The vievv of Fraunce

THE VIEVV OF FRANCE.

CAESAR in his Commentaries,* 1.1 deui∣deth the people of Gaule, into Belgi, Celtae, and Aquitani, parted the one from the other by the two Riuers of Seine and Garond: the Aquitani from the Celtae by the Garond: the Belgi from the Celtae by the Seine, and these betweene the two Riuers. According to which diuision,* 1.2 Philip de Commines boun∣deth France with two Seas, the Ocean and Mediterra∣nean; with two Mountaynes, the Alpes and Pireneis, and with one Riuer, the Rheine.

If I should follow the direction of these two most approued authorities,* 1.3 I must be forced to discourse of such Princes, as are interessed in this large compasse, as namely, the Spanish King, the States of the low Countries, the Dukes of Sauoy and Lorraine, the Pope himselfe, the little City of Geneua, and others: but I onely purpose to take a view of that which is directly vnder the Crowne of France at this day, and thereof to giue a superficiall relation.

France then is seated vnder a very temperate and wholesome Clymate,* 1.4 En tout le monde il n'y a Region mieux situèe que celle de la France, car nous y tenons de region chaude et aussi de la froid: There is no Countrey in the world better scituate then that of France: for it partici∣pateth of the Clymate both hote and cold. It is in length from Bologne to Marseilles, two hundred leagues (after the rate of three English miles a league) and in breadth from Mount S. Bernard, to S. Iohn de Luze,* 1.5 as

much; for it is holden by some Authours to be of fi∣gure, quadrate: which notwithstanding Bodin deny∣eth,* 1.6 avowing it to be in forme of a Lozenge, with whom La Noüe consenteth, measuring it thus: From Calais (for now Calais is French) to Narbone, North and South, is two hundred leagues: from Rochell to Lions, West and East, is one hundred and twenty leagues: From Mets to Bayonne Northeast and Southwest, two hundred leagues; and from Morley in Bretagny, to Antibe in Prouence, Northwest and Southeast, as much. True it is, that many places within this compasse are holden, but not of the King, as Auignon, and what else the Pope hath: Toul, Verdun, and Mets, of the Empire: Cambray, of the house of Austrich, in like case of Protection, as Constance in Swisserland, Vtrich in the lowe Countries, and Vienna in Austria: and as Lucca and Genoüa in Italy, protected by the King of Spayne. So doe Lorraine also and Sauoy hold of the Empire. As contrarily, there be places out of this circuit, which not∣withstanding hold of this Crowne in right, and owe him fealty and homage; as the Spanyard for the Coun∣ties of Flanders and Artois, which he hath euer since the time of Frauncis the first, denied to render.

* 1.7THe diuers Prouinces of the Countrey are very many: the chiefe are these; Picardy, Normandy, Ile of France, Beausse, Bretagne, Aniowe, Maine, Poic∣towe, Lymosin, Xantonge, Champaigne, Berry, Sologne, Au∣uergne, Niuernois, Lyonnois, Charrolois, Bourbonois, Daul∣pheine, Prouence, Languedocke, Tourraine, and Burgundy. All which are particularly set downe in Mappes, as also in the Booke,* 1.8 called The French Guide, where he

vndertaketh to resemble eche Countrie to some other thing, as Bretaigne, to a horse shooe; Picardy, to a Neats toung; and such like: which are but idle and dispropor∣tioned comparisons, as one may well obserue, that seeth these Countries in the Card.

But the thing of best note in each of these,* 1.9 is their singular Commodities and fruits, wherewith they are blessed for the sustenance of the Inhabiter: Insomuch that as they say of Lombardy, that it is the Garden of Italy: so may we truly say of France, that it is the Gar∣den of Europe. Picardy, Normandy and Languedocke, goodly Countries of Corne, as any in Christendome, all the Inland Countries, full of Wine, fruits & graine: in some, great store of wood; in others, of flaxe; in o∣thers, Mines of salt, in others, of Iron: Insomuch as one sayth, Toutes choses necessaires à la vie humaine y regor∣gent en telle abondance, que seulement du bled, du vin, du sel,* 1.10 et du pastel, qui se transporte es païs estrangers, il y entre en contr'eschange annuellement, plus de douze millions de liures: All things necessary for mans life ouerflow there in such abundance, that in counterchange only of the Corne, Wine, Salt & Woad, transported into forreine Coun∣tries, there is yeerely brought into France twelue hun∣dred thousand pounds sterling. And another no lesse approued, and as well practised in the State of France, sayth, Les sources du sel, du vin, et du bled, sont inespuisables:* 1.11 The Springs of Salt, Wine and Corne, are not to bee drawne dry. In which place, he complayneth, that the Kings of France were wont in times past to helpe their neede with sales of Wood, which are now of late yeeres so spoyled, as France shall shortly be forced to haue their lard frō other coūtries, as also wood to build

and burne: a complaynt which I haue often heard in England. Other Prouinces haue also their especiall Commodities, wherein they excell their neighbours: as in Lymosin, the best Beeues; about Orleans, the best Wines; in Auuergne, the best Swyne; in Berry, the best Muttons, where there is such store, as thereof they haue a Prouerbe, when they would taxe a fellow for his no∣table lying, that tells of a greater number then the truth, they say, Il n'y a tant de Moutons en Berry: As one would say, Fye, there be not so many sheepe in Berry. They partake with vs also in sea commodities:* 1.12 as vpon the coast of Picardy, where the shore is sandy, they haue store of flat fish: vpon the coast of Normandy & Guyen, where it is rocky, fish of the Rocke (as the French call them) and vpon the coast of Bretaigne, where it is mud∣dy, store of round fish, as Lamprey, Conger, Haddock; so likewise in diuers seasons, diuers other sorts, as Mac∣kerels in the end of the Spring, and Maquerelles (Bawds) at all times, Herrings in the beginning of Autumne, as we haue in England, &c.

* 1.13Bodin will needs take vpon him, being no more per∣tinent to his matter, then it is heere, to shew the reason why in old time among the most delicate & toothsome Trencher-men of the ancient Romanes, they alwayes feasted with Fish: because (sayth hee) it is neyther so mezzeld as Porke; nor scabd as Mutton; nor ranke as Goat; nor dropsy as Lambe; nor impostumate as Beefe; nor subiect to the falling sicknesse, as Quayles and Tur∣ky-Cocks; nor to inflammations, as Capons; nor to lice as Pigeons: and yet the friand French-man, as well as we, neuer eats it, but on maigre dayes (fasting dayes) and then also by compulsion of the Lawes. But by his

leaue, I suppose, they in old time did it vpon a vaine∣glorious prodigalitie, not for any licorousnes; for Sar∣danapalus neuer made his great banquets of Fish,* 1.14 but when he was farthest from Sea: and Aesope the Tra∣gicke, that spent 15000. crownes at a feast, bestowed it all in birdes tongues, as of Linnets, Nightingales, and such others as had beene taught to sing, that the price might be the greater. Giue me for all this the good old Bishop of Toledo his Capon, who vpon a fasting day would needs make the companie at table beleeue, that by the force of certaine wordes of consecration, he had transsubstantiate this fat Fowle into fish, and that there onely remained the outward forme,* 1.15 as Poggio the Flo∣rentine reports of him.

This Country must needs be wel stored with fish; for besides the benefit of the sea, the lakes and ponds be∣longing only to the Clergie, which at the most haue but one third of France,* 1.16 are reported to be 135. thou∣sand.

The riuers also of France are so many,* 1.17 as Boterus reporteth of the Queene Mother, she should say heere were more then in all Christendome; but we hold her for no good Cosmographer; shee had her other quali∣ties, which shall not be forgotten in their fit place. True it is, that the riuers here are many, and very faire,* 1.18 and so fitly seruing one the other, & al the whole, as it seemeth, na••ure, in the framing of our bodies, did not shew more wonderfull prouidence, in disposing veines and arteries throughout the bodie, for their apt conuey∣ance of the blood and spirit, from the liuer and heart, to each part thereof, then shee hath shewed in the pla∣cing of these waters, for the transporting of all her com∣modities

to all her seuerall Prouinces. Of all those, these are the principall; the Seine, vpon which standeth the Citie of Paris, Rouen, and many other. It hath his head a little aboue Chatillon in the northwest of Lingonois, and receyueth nine Riuers of name; whereof the Yonne, the Marne, & the Oyse are nauigable, that is, doe carrie boats with sayle.

The Some, whereupon standeth the Citie of Amyens, Abbeuile, and many other: It hath his head aboue S. Quentin, diuideth Picardie from Artois, and receyueth eight lesser Riuers. The Loire hath standing vpon it the Cities of Orleans, Nantes, and many other: his head is in Auuergne, it parteth the middle of France, his course is almost two hundred Leagues, it recey∣ueth 72. Riuers, whereof the chiefe are Allier, Cher, Mayne, Creuse, Vienne, all nauigable. The Garond, vp∣on which standeth Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and other Ci∣ties: it hath his head in the Pyreney mountaines, it diui∣deth Languedocke from Gascoine, it receyueth sixteene riuers, whereof Iarne, Lot, Bayze, Dordonne, and Lisle are chiefest.

And lastly, the Rhosne, vpon which standeth the Citie of Lions, Auignon, and diuers others: it hath his head in the mountaines Alpes, deuideth Sauoy from Lyonnois, and Dolpheine from Languedocke, it receyueth thirteene riuers, whereof the Soane, the Doue, Ledra, and Durance are the chiefest.

All the other Riuers carrie their streames into the Ocean, Some at Saint Vallery, Seine at Newhauen, Loyre beneath Nantes, and Garond at Blay: onely the Riuer of Rhosne payeth his tribute to the Mediterranean at Arles.

The Seine is counted the richest,* 1.19 the Rhosne the swif∣test, the Garond the greatest, the Loyre the sweetest, for the difference which Boterus makes of them, where he omits the Garond, and makes the Soane a principall Ri∣uer, is generally reiected.

When we rightly consider the happie fruitfulnesse of this soyle, and the exceeding benefit of these riuers, I know not what wee should say is wanting, vnlesse yee will say, Animus, qui his vtatur, deest, wit to vse them:* 1.20 for in deede the French hath these eight and thirtie yeeres abused them with their ciuill and intestine warres. Doe but conceyt in your imagination the faire Townes of Italy heere seated, and in them, the English Nation planted: and in my opinion, ye haue the right Idea of Platoes happy State: O vtinam! O si!

But I must remember one inconuenience and dis∣commodity it hath.

I haue heard some poore Countrey-man say, He loues not to haue his house too neere a Lawyer. It should seeme they bee ill Neighbours; and it may be that Themistocles roued at some such matter, when hee caused the Sergeant to cry in publike place,* 1.21 that besides all the good properties which his Farme had, that hee set to sale, Qu'il auoit bon voisin: That he had a good neighbour.

This is the mischiefe, that faire France hath a∣bout her so many bad neyghbours, as Lorraine, Sauoy, and Spayne, of whose good affection to this Countrey, wee may say with the Poet, Vnum cognoris, omnes noris: Knowe one, and knowe them all: Neyther of them wish her better then other,

as hath well appeared in the late ciuill warres, wherein eche thought to haue had his share, howsoeuer (now) they loue no Grapes.

* 1.22The Ports and passages into France, where Custome is payd to the King, were in times past more then they be now: the names of them at this present, are these: In Picardy, Calais, Bologne, S. Vallery. In Norman∣dy, Diepe, Le Haure de Grace, Honnefleux, Caen, Cherbrouge. In Bretaigne, S. Malo, S. Brieu, Brest, Quimpercorentine, Vannes, Nants. In Poictowe, Lusson, les sables d'Olonne. In Rochellois, Rochelle. In Xantogne, Zoubisse. In Guyenne, Bourdeux, Blay, Bayonne. In Languedocke, Narbonne, Agde, Beucaire, Maugueil. In Prouence, Arles, Marseilles, Fransts. In Lionnois, Lions. In Burgogne, Ausonne, Lan∣gres. In Champagne, Chaumont, Chalons, Trois. In the Territory Metzin, Metz, Toul, Verdun. In all, thirty seuen: Of all these, Lions is reputed to be the most ad∣uantageous to the Kings Finances, as being the key for all silks, clothes of gold and siluer, and other marchan∣dise whatsoeuer, which come or goe from Italy, Swisser∣land, and all those Southeast Countreyes, into France, which are brought to this Towne by the two faire Ri∣uers of Rhosne and Soan: the one comming from Sauoy, the other from Burgundy, and heere meeting: where, by the way, me thinks, I may fitly compare these two Waters, to two great Princes of these two great Countries, comming to be maried at this great City, which within the walles is within ten Toyses as large as Paris. In which allusion, I make the Rhosne (which in the French toung is of the masculine gender) the Sa∣uoyard Prince; and the Soane, which is likewise in this language, the feminine, the Princesse of Burgundy;

which conceit is the better warranted, because le Rhosne is a very swift and furious Riuer, which well agreeth with the nature and condition of the man; and la Sona, a still and sweet water, which rightly symbolizeth with the quality of a woman.

I would our Poet,* 1.23 that made a marriage betweene the Medun and Thames at Rochester, had the handling of this matter; for it becomes a Poeme better then a Rela∣tion.

For profit, next to Lions, are Bourdeaux, Rochell, Mar∣seilles, Nantes & Newhauen: But for capability of ship∣ping, I haue heard that Brest excelleth; and for strength, Calais, especially as it is now lately fortified by the Spa∣nyard, which was not let long since to bee called,* 1.24 La plus belle Capitainezie du monde, au moins de la Chrestiente: The goodlyest gouernment in the world, at least in Christendome.

There are requisite in all Ports, to make them perfit, these foure things:* 1.25 1. Magnarum & multarum Nauiū capabilitas. 2. Nauibus tutissima statio. 3. Ad hostilem vim coercendam habilitas. 4. Mercatorum frequentatio: 1. Roome to receiue many and great Ships. 2. Safe ri∣ding. 3. Facility of repelling forraine force. 4. Con∣course of Marchants. The most of these French Ports haue all foure properties, except onely the last, which in the time of these ciuill broyles, haue discontinued: and except that we will also graunt, that Calais fayles in the first.

The Cities in France (if ye will count none Cities,* 1.26 but where is a Bishops Sea, are onely one hundred & foure. There be so many Archbishops and Bishops in all, as shall in more fit place be shewed: But after the

French rekoning, calling euery Ville, a City, which is not eyther a Burgade, or a Village, we shall finde that their number is infinite, and indeed vncertaine, as is also the number of the townes in generall. Some say, there bee one million and seuen hundred thousand: but they are of all wise men reprooued. Others say, sixe hundred thousand; but this is also too great to be true. The Ca∣binet rateth them at one hundred thirty two thousand of Parish Churches,* 1.27 Hamlets and Villages of all sorts. Bodin sayth, there be twenty seuen thousand and foure hundred,* 1.28 counting only euery City for a Parish: which will very neere agree with that of the Cabinet; and there∣fore I embrace it as the truest.

By the reckoning before set downe of two hundred leagues square (which France almost yeeldeth) we must compute, that here is in all forty thousand leagues in square, and in euery league, fiue thousand Arpens of ground, which in all amounteth to two hundred milli∣ons of Arpens: which summe being deuided by the number of the Parishes, sheweth, that one with another, eche Village hath one thousand, fiue hundred and fifteene Arpens, which measure is bigger then our Acre.

Wee may, if wee will, abstract a third, because Bodin will not admit France to be square, but as a Lozenge: For in matter of such generality as this, men doe alwayes set downe suppositions, not cer∣taynties.

Of all these Cities and great Townes, I will o∣mit to speake in particular (though a Stranger must very precisely obserue whatsoeuer he sees in his tra∣uayle) affying in La Noue his censure, for their ma∣ner

of Fortification.* 1.29 Sion veut (sayth hee) regarder par toute la France, ie cuyde qu'on n'y trouuera, horsmis quel∣ques chasteux, aucune ville qui soit à demy parfaite, s••lon les regles des ingenieures: If a man will looke throughout all France, I thinke that (some Castles excepted) hee shall not finde any Towne halfe perfectly fortifyed, ac∣cording to the rules of Ingeners.

Onely I must adde, that since his time, which is now aboue twenty yeeres, many Townes also haue bettered their maner of fortifying: amongst which, none more (by report) then that of Rochell: and lately, that of Amiens, of which wee might last yeere, while the Spanyard held it, say (as is sayd of De∣celea, in the Territory of Athens) which Alcibiades counselled the Lacedemonians, to take and fortify, namely,* 1.30 that it did consumet et mettre a bas la puissance de la France, autant et plus que nulle autre chose: Con∣sume and bring low the power of France, as much as any thing else whatsoeuer: And that it kept and scowred all the passages from Paris to Rouen, like that other from Athens to Eleusina.

But as the losse of this Towne wounded the whole body of France, so the regayning of it, was not onely the healing of the hurt receyued (wher∣in it was better then the Pelias Hasta) but also the ray∣sing of it to these happy tearmes, wherein it now stands.

This Towne would giue mee good occasion to speake of the last yeeres siege, the Cardinalles comming, and the Cittyes yeelding, with ma∣ny other accidents very memorable and worthy the recounting; wherein I had rather spend an howres

time in talking, then any Paper in writing; for that, to pen it, asketh the iudgement of a Soldier, of which ho∣nour I am most vnworthy: Neyther will I also spend time in the discoursing of other Cities, which we haue seene heere in France, as of their situation, building, wealth and fortification, saue onely of Paris, because the French say, this is a world, no City.

After that, I will breefly relate of the Castles in France, and of some reasons why it is preiudiciall to the quiet of a State, to haue many of them, except they all belong to the Prince, who ought to haue of them in his frontier places, and Lymitrophes (as they call them) and vpon Cities which are strong to keepe thē in awe, not else; and as that of S. Katherines, which you sawe at Rouen, now rased: and then I will end the first branch of this Relation, namely, of the Topography of this Countrey.

* 1.31The City of Paris, seated in a very fruitful and plea∣sant part of the Ile of France, vpon the Riuer of Sein, is by the same deuided into three parts: that on the North towards S. Denis, is called the Burge: that on the South toward the Fauxbourges of S. Germaines, is called the Vniuersity, and that in the little Ile, which the Riuer there makes, by deuiding it selfe, is called the Ville.

This part, no doubt, is the most ancient; for saith my Authour,* 1.32 Lutece est vne ville des Parisiens, assisse en vne Isle de Seine: Lutecia is a City of the Parisians, seated in an Ile of the Seine. We may distinguish it thus: into Transequana, Cifequana, and Interamnis: The part beyond the Seine: that on this side the Seine, and that in the Ile encompast with the Riuer. It is reputed not onely the capitall City of France, but also the grea∣test

in all Europe. It is about the walls, some ten Eng∣lish miles: these are not very thicke, the want whereof is recompenced with the depth of the ditch, and good∣nes of the Rampart, which is thicke and defensible, saue on the South side, which, no doubt, is the weakest part of the Towne, on which side it is reported, that the L. Willoughby offred the King in foure dayes to enter, at such time as he besieged it. Wherevnto the King con∣descended not by the counsell of the olde Marshall Bi∣ron, who told him,* 1.33 It was no policy to take the Bird naked, when he may haue her feathers and all. On the other side, especially towards the East, it is very well fortified with Bulwarke and Ditch, fayre and moderne, Les Rampars furent faictes es portes S. Antoine, S. Michel,* 1.34 et S. Iaques et ailleurs, 1544. The Ramparts of the Gates S. Anthony, S. Michel, and S. Iames, and else∣where, were made 1544.

This Bastile of S. Anthony, was built (some say) by the English; and indeed it is somewhat like those peeces which they haue built elsewhere in France, as namely, that at Rouen: howbeit, I read in Vigner his Cronicle,* 1.35 that it was builded by a Preuost of Paris, in the time of Edward the third of England, at what time our Kings began their first clayme, and had as yet nothing to doe in this City.

Some other monuments I purpose to speake of, with their Founders, by the example of Plutarch,* 1.36 who in his discourse of Athens, particularizeth in this maner: Pantheon Hecatompedon, built by Ictinus and Callicraditas, the Chappell of Eleusine, by Coraebus: the Lanterne, by Xenocles: the Theater, or the Odeon, by Pericles: the Port Pyraeum, by Muesicles, and the Pallaedium of Pallas, by

Phidias. So in this Towne, the Chastelet was built by Iulian the Apostata: the Vniuersity was founded by Char∣lemagne,* 1.37 Anno, 800. who also erected those of Bologna and Padoa.

The Church of Nostre Dame (Our Lady) was foun∣ded Anno, 1257. where are these verses following en∣grauen, to shew the greatnesse of it:

* 1.38Si tu veux sçauoir comme est ample de Nostre Dame le grand Temple: Il a dans aeuure pour le seur dixsept toyser de hauteur:

Sur lae largeur de vingt et quattre, et soixante et cinq sans rebattre, A de long: aux, tours haut monteés trent quattre sont bien comptées, Le tout fonde sur pillotis, anssi vray, que ie te le dis:

If you would know the greatnesse of the great Church of our Lady, the roofe thereof is 17. fathom high, it is 24. fathom broad, 65. fathom long, the two Steeples are 34. fathom high aboue the Church, and al founded vpon piles.

The Hostel de la ville (The Towne-House) was fini∣shed by Francis 1. Anno. 1533. with this inscription o∣uer the Gate, S.P.E.P. that is, Senatui, Populo, Equitibus∣que Parisiensibus piè de se meritis, Franciscus primus Franco∣rum Rex potentissimus, has aedes a fundamentis extruendas mandauit, accurauit, condendisque publicè consiliis et admi∣nistrandae Reip. dicauit, anno vt supra:

For his wel-deseruing Senate, people & Burghers of Paris, Francis the 1. most puissant King of France, com∣manded this house to be built from the foundation, and finished it, & dedicated it to the calling of the Common Coūcell, and gouerning the Citie, in the yere aforesaid.

This is, as ye would say, the Guild Hall of the towne. The Hostel Dieu in Paris, was augmented and finished in 1535. by Antoine de Prat, Chancelor in this City, his pourtreict with Francis 1. is vpon the dore as ye enter. This is (as we call it at London) the Hospitall. The Pa∣lai••e de Paris was built by Philip le Bel, 1283. purposing it should haue bin his mansion house; but since, it hath bene disposed into diuers Courts, for the execution of Iustice, iust like Westminster Hall, which likewise at first was purposed for the Kings Palace.

Here you haue such a shew of Wares in fashion, but not in worth, as ye haue at the Exchange. Heere is a Chappell of the S. Esprit, built by S. Lewes, 1242. Here are all the seuen Chambers of the Court of Parliament (which was first instituted by Charles Martel,* 1.39 father to King Pepin, anno 720.) but of them all, the great Cham∣ber of Paris is most magnificently beautified and ador∣ned by Lewes the twelfth. At the entry, is a Lion cow∣chant, with his tayle betweene his legges, to signify, that all persons, how high soeuer, are subiect to that Court.

The Chamber also of Comptes, built by this Lewes, is a very fayre roome; at the entry whereof are fiue por∣treicts with their Mots. The first is Temperance, with a Diall and Spectacle: Her word, Mihi spreta voluptas: I despise pleasure. Secondly, Prudence, with a looking Glasse, and a Siue: her word, Consilijs rerum specutor: I prye into the Counsell of things. Iustice, with a Ballance and a sword: her Mot, Sua cui{que} ministro: I giue to euery man his owne. Fortitude, with a Tower in one arme, and a Serpent in the other:

her word, Me dolor atque metus fugiunt, Both payne and feare auoyde me. And lastly, Lewes the King, with a Scepter in one hand, and holding Iustice by the other, and this written for his word,

Quatuor has Comites foueo, coelestia dona, Innocuae pacis prospera Sceptra gerens: My happie Scepter in calme peace doth flourish, While I these heauen-bred sisters 4. do nourish.

To speake particularly of all other the buildings and Courts of this Palace, as the Chamber of the Treasurer, the Table of Marble, the Courtes of Aides, and such like, were to be too tedious.

The buildings of this Citie are of stone, very fayre, high, and vniforme, throughout the towne, onely vpon the Port N. Dame, Our Ladies Bridge, which is, as it were, their Cheapeside: their building is of brickbat, all alike notwithstanding; the fayrest Fabricke in the towne (and worthily) is the Kings Castle or Palace of the Louure at the west: It is in forme quadrangulare, the south and west quarters are new and Princelike, the o∣ther two very antique and prisonlike. They were puld downe by Francis. 1. and begun to be rebuilt, but fini∣shed by Henry the second, with this inscription, Henricus 2. Rex Christianissimus, vetustate collapsum aedificium refigere coepit. The most Christian King Henry the 2. began to repaire this time-ruined edifice.

From this Palace, the King is building a Galery, which runnes along the riuer East and West, and his purpose is, it shall passe ouer the towne ditch with an Arch, and so cōtinue to the Twilleries, which is at least sixe hūdred paces, and so both these buildings shall bee vnited into one: which, if euer it be done, will bee the greatest and

goodliest Palace of Europe: This Gallery is very curi∣ously wrought with Flowers de luce, curious knots, branches, and such like deuice, cut in stone; and in eue∣ry place this word of the Kings, Duo protegit vnus. Which I suppose, implyeth, One God maintaynes the two Kingdomes of France and Nauarre.

The building of the Twilleries, begun by the Q. Mo∣ther (which is also a stately work) is now in the finishing: for this Queene Mother began many things, but fini∣shed none (except mischiefes) witnesse this present house of the Twilleries, and that other at S. Maur some two leagues from Paris, whither, ye remember, we went to kisse the young Prince of Condies hand, which then tolde vs was morgaged to her creanciers (creditors) for 25. thousand Crownes, and now stands vnperfited.

The next house in state, both for the beautie of the building, and deuice in the Gardens, is that of Monsieur Gondy, an Italian, whose father came into France with Katherine de Medices, and was here by her aduanced. There be other very many and very stately buildings, as that of Mons. Sansuë, Mons. de Monpensier, de Neuers, and infinite others, whereof especially towardes the East end this towne is full, in so much as ye may say of the French Noblesse, as is elsewhere said of the Agrigen∣tines, They build, as if they should liue euer, and feede,* 1.40 as if they should dye to morrow. But among all these, there is none (sayth this Author) that exceed more then the Lawyers, Les gens de Iustice (et sur tout les Tresoriers) ont augmente aux seigneurs l' ardeur de bastir: The Lawyers, and especially the Officers of the Kings money, haue enflamed in the Nobilitie the desire of building.

I haue heard a tale of a President of Parliament,

whose friends comming on a time to see him at his new house, began exceedingly to commend it, as in∣deed it deserued, as well for the rarenesse of the work∣manship, as the goodnesse of the Stone, Timber, Marble, and such like. No (quoth he) ye mistake the stuffe whereof it is made: this house is onely built, de testes des fols: of fooles heads. I thinke many of our newe buildings in England, are made of the same stuffe.

Ye must note, it is not yet one hundred yeeres since this stately kind of building (or I should rather say, beau∣tifull; for still the most stately is the most ancient) came first in request.* 1.41 La Noüe sayth, Il n'y a gueres plus de soixants ans que l'architecture a este restablié en France et au parauant on se logoit asses grossierement: It is not much more then threescore yeeres since Architecture was reestablished in France, and before that time, men were housed but homely. Hee there seemes to com∣mend it, as a great grace to his Countrey: Marry, saith he, Si on co••te aussi combien telles magnificensez ont enuoyé de gens au bissae, on dira que la marchandise est bien chere: If we reckon withall how many such magnificence hath sent to the we may say, tis very deare marchā∣dize. I am for my part, of Frier Iohn of Antomaure his mind, who seeing in a great Palace such stately Halls, such goodly Galleries,* 1.42 such fayre Chambers, such well contriued Offices: and on the other side, the Kit∣chin so leane, the Chimneyes so cold, and the Cellars so dry, Vn beau Chasteu dit-il a faire de belles promenades, et me c••rez mes dens a ieun a la Napolitaine: A faire Ca∣stle (said he) to walke faire turnes in, and picke my teeth fasting after the Neapolitane fashion.

The Vniuersities, wherein in times past were wont to bee (by report) aboue thirty thousand of all sorts, are now by reason of the warres, reduced to a fourth part, and many of these children, such as our petty schooles in the Countries are furnished withall. The streets both in the City, Vniuersity, and Suburbs, are very faire, straight, and long very many of them; the shops thick, but nothing so full of wares, nor so rich as they of Lon∣don, in comparison whereof, these seeme rather Ped∣lers then otherwise: But for number, I suppose, there be three for two of those.

The Faulxbourges are round about the City, ruined and vtterly desolate, except those of Saynt Germaynes, which was very fayrely builded, and was very neere as great as the faire Towne of Cam∣bridge.

The benefit of this Towne is very great, which it hath by the Riuer, as by which all the Commo∣dities of the Countrey are conueyed: Wherevpon Monsieur d' Argenton reports of it, C'est la ville,* 1.43 que iamais ie veisse ••nuirone•• de milleux païs et plantu∣reux:

Of all the Townes that euer I sawe, it is enuironed with the best and fertilest Countrey:

And he there reports, that for twenty moneths that he was Prisoner, he saw such an infinite company of Boates passe and repasse, as but that he was an eye-witnesse, he would haue thought incredible, which he also after proues by the mayntenance of the three Armies of the three Dukes of Burgundy, Guyenne, and Bretaigne, which consisted of an hundred thou∣sand men, against the Cittie of Paris, wherein

they had besieged Lewes the eleuenth, and yet neyther the Campe nor Towne had any want of victualls.* 1.44 Faut bien dire qu'en ceste Isle de France, est bien assise cette ville de Paris, de pouuoir fournir deux si puissans hosts: car iamais nous n'auions faute de viures, et dedans Paris à grand penie s'apperceuoient ils qu'ily eust iamais bien enchery que le pain, sealement d'un denier: It must needs be graunted, that this Towne of Paris is excellently seated in the Ile of France, to be able to furnish two so great Armies: for we neuer wanted victuals; and they within Paris hard∣ly found any thing the dearer, but onely bread, a denier vpon a loafe. The Sea floweth no neerer this City, then Pont de Larche, some 25. leagues off.

Some say, this Towne was builded in the times of Amasias,* 1.45 King of Iuda, by some reliques of the Tro∣ian warre, and that it was called Lutece (a Luto) because the soyle in this place is very fatte, which is of such na∣ture, as ye cannot wel get it out, it doth so staine: where∣of they haue a By-word, Il gaste comme la fange de Paris: It stayneth like the durt of Paris. Other say, it was cal∣led Paris of (Parresia) a Greeke word, which signifieth (saith this Authour) hardiesse ou ferocite,* 1.46 valour or fierce∣nesse, alleadging this verse,

* 1.47Et se Parrisios dixerunt nomine Franci, Quod sonat audaces, &c.

And the Franks called themselues Parrisians, which signifieth valiant. And by this Etymologie would inferre, that the French is a warlike Nation. But he is much mistaken in the word; for it signifieth onely a boldnes or liberty of speach: which whether they better deserue, or to be accounted valiant, you shall see, when I come to speake of the Frenchmans humour and nature in generall. As for

the nature of the people of this Towne, their Histories taxe it of infinite mutinies and Seditions, matchable to the two most rebellious Townes of Europe, Liege and Gant; and yet this last is praysed in one thing,* 1.48 Qu à la personne de leur Prince ils ne touchent iamais: That they neuer harme their Princes Person: Whereof the Bar∣ricades make Paris vnworthy.* 1.49 And du Haillan sayth of them, whē they stood fast to Lewes the eleuenth against the three Dukes abouenamed: Iamais les Parrisiens ne tindrent vn bon parti, n'y ne firent rien qui vallut, que ceste fois-la: The Parrisians neuer held good side, nor neuer shewed any honesty but then onely. But I can reade no such matter in Commines; for I well remember, that euen then diuers of the chiefe of the Towne had prac∣tized secretly with the enemy, and were vpon tearmes of concluding, when by the Kings wisdome they were preuented.

The Armes of this City were giuen them, Anno. 1190. by Philip le Bel, who creating them a Preuost and Escheuins (like Office as our Maior and Aldermen) Leur donnoit les armoiries, de guelues a vne nauire d'argent,* 1.50 le chef d'azure semé de fleurs de lys d'or: gaue them for Armes, Gules, a Ship Argent, and a Cheefe seeded with Flower de Lys Or.

Ye shall heare the French brag, that their City hath bene besieged a hundred times by the enemy, and yet was neuer taken since Caesars time. The reason whereof one of their best Writers giues,* 1.51 Because (sayth he) it is very weake, and therefore alwayes compoundeth.

I compare Paris with London, thus: This is the grea∣ter, the fairer built, and the better scituate: ours is the richer, the more populous, the more ancient: For I

hold antiquitie to be a great honour as well to great ci∣ties,* 1.52 as to great Families. Besides the Cities and Ports of France, well fortified, there be also infinite numbers of Castles and Cittadels (which the people alwaies call, Nids de Tyrans, the nests of Tyrants, and the Prince he calles them Chastivillains.* 1.53) Of the Castels the number is therefore most great, and as vncertaine, by reason that euery Noble mans house of any age, is built in de∣fensible maner, as you haue diuers times alreadie ob∣serued. An example of one for many hundreds, ye may take that of Roch-fort belonging to the Seigneur de la Tremouuille, which in these Ciuill wars endured a siege & 5000. Canon shot, & yet was not takē. It is iudged by the wisest, that in great kingdomes, such as France, no places should be fortified but the frontiers: after the ex∣ample of Nature, who armeth the heads and heeles of Beasts, but neuer the Bowels nor middle part. For in∣deede the strength of a Countrey consists not in wal∣led townes, but in the vnited hearts of the people, as Brutus proueth in Liuie,* 1.54 and Dionysius Halicarnasseus: to which purpose the Poet also saith, Where there is con∣cord among citizens, Pulchrè munitam esse vrbem arbi∣t••or: I thinke that Towne excellently fortified. But where discord reigneth, centuplex murus vrbi non ••uffi∣cit: An hundreth fold wall is not sufficient. Where∣of it commeth, that Histories report of the Tartarians, Aethiopians, and Arabians, that they haue no fortified places: and it is sayd of Preste Iehan the great king in Affricke, that he hath but one in all his Empire: and we in England, except frontier places, haue none but his Maiesties.

The reasons against them are these: It makes the

inhabitants cowards:* 1.55 and therefore Licurgus forbad the walling and fortifying of Lacedemon. Secondly, lest the enemy being entred, the Countrey should stay and possesse himselfe, of some of these places, whereas other∣wise, he onely forrageth and harrieth the Countrey, and away againe. Therefore Iohn Maria della Rouere,* 1.56 Duke of Vrbin, rased downe all his Castles (finding him∣selfe too weake to resist his enemie) and retired to Ve∣nice, assuring himself, that Duke Valentionis could not stay there long, where there was no place to be kept: which iudgement of his, the euent well prou'd. For this cause also, they of Genoa, after the battell of Pauia,* 1.57 where the French King was taken prisoner, hauing got the French Garison out of the Lauterne, ruined it to the very foun∣dation.* 1.58 So did they of Siracuse cause the Cittadell of Arradine; the only refuge of the tyrant Dionisius. Lastly, they giue occasions to the possessors, to rebell and v∣surpe, whereof, both all histories, and among these our owne (where, if I be not mistaken, in King Stephens time were rased eleuen hundred Castles) and these fortie yeeres troubles in France do testifie.

