash in consultation, peremptorie in opinion, and base in case of perill; all which are enemies to good direction, and the onely instru∣ments of mischieuing fortune.

CHAP. XV.

Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero; and stirreth vp the Aduatici, the Neruij; and so raiseth a great power.

AMBIORIX tooke such spirites vnto him vpon this victorie, that with his horsemen he went immediatly vnto the Aduatici, being the next borderers vpon his kingdome, without intermission of night, commanding his footmen to follow him: The aduatici being stirred vp to Commotion, the next daie after he came to the Neruij, exhor∣ting

them not to let slippe this occasion of taking to themselues perpetuall libertie, and reuenging them of the Romans for the wrong they had receiued. He tolde them that two Legates were alreadie slaine, and a great part of the Armie ouerthrowne: it was now no great matter, suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero; to the performance whereof, he offered himselfe to be their assistant. These remonstran∣ces easilie perswaded the Neruij, and therefore they dispatched speedie messengers to the Centrones, Grudij and other people vnder their dominion, and raised verte great forces, and with them they hasted to the campe where Cicero wintered, before anie inkling of the death of Titurius was brought vnto him.

THE OBSERVATION.

THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix, that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble state, to so high a point of resolution, that they durst aduenture vpon the Roman legions, being setled in the strength of their Empire, by the memorie of so manie victories in Gallia: wanted now no meanes to make an ouerture to a v∣niuersall commotion, propounding libertie and reuenge to the Galles, two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people, if they would but stretch out their hands to take it, and follow that course which his example had proued sure and easie. Which maie serue to shewe, that he that will attempt vpon doubtfull and vnsafe Principles, will take great aduantage from a proba∣ble entrance, and make a small beginning a sufficient meanes for his greatest dessignes.

CHAP. XVI.

Cicero defendeth his campe from the surprise of the Neruij, and prepareth himselfe against a siege.

IT happened to Cicero also (as it coulde not otherwise chuse) that manie of the souldiers, that were gone into the woods for timber and munition, were cut off by the sudden approach of the enemies horsemen. These being circumuented, the Ebu∣rones, Neruij, and Aduatici, with all their confederates and clientes, began to assault the campe. The Romans betooke them speedily to their weapons; and got vpon the rampier, with much adoe they helde out that daie: for the Galles trusted much vpon celeri∣tie, hoping if they sped well in that action, to be victors euer after. Cicero dispatched

letters with all speede to Caesar, promising great rewardes to him that should ca∣rie them: but all the waies were so forelaid, that the messengers were taken. In one night there was built in the campe 120 towers, of such timber as was brought in for fortification, & whatsoeuer wanted of the rest of the worke, was perfected. The enemie the next daie with a farre greater power assaulted the campe, and filled vp the ditch: the Romans made the like defence, as they had done the daie before; the like was continued diuers daies after. The Romaines made no intermission of their worke at anie part of the night, nor gaue anie rest either to the sicke or the wounded. Whatsoeuer was needfull for the next daies assault, was prouided in a readinesse the night before; a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared, and ma∣nie murall piles were made; the towers were floored in their stories, Pinacles and Parapets were set vp of hurdles: and Cicero himselfe being sickly, and of a weake constitution, tooke not so much leasure as to rest himselfe in the night time; so that the souldiers of their owne accord compeld him, by intreatie, to spare himselfe.

THE OBSERVATION.

THis Q. Cicero is said to bee the brother of Marcus Cicero the fa∣mous Oratour, & to him were the letters sent which are found in his Epistles, directed Quincto fratri. In this action his cariage deserued as great reputation, in the true censure of honor, as euer his brother did for his eloquence, pro Rostris. And if it had been the others fortune to haue performed the like seruice, he would haue made it the greatest exploit that euer Roman had atchieued by armes: wherein particularly may be commended the diligence and industrie, which was vsed in raising so manie towers, in so small a time; for prouiding the night before, such thinges as were necessarie for the next daies defence; for making so manie stakes hardened at the ende with fire, for the defence of the rampier; and for the store of these murall piles, which re∣sembled the forme of the ordinarie pile, but were farre greater and waightier in regard they were to be cast from the rampier; which gaue them such aduantage, by reason of the height, that being cast by a strong and well practised arme, they were verie effectuall and of great terrour.

CHAP. XVII.

The Neruij propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus; but are reiected.

THEN the Princes and chiefe commanders of the Neruij, which had anie entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Ci∣cero, signified their desire to speake with him: which being granted, they propounded the same things they had vsed to de∣ceiue Sabinus; all Gallia was in Armes; the Germans were come ouer the Rhene; Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering campes; Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces; notwithstanding they carried this minde to Cicero, that they refused nothing but their wintering among them, they might depart in safetie whither they would, with∣out disturbance or feare of danger. Cicero onely made this answere: that it was not the custome of the people of Rome, to take anie article or condition from an armed e∣nemie; but if they would laie their armes aside, let them vse his furtherance in the matter, and send some to negotiat it with Caesar; there was great hope in regard of his iustice and equitie, that they should not returne vnsatisfied.

THE OBSERVATION.

THe first attempt, which Ambiorix made vpon the campe of Sabi∣nus and Cotta, was but short; but here what with the pride of the former victorie, and the great multitude of the assailants, they con∣tinued it longer, in hope to carrie it by assault: for the first assault of a place, especially when it commeth by waie of surprise, is of greater hope to the assailant, and of greater danger to the defendant, then such as afterward are made in the sequell of the warre: for after the first brunt, the heate of the enemy is much abated, as well through the nature of a hot desire, which is most vio∣lent in the beginning, and afterward groweth colde and remisse, as also with the harmes and perill which they meete with in the incounter; and on the contra∣rie side, the defendants hauing withstood the first furie, wherein there is most terrour and distrust, grow more confident and better assured of their manhood, and in experience of their strength stand firme against anie charge whatsoeuer.

CHAP. XVIII.

The Neruij besiege Cicero, with a ditch and a rampier, and worke meanes to set fire on their tents.

THE Neruij disappointed of his hope, carried a ditch and a rampier round about the campe; the rampier was 11 foot high, and the ditch 15 foote deepe; which they had learned of the Romaines, partly by being conuersant among them certaine yeares before, and partly by the prisoners and captiues which they had taken; but they had no yron tooles fit for that purpose, but were driuen to cut vp turfe with their swords, and gather earth with their hands, and carrie it away with their mantles and gaberdines. Wher∣by may be gathered, what a multitude of men there were at the siege; for in lesse then three houres, they finished the fortification of fifteene miles in circuit. The daies fol∣lowing, the enemy built towers to the height of the rampier, prepared great hooks and strong penthouses, or sauegardes of boords and timber, according as the captiues had giuen them instruction. The seauenth daie of the siege being a very windie daie, they cast hoat bullets of claie out of slinges, and burning dartes vpon the cabines of the Ro∣mans, which after the manner of the Galles, were thatched with strawe: these ca∣bines were quickly set on fire, which by the violence of the winde was carried ouer all the campe; the enemie pressing forward with a great clamour, as though the victorie were alreadie gotten, began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampier, and to scale it with ladders. But such was the valour of the Roman souldiers, that al∣beit they were scorched on all sides with fire, and ouer-charged with multitude of weapons, and saw all their wealth burned before their face; yet no man forsooke the rampier, or scarce looked backe at that which had happened, but they all fought vali∣antly, and with an exceeding courage.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis one example may serue to shew the excellencie of the Romaine discipline, and the wisedome of the first founders of that Arte: for they perceiuing that the fortune of warres consisted chiefelie in the mastering of particular occurrences, trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline, as might struggle with inconueniences, and strong opposi∣tions of contradicting accidents; and so ouerwage all difficulties and hinderan∣ces, with a constant perseueration and a courage inuincible. For the great at∣tempting spirit of an ambitious commāder, that seeketh to ouertop the trophes of honour, with the memorie of his exploites, will quickly perish by his owne direction, if the instruments of execution be weaker, then the meanes which

lead him to his dessignments. For where the waight is greater then the strength, the engine will sooner breake, then lift it vp. Let a discreet leader therefore so leuell his thoughts, that his resolution may not exceede the abilitie of his parti∣cular means; but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can doe, before he resolue what he will doe: or otherwise, let him so inable them by discipline and instructions, according to the example of the old Romans, that their worth maie answere the height of his desires and follow his aspiring minde, with a re∣solution grounded vpon knowledge and valour; and so making their ability the ground of his dessignes, he shall neuer faile of meanes to performe what he in∣tendeth. The want of this consideration hath, within these late yeares, repaide our commanders in many partes of Christendome with losse and dishonour; when as they measured the humour of their poore needie and vndisciplined souldier, by the garbe of their ambitious thoughtes, and so laide such proiects of difficultie, as were verie vnsutable in the particularitie of occurrences to that, which their souldiers were fit to execute.

CHAP. XIX.

The aemulation betweene two Centurions, Pulfio, and Varenus, with their fortunes in the incounter.

THERE were in that legion two valiant men, Titus Pulfio, and L. Varenus Centurions, comming on a pace to the dignitie of the first orders: these two were at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another, & euery yeare contended for place of preferment, with much strife and emulation. Pulfio at a time, that the fortification was very sharply assaulted, called to Varenus, and asked him why he now stood doubtfull? or what other place he did looke for to make triall of his manhood? this is the daie (saith hee) that shall decide our controuersies; and when he had spoken these wordes, he went out of the fortification, and where he saw the enemie thickest, he fiercely set vpon thē: then could not Varenus hold himselfe within the rampier, but followed after in a rea∣sonable distance. Pulfio cast his pile at the enemie, and strooke one of the multitude through that came running out against him; he being slaine, all cast their weapons at him, giuing no respite or time of retrait: Pulfio had his target strooke through, and the dart stucke fast in his girdle: this chance turned aside his scabberd and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword, in which disaduantage the enemy pressed hard vpon him; Varenus came and rescued him: immediatly the whole multitude, thinking Pulfio to be slaine with the darte, turned to Varenus, who speedely betooke him to his sword, and came to handy-strokes, and hauing slaine one he put the rest somewhat backe. But as he followed ouerhastely vpon them, he fell downe: him did Pulfio rescue,

[illustration]

CICERO BESIEGED

being circumuented and in danger; and so both of them hauing slaine manie of the enemie, retired to their campe in safety, to their great honour. Thus fortune caried as well the contention, as the incounter of them both, that being enemies, they ne∣uerthelesse gaue helpe to saue each others life, in such sort, that it was not to bee iud∣ged which of them deserued greatest honor.

OBSERVATIONS.

CAEsar inserteth this accident of the two Centurions, as worthie to be related amongst the deeds of armes contained in these commē∣taries: wherein we are first to obserue the grounds of this quarrel, which was their continual strife for place of preferment, which they sought after by shewing their valour in time of danger, and approouing their worth by the greatnesse of their desert; a contention worthy the Roman disci∣pline, and may serue for a paterne of true honour full of courage, accompli∣shed with vertue. For these Simultates, which desire of honor had cast between them, brought forth emulation which is the spur of vertue, far from enmitie or hatefull contention: for the difference betweene these two qualities is, that en∣mitie hunteth after destruction, and onely reioiceth in that which bringeth to our aduersary vtter ruine, dishonour or ill atchieuement: but emulation con∣tendeth only by well deseruing, to gaine the aduantage of an other mans fame, that vseth the same meanes to attaine to the like end; and is alwaies mixed with loue, in regard of the affinity of their affections, and the sympathie of their de∣sires, not seeking the ouerthrow of their Competitor, but succouring him in time of danger, and defending him from foule and vnfortunate calamitie, that he may still continue to shew the greatnes of his worth by the opposition of in∣ferior actions, which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour.

A vertue rare and vnknowne in these daies, and would hardly find subiects to be resident in, if she should offer her helpe in the course of our affaires, or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositiōs of our times: for we can no sooner conceiue the thoughts that breed emulation, but it turneth presently to hatred, which is followed to the vttermost of our malice, and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner, then with thousand of Trophes deseruedly erected to our honor. Which maketh me wonder, when I looke in∣to the difference of these and those ages, whether it were the discipline of that time, which brought forth such honest effectes of vertue, to their glory and our ignominy, hauing learned better rules then were known vnto them; or whether the world weakened with age, want strength in these times to bring foorth her creatures in that perfection, as it did in those daies; or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent, and our better faculties so remisse and negligent, that vertue hath no part in vs but wordes of praise, our whole prac∣tise being consecrated to actions of reproch. The iniuries, murthers, scanda∣lous cariages of one towards an other, which in these daies are so readily offe∣red,

and so impatientlie digested, will admit no satisfaction but priuate com∣bate, which in the first monarchies was granted only against strangers, and for∣raine enemies, as the only obiects of armes and wrath, and capable of that iu∣stice, which the priuate sworde shoulde execute: for they well perceiued that these single battels were, as sparkles of ciuill discorde, and intestine warres; although not so apparant in the generall viewe of their state, yet as odious in particular, and as dishonourable to good gouernment. And if there were a true recorde of such, as haue beene either slaine or wounded within these fortie yeeres, either in this kingdome, or in France, or in Germanie, by this licentious and brutish custome; I make no question, but they woulde a∣mount to a number capable of that fearefull stile, which is attributed to ciuill warres.

Neither is there any lawe howe rigorous or harde soeuer, that can giue re∣liefe to this disorder, but the restraint will drawe on as great enormities, and as vntolerable in a good gouernment. Rotaris king of the Lumbardes forbade his subiectes this manner of combate; but shortlie after, hee was constrai∣ned to recall the edict, for the auoiding of greater euils; although hee pro∣tested the thing to bee both inhumane, and barbarous. The like edict was published in France by Philip the Faire, but was within two yeeres reuoked againe, at the instante request of his subiectes, in regarde of the murthers and assasinats committed in that kingdome. The onelie remedie, that I finde to take effect in this case, was that of late time, which the Prince of Mel∣phe in Piemont, inuented to preuent this euill: for perceiuing howe ordinarie quarrels and bloudshed were in his campe, hee assigned a place betweene two bridges for the performance of the Duellum, with this charge; that hee that had the worst shoulde alwaies bee slaine, and cast from the bridge into the water; the daunger ioyned with dishonour (which by this decree atten∣ded such as vndertooke priuate combate) made the soldiours wiser in their cariage, and put an end to their sedition and ciuill discordes. But that which is yet worst of all, is that custome hath now made it so familiar, that euery trifle seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a priuate combate; a crosse looke calleth an others mans honour in question; but the word lye is of as great con∣sequence, as any stabbe or villanie whatsoeuer. Whereat we may well wonder howe it happeneth, that wee feele our selues so much exasperated at the re∣proch of that vice, which we so ordinarilie commit; for in the custome of these times to cast vpon vs the lie, is the greatest iniurie that wordes can doe vnto vs; and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth. It may be a propertie in our nature, to stand chiefely in the defence of that corruption vnto which wee are most subiect: I speake not this to qualifie the foulenesse of this vice; for I holde a lier to bee a monster in nature, one that contemneth God and feareth man, as an ancient father saith; but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition in disdaining to acknowledge that fault, which wee so commonlie commit. But I would faine learne when honor first came to be measured with words, for from the beginning it was not so. Caesar was often called to his face theefe, and dronkard, without any further matter; and the liberty of inuectiues, which

great personages vsed one against an other, as it began, so it ended with words. And so I thinke our lie might too, for I take him that returneth the lie, and so letteth it rest vntill further proofe, to haue as great aduantage in the reputation of honor, as the former that first gaue the disgrace.

CHAP. XX.

Cicero sendeth to Caesar, at whose comming the siege was raised, and the Galles ouerthrowne.

AT length Cicero found meanes, by a Gall to aduertise Caesar of the danger wherein he was: who speedily hasted with two legions to giue him succour; the Neruij vnderstanding of Caesars approach, forsooke the siege and went to meet him. Caesar finding the enemy to be 60000. strong, and himselfe not to haue aboue 7000. men, incamped himselfe in a place of aduantage; and sought by counterfeiting feare, to draw the enemy to come and assault his campe, which he handled with that dexteritie, that the Galles came vp vnto him, with a full assurance of victory: but Caesar sending out two sallies at two seueral gates of the campe, ouerthrew the greatest part of them, and dispossest the rest of their armes; and so ended that war.

FINIS.

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Notes

• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Lib. 4.
• Pli. lib. 10.
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Either Cam∣braz, Amiens or S. Quintin
• Caesar.
• Caesar.
• Lib. 9.
• Anal. 6.
• Caesar.
• Lib. 20
• Caesar.