Anti-Coton, or, A Refutation of Cottons letter declaratorie lately directed to the Queene Regent, for the apologizing of the Iesuites doctrine, touching the killing of kings : a booke, in which it is proued that the Iesuites are guiltie, and were the authors of the late execrable parricide, committed vpon the person of the French King, Henry the Fourth, of happie memorie : to which is added, a Supplication of the Vniuersitie of Paris, for the preuenting of the Iesuites opening their schooles among them, in which their king-killing doctrine is also notably discouered, and confuted / both translated out of the French, by G.H. ; together with the translators animaduersions vpon Cottons letter.

A REFVTATION of Father Cottons declaratorie Letter to the Queene Regent.

That the doctrine of the Iesuites approues and main∣taines the Parricide of Kings, and the Rebellion of Subiects.

CHAP. I.

THat we may take all rubs out of the way, and fully cleere the doubt in question: it will not proue vnnecessarie to search out, and discouer the depen∣dances of the matter in hand, till wee arise to the head-spring it selfe.

Wee finde it registred in the French History, that in the yeare 1407. Lewes Duke of Orleans, brother to King Charles, the sixt of that name, the 22. of

Nouember in the twilight, was slaine by Assassinates, hired to that purpose by Iohn Duke of Burgundie, who then contested his right to the Regencie against the said Duke of Orleans: but the Duke of Burgundie be∣ing no way able to inuent any colourable varnish for the shifting off the fact, grew bolde to maintaine in the presence of the Princes of the bloud, and Officers of the Crowne, that what was acted by his com∣mand, was honourable and iust; and thereupon set a worke Iohn Petit Doctor of Diuinitie, by birth a Nor∣man, who publikely defended, that both by the Law of God and man, as well Canon as Ciuill, it was law∣full for any man to make away a tyrant, and that by any meanes; whereupon the matter was so carried, partly through feare of violence, and partly by strength of perswasion, that the course of Iustice for that time was stopt, and nothing done.

At that time there liued in Paris, Iohn Gerson Chancellour of the Vniuersitie, a man of no meane learning, (as that age afforded,) who strongly oppo∣sed himselfe to the fore-mentioned proposition of Iohn Petit, insomuch that not long after a generall Councell being held at Constance, Gerson was im∣ployed thither as Ambassadour from Charles the sixt, hauing in his instructions expresse charge to propose that conclusion to the Fathers of the Councell, by them to be further discussed and censured: where both parties being indifferently heard what could be obiected on either side, the Councell in their fifteenth Session, condemned the opinion of Iohn Petit as here∣ticall, the Canon begins thus: Quilibet Tyrannus, &c.

plainely defining that it no way rightfully fals within the compasse of the Subiects reach, to set vpon the person of his Soueraigne, vnder pretence of curbing a Tyrant.

This erroneous Doctrine hauing beene now a long time quenched as it were, and buried by the autho∣ritie of this Councell, is now againe enlightened and set a foote by the Iesuites, but vnder the cloake and colour of Religion, that is to say, when it shall be iud∣ged necessarie to make away a King for the good of the Church: to this purpose they haue published di∣uers discourses, in which they permit and incite the Subiect to kill his Soueraigne, when his Regall power degenerates into tyrannie.

Peter Ribadenera a Spanish Iesuite venteth this do∣ctrine, in a booke which he hath written of Religion, and the vertues of a Prince, speaking thus of the par∣ricide of Iames Clement: For as much as the resolution which Henry the third tooke vpon him, was the aduise of a Politician, and a machia••elist, not conformable to the rules of our Sauiour; behold the reason, that by the iust iudgement of God, the said Henry was made away by the hand of a simple young Monke, and dyed by the stroke of a knife.

Carolus Scribanius a Flemish Iesuite, who by an anagrammatisticall inuersion of Letters, cals him∣selfe, Clarus Bonars••ius, hath written a Booke, which he entitules, Amphitheatrum honoris: in which hee stoutly maintaines the same murthering position. Lib. 1. Cap. 12. where he thus speakes: if it so fall out that a Denis, or a Machanidas, or an Aristotimus, monsters of

their ages,* 1.1 oppresse Fraunce, shall not the Pope haue po∣wer confidently to encourage against them some Dion, or Timoleon, or Philopoemen; that is to say, tamers, and quellers of tyrants? and a little after speaking of a ty∣rant wasting Fraunce, What? will no man take armes against that beast? will no Pope set free that noble King∣dome from the stroke of the Axe? where obserue, that he speakes not in that passage of an vsurper,* 1.2 but of a lawfull King, who vnlawfully vseth his power.

Bellarmine in his second Booke against the King of England, condemneth treason and conspiracie against Princes, but in such captious and ambiguous termes, that vpon the matter he seemes to approue it, and incite men vnto it, by commending the Iesuite Garnet, that being acquainted with the conspiracie against the King of England, by the confessions of the Traytors, he would not disclose it, his words are these;* 1.3 Wherefore was Henry Garnet, a man vnmatch∣able in all kindes of learning and holinesse of life, so puni∣shed in the highest degree, but onely because hee would not detect that, which with a safe conscience hee could not? See then here the doctrine of the Iesuites, which is this: that if a man disclose vnto them his purpose to kill the King, he ought to conceale it, and rather suffer the King to be killed, and the kingdome to be ruined, then to breake vp the seale of confession: an opinion which the Sorbon holds not, it being of the Law of God to be loyall to our Soueraigne, and of the Law of Nations to hold the receiuer of stolne goods as guiltie as the theefe,* 1.4 and in the case of treason equally to punish the vndertaker and the concealer,

as being both principall,* 1.5 an offence of that nature ad∣mitting no accessorie.

The same Iesuite Bellarmine, and together with him, the whole troupe of that societie, generally de∣fend, that the Pope hath power to dispose of king∣domes, to bestow them as he shall see fit, on whom it shall please him, and to stir vp the Subiects to rebell against their Prince, by vnloosing them from their sa∣cred bond of allegiance: his words are these, in his sixt Chapter and fift Booke,* 1.6 De Pontifice Romano: The Pope may dispose of Kingdomes, taking them from one, and giuing them to another, as being the Supreame Prince Ecclesiasticall: and the Iesuite Gretzer in his Booke entituled; Vespertilio haeretico-politicus, pag. 159. We are not such dastards, that we feare openly to affirme, that the Pope of Rome may,* 1.7 if necessitie so require, free his Catholike Subiects from their oath of fidelitie, if their Soueraigne handle them tyrannically: Nay, the same man addes in the same place, that if the Pope doe it discreetly and warily, it is a meritorious worke. Con∣sider here this new and vnknowne kinde of merit, by raising sedition, and commanding disloyaltie, from whence must necessarily issue, attempting vpon the person of the Prince: for in such a rebellion it is to be presumed that the Prince will take armes to safe∣guard himselfe, and oppose force to force, which cannot possibly be done, without manifest hazard of his life.

Tolet in his first Booke of the instructions of Priests,* 1.8 and 13. Chapter, affirmes, that Subiects are not bound to keepe vnuiolate their oath of allegiance to an excom∣municate

person: and againe,* 1.9 An excommunicate per∣son cannot exercise the act of Iurisdiction: which rule if we admit as true, we must consequently hold that Henry the third was no King; and he which killed him, killed no King.

Mariana, another Spanish Iesuite, hath set forth a Booke, De Rege & Regis institutione, first printed at Toledo, by Peter Roderigo, in the yeare 1599. and and since againe at Mentz, by Balthasar Lippius in the yeare 1605. in the sixt Chapter of this Booke, after ha∣uing commended Iames Clement,* 1.10 hee addes, that he had beene instructed by Diuines, with whom he consul∣ted in that point, that it was lawfull to kill a Tyrant: and thereupon describing how the young Frier gaue the deadly blow,* 1.11 hee cries out; Insignem animi confi∣dentiam, facinus ••••emorabile! O excellent confidence of Spirit! O memorable fact! And a little after speaking of the same murtherer, amidst the blowes, and the wounds which he receiued, he continued full of comfort, as ha∣uing redeemed with his bloud, the liberty of his Coun∣try, and hauing ••lai••e the King, he purchased himselfe great renowne, in expiating the death of the Duke of Guise, (treacherously made away) by shedding the bloud Royall; Thus dyed Clement, being about twenty foure yeares of age, a young man, of nature gentle, not tough of body, but that a higher power actuated his vigor and cou∣rage. Thus speakes this Iesuite, and in the same Chap∣ter speaking of a lawfull King, to whom the Subiects haue passed their oath of allegiance, hee sayes: If he peruert the Religion of the Land, or if he draw the com∣mon enemie into his Country, he that labouring to satisfie

the publike desire,* 1.12 shall assay to kill him, shall in my iudge∣ment, not doe vniustly.

In the Chapter following, hee steppes yet one degree farther; in which hee allowes the poysoning of a Tyrant as iust and lawfull: notwithstanding it is worth the while to marke the nicenesse of the man, and how precisely those of his hayre obserue their cases of conscience: for fearing least by poysoning the Tyrants meate or drinke, hee should by that meanes be enforced to make himselfe away, Maria∣na brings this remedie: For mine owne part (saith hee) I would vse this moderation,* 1.13 not to constraine him (whom I purpose to doe away) to take the poy∣son himselfe, which might presently disperse it selfe through his inwards, and so kill him, but that some other lay the poyson so, that hee who is to dye, no way concurre in the taking of it; which may be done, when the poyson is so strong, that a chaire, or a garment be∣ing annoynted with it, may worke vpon the body which sits on the one, or weares the other: which is a cunning, I finde the Kings of the Moores haue often vsed: Such is the pietie of the Iesuite, who makes vs Disciples to the Moores.

This Booke of Marianaes is commended by Gret∣zer the Iesuite, in his Vespertilio, alleadged once al∣ready, where hee affirmes, Pag. 160. that Mariana is traduced, as hauing written that it was lawfull to kill any Prince who disobeyes the Pope: sithence hee main∣taines, that a lawfull Prince, who disobeyes the Pope, notwithstanding ought not to be made away by any pri∣uate man, if sentence be not pronounced against him, or

that it be not demanded by the voyce of the people, or that the consent of learned men runne not that way: but note this by the way, that by the definitiue sen∣tence, he vnderstands the iudgement of the Pope; and by the approbation of learned men, the aduise of Ie∣suites: and touching poyson laid vpon a garment or chaire, the Iesuite Gretz••r pag. 162. approues simply Marianaes position, and complaines that Mariana is vniustly accused, for hauing affirmed, that a tyrant ought to be poysoned, seeing he maintaines the con∣trarie,* 1.14 Affirming, that a tyrant cannot lawfully be made away by poyson if himselfe take it, and apply it to him∣selfe, which cannot be auoyded when his meate or drinke is poysoned, so that labouring to blanch Marianaes opi∣nion, in the end he fals vpon the same himselfe.

Clarus Bonars••ius in the 13. chapter of his Amphi∣theater, likewise commends this Mariana, both for the stile and the matter, and wisheth that all ages should reuerence him, what? (saith he) what age shall not reuerence those graue and learned writings of Ma∣riana, * 1.15 his piercing phrase, the neatnesse and loftinesse of his narrations, the plentifulnesse of his wit, together with stuffe commendable alike?

And to the end that it may be knowne, that this position of Mariana is not the opinion of a few Iesu∣ites, on the fore-head of the Booke you shall finde an approbation & permission from their generall Aqua∣uiua, and Stephanus Hoyeda Visitour of their Societie in the Prouince of Toledo for the Printing of it; in which grant, these words may farther be obserued: These Bookes of Mariana haue beene approued by graue

and learned men of the order of Iesuites:* 1.16 Whence it appeares, that howbeit the generall of their Order were ouertaken (as Father Cotton would make vs be∣leeue ((forging Letters as from the said Aquauiua, out of his owne braine,) yet so it is, that their Visitour and Doctors who had the examining and censuring of the whole worke, before it went to the Presse, could not possibly be ouer-seene. What should wee presse this point any farther? some foure Moneths before that ex∣ecrable Parricide committed vpon the person of the good King deceased, the very same Consistoricall act, by which the arrest against Iohn Chastel, and Moun∣sieur Thuanus his Historie were censured at Rome, su∣spended also another Book of Marianaes, which treates of ••oynes, not medling at all with this booke which approues the murdering of Kings, which makes mee thinke, that his holinesse being busied about other af∣faires, was circumuented by the cunning of the Ie∣suites (who dominiere at Rome) for otherwise hee would surely as I thinke, rather haue censured this Booke, which plainely teacheth murther and par∣ricide.

This booke of Mariana being first printed at Tole∣do, was brought into Fraunce, about eight yeares since, and shewed (the most seditious passages being marked out) to his Maiestie, who calling Father Cotton to him, asked him if hee approued that Do∣ctrine or no? the Iesuite who bends with all occasi∣ons, and knowes well enough how to fashion himselfe to the times, replied, that he approued it not; where∣vpon his Maiestie▪ by the aduise of Mounsieur Seruin

his aduocate generall, vrged Cotton to write agains•• it, but he found meanes to excuse himselfe, and auoid the taske, as well perceiuing that he could not oppose himselfe against it, but withall hee must of necessitie oppugne the Generall of their Order, the Prouinciall of Toledo, and a many of their societie, who had their fingers in approuing of it; but now when he sees that through the death of the King, the Iesuites are growne into a generall distaste, and perceiues him∣selfe to be pinched by the Court of Parliament, and the Sorbon, he hath published an Epistle Dedicato∣rie, in which he would seeme forsooth to condemne Mariana, which hee performes indeede, but in such mincing gentle termes, that a man may without spe∣ctacles perceiue, he feares to launce too deepe, onely affirming, that it was the lightnesse of a soaring quill, in stead of accusing the person of Heresie and perfidious barbarous treason, and the doctrine of impietie, and enmitie against God and man: but howbiet hee had reached home in reprouing Mariana, yet now (as the Abbot of Boys hath well obserued) the medicine comes after the Patient is deceased: for had he done as he ought, hee should then haue put pen to paper when the King pressed him to it, and not suffered such an opinion to roote it selfe in the mindes of the peo∣ple, which for want of weeding out at the first, at length growing vp, cost the King his life within a fewe yeares after: but let vs passe to some other ex∣amples.

There are yet at this day left aliue in Paris aboue two thousand witnesses, who vpon their credit will

testifie that Iames Clement ordinarily frequented the Iesuites, and that some of them accompanied him e∣uen to the towne ditch, when he departed out of Pa∣ris to strike the blow, and some three moneths after, was published at Paris a Speach of Pope Sixtus, made in full Consistorie, the 11. of September, 1589. in which the assassinate of Iames Clement, is paraleld with the mysteries of the Incarnation, and Resurrecti∣on, and the exploits of Eleazer and Iudith: and after hauing set on the tenter-hooks the vices of the slaine King, he addes:* 1.17 for these a••d the like manifest tokens of impenitencie, we decree that his exequies shall not be so∣lemnized. Concluding with a prayer to God, that it would please him graciously to accomplish that which mer∣cifully he had begun: this speach was imprinted at Pa∣ris by Nicholas Neuil, and Rollin Thierry, Printer to the holy Vnion, together with the approbation of three Doctors, Boucher, Decreil, Ancelin: not that I can be∣leeue, that such impious speaches could drop from the lips of our holy Father, but rather take it to be a meere imposture: the Iesuites and other Doctors of the same feather, hauing forged it, there by to make the murther allowable, and to incite some other to the dispatching of the succeeding King.

At the same time Iohn Guignard a Iesuited Priest, residing in Paris, at the Colledge of Cleremont, wrote a Treatise in the praise of Iames Clement, together with diuers motiues for the making away of the succeeding King, who last dyed; which since too manifestly ap∣peared at the arraignment of the said Guignard: for behold how God wrought, as the commissioners were

busied at the arraignment of Iohn Castel, some of them, deputed to that purpose, with-drawing themselues to the Colledge of Cleremont, seased vpon many papers, among which was found a Booke written by the hand of the said Guignard, containing many arguments and reasons to proue that the murther of the King was iust and lawfull, together with diuers inductions, and incitements for the making away of his Successour: some of which I will here set downe, being copied out of the original, which is yet to be seene among the Records of the Court: First, that the ••ruell Nero was slaine by Clement, and the counterfaite Monke dispat∣ched by the hand of a true Monke. Secondly, that the he∣roycall act of Iames Clement, tearmed by Diuines a gift of the holy Ghost, was iustly commended by Burgoin, Prior of the Iacobins, Confessour and Martyr, and that by many reasons, as well at Paris, when he read there vpon Iudith, as also before the worthy Parliament of Tours. Thirdly, that the Biarnois, howbeit conuerted to the Ca∣tholike faith should be handled more gently then he de∣serued, if he had set on his head a Monasticall Crowne: that if hee could not be deposed without warre, that it should be vndertaken against him, and if that might not be, he must be made away priuately.

The Court hauing perused these papers, and Guig∣nard being put to his answere, freely confessed that they were written by his owne hands: whereupon the Court by an arrest executed the 7. of Ianuarie 1595. declared the said Guignard attainted and conuinced of high Treason, condemned him to make honoura∣ble amends, naked to his shirt, the halter about his

necke, before the chiefe doore of our Ladies Church in Paris, and after this to be hung in the Greue, and his body burnt.

May it please the Reader to make inquirie if euer as yet any Iesui••e were heard of, who condemned this Guignard of treason and disloyaltie: but on the other side, Rich••ome in his Apologie excuseth him as farre as he dare, affirming that Guignard discussed the fore∣mentioned propositions onely by way, and in forme of Scholasticall dispute, and in this wee agree: for I haue alwaies held it, that to kill a King is the vndoub∣ted conclusion of the Iesuits diuinitie: which position if any Iesuite, eyther driuen to it by force of argu∣ment, or drawne to it by shame, any where condemne, it ariseth eyther from want of discretion, or learning, or some such ground.

The which may from thence be made to appear in that the Iesuites haue ranged Guignard in the ca∣talogue of their martyrs, which they haue caused to be Printed at Rome in two formes, in the one of which Guignard is; in the other he is left out, to the end that some copies at le••t, might be passable in France with∣out danger: besides this, the Iesuite Bonarscius, Chap. 8. of his Amphitheater, extols this Guignard to the skies, howbeit without naming him, for feare belike of of∣fending the King, yet openly enough to decipher him, the words are these: I will passe thee ouer in si∣lence, O bright Star,* 1.18 cleerly shining both in heauen and on earth, the last expiation of an house, no more capable of sorrow, no day will euer be able to blot out the tincture of thy blood: and then presently addes; All Fraunce

will concurre with me in these my vowes:* 1.19 which words are not applyable to any but Guignard, who was a French Iesuite, and the last that suffered in France.

Out of the same forge was shaped that detestable Book, De iusta abdicatione Henrici 3. of the iust degra∣dation of Henry the third. A Booke whereof the Au∣thour is not certainely knowne, but onely that it was printed at Lions, and beares in it forefront, the stampe of the Iesuites.

Franciscus Verona Constantinus hath written an A∣pologie for Iohn Chastel,* 1.20 which out-strips Mariana in villany: for in his 2. Chap. & 2. Part, he plainly affirmes, that notwithstanding the decree of the Councell of Con∣stance, it is lawfull for any priu••te man to murther Kings and Princes condemned of haeresie and tyrannie.

Now we see by the example of our two last Kings, that at their pleasure they would make Princes be∣leeue (whom they purpose to make away) that they are Heretiques, or fauourers of them, if they set not their kingdomes in combustion by ciuil warres, there∣by to giue aduantage to the inuasion of the Spaniard, or send ayde to their neighbour princes, for feare of being vndermined by the house of Austria. Thus dealt the Cyclope in Homer, who finding no reason to mis∣use Vlysses and his associates, and yet desirous to feede vpon them, would needes perswade them that they were pyrates. In the same Apologie, hee commends the fact of Iames Clement, as being against a publike enemie iuridically condemned.* 1.21 The same Author in his third Chapter defends also the fact of Iohn Ch••stel in this manner; that in striking at Henry of Bourbon,

his intention was not to kill the King, howbeit he called himselfe King,* 1.22 sithens hee had nothing left but the ap∣pearance of a King, as being of the blood Royall: adding thereunto, that Henry of Bourbon could not be cal∣led King, no not since his reconcilement to the Catholike Church.

Emanuel Sa in his Aphorismes of Confessions, at the word Clericus, affirmes, that the rebellion of a Clarke against the King is no treason;* 1.23 in as much as he is not sub∣iect to him. Bellarmine in his 28. Chapter De Clericis, speaks in a maner the same; the Pope of Rome hath ex∣empted clarks from subiection to Princes; Kings are now no more Superiours of Clarkes. Consider here a little their cunning; if you demand, whether it be lawfull for a subiect to kil his king, or to rebel against him vn∣der pretence of being a tyrant; vpon this demand, the Iesuites fearing to speake too roughly, and thereby become odious, in affirming that a Clark may kil the King; they affirme that Clarks are not subiect to Prin∣ces, and from thence draw this conclusion, that being so, they cannot be held guilty of treason, since that he against whom they conspire, is not their Master or Lord.

Garnet the Iesuite, with Hall his companion, other∣wise known by the name of Oldcorne, were executed in England for tampring in the pouder treason: Garnet being apprehended vpon the deposition of one of the Conspirators, constantly, and with oathes affirmed that hee knew nothing of the plot, whereupon the Commissioners perceiuing that they gained nothing by threats, bethought themselues of another course,

which was this: they lodged Hall in a chamber next adioyning to Garnet, and wished the Iaylor to tender to Garnet all courteous offices, and withall to giue him notice that his companion Hall was placed in the next roome, and that there was a little hole in the middle wall, by meanes of which they might, if they thought good, enterchange conference, which they daily did: in the meane time▪ the Iaylor sets some in a close corner not farre off, to listen what their talke was, who ouer-hearing them, by that meanes brought their secrets to light, which they discouered in this conference betweene themselues, but had before de∣nied to the Iudges: hereupon Garnet being againe conuented before the Court, and finding himselfe dis∣couered, confessed indeed that he vnderstood of the enterprise, but it was opened to him in confession, which he could by no meanes vnseale, there were also produced witnesses, who deposed, that in a sermon which he made to the Catholiques, he exhorted them to pray God, that an important and dangerous busi∣nesse, which was then in hand, might haue an happy successe for the Catholique Church.

Being then demanded, wherefore hee had