There be some reasons for the hauing of these fortified places, which I doe not conceiue so good as these, except onely I should graunt them their Capitall Citie to bee fortified, and none else.

For Bodin thinkes it great madnesse in a Prince,* 1.59 to suffer his people to haue strong Townes, (e∣specially as here in France, where they will haue no Garison, but of their owne Citizens: the effect whereof was well seene in the losse of Amiens) except

the King haue therein a Cittadell to bridle them. A∣gainst which, many Cities in this Countrey pretend Priuiledges, as that of Amiens, and some haue bought the Cittadell of the King, to the intent to demolish it, as they of Lions; such eye-sores they bee heere in France. In such a Countrey as Italy, where there bee diuers Princes, fortified Townes are more needfull, where notwithstanding ye shall note, that no great Sig∣nore is euer made Captayne of the Cittadell, nor hath any league with the Gouernour, whome they there call The Podesta, and therefore euery yere also these Offices are changed throughout the State of Venice, which at this day, is the most perfect Optimacy in the world; and the rather, because though the State be Aristocra∣ticall, yet the execution of the Gouernment is mixt, Offices being conferred, both vpon the one sort and o∣ther of the Citizens, which makes that perfit har∣mony,* 1.60 whereof the diuine Philosopher so much spea∣keth.

You must vnderstand, that heere in France, all In∣habitants of Cities, are lyable to the common charges of the fortification of their City, reparations of brid∣ges, fountaines, highwayes, and such like. And because the richer sort should not leuy the money, and then keepe it to themselues, or employ as the list, they must giue information to the Chaunceller,* 1.61 of the necessity of the Leuy, and procure Letters Patents for the same, by authority whereof they gather the money, and vse it, yeelding after to the Kings Procureur their ac∣count.

And for their Watch and Ward, it goes by course, as in the Citie of Embden, and diuers other in those

Low Countries. As for Castles, the Seigneur, or Cap∣taine may not force Vassall (faire leguet, To watch and ward) except in frontier places,* 1.62 vpon forfayting of their estates.

After this generall Suruey of the Countrey it selfe,* 1.63 we must obserue something of the Gouernment, where∣in I will not trouble you, with fetching their first Pede∣gree from beyond the Moone, as many of their Histo∣ries labour, nor by disputing the matter,* 1.64 whether it bee true or no, that they came from Troy, into the Marishes of Maeotis, whence, after some small abode, they were chased by the Romane Emperour, into Bauaria, and af∣ter into Frankland, in Germany.

It shall suffice, that from hence,* 1.65 this people came in∣to France, wherein all writers agree: For after the decli∣nation of the Romane Empire, when the Ostrog••thes conquered Italy, the Visig••thes, Spayne; and the Van∣dalles Affricke: then did the Burgondiens, and Franconi∣ens diuide this Countrey betweene them,* 1.66 conquering it vpon the olde niquilines, the Gaules, who from Caesars time, till then, had not tasted the force of a forrayne power.

The Gouernement was vnder Dukes, till the yeere 420. when as Pharamond caused himselfe to be entitu∣led King. In this race it remained till 751. when Pepin suppressed his M^r. Chilpericke and vsurped. His line la∣sted till 988. when Hugh Capet gaue the checke to the succession of Charlemagnes line (who was Pepins sonne) and inuested himselfe with the Diademe. From him it hath lineally descended by heires males to the house of Valois, and for want of issue male in them, is now come to the house of Burbon. In this space of time, you must

obserue the three ages of France▪ Her child-hood, till Pepin: her manhood, till Capet: her olde age, till now. For in the first age, the Kings were like children, content to be taught by others in matters of Religion, (as then ye may note, that Clouis receiued the faith, and was bapti∣zed) as also in matter of policy, they were content that others should beare the whole sway, and rule them al∣so, such were the Maieurs de Palais, whereof Pepin was one that vsurped.

In their manhood they did like men, conquer king∣domes, relieue distressed Christians, ouercome Sara∣cenes & Infidels, defend the Church against all assayles, as ye may perceiue by the History of Charles the great, and his successors.

And lastly now, in her old age she grew wise, erected Courts for iustice, made lawes and ordinances, to go∣uerne her inhabitants, wherein no Countrey in Europe hath excelled her: for so sayth my Author, Il n'y a contré au monde ou la iustice soit mieux establit▪* 1.67 qu'n la nostre▪ There is no Countrey in the world, where Iustice is better established, then ours: which is true (but with this addition of a later writer,) s'ilny en auoit tant et trop: et s'ils estoient iustement exercez:* 1.68 If the Officers thereof were not too too many, & if their places were rightl•• executed.

This was the reason why many wise men of the world did imagine, that this Feuer of the league, which was entred at Peronne, some 20. yeres since, against France, would haue shakē the State, from a Monarchy, to an Aristocracy, considering, that in age nothing is more dangerous; and besides, it was now her climacte∣tical yere of Gouernmēt (for this is the 63. King) though

this be but a curious and ill grounded conceit, as also that other of the pourtreicts of the Kings, in the Palace at Paris, where, because all the voyde places be fulfilled, they would needes coniecture, forsooth, or rather con∣clude, that there should be no moe Kings. But this is but an idle dreame, and presupposition: for in the Cathe∣drall Church of Sienna in Italy, all the roomes for the Popes, are filled vp long ago, euer since the time of Mar∣tin the 5. and yet notwithstanding, that Sea of Rome stil hath a Pope. But Du Haillan saith,* 1.69 that as vertue was the cause that this State rose frō the ground of her base be∣ginning, to this height; so Fortune hath beene the cause that she is not falne frō that high pitch, to her first low∣nesse: For he can see no reason of her standing, conside∣ring these ciuill warres, the difference of Religion, the ambition of houses, the conspiracies and reuoltes of the people, the true causes of falling: Therefore hee con∣cludes, La bonne Fortune nous a plus serui,* 1.70 que nostre ver∣tu: Good fortune hath helped vs, more then our owne vertue. But without so much talking of the good Geni∣us and bon-heur, good hap of France, hee should haue as∣scribed the first cause to God, and the next to her Maie∣stie: but this French is euer a thankelesse peo∣ple.

I must not force this Relation with many notes, of things here happening in former ages; it is both imper∣tinent, and tedious, onely I would wish you note, that in 482. the Christian Faith was here receiued, and in the yeere 800. the Romane Empire hither transla∣ted.

Concerning the Countrey of France, the State is a Monarchy, the gouernement is mixt: for the authority

of Maieurs, Escheuins, Consuls, Iureurs, &c. is Democra∣ticall: the Paires, the Counsels, the Parliaments, the Chambers of Counts, the Generalities, &c. are Ari∣stocraticall. The calling of assemblies, giuing of Offi∣ces, sending Embassages, concluding of Treaties, par∣doning of offences, ennobling of Families, legitima∣tion of bastards, coyning of moneys, and diuers other, to the number of 24. are meerely Regall,* 1.71 called of the French, Droicts Royaux.

And sure it is, that no Prince in Europe is a more per∣fect Monarch then he: for besides all these priuiledges named, as we say of the Parliament of Paris, that it hath the prerogatiue to bee appealed vnto, from all other Courts, which they call the (Dernier ressort, the last ap∣peale) so is it likewise true, that the King himselfe hath the meere and absolute authoritie ouer this. For though no Edict or Proclamation, no Warre or Peace which he makes, bee good, without the consent and Arrest as (they call it) of this Court: Yet true it is, that when he, sending to them for their confirmation and ratifying thereof, if at first they refuse, & send Deleguez, Deputies, to his Maiestie to informe him of their reasons, and humble sute to reuoke the same, he returnes them vpon paine of his displeasure and depriuation of their Offices, to confirme it. Sic volo sic iubeo, Such is my pleasure, and absolute commandement.

* 1.72As touching the Lawes of France, we must know, that most of thē are grounded on the Ciuil Law of the Em∣peror: but so, as this State euer protesteth against thē, so far as they be good and equall: insomuch as in former times it was ordeined,* 1.73 that he which alledged any Law of Iustinian, should lose his head. Of the Lawes here in

force, some are fundamentall, as they call them, and im∣mortall, such as, nor King, nor assembly can abrogate: others are temporall, Quemadmodum ex his legibus, quae non in tempus sed perpetuae vtilitatis causa in aeternum latae sunt, nullam abrogari fateor, nisi quam aut vsus coarguit,* 1.74 aut st••tus aliquis reip. inutilem facit: Sic quas tempora aliqua ••••siderant leges, mortales (vt ita dicam) & ipsis temporibus mutabiles esse video: I confesse, none of those Lawes which are not Temporary, but established as eternall for the vniuersall good, are euer abrogated (such onely ex∣cepted as either vse findes hurtfull, or some state of the Commonwealth makes vnprofitable) so I see, that those Lawes that are applied to particular times & occasions, are mortall (as I may call them) and change times with change. And therefore one saith, Quae in pace latae sunt,* 1.75 plerum{que} bellum abrogat, quae in bello, pax: vt in nauis ad∣ministratione, alia in secunda, alia in aduersa tempestate vsi sunt: Warre commonly abolisheth Lawes made in peace: and peace Lawes made in Warre: Euen as Mari∣ners in guiding a Ship vse one course in faire weather, another in foule.

Of the first sort I will onely remember you of two examples: the Law Salique, and that of Appennages. As for the first, they would needes make the world be∣leeue that it is of great antiquitie, wherewith they very wrongfully tromped the heires of Edward the third, of their enioying this Crowne of France, which to them is rightly descended by his Mother, and whose claime is still good, were the English sword well whetted to cut the Labels of this Law. Of which Haillan himselfe con∣fesseth, that before the time of Philip le Long, 1321.* 1.76 Iamais auparauant on n'en auoit o••y parler, la faisant (en ce

temps la) approuuer partous les Seigneurs du royaume, les ••ns par promesser, les autres par force et par menaces: The Law Salique was neuer heard tell of before this Kings time, who caused it to bee ratified by all the Nobles of his Kingdome, some by faire promises, and others by force and threates. Hereupon they haue their prouerbe, Le royaume de France ne peut tomber de Lance en quenouille. The Kingdome of France cannot fall from the Lance to the Distaffe.

Some say, it is called Salique, of the Saliens, a people anciently inhabiting about the Ryuer of Rhein: but the likelyest is, that it comes of the two words, wherwith i•• begins (S•• aliqua) and which are often repeated there∣in, as in many of our processes vpon some word there∣in vsed they take their names, as a Scire facias, a Nisi prius, a Latitat.

Touching that of Appennages, which is also a Law of great consequent for the Crowne (for by this th•• Domayne cannot bee aliened, and by the other, th•• Crowne cannot fall into the hands of strangers.) You must note, that this Law imports, that the yōger sonnes of the King cannot haue partage with the Elder, which till the time of Charelemagne (when this was made) they might,* 1.77 they must onely haue Appennage sans propri∣••te. By which Charter of Appennage is giuen all pro∣fits arising of the said Apannes, as Domaine, the hun∣dreth,* 1.78 rents, rights of Seigneurie, parties casuelles, lots, sales, hommages, right of vassallage, Forrests, ponds, ry∣uers, iurisdictions, patronages of Churches, prouisions, and nomination of Chappels, goods of Main-mort, fifts of Lands sold, and all other profites and commodities whatsoeuer, to returne to the Crowne, for want of

heire male: But the leuying of taxes and aydes, the minting of money, and all other things of regality re∣serued. Some are so curious to deriue this word from the Greekes, of Apan, totum, and Agnon, sanctum: Be∣cause, forsooth, the French returning from the holy Land by Greece, saw there the like course vsed, which they brought home with them. Others say, it comes of Pain, bread, because it was for their sustenance: much like the Lawe of the olde Romanes,* 1.79 for the mainte∣nance of their daughters, to whome they allowed a yeerely pension out of their lands. But others say, it is deriued from the Almaigne word (Abannage) which signifies a portion excluded from the rest, that, because they haue this particular allowance, they can make no claime to any other of the Princes states. This Ap∣pennage hath often beene so great, as it hath bred ma∣ny inconueniences; as that of the Duchie of Burgondie, by Charles the fift, to his brother Philip, which did of∣ten after, much preiudice the Crowne of France. And that of the Duchie of Normandie, by Lewes the eleuenth, to his brother, which was after changed for Guyenne, and that againe for Champagne, and againe at last for Ber∣ry, whereabout were great troubles, for many yeeres in France, as by the Historie appeares.* 1.80 Oftentimes also the yonger brothers are content to take yeerely pensi∣ons, and quite their said Duchies or Counties holden in Appennage.

Concerning the other sort of Lawes, in this Realme they are infinite, which argueth (a consequente) that they be ill kept: for gens humana ruit per vetitum nefas: and (ab Antecedente) that the people of this Countrey haue beene ill enclined: for euill maners cause good lawes.

These French lawes are too full of preambles, pro∣cesses, interims, and prouisoes, as by all their ordinan∣ces & edicts appeareth, Nihil mihi frigidius videtur, quam lex cum prologo:* 1.81 iubeat lex, non suadeat: There is nothing (me thinks) colder, then a Law with a Prologue. Let a Lawe commaund, and not perswade. Of all these Lawes I will onely name you this one, Que la minorite du Roy soit assisteé d' vn Conceit esleu par les Estats de France, auquel les Princes du sang doiuent tenir le premier lieu,* 1.82 et les estrangers esolus: That the minoritie of the King shal be assisted with a Councel, chosen by the States of France, wherein the Princes of the blood ought to holde the first place, and strangers to be excluded: which was en∣acted at Toures, by Charles 8. anno. 1484. I tell you of this, as of the true source and spring of all these late ciuil warres, because the Cadets of Lorraine by insinuation with the young Kings, Frances the second, and Charles the ninth, vnder the fauour of the Q. Mother, tooke vpon them to manage all publike matters at their owne pleasure, and thrust out the first Princes of the bloud of the house of Burbon. Whereupon Nauarre and Condie, the Princes of this family, assisted by many of the Frēch Noblesse, embarqued themselues in the action of refor∣ming such an abuse, and displacing the Guysard out of this authoritie, tooke it vpon themselues, to whome it rightly belonged.

Of these ciuill broyles, I meane by way of digression somewhat to speake,* 1.83 to giue you better taste thereof, as also to see in what miserable tearmes, this present King found the State, of whome, by order of this relation, I am next to remember: La France a souffert s••pt guerres, et a veusix edicts de pacification, en leursguerres ciuiles: France,

in these ciuill broyles, hath suffred seuen warres, and seene sixe Edicts of Pacification. The first was in sixty three, at Paris: the second, in sixty seuen, at Longemeau: the third in seuenty, at Paris: the fourth in seuenty sixe, at Ienuile (when first began the League at Peronne:) the fift, at Poicters in seuenty seuen: the sixt in eighty one. Not one of these Proclamations which was not brokē, & new flames of warre kindled; the imputation where∣of, the French Writers lay most vpon the Q. Mother;* 1.84 by whom she is compared to Fredegunde & Brunhalt, two damnable Queenes of France, and the Firebrands of their time.

She came from the Family of the Medices in Florence, in which City ye may note, that in three seuerall yeres (but not much distant) were borne three seuerall Mon∣sters: Alexander Medices, that spoyled Florence of her liberty, the fairest City in Italy: This woman, that ru∣ined France, the fairest Kingdome of Europe: And Machiauell, that poysoned Europe, the fayrest part of the world.

She bare too great loue to her old friends of Lorraine, and too little to her young sonnes of Valois: her hate was too hote to the reformed Religiō, and her care too cold to reforme the State: She had too much wit for a woman, and too little honesty for a Queene: for where one is without the other, a little is too much.

Next her, are charged, the Cadets of Lorraine, in three ages, the Grandfather, the father & child, and al of their houses: for he that will rightly compare the times, shall find,* 1.85 that the drift of the Count S. Paul in Lewes the 11. time, was al one with this of the Guises in these late trou∣bles; namely, for that the warres only maintayned them

in their greatnesse, and forced the King to stand in need of them, whereas the peace might be much preiudiciall to them, and bring them to their accounts, for many matters ill carried in their charges. Hereupon the Count set on his King, to enbarke himselfe in a warre, against so great an enemy, as the Duke of Burgogne: and these euen forced their Master, to war vpon his owne Subiects, a∣gainst so good a cause as true Religion. And as he desired nothing lesse, then that the Duke should condescend to his Maiestie, and so make a peace: so did these only wish, that they of the Religion might still stand stiffe in their profession. Likely also it is, that at the first, they did not so much as dreame of obtayning the Crowne, as hauing foure Princes, of the house of Valois, al yong, besides the house of Burbon, standing in their way: But when these, one after another, died, and the times grew so fauoura∣ble, through their popular carriage (the onely signe of an ambitious mind) as that all the eyes of France were bent vpō them, then they raysed their thoughts, as high, as the highest place, and the rather, because the Religi∣on of the next Prince of the bloud (who should bee ser∣ued before them) was so contrary to the general liking of the French State. Their only cause, they said, was Re∣ligion:* 1.86 but true it is, that Haillan saith, that Religion is only the cloke and pretext, selon les esprits des païs, ou selon les menees et practiques des grands, qui donnent cette opinion aux peuples: According to the humors of the country, or the driftes and practises of the Grandies, who possesse the people with that opinion.

And in another place, Diuisions sont comme fata∣les à la France, et entre les causes qui l' ont trouble toutes les fois qu'il à este la diuision de grands, a este la premiere et la

principale et tousiours couuerte du nom du bien publique, et de la Religion: Diuisions haue beene (as it were) fatall to France, and of all the causes of her trouble at any time, the diuision among the Grandies hath euer beene the first and principall, and alwayes cloaked with the name of the publike good and Religion.

The onely patterne and Mirrour, whome the last Duke of Guise folowed in these his dangerous deseignes for the obtaining of the Crowne, was Pepin,* 1.87 who to de∣pose his Master, and to preferre himselfe, found no way more compendious, then to professe himselfe the Pro∣tectour of the Church, and Rooter out of heresies. For which good seruice, the Romish Church inuested him with the Crowne of France, and hee gaue them many Territories in Italy; both, large caruers of that which was not their owne. But the vsurpation was most vn∣iust, as also the attempt it selfe, howsoeuer they shadow it with the colour of Religion.* 1.88 For Nulla iusta causa vi∣deri potest, contra Remp. arma capiendi: No cause of taking armes against the State can seeme truely iust.

It is a pitifull spectacle, to see a happie State brought to ruine by the diuision of her great ones: but when it is wrought by such of the Nobilitie as are newly infran∣chised, and ennobled with all preferments, who were but lately strangers, it is much more lamentable and also insupportable. The three great States of England, Spaine,* 1.89 and France, can instance herein, and giue you examples of Piers Gauestone, Aluaro de Luna, and this house of Lor∣raine. These are they, of whom all the late writers com∣plaine.* 1.90 Les François esloient lois (speaking of former times) vrays François, n'auoyent point succéle laict de Lor∣raine, qui donne les humeurs de toutes les sortes de Trahisons:

The French were then true French, they had not yet sucked the milke of Lorrayne, which breedes humors fit for all sorts of treasons.

And as it is sayd of Lalain a gallant Gentleman in Commines his time,* 1.91 Estoit d'une race, dont pens'en est trouue, qui n'ayent esté vaillans, & quasi touts morts en seruant leurs Seigneurs en la guerre: He was of a race, whereof few can be found that haue not bene valiant, and almost all of them slaine in the warres in their Princes seruice.

So may we say of these, that it hath bin a valiant race, and most of them haue dyed in the warres, but with this difference, that it hath still beene against the good of their Countrey, howsoeuer they couered their trea∣sons with the vaile of bien publique: publique good: as one saith of the Duke of Guyenne and Bretagne,* 1.92 Mais en fin le bien publique estoit conuerti en bien particulier: But in the end, the publique good was turned to priuate profit.

The chiefest supporter of these Guisards, and that still gaue oyle to the fire of this rebellion, was the King of Spaine, who, (the comparison of the State of France with the game of Primero saith) that he stood by and looked on, following that Machiauellian maxime, or lesson, which he had learned of the other Philippe of Macedon, to suffer them to ruyne one another, as did the Cities of Greece, and then himselfe to take the ad∣uantage, and winne all; for it is no question if Guise had wonne the game, but this would haue had the rest. He had this aduantage also, while they were to∣gether by the eares, to be in quiet himselfe: for so saith the principle in the Mathematickes,* 1.93 Ce qui faict mouuoir altruy, est necessairement tousiours en repos: That which

giues motion to other things, must needes it selfe be in rest.

The third cause I impute (especially of the later troubles) to the timorous nature and pusillanimity of Henry the 3. Ce qui donne volunté et moyens aux hommes de grands Esprits de conspirer contre leurs princes,* 1.94 et d' at∣tenter à l' vsurpation de la coronne, est l'imbecillite et la nea••∣tise d'iceux Princes: That which giues both will and meanes to men of great Spirits, to conspire against their Princes, & attempt the vsurping of their Crowns, is the weakenesse and worthlessenesse of the Princes themselues. For in his time,* 1.95 the Crowne of France was like the daughter and heire of Burgogne: and the poore King, like the crafty Duke, made euery wooer and suter that she had, beleeue that he should speede: the King, for feare lest by these corriuals hee should be brought lower; the Duke, in hope by intertaining them all, to haue their aydes to raise himselfe higher. Marry, neither of them would gladly, while they liued, that this faire daughter should be married.

It is a dangerous thing in a State,* 1.96 when the King dare not punish the ambitious desseignes of his Sub∣iect: Voyla le mal-heur d'vn siecle miserable & iniuste, de cognoistre l' iniustice, & ne l'oser dire; n'y en faire la puni∣tion: voila comment les Princes souuent cognoissent le mal & iugeans au contraire, donnent l' absolution, estans à cela con∣traincts par le temps: aux que••••s le plus souuent par leur in∣iustice ils donnent cette licence, & apres en reçoyuent les pre∣miers, le mal: Behold the mischiefe of a miserable and vniust time; to discerne the offence, and not to dare take notice thereof, nor punish it. Behold how Princes doe often knowe the mischiefe, yet giuing sentence

quite otherwise, (being enforced by the necessity of the time) absolue them, whom they themselues first em∣boldened by their owne vniust proceedings, and are after, the first to smart for it.

This emboldened the Guise to driue his King out of Paris, whence (they say) to saue his life, he fled in his doublet and hose, and one boote off for haste: so that now was verified the prophesie of Fran. 1.* 1.97

Le Roy François ne fallit point, Quand il predit que ceux de Guise Mettroyent ses Enfans en purpoint, Et son pauure peuple en che mise: King Francis prophecide aright, That Guizes race would strip his race Into their hose and doublet light, And's people to their shirts vncase.

In this attempt he so farre engaged himselfe, and so irreconcileably incurred the kings hate, as he must ei∣ther be Roy ou ruyné, Caesar aut nullus, Corona aut Cadauer. Wherein he was much mistaken, to thinke againe to winne his good opinion, and by this meanes to expect a better houre. A man must neuer trust a reconciled enemy,* 1.98 especially his King, against whom when yee drawe the sword, ye must throw the scabberd into the riuer. He felt the smart of this, not long after at Bloies, where,* 1.99 in the assembly, like Caesar in the Senate, he was dispatched. In Solons time there were first the Cilo∣nians & the Banditi, and after one of these was extinct, there arose a diuision of three heads: they of the plaines would haue an Optimacy; they of the mountaines, a Democracy, and they of the seacoast, a mixt State. So in the Duke of Guises time, there was a diuision of Catholikes and Protestants: but after his death, the

monster grew to haue foure heads. The Royaux: the Huguenots: the Ligueurs: the Confrers du petit Cordon: these last were a fraternity, who had cōspired to bring in the Spaniard, their chiefe head were the Seize of Paris, (A Councell of 16. the most seditious Burgers of the Towne) who strangled M. Brisson a President of the Parliament, the rarest man of his time, and two other Lawyers, the one an Aduocate, the other a Procuror: of these the Duke de Mayenne hanged foure for their labour. Ech of these had diuerse driftes: The Royaux were for the King, and then for the extirpation of the Religion. The Huguenots were likewise for the King, and then for the libertie of their conscience. The Leaguers, for the ruine of the King, and house of Burbon, and then for the reducing of the land to an Aristocracy, which they meant to share among themselues: The Confrerie were against the King, for his title; against the Protestants, for their Religion; against the Leaguers, for their partage: and like Traitours falsly hearted, or Frenchmen truly Spaniolized, complotted only how to bring in their Patron & Benefactor the King of Spaine. See here the many-headed Hidra that rauaged al ouer France. See here that France, where neither her King could saue his life frō the impoisoned knife of a bloudy harted Frier, nor the people their goods, frō the pillage of a bloudy hāded Soldier. See here the times,* 1.100 when the 3. fayre daughters of Themis; Eunomia, Epieikia, and Ei∣rene; Law, Equity, and Peace, are banished their na∣tiue Country. See here a Country in an extacie, distra∣cted in her selfe, and transported out of herselfe, ready to fall into a falling sicknesse, like the soule of a distem∣pred man, where neyther Nous, the King, is obeyed;

nor Logos, the Law, obserued; nor Epithumia, the people, gouerned, by reason that Thumos, which possesseth the heart (& therefore I interpret the Gensilarmes of France) through an ambitious thought to rule, or a deuillish desire to reuenge, hath robd the one of his authority, the other of her force, and giuen the third the reynes of Liberty to doe what they list.* 1.101 Mon Dieu gens sans discourse: O gens aueugle: Nation sans consell et sans pru∣dence! O people voyde of iudgement: O blinded peo∣ple: O Nation without Counsell, and without wise∣dome! See here a people, among whom it was a slan∣der to doe well, and glorie to excell others in cruelty: therefore saith a Poet of theirs,

Si les mauuais François sont bien recompensez, Si les plus gens de bien sont le moyns aduancez: Soyons vn peu meschant, on guerdonne l' offence, Qui n' a point faict de mal, n'a point de recompence. If the worst Frenchmen now are best of all rewarded, If the most honest men are now the least regarded▪ Let's turne Traytors a while, this time rewards offēces: Who hath no mischief wrought, can get no recōpēces.

See here a Tragedy, where were no lookers on, but all Actors, where, for the most part, the poorer sort were plagued: Delirant Reges, plectuntur Achiui:

* 1.102For dotages of Kings The people alwayes wrings.

As for the great ones, they had a course many of thē to saue their owne stakes, and get also by the bargaine.

Sayth another,

Pour estre bien venuz et faire nos affaires, en ce temps fascheux plein d' horribles miseres:

Agnòste mon amy, sçais tu que nons ferons? Surprenons quelque place, et puis noustraitterous: If we will thriue, and rise, and be much made of too, In this most wretched Age, and this confused State, (Agnostus my deer frend) know'st thou what we must do? Let vs surprize some Towne, & then capitulate.

As yee haue heard of Monsr. de la Chastre, an Arch-Leaguer, who would not make his peace, nor render his Townes to the King, except hee might haue the Go∣uernment of Orleans, and fifteene thousand crownes, which hee presently enioyeth. Like capitulations were made with other of that faction. Phaebidas,* 1.103 Generall of the Spartane forces, surprised vpon the Thebanes the Castle of Cadmus, without Commission from the State: which Castle the Lacedemonians would not render, but fortified the place, and kept there a strong Garrison: and yet they discharged the Generall of his Office for this onely fact, and fined him at ten thousand crownes: a strange course, to punish good seruice: but this of France more strāge, to reward ill seruice. It is, I confesse, good policie to condemne the Traytor, and yet loue the Treason: but to condemne the Treason, and re∣ward the Traytor, I neuer but here heard of. But such was the necessitie of the times: Sic fuit in fatis, So did the Fates ordeine. But these gayners were those that betted by; for the chiefe Gamesters had their heeles blowne vp: the Duke of Guise stabbed at Bloies; the Cardinall strangled in the Castle: the Duke of Par∣ma, poysoned at Arras: the Duke Ioyense, slayne at Coutras: the Duke de Mayenne ruyned at Iuery: the Duke de Mercaeure, come in this March, who

lately marched afore his troupes in Bretaigne, a capalto, with an erected countenance, now walketh vp and downe Paris,* 1.104 like Dionisius in Corinth, Capo chino, hanging the head. This was iust such an Hexarchie, as Charles Duke of Burgogne wished in France, who▪ had hee liued till now, had seene what hee wished. When Mons. Durfé charged him, that he loued not France, but sought by all meanes possible to disturbe the State thereof: ••ush, sir, saith he, you are deceiued, l' ayme mieux le bien du royaume que vous ne pensez,* 1.105 car pour vn roy qu'il y a ie y en voudroy si••: I wish better to the Kingdom then you imagine, for one King that there is nowe, I would there were halfe a dozen. All these, forsooth, a∣greed, that the Common-wealth was sicke and out of temper, & ech one pretended with his Phisicke to cure her. The D. of Guise, to ease the paine which was at the hart, ment (as he doth, that giues the best remedy for the tooth-ake, to pull them all out) to strike off the head: To which purpose, at the Barucadoes of Paris, hee had the King fast in the Castle of the Louure, but yet most vn∣wisely, hauing the bird in the cage, let him flye away.

The Cardinall, that should by his calling haue mini∣stred the most gentle and lenitiue kind of Phisicke, and if it had beene possible, haue cured France with good counsell, & prescribing a good diet, ministred nothing, but corrasiues, and bitter pilles of disdaine among the Nobles.

The Duke of Parma, like a Doctor of good practise, brings with him a whole shop ful of Phisicke, inough to purge all France, hee applieth his receipt of the Low-Countrey Souldiers, to ease her of her malady: but the weake stomacke of this Countrey could not brooke so

strong an ingrediens, and therefore shee vomited them out againe, before they had done the deed. The Duke Ioyeuse like a desperate young Doctor, that would get credit in his trade, vpon his first patient, by putting all to the hazard, without vsing any preparatiues, or obserua∣tion of criticke dayes, giues the potion, before Monsieur Matignon could come at him, who came with other good phisicke to assist him in this practise: but at that time, they say, that Mars, a maleuolent Planet, was retro∣grade in Aries, or entring into Taurus: and so it should seeme: for one of the King of Nauarres troupes, called Monsr. Taurin (as they say) gaue him a Pistolade in the head. Ioyeuse was not so precipitate, to breake the Im∣postume before it was ripe, but the Duke de Mayenne was as much a dreamer to forslow the occasion: for whē his brother Guise was stabbed, and all the great Cities reuol∣ted to him (Ioe, then was she sicke at the hart) he should then haue plyed, to haue applyed his medicines: but then had he his Phisicke to seeke: And after, when the party was pretily recouered, & began to refuse Phisick, (hauing a little relished the wholesome diet of good counsell) then comes he in such haste, that hee brake his bottels by the way, and so was a loser by the bargayne.

As for Monsieur de Mercaeure, hee playd the good Kitchin Doctor, of whome Rablais speaketh,* 1.106 who gaue his patient the necke and bones to tyre vpon, and kept the wings himselfe: for he left them all France, tyred and tewed, as bare as a birdes bone, and kept Bre∣taigne, one of the fattest wings of the Countrey, to himselfe, purposing to haue entituled him∣selfe Duke thereof. But these were all pretended Phisi∣cians: the poore King Henry the third ment wel indeed,

but wanted skill, who found by experience, after hee had slaine the Guise, and left the rest of his house (that were then in action) how dangerous a thing it is, in matter of execution to doe it to the halfe, and that in ministring phisicke, a violent potion is not so dange∣rous, as one that is too weake, which onely stirreth the humors, and is not able to expell them. Among so many Phisicians, we must needes haue one woman to looke to the patient: this was the Queene Mother, of whom and her Sonne Charles 9. that consented to the Massacre of Paris, we may say with the Poet:

* 1.107Crudelis mater magis an puer improbus ille? Improbus ille puer, crudelis tu quoque mater:

Which hath poore France more ruinde and vndone, The cruell Mother, or her wicked Sonne? A wicked Sonne was he, A cruell Mother she.

This Queene, who, with the two other Queenes, with whom she is before compared, may be called the Alecto, Tesiphone, and Megera, the three Furies of France, in stead of being a Nurse, and cherisher of her Infants and family, which shee should haue bene by all law of reason, became a Stepdame, as shee was by nature, being an Italian: Who for more (as it is thought) then honest loue to the Guisard Doctors, de∣sired still to haue her people kept lowe and sickely, that they might be aduanced by their practise. These were they that left France in such pitifull taking, vnder a false pretext of reformation of the State; as we might well say of it, as is said of the abandoned French Con∣stable in Lewes 11. his time,* 1.108 Il ne sçauoit à quel Saint se vouěr, se tenoit comme pour perdu: He knew not to what

Saint to vow himselfe, but held himselfe for a lost man: or as their prouerbe is here, Il ne sçauoit de quel bois faire ses flesches: He knewe not of what wood to make his arrowes.

But leauing France for a while, in this grieuous sick∣nesse (till the Hercules that now reignes, conquered this monstrous Hidra, and like a skilfull Esculapius, recouered her of this pestilent feuer) ye may obserue this one Epi∣phonema heere necessarily imployed, namely, That Di∣uision in an Estate, is the most compendious way to her downe∣fall: Discordia res magnae dilabuntur: By discord great matters melt away to nothing: as hath well appeared by this great State of France.

Here is also a good lesson for other to beware by:

Tum tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet:* 1.109

The burning of your neighbours Towers Concernes you neere, next turne is yours.

And as Rablaies saith, Vn fol enseigne bien vn sage:* 1.110 A foole may teach a wise man wit. And if you would haue yet more instances of the miserable effects of Fa∣ctions, read Guicciardine,* 1.111 and you shall bee plentifully furnished: as with the Colonni, and Vrsini in Rome; the Bianchi and Neri in Florence; the Adorni and Fregosi in Genoa: and so almost through euery particular Citie: and in generall ouer all Italy, the Guelphi and Ghibellini.* 1.112

Here was also one here in France, about no greater cause then a matter of loue, betweene Orleans, and Bur∣gogne. And we had one in England, about no smaller a matter then the Crowne (impatientes consortis erant,* 1.113 maiestas & amor:)

Both Maiestie and loue, Do no Corriuals loue.

Betweene the houses of Lancaster and Yorke, wherein Commines sayth, were betweene three and fourescore of the bloud slayne. How true that is, I remember not, but as I take it,* 1.114 there were fought ten battels betweene them, one hundred Barons & Knights slayne, ten Prin∣ces, Dukes and Earles, and an hundred thousand natu∣rall English.

* 1.115Animus meminisse horret:

My mind doth tremble yet But to remember it.

That diuision was the onely cause, why we not one∣ly lost all we had in France, but also the meanes to re∣couer all which wee ought to haue had: for in those times France her selfe also was miserably distracted, & brought to so lowe an ebbe,* 1.116 as one sayth, Dieu fit ce bien en ce temps-lae, que les gueres & diuisions d' Angleterre esloyent encores en nature les vns contre les autres: So may they now thanke God and our late Queene, The Nurse of Peace, and refuge of the afflicted, who (as is sayd of the great Earle of Warwicke, That he thought it as great an honour to make a King, as to be a King) to cancell with the Speares poynt the forged law of the Saliens, tooke not such oportunity, but raysed the afflicted lownesse of the desolate King of Diepe, to the peaceable possessi∣on of the great Realme of France.

But it is a thing euer obserued in great States and Kingdomes, that they neuer rise to any greatnesse, except in their rising they meet with many lets, and are sometimes euen brought to such lowe tearmes, as they are thought past all hope; as Athens, by the Persians; and Rome by the Gaules: the like is to be said of great Princes; as of Edward the fourth of Eng∣land,

and this Henry the fourth of France, of whome wee may truely report, as Plutarch doeth of Camillus,* 1.117 Si Camillus n' eust esté perdu, Rome ne se fust pas retrouuée: If Camillus had not bene lost, Rome had not bene found a∣gaine. Possidonius calles Marcellus the (sword) and Fa∣bius the (buckler) of Rome:* 1.118 but we may call this King both the one and the other to France: to one, to cut off all disturbers of the State; the other, to defend his Subiects in the libertie of their conscience, and enioy∣ing of peace. This office he now executes in his quiet reigne; that other he vsed in time of the ciuill warres, when as alwayes they of the Kings part sent for his aide to the suppression of the Leaguers, though after that done, they cared not for him. So saith Plutarch of The∣mistocles, Les Atheniens n'y honoroyent,* 1.119 n'y ne l' estimoy∣ent point en temps de paix, mais quand il leur suruenoiel quelque orage de guerre, & qu'ils se voyoient en danger, ils recoureyent à luy: ne plus ne moins qu' on fait à l'ombre d'vn Platane, quand il suruient vne soudaine pluye, & puis apres quandle beau temps est venu, on l' esbranche & luy coupe l' on ses rameaux: The Athenians neither honoured, nor esteemed him in time of peace: but when they were ouertaken with any storme of warre, and that they sawe themselues in danger, then they had recourse to him; as men vse to runne in a suddaine shower to the shelter of a Plane tree, and as soone as it is faire weather againe, they breake and cutte off his branches.

This King then, of whom now by course I am to relate, is about 48. yeeres of age, his stature small, his haire almost all white, or rather grisled, his colour fresh and youthfull, his nature stirring and full of life,

like a true French man. One of his owne people de∣scribeth him thus,* 1.120 De son naturel il est si extremement vif et actif qu' à quoy qu'-il s' adonne, il s' y met tout entier ne fai∣sant tamais gueres qu' vne seule chose à la fois. Deioindre vne longue deliberation auec vn faict presse cela luy est malaise. Le faire et le deliberet se rencontrent en mesme temps. Mais aux conseils qui ont traict de temps à la verité, il a besoigne d' estre soulage. Vne promptitude admirable d' esprit. Aux affaires de la Iustice, des finances, aux negotiations estrangeres, aux depes∣ches, à la policie d' estat il croit les autres, il ne s' en mesle point: He is of such an extremely liuely, and actiue dispositi∣on, that to whatsoeuer he applyes himselfe, to that hee entirely employes all his powers, seldome doing aboue one thing at once. To ioyne a tedious deliberation with an earnest and pressing affayre, he cannot endure: Hee executes and deliberates both together. But in Coun∣cels that require tract of time, to say the truth, hee hath neede of helpe. He hath an admirable sharpnesse of wit. In affayres of Iustice, of his Reuenues, forrayne Nego∣tiations, Dispatches, and gouernment of the State, hee credites others, and meddles little himselfe.

He sayth there farther, that though by his Phisiogno∣my, his fashion & maner of behauiour, ye would iudge him leger and inconstant, yet is no man more firmely constant then he. He confesseth it were hard for him, not to be sparing, considering the profuse and lauish spoyle that his predecessor made before him: yet to salue the matter, he makes this difference, That the other gaue much to few, this giues a little to many. If you remem∣ber when we saw him play at dice, here in Orleans, with his Noblesse, he would euer tell his money very precise∣ly, before he gaue it backe againe.

I will not spare in this discourse (which is onely for your selfe priuate) to speake the trueth, though of a King: we are here in a Country, where ye daily heare his owne Subiects speake of him more liberally.

And besides, his Maiestie hath generally this com∣mendation, which is very laudable in a Prince, he can endure that any man should tell him the truth, though of himselfe. Which I will interpret to wisedome, though perhaps some will impute it to a facility of na∣ture. Concerning this thriftie vertue then of sparing, we must note that he is a very good mesuager. Il fait d' argent auec ses dens: He makes money with his teeth, saith the Frenchman, meaning his sparing of great and superfluous expence at his table. And for his giftes, wee may call him by an Antiphrasis, as Plutarch sayth they vsed to call Antigonus in scorne (doson) that is,* 1.121 qui donnera: pour ce qu' il promettoit tousiours & iamais ne donoit: One that will giue: because he alwayes promi∣sed, but neuer performed.

For my part, I thinke he giues S. P. Q. R. not Sena∣tui populo{que} Romano: that is, to all sorts of people but Si Peu Que Rien, so little, as scarse any at all. They say, that the chamber of Accounts, is to examine the Kings gifts: and if they find any vnmeasurable, to shor∣ten them: to which purpose, there is written in great letters in the same court, Trop donnè soit repeté:* 1.122 Let gifts too great be reuoked. It should seeme hee saues them this labour. Such a parsimonious sparer was Lewes 11. of whom in the said chamber of Accounts (as Bodin saith) it is recorded, that he wore a greazy hatte, and clothes of the coursest stuffe; and there likewise yee shall find a reckoning of 20. sols▪ that is, ii. s. sterling, for

a new payre of sleeues to his olde dublet: an another of 15. deniers, that is, three halfe-pence, for grease to liquor his bootes. This was he, that made his Taylor his He∣rald of Armes, his Barber his Ambassador, and his Surgeon his Chancellor, of whome Commines repor∣teth many vertues,* 1.123 & as many faults, and yet it should seeme, that Commines his seruant would not tell all; for so sayth another of the French Historians, discoursing impartially of this Lewes,* 1.124 Nous auous librement dit ce que Commines n' a osc et volu dire, et ce que les autres n' ont sceu: We haue freely spoken what Commines durst not, nor would not speake, and what others knew not. Though he himselfe protesteth, that he left none of his trumpe∣ries,* 1.125 and double dealings, vnreuealed, Non pour en vser mais pour en gardez: Not to practise, but to preuent thē: As we desire to know the poyson, in the Apothecaries shop, from his other good drugges, not to vse, to the hurt of others, but to shunne, for the safety of our selues.

And howsoeuer Haillan taxe him of impartialitie, true it is,* 1.126 that the Q. Mother did not like him, of all o∣thers: For (said she) hee hath made as many Heretikes in Policy, as euer Luther made in Religion, by discouering the se∣crets of State: Which should be kept as secret, as the Ca∣ball of the Iewes, or verses of the Druides. But neither the sparing of this Prince, that now raigneth (of whose ver∣tues I will presently speake) nor the faults of Lewes the 11. make them the onely two Kings of this Realme, tax∣able aboue the rest: For one of their writers sayth in ge∣neral,* 1.127 that France hath fatally beene subiect to this, mal∣heur (desaster) to haue Kings, imbecilles et estroppiez de l' entendement, (weake and lame in iudgement.) He recko∣neth vp many, as Charles the great, a paillard (a wencher:)

Pepin a vsurper, Lewes the first lasche et mol, (faint-harted, and effeminate) and after these three other Charleses, the bald••, the grosse, & the simple, which no doubt, if they had deserued better Epithites, should haue had them: Inso∣much as one concludeth of the good Kings of France, as Suetonius did of the Princes of his time, Se pouuoyend bien touts grauez en vn anneau:* 1.128 they might al be grauen in one ring. But I had rather conclude with Bodin,* 1.129 There is no Prince without his fault. Howbeit those few that are in this Prince, are recompenced with many very heroicall and princely vertues, both of body & mind. For those of the mind, let me only cōmend the excellency of wit, and suddennesse of answere, whereof wee may take ac∣knowledgemēt in these three, which I wil here recount, answerable in my opiniō, to any of those Apophthegms of the olde Kings, or Philosophers, which history hath commēded to vs. At his being here at Orleans, this Iune last past, the Maior and Burgeses of the Towne came to his Maiestie, to desire they might bee eased of certayne extraordinary taxes and impositions, wherewith in the time of the league, they had been burdened by Mons. de la Chastre, their Gouernour. Saith he, M. de la Chastre vous a liguez, qu'il vous desligue: M. de la Chastre hath tide you, let him vntye you. At his being at the siege of Amiens, a∣mongst others of the Noblesse, which he summoned to that seruice, he sent also for the Count Soissons, a Prince of the bloud, & one of the rarest Gentlemen of France, to whom the King giues (as is said) 5000. Crowns pensiō. The Count, at that time discontented, returned the King answere, that he was a poore Gent. & wanted meanes to come to that seruice, as became one of his birth & place, being a Prince of the bloud, & Peere of France: he ther∣fore most humbly craued pardon, and that hee would

pray for his Maiesties prosperous successe, which was all he could doe. Well, saith the King, Dautaut que les prieres ne seruent point sans ieusne, il faut qu' il ieusne de la pension de ses 5000. escus: Seeing prayer is not acceptable without fasting, my couzin shall hereafter fast from his pension of fiue thousand Crownes.

After the death of the Duke of Guise, when almost all France had reuolted from the late King, & like a poore (Roy d' Iuidot) as the French prouerbe is, he was chased of them of the League, from all places of France, to Toures, and was there, as it were besieged of Charles Duke of Mayenne: After that this King present came thither with his small forces, to the distressed Kings suc∣cour, the King of France, whose name was also Henry, would needes perswade Henry King of Nauarre, with those small forces, which they both had, to march out of the Towne, and encounter the Dukes forces, who were double the number. Sirs (saith hee) ne hazardons point vn double Henry contre vn Carolus: Let vs not play a double Henry, against a Carolus: (that, is a peece of gold, of 14 shillings, and this, a peece of brasse onely of 10. deniers.) For his valour and princelike courage, it is such, to say truly, as neuer any of his Predecessors, Kings of France, were matchable to him, who, for the space of almost thirty yeeres, hath, as one would say, neuer beene vnarmed, without his foote in the stirrop, and his lance in the rest, hath beene himselfe in person, the formost in all perils, and last out of the field: A Prince not long in the resoluing, but once resolued, quicke to performe, and himselfe alwayes, one in the executiō; though perhaps some wil taxe this hazarding of his owne person, as a matter of imputation, and bet∣ter

befitting a young Prince of Nauarre, then a great King of France. For as I read,* 1.130 Epamin••ndas was fined for hauing beene too forward, & seruing without good armour, after a great victory, which he had vpon the Lacedemonians.

This forwardnesse indeed is most honourable, and prayse worthy in all Nobilitie, and Commaunders whatsoeuer, excepting onely the chiefe. Iphicrates an Athenian Captayne, sayd, the Vant••urrers, resembled the hands, the Gensdarmes, the feet, the Batallion on foot, the brest, and the Generall, the head: which (saith hee) must best be armed, and carefullest bee garded. And therefore, the answere of Callicratidas is disliked, who, when it was tolde him, that in the battell hee was ready to giue the enemy, he should haue great care of his own person, for that the Sacrifices had foreshewd some dan∣ger: Sparte dit il ne depend pas d' vn homme seul: Sparta depends not vpon one man alone.* 1.131 This Plutarch repro∣ued in Pelopidas. And Homer in his descriptions, makes alwayes Achilles, Aiax, and the best and chiefest Com∣maunders, best armed:

Stetit sub Aiacis clipeo septemplice tectus:

The shield of Aiax seuen-fold* 1.132 Did shrowd him safe, and make him bold.

And the lawes of Greece punished that Souldier, that threw away his buckler. But I will end this discourse with the answere of Timotheus, to Chares, a Generall, tal∣king of his many woundes of the body, and hackes in his shield; and I (quoth he) quite contrary, am ashamed of this, that when I besieged Samos, I came so neere the walles, that an arrowe from the Towne lighted hard by me: For that Ie m' estois trop aduance en ieune homme,

& hazarde plus temerairement, qu'il ne conuenoit à Chef d'v∣ne si grosse armée: I went too farre, like a forward yong fellow, and hazzarded my selfe more rashly, then be∣came the Generall of so great an Army. For the chiefe Commaunder is the moity of the whole force.

When one told Antigonus, that the enemy had more shipping then he, at the Ile of Andros: Et moy dit-••l ponz combien de vaisseux conte tu? I pray you, for how many ships count you me?

If then one Generall be in stead of many ships at sea; and many troopes at land, it behoueth he be carefull to keepe those forces well (that is, him selfe) if he will doe his Countrey good seruice. You must note therefore, that there is no man so great by birth, or Noble, whom it well becommeth not to be as valiant and forward as the best, euen though hee were a King: and indeed the greater hee is, the more his honour is engaged to be valiant; prouided alwayes, that hee bee not the chiefe Commaunder of the Army. As the King of Boheme dyed in the field,* 1.133 on the French Kings side, fighting against the English in France, with more honour, then the French King Francis the first, at Pauie in Italy, where, by his too great forwardnesse, hee was taken Prisoner.

Therefore it is that one saith, Vn bon & saye Gene∣ral doit mourir de vieilesse: A good and discreet Ge∣nerall should dye of age.

But to returne to the King. Hee is naturally very af∣fable and familiar, and more (we strangers thinke) then fits the Maiesty of a great King of France. But it is the fashion of this Countrey of France (as Bodin sayth) though he seeme much to misse-like it,* 1.134 and preferreth

the fashion of England, Suedon and Poland, where the Princes haue more Maiesty and reuerence among their subiects: For as Plutarch sayth,* 1.135 C'est bien difficile de maintenir vne seuere grauité pour garder sa reputation, en se laissan•• familierement hauter à tout le monde: Tis a hard matter for a man to keepe a seuere grauity for the vp∣holding of his reputation, if he familiarize himselfe with euery body. Wherevpon he there sheweth, how retyredly Pericles liued from the common view of the vulgar sort. So we likewise reade of the Kings of Bor∣ny, Aethiope, Tartary, the grand Signor himselfe, and the great Duke of Moscouy, that they seldome come a∣broad in publike to be seene of the people. We may therefore say of the Frenches liberty, as Artabanus, Lieutenant General to Xerxes, said to Themistocles,* 1.136 Quant à vou•• autres Grecs, on dit que vous estimez la liberte et l'ega∣lite sur toutes autres choses: mais quant à nous entre plusieurs autres belles constumes et ordonnances que nous ••uous, celle-la nous semble, la plus belle de reuerer et adorre nostre Roy, com∣me limage de Dieu de nature, qui mantient toutes choses en leur estre, & leur entier: Tis sayd, that you Greeks aboue all things esteeme liberty & equality: but among many other our excellent customes & ordinances, wee iudge this to be the best, to reuerence and adore our King, as the Image of the God of nature, that maintaynes all things in their being and perfection. And we may wel inferre as Haillan doth, Familiaritas parit contemptum,* 1.137 and contemptus, coniurationem: le mesprise est la cause de coniurations contre le Prince: Familiarity breeds con∣tempt, and contempt, treason.

You saw here in Orleans, when the Italian Comme∣dians were to play before him, how himselfe came whi∣fling

with a small wand to scowre the coast, and make place for the rascall Players (for indeed these were the worst company,* 1.138 and such as in their owne Countrey are out of request) you haue not seene in the Innes of Court, a Hall better made: a thing, me thought, most derogatory to the Maiesty of a King of France.

And lately at Paris (as they tell vs) when the Spanish Hostages were to be entertayned, he did Vsher it in the great Chamber, as he had done here before; and espy∣ing the Chayre not to stand well vnder the State, men∣ded it handsomly himselfe, and then set him downe to giue them audience.

It followeth, I speake of his descent and Pedigree; wherein you shall see hee is lineally descended of the house of Burbon,* 1.139 from Robert, Earle of Clermont, yonger sonne to Lewes, surnamed the Saint, from whome (for default of heires males in the house of Valois, descen∣ding of Philip le hardi, the elder brother) hee is now rightly entituled to the Crowne of France. The lineall descent of this house of Burbon, whose word is Espe∣rance (Hope) is this:

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Saint Lewes had two sonnes, namely,

• ...Philip le Hardy, King of France. * 1.140
• ...Robert, Earle of Cleremont, married to Beatrice, daughter to Archibald of Burbon.
  • ...Lewes, Count of Cleremont, & first Duke of Burbon, married to Mary, Countesse of Heynalt.
    • ...Iaques, Duke of Burbon, maried to Iane de S. Paul.
      • ...Iohn, Duke of Burbon, Count of March, maried to Katherin, Coun∣tesse of Vandosme.
        • ...Lewes of Burbon, Count of Ven∣dosme, maried to Iane of Lauall.
          • ...Iohn of Burbon, Count of Ven∣dosme, and Isabel his wife.
            • ...Francis of Bur. Count of Ven∣dosme, to Mary of Luxembroughe, Countesse of S. Paul.
              • ...Charles of Burbon, to Francis of Alencon.

• ...
  • ...
    • ...
      • ...
        • ...
          • ...
            • ...
              • ...
                • ...Anthony of Burb. King of Nauarre.
                  • Henry 4. K. of France & Nauarre, 3. base children.
                    • ...Caesar D. de Van∣dosme.
                    • ...Henryette a daughter.
                    • ...Alexan∣der, Count de Foix.
                  • ...Katherine, Princesse of Nauarre, now presently to be married to the Prince of Lorraine.
                • ...Francis Du. of Anguiē.
                • ...Charles Card of Burbon.
                • ...Iohn, Du. of Ang.
                • ...Marguerite maried to the D. of Nener.
                • ...Lewes of Bur. Prince of Conde.
                  • ...Henry, P. of Conde.
                    • ...Henry Prince of Conde, heire apparent to the Crowne of France.
                  • ...Francis, P. of Conty.
                  • ...Charles, Count of Soissons.

NOw yee see from what Ancestors he is come: yee must also obserue what issue is come of him. In the vnfortunate and inhumane massacre at Paris,* 1.141 wherein the olde Admirall, the greatest Souldier in France, and many thousand of other of the Religion were murdered, the same time was this King married to Marguerite de Valois, daughter to Henry the second, and sister to the last King: With her these many yeres past, he hath not liued, neither hath by her any issue. I haue heard, the reason of their liuing apart, is her incontinencie. By Madame Monceau his Mistrisse, whome of late he hath made Dutchesse of Beaufort, hee hath three children liuing: but by reason of their illegitimation and incapabilitie to succeede, the apparency of Inheritance as yet bideth in the young Prince of Condie, a towardly Gentleman, of much hope, and very well fauoured, of the age of 11. yeeres, whome ye saw at S. Maur.

Concerning the Coronation of the Kings of France, I read, that in the first race,* 1.142 they vsed no other solemni∣tie, but onely to lift him vp vpon a shield, and cary him about the Campe; crying, Viue le Roy: God saue the King:* 1.143 for thus du Haillan out of Gregory de Tours re∣porteth of the crowning of Clo••is, the first that was christned. Since in the yeere 1179. Philip Augustus ordained the Coronation to be alwayes at Rhemes in Champaigne: for before that time, they were crowned (but not here) as Lewes the Grosse at Orleans 1009. Pepin at Soissons, and Charlemagne at S. Denis. And since then also, vpon occasion, they change sometimes the place, as ye see in this King for example, who was crowned at Chartres.

The ornaments heretofore vsed at this solemniza∣tion, are these: A great crowne of gold, wherewith he is crowned: a lesse crowne, which he beares that day at dinner, made by Philip Augustus. The Camisoles, San∣dales, Tunicke, Dalmaticke, and Mantel of blue Satten, made by Henry 2, who also garnished of new, the olde Crownes, the Scepter, the Sword, the Spurres. All which were ordinarily kept in the Church of S. Denis: whence in these late ciuill warres, they were taken by the League, and money made of them.* 1.144 La Ligue vn monstreinsatiable, vn gouffre qui deuoure tout, vn feu qui consume tout, vn torrent qui ruine tout, a vollé, brise, cesse, fondu, tous ces ornements royaux: The League, a Monster that eates all, a Gulfe that deuoures all, a fire that con∣sumes all, a Torrent that ruines all, hath stollen, bru∣zed, broken, melted all these Royall ornaments.

The King of France present hath made newe orna∣ments for the Coronation, which you saw at S. Denis.

The Princes and Peeres of France haue these Offices in that solemnitie.* 1.145 The Archbishop of Rhemes doth an∣noint him King. The Bishop of Laon beares the Ampulle. The Bishop of Beauuais beares the Mantell Royall. The Bishop of Noyon, the Girdell. The Bishop of Chaalons, the Ring. The Duke of Burgondie, the Crowne. The Duke of Guyenne, the first Banner. The Duke of Normandie, the second. The Count of Tholouse the Spurres. The Count of Champaigne, the Banner Royall or Standard. The Count of Flanders, the Sword royall. Thus crowned, hee holdeth the Sword in his hand, and turning him∣selfe foure times, East, West, North, and South, pro∣testeth to defend the Church, and maintaine Iustice a∣gainst all persons of the world: For which hee hath the Title of Most Christian King, and first Sonne of the Church:* 1.146 and is in right to haue precedence next the Em∣perour, before all Princes Christian; though the Spanish Embassadour of late, hath thrust for the place, and som∣times had it, as namely, at the Councel of Trent: which wrong afterward, the Pope and Colledge of Cardinals confessed, and disauowed the fact.

The Spaniard also once since at the Emperours Court tooke the place, and in Polonia likewise they lately striued, where it was ordeined (as our law is at the Ordinaries in London) that hee which came first, should sit first. The Turke, when hee writes to him this Title,* 1.147 Le plus grand, et le Maieur des plus grands Prin∣ces Chrestiens, The greatest and chiefest of the greatest Christian Princes.

And whereas Haillan, but with no great ground out of Histories, would needes inf••rre, that all other Chri∣stian

Princes hold of the Empire, he alleageth for a sin∣gular preeminence and prerogatiue, that this King holdeth nothing either of the Empire, or Church of Rome, but that he is next and immediatly vnder God, supreme, both ouer the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticke bodie of France: because (saith he) he can impose taxes and payments vpon the Church, without asking the Pope leaue; he cannot onely present, but also conferre bene∣fices; he hath in right the Election of the Pope, as Char∣lemagne had, though Lewes Debonnaire, his sonne, re∣nounced againe this authoritie: for,* 1.148 Vn l'oy ne peut quitter son dr••ict: A King cannot giue away his right.

But Charles the Great had not this power, as he was King of France, but as he was Emperour: I thinke there∣fore he doth the Empire wrong (to whom doubtlesse this right still belongeth) to bestow it vpon France. For when the Empire was translated out of France into Germanie, which was in the yeere 880. then were also all rightes and priuiledges, thereto belonging, of necessity to leaue this Countrey, together with the Em∣pire, to which they are inseparably annexed. As for the Pope, ouer whom the French writers will needes giue their King a priuiledge of Election, he desires them (for ought I can learne) to haue an oare in their boat rather.

Concerning the Armes of France,* 1.149 they haue diuers times, as it appeares by historie, beene altered. For the first Armes were three Toades. After that, changed to three Cressants, then to three Crownes, and lastly, in the time when France embraced the Christian faith, there were sent them from heauen (say their fabulous writers) Les fleurs ae lys d'or enchamp d' azure. The floures de Luce Or, in a field Azure,* 1.150

With these armes of France, the King nowe present quartereth his Armes of Nauarre, which, whether it be a wheele or a chaine with a Carbuncle in the midst as some say, or what els I knowe not, I cannot yet bee satisfied of any Frenchman that I haue asked.

* 1.151I should now by course speake of the French Court, wherein, hauing yet spent no time, I haue little to say. I make no question, but at our returne into these parts, you will sufficiently instruct your selfe therein, as with the diuers offices, the number of the Noblesse that ordi∣narily follow it, and their seuerall humours and fa∣shions, which is a thing very fit for you to obserue. I can onely remember you of that, which your selfe haue read in the booke of the late troubles, (which you may well call an Historicall declamation, or declama∣tory history) where it is said, Iamais la Cour de nos Roys, qui estoit autres-fois,* 1.152 le seminaire des vertus de la Noblesse Françoise, ne regorgea en plus de desordres des luxes & d' exces, que sous le regne du Henry 3: Neuer did the Court of our Kings, which was heretofore the seede-plot of vertues for the French Noblesse, more abound in all disorders of wantonnesse and excesse, then vnder the raigne of Henry the third. But that was a censure of the Court, in the dayes of a Prince giuen ouer to pleasures, and excessiue spending, insomuch as I haue here heard say, that the only solemnizing of the marriage of Duke ••oyeuse (his Mignion) cost him two hundred thousand crownes. But it is likely, that now the humour of the King being otherwise, the fashion also of the Court is changed: for,

* 1.153Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis:

Looke in what mould the King is form'd,

To that his subiects are conform'd.

Whereof you may haue two very fit examples here in France; of Lewes, the 11. and Frances the 1. without seeking further.

King Lewes would haue his sonne Charles learne no Latine, forsooth, but onely this sentence, Qui nescit dis∣simulare, nescit regnare, He that knowes not how to dis∣semble, knowes not how to raigne. Hereupon all the Court began to despise learning, and to say, that Latine was for a Priest, not for a Gentleman: And that it was learning ynough for a Nobleman, if hee could write his owne name, yea, and I haue heard of an Admirall of France, that could not do that neither.

The second example is, of Frances the first, who cut his hayre short, because of a hurt hee had in his head: and presently all the Court and Noblesse fol∣lowed that fashion,* 1.154 cutting (sayth Bodin) their long lockes, qu' estoit l' ancienne marque de beaute, et de la No∣blesse▪ Which was the ancient badge of beauty, and Nobilitie. Which olde fashion, I doubt not but they had from the Lacedemonians, whose youth were all of them commaunded to weare long locks, because (saith their Law-maker) Les cheueux renaent ceux qui sont be∣aux encore plus beaux,* 1.155 et c••ux qui sont laids plus espouuenta∣bles et plus hideux à voir: Long hayre makes such as are louely, more louely, & such as are hard-fauoured, more dreadfull and hideous to behold.

The carriage of a Prince, though it bee a naturall de∣fect, and disgraceful, is oftentimes imitated of the Cour∣tiers by affectation. Philip of Macedon, and Ferdinand of Naples, held their heads awry vpon the one shoulder, and both their Courts followed, Tel Maistre, tel vallet:

Like Master, like man. You see, in that thing wherein you would most be instructed, I am least able to satisfie you, by reason we haue not seene the Court at all, saue onely two dayes, while it staid here at Orleans. Howbeit, out of that which I there saw, which I haue heard of o∣thers, and read in Authors, I will aduenture to relate, concerning the Officers of this Court;* 1.156 for as for other great Offices, as of Constable, Admirall, Marshal, Grand M. of the Eauës and Forrests, Grand M. of the Artillery, and others, I shall speake of them, when I come to relate of the Kings Forces ingenerall, to which place these Offices especially appertayne.

* 1.157The first Office then of Court, is that of the Grand Maistre, Great Master, which in elder times was called Comte de Palais, Earle of the Palace, and after changed into the name of Grand Seneschal, and now lastly into Grand Maistre. The Count Soissons, youngest Son to Lewes of Burbon, Prince of Condie, doth now enioy this place. It was not long since, in the house Memorency: but the French King, to fauor the D. of Guise, vpon whom he be∣stowed the place, caused the other to quit it. It is his of∣fice, to iudge of matters of difference, betweene other Offices of Court. He had also the charge to giue the word to the Gard, to keepe the keyes of the Kings pri∣uate lodging & to determine in disputes amōg Princes, that followed the Court, for their lodgings. In assēblies he sitteth right before the K. a stayre lower, as you read in the Dern. Trobl. Grand Boutellier,* 1.158 or Eschançon, Great Butler or Taster, was in former times, a great Office in the Kings house, they had place in the Courts of Iu∣stice, as Peeres. This Office was long in the house of the Countes of Senlis▪* 1.159 it is now vanished, and onely there re∣maines that of the Grand Panetier. This Office is anci∣ent:

he hath besides the Kings house, superintendence ouer all Bakers in the City and Suburbs of Paris.* 1.160 They which were wont to be called Panetiers, Eschançons, and vallets trenchans: Pantlers, Tasters and Caruers, are now called Gentils-hommes Seruiteurs de la Cour: Gentlemen Wayters of the Court.

The Office of grand Chambellan, great Chamberlayn, was long in the house of Tankeruile▪ he lay at the Kings feet, when the Queene was not there. His priuiledges are now nothing so many as in times past. Those which were then called Chambellans, Chamberlaines, are now Gentils-hommes de la Chambre, Gentlemen of the Cham∣ber. The office of grand Escuier, great Esquier, is not very ancient, though now it be very Honourable, and is the same that M. of the Horse is in the Court of England: for it is taken out of the Constables office, to whom it properly appertained, & thereof he had his name, Cone∣stable, quasi Comes stabuli, Count of the stable. It was first instituted in the time of Charles 7. In the K. entrance in∣to the City, he carries the Sword sheathed before him, The cloth of Estate carried ouer the King by the Maior and Sheriffes, belongs to his Fee. No man may be the Kings Spur-maker, Mareschall, and such like Officer, but he must haue it of him, as also all other inferiour offices belonging to the stables. He had in times past, the com∣maund ouer stages of Post-horses: but now the Con∣treroller, generall of the sayd Posts, hath it. This Office is now exercised by Monsieur de Thermes,* 1.161 Seigneur de Bel∣legarde, a gallant Gentleman, and one of the finest Courtiers of France. The Office of Maistre d' ho∣stel du Roy, Master or Steward of the Kings house, hath charge ouer the expence of the Kings house:

For a marke of his authoritie, hee carries a Truncheon tipt at both ends with Siluer and gilt, and marcheth before the Sewer, when the Kings dinner comes to the Table.

No Sergeant can arrest any of the Kings house, with∣out their leaue. They serue quarterly: they were wont to bee but foure, but now I haue heard it credibly said, they bee 80. in name, but all of these doe not execute the Office.* 1.162 The Grand Preuost de France et del hostel du Roy, Great Prouost of France, and of the Kings house, so called, since Charles the ninth: for before, hee was called, Roy des ribauds, King of the Raskals: His Office is to stickle among the Seruants, Pages, Lacqueis, and Fil∣les de ioye (Punkes or pleasant sinners) which follow the Court, and to punish all offences in these people.

I should haue named before these last, as a place more honourable, the Office of Grand Fauconnier, and Grand Venneur, Great Faulconer, and great Hunt, who haue authoritie ouer all Officers of chase. They of the Kings chamber, are either Gentils-hommes de la Chambre, Gentlemen of the Chamber, of whom I spake before, or Vallets de la Chambre, Groomes of the Chamber, which are but base Groomes and Roturiers, yeomen.

Les cent Gentils-hommes de sa Garde, The hundred Gentlemen of his Gard (though there bee two hun∣dred of them) they hold and vse a weapon, called Le bec de corbin: They match two and two be∣fore him: they are part French, and part Scots: The Scot carries a white Cassocke, powdred with Siluer plates, and the Kings deuise vpon it: The French weare the Kings colours. There is also a Gard of Swisse, at∣tired in particoloured Cloth, drawne out with Silke,

after their Countrey fashion: these follow the Court alwayes on foot, the other on horse. Where, by the way yee may obserue, that the reason of the entertaine∣ment of Scots in the Kings Gard, is (as one saith) be∣cause they were Anciens ennemys des Anglois,* 1.163 Ancient ene∣mies to the English: and euer since the house of Aust∣rich matched with that of Burgogne, the King hath had also his Gard of Swisses,* 1.164 Ennemys hereditaires de la mai∣son d' Austriche, Hereditarie enemies of the house of Austria.

There belongs to the Court also the Mareschaux des logis, Marshals of Lodgings, and Fourriers, Haruin∣gers: they haue like Offices as the Haruengers in the English Court: there bee also diuers others which are here needlesse to be spoken of, and wherwith your pur∣pose is to bee better acquainted hereafter. I will there∣fore proceede to speake of the order of France, which was instituted by Henrie the third,* 1.165 Anno 1579. and is called, L'ordre du S. Esprit, The Order of the holy Ghost. The reason of this institution, was,* 1.166 Comme vne autentique declaration, qu'il ne pouuoit ny aymer, ny faire bien aux Here∣tique••, obligeant par vn serment solemnel tous les Cheualliers, à des conditions qui ne platsent qu'aux ames toutes Catholiques: As an authenticall declaration, that hee could neither loue, nor fauour the Huguenots, binding by a solemne oath all the Knights, to conditions suteable onely to mindes intirely Catholiques. Whereby yee may note, that none of the Nobilitie of the Religion are of this or∣der, neither was this King himselfe of it, till 94. when being crowned at Chartres, he tooke it vpon him.

Among many other statutes of this order, this is one, That none are capable thereof, except he can proue his

Nobilitie, by three descents, from the Fathers side. You haue many in France, that are called Cheualliers des ordres dur••y: Knights of the Kings orders: that is, both of the order of Saint Esprit,* 1.167 and Saint Michael also. The or∣der of Saint Michael was instituted by Lewes the 11. in the yere 1469. the statutes whereof are comprised in 98. Articles; amongst which this is one, That there should neuer be aboue thirty sixe of the order. But saith La Nouë, this Article was so ill obserued, that at one time there haue bin 300. whereof 100. shortly after, by reason of the great charges, and trayne they kept, were forced (as he there saith) Serrer le colier dans leurs coffres:* 1.168 To lock vp their collers in their Cofers. In the yeere 60. were 18. created of this order. A thing not before heard of, that so many should be made at once: which the Consta∣ble disliking, said, Que l' ordre estoit mis en disordre: the or∣der was disordred.* 1.169 Against which, Bodin also inueigh∣eth, and against the number of Barons made in France, without either desert, or liuing. And another com∣plaineth, that the honourable orders of France are expo∣ses a l'ambition,* 1.170 qui estoyent destinez au merite: Exposed to ambition, which were dedicated onely to deserts.

You must note▪ that of S. Michaels order, there were 2. sortes, du grand ordre, et du petit: the great and the small order: Those wore a coller of Massie gold; these onely a Ribbon of silke. Before these was the order De l' esto∣ille,* 1.171 of the Starre; or as others call it, De la vierge Marie: of the Virgine Mary, instituted by Iohn the French King, anno, 1365. which after, growing too common (a fault generally noted in all Countries, where orders are erec∣ted, that they bee bestowed vpon too many, and some vnworthy, except onely in the most noble order of the

Garter, which by the confession of all writers, maintay∣neth still his ancient glory) the order of the Starre, I say, growing too common, and therefore the Princes, and nobler sort, disdayning to weare it, it was bestowed vp∣on the (Archers du guel) who still weare it,* 1.172 the Nobility hauing long since quitted it. But the most ancient or∣der of France, is that of the Genette,* 1.173 instituted by C. Mar∣tell. The Knights of this order, wore a Ring, wherein was engrauen the forme of a Genette. The cause of insti∣tuting this order, is not knowne:* 1.174 it endured till S▪ Lewes his time.

Besides these foure forenamed orders, which haue beene instituted by Kings, I reade also of two others in France, which had their erection by Princes of the bloud, and were onely taken by Knights of their par∣tie.

The order of the Porc-espic,* 1.175 rased by the Duke of Orle∣ans, in enuy of the order of his enemy, the Duke of Bur∣gogne.

The order of the Croissante, or Halfe-Moone, by the Duke of Aniowe, anno,* 1.176 1464. with this Mot (Los) as who would say, Los en croissant, Prayse by encreasing. The Knights of this order, had in the middest of the Cressant, a Truncheon, to signifie hee had beene in the warres: (for else he might not bee of that order) if twice, then two Truncheons; if thrice, three; and so orderly. His Habillement was a Mantle of Crymo∣sin Veluet, and a white Veluet Cap.

It is not much impertinent, here also to obserue, what orders haue bene erected in other Countries: whereof, the most Noble & renowmed order of S. George of Eng∣land, is the chiefest, & therefore first to be remembred.* 1.177

It was instituted in King Edward the 3. time, before any of these of France,* 1.178 except onely that of the Genet, which (no doubt) was some obscure Order, as appea∣reth by the place where it was worne; and by the little, or rather nothing, which the French Writers speake thereof.

* 1.179The next is the order of the Toison d' or, The Golden Fleece, erected by Philip the second, Duke of Burgogne. The coller of this order hath a Golden Fleece hanging at the end,* 1.180 in memory (some say) of Gedeons Fleece: o∣thers (which is most likely) of the Golden Fleece of Col∣chas, which Iason with his gallants of Greece ventured for. The feast of these Knights, is kept vpon Saint Andrewes day. The habillements, a mantle of Crym∣son Veluet, and a cap of violet colour: It was instituted anno,* 1.181 1430. There is also the order of the Annunciade, erected by Amadeus Duke of Sauoy: In the coller here∣of is written in Letters of gold, or stone, this word, (fert, fert, fert) thrice, in honour of Amade le grand, his Predecessor: signifying (Fortitudo eius Rhodum tenuit: His valour kept Rhodes) for that hee helped the Knights of Ierusalem to win Rhodes, vpon the Turkes, which is since againe reconquered, and they driuen into the Isle of Malta: At the end of the coller, hangs the partreict of the virgine Mary, and the Angell saluting her.

* 1.182Of the order of the Knights of Malta, yee shall see a whole Booke written, when ye come to Italy: As also of that of Saint Stephen, instituted by Cosimo Medici, first Duke of the vnited forces of Florence, and Sienna. I will therefore omit to speake, either of the one, or other. As also of the order of the Band or Scarfe, instituted by Alphonse, King of Arragon, whereof I want sufficient

matter to relate. I will end this discourse of Orders of knighthood, with this one obseruation, that is, that in times past, there were (as with vs) Knights, which not∣withstanding, were not of the Order. Of these,* 1.183 were three sortes, Cheualliers Bannerets, Cheualliers Bachelers, and Cheualliers Escuyers: Knights Bannerets, Knights Batchelers, and Knights Esquires, or Armor-bearers. The first had twise as much pension as the second, and they twise as much as the third.* 1.184 It followeth I speake of his Forces, as well horse as foote, of which this Coun∣trey is very well furnished, and indeede vanteth (and I thinke worthily) to be the best and greatest Gensdarme∣rie of any Realme in Christendome: but on the other side, their foote haue no reputation; insomuch as the last yere before Amyens, we should heare the Spaniard within the Towne, speake ouer the walles to our Eng∣lish Souldiers in their Trenches, after we had saued the Kings Canon, from which the French were shame∣fully beaten by them within sallying out vpon them:

You are tall Souldiers (say they) and we honour you much, not thinking any foote to come neere vs in repu∣tation but you, and therefore, when you of the English come downe to the Trenches, wee double our Gard, and looke for blowes: but as for these base and vnwor∣thie French, when they come, wee make accompt wee haue nothing to doe that day, but play at Cardes, or sleepe vpon our Rampart. Of both these Forces of horse and foote of France, you are to note this which followeth.

It is reported of the great Turke,* 1.185 that when hee con∣quereth any Prouince or Countrey, hee diuideth the Lands vpon his horsemen to each his portion, with an

exemption of paying either rent, taxe, or tallage what∣soeuer: onely they are bound to serue the Grand Signore, (Great Turke) with a proportion of horse at their owne charge, and in their owne person in his warres, except either age or sicknesse hinder, which are the two onely excuses admitted.* 1.186 These are called his Timars: of like nature as are the Calasyres of Egypt. You shall finde this that Iouius saith,* 1.187 confirmed by La Nouë speaking of Greece, Ou (saith he) ils tirent leurs meilleurs hommes de guerre sur leurs terres conquises, qu' ils leur departent, à la charge de se tenir en squepage, pour venir seruir au mandement de grand Seigneur: From whence hee draweth his best men of warre, dwelling vpon the conquered Lands which hee diuideth among them, vpon condition that they shall alwayes be readie to serue at the commandement of the great Turke.

So did the Kings of France in former times bestowe vpon Gentlemen, diuers lands and possessions, freeing them likewise from taxes and aides, vpon condition to haue their personall seruice in time of neede. These lands were called (Feifs:* 1.188) instituted before Charlemagne his time, but till then, they were giuen only for life (as at this day are those of the Turkes:) but since, they bee he∣reditary. The word Feif, hath his Etymologie of (Foy) Faith: signifying lands giuen by the King to his Nobi∣litie or men of desert,* 1.189 with Haulte et basse iustice, with an acknowledgement of fealtie and homage, and ser∣uice of the King in his warres at their owne charge. Some Feif was bound to finde a man at armes: some an Archer, some the third, and some the fourth of a man at armes, according to the quantitie of land hee held. He that had land from the valew of fiue to sixe hundred

Liures rent (that is from fiftie to sixtie pound sterling) was bound to finde,* 1.190 Vn homme de cheual en habillement d' hommes d' armes: A man on horsebacke,* 1.191 furnished for a man at armes: And from three to foure hundred, Fera vn bon homme de cheual leger: A good light horse-man; Who, if it please the Prince, and vpon occasion of ser∣uice, shall quitte his horse and serue on foot, prouided that hee haue with him a vallet Harquebutier. But they that had lesse then three or foure hundred, had a lesse proportion of charge. There be foure exceptions where a man is not bound to serue in person: If he bee sicke, if aged, if he beare some Office, if hee keepe some Frontier place or other Castle of the Kings; for in this case hee may send another.

Publica militiae vassallus munera iustae,* 1.192 Non renuat, domini{que} libens in castra vocatus, Aut eat, aut alium pro se submittat iturum. Arbitrio domini veì quem laudauerit ille, Compenset, redimat{que} suum mercede laborem.

They are bound, vpon forfeiture of their (Feif) to serue three moneths within the Land, and fortie dayes without, not counting the dayes of marching. You must obserue, that as the Seigneurs holde their (Feif) of the King in Haute iustice, so other Gentlemen hold of them in Basse iustice, vpon charge to follow these Seig∣neurs at all times to the warres.* 1.193 For Le feif est la chose par l' acceptation de la quelle ceux qui le tiennent sont tenuz du serment de fidelité enuers leurs Seigneurs. The Feif is the thing, by the acceptation whereof, they that hold it, are bound in oath and fidelitie to their Lordes:

And therefore are called their Vassals of (Wessos) the old Gaule word, which signifieth valiant: for to such were the Fiefes giuen. As for (serfs, slaues or villaines) these are domestike, and serue vpon baser condition, for wages and victuals. There is also the (Subiect) that is, the poore paisant that laboureth and tilleth the (fiefs) and therefore yee shall heare Monsieur le Gentleman speake of ses terres, ses hommes, and ses subiects: His lands, his men, and his Subiects: and yet himselfe is vassall to the Seigneur, that holdes in haute iustice. But ye may note, that no word of seruice whatsoeuer in this dis∣course, doth preiudice the libertie naturall of the vas∣sall. The Subiect, nor serf, villaine, are bound to goe to the warres, but onely the vassall. The mustering and gathering together of these forces, is called the Ban, and Arrier-ban,* 1.194 of the Alman words (Here) exercitus: An armie: and (ban) conuocatio: A calling together. This Ban and Arrierban consisted anciently of twelue, sometimes fifteene thousand Gensdarmes: But after the corruption thereof, when the fiefs came to be in the hands of vnable and vnwoorthy men, the Kings of France were forced of later times, to erect the Gens∣darmes des ordonnances:* 1.195 The Gens-d'armes, or men at Armes of his Ordinances, in Charles 7. time. For ye must consider, that there haue beene foure principall causes of the ouerthrowe of this Ban and Arrierban. The first was the gifts to the Clergie, who it is reported haue the sixt part of these fiefs in their hands, and con∣tribute nothing to the warres: for as one sayeth, Ils ne veulent rien perdre,* 1.196 rien payer, rien contribuer pour leur garde, & neantmoins veulent estre gardez: They will lose nothing, pay nothing, contribute nothing toward

their garding, & yet notwithstāding they will be garded. The next was the voyages to the Holy land: for whē one had made a vow to go thither, to serue against the Sa∣racens, & Infidels, he sold his Fief, to furnish him for that purpose. The third was the warres with the English, wherein by force they lost them. The last cause is the sales of them to all sortes of people, without excep∣tion, as to the Lawyer, the Yeoman, and any other vn∣able person whatsoeuer, that will buy them: which till Ch. 7. they might not do. Yee see then, how necessary it was, this olde institution being corrupted and quite decayed, to erect a new: which they called Les gensdar∣mes des ordonnances: because at their first erection, there were diuers lawes and ordinances made for them to obserue, which who so brake, was surely punished. They were at first only 1500. But after, they were in∣creased to a hundred Companies, and giuen to diuers Princes of the bloud, and Nobles of France, to conduct and commaund, with an honourable pension: In these Companies should be 6000. (for in some there is 100. in others but 50.) howbeit, it is thought, in each com∣pany there wants some, for the benefit of the Officers, and that in truth, there be not aboue foure thousand in all. For the maintenance of this Gensdarmerie, there is a taxe yerely leuyed vpon the people throughout all France, called the Taille.

Concerning both the number of the Gensdarmes, and their proportion of allowance, by the Taille, it is thus, as La Nouë iudgeth:* 1.197 Les gens de cheual du temps du Henry 2. passoient six mille lances: mais elles ne sont maintenant que quattre mille. Et il me semble que quattre regiments d' Infan∣terie se doinent entretenir en temps de paix, reglez à six cens

hommes chacun. Et 15. mille escas per mois y suffiroit: The Horsemen in the time of Henry 2. exceeded the num∣ber of 6000. Lances; but they are now but 4000. and in mine opinion, it were fit to entertayne in time of peace, foure Regiments of Infantery, of 600. men a∣peece.

* 1.198As touching the Infantery, Francis the first was the first that instituted the Legionaries,* 1.199 which were in all, 8. Legions, and euery Legion to containe sixe thousand, according to the rate of the ancient Romanes. The first Legion was of Normandy. The next of Bretagne. One in Picardy. One in Burgundy. In Champagne and Niuer∣nois one. In Dolpheny and Prouence one. In Lyonnois and Auuergne one. And one in Languedocke. These compa∣nies were shortly after ca••••ed: and againe, within eigh∣teene yeres erected; and are now againe of late yeeres dissolued, and in their place, the Regiments now inter∣tayned, which are fiue in number: The Regiment of the Gard, The Regiment of Picardy, The Regiment of Champagne, The Regiment of Piemont. And lastly, the Regiment of Gascoyne, commonly called the Re∣giment of Nauarre. In each of these is twelue hun∣dred.

These are all now in time of peace bestowed in Ga∣rison Townes and frontier places, except those of his Gard.* 1.200 Bodins opinion is, that foure Legions of 5000. apeece, would suffice to be maintayned in this land: for (saith he) the Romane Empire, which was twēty times as great,* 1.201 had neuer but 11. Legions in pay: but this is to be vnderstood of them which were in pay ordinary in Italy, besides those Legions which they had in other their Coūtries, as in England, Spaine, Low Countries,

&c. For otherwise we read of those Emperors, that had 31. Legions; & Bodin himselfe confesseth, that Augustus had at one time entertayned in pay forty Legions, at 11. millions charge the yere. But this writer, though he be approued, as he well deserues; yet I thinke, if he fayled in any of his discourse, it was in matter of Warre, the profession whereof did ill agree with his long Robe; yee shall therefore take the iudgement of a discreete Souldier of France, for your direction what force the French can make, or intertaine of others, which is this, Si nostre Roy sentoit qu'vn voisin luy v••lust veni•• mugueter sa frontiere,* 1.202 ••'estime qu'il pourroit aisement composer v••e Arm••s de soixante cōpagnies de gensdarmes, vingt Cornettes de cheu∣aux legiers, et cing cōpagnies d'Harquebusiers à cheual, le tout faisant dix mille cheuaux. A quoy vn pourroit adio••ster trois ou quattre mille Reisters plus, cent Enseignes d' Infanterie Françoise, & quarante de ses bons amys les Swisses. Et cecy n' empescheroit que les autres frontieres ne demurassent suffisa∣ment po••rueües d' hommes: If our King perceyued that any Neighbour of his meant to inuade his Frontiers, I thinke he might easily compose an Army of sixty com∣panies of men at Armes, 20. Corners of light Horse, and fiue companies of Harquebusiers on horsebacke, amounting all to 10000. Horse. To which hee might adde three or foure thousand Reysters, & one hundred Ensignes of French foot, and fourty Ensignes of his good confederates, the Swissers, and yet mayntaine his other frontiers sufficiently manned.

So that yee may conclude, that foure thousand men at Armes, well complete, and with a propor∣tion of light Horse and foote answerable, sheweth the whole Flower, Beauty, and force of France.

Howsoeuer the Author of the Cabinet confidently a∣uoweth, that there may easily bee mustred, and main∣tayned fourescore and odde thousand horse of one sort and other, that is, Lance and light horse. But I feare mee, we may say of them, as Plutarch sayth of the No∣blesse of Athens, hauing vsurped vpon the Democratie of that City:* 1.203 Ils estoyent que quattre cens, et toutesfois se fai∣soient appeller les cinq mille: They were indeed but 400. and yet caused themselues to be stiled, The fiue thou∣sand. So I feare me, hee reckoneth after the Athenian rate, ten for one.

* 1.204The Cabinets reason is this: There be in France fif∣tie thousand Gentlemen that are able to beare Armes: for (sayth he) rate this proportion at a Gentlemā in eche league, by the measure of France (where are forty thou∣sand in square) and it wanteth but a fift. Howbeit, sayth hee, in some Countries, ye shall haue thirty or forty, within the compasse of one league, besides their children. Out of these, if the King would, hee might compose a Gendarmery of 8000. men at Armes, and 16000. Archers: which bodie of 24000. Gentlemen, would represent in the field 60000. horse. Hee might also haue a cauallerie Legiere, of foure or fiue thousand Gentlemen. He might also furnish the Ban and Ari∣erban, according to the olde fashion, with twelue or fif∣teene thousand Gentlemen. And yet might hee haue besides all this, foure or fiue thousand for the State of his Court, and gouernment of his Prouinces. This is his computation. But you shall see it proued, when wee come to speake of the Nobilitie of France, that it is ex∣ceedingly shortned in number, and decayed in estate, and therefore nothing able to come neere this number.

As good a consequent it were to say, that because yee haue two or three millions of men in England, able to fight, that therefore our State can bring so many into the field: without considering the prouision of Armes, and all other things necessary. But this Cabinet was made by one of the Religion, that was transported out of him∣selfe, by the heate of his zeale, and hate to the temporall liuings of the Church: Whose proiects and driftes are much like those of the Supplication of Beggars (a booke made in King Henry the eights dayes) where he frameth in his fancy an Vtopia and felicitie, not to be hoped in France, building Castles in the ayre, and concluding, that if it would please the King to aliene the Church temporall liuings, and vnite them to the Domaine, nihil est dictu facilius: (a thing easily sayd, but not easily done) that ouer and besides the forces of fourescore thousand horse abouesaid, hee might also maintayne an Infan∣tery of the French Gentlemen of twelue thousand. I∣tem, another of the populare, of forty eight thousand. And lastly, yet another Infantery legionaire of 48. thou∣sand.

The Supplication was answered by Sir Thomas Moore his booke, called The Pitifull complaint of the puling soules in Purgatory: How well I knowe not, but of this I am sure, that if such a number of horse and foote should ei∣ther bee maintayned vpon the Church liuing, or vpon the poore people (vpon whome all these charges of the Gend'armes lyeth, here would bee many more puling soules, and pitifull complayntes in France, then are Sir Thomas Moores Purgatory.

It then remaines, that we hold our selues to the iudge∣ment of La Nouë, afore set downe, who also confesseth,

that in Charles the sixt his time,* 1.205 there were in the fielde, twentie two thousand Lances, but since the Gendar∣merie was instituted, were neuer but once at Valenci∣ennes aboue ten thousand. For as for that great number, whereof yee reade in M. d' Argenton, that besieged Lewes the eleuenth in Paris,* 1.206 they were the Forces of three great Princes, and the better part Burgognons.

There is yet one thing you must note, why the French haue quit their Lances, and serue al with the Pi∣stol, whereof yee shall read somewhat in La Nouë, and heare more of others by discourse, but nothing of mee by writing: for I dare not deale, Vltra crepidam, in a matter I vnderstand not fully.

* 1.207I must now remember you of the Officers for the war in France: and because warre is made both by Sea and by land, I must also reckon the Sea officers: for as for the French Kings forces at Sea, I haue not yet learned that he hath any, and therefore can say nothing thereof.

The first and principall, and which commandeth all in the Kings absence, euen the Peeres and Princes of the blood whatsoeuer,* 1.208 is the Constable: Who, as hath before beene remembred, hath his name of Comes sta∣buli, Count of the stable. For in former times the Kings chiefe Officers were called Counts, with an addition of their office,* 1.209 as Comes palatii, Comes praesidii, Comes rerum priuatarum, Comes sacrarum largitionum, Comes castrorum, Comes nauium, Count of the Palace, Count of the Gard, &c. And though hee hath not now the com∣mand of the Kings horse, yet keepeth he still the name: This office was erected in Lewes le Gros his time. It was bestowed vpon the house of Memorencie, in Francis the first his time, and remayneth still in the same.

The ancient deuice of the house of Memorency, is this, Dieu aide le premier Chrestien, et premier Baron de France: God ayd the first Christian, & anciē••st Baron of France. Hee hath the keeping of the Sword royall. And as the Grand Escuyer: Great Esquire, hath the Sword in the scabberd D' Azure, semé de fleurs de Lys d' or: Azure see∣ded with flowers de Lyce, or added to his Armes, so beareth the Constable for an Honour, the naked Sword, the Mareschals beare the Hache, Battel-axe: and the Admi∣rals the Anchor. The Constable and Mareshals giue the othe to the King: He sitteth chiefe Iudge at the table of Marble, vpon all persons, Sutes, Actions, and complaints whatsoeuer touching the warres. When the King en∣treth a Citie, in his greatest pompe, or vpon a deliuerie, he goeth before with the sword naked: & whē the King sitteth in Assembly of the three States, he is placed at his right hand. He that killeth the Constable, is guilty of high treason. The Mareshals are named, as some say,* 1.210 of (Marc.) Cheual, a Horse: & (Schal.) maistre, Master: Qui commande aux cheuaux, Commander of the horse. Others,* 1.211 of Mar∣cha. i. limite ou frontiere, March or frontier: quasi Prae••ectus limitum, as it were Gouernour of the Marches. Till Francis the first, there were but two in all France; after, foure, and now ten: for as is said before, when any that held either some strong Towne or place of importance, came in to the King, hee did alwayes capitulate, to haue some one of these Offices, besides summes of money and Gouernments also: such was the necessities of the times, saith Haillan. These,* 1.212 vnder the Constable haue the cōmand ouer all Dukes, Earles, Barons, Captaines, and Gensdarmes: but may neither giue battail, make pro∣clamation, or Muster men, without his cōmandement.

They haue vnder them Lieutenants, which they call Preuosts Marshals, who haue the punishing of mutinous souldiers, such as quit their colours, Rogues, and such like.* 1.213 There is the office of Admirall, Ce que les Ma∣reschaux sont en vne Armée de terre, l' Admiral est en vne nauale:* 1.214 & ces offices sont distinguez d'autant que le sub∣iect est different & diuers: Looke what the Marshals are in a land-Armie, the same is the Admirall in a Sea-Ar∣mie: and these two offices are seuerall, because the sub∣iect of their imployment is differing and vnlike.

This office is the most ancient of all France: for Caesar speaketh thereof,* 1.215 Les Admiraux de la Prouence, de Bre∣tagne & Narbonne sont louës pour la pratique & dexterité des guerres nauaìes: The Admirals of Prouence, Bre∣taigne, and Narbon are much commended for their practise and skill in sea-seruice.

I maruaile therefore, why du Haillan reporteth, that they were first made in Charlemagnes dayes, and that one M. Ritland was the first that was made. There are now foure Admiralties, France, Bretagne, Guyenne, and Pro∣uence. This last is alwayes annexed to the gouernour∣ship of that Countrey: So that of Guienne likewise, till the King that now is, came to the Crowne, who before was Gouernour and Admirall of Guyenne: but since he hath diuided the commandes. Yee may obserue in hi∣stories, that all the while the French voyages were vpon the Leuant Seas, either to the Holy-land, Sicile, or Naples, or whithersoeuer, the French alwayes had their vessels and Commanders out of Italy. La France em∣pruntoit ses Admiraux de Genes,* 1.216 Pise, de Venise, & de Lu∣ques: France borrowed their Admirals from Genoa, Pisa, Venice, and Luca. These haue the tenth of

all wracke, prize or prisoners, that are taken at Sea.

Before the inuention of Shot, there was an Officer in France, called, Grand Maistre des arbalestiers,* 1.217 et Cra∣nequiners, Great Master of the Crosse-bowes and In∣gines: (for Cranequin, is a generall word for all instru∣mēts of battery) which Office is now called The Grand Maistre de l' Artillerie, Great Master of the Artillerie, who at first also, immediatly after the inuention of Shot, was called Capitaine Generall de l' Artillerie, Captaine Generall of the Artillerie.

You haue also Treasurers for the Warres,* 1.218 which are ei∣ther ordinarie, or extraordinarie: Those pay the Gens∣darmes, and these the Regiments of the Infanterie. Treasurers ordinarie are so many, as there bee places where they Muster: Of extraordinary, there be alwayes foure.

The Heraults of France are sixe, Normandy, Guyenne,* 1.219 Valois, Bretagne, Burgogne, so called of the Countreyes (as with vs in England) and Mont-ioy, who is the chiefe of the rest. Their ancient Office was to bee present at all Iusts, and Tournements, to carrie warre or peace, to summon places, to defie enemie-Princes, to giue armes to men new ennobled: But now they bee onely vsed at Feastes, Coronations, Solemnities, Funerals, and such like; for they are no more vsed in the treatie and negoti∣ation with forraine Princes. I thinke the reason is, be∣cause the Office hath of late yeeres beene bestowed vp∣on vnworthy and insufficient persons. It shall here be needlesse to name all other his Officers of the Warres, which are all one with those of other Countreyes, as Collonell, Captaine, Sergeant, Lieftenant, Ensigne, Capporall, &c. I will onely remember in a word the French maner

of Mustering, March, Charge, and seruice ingenerall, and then proceed to the next branch of this relation. We must obserue, that (excepting the gens d' armes, and the Regiments abouenamed) when any Souldiers are taken vp for the warres, they are not pressed, as with vs, but the Captayne hauing his Commission,* 1.220 gathereth them vp by sound of Drumme, entertayning onely such as will (which may be some cause of the badnesse, and basenesse of the French foote) for being commonly the rascall sort, and such as haue no other meanes, there can∣not settle in their abiect mindes, that true and honoura∣ble resolution requisite in a Souldier. This Commis∣sion must first be shewed to the Gouernour, Lieutenāt-generall, Bailiffe, or Seneshall of the Prouince, vpon paine of death. Neither is it good, except it bee signed by the King▪ and one of the Secretaries of estate, and sea∣led with the great Seale. The Souldiers leuyed, are at the charge of the Prouince, where they be taken vp, till they depart the same.* 1.221 Their March it should seeme, is somewhat more sharpe then ours;

For I remember I haue heard say, that vpon a time, the olde Marshall Biron should bid Sir Roger Williams bring vp his companies faster,* 1.222 taxing the slow March of the English. Sir (sayth he) with this March our forefathers conquered your Countrey of France, and I meane not to alter it, A me∣morable answere of an honourable Souldier, For the French Charge,* 1.223 ye shall heare the Spanyards opinion out of La Nouë, L'infanterie Françoise escaramouche brauement de loin et la Cauellerie a vne furieuse boutée à l' affront, puis apres qu' elle s' accommode:

The French Infantery skirmi∣sheth brauely afarre off, & the Cauallery giues a furious onset at the first charge: but after that first heate, they

will take egges for their money. And indeed this is that which all writers giue them, and which best agrees with their nature: for we may say of them, as is said of The∣mistocles, he was so hote at the onset,* 1.224 que perdit le souffle au mileu de la carriere: That he lost his winde in the midst of the carriere. Or say of them, as Fabius of Hannibal,* 1.225 His valour is comme vn fe•• de paille, et vne flamme allumée en vne matiere de peu de durée: Like a fire of straw, and a flame kindled in matter of small continuance.

Concerning the French discipline,* 1.226 Caesar himselfe saith they had it first from vs, Gallorum disciplina in Britannia reperta, at{que} inde in Galli••m translata esse dicitur, et nunc qui eam rem diligentiùs cognoscere volunt, plerunque illò discendi causa proficiscuntur: Tis said, the discipline of the Gaules was first inuented in Britanny, & from thence translated into Gallia; & now such as desire to attaine the perfectiō thereof, commonly trauell thither to learne it. But they haue long since degenerated frō their old discipline of war: & they thēselues confesse, that since the beginning of these late ciuill wars, where Soldiers, in all disordred & dissolute maner, haue bin giuē to pillage, & volleries, (the euery) that it is very much abbastardie, abastardized: Whereof La Nouë cōplayneth in his discourses,* 1.227 Quant à la discipline Militaire, i•• faut confesser qu'elle est gisante aulict tourmentée d'vne griefue maladie▪ As for the military disci∣pline, we must cōfesse, that she keeps her bed, sicke of a very deadly disease. The Noblesse fight always on hors, & thinke it a dishonor to serue on foot.* 1.228 But Com. saith of the Nobility of Burgundy, in the wars with Lewes the eleuenth, that they all quit their horses, car lors ils estoy∣ent le plus honorez qui descendoyent, à fin que le peuple en fust plus asseure et combattist mieux, et tenoyent cela des Anglois▪ For they were then most honored, that lighted on foot,

to the end the people might be the more encouraged, and fight more valiantly: and this they learned of the English. And it is no questiō, but if some of the French Nobilitie would doe so, it would much confirme their foote, by the example of their valour and abiding, and recouer that reputation, which now their foote haue lost in the world. Neither do I thinke this the least rea∣son, why our Ancestors haue wonne so many battelles vpon them, namely, for that wee euer haue had men of Noble houses, to lead & serue on foot with our forces. A notable cause to confirme and assure the vnsteady headinesse of a multitude.

And for the opinion that the world hath of our foot, ye shall obserue what the same writer elsewhere sayth, Bonnes gens de pied,* 1.229 et meilleurs que leurs voisins, comme nous pourrions auiourd' huy dire les Anglois et les Suisses: They be good foote, and better then their neighbours, as wee may say now adayes of the English and Swissers.

And in another place, where hee opineth of the ma∣ner of seruice, he sayth: Mon aduis est, que la souueraine chose du monde es battaille sont les Archers, et la fleurdes Ar∣chers sont les Anglois: My opinion is, that in battels, Ar∣chers are the weight that turnes the ballance, and of Ar∣chers, the English are the flower: where he likewise dis∣courseth, how daungerous a thing it is to abide a battel, except your foote be much the better: which in my o∣pinion was no little cause why the French King fought not with the Cardinall this last yere 97. before Amiens, because the enemies foote were holden in number eighteene thousand (though I hardly thinke they were so many) a number full as great as the French, and the Souldier farre better, they being all French, except some

three thousand English, and Swissers, and theirs the choyse men of all his Garrisons, & experienced Soldiers in those Low Countries. For true it is, that the Kings Gensd'armes were two for one, and holden also much the better men, aswell because there was in a maner all the Nobilitie & Flower of France, as also that they had the aduantage in the maner of weapon, for that the French serueth with the Pistoll, & the Spanyard still holds him to his Lance. But I make no question, that the conside∣ration of the oddes on foote, was not the chiefe cause why we fought not that day: for we had a goodly fayre Field, and playne as might be possible, as also large: a singular aduantage for him which is strongest in horse: So had we the winde and Sunne in our backes, which are holden no small helpes.

But this was the reason: the King thought it no poli∣cy to play all his Rest at once, where he might haue lost more at one game, then hee had got in eight yeeres: hee had no reason, but to make the Card that was now going, a Bridge of Gold (as the Prouerbe is) considering, that by this meanes hee should gayne the Towne of Amiens, reassure other Cities that then stoode wauering, and recouer his reputation in the world, which by the losse of that Towne was much disputed.

Of this somewhat hath beene sayde before: I therefore leaue to speake further thereof, as also of the French forces, or seruice in warres, with the onely remembrance of a French mans reason, who thought himselfe no small wise man, that would needes proue that the French seruice, and Souldier also, was bet∣ter then the English: Because (sayth he) wee haue

more old Captaynes in France, then you in England. Much like the reason of Rablais,* 1.230 who would needes proue, that drunkennesse was better for the body then Phisike, because there were more old drunkards, then old Phisicians.

It now remayneth I speake of his Expence, which chiefly consisteth in these two things before spoken of,* 1.231 namely, his Court and his Forces: wherein it is very hard to relate an exact proportion, considering not onely the varietie and difference of writers, but also the vncertainty of the numbers of Pensionai••es, or pro∣uisioned: And lastly, the change and alteration of their allowance, not continuing alwayes the same. How∣beit, that which is most commonly reported, and see∣meth neerest the truth, is this: The maintenance of fiue Regiments of foote, at sixe Crownes the moneth, commeth to foure hundred sixtie eight thousand Crownes the yere, besides the pension of 5. Collonels, at two thousand Crownes a peece; thirty Captaynes at one thousand pension a man; as many Lieutenants at fiue hundred, and Ensignes at three hundred the peece; which is in all seuenty foure thousand: which added to the first summe, makes the whole charge of these Regi∣ments, yerely to amount to the summe of fiue hundred forty two thousand Crownes. This proportion diffe∣reth not much from that of Bodin,* 1.232 where he sayth, The King might maintayne in ordinary twenty thousand foote, at the rate of three millions, and fiue hundred thousand liures, which if you reduce to Crownes, and to one number of sixe thousand foote, commeth to a lesse rate then that other, namely, to foure hūdred eight thousand, three hundred thirty three Crownes: but I

think, that former is neerer the truth. For the allowance of his Gensd'armes, which are reckoned at sixe thousand, as is before said (though in truth there be but foure) for he payeth thus many, I follow the proportion of them that say, that 51750. crownes, is the ordinary allowance for one company of a hundred yerely: for where are sixe thousand men at Armes in the field, are eighteene thousand horse in all. After this rate then of the hun∣dred before set downe, the whole Gensd'armery amoun∣teth to 3105000. crownes.

For the expence of his Court,* 1.233 you shall heare it to be thus rated: The Table of the King, and those of the Gentlemen of the Chamber, at 112000. crownes: for his menus plaisirs, petty pleasures, a thousand crownes a day in all 165000. (But this was a proportion for the last King, who was a great giuer.) For the grand and petite Escuyrie, great and little Stable, 190000. For the Constable, 24000. For the grand Maistre, great Ma∣ster, 20000. For the Mareshals of France, 18000. a∣peece, when they were but foure; for now it is a Title onely, without either pension or commaund, saue on∣ly in the foure chiefe. For the Admirall, 15000. for the grand Veneur, great Hunt, 16000. For the Gouer∣nours of his Prouinces in all, 188000. For the Gentle∣men of his Chamber, their pension 1200. crownes a∣peece, in all sixe hundred thousand. For the Captaines of his Gards, à cheual, on Horse, two thousand apeece. For their Lieutenants, eight hundred. For two thou∣sand Swisse of his Gard, ten crownes a month, 24840. For all other domesticall Officers, one hundred thou∣sand. For Heraults, sixe thousand. For Mareshals of lodgings and Fourriers, 4600. For Preuost Marshals

of Prouinces, a thousand a peece, in all twentie foure thousand. For twentie foure hundred Archers to at∣tend these Preuosts in the execution of their Office, seuen hundred and twentie thousand Crownes. For his Ambassadours in diuers Countreyes, two hundred and fiftie thousand. For his Officers of Finances, Trea∣surers, Receiuers, Controlers, and such other like Of∣fices through France, an infinite & incredible summe: As also for such numbers of horse and foote as the Ca∣binet setteth downe, besides these Gensdarmes and Regi∣ments, which yee heare prouided for, and in the Kings pay.

But yee must obserue, that of all these Court charges and others here beforemencioned (except those of his Forces) yee are not to make any ground as of a trueth: they being onely the supposed charges, set downe by this said Authour, who for his errors in other matters, hath also lost his credit in this.

Howbeit, I thought good to remember them, that yee might thereby haue some vnderstanding of the dif∣ference of those Offices, and how one exceedeth ano∣ther, as well in pension and benefit, as in precedents and honour.

To speake either particularly of the Court expenses, or generally what they be certaine, I cannot, not hauing heard any thing thereof, but onely that it is supposed, the charge of the Kings house, is fiue hundred Crownes a day. But sure it is, that these late Warres haue forced the Crowne of France to be at infinite charge: for yee shall read in La Nouë, that aboue twenty yeres since, Nos roys ont dependu aux guerres ciuiles soinant dix millions d'or.* 1.234 Our Kings haue spent in the ciuill Warres, sixtie milli∣ons

of Crownes. And it is said that Monsieur Gobelin, Treasorer d' Espurgne, Treasorer of the Exchequer, pas∣sed his accompts this last yeere, for twentie one milli∣ons d' or, of Crownes: so deare was the recouering of Amiens: for no question, there was his greatest expence, (except the pay of Financers wages.)

What then hath bene the expence in these eight and thirtie yeeres space of the Ciuill warres, may easily bee coniectured to be infinit, considering withall the lauish prodigalitie, and immeasureable spending of the Prin∣ces, especially of the last: who some let not to say, that hee left the state engaged by one meanes and other; as namely, the sale of his Aides,* 1.235 the alienation of his Do∣maine, and money taken vp to vsurie, not much lesse then two hundred millions of Crownes in debt.

So that wee may say, this King findes France, after Charles the ninth, and Henry the third, as Vespasian found the Empire after Nero, and Caligula, whereof the one had giuen away fiue and fiftie millions,* 1.236 and the other had spent sixtie seuen in one yeere. Whereupon he pro∣testeth in open Senate, Quadringenties millies. i. 1000. mill. opus esse vt resp▪ stare possit. But no maruaile, though the Crowne of France grew farre into debt, conside∣ring that euen before these Ciuill warres, when was no such necessitie of expence, Henry the second ought more in 12. yeeres, saith Bodin,* 1.237 then his predecessors had leuied vpon France in forty yeres before by all meanes.

And the Chancellour auoweth to the Court of Par∣liament, in Francis the second his time,* 1.238 that the King could not quit his debts, which his Grand-father and Father left him in, in ten yeres: Which debts, Bodin in particular proueth,* 1.239 to bee about the summe of fortie

three millions, which in the same place hee setteth down, namely, 2312610. De prests gratuits, (of loanes or priuy Seales, Dont il ne payoiet point d' interest, 15926555. for which hee payed interest: and 775979. which he was yet owing in arrerages, of the vsance behinde to be paide. Besides, to the Duke of Ferrara, and other debts for marriages, to the summe of 8514592. Besides other debts to particular Marchants, of 1564787. As also the summe of 14961778. for which his Aides, Domaine, and Gabelle of Salt was engaged. And lastly, 3000000. which he ought to the Hostell de Paris, to the Chamber or Towne-house of Paris.

But the beginning of all this is imputed to Francis the first, who hauing in his Coffers, one million, and seuen hundred thousand Crownes in ready money, would notwithstanding take vp great imprests of mo∣ney at great vsance, to enable himselfe to goe through with his warres in Italy. A course very ill taken: and (if we may compare great things with small) much like to a couetous and greedie-minded man, who will venter vpon a purchase of his neighbours land, before he bee well prouided for such a purpose, but taketh vp money to loane, which so eateth into him, as he is at last forced not onely to sell his new purchase, but his ancient in∣heritance also.

For by these great interests, a Prince is brought to one of these two extremities, either vtterly to ouer∣throw his Domaine and Finances, whereof the Kings of France are good examples: or else to play Bankrupt and pay no body, as now of late the King of Spaine hath done, with the Marchants of Genoa, Florence, Ausburghe, and almost all the Bankes in Christendome: insomuch as

the last yeere, when I was in Italy, ye should heare them say in derision, that the King of Spayne had made more ill faces vpon the Exchange, in one day, then Michael Angelo, the famous Paynter and Caruer, had euer made good faces in all his life.

King Philip learned this kind of borrowing, of Charles the fift, his father, who at one time was indebted fiftie millions, for which his Domaynes, and Reuenues of Naples, and Millaine were morgaged, and once also in twenty yeres discharged all his debts on this fashion. And surely so they may, and yet the Creditors bee no losers (so vnreasonable is the interest they take) inso∣much, as the King of Spayne payeth thirty, or forty,* 1.240 at the least, in the hundred, for all the money hee hath of the Genoueses, before his Souldiers receiue it in the Low Countries.

The French Kings, not being able to crye quittance with their Creanciers (Creditors) in like maner, but run∣ning on further, and further, these fortie yeeres, as ha∣uing great troubles, and by consequent great charges, and little or no benefit by their Finances, and ayds (by reason of the former alienation) wherewith to defray thē: It must needes be thought, that now the Crowne of France is infinitely indebted, but whether to the summe of two hundred millions or no (though it be ge∣nerally reported) I dare not say.

Monsieur Bretagne, in Charles 9. anno, 1562. in his Harangue (Oration) for the third estate at the assembly of Saint Germaine,* 1.241 after many wayes disputed how to pay that Kings debts, concludes this as the best: The temporall liuings of the Church (sayth hee) are foure millions of rent, yeerely: this sold, would amount to

one hundred and twentie millions. Of these, forty eight millions may be put in sure hands, to interest, for the Clergie, which would yeerely yeeld them their foure millions, à denier douze, at 8. and one third of eight in the hundred, as commonly they let in France. Then would remaine for the King seuenty two millions: wherewith forty two millions hee might pay his debts, and redeeme his Domaine and Finances morgaged: And with the thirtie that remayne, he might fortifie his frontiers, entertayne his Garrisons, encrease his Ban and Arrierban, and furnish himselfe with Shipping. If in those dayes, so wise a Counseller, as was any in the land, could not deuise possibly how to pay the Kings debtes, without selling the Church lands, you may imagine it will be a hard matter, to deuise how to discharge them now, that they bee growne fiue times so great, as then they were. For all his Domayne is morgaged, as be∣fore is sayd, or at least the greater part, and (as La Nouë sayth) that is engaged for 15. millions,* 1.242 which is worth 50.

His rents of his Aydes are also gone: for they are engaged to each Generallity in France, as of Paris, Rou∣en, Caen, &c. to the number of one & twenty of them, and each hath his portion therein: which would be too tedious to set downe in particular. His Offices are all sold, and many thousand erected, ouer and besides the ordinarie, and money also made of them. His poore people are already with these ciuill Warres so spoyled, and impouerished, as there is almost nothing to be had.

I see not therefore, but we should say of this King, as the Recueil de l' estat de France saith of the Duke of Sa∣uoy,* 1.243 Quant-à son argent, pour faire bonne chere en sa maison

il y en a assez, mais pour faire me si grande guerre, non: As touching his money, hee hath enough to make good chea••e at home, but not to maintayne so great a warre. So hee, to make merry with his friends, in this merry time of peace, hath money enough: mais pour payer vne si grande summe, non: But not to pay so great a summe of debtes.

It now remayneth to speake of his Entrade, or Re∣uenue: For a Prince cannot haue peace without war, no•• warre without men, nor men without money,* 1.244 nor money without meanes: nor are there any meanes but these, viz. First, Domaine. Secondly, Conquests. Thirdly, Dons des amys. Fourthly, Pension des allies. Fiftly, Traffique.* 1.245 Sixtly, Imposts sur les Marchandisez apportes ou emportes. Seuenthly, Imposts des Subiects: First, Domayne. Second∣ly, Conquests. Thirdly, Giftes of his friends. Fourthly, Pension of his Confederates. Fiftly, Traffike. Sixtly, Im∣positions vpon Marchandise, brought in, or carried out. Seuenthly, Impositions vpon his Subiects. And yet one other, which the Kings of France haue lately in∣uented to helpe, when all other fayled, which is, Eight∣ly, the sales of Offices, more dangerous and preiudici∣all to the State, then any other.

Of these 8. meanes I wil giue you particular obserua∣tions, and then conclude, what is generally holden to be the whole Reuenue of the Crowne of France, by all these meanes.

First, the Domayne is, as it were,* 1.246 the Dowre which the State brings to the King her Husband, for her tuiti∣on, defence, and maintenance: And therefore one saith, n' est au Roy ains à la Coronne: Belongs not to the King,* 1.247 but to the Crowne.

There are 2. sorts of Domaines, First, the rent which the King holds in his hands, of the Feifes giuen for ser∣uice: Secondly, that which is vnited and incorporate to the Crowne. The rights of the Domaine are these: Rents, Fifts, payments at alienations, tributes, peages, toll, of whatsoeuer enters or comes out of Cities, woods, forrests, and diuers other.

This is the most ancient and most lawfull ground and foundation of Finances: For yee shall obserue in Liuy,* 1.248 that at the first there were in the territorie of Rome, onely eighteene thousand Acres of land, whereof one third was for the Church and sacrifices, another for the Resp. and the rest for particular men. This is also confir∣med by Dionisius Halicarnasseus,* 1.249 who liued with Master Varro, the true Register of the Romane antiquities, as Bodin cals him. A Citizen of Rome had but two Acres, but after the expulsion of Tarquinius, they had 7. apiece. This diuision among the Romanes, was deriued from the Egyptians, who did diuide their whole land into three parts:* 1.250 One for the Church, another for the King, and the third for the Calasyres.

That is Domaine, which belongeth to the Crowne: First, either by Possession, time out of mind: Or second∣ly, by Reunion, for want of heires males, as the Appen∣nages when they returne: Thirdly, or by Confusion, for want of such as can make iust claime, much like our concealed lands in England: Or lastly, by Confiscati∣on of offenders inheritances.

* 1.251Of this last sort wee reade, that in the time of Saint Lewes, there were confisked to the Domaine, the Coun∣ties of Dreax, Bray, Fortyonne, and Monstreuil, Langue∣docke, Guyenne, Aniowe, Maine, Turraine, Auuergne:

And after, in the time of Philip, the Duchy of Alençon, the Counties of Perche, Perigort, Poutieu, La Marche An∣goulesme, & Marquisate of Saluzzes. But Bodin saith, most of this came to the Crowne by force: La sieur de la ser∣re: He saith, it came by way of exchange or purchase. But the Author of the Comentaries, of the estate of the Religion, and policie of France, is of the first opini∣on. Thus great was the Domayne in former times, that of it selfe, without oppressing the people with Imposi∣tions, it was sufficient to maintayne the State and great∣nesse of the Kings of France, but it is now vtterly wasted.* 1.252 On sçait bien que le Domaine qui seul entretenoit la splendeur et le lustre de l' estat Royal, n' est tel qu'il estoit de temps du regne des roys Loys, 11. Ch. 8. et. Lo. 12. La continu∣ation des guerres l' a faict engager en plusieurs mains, entelle sorte qu' il faudroit plus de quinze on seze millions des liures pour rachepter ce qui en vaut plus de c••nquante millions: Tis well knowne, that the Domayne, which alone maintai∣ned heretofore the beauty and lustre of the Royall E∣state, is not now such, as it was in the raignes of King Lewes 11. Charles 8. and Lewes 12. The continuance of our warrs, hath caused it to be engaged in many hands, in such sort, that there is neede of more then fifteene or 16. thousand pound Sterling, to redeeme that which is worth aboue 5. millions of poundes. And Bodin saith, that almost all the Counties, Baronies, and Seigneu∣ries of the Domaine, are aliened for the ninth or tenth part of that they be worth. Yee must obserue, that the lands of the Domaine are not alienable, but in two ca∣ses. 1. Pour l' Apennage des freres. 2. Pour les guerres.* 1.253 1. For the Apēnage of the Kings brother. 2. For the warres: & these must be cōfirmed by the Arrest of the Parliament.

For in all other cases, all Lawyers and Historiens of France agree, that it is inalienable, and many Arrests haue beene made of late yeeres to confirme it. I haue read, that the Charta magna of England saith, the Kings when they are crowned, take an othe, not to aliene it: so doe they heere in France. And there is no prescription of time, to make such sales or alienations good, but that they may bee recouered and repurchased, whensoeuer the Crowne is able.

* 1.254To this purpose Plutarch sayth well, Men cannot prescribe against God, nor particulars against the Respub∣lique.

* 1.2552. Concerning the second meanes of raysing mony by Conquests, the present state of France can yeeld no example, it hath bene long on the losing hand: but ye shall read, that the Turke dayly, when hee conquereth a Prouince or Countrey, giues the Lands to such as shal serue him in the Warres, whom he sendeth thither as it were Colonies, to enioy eche one his portion of some foure and twenty Acres of our measure, or as o∣ther reckon, thirty. He giues them also Wheat to seed their land, vpon condition to pay him halfe the fruits of the seuenth yeere, and halfe of the twelfth: and when the party dies, his goods goe to the Turke: so that the parties casuelles,* 1.256 casualties (as they heere call them) is a great reuenue to him.

So the Spanyard hath sent of his people into Peru, there to inhabit (much like this course the Turke takes) and from thence yerely receyueth to the value of two millions, that is, the fift of such Gold and siluer, and o∣ther commodities, as are there found.

3. For the third meanes, it is now out of season: it

was vsed in that good olde world, when on se mouchoit sur le manche: Men wiped their nose on their sleeue, (as the French man sayes:) for now Princes are so farre from giuing, as they hardly pay that they owe.

Of these gifts yee shall reade in Polibius, Florus, and o∣thers: As of the King of Aegypt, who sent to the Citie of Rome, when it was distressed by Hanniball,* 1.257 the summe of 400000. Crownes. And Hieron of Sicili sent them a Crowne of gold, of three hundred poundes weight. They of Rhodes had an olde ruinous Colosse fell downe, which stood hard by the Key, and in the fall brake three or foure Shippes: to repayre which losse, the King of Egypt sent them 1800000. Crownes in gold, besides a great quantity of siluer, and three thousand muyds of wheate: Hieron sent them 60000. Crownes.* 1.258 So did Pto∣lemey send great gifts to them of Ierusalem: And ye shall reade of sixe kingdoms giuen to the Romanes, by testa∣ment: and the Dutchy of Guelderland giuen to the Duke of Burgogne,* 1.259 not much aboue an hundred yeeres since.

4 The fourth meanes also of Pension, which Princes haue vpon some consideration of their Allies,* 1.260 helpeth the French Kings Cosers nothing at all: for they ra∣ther giue then take: As for example, to diuers cantons of the Swisses, to whome at first they payd not aboue one hundred and twentie thousand liures yeerely: but for these fifty yeeres, they neuer pay lesse the yere, then two millions. For sayth Commines, Lewes 11. entred league with the Swisses, and they into his Pension: to whom he yeerely gaue fortie thousand Flourins, where∣of twentie to the Cities, and twentie to particular men, vpon condition to haue a certayne proportion of their

forces to serue him in his Warres vpon all occasions. An aduantagious alliance for the Swisse in my opini∣on, who by this meanes enrich themselues, cleare their Countrey of many idle and bad members, and lastly, breede good Souldiers, to serue themselues vpon need, at another mans cost. The Turke hath also a pension of the Emperour of Germany,* 1.261 for certaine Lands he holdeth in Hungarie: which he notwithstanding vanteth to be a Tribute. Many examples might bee alleadged of this kinde, as of Philip of Macedone, that by pensions got all Greece partial on his side:* 1.262 and the Kings of Persia by pen∣sion, got euer the Forces of Asia diuerted.

* 1.2635 The fift, which is of Trafficke, auaileth nothing the French Kings: for they holde it heere a base and sordid kind of profession for a Gentleman, much more for a King,* 1.264 to trade by Marchandize. And by the Lawes of England, France and Germany, hee loseth the quali∣tie of a Nobleman, that doth trafficke. The Law Clodia forbad a Romane Senatour to trade, or haue Shippe of burthen,* 1.265 Quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus est: The Senatours esteemed any kinde of trade or trafficke vn∣worthy of their ranke. And the Emperours Law forbad all Gentlemen and Churchmen to vse it.

Notwithstanding these Lawes, and the disparage∣ment that it brings to Nobilitie (for saith Tully,* 1.266 Merca∣tores sunt sordidum genus hominum, Marchants are a base kinde of people) yet so sweete is the sauour of gaine, that many haue vsed this as no small meanes to encrease their Finances. The great Duke of Tuscaine present, gaines infinitely this way, and the more by his most vnlawfull and tyrannous Monopolies: for hee com∣monly buyeth vp all the graine of his owne Countrie,

at his owne price: yea, and that which commeth from other places also, and then sendeth out a Bando or Pro∣clamation, that no man shall sell any Corne through∣out his State, till his owne be solde, forcing also all Ba∣kers and other people to buy thereof. This maner of en∣grossing Alphonsus of Arragon also vsed, by the testimo∣nie of Bodin. The Kings of Portugall also, and the Seig∣noria of Venice, haue bene great traders by Marchandise, but it hath beene in an honester fashion, at Sea, and not to the grinding of their poore Subiects. The Nobilitie also of Italy, in all Cities (except Naples) holde it no dis∣honour to trafficke in grosse, as yee shall generally ob∣serue when yee come into that Countrie.

6 The sixt meanes of raising money vpon all wares and Marchandise,* 1.267 that come in & goe out of the Coun∣trie, is the most ancient and best agreeing with reason, and vsed by all Princes in the world. The late troubles haue made the benefit hereof very small to the Crowne of France, for these many yeeres past. The particulars comprised vnder this branch, are these: Le haut passage, ou Domaine foraine, and La traicte foraine. Customes in∣ward, and outward:* 1.268 By these the Prince is to haue Impost, Cinq pour cent, fiue in the hundred: so much iust had the Romanes, Teste Cicerone in Praetura Siciliensi, As Cicero witnesseth in his Pretorship of Sicilia. The Turke takes, Dix ••our cent, Ten in the hundred of the stranger, and cinq, fiue, of the Subiect: the French quite contrary. You must obserue, that that which here I call the Do∣maine foraine, is generally called the Aides: first, graun∣ted by the Estates to Charles Duke of Normandie, when Iohn his Father was prisoner in England: which was the paiment of 12. Deniers, the liure,* 1.269 sur toutes les merchandises

et denrees qui seroyent venduës en ce royaume excepte sur le vin, lebled, le sel, et autres breuuages: mais depuis il s' est faict perpetuel et augmente, par l' imposition du vin vendu en gros par tout, & en Normandie en detaille: Vpō all marchādizes and wares which should be sold in this Kingdome, ex∣cept vpon Wine, Corne, Salt, and all maner of drinke: but since it hath beene made perpetuall, and augmen∣ted by the imposition vpon Wine solde euery where, and in Normandie by retaile.

This is like the Gabel vpon all maner of foode, which the Princes take of their Subiects through Italy, or the Assise vpon bread and beere which the States haue in the Low countryes▪ a grieuance, whereof we smart not in England, as also we are free frō many other burthens, which the people of these Countries are forced to beare: and yet yee shall heare our people (therefore ig∣norant of their owne happinesse, which they enioy vn∣der the blessed Gouernement of our gracious Soue∣raigne, because they knew not the miseries of others) murmure and grudge at the payment of a Taxe or Sub∣sidie, as a matter insupportable, which, in comparison of the impositions laide vpon others, is a matter of no∣thing.

Touching the Gabell of Salt (which is also compri∣sed vnder this head) Some say it was first erected by Philippe le Long: Others by Philip de Valois, 1328. True it is, that the ordinance of Francis the first, 1541. sets downe an impost of twentie foure Liures vpon euery Muy: And in the yeere 1543. an ordinance was made for Gabell, to be taken vpon all Sea-fish salted. And in 1544. it was ordained, that all Salt should bee sold and distributed into the Magazines, or Storehouses of euery

seuerall generalitie. The benefit of this one commodi∣tie, hath beene very commodious to the Crowne,* 1.270 till the yere eightie one, whē the King was forced for want of money to let it out to others: whereby he lost, as is in my Authour prooued, eight hundred thirtie sixe thou∣sand Crownes yeerely. Here is also a kinde of taxe, cal∣led the Equiuallent, that is, an imposition laide vpon some persons and places (but not generally) to haue li∣bertie to buy and sell Salt, and to be exempt from the Magazines.

The Impost of Wine is laide vpon all, without ex∣ception or exemption whatsoeuer, it is the twentieth part to the King: besides all other rights, as of Billots, entring into Cities, passages by land or ryuer, and such like: Besides, a later imposition of fiue Sols vpon euery Muy, leuied by Charles the ninth 1561.

Concerning the (Traicte foraine) it is of like nature with the Aides, saue that it is leuiable vpon more parti∣cular sorts of Marchandise: besides, the Aides is an Im∣post vpon things spent in the Land: and the Traicte for∣raine, is of such commodities as are transported out: As of Wheate, Rie, Barley, Oates, Wine, Vineger, Veriuice, Cidre, Beefes, Muttons, Veales, Lambes, Swine, Horses, Lard, Bacon, Tallow, Oyle, Cheese, Fish of all sortes, Drougs of all sorts, Mettals of all sortes, Silkes and clothes of all sorts, Leather of all sorts; and finally all o∣ther marchandise, as Fruites, Parchment, Paper, Glasse, Wood, Roopes, &c.

7 The seuenth ground or foundation of Finances,* 1.271 is the Imposition vpon the Subiect: that is, not vpon the Wares or commodities, but vpon the persons them∣selues, according to their abilitie, and it is much like the

leuying of the taxe and subsidie in England, where eue∣ry one payeth rateably to the lands and goods he posses∣seth. And therefore Haillan iudgeth well, to say, they bee neither personall,* 1.272 nor reall, but mixt, imposées au lieu du domicile, ayant esgard à tousles biens du taillable, en quelque part qu' ils soyent assis et posez: Assessed in the place of their dwelling, according to all the goods of the partie asses∣sed, in what part soeuer they lye or abide.

These (tailles) were first raysed by Saint Lewes (but by way of extraordinary Subsidie.) Charles the 7. made them ordinary for the maintenance of his Gendarmerie. And whereas at first they were neuer leuyed but by consent of the three States, and to endure but while the warre lasted, he made them perpetuall. Therefore saith one,* 1.273 Ce qu'estoit accordè par grace, est depuis venu patrimoni∣al et hereditaire aux roys: That which was at first yeelded of fauour, is become since patrimoniall and hereditarie to our Kings. (But this is a common course, I thinke there is no countrey in Europe but can giue instances therof.) There is yet to be obserued, that these tailles are onely lyable vpon the Plat païs (the County) all Cities are exempt, as also all Officers of the Kings house, all Counsellors, Lawyers, and Officers of Courtes of Par∣liament, all the Nobilitie, the Gensdarmes, the Officers of warre, the Graduates of Vniuersities, &c.

The (taillon) is another imposition, raised by Henrie, 2. anno, 1549. which was to amend the wages of the gens∣darmes, who by reason of the smalnesse of their pay, lay vpon the poore villages, and ate them vp; for the ease whereof this imposition was deuised, which also lyeth vpon the poore Countrey-man: whereby at first hee was somewhat eased: But now all is peruerted; the

poore is still oppressed, and yet he payeth still both taille and taillon.

Lastly, there is the sold, or pay of 50000. foote, which ye may remember were erected by Lewes the eleuenth, in eight legions, sixe thousand to a legion, which with their Officers, come about this number. To maintaine these Legions, there was a taxe leuyed vpon all sortes of persons priuiledged in the (taille) but onely the Nobles. (There are also the Decymes (Tenthes) leuyed vpon the Church.) For the leuying of the taille, taillon,* 1.274 and sold de 50000. gens a pied, wages of 50000. foote. Ye must note, that the King sends his Letters Patentes by Commissio∣ners, to the Treasurers of each Generalitie: these, accor∣ding to the summe, rate each Election, (this is, as yee would say, a hundred in a shire, or a Bailywike) and then send to these Elections, to haue the said summe gathered in their seuerall Townes, and Hamlets, according as they be rated.

So doe they to the Maieures, Consuls, Escheuins, and chiefe Officers of euery City, that are lyable to any of these payments, who rating euery man according to his abilitie, giue these Rolles to certayne Collectors to gather it vp: These are bound to bring it quarterly to the Receiuers. These carry it to the Receiuers gene∣rall, in the same species that they receiued it: and from them to haue an Acquittance, after the Ac∣counts haue beene perused by the Controler gene∣rall.

And these are all the meanes, by which Princes rayse their Finances, whereof yee see some, nothing to pertayne to the French King, but to others; and some to him onely, not to others.

* 1.2758 There yet remayneth one other meanes (though extraordinary) to a Prince, to get money, which the ne∣cessities of the times, and the want of other meanes, haue forced the French Kings of late yeeres to vse. This is the vent or sales of Offices, a very dangerous & hurtfull Marchandize, both for the Prince and subiect. This Lesson (sayth Bodin) the French Kings first learned of the Popes,* 1.276 with whom it is still as familiar, as olde, to sell Bishopricks, liuings, & Ecclesiasticall promotions. A course,* 1.277 saith one de grāde consequence & tres-perilleuse, mais couuerte de necessité: of great and dangerous con∣sequence, but cloked with necessity. It is indeed thrice dangerous, because sales of offices cause sales of Iustice: for what these Purchasers pay in grosse, they must needs get in retayle, forgetting what was sayd to Sopho∣cles, the Gouernour of Athens, Il faut qu'vn Gouerneur ait non seulement les mains nettes, mais les yeur aussi: A Go∣uernour must not onely haue his hands cleane, but his eyes also. They cannot say, as Pericles did on his death∣bed,* 1.278 Que nul Athenien pour occasion de luy, n' auoit onc por∣te robbe noire: He had neuer made any Athenian weare mourning robe. For these, by selling Iustice, and rob∣bing the poore of their right, giue the fatherlesse and oppressed Widdowe iust cause to complayne, and of wearing that mourning robe that Plutarch speakes of.

Saint Lewes, among many other good Lawes, and reuocation of diuers impositions extraordinary, made also an Edict against the sale of Offices. And it is re∣ported of Alexander Seuerus▪* 1.279 that he should say when one offered a peece of money for a certayne Office, Non patiar mercatores potestatum: I will suffer none to traffique Offices.* 1.280 Therefore sayth the Athenian Orator

to Timar••hus, That the liues, not the Purses of them that stoode for Offices, were to be looked into.* 1.281 And yee shall reade in Plutarch, that he which anciently stoode for an Office in Rome, was to shew himselfe certaine dayes before the Election, in the Forum or open streetes, apparelled in a thinne Robe, that through the same, the people might see the wounds he had had in the Warres for his Countries seruice, and thereafter as he had deserued,* 1.282 to choose him. And lest any man should by briberie, corruption, or any such indirect and vnlawfull way, seeke to get any Office or Authoritie, these olde Ro∣mans made many good and wholesome Lawes, against such maner of proceedings (which they called Ambi∣tus) i. an Ambicious seeking of preferment. This the Lex Petilia forbad:* 1.283 The Lex Calphurnia declared them that were detected of any such course, to be vncapable of that Office for euer.* 1.284 And the Lex Tullia banished them that were conuinced (Ambitus) for ten yeeres: so hatefull were such purchases in those dayes.

And in the time of Ferdinand,* 1.285 they had the like law in Spaine, against the buying of any Office, whether of Warre or Iustice: Que vse quedam vender ny trocar, of∣ficios de Alcaldid, ny Algnaziladgo, ny Regimiento, ny vientes quatria, ny fid executoria, ny iuraderia.

Thus you may obserue, how hurtfull soeuer it be to Common-wealths, and how much so euer forbidden, yet that necessitie oftentimes forceth Princes, to that which is most losse to themselues. La pauuretè quelques fois contraint le Roy de casser bonnes loix pour subuenir à se•• affaires: et depuis qu' vne fois on a faict ceste ouuerture il est presqu' impossible d' y remedier: Pouertie sometimes con∣straineth

the King to breake good Lawes, to helpe his affaires, and when once this hole is made in the Lawes, it is almost impossible to keepe it.

It is a strange thing to consider, and incredible to be∣leeue, what infinite masses of money haue bene made heere in France by these sales, where there is not that Collector, Cōtroller, Treasurer, Sergeant, or subalterne Office whatsoeuer, but he hath bought it of the Prince, and at no small rate: for I haue heard it credibly repor∣ted, and yee shall reade also in late writers, that these Offices are bought in France at a dearer rate then our Lands in England of twentie yeeres purchase. Yee must obserue they haue them for terme of life, and after, to returne to the King who is againe to sell them. A man in his sicknes, or in danger of death, or vpon any neede whatsoeuer, may sell this his Office, or resigne it to his Sonne or friend whatsoeuer: which sale is good, if the party liue fortie daies after the sale or resignation is con∣firmed, otherwise not. Now we are to consider, what Entrade or Reuenew, the French King yeerely maketh by any or all of the meanes abouesaid.

The estate of the Finances, Domaine, and al in Charles the sixt time,* 1.286 Anno 1449. was but 1400000. Liures. Henry the second, leuoit sur son pe••ple par voye ordinaire quinz•• millions des francs tous les ans:* 1.287 d••nt quelque partie a depuis esté engagée pour les dettes: Non obstant lesquelles no∣stre Roy en tirs autant auiourd huy▪ raysed vpon his people by way of ordinarie Reuenew, fifteene thousand pound sterling a yeere: whereof some part hath since bene alie∣ned for the debts of the Crowne, which notwithstan∣ding the King rayseth as much now.

But yee may obserue, that this summe is of late yeres growne much greater, (by two thirds) as is generally beleeued: for whereas in those dayes, some three or fourescore yeeres, since the ordinarie summe was fif∣teene millions of Francs or Liures, it is now so many of Crownes. And Monsieur Riuault, Treasurer to the Duke of Mayenne, shamed not some eight yeres since to say, that his Master had improued the Realme of France to a better rent, then any Prince had done beforetimes: For saith he,* 1.288 Au lieu qu' il ne vallait que dix huict ou vingt millions, il en vaut auiour d'huy cinquante: Whereas it was woorth but eighteene or twentie thousand pound sterling, it is now woorth fiue millions sterling.

And another saith, that onely by the sales of Offices in twentie yeeres space,* 1.289 Le Roy en a tire cent trent et neuf millions: The King hath raysed one hundred thirtie and nine millions, which is after the rate of seuen millions the yeere. So that it is probably to be inferred, that the Reuenewes are at lest fifteene millions of Crownes; wherein all late writers agree: Neither must we thinke, that men are mistaken, by counting Crownes for Liures (considering that Bodin, and La Nouë, and most elder writers speake onely of Liures, not of Crownes.) For the maner of Accompt of France, is by especiall ordinance commaunded to bee made by Crownes, and that of Liures to cease: So that whensoeuer yee reade in the Stories of France, of any summe of thousands, millions, or such like, without naming either francs or Crownes: you are to respect the times when it was written: for if it was aboue twentie yeeres past, they meane Liures or Francs: if of latter yeres then twentie, it is alwayes to be

vnderstoode they speake of Crownes: this rule will not faile you.

Hauing briefely spoken of his Entrade, and sufficient∣ly of the meanes by which he raiseth it, as especially by the last, which is not the least: namely, the sales of Offices, which are now bestowed, not vpon them which can execute them best, but such as can giue the most; of whome we may say, as Commines of them of his time,* 1.290 presently after the Battell of Montlherry, Tel perdoit ses offices et estats pour s' en estre fuy, et furent donnes à autres qui auoyent fuy dix lieües plus loing: Some lost their Offi∣ces and estates for running away, the which were be∣stowed vpon others, that ranne ten leagues further: So these Offices were taken from them that pilled the peo∣ple much, and bestowed vpon others that pill them ten times more.

* 1.291Hauing, I say, spoken sufficiently of these, it remai∣neth I keepe the same course I haue done hitherto: that is, after the relation of the Court, to reckon vp the Of∣ficers of Court, and after the discourse of his Forces, to speake of his Officers of warre: So here likewise after mention made of his Finances and Reuenewes, to re∣member his Financers and Officers, vsed for the Col∣lection, keeping and disposing of the same. Of which officers, we may say, as the Philosopher sayes of wiues, that they be Mala necessaria: Necessarie euils. And as he saith of them, The lesse of euils is the best: so say we of these, The fewer the better. But when wee reade, that the olde Romanes had of these but one in a Prouince, you shall obserue heere in some Prouince not so fewe as one thousand.

The chiefe of these is the Treasurer d'Espargne,* 1.292 of the Exchequer, instituted in Francis the first his time, in place of the Receyuer generall. There is also another Treasurer of the parties casuelles, Casualties. The third sort are the Treasurers generaux des Finances, whom also they call Treasurers of France; (for as for the Treasurers ordinary and extraordinary of the Warres, we haue al∣ready spoke of them in the relation of his forces, and of the Treasurer de menus plaisirs, of his petty pleasures, when we spoke of his Court.) The number of these Treasurers generall, as also of all other Officers of Fi∣nances, ye may partly conceaue by the number of Ge∣neralities which are in France, and the seuerall Offices of eche one of these.

Of these Generalities are twenty & one in all France,* 1.293 Paris, Rouen, Caen, Nantes, Toures, Burges, Poictiers, Ag••n, Tholouse, Montpellier, Aix, Grenoble, Lion, Ryon, Dyon, Cha∣alons, Amyens, Orleans, Soissons, Lymoges, Moulin.

In eche of these Generalities are diuers Elections,* 1.294 that is, diuers places for the Receipt of the Finances: As in that of Orleans are eleuen Elections, in the rest some more, and some lesse, to the number of 170. in al.

In euery Generality are ten Treasurers;* 1.295 three Recei∣uers generall of the Finances; three Receyuers generall of the Taillon; one Receiuer generall of the Dismes; two Receyuers generall of the Woods: And for euery Re∣ceiuer, so many Controlers generall:* 1.296 two Treasurers generall of the extraordinary of the Warre, for the payment of Garrisons and Souldiers in time of Warre.

Besides all these generall Officers, there are also in eche particular Election, three Receyuers of the Taille,

three of the Aides, two of the Taillon, & as many Con∣trolers, besides all other inferior Officers. If then there be thus many in one Election onely, ye may iudge the infinite number in all France, vpon which they lye, as thicke as the Grassehoppers in Aegypt.

* 1.297I must here also remember the Chamber of Ac∣counts, the chiefe Court of the Finances: wherein are foure Presidents, twelue Masters, eighteene Auditors, foure Correctors, one Procuror generall, one aduocate, one greffier, sixe huissiers, or Sergeants, and other infe∣rior Officers,* 1.298 to the number (as Bodin sayth) of two hun∣dred, besides seruants (and it is likely, the number is not lessened since his time.)

In conclusion, the Officers here, and of other places, are so exceeding many, as a President of this Court shewed the Estates of France, in the assembly at Blois, that of the Escu, sixe shillings, which was payd by the Subiect, there came but a teston, 1. shilling 8. pence to the Kings Cofers.

Many motions haue beene made, from time to time, for the redresse hereof, but the faction of Financers is so strong, and the summe so huge, which the King owes them, that it is remedilesse.

The Court of Aides also is as full of Offices, as that o∣ther.* 1.299 These Finances (saith one) ont esté brouillées, alte∣rées, changées, et reduictes en art si obscure, que peu de gens y entendent, ou peuuent y entendre, s' ils ne sont nourrys en la Ca∣balle, de ceux qui l'ont obscurcie: haue bene so shuffled, alte∣red, changed, and reduced into so obscure an Arte, that very few either do, or can vnderstand it, except they haue bene brought vp in their Cabale that haue obscu∣red it. No maruell therefore, though there bee much

difference among men, about the certayntie thereof, ei∣ther for the truth of the summe, or number of the Offi∣cers.

Howbeit, hauing now wound my selfe out of the la∣borsome Laborinth thereof, directed by the clew of the best writers, and most iudicious Informers, that as yet I could meete withall, I will proceede to relate of the rest, and first of the Kings Coyne, for that ye know these Financers are neuer without money: and next that, I will remember the Administration of Iustice, and so by consequent speake of the Courts, Iudges, Lawyers, and such like, who, of all people in the world, hunt after it with greatest greedinesse.

The Coynes of France, are either of Gold, Siluer,* 1.300 or Brasse. In those of Gold I must be better instructed my selfe, for I know not but the Crowne, which is of three or foure sorts, whereof that of the Sunne is the best, and the halfe Crowne. Those of Siluer are these, the Liure or Franc, which is 2. shillings sterling: The quart d' escu, which is 1. shilling, 6. pence. The Teston, which is halfe a soubs lesse: The peece of tenne soubs, which is 1. shilling sterling: the halfe quardescu, the halfe teston, and the peece of fiue soubs, that is sixe pence sterling. Those of Brasse, is the peece of sixe Blanks, which is three pence: that of three blankes, three halfe pence. The soubs of 12. deniers: the liard of foure deniers, the double, of two: and lastly, the denier it selfe, whereof tenne make 1. peny ster∣ling. This baser and smaller kinde of money, hath not beene vsed in France, but since the beginning of the ci∣uill warres. The Teston is the best siluer. It is a general and a true complaint, that the Coyne is much lesse in France, then it hath beene, and that there is the better

halfe of French Crownes gone out of the land within these twenty yeres: whereof is no maruell, considering that marchandise hath almost lien dead, the Countrey vnfruitfull, because vntilled, and many troups of for∣rayne Soldiers, especially of Swisses and Reisters, heere all the while payd.

Howsoeuer it decrease in France, true it is that Bodin sayth, that it increaseth generally in all these West coun∣tries of the world; as also that they haue lesse and lesse in the East parts:* 1.301 For so he reporteth out of Strabo, that in former times the Kings of Egypt raysed yeerely vpon their people seuen millions and a halfe. And Plu∣tarch sayth,* 1.302 that Scylla taxed Asia minor at twelue milli∣ons of Crownes, which is little more then the sixt part of that the Turke holds, who notwithstanding at this present rayseth not aboue so much in all his dominions. But in these Countries, as yee see by this Realme of France, the Reuenues still grow greater and greater: of this the abundance of money is no little cause: So is it also the cause, that the prices of all wares are growne, not that things are now more scarce, or people more plentifull, which some will needs perswade themselues to beleeue.

* 1.303And therefore one reasons well, that sayth, The Re∣uenue of Charles the sixt, which was but fourteene hundred thousand Francks, was as sufficient to mayn∣tayne the greatnesse of a French King, as that of Charles the nynth, which was fifteene millions, considering the price of all things, and pension of Officers enhaunced. And so by consequent, the ransome of the Sultane of Egypt, of fiue hundred thousand Liures, which hee payd the Turke, not much lesse then the three millions

of Crownes, which Francis the first paide to Charles the fift.

It remaineth I speake of of the Administration and Ex∣ecution of Iustice,* 1.304 and of those places and persons where and by whome it is done: I will therefore begin with their Assemblies, as the highest and greatest Court of al, which well resembleth the Parliament of England, the Diet of the Empire, or the Counsell of the Amphyrthions in Greece. We may say of these Assemblies of France, where matters are concluded by the multiplicitie of voyces, not by the poyze of reason, as was said of the Romanes elections, where the Consull propounded, and the people approoued by suffrage, or disprooued: or as the Philosopher Anacharsis said of Solons Common∣wealth: Es consultations et deliberations des Grecs,* 1.305 les sages proposent les matieres, et les fols les decident: In the consul∣tations and deliberations of the Greekes, wise men pro∣pound the matters, and fooles decide them.

There are three especiall causes of calling these As∣semblies. The first,* 1.306 Quand la succession à la Coronne estoit douteuse et controuersé, ou qu' il estoit necessaire de pouruoir à la Regence, durant la captiuité ou minorité des Roys, ou quand ils estoyent preclus de l' vsage de leux intendement: When the succession of the Crowne was doubtful and in con∣trouersie, or when it was to take order for the Regencie during the Kings captiuitie or minoritie, or when they had not the right vse of their wits. Hereof ye haue ex∣amples, Anno 1327. S. Lewes an infant: and Charles the sixt, Anno 1380. lunaticke: and 1484. Iohn prisoner. For all which occasions, Assemblies were called, to de∣termine who should haue the Regencie of the Realme in the meane while.

* 1.307The second cause is, Quand il est question de reformer le Royaume, corriger les abus des Officers, et Magistrats, ou appaiser les troubles et seditions: When there is question of reforming the kingdome, correcting the abuses of Offi∣cers and Magistrates, or appeasing troubles and sediti∣ons: Hereof ye haue examples, 14.12. when a peace was made between the Infants of Orleans & Burgundy, whose houses had long warred one with another, and distrac∣ted all the Nobilitie of France, to their parts taking. Also anno, 1560. when Frances the second called an as∣sembly at Orleans, for the different of Religion: where the Prince of Condie was arrested, and condemned of treason, and where this young King died, before hee could see the execution. And anno, 1587. an assembly called at Blois, for the reformation of the State, & punish∣ment of diuers abuses in Magistrates (as the Duke of Guise pretended) and for the deposing of the King, as some thought that he entended: others say, that he had here plotted to kill the King, and that the King had but the start of the Duke one day: for if he had deferred the death of the Guise till the next day, the lot had fallen vp∣on himselfe.* 1.308 There is a very iudicious late writer, who discoursing of this assembly at Blois, where the three E∣states excepted against the Kings ill Gouernment, com∣playneth, that of late they are growne too insolent in their demaunds. Ye shall reade in our Histories of such a like Parliament as this,* 1.309 in England, called by Henry of Derby, against Richard the second.

The third cause is, la necessitè du Roy ou royaume, où l' on exhortoit aux subsides,* 1.310 subuentions, aides, et octrois: The want and necessity of the King or kingdome, in which case the Estates are exhorted to giue Subsidies, subuenti∣ons,

aides, and gratuities. For in former times, the Kings contenting themselues with their Domaine, and impost of such wares, as came in, or went out of the land, (the two most ancient, and most iust grounds of Finances) were not accustomed to leuy and impose vpon their Subiects any taxe whatsoeuer, without the consent of the three States, thus assembled. They did not say, as of later yeeres Lewes the eleuenth was wont,* 1.311 Que la France estoit vn pré qui se tondoit trois fois l' anneé: That France was a Meddowe, which hee mowed thrice a yeere.

The next Soueraigne Court (for so the French call it) is the Court of Parliament,* 1.312 le vray temple de la Iustice Françoise: Seige du Roy et de ses Paires: The true temple of French Iustice: Seate of the King and his Peeres: And as Haillan calles it, L'archbouttan des droicts: the Buttresse of equitie. This Court very much resembleth the Star-Chamber of England, the Areopage of Athens, the Se∣nate of Rome, the Consiglio de' dieij of Venice.

There are no lawes (saith Haillan) by which this Court is directed: it iudgeth secundum aequum et bonū, according to equitie and conscience,* 1.313 and mitigateth the rigour of the Law: Les nom des Parlements sont appliquez aux com∣pagnies de Cours Soueraignes, qui cognossoient en dernier res∣sort de matieres de iustice: The names of Parliaments are giuen to the bodies of Soueraigne Courtes, which determine without appeale, in matters of Iu∣stice.

Of these Courts of Parliament, ye haue eight in France. That of Paris, the most ancient & highest in pre∣eminence, which at first was ambulatory (as they call it) & euer followed the K. Court, whither soeuer it wēt: but

since Philip le bel, it hath beene sedentary in this Citie. That of Grenoble was erected, anno, 1453. That of Tho∣louse,* 1.314 anno, 1302. That of Bourdeaux, anno, 1443. That of Dijon, in the yeere 1476. That of Rouen, in the yeere 1501. That of Aix, the same yeere. And lastly, that of Bretaigne, in the yeere 1553. Anciently all Arch-Bi∣shops, and Bishops might sit and giue voyces in this Parliament of Paris: but in 1463. it was decreed, that none but the Bishop of Paris, and Abbot of Saint Denis might sit there, except he be of the Bloud: for all these are priuiledged.

The Presidents and Councellors of the Court of Par∣liament of Paris, may not depart the Towne, without leaue of the Court, by the ordinance of Lewes 12. in the yeere 1499. Senatores semper adesse debent, quòd grauitatem res habet,* 1.315 cum frequens est ordo: The Senators ought al∣wayes to be present, because things are carried with more maiestie, when that Court is full.

To this Parliament, they appeale from all other subal∣terne Courts throughout the Realme, as they doe in Venice to the Consiglio grande. Neither can the King con∣clude any warre, or peace, without the aduice and con∣sent hereof: or at least (as Haillan sayth) hee demaun∣deth it for fashion sake,* 1.316 sometimes when the matters are already concluded.

The Parliament of Paris consists of seuen Cham∣bers: the Grande chambre, and fiue others of Enquests: and the Tournelles, which is the Chamber for the crimi∣nall causes, as the other sixe be for the ciuill. It is cal∣led the Tournelles, because the Iudges of the other Chambers sit there by turnes, euery three moneths: the reason whereof Bodin giues,* 1.317 that it might not alter

the naturall inclination of the Iudges, and make them more cruell, by being alwayes exercised in matter of condemnations, and executions. There bee of this Court, of Presidents, Councellors, Cheualliers of ho∣nour, Procureurs, Aduocates, Clerkes, Sergeants, and o∣ther Officers of all sortes, not so few as two hundred.

Besides this Court, there are also other Courtes for the administration of Iustice, in this Citie,* 1.318 as the Chatel∣let of Paris, with a Lieutenant ciuill, and another crimi∣nall, and the Hostel de Paris, with a Preuost, and other in∣feriour Officers, which is, as ye would say, the Guild Hall of the Citie. So haue ye throughout the Realme certayne places, (as all Cities in generall) where there be Chatellets (like our places of Assise) and in them a Lieu∣tenant, ciuill and criminall, to iudge and determine all causes, reall, or personall, and here many Lawyers and Procurers (as are our Councellors at law, & Atturnies) who pleade before these Lieutenants, and Preuosts, and certaine Councellors, which are the Iudges in these Courts, whereof the number is incredible in France. Insomuch as ye may well say of them, as is said of Sienna, There be more readers, then auditors: so here be more Pleaders thē Clients. This Chiquanerie (pettifogging) & multiplici∣tie of pleaders, came first from the Popes Court, when his Seate was at Auignon (as my Author saith) who in the same place calles these Aduocates,* 1.319 les Sourris de Pa∣lais: The Mice of the Palace. These are they that Rablais (the true Lucian of France) calles Doriphages. i. deuourers of bribes: whose badnesse he scoffingly taxeth, where he saith, that the diuell was not chayned, till such time as he did eate fasting one morning, the soule of one of the Of∣ficers of these Courts: whereupō he was so vexed with

the Collicke (saith he) finding a worse deuill then him∣selfe rumbling in his belly, as there was no stirre with the collericke Marchant, till he was bound.

The processes and sutes in these Courts throughout France, are innumerable, wherein wee come nothing neere them; and yet there is no want of these in Eng∣land: for I haue heard of 340. Nisi prius betweene par∣ties tryed at one Assise in Norff. (as many I thinke, as in halfe England besides.) But these are only twice in the yeere, that causes are tried at Assizes in our Countrey, whereas heere they are tried euery day in the yere, that is not festiuall: So that it is not much vnlikely, that here are as many Processes in seuen yeres, as haue beene in England since the Conquest.

* 1.320An Aduocate must vse no iniurious words, nor su∣perfluous: he must plead briefly, and recite summarily: hee may bee compelled by the Iudge to plead a poore mans cause without fee: Hee must be a Graduate, and haue taken the othe: He may not buy the lands in que∣stion of one of the parties: and besides many other in∣hibitions, he may not enter the Pladoye sans faire collation: the pleading place, till he haue broken his fast: which in my opinion is needlesse, they are forward enough.

* 1.321There are besides these Courts of Chatellets in Ci∣ties, the Courts also of the Builliages & Seneschauses; that is, of Bayliwicks and Sheriffalties, who, as Haillan saith, keepe Courts in eche Prouince, and iudge in all matters ciuill and criminall.

There is also the Court of the Eauës et Forests, kept at the Table of Marble in the Palaice, and infinit others, which to speake particularly of, would be very tedious, and not very necessary. I will here onely remember you

of the two Counsels, which I must confesse, not to haue their due place: for I should haue spoken of them next after the Court of Parliament, or if ye will, next after the Assemblie.

The chiefe of these, as being alwayes about the King, is the Conseil priué, or des affaires: Priuy Councell,* 1.322 or Councell of affaires: of these Counsellors (amōg which are his foure Secretaries) he calleth certaine euery mor∣ning at his rising, to whome he communicates apart his principal and most importing affaires, where are read all letters which come from other Princes, and such like publike businesse, & after a conclusiō what is to be done, the dispatch thereof is committed to the Secretaries.

The other, is the Grand Conseil, or Conseil d' Estat:* 1.323 Great Councell, or Councell of Estate: which at first was, as it were, a mēber of the Parliament, & cōsisted of the Prin∣ces of the Bloud, & Nobility, hauing only to deale in the matters of the policy general of France, or of wars, or of the enacting & publishing of Edicts. But the factiō of Or∣leans & Burgundy, caused it to be changed to a choyse nū∣ber of Counsellors, prouisioned of 1000. crownes pen∣sion a peece yerely. Of this Counsel the Chancellor is chief, for neither the King himself, nor any Prince of the Bloud comes there. This is the Court, of which the Frenchman saith, euery time it is holden, it costs the K. 1000. crownes a day. And now, saith Haillan, hee cannot keep thē so cheape, so infinite is the nūber of thē grown. Where he also cōplaines, that this Conseil d' Estat, which was wont only to determine publike affaires, as the esta∣blishmēt of Iustice, the Reglemēt of Finances, & redres∣sing of cōmon grieuāces, is now so charged with priuate contentions, as the glory thereof is much diminished.

* 1.324Ye shall now note in a word, the Officers that exe∣cute and administer Iustice through France, wherein I will not be precise to name all, but according to the su∣perficiall course before taken, onely to remember the chiefest.

The Chancellor, anciently serued as a Secretary, and so were called in the olde Chartes of France, where he is likewise called the grand Referendaire. The Secretary doeth signe, and the Chancellor doeth seale. Some de∣riue this word of (cancellare) which Haillan reprooueth: others of cancellus. Cuias vpon the Code sayth, they be the same that Quaestores were in time of the Empire at Rome. Therefore he is sometime called Quaestor Iustitiae, & legum custos: Thesaurus famae publicae, & armarium le∣gum: The Iudge of Iustice, and Keeper of the Lawes, the Treasurer of publike fame, and Store-house of the Lawes.

Secretary is the next Office, who at first were called Clerkes. Some old Writers call them Tôn aporretôn Grammateast. Suetonius calles them Ab Epistolis or Ema∣nuenses. They are eyther of the Finances (which haue their place among the Officers of the Finances, before remembred) or of Affaires, which we here speake of: Of these are foure, which are called the principall, Mon∣sieur Villeroy, Monsieur Geuure, Monsieur de Fresne, and Monsieur de Beaulieu.

* 1.325Gouernours and Lieutenants generall of Cities and Prouinces, are as it were Viceroyes & Regents of those places committed to them: & indeed the persons sustai∣ning these charges, are much more Noble then those of the Secretaries, as being for the most part conferd vpon the Princes of the Bloud and Peeres of France.

The Gouernours of Cities were in olde time called Dukes, and they of Prouinces, Counts. They were at first onely in frontier Prouinces, but now since the trou∣bles of France, they haue had the commaund ouer Ci∣ties and Countries, euen in the middest and bowels of the Land: So that now, saith Haillan,* 1.326 France is become Frontiere de tous costez à elle mesme, A Frontier to it selfe on euery side.

There are but few Cities, whereof anciently there were Gouernours, as Rochell, Calais, Peronne, Bologne, Mondidier, Narbonne, Bayonne, and two or three others: Others that had keeping of some small Castle or Fort, was onely called the Keeper, or Captayne at most. But now, sayth Haillan,* 1.327 lib. 4. euery paltry fellow that hath the keeping of a Colombier, Pigeon-house, must forsooth be called Monsieur le Gouerneur, My Lord the Gouer∣nour; and my mistresse his wife, Madame la Gouernarete, My Lady the Gouernesse.

The Gouernor of Daulphenie hath greatest priuiled∣ges: for he giueth all Offices in his Prouince; in other places they can giue none, except they haue it by ex∣presse words in their Patent. The Gouernor may not be absent aboue sixe moneths in a yere; but the Lieute∣nant must neuer be absent, without leaue of the Prince, except the Gouernour be present.

There is yet an Office, whereof I must remember you, which is one of the chiefest in France, either for honuor or profit,* 1.328 called grand Maistre des Eauës & Fo∣rests. All matters concerning the Kings Chases, Fo∣rests, Woods and Waters whatsoeuer, are determined by him, by the grand M. Enquesteur, and by the Reforma∣teur, at the Table of Marble: vnder him are infinite

sorts of Officers, as Les Maistres particuliers de chaque for∣rest▪ leurs Lieutenāts: les gr••yers, les grayers, segrayers, maistres des gardes, maistres sergents, gardes des marteaux, procureurs, greffiers, arpenteurs, collecteurs des amendes, and diuers o∣thers: As the particular Masters of each Forrest, their Lieutenants, Ouerseers of the sale of woods, and the o∣ther Officers here specified.

But I will not loade this short Relation, with recko∣ning vp all the diuers and infinite sortes of Officers, wherewith France her selfe seemeth to be ouerloaden, as partly yee haue heard alreadie: and yee shall reade in Bodin, how he complaines, not onely of the multiplicitie of Offices in generall, but also, that euen the Counsell of Estate is surcharged with number: where you may likewise obserue, how he approues the Priuie Counsel of England erected some foure hundred and odde yeeres since,* 1.329 where are neuer, saith he, aboue twentie, by whose sage direction the Land hath long flourished, en armes et loix: In armes and lawes. And for the execution of Lawes, and administration of Iustice, yee may remem∣ber what hath beene said before, that the Lawes are good and iust, but they be not, iustement exercez, iustly executed.* 1.330 Where Haillan comparing the times, Alors (saith he) on punissoit les grands: depuis on n' a puny que les petits, et les grands demeurent impunis, Then great ones were punished, but since, onely petty fellowes, and the great ones goe scot-free. So that now, the Lawes of France are become like Spiders webbes,* 1.331 which onely catch the little Flies, and the great ones breake tho∣rowe,

* 1.332D••t veniam Coruis, vexat censura Columbas.

Th'ensnaring Lawes let Crowes goe free, While simple Doues entangled bee.

Hauing now related of the Topographie and Policy of France, it remayneth I speake somewhat of the Oecono∣my, that is, of the people of France, comprised vnder the three Estates, of the Clergy, the Nobility, and Comminalty: of the seuerall humour, profession, and fashion of each of them, which is the third and last branch of this Relation.

The Church Gallicane,* 1.333 is holden the best priui∣ledged of all those of Christendome, that haue not yet quit their subiection to the Pope. It hath alwayes pro∣tested against the Inquisition; it is more free from pay∣ments to the Pope, then the Church of Spaine, as also to the King: for here in France they onely pay the Dis∣me: but in Spaine, the King hath his Tertias, subsidio,* 1.334 pi∣la, and Escusado: in all, a moytie of the Church liuing. Indeede it is reported of this Catholike King, that hee hath founded many Abbies and Religious houses: but what saith his Subiect? Hee steales the sheepe, and giues the Tratters for Gods sake.

In this Church of France are twelue Archbishop∣prickes, one hundred and foure Bishopprickes, fiue hundred and fortie Archpriories, one thousand foure hundred and fiftie Abbies:* 1.335 twelue thousand three hun∣dred and twentie Priories, fiue hundred sixtie seuen Nunneries, one hundred and thirtie thousand Parish Priests, seuen hundred conuents of Friers, and two hun∣dred fiftie nine Cōmendams of the order of the Knights of Malta. There are,* 1.336 saith the (Cabinet du Roy) three milli∣ons of people that liue vpon the Church of France: where hee particularly setteth downe in each Diocesse,

the number of all sortes of Religious people, as also the number of their Whores, Bawds, Bastards, and seruants of all sortes: And why not? (sayth hee) as well as the Magicians vndertake in their Inuentory of the Diabo∣lique Monarchy, to set downe the names and surnames of 76. Princes, and seuen millions, foure hundred and fiue thousand, nine hundred, twenty and sixe di∣uels?

The Church hath, for all this rabble, to liue vpon, these two things:* 1.337 First, her temporall Reuenues, and se∣condly, her Spirituall, which they call the baise-mani. Of her temporall Reuenues, diuers men iudge diuersly.

The Cabinet, who in all his computations makes of a Mouse, an Elephant, saith, that they are fourescore milli∣ons of Crownes the yeere, besides the baise-mani, which is as much more, and besides an infinite prouision which they reserue, and is paid them ouer and except their Rents, by their Farmers and Tenants; as of Wheat, foure millions, fiue hundred thousand septiers, quarters: of Rye, two millions, three hundred thousand septiers, quarters: of Oates, nine hundred thousand: of Barly, eight hundred thousand: of Pease and Beanes, eight hundred sixty thousand: Capons, one hundred sixty thousand: Hennes, fiue hundred sixty thousand: Par∣tridge, fiue hundred thousand: Beeues, twelue thou∣sand: Muttons, one million two hundred thousand: Wine, one million two hundred thousand cuues: Egges, seuen millions: Butter, two hundred thirty thousand quintaux: Cheese, fiue hundred thousand: Hogges, one hundred thirty sixe thousand: Pigges, three hundred forty thousand: Tallowe, sixty thou∣sand quintaux: Hey, sixe hundred thousand loades:

Straw, eight hundred thousand: Wood, two millions: with an infinite proportion of other necessaries, imagi∣nary onely, and incredible. And yet he there avoweth al things, with as great confidence, as if himselfe had had the true abstr••ct from all the Bookes of Accounts in each Monastery and Benefice in this land. For how is it possible the Church should haue two hundred mil∣lions of Crownes yeerely rent, when as by the compu∣tation, here are but iust so many Arpens of land in all France: which to rate one with another, at a crowne an Arpen, comes to this account, which hee allowes the Clergy, and then is there nothing left for the other two States, of the Nobilitie and people?

But in as much as the better halfe of their Reuenue is by the baise-mani, there remaineth the better halfe of the land to the other two States: which notwithstanding is a proportion small ynough.

Neere vnto this reckoning, commeth that which we reade in Bodin,* 1.338 of Alemant, a president of accounts in Paris, whose iudgement must cary good authority in this case, as a thing belonging to his profession, and wherein he was best experienced:

The Church Reue∣nues in land, are reckoned ordinarily, at twelue millions and three hundred thousand liures: but I dare iustifie (saith hee) that of twelue partes of the Reuenues of France, the Church possesse seuen.

This opinion Bodin seemes to allowe: But it is rather thought to be true, that the Comment de l'estat saith, who of the two hundred millions of Arpens, allowes the Church forty seuen millions, which by particulars of their Vineyards, Meddowes, Arable, Pastures, and Heathes, with their woods, is there set downe: which

here to followe in particular, were too tedious.

* 1.339Besides this temporall, they haue their Baise-mani (as is said) that consisteth in Churchings, Christnings, Mar∣riages, Burials, Holy-bread, Indulgences, Vowes, Pilgri∣mages, Feasts, Processions, Prayers for cattell, for season∣able weather, for children, against all maner of diseases, and infinite such purposes; for which the superstitious people will haue a Masse said, which they pay the Priest for, particularly: ouer and besides all this, there is scarce that Arpen in all France, vpon which there is not some Dirige, or de profundis, some libera me, Domine, or some reckoning or other, liable.

This sort of people are they, whose life is onely spent in speculation, and their speculation such (as appeareth by their liues) as that of Guido Caualc. whereof Boccace speaketh,* 1.340 Questé sue speculatiory erano solo ni cercare, se tro••arsi potesse che Iddio non fusse: These his speculations were onely spent in seeking, whether he could finde that there was no God. These are they, of whome La Nouë speaketh, when he sheweth the three causes of the mi∣series of France, which he findeth in the three States: Irreligion in those that make profession of Religion: Oppression in the Noblesse: And dissolution of maners in the Comminaltie. For (saith he) Impieté ruine les con∣scienses:* 1.341 Iniustice renuerse les Estats: Dissolution gaste les fa∣milles: Impiety ruineth mens consciences: Iniustice o∣uerthroweth the Common-Wealth: And Dissolution marreth particular families.

* 1.342Concerning them of the Reformed Religion, whom here in contempt they call Huguenots, yee may note, that the number is not small, considering that after the confe∣rence of Po••ssie, aboue thirty yeres since, here were found

2150. Churches of them, whereof not one hath escaped without some murthers, or massacres: and wee may imagine, that since that time, this number is much en∣creased.

Some say, they had the name of Huguenots, of the words wherewith they began their Oration, when they prote∣sted against the Church of Rome, which began thus, Huc nos venimus, &c. Hither we are come, &c. As they say, the Wallons were called of these words, ou allons nous? whither go we? when they were driuen out of their owne coun∣try, asking one another whither they should go. But this is not so likely as that of them, who say, that in Toures where they first began, there is one of the Gates, called Hugoes Port, out of which they of the Religion vsed to passe into the fields, to make their prayers in their pri∣uate assemblies: whereupon they had first the name: for, that one Hugo should be the first of that opinion, is ge∣nerally reiected.

I shall not need to say in this place, that this difference in Religion, of these Catholicks, and Huguenots, is cleere from the slaunder which many lay vpon them, they be∣ing the occasion of all these late troubles in France: for it hath beene sufficiently already proued, that the ambi∣tion of the house of Guise, and the parts-taking with them, and those other of Burbon, is guilty thereof.

As for Religion, it hath onely beene the cloke, and shaddowe of their ambitious pretences, without the which, they could neuer haue insinuated them∣selues so farre into the hearts of the people, who are alwayes the gros de la bataille: The maine Battell: and without whome the Nobilitie may well quarrell, but they cannot fight.

* 1.343And therefore ye shall read in some of the same Religi∣on reformed, That there were Huguenots, as well of Estate, as of Religion.

These haue now free permission to professe, and pla∣ces allotted for exercise, with all liberty of Conscience possible, saue that in the chiefe Cities of France they haue no Churches allowed, neyther can be buried in Christian buriall (as they call it) if any of them dye a∣mong the Catholicks, with whome notwithstanding they now liue peaceably, throughout the Countrey. They cannot haue the fauour that Xantippus allowed his Dogge,* 1.344 who (as Plutarch sayth) for following his master from Atticque to Salamine, and there dying, was solemnly interred, and had a monument raised ouer the place. And me thinks, they haue heere small reason to let them liue together in a house, and not to suffer them to lye together in a Church-yard.

But as for warring any longer for Religion, the Frenchman vtterly disclaymes it, hee is at last growne wise, marry, he hath bought it somewhat deare: L' ••∣talten est sage a••uant la main,* 1.345 l' Alemant sur le fa••ct, & le François, apres le coup: The Italian is wise beforehand; the Almayne, in the doing; and the French, after the thing is done, saith one of their owne Writers. Ictus pis∣cator saepit.

Concerning the Nobility of France, Elle est (sayth La Nouë) tres valleureuse & courtoise:* 1.346 & n'y à Estat en la Chrestient••, ou elle soit en si grand nombre: They are ex∣ceeding valorous and courteous; and there is no State in Christendome, where they are in so great number.

It hath bene argued before in this Relation, that there be at least fifty thousand, able to beare Armes: but that

is thought with the most.* 1.347 Monsieur du Fay thinkes them about thirtie thousand: in which number, yee must conclude all degrees of Gentlemen, from the highest to the lowest that beare Armes: for so the French call their Noblesse, whereas we in England make two distinct orders of the Nobilitie and Gentry (as they call it) Nobiles sunt,* 1.348 si modo longam annorum seri••m nume∣rare possunt, quafeudum onus{que} militiae eis adnexum, in sua familia resea••rit: Those are Noble, which can proue a long tract of time, wherein a Fee and Knights seruice thereto belonging, hath recided in their family. And another Writer sayth, In Gallia Nobiles aestimantur ex genere & vita milit••ri: In France men are esteemed no∣ble, by blood, and profession of Armes.

And sure, if there be difference in Nobilitie, as there must needes bee, because the causes bee different; for some are ennobled by their valour and Martiall know∣ledge, and others by their Offices and prudence in the manage of matters of Estate: I see no reason, but that these last should be holden the more noble Nobilitie, if I may so say: alwayes giuing the first place to them that are of Noble houses by Race.

For of all these three sorts, the French writers speake, when they say: Ily a difference des Nobles: 1. Les vns par race, 2. Les autres par annoblissement:* 1.349 et deux sortes d' anno∣blissement: les vns sont annob••is par lettres deu••ment verefies en la Cour de Parlement, les autres par ••e moyen ••es offices dont ils sont pourueus. There is a difference of Nobles: The first, by Race: The second, by ennobling: and of Ennobling there are two sorts: One, by Patent duely prooued in the Court of Parliament: The other, by meanes of Offices to which they are aduanced.

And howsoeuer Turquet hereof inferreth, that it is la vertu que fait la Noblesse,* 1.350 car il y a de nobles vilains, et de vi∣lains nobles: Vertue which makes Nobilitie, for, there are noble Peasants, and peasantly Nobles. Yet sure it is, that the degenerating of one from the vertue of his An∣cestors, cannot preiudice the Nobilitie, nor eclips the glory of his succeeder, who, as Histories shew, many times excell all the former of their house.

* 1.351The highest degree of honour in France, is the Pairrie, in which order haue beene, sometimes 7. sometimes 11. neuer aboue seuenteene, and most commonly 12. Whereupon they are called the Twelue Peeres of France. These haue the precedence before al the rest of the No∣bilitie, and of these, they of the Bloud, although they were latest called into the Pairrie.* 1.352 Of these Peeres, there be sixe of the Clergy: 1. Archbishop & Duke of Rhemes. 2. Bishop and Duke of Laon. 3. Bishop and Duke of Langres. 4. Bishop and Comte of Beauuais. 5. Bishop and Comte of Noyon. 6. Bishop and Comte of Chaa∣lons.

Of temporall, 1. Duke of Burgundie. 2. Duke of Normandie. 3. Duke of Guyenne. 4. Comte of Tholouse. 5. Comte of Champagne. 6. Comte of Flanders. Since these were first instituted, many other houses haue beene admitted into the Pairrie, by the Kings of France, and the olde worne out: As to them of Burgundie and Flan∣ders, were added the Dukes of Bretagne, Burbon, Aniow, Berry, Orleans, the Comtes of Arthois, Eureux, Alen∣çon, Estampes, all of the Blond in Charles the fiftes time.

Since also, in the times of Charles the ninth, and Hen∣ry the third, haue new Pairries beene erected, as Neuers,

Vandosme, Guise, Monpensier, Beaumont, Albret, Aumal, Memorency, Vzes, Pentheur, Mercoeur, Ioieuse, Espernon, Rets, Monbason, Vantadoure, and others.

Yee must obserue, that the fiue ancientest Pairries of the temporaltie, are returned to the Crowne, the sixt which is of Flanders, doth recognize it no longer, as now being Spanish.

Some say,* 1.353 these Paires (quasi pares inter se) as much as equal among thēselues, were first erected by Charlemag∣ne: others, by Hugh Capet, & others (which is holden for the truest) by Lewes le ieune, 1179. to ayd and assist the K. in his Council (saith Bodin.* 1.354) And therefore this Session of the King with his Paires, was called Le Parlement sans queuë: The Parliament with addition: as the Kings bro∣thers and sisters are called Monsieur, and Madame sans queuë: Whereas all other soueraigne Courts are named with an addition, as Le Parlement de Paris: le Parl. de Ro∣uen, &c.

Yee may also obserue, that they of the Laity haue the right hand of the King, and the Clergie the left, in all assemblies or solemne Sessions whatsoe∣uer.

I thinke, this diuision of the Pairrie, into these 2. sorts, was deriued from that ancient order of the Gaules, of whome Caesar speaketh, Gallorum Nobilium genera duo,* 1.355 Druides, Equites: Of the Nobilitie of Gallia, are two sorts, the Druides, and Gentlemen: Where he likewise discourseth of their diuers Offices.

This honour of Paire of France, was at first giuen for life only, afterwards for them and their heires males, and lastly, to the women also, for default of Males:

who likewise are called to sit in Councils and assemblies (as are the Queenes of France) as at the Assembly at Blois,* 1.356 and at the Arrest of Counte de Clermont, in the time of S. Lewes, where the Countesse of Flanders is named present among the other Peeres.

* 1.357Yee must note, that Peeres and Princes of the blood, Ont priuilege de n' estre point subiects à la cire verte, si non au cas du premier chef de leze Maiesté: They be priuiledged from being subiect to any Writ, or Processe, but in case of high Treason: and then also no Processe can be com∣menced against them, before any other Iudges whatsoe∣uer,* 1.358 que par le Roy seant en sa Court de Parlement suffisam∣ment garnie des Paires de France: But by the King sitting in his Court of Parliament, sufficiently assisted by the Peeres of France. All other Iudges are incompetent.

But to leaue the discourse of this highest honour in France, and to speake of the Noblesse in generall, ye shall reade in Historie, that at the end of the second Race of Kings, they began to take their surnames of their prin∣cipall Feifs: Since when, of later yeeres, some haue contrarily put their surnames vpon their Feifs, which hath so confounded the Noblesse (saith Haillan) as it is now hard to finde out the ancient and true Nobilitie.* 1.359

* 1.360These are they, among whome the prouerbe is still currant, Vn homme de guerre ne deuoit sçauoir, si non escrire son nom: A man of War should haue no more learning, but to bee able to write his owne name: And therefore their profession is only Armes & good horsemanship, wherein if they haue attained any perfection, they little esteeme other vertues, not caring what the Philosopher saith,* 1.361 Vne seule anchre n' est par suffisante pour tenir ferme vne grande nauire: One onely Anchor is not sufficient to

hold a great Ship. Nor considering that the olde Gal∣lants of the world were wont to ioyne the one with the other: and ancient Painters were accustomed to paint the Muses altogether in a troup, to signify, that in a No∣bleman they should not be parted.

Bodin sayth, it is reported of Cato Censorius,* 1.362 that hee was a valiant Captayne, a sage Senator, an vpright Iudge, and a great Scholler. The world reputes Caesar to haue beene a Politician, an Historian, an Orator, a Warrior, excellent in all. The Poet of Greece sayth,* 1.363 that Agamemnon was Amphontros basileus tò agathos, cratotrostò aichmetes: that is, a good Gouernor, and a tall Soldier.* 1.364 And the Italian Poet sayth of his great Captayne, Non so se miglior Duca o Caualliero:

Resolue I cannot whether he, A better Chiefe, or Soldier be.

Iust the same with that other verse of Homer. And our most worthy English,* 1.365 not Poet (though he well de∣serue the title) but Captayne and Scholler, both excel∣lent, and titles which better become the noblenesse of his heart and house, of whome the world hath the good name, and all Soldiers the losse: he, I say, when hee would commend his Arcadian Gallant to the full, and yet in few words, sayth, that he durst and knew: which well symbolizeth with those former commendations of others, and compriseth all requisit vertues in a Gen∣tleman: for if he haue not valour to dare, and wisdome to know how and when, he wanteth one of the princi∣pall supporters of his honour.

The former of these, is, as it were, hereditary to ma∣ny Noble houses, & continueth therein many descents; but the other is not naturall; it is gotten by studie and

exercise, by reading bookes, and seeing of Countries, and therein curiously obseruing what yee see. So then, if by this your trauell, you adde knowledge and vnder∣standing to that other vertue, which is hereditary to your house, you shall resemble those your Ance∣stors, by whome it hath beene raised to this greatnesse, and be most vnlike this French Nobilitie (that this may not seeme a digression) of whome, for the most part, we may say,* 1.366 as Plato said of Cleophantus, Il estoit bien bon hom∣me d' armes, mais au demeuy ant il n' auoit rien de bon: Hee was a very tall man at armes, but he had no good quality besides.

And sure, it is a lamentable case, or at least, misbesee∣ming, in a goodly Countrey, and full of Nobilitie, that the State should be gouerned, and all matters managed by them of the robbalonga, Aduocates and Procureurs, and Penne & Inkehorne Gentlemen, and the Noblesse themselues for want of learning, not to haue imploy∣ment. I count him therefore a very lame Gentleman, that cannot go to serue his Countrey both in peace and warre.

* 1.367Saith La Nouë to a Gallant in Court, that was euer talking of warres, and making Hidalgo-like Rhodomon∣tades, as being vnfit to talke of any matter of learning, or vndertake any Office of gouernment: Sir (saith hee) when the time of warre is come, it is like ye shall be imployed, meane while, hauing no qualitie fit for this time of peace, you shall doe well, to locke your selfe vp till the warres, that yee bee not rusty when you should be vsed.

The occasion of this French humour, so much to esteeme Armes, and nothing at all to regard learning, or it may be oftentimes to contemne both, is imputed

to the carelesse indulgence of Parents, by Commines,* 1.368 Ils nourissent leure enfants seulement à faire les sots, en habil∣lements & en parolles: de nulle lettre ils n'ont cognoissance: They bring vp their children onely to play the fond∣lings both in apparell and words, but of learning they haue no knowledge at all.

And therefore they cannot communicate with P. Aemilius,* 1.369 in the commendation which Plutarch giues him, Il ne tenoit seulement de picqueurs & dompteurs des cheuaux, mais aussi des Maistres de Grammaire, de Rheto∣rique, & Dialectique, &c. He kept not onely Riders and Horse-breakers, but also Teachers of Grammer, Rhe∣toricke and Logicke, &c. And whereas the first in∣struction of the Nobility, should be, as one sayth,* 1.370 La Re∣ligion, la vertu, les lettres, les Ars, Religion, Vertue, lear∣ning, and the Artes: And then, L'Escuyrie, l'Escrime, la venerie, la Fauconerie: Horsemanship, Fencing, Hunting, Hawking: they skip the first forme, and spend all their time in the practise of the last: they prize at a high rate the lesser, & let passe the more worthy. Much like those Strangers in Rome, that carried young Whelps and Monkeys in their armes to play withall: What, saith Cae∣sar, doe these mens wiues beare them no children? wisely taxing the folly of those, that leaue the better for the worse.

Hereof it commeth, that the French Noblesse glory∣ing in their Armes, call themselues, Le bras de la patrie, les gardiens des armes, & la terreur des ennemys: mais iamais ne s'appellent les professeurs de vertu, saith la Nouë: The Arme of their countrey, the Gardians of Armes, and terror of their enemies; but they neuer stile themselues the Pro∣fessors of vertue.

* 1.371This Estate of the Nobility, sayth one, is Le moindre en nombre des hommes, le moins riche de tous les trois Estats: of all the three Estates, the smallest in number of men, and poorest in liuing. Which no question must needs be true, after so long a ciuill Warre: and heerewith ac∣cordeth he that wrote the late troubles: sayth hee, La Noblesse Françoise est decheue de ses anciennes richesses,* 1.372 dont leurs maisons estoyent ornees sous les regus du Lois 12. & François 1. The French Noblesse is fallen from their ancient wealth, wherewith they were adorned in the times of Lewes 12. and Francis the first. To this pur∣pose sayth La Nouë, Ie oserois affermer, que si tous ceux qui portent ce titre estoyent en dix parts on trouueroit que les hu∣ict sont incommodez par alienations de leurs biens,* 1.373 engage∣ments, ou autres debts: I durst affirme, that if all they that beare this Title, were deuided into ten partes, eyght of them are impayred by Sales, Morgages, or other debts.

The same Authour yeeldeth fiue reasons of the po∣uerty of the Noblesse of France. 1. Les guerres ciuiles. 2. depenses superflues en habits. 3. depenses en meubles. 4. de∣penses in bastiments. 5. depenses de bouche & grosse traine: First, the ciuill warres. Secondly, superfluous expen∣ces in aparrel. Thirdly, houshold stuffe. Fourthly, buil∣ding. Fiftly, Diet and Followers. And in another place, taxing the extreme prodigality, and superfluity of the French in their aparrell, building, and diet, hee sayth, Si les guerres nous ont apperte 4. onces de pauureté, nos follies nous en ont acquis douze: If the Warres haue brought vs foure ounces of pouerty, our owne follies haue gotten vs twelue. I will not herein be mine owne Iudge (sayth he) but let vs doe as players at Tennise, be

iudged by all the lookers on, and they will confesse, that by these excessiue expences, bon nombre de la Noblesse vont au pas, les autres au trot, et plusieurs en poste, droict aux precipices de pauureté: A great number of the Noblesse go a foot-pace, others trot, and many runne poste to the downefals of pouertie.

You had an example hereof in this your late voyage downe the Riuer of Loire, at the Castle of Bury, a very goodly house, as any ye haue yet seene in France, where ye heard it credibly reported, that Monsieur D'alluye, the owner of that place, had consumed aboue twentie thou∣sand Crownes Reuenue the yeere, onely in dyet and apparrell, who now is forced to make his owne house his prison, and stand watchfully vpon his gard, for feare of Sergeants, as we well perceiued by his ielouzy of vs, when we came to see his house, vntil he was assured that we were strangers, and came for no such purpose.

These three at this present, are reputed the richest in all France, the D. Monpensier in lands, the D. a' Espernon in Offices, and the Chancellor in money.

I should in this relation of the French Nobilitie, doe them great wrong, to beleeue and report for truth, what the Cabinet du Roy, one of their owne Countrey,* 1.374 saith of them, who according to the seuerall Prouinces, giueth them seuerall Epithites.

The Noblesse of Berry (saith he) are Paillards, leachers: they of Tourraine, are voleurs, theeues: they of Guyenne, Coyners: they of Tholouse, Traytors: they of Narbonne, couetous: they of Prouence, Atheists▪ they of Lionnois, treacherous: they of Rheimes, superstitious: they of Normandy, insolent: they of Picardie, proud: and so forth of the rest.

I will do them more right, and conclude of them, that for priuiledge, and noblenesse of Race, they may com∣pare with any Nobilitie of Christendome. For proofe of the first,* 1.375 Le Prince ne prendrien sur luy, que le seruice de l' espee. The King hath nothing of his Noblesse, but Sword-seruice. And for the second, saith another Au∣thour:* 1.376 La Noblesse Françoise est composee de si illustres mai∣sons, qu' il s'en trouue, vne douzaine qui viennent de droict ligne de Roys, qui ont posse de paisiblement royaumes: The French Noblesse is composed of so famous houses, that there are a douzin of them descended by right line from Kings, that haue peaceably possessed Kingdomes.

Hauing briefely spoken of the two first Estates of France, the Clergie and Nobilitie: It lastly remaineth I speake of the People in general,* 1.377 and namely, of their free∣nesse of speech, maner of diet, kindes of building, sortes of exercise, fashion of apparell, diuersitie of language, suddainnesse of apprehending, rashnesse in executing, impatience in deliberation, and diuers other natures and humours proper to the Frenchmen; wherein yee shall not looke for a methodicall and large discourse, but a briefe and compendious remembrance of such things, as I haue read and obserued in this Nation.

* 1.378It is incredible to beleeue, and odious to heare, how the Frenchman will talke, and impudently vtter what hee foolishly conceiueth, not onely of all for∣raine States and Princes of the world, but euen of their owne State and King himselfe; of whome hee will not spare to speake whatsoeuer hee heareth, and sometimes also more then the trueth; which insufferable vice of theirs, I heere put in the first place, because I holde it of all others the most disloyall and vnlawfull. Here∣of

the wisest sort of them much complaine, & wish re∣formation: but it is a thing so familiar and naturall with them, as—Expellas furca licet vs{que} recurret.* 1.379 Le Duc d' Espernō (saith one Author) se plaignoit de debor∣demens de ce siecle, et de l' infame licence des François à detrac∣ter de leur prince: Duke •• Espernon complained of the disorders of the time, and of the infamous libertie of the French, in detracting from their Prince.

This infamous and dissolute libertie of theirs, deser∣ueth to bee censured and chastised by some seuere Cato, or to be punished as those insolent ••ouldiers of Aemi∣lius, of whome Plutarch maketh mention.* 1.380

Boccace in his description of Frier Onion his man, rec∣koneth vp nine of his principall qualities, whereof the first is due to the Frenchman, as appeareth by this which hath already beene said, Maldicente, disabedi∣ente, negligente, trascurato, smemorato, scostumato: sogliar∣do, bugiardo, tardo: First, rayling: secondly, disobedient: thirdly, negligent: fourthly, rechlesse: fiftly, forgetful: sixtly, vnmanerly: seuenthly, slouenly: eightly, lying: and ninthly, slow: And I beleeue, by that time ye haue read this whole discourse, yee will bate him but the last Ace of them all. For, that propertie of slownesse, I must needes confesse, no way is due to the French.

He hath besides this libertie of speaking,* 1.381 a propertie incident to such like natures: namely, an inquisitiue listning and hearkning after newes, which is an olde fa∣shion of theirs, & hath continued with them many hun∣dred yeres. Est autē hoc Gallicae consuetudinis, vt & viatores etiam inuitos consistere cogant, & quod quis{que} eorum de qua{que} re audierit aut cognouerit quaerāt: & Mercatores in opidis vulgus circumsistat, quibus ex regionibus veniāt quasq res ibi

cognouerint pronunciare cogant: et his rumoribus atque aeudi∣tionibus permoti, desummis saepe rebus consilia ineunt: quo∣rum eos è vestigio poenitere est necesse:* 1.382 It is vsuall with all the Gaules, both to constraine trauellers (though vnwilling) to stay, and to enquire of each of them, what hee hath heard or vnderstood of euery matter: and with the po∣pulace in Townes, to flocke about Marchants, and com∣pell them to tell from what parts they come, and what newes they heard there: and led by these rumours and heare-sayes, they determine many times of most weighty affaires, of which determinations they must needes eftsoones repent them.

This vice of his, Caesar taxeth in another place, where he saith, Temeritas, quae maximè illi hominum generi con∣uenit, vt leuem auditionem habeant pro re comperta: It is a rashnesse familiar with that sort of people, to take a light heare-say, for an assured truth.

Concerning the French diet, it is, to keepe no diet: for they feede at all times,* 1.383 there being among them ve∣ry few, which besides their ordinary of dinner and sup∣per, do not gouster, as they call it, and make collations, three or foure times the day, a thing as vsuall with the women as men, whome ye shall see in open streetes be∣fore their dores, eate and drinke together. No maruell therefore, though the Italian cals them the onely gour∣mands: And no lesse reason haue we to note their disor∣dinate feeding,* 1.384 then Commines had to taxe our nation of drinking, who saith of vs, that he entred into a Tauerne in Amiens, to obserue the English mans fashion, ou ja a∣uoient estè faictes cent et vnze escots, et n' estoit pas encore neuf heures du matin: Where had beene already made CXI. seuerall shots, and yet it was not then 9. a clocke in the

morning: For it was no great wonder to haue so ma∣ny shots (as we call them) or reckonings in a morning, where there were fiue thousand English Soldiers in the towne, who were newly come from the Campe, where they endured much want, and entertayned with all kindnesse into the towne, vpon a finall peace made be∣tweene our King Edward the fourth, and theirs, Lewes the eleuenth.

But wee may pay Commines with his owne coyne, and reply, that a Frenchman of all other (except the Dutch) hath least cause to taxe vs of drinking: for we may see by many of their noses, what pottage they loue; and they haue among them, a Prouerbe of their Priests (whom it worse beseemeth then a Soldier) when they will note a matter of difficulty, Il y a plus de difficulté, qu' a tirer vn Prestre de village de la Tauerne: Tis a har∣der matter, then to draw a Countrey Priest from the Tauerne.

A Frenchman therefore of all others, hath least rea∣son to finde fault with drinkers,

Quis tulerit Grauhos de seditione querentes?* 1.385

O who can keepe his patience, when Poore Herringman scornes Fishermen?

The French fashion (as you see dayly) is to larde all meats, whose prouision ordinary is not so plentifull as ours, nor his table so well furnished: howbeit, in ban∣quets they farre exceed vs; for he is as friand (licourish) as the Trencher-men of Media, or Aesope the Tragedi∣an, who spent fifteene thousand Crownes at one feast, in the toungs of Birds onely. He liueth not like the Ita∣lian, with roots chiefly and herbes: nor like the Lace∣demonian, qui porte le poit rasé, iusques au cuir,* 1.386 se baigne en

eau froid, mange du pain bis, hume du brouët noir: That weares his haire shauen close to his skin, bathes himselfe in cold water, eats browne bread, and suppes blacke broth. Nor like the Scythian, who sayth, Mihi pulpa∣mentum fames, cubile solum, vestis ••••rarum cutis: Hunger is my best cheere; the ground, my bed; beasts skinnes, my clothing.* 1.387 But rather of Alcibiades, of whome Plutarch reporteth, Estoit trop delicat en son viure, dissolu en amours de folles femmes, desordoné en banquets, trop superflu & effe∣miné en habits: He was ouer-delicate in his diet, dissolute in loue of wanton women, excessiue in banquets, and ouer-superfluous and effeminate in apparell.

As for the poore Paisant, he fareth very hardly, and feedeth most vpon bread and fruits, but yet hee may comfort himselfe with this, that though his fare be no∣thing so good, as the ploughmans, and poore Artificers in England, yet is it much better then that of the villan•• in Italy.

* 1.388Of the French building, I haue spoken before in the Relation of Paris, both that it is lately growne to bee more magnificent, then it was in former times, and that many thereby haue much weakened their e∣state.

You may therefore obserue, that as I there sayd, the City of Paris was better built then that of London: so are in generall, all the Cities and villages in France, fai∣rer then ours in England, comparing the one with the other: which the fairer they were, the more miserable spectacle doe they yeeld to vs now, to see them in many places defaced and ruined.

As for the maner of building heere, how beautifull soeuer it bee to the eye, the Offices and roomes, mee

thinks, are not so well contriued as ours, to the vse. One thing there is, by which they are much beautified, namely, the blewish kinde of Tyle, which heere they haue in great quantity, the which is very hard, and therefore durable; and very thinne and light, and there∣fore not so burthensome to a house, as is our Tyle in England.

Concerning the Frenchmans Apparell,* 1.389 if ye wel ob∣serue that of the Citizen, both men and women, it is very seemly and decent: that of the Paisant, very poore, all whose apparell for the most part, is of lynnen: As for that of the Noblesse, ye shall heare what La Nouë saith,* 1.390 Les despenses de la Noblesse en leurs habits sont excessiues, & fort riches: The Noblesse in their expence in apparell, are excessiue and very rich. And yet, mee thinkes, no∣thing so rich and costly as ours; the only excesse where∣of, is the greatest preiudice and hindrance to the Common wealth, and publike benefite of our coun∣trey.

This Authour reprooueth two things in the French apparrell. First, that euery Gallant forsooth, must haue many suits at once, and change often in the yeere: and therefore (sayth hee) if in the Court they spie one in a sute of the last yeres making, they scoffingly say,* 1.391 Nous le cognoissons bien, il ne nous mordra pas, c'est vn fruit suranné: We know him well enough, he wil not hurt vs, hee's an Apple of the last yeere.

The second thing he dislikes, is this, that De deux ans en deux ans les façons changent: Euery two yere the fashi∣on changeth. And heereof it commeth, that when ye see all other Nations paynted in the proper habit of their Countrey, the French man is alwayes pictured

with a paire of sheeres in his hand, to signify, that hee hath no peculiar habit of his own, nor contenteth him∣selfe long with the habit of any other, but according to his cappriccious humour, deuiseth daily new fashions.

This variety of fashions a man may well note in the Fripperies of Paris,* 1.392 whereof sayth la Nouë, if one would make a purtreict in a table, rien ne se pourrit voir plus plai∣sant: It would bee the most sportfull thing that may bee.

I am now by order to speake of his Exercises, where∣in,* 1.393 me thinks, the Frenchman is very immoderate, espe∣cially in those which are somewhat violent; for ye may remember, ye haue seene them play Sets at Tennise in the heat of Summer, & height of the day, when others were scarce able to stirre out of dores. This immode∣rate play in this vnseasonable time, together with their intemperate drinking and feeding, is the onely cause, that heere ye see them generally itchy & scabbed, some of them in so foule a sort, as they are vnfit for any honest table.

Among all the exercises of France, I preferre none before the Palle-maille,* 1.394 both because it is a Gentleman-like sport, not violent, and yeelds good occasion and opportunity of discourse, as they walke from the one marke to the other. I maruell, among many more A∣pish and foolish toyes, which wee haue brought out of France, that wee haue not brought this sport also into England.

* 1.395Concerning their shooting with the Crossebowe, it is vsed, but not very commonly. Once in a yere, there is in each city a shooting with the Peece at a Popingay of wood, set vpon some high steeple (as also they doe

in many places of Germany.) He that hitteth it downe, is called the King for that yere, and is free from all taxe: besides, he is allowed twenty crownes towards the ma∣king of a Collation for the rest of the shooters. And if it happen, that three yeres together he carry the Prize, he is free from all taxe and imposition whatsoeuer, all his life after.

This custome, no question, is very laudable, whose end tendeth much to a publike benefit: for by this prac∣tise and emulation, he groweth more ready and perfit in the vse of his Peece, and so more able and fit to do his Countrey seruice. And I suppose, if in times past wee had had like Prizes for the long Bow (the ancient glory of our English seruice) we had not so soone quit the ex∣ercise thereof, nor degenerate so farre from ancient cu∣stome. So doe I thinke, that in these dayes, wherein the Peece is onely prized, if wee had this fashion of France and Germany in England, to reward him in euery place that should best deserue therein, that our Countrey∣man would grow more perfit & expert in the vse there∣of, at whose vnaptnesse and aukwardnesse in their first trayning, before they come to haue serued some time, I haue often maruayled.

He hath also his sports of bowling, carding, dicing, and other vnlawful, and vnvseful games, whereof I will omit to speake, being too common both with them and vs.

As for the exercise of Tennis play,* 1.396 which I aboue re∣membred, it is more here vsed, then in all Christendome besides; whereof may witnesse the infinite number of Tennis Courts throughout the land, insomuch as yee cannot finde that little Burgade, or towne in France, that

hath not one or moe of them. Here are, as you see, three∣score in Orleans, and I know not how many hundred there be in Paris: but of this I am sure, that if there were in other places the like proportion, ye should haue two Tennis Courts, for euery one Church through France. Me thinks it is also strange, how apt they be here to play well, that ye would thinke they were borne with Rac∣kets in their hands, euen the children themselues ma∣nage them so well, and some of their women also, as we obserued at Blois.

There is this one great abuse in this exercise, that the Magistrates do suffer euery poore Citizen, and Artifi∣cer to play thereat, who spendeth that on the Holyday, at Tennis, which hee got the whole weeke, for the kee∣ping of his poore family. A thing more hurtfull then our Ale-houses in England, though the one and the o∣ther be bad ynough. And of this I dare assure you, that of this sort of poore people, there be more Tennis Play∣ers in France, then Ale-drinkers, or Malt-wormes (as they call them) with vs.

You obserue here, that their Balles are of cloth, which fashion they haue held this seuen yeeres: before which time they were of lether, like ours. Much more might be said of this exercise, but I will not reade you a Lec∣ture in the Schoole of Tennis, whom I confesse the bet∣ter Scholler.

* 1.397Neither should I speake of Dancing (for my dancing dayes are done) to you that are a Master in the Arte: (like Phormio the Rhetoritian, to Hannibal, of the warres) saue onely, that I presume, yee will giue mee leaue, for methodes sake, hauing vndertaken to speake of the French exercises, not to omit that of Dauncing, where∣in

they most delight, and is most generally vsed of all o∣thers. And I am perswaded, were it not for this, that they of the Reformed Religion, may not Dance, being an exercise against which their strait-laced Ministers much inueigh, that there had long since many of the Catholikes turned to their side: so much are they all in generall addicted hereunto. For yee shall not onely see the Damoiselles (Gentlewomen) and them of the bet∣ter sort, but euery poore Chapperonnieze (draggletayle) e∣uen to the Coblers daughter, that can Dance with good measure, & Arte, all your Quarantes, Leualties, Bransles, & other Dances whatsoeuer: notsomuch but the Chambri∣ere (Chamber-maid) and poore Citizens wife, Dance v∣sually in the Citie streets, in a round, like our countrey lasses on their towne greene, about the May-pole, ma∣king musick of their own voices, without any instrumēt. And rather then faile, the old women themselues, both Gentle & base, who haue moe toes then teeth, and these that are left, leaping in their heads, like Iacks in Virgi∣nals, will beare their part. This argueth (I will not say a lightnes & immodesty in behauiour) but a stirring spi∣rit, & liuelynesse in the French nature: whereof also the Musicke and songs they haue, is no small argument:* 1.398 For there is not almost a tune in all France, which is not Io∣nicke, or Lydian, of fiue or seuen tunes: a note forbid∣den youth by Plato, and Aristotle, because,* 1.399 sayth Bo∣din, it hath Grande force et puissance d' amollir et lascher les caeurs des hommes: Great force and power to soften and effeminate mens minds. The tune Doricke, which is more graue musicke, and was commaunded for the singing of Psalmes in the Primitiue Church,

their inconstant and stirring humor cannot brooke by any meanes.

It remaineth, I speake of their Language, of whome the Italian hath a prouerbe:* 1.400 I Francesi nen parlane, ceme scriuene, nen cantane, ceme netane, nen pensane, ceme dicene: The French neither pronounce as they write, nor sing as they pricke, nor thinke as they speake. In which first point, they differ from the Latine, Italian, Spanish, Greeke, who fully pronounce euery letter in the word: where∣as the French, to make his speech more smooth, and ceu∣lante (as hee termes it) leaues out very many of his con∣sonants, whereby it now is growne almost as sweete a tongue to the eare, as the Italian or Greeke: which two, by reason of the many vowels, are questionlesse the most delicate languages of the world.

* 1.401It is written of Augustus the Emperour, that he ob∣serued no Orthography, but wrote alwayes as he spake, which fashion begins now to be vsed by late writers: as ye may obserue in many of their late impressions: a thing vtterly condemned by them of best iudgement: for saith one,* 1.402 While they diuide the custome of writing from the nature of the word, ils ont tout renuer seé l' escripture: They haue vtterly ouerthrowne their Orthography.

* 1.403That which Scaliger, by the report of Stephanus, saith of the Greeke tongue, that it is, redundans, redundant: the same may wee say of the French, that it is babillard, full of tittle tattle, nothing so graue or ponderous, as the Spanish, nor so stately as the Italian. And hereof I thinke it commeth, that they say commonly, the French is a tongue d'amours, Amourous: the Spanish, de la guer∣re, Warlike: and the Italian, de la Court, Courtly.

* 1.404Much agreeing with this, is that of Haillan, where

speaking of the battell of Agincourt, he saith, Les Anglois nous ont souuent vaincuz en batailles, mais nous les auons vain∣cuz en nos traictez de paix: tant be••••es et subtiles sont nos pa∣roles, et pleines de mig••ardises: The English haue often o∣uercome vs in battels, but wee haue ouercome them in our Treaties of peace, so faire and subtil are our words, and so full of entising delicacy. Whereby it should seeme, it is a winning and perswading language. But this is onely the opinion of themselues, who are dotingly more in loue with their owne tongue, then with any o∣ther: which is the reason, that yee haue now almost all Histories, Greeke, and Latine, translated into French, yea, and the Artes also: insomuch as now the Gentle∣man readeth these things in his owne language onely: a course in my opinion most preiudicial to all good lear∣ning.

There is one reason, me thinks, aboue all other, why the Frenchman affects to haue his tongue delicate and smooth, namely, for that rather then hee will lose the nigardise thereof, contrary to all rules of Grammar, and all other tongues, he obserueth no gender, where it may hinder the sweetnesse of the pronunciation (an Italian fault this, to take the Masculine for the Feminine: the more beast he.)

It remaineth (this French tongue being no Mother tongue of it self) that we obserue of what other tongues it borroweth. Caesar saith, Galli literis Graecis v••ebantur:* 1.405 The Gaules vsed Greeke Caracters: which Character, as we read in Histories, hath beene changed by three di∣uers men, Wastaldus, Doracius, Hichius: where the same Writer saith, that Bede, our countryman, inuented a par∣ticular Alphabet for the Normans.

Howsoeuer the letter be changed, true it is, that they haue heere many words deriued from the Greeke, and agree very much also therewith in the phrase and ma∣ner of speaking. And therefore, as Lu. Regius sayth well of our English,* 1.406 that it is compounded of the French & Almaine: so iudgeth he rightly of the French, that it is the daughter of the Latine and Greeke: for, as for that which it hath common with the Italian, both in word and phrase (which is very much) the Italian, no questiō, had it from hence, this French being the more ancient Language: and this nation hauing left in Italy, with the memory of many great victories, the vse also of many of their words, as by all Historie appeareth, without which, at this day the Italian could not serue himself of his owne.

True it is, that now of late, the French, especially in the Court, haue gotten many of theirs in vse, for a grace forsooth, not of necessity; wherein they much resemble vs of England, who (they say) send diuers skinnes into other countries, which those people vse to their necessi∣ty, and make toyes and bables of the tayles, which they returne backe againe to vs, at as great a rate, as they bought the whole.

Concerning the difference betweene the language vsed at this day, and that of former times, ye are to ob∣serue, that all things in this world haue their begin∣nings, growings, perfection, corruption and alteration: As maners of liuing, formes of gouernment, abrogati∣on of Lawes, change of Militarie seruice, new-fangle∣nesse of habit, new fashion of building, diuersities of Armour, new inuentions of instruments, &c. And of all these, none more subiect to change, then Language,

nor no language in the world more then this of the French.

For as Polibius sayeth of the Romanes, that when they should conclude a Peace, after the second Punicke warre with them of Carthage, that they could not reade the Articles of the first, so much was the Character: And as Liuie saith of the song which the Sabin Priestes vsed in their sacrifice, that they were so olde Latine, they could not be vnderstoode: And as wee may say of our English, that it very much differeth from that of Chaucers time: so saith Lu. Regius of the French tongue,* 1.407 that within these fiftie yeeres, it is almost growen a new language, and which still like the French apparell euery yeere altered.

If you aske me what Authours of the French I most approoue? I durst commend Co••mines, Bodin, Plessie, Bertas, for Historie, Policie, Diuinitie and Moralitie, with the best: and great pitie it is, that the Historie of the first is written in no better French. But if you de∣mand the best Authours, for the language it selfe, I thinke, as Tuscaine hath a Duute and a Petrarch, Greece an Isocrates and a Demosthenes, Rome a Cicero and a Caesar, we a Sydney and a Chaucer: so, France hath a Bertas and a Romsart, in this kinde most recommendable. For the place of best language, yee must euer obserue, that the farther from Sea, the better speakers, as Athens in Graecia, Florence in Italy, Saxonie in Almany, Per∣ses in Asia, Castile in Spaine, and Orleans here, and many other places.

It now remaineth I speake of the French nature and humour: which by the change of his speech, apparrell,* 1.408

building, by his credulity to any tale which is told, & by his impatience & haste in matter of deliberatiō,* 1.409 where∣of I shall not omit presently to speake, ye may iudge to be very idle, wauering and inconstant. Saith one, Gallo∣rum vt pronunciatio celerrima, ita quoque ingenia mobili•• sunt: As the Frenchmens pronunciation is very fast, so are their wits very wauering. And yee shall reade in Caesars Cōmentaries very often, how hee taxeth them of this legerity and suddennesse: His de rebus Caesar certior factus, et infirmitatem Gallorum veritus (quòd sun•• in consiliis capiendis mobiles, et nouis plerun{que} rebus student) nihil his cō∣mittendum existimauit: Caesar being enformed of these matters, and fearing the vnstablenesse of the Gaules (as be∣ing sudden and wauering in their resolutions, and gene∣rally desirous of innouation) he thought fit not to trust them. And in another place, Cum intelligeret Caesar omnes fere Gallos nouis rebus studere,* 1.410 & ad bellum mobiliter celeri∣terque incitari, &c. Caesar vnderstanding, that almost all the Gaules were naturally hungry of change, and vncon∣stantly, and suddenly stirred to warre, &c. And againe, Vt sunt Gallorum subita et repentina consilia:* 1.411 As the resolu∣tion of the Gaules are sudden, and vnlooked for, &c.

To conclude, if yee will rightly knowe the nature & humor of the ancient Gaules, ye must read the sixt of these Commentaries, and you shal obserue how strange it is, that though all other things in the world are sub∣iect to change, yet the same naturel of lightnesse and in∣constancy still remaines in the French. This is aptly shewed by Haillan,* 1.412 in his description of Lewes the ele∣uenth: Auoit ••l vne chose? soudain ill auoit affection d' vne autre: estaut vehement, actif et impatient: If hee had one thing, hee straight casts his affection to another, being

violent, busy-headed and impatient.

To this accordeth another of their owne writers,* 1.413 La condition de la France est telle, que s' il n' y a debat par de∣hors contre les grands, il faut qu' ell' eust auec ses domesticques, et que son esprit ne peut estre en repos: Such is the condition of France, that if shee haue no Warres abroad against powerfull neighbours, shee must haue broyles at home among her owne Subiects, and her working spirits can neuer remaine long quiet. And therefore Tacitus calles them, Leuissima hominum genera: The most fickle kinde of men; sudden to begin and more sudden to ende, ap∣ter to apprehend the action, then comprehend the cause, ready to lay hold, not able to hold fast: as by the making and reuoking of so many Edicts,* 1.414 against the Re∣formed Religion in so fewe yeeres, by the winning and losing of Naples and Millaine in so short time, and by many other their actions appeareth.

For yee must obserue of the French, that he entreth a Countrie like thunder, and vanisheth out againe like smoke: hee resembleth the Waspe, who after the first stroke, loseth her sting, and can hurt no more.

He sheweth this his lightnesse and inconstancie, not onely in matters of seruice and warre, (whereof I haue before made mention) but also euen in other his actions and carriages: But in nothing more, then in his fami∣liaritie,* 1.415 with whome a stranger cannot so soone bee off his horse, but he will be acquainted; nor so soone in his Chamber, but the other like an Ape will bee on his shoulder: and as suddenly and without cause yee shall lose him also. A childish humour, to bee wonne with as little as an Apple, and lost with lesse then a Nut: Quite contrarie to the nature of the Italian, of whome

yee shall in your trauell shortly obserue, that he is of too sullen and retired a fashion, & a loup-garou (as the French man calles him) wherein I would haue you obserue the vertue of the English man (for vertue is a mediocrity betweene two extremes) who is neyther so childishly and Apishly familiar, as the French; nor so scornefully and Cynically solitary as the other.

* 1.416So are we in matter of duell and priuate quarrell, in a meane, me thinks, betweene these two Nations: for we are neither so deuillishly mindfull of reuenge, as to tar∣ry seuen or ten yeres for an opportunity vpon our ene∣my, as doeth the Italian: nor so inconsideratly hasty, as we must needs eyther fight to day, or be friends to mor∣row, as doth the French. Hereat Rablais scoffingly glan∣ceth, where he telleth a tale of a Gascoigne, that hauing lost his money, would needs in the heat of his choller fight with any man that bore head: and for want of an enemy fell asleepe. By that time he was waking, comes mee another Rhodomonte, and vpon like cause of losse, would haue this fellow by the eares: but then the edge of this other was off. In conclusion (sayth Rablais) they went both to the Tauerne, and there for want of mo∣ney which they had lost at Dice, drunke themselues friends vpon their swords, without farther medi∣ation, or troubling of others to take vp the quarrell.

Of the French carriage and manage of a quarrell, how childish and ridiculous it is, ye haue already seene two or three examples, wherein the parties haue ney∣ther shewed iudgement, to know their owne right, nor valor to reuenge their wrong: whereas the English Gentleman, with mature deliberation disputeth how farre his honour is ingaged, by the iniury offered,

and iudiciously determineth his maner of satisfaction, according to the quality of the offence: which done, hee presently embarqueth himselfe into the action, ac∣cording to the prescription of the olde rule, Postquam consulueris, maturè opus est facto:* 1.417 Wise resolutions should be speedily executed.

I will heere remember you of one other instance more, wherein our Countreymen keepe the golden meane, betweene the two extremes of defect and ex∣cesse, and wherein these two Nations of Italy and France are culpable, and heere worthily to be taxed.

We may say of the Italian,* 1.418 who maketh his house his wiues prison, as Plutarch sayth of the Persians, Sont de nature estrangement & cruellement ialouzes des femmes, non seulement de celles qu'ils ont espousées, mais aussi de leurs es∣claues: & de leurs concubines, lesquelles ils gardent si estroit∣tement que personne ne les void iamais dehors, ains demeurent tousiours renfermées en leurs maisons: They are by nature strangely and cruelly iealous of their women, not onely of their wiues, but also of their slaues and Concubines, whom they gard so straitly, that they are neuer seene a∣broad, but remayne alwayes locked vp in their houses: Whereas the French liberty on the other side is too much: for here a man hath many occasions offred vp∣on any small entrance, to come acquainted; and vpon euery least acquaintance, to enter, where he may come to her house, accōpany her arme in arme in the streets, court her in all places, & at all seasons, without imputa∣tion. Wherein, me thinks, the French maried man doth as Plutarch reports of Pericles,* 1.419 take away the walles & fen∣ces of his orchards & gardens, to th'end euery man might freely enter and gather fruit at his pleasure.

No maruell then, the bridle being left in their owne hands, though sometimes they be saddled, & their hus∣bands know not. You may obserue therefore, that in this matter of wedlocke also, the English vse is better then either the Italian or French.

* 1.420It is also naturall to the French, to be a great scoffer; for men of light and vnsteadie braines, haue common∣ly sudden and sharpe conceites. Hereto also their lan∣guage well agreeth, as being currant and full of pro∣uerbes; to which purpose I will remember you of two answeres, not long since made by two Frenchmen, with one of which you are well acquainted, wherein also you may obserue, how little esteeme they hold of the Romane Religion in heart, though they make pro∣fession thereof in shew.

The one of these being very sicke, &, as was thought, in danger of death, his ghostly father comes to him with his Corpus domini, and tels him, that hearing of the extremitie wherein he was, he had brought him his Sa∣uiour, to comfort him before his departure. The sicke Gentleman withdrawing the Curtaine, and seeing there the fat lubberly Frier with the Oast in his hand, answereth, I know it is our Sauiour; he comes to me as he went to Ierusalem, C' est vn asne qui le porte: He is carried by an Asse.

The other Gentleman vpon like danger of sicknesse, hauing the Frier come to him to instruct him in the Faith, and after, to giue him the Oast, and then the ex∣treme vnction (it was on a Friday) tolde him that hee must beleeue, that this Corpus domini which he brought, was the very reall flesh, blood and bone of our Saui∣our. Which after the sicke man had freely confessed, the

Frier offered it him to receyue for his comfort. Nay, quoth the other, Vous m'excuseré, car ie ne mange point de chair le vendredi: You shall excuse me, for I eate no flesh on Fridayes. So that yee see the French will rather lose his god, then his good iest.

The French humour also (sayth one) est incompatible auec patience & modestie:* 1.421 cannot away with patience & modesty. And therefore another sayth of him, that he is as shamefast and modest, comme vn Page de la Cour:* 1.422 as a Page of the Court. Or as Hiperbolus, who, Plutarch saith, for his boldnesse and saucy impudency, was the only Subiect in his time for all Satyricks and Comme∣dians to worke vpon.

He is also such a one, as Theophrastus calles, Duscherès,* 1.423 i. immundus, vncleanly, Qui lepra & vtiligine laborans, vngues{que} habens prelongos inter homines versatur, ac dicit gentilitios esse hos morbos, nam & patrem & auum fuisse eis obnoxios: Who being leprous and scabby, and wea∣ring long vnpared nayles, thrusts himselfe into compa∣ny, and sayes, those diseases come to him by kind; for both his Father and his Grandfather were subiect vnto them.

Hee is Adolèsches, i. loquax, Talkatiue,* 1.424 Qui prae quauis Hirundine garrulus videri malit, quàm tacere, adeo se irrideri fert patientem: Who had rather seeme more chattering then a Swallow, then hold his peace; so wil∣ling is hee to make himselfe ridiculous. With which people (it is strange) ye shall talke all day, & yet at night not remember whereof hee hath talked; such multipli∣city of words he hath, and so idle is the matter whereof he treateth.

Hee is Acairos, i. intempestiuus,* 1.425 vnseasonably trouble∣some,

qui ad amicum occupatum accedens, vult re in∣communicata cum illo deliberare: Who comming to his friend full of businesse, will giue him counsell, before he haue imparted the matter vnto him: And therfore they themselues haue here a prouerbe, Prendre quelqu' vn de Gallico: To surprise one after the French fashion, when they take one of a suddaine, comming vnlooked for and vnsent for. Of which kind of people, Theophrastus bids vs beware,* 1.426 where he saith: Id genus homines demissis mae∣nibus gran••i{que} gradu fugias oportet, quisquis febre carere vo∣les▪ difficile est enim cum ijs durare, qui ne{que} otij, ne{que} negotij tempora distinguere nor••nt: If you will not bee troubled with a fit of Ague, you must run as fast as your legs can carie you from such kind of men: for it is very trouble∣some liuing with fellowes, that cannot distinguish the seasons of leysure and affaires.

He is Microphilotimos. i. Ineptè circa res paruas superbus: Proud of trifles,* 1.427 qui, si bouem sacrificarit, solet anteriorem capitis eius partem magnis redimitam sertis prae••oribus in ipso introit•• figere, vt intelligant qui ingrediuntur, bouem ab ipso mactatum. Et si minam argenti soluere debeat, laborat vt sol∣ue•• in Aspero: Who, if he haue sacrificed an Oxe, vseth to nayle vp the head and hornes at his gate, that all that come to him, may take notice that he hath kild an Oxe. And if he bee to pay fortie shillings, will be sure to pay it in new-coynd money. This is hee that comes to the Tennis Court, throwes his P••rse full of coyne at the line, which giueth a sound, as if there were no lesse then thirtie or fourtie Crownes, when as sometimes by mischance, we haue discouered that it was nothing, but Paper, and a fewe Sols, and doubles of Brasse, that made it so swell, in all, scarce eighteene pence sterling.

He is Alazôn. i. Ostentator, A Craker: Qui ad eos ac∣cedens qui generosos equos vendunt, velle se emere simulat:* 1.428 et innundinis ad tentoria eorum qui merces vaenum exponunt, appropinquans, vestem sibi ostendi iubet duüm talentorum: demùm, (cum de precio conuenit) puerum, quòd se sine auro se∣quatur, grauiter obiurgat: Who comming to such as haue great horses to sell, makes them beleeue hee will buy some: And at great Faires, drawing to their shops that sell apparell, cals to see a sute of an hundred pound: and when they are agreed of the price, fals out with his boy, for following him without his purse. Such a one was the gallant, of whome yee tolde me this other day, who in the middest of his discourse with you and other Gen∣tlemen, suddenly turnes backe to his Lackie, Fetch me, saith he, my Horologe, Clocke, it lies in my lodging in such or such a place, neere such or such a Iewell. The Lalero returnes with a non est inuentus. My French gal∣lant streight bethinkes himselfe that it is in his pocket (which hee knew well enough before) which presently he puls out, not so much to shew how the time passeth, (whereof he takes little care) as the curiousnesse of the worke, and the beautie of the case, whereof hee is not a little brag & enamoured. To speake thus particularly of all his seuerall humours and customes, would bee very prolixe, and not much necessarie: I wil only referre you to the fourth of Tullies Rhetorickes,* 1.429 where he speaketh of a bragging Rhodomonte, and to the first booke of Ho∣race Satyres, speaking of an endles & needles prater, a fa∣stidious & irkesome companion, where you shall see the French naturel, very liuely & admirably well described.

I will onely speake of his impatience and precipitati∣on in deliberations of Warre or Peace,* 1.430 and such other

affayres of greatest importance, and so end. To this ef∣fect Bodin saith of him,* 1.431 Le naturel du François est si soudain & actif, qu'il quitte ce qu'on demande, annuyé des allées & ve∣nuës, & de longueurs propres à l' Espagnol: The French is of so sudden & busy a disposition, that he quickly yeelds to that a man demands, being soone tired with messages to & fro, and other delayes peculiar to the Spanyard. And in another place, On desire en l' Espagnol vne promptitude plus grande qu'il n'a:* 1.432 & au François les actions & passions plus moderées. The Spanyard had need of a more ready dispatch then he hath, & the French of more moderatiō in his actions and passions. And whereas Commines saith of vs,* 1.433 that we be not si subtiles en tra••ctez et appointements comme les François: so crafty in our treaties & agreemēts, as the French. I thinke, sauing the credit of so great an Author, he might better haue said, si estourdez & precipi∣tez: so headstrong and precipitate. But where he saith, that he that will treat & determine matters with vs, must haue vn peu de patience, a little patiēce: I yeeld vnto him, he hath good reason so to say; for his Countrymen, the French, can endure no delay; they must propound and cōclude all in one day. Whether of these be more prais∣worthy Plutarch thus decideth: Agatharcus bragged of his ready and quick hand, & that he painted faster then any other: which Zeuxes vnderstāding, And I, quoth he, quite contrary, doe glory in this, that I am long in the doing: for ordinarily such suddennesse and facility can not giue eyther a lasting firmnesse, or a perfect beauty to the worke.* 1.434 Therefore saith one very well, That should bee long in deliberation, that must be resolued but once. To this agreeth the saying of Pericles to Tolmides,* 1.435 We must tarry the time, which is the wisest Counseller we can haue.

By this haste of theirs, they lost more, saith Bodin,* 1.436 by one Treatie at Cambrey, Anno 1559. to the Spaniard, then he had before got of the French in fortie yeeres by Warre.

And I see no reason,* 1.437 but this present Peace which the French hath made, is as aduātageous to the Spanish State, as was that other, considering it is as great a gaine to saue that we are like to lose, as to get that from another, which is not our owne. For as it is truely said of the Spanish King, that hee hath not got vpon the French (money by victories, but victories by money:* 1.438) And as Plutarch saith of Philip of Macedon, It was not Philip, but his golde and siluer, that tooke the townes of Greece: So may we say of his Treaties which hee hath had with France, whereunto hee hath of force beene driuen,* 1.439 euen as Ennius saith of Fabius:

Our State, which witlesse force made wayne, His wise delayes made waxe agayne.

For that this nation will rather yeeld the enemie what he demandeth, then bee troubled with long deliberati∣on: a thing so contrarie to his nature, as nothing more.

You may obserue by the course of later Histories, that the Spaniards purpose was to deale with France,* 1.440 as Al∣cibiades said, the Athenians would deale by them of Pa∣trae: They will eate you out by litle and little. To which purpose, in all these late ciuill Warres, King Philip play∣ed the Fire-brand, like the Priests of Mars, who,* 1.441 when two Armies were met, threw fire betweene them for a signall of battell, to set them together, and then retired themselues from the danger. He set the Popes on also to kindle this fire, who were but Barkers, and could not bite; their leaden Buls did but butt; they could not hurt;

abler to curse then to kill: whose force is like that of a Whet-stone,

Which though it sharpnesse lacke, * 1.442Yet yron sharpe can make.

But when hee saw that little England (which is to Spaine, as Alcibiades said, the Ile Aegina was to Athens, Vne paille en l'ail, a mote in his eye) did trump in his way, and crosse his dessignes: and when as hee considered, that (as Henry the second of France, was the only cause of hindering his father Charles the fift, from vsurping vp∣on all Germanie, for which cause hee is called in their publike writings, The Protector of the Empire, and deliuerer of the Princes:) So her Maiestie, by defending the oppres∣sed, and withstanding his Forces, deserueth the Title of Protectrix of France, and deliuerer of the Estates: Hee was then content to motion a Peace, and like a false friend, when he could doe no more hurt, to shake hands. Here∣vpon he did capitulate to render Cal••is, Durlens, Ardres, Blauet, and other places conquered or surprised vpon the French. A course, no question, wisely taken by the Spaniard, considering the termes wherein hee stoode; the want of money hee had, the credit hee had lost in all Bankes, the decrepit age wherein he was, and lastly, the sudden and incredible good fortunes of the French King and State, after so many yeres of miserie and losse. As for the French, what could he haue done, more dis∣honourable to himselfe, or profitable to his enemies, or preiudiciall to his late Allies? what lesse agreeing with the time, with his cause, with his oath, then to yeeld to this peace? But it hath bene an old tricke of the French, to obserue neither promise, nor oath, as Clouis the first saith, Haill. lib. 1. Wee may say of their purpose, as

Plutarch of Lisanders: Children are deceiued with chance▪* 1.443 bones, and m••n with oathes. In this schoole of Fraude, Pope Iulius 2. was well read, who professed to his pri∣uate friends, that all the Treaties which he made with the Princes of France, Germanie, and Spaine, was but to deceiue the one of them by the other. But let the French take heede there come not a day of payment for this, who are so hastie to abandon their friends, and make peace with their foes, onely vpon a foolish naturel of theirs, to desire change, and to enioy their present ease and pleasure, not foreseeing future daungers: like Schoole-boyes, who care not, so they may play to day, though they be britcht to morrow. When the Dukes of Burgondie, Berrie, and Bretaine, were combined a∣gainst Lewes the 11. of France (as were lately England, France, and States against Spaine) the counsell of Fran∣cis Zforce to the King, was, for the present, to agree to all things they desired, and after (saith hee) in short time, ye shall haue occasion when they are disleagued, to deale with them one by one. And we may well say of this King present,* 1.444 as the Count Charollois feared of the Duke of Berrie the French Kings brother: That he was a likely man to be soone drawen to agree, & leaue vs in the mire: forgetting the olde sentence:* 1.445 It is the true signe of the approching ruine of a Countrey, when those that should holde together, diuide them∣selues, and abandon one another. And howsoeuer for the present, the French bragge to be gayners by the bargayn, I am sure, their Allies haue no part of the Ga∣steau, Cake. It is true therefore, that Commines saith, There was neuer so plentifull a mariage feast, but some went without their dinners. Wherein, me thinks, we haue great wrong, to beare a burden with them in their

Warres, and not to partake with them in the benefit of their Peace. Maximilian the first Emperour said, hee made Peace for no other end with Lewes the twelfth, but to be reuenged of seuenteene wrongs he had done him. The King present, by the policie of this age, and law Talionis, might say and doe the like to the Spaniard, not for seuenteene wrongs, but for seuenteene yeeres wrongs hee hath receiued: which when hee shall haue done, it is but quittance, and the other shall be but iust∣ly serued:* 1.446 for saith Bodin, He which is falsly dealt with, ha∣uing himselfe first played false, hath no cause to complaine. And surely, the French must againe shortly bee doing, with him or some other, or at least one with another at home: he will soone be as wearie of Peace, as he is now of warre.* 1.447 La nation Françoise est insolent en pain, impatiente de demurer long temps en la maison: The French nation is insolent in Peace, & impatient of tarrying long at home.

¶ Thus haue you a superficiall suruey of this Country and People of France; of whom we may conclude with La Nouë.* 1.448 Plus de la moitié de la Noblesse est perié, le peuple di∣minué, les finances espuisées les debts accreuës, la discipline ren∣uersée, la pieté languisant, les moeurs desbordées, la iustice cor∣rumpuë, les hommes diuises: More then halfe the Noblesse is perished, the people diminished, the Treasure exhau∣sted, the debts increased, good Order ouerthrowen, Religion languished, maners debaucked, Iustice cor∣rupted, and the men diuided.

I make no doubt, but to these slender obseruations, you wil after adde better of your own Collection, vsing this onely as the patterne of a method, how to discourse of the Cosmography, Policie and Oeconomy of such other Countries wherein you shall trauaile.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar Com. lib. 1.
• * 1.2

  P. Commi∣nes.
• * 1.3

  Limits.
• * 1.4

  P. Commi∣nes.
• * 1.5

  Cabinet du Roy▪
• * 1.6

  Bodin. lib. 6. La Noüe.
• * 1.7

  Pro∣uinces.
• * 1.8

  La Guide.
• * 1.9

  Cōmo∣dities.
• * 1.10

  La Noüe.
• * 1.11

  Bod. li. 6.
• * 1.12

  Bod. con∣tra Mala∣test.
• * 1.13

  Bod. con∣tra Mal.
• * 1.14

  Iustin.
• * 1.15

  Poggio.
• * 1.16

  Cabinet du Roy.
• * 1.17

  Boterus Relations.
• * 1.18

  Riuers.
• * 1.19

  Boterus Relations.
• * 1.20

  Terentius.
• * 1.21

  Plutarch. in Them.
• * 1.22

  Hauēs and Ports. La Guide.
• * 1.23

  Spencer.
• * 1.24

  Commines cap. 50.
• * 1.25

  Lipsius.
• * 1.26

  Cities. Bodin. li. 5
• * 1.27

  Cabinet.
• * 1.28

  Bodin. li. 6
• * 1.29

  La Noüe.
• * 1.30

  Plutarch. in Alc.
• * 1.31

  Paris.
• * 1.32

  Caesar Com. li. 7.
• * 1.33

  M. Biron.
• * 1.34

  Antiq. Par.
• * 1.35

  Vigner. hist. bib.
• * 1.36

  Plut. Peri.
• * 1.37

  Haillan. li. 1.
• * 1.38

  Antiq. Par.
• * 1.39

  Haillan. lib. 1.
• * 1.40

  La No••e.
• * 1.41

  La Noüe.
• * 1.42

  Rablais
• * 1.43

  Commi••. C. 15.
• * 1.44

  Commi••. li. 15.
• * 1.45

  Annales de France.
• * 1.46

  Idem.
• * 1.47

  Guil A••∣moritanus
• * 1.48

  Hail. li. 1.
• * 1.49

  Hail. li. 3.
• * 1.50

  Antiq. Par.
• * 1.51

  Bodin. lib. 5.
• * 1.52

  Castles
• * 1.53

  Idem. l. 6.
• * 1.54

  Iunius Brutus. Tit. Liuius l. 1. Dion. Hal∣licar. l. 5. Plaut.
• * 1.55

  Plutarch. in Licurg
• * 1.56

  Guicci∣ard. l. 4.
• * 1.57

  Bodin. l. 5.
• * 1.58

  Plut. Ti∣moleon.
• * 1.59

  Bodin. l. 6
• * 1.60

  Pla. de rep. lib. 4.
• * 1.61

  Hail. li. 3.
• * 1.62

  Ordon. ch. 6.
• * 1.63

  Go∣uern∣ment.
• * 1.64

  Strabo.
• * 1.65

  Carion.
• * 1.66

  Haill. li. 1 de l'estat.
• * 1.67

  La Nouë
• * 1.68

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.69

  Haill. l. 1.
• * 1.70

  Ibid.
• * 1.71

  Haillan. lib. 3.
• * 1.72

  Lawes.
• * 1.73

  Haillan. lib. 4.
• * 1.74

  Plato lib. 4 de leg.
• * 1.75

  L. Valerius
• * 1.76

  Haillan. lib 3.
• * 1.77

  Ch. m. ord.
• * 1.78

  Haill. li. 3
• * 1.79

  Plut. Nu. Pom.
• * 1.80

  Commines
• * 1.81

  Sen. Epist.
• * 1.82

  Dern. troub.
• * 1.83

  A digres∣sion to the Ciuill Warres. Der. troub.
• * 1.84

  Haill. 1.
• * 1.85

  Commines
• * 1.86

  Haill. 1.
• * 1.87

  Annal. Fran.
• * 1.88

  Plut. Cori.
• * 1.89

  Hollinshed Turquet Histo. de Spag.
• * 1.90

  Haill. 1.
• * 1.91

  Commines.
• * 1.92

  Idem. cap. 20.
• * 1.93

  Du Fay.
• * 1.94

  Haill. 1.
• * 1.95

  Commines
• * 1.96

  Haill. 3.
• * 1.97

  Poet. Fran.
• * 1.98

  Du Fay.
• * 1.99

  Plut. Solon
• * 1.100

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.101

  Hisp. cuius dam Ora∣tio paraen.
• * 1.102

  Horat.
• * 1.103

  Plut. Pel••.
• * 1.104

  Plat. Cor.
• * 1.105

  Commines.
• * 1.106

  Rabl. l. 2.
• * 1.107

  Vergil. Eglog.
• * 1.108

  Commines
• * 1.109

  Horat.
• * 1.110

  Rabl.
• * 1.111

  Guicciard. lib. 4.
• * 1.112

  Machiauel hist. flor.
• * 1.113

  Commines
• * 1.114

  Holinshed.
• * 1.115

  Virgil.
• * 1.116

  Commines Cap. 27.
• * 1.117

  Plut. Cam.
• * 1.118

  The King.
• * 1.119

  Plu. Them.
• * 1.120

  Du Fay.
• * 1.121

  Plut. Pau. Aemil.
• * 1.122

  Bod. li. 6.
• * 1.123

  Commines
• * 1.124

  Haill.
• * 1.125

  Commines
• * 1.126

  Q. Mother of Commi.
• * 1.127

  H••ill. l. 2.
• * 1.128

  Suetonius.
• * 1.129

  Bod. l. 6.
• * 1.130

  Plut. Ep.
• * 1.131

  Plut. Pel.
• * 1.132

  Homer.
• * 1.133

  Vigner. hib. hist.
• * 1.134

  Bodin. li. 4
• * 1.135

  Plut. Peri.
• * 1.136

  Plu. Them.
• * 1.137

  Terene••. Haillan.
• * 1.138

  Terence. Regem fa∣miliarem ••arras.
• * 1.139

  His Pedi∣gree.
• * 1.140

  YOu may obserue in this waste space of paper, that in the yeere 1328. Philip, who was sonne to Charles, Count of Valois, came to the crowne, by the name of Philip the sixth of Valois: since when, all the Kings of this elder house are called (de Valois) not that it is the sur-name of their Family, which most wri∣ters, and euen the French themselues haue thought, Haillan, lib. 3. d' Estat.
• * 1.141

  His childrē.
• * 1.142

  His Coro∣nation.
• * 1.143

  Haill. l. 3
• * 1.144

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.145

  Hail, li. 3.
• * 1.146

  His Title.
• * 1.147

  Bod. li. 4.
• * 1.148

  Ha••••l. l. 4.
• * 1.149

  His Armes
• * 1.150

  Hail. li. 1.
• * 1.151

  His Court.
• * 1.152

  Dern troubl.
• * 1.153

  Claudian.
• * 1.154

  Bod. li. 4.
• * 1.155

  Plut. Ly∣curg.
• * 1.156

  Offi∣cers of Court.
• * 1.157

  Grand M^r. of France: Great Master. Hail. li. 3.
• * 1.158

  Der troub. lib. 4.
• * 1.159

  Grand Panetier: Great Pantler.
• * 1.160

  Gentils-hommes seruiteurs de la Cour Gentle∣men Waiters of the Court. Gentils-hommes de la Chambre: Gentle∣men of the Kings Chamber Grand Escuyer: Great Es∣quier, or Master of the horse Hail. li. 3.
• * 1.161

  Maistre d' Hostel: Master or Ste∣ward of the Kings house.
• * 1.162

  Grand Preuost de France, &c. Great Prouest of France &c. Haill. l. 3. Grand Faucon∣nier et grand Venneur. Great Faulco∣ner, and great Hunt. Gentils hommes de sa gard Gentle∣men of the Kings Gard.
• * 1.163

  Comment. de l' Estat.
• * 1.164

  Commines cap. 119.
• * 1.165

  His or∣der.
• * 1.166

  Dern. trou. Of the S. Esprit: Or holy Ghost.
• * 1.167

  Of Saint Michael Antiq. Par.
• * 1.168

  La Nouë. Coment. de l' Est.
• * 1.169

  Bodin. l. 5.
• * 1.170

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.171

  Of the Starre.
• * 1.172

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.173

  Of the Genette.
• * 1.174

  Id. li. 3.
• * 1.175

  Of the Porcespi••
• * 1.176

  Of the Croissan∣te.
• * 1.177

  Of Saint George.
• * 1.178

  Hall. li. 3.
• * 1.179

  The Gol∣dē Fleece.
• * 1.180

  Confer. des Ordon.
• * 1.181

  Of the A∣nunciati∣on.
• * 1.182

  Of the Knights of Malta Of Saint Stephen. Of the band or scarfe.
• * 1.183

  Tillet. re∣cueil.
• * 1.184

  His Forces.
• * 1.185

  Paul. Io∣uius.
• * 1.186

  Bodin li. 5
• * 1.187

  La Nouë.
• * 1.188

  Haill. 3.
• * 1.189

  Ordonn.
• * 1.190

  Ord. H. 2.
• * 1.191

  1547.
• * 1.192

  Tillet. re∣cu••ill.
• * 1.193

  Hail. li. 3.
• * 1.194

  Confer. des Ord.
• * 1.195

  His Gens-d'armes
• * 1.196

  Haill. l. 3
• * 1.197

  La Nouë.
• * 1.198

  Antiq. Pa.
• * 1.199

  His Infan∣tery.
• * 1.200

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.201

  Tacit. l. 1.
• * 1.202

  La Nou••.
• * 1.203

  Plut. Al∣cib.
• * 1.204

  Cabinet du Roy.
• * 1.205

  La Nouë.
• * 1.206

  Commines
• * 1.207

  Offi∣cers of warre.
• * 1.208

  Cone∣stable.
• * 1.209

  Hail. li. 2.
• * 1.210

  Mare∣shall.
• * 1.211

  Co••. Or∣donn.
• * 1.212

  Haill. l. 4. Ibid.
• * 1.213

  Admirall
• * 1.214

  Dern. trou.
• * 1.215

  Caesar. com lib. 2.
• * 1.216

  Dern. trou.
• * 1.217

  Grand Master of the Artil∣lerie.
• * 1.218

  Treasu∣rers for the Wars.
• * 1.219

  Heraults.
• * 1.220

  Presse of Souldiers
• * 1.221

  Marche.
• * 1.222

  Sir Ro. Wil.
• * 1.223

  Charge. La Nouë.
• * 1.224

  Plut. The▪
• * 1.225

  Id. Fab.
• * 1.226

  Disci∣pline. Caesar. Com. l. 6.
• * 1.227

  La Nouë▪
• * 1.228

  Commine••
• * 1.229

  Id.
• * 1.230

  Rablais.
• * 1.231

  His Expēce
• * 1.232

  Bod. lib. 5.
• * 1.233

  Cabin••t du Roy. But I doubt of this Au∣thours report, &c.
• * 1.234

  La Nouë.
• * 1.235

  His Dets.
• * 1.236

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.237

  Bodin. l. 3.
• * 1.238

  Com. de l' estat.
• * 1.239

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.240

  Bodin. li. 3
• * 1.241

  Com. de l' estat.
• * 1.242

  La Nouë.
• * 1.243

  Recueil.
• * 1.244

  His Reue∣nue.
• * 1.245

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.246

  The Do∣maine.
• * 1.247

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.248

  Liuy li. 1.
• * 1.249

  Dion. Hali. lib. 2. Plinie.
• * 1.250

  Diod li. 2.
• * 1.251

  Comment. de l' Estat.
• * 1.252

  Dern. troubl.
• * 1.253

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.254

  Plut. Cato Cens.
• * 1.255

  Con∣quest.
• * 1.256

  Parties Casuelles in France, is onely sale of Offices.
• * 1.257

  Liuy. l. 38
• * 1.258

  Polib. l. 4.
• * 1.259

  Commines.
• * 1.260

  Pension
• * 1.261

  Bodin. li. 5
• * 1.262

  Plut. Ly∣sander.
• * 1.263

  Traf∣ficke.
• * 1.264

  Bodin. li. 6
• * 1.265

  ••iuy li. 21.
• * 1.266

  Cice. offic.
• * 1.267

  Impost vpon Marchan∣dise.
• * 1.268

  Bodin. li. 5
• * 1.269

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.270

  Dern. trou.
• * 1.271

  Impositi∣on vpon the Sub∣iect.
• * 1.272

  Hail. l. 3.
• * 1.273

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.274

  Idem. li. 3
• * 1.275

  Sale of Offices
• * 1.276

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.277

  Dern. troub.
• * 1.278

  Plut▪ Peri.
• * 1.279

  Haill. l. 3
• * 1.280

  Spartian.
• * 1.281

  Demosthe∣nes.
• * 1.282

  Plu. Cori••.
• * 1.283

  Bodin. li. 5
• * 1.284

  Cicer. pr•• Muraen.
• * 1.285

  Turquet. hist Sp.
• * 1.286

  Bodin. l. 6.
• * 1.287

  La Nouë.
• * 1.288

  Muheustro et Mana••t
• * 1.289

  Dern. troub.
• * 1.290

  Commines.
• * 1.291

  Officers of his Fi∣nances.
• * 1.292

  Treasu∣rer d' Es∣pargne. Treas. de parties casuelles. Treas. generaux. Treas. de menus pl.
• * 1.293

  Generali∣ties.
• * 1.294

  Elections
• * 1.295

  Receiuers.
• * 1.296

  Contro∣lers.
• * 1.297

  Chamber of Ac∣counts.
• * 1.298

  Bodin. l. 5.
• * 1.299

  Court of Aides. Haill. l. 4
• * 1.300

  His Coyne.
• * 1.301

  Strabo.
• * 1.302

  Plut. Scyl.
• * 1.303

  Bodin. li. 6
• * 1.304

  Admini∣stration of Iustice. Assem∣blies.
• * 1.305

  P••ut. Solon
• * 1.306

  Dern. troubl.
• * 1.307

  Ibid.
• * 1.308

  Mr. du Fay.
• * 1.309

  Hollin∣s••ead.
• * 1.310

  Der. troub
• * 1.311

  La Nouë
• * 1.312

  Parlia∣ments. Com. de l' estat▪ Haill. li. 4.
• * 1.313

  Comm. c. 4
• * 1.314

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.315

  ••. Cic. 3. de legib.
• * 1.316

  Hail. l. 3.
• * 1.317

  Bodin. l. 4.
• * 1.318

  Courts of Chatellets
• * 1.319

  Haill. l. 3.
• * 1.320

  Ordon. Henry the second. 1548.
• * 1.321

  Courts of Bayli∣wicks and Sheriffal∣ties. Haill. li. 3 Court of Eauës & Forrests
• * 1.322

  Priuy Councell.
• * 1.323

  Grand Conseil.
• * 1.324

  Officers for th' ex∣ecution of Iustice: ouer and besides the Lieute∣nāts, Pre∣uost-Mar∣shals, Pre∣sidents, Coūsellers, Aduo∣cats, &.c aboue-na∣med. Chancel∣lor. Haill. li. 4. Mon. Ra∣gueau. Secretary Procopius.
• * 1.325

  Gouernor and Lieu∣tenant.
• * 1.326

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.327

  Haill. li. 4.
• * 1.328

  Master of the Eauës and Fo∣rests.
• * 1.329

  Bodin. l. 3.
• * 1.330

  Haill. li. 2.
• * 1.331

  Plut. Solen
• * 1.332

  I••ue••a••.
• * 1.333

  His Clergie
• * 1.334

  Hisp cu∣i••s••am.
• * 1.335

  Bodin. li▪ 5
• * 1.336

  Cabinet ••u Roy.
• * 1.337

  The tem∣porall li∣uings of the Church.
• * 1.338

  Bodin, li. 5.
• * 1.339

  The spi∣rituall li∣uings.
• * 1.340

  Boccaci••. Nouella. 9 Giornat 6
• * 1.341

  La Nouë
• * 1.342

  The refor¦med Reli∣gion.
• * 1.343

  Comment. de l' Est.
• * 1.344

  Plut. The m••st.
• * 1.345

  Comment. de l' Est.
• * 1.346

  His No∣blesse.
• * 1.347

  Du Fa••.
• * 1.348

  Const. Nea••
• * 1.349

  Cuias de feud.
• * 1.350

  Turq. hist. Spag.
• * 1.351

  Peeres of France.
• * 1.352

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.353

  Tille••.
• * 1.354

  Bodin. l. 3.
• * 1.355

  Caesar. Comment. l. 6.
• * 1.356

  Dern. trou.
• * 1.357

  Priuiled∣ged. Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.358

  Sig. du Planche.
• * 1.359

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.360

  Vnlettred La Nouë.
• * 1.361

  Plutarch.
• * 1.362

  Bodin.
• * 1.363

  Homer.
• * 1.364

  Dante.
• * 1.365

  Sir Philip Sydney.
• * 1.366

  Plut. The∣mist.
• * 1.367

  La Nouë.
• * 1.368

  Commines.
• * 1.369

  Plut. Ae∣milius.
• * 1.370

  Turquet.
• * 1.371

  Du Fay.
• * 1.372

  Dern. troubl.
• * 1.373

  La Nouë.
• * 1.374

  Cab. du roy
• * 1.375

  Mons. du Fay.
• * 1.376

  Com. de l' Estat.
• * 1.377

  His Peo∣ple.
• * 1.378

  Their li∣berty of speach.
• * 1.379

  Horac••. Dern. troubl.
• * 1.380

  Plut. Ae∣milius.
• * 1.381

  Their hearke∣ning after▪ newes. Caesar. Comment. l. 4.
• * 1.382

  Id. l. 7.
• * 1.383

  Their ma¦ner of Diet.
• * 1.384

  Commines
• * 1.385

  Iuuenal.
• * 1.386

  Plut. Lycurg.
• * 1.387

  Plut. Al∣cib.
• * 1.388

  Their Building.
• * 1.389

  Their Apparell.
• * 1.390

  La Nouë.
• * 1.391

  Id.
• * 1.392

  La Nouë.
• * 1.393

  Their ex∣ercises.
• * 1.394

  Palle-maille.
• * 1.395

  Shooting in the Peece,
• * 1.396

  Tennis Play.
• * 1.397

  Dancing.
• * 1.398

  Musicke
• * 1.399

  Bod. l. 4. rep.
• * 1.400

  Their Language
• * 1.401

  Suetonius.
• * 1.402

  Ludo. Re∣gius.
• * 1.403

  Rob. Steph
• * 1.404

  Hail••. li. 3.
• * 1.405

  Caes. Com. l▪ 6▪
• * 1.406

  Lud. Re∣gius.
• * 1.407

  Lu. Regius.
• * 1.408

  Their na∣ture and humour.
• * 1.409

  1. In De∣liberati∣ons. Bezade fra, lingua
• * 1.410

  Caes. Com. lib. 4.
• * 1.411

  Com. li. 3. Ib.
• * 1.412

  Haill. li. 3.
• * 1.413

  2. In matter of warre. Com. cap. 44.
• * 1.414

  Dern. troub. Guicciard lib. 5.
• * 1.415

  3. In in∣tertay∣ning of friendship
• * 1.416

  4. In ma∣naging a quarrell.
• * 1.417

  Salust.
• * 1.418

  5. In Go∣uerning his wife. Plut. Themist.
• * 1.419

  Id. Pericl.
• * 1.420

  6. In apt∣nesse to scoffe.
• * 1.421

  Bolde.
• * 1.422

  La Nouë. Plut. Alcib.
• * 1.423

  Vncleanly Theoph. Character
• * 1.424

  Talkatiue
• * 1.425

  Trouble∣some.
• * 1.426

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.427

  Vainely proude.
• * 1.428

  Boasting of things nothing worth.
• * 1.429

  Rhet. ad Herren. Satyr. l. 1. sa. 9.
• * 1.430

  Hastie to conclude a Peace.
• * 1.431

  Bodin. l. 5
• * 1.432

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.433

  Commines
• * 1.434

  Seneca.
• * 1.435

  Plut. Peri.
• * 1.436

  Bodin. l. 5.
• * 1.437

  Of this peace of Fra. and Sp. in 98.
• * 1.438

  Plut. P. Aemil.
• * 1.439

  Ennius.
• * 1.440

  Plut. Alcib.
• * 1.441

  Bodin l. 4.
• * 1.442

  Plut. Peri.
• * 1.443

  Plut. Pe∣lop.
• * 1.444

  Commines cap. 24.
• * 1.445

  Id.
• * 1.446

  Bod. lib. 4.
• * 1.447

  La Nouë
• * 1.448

  Id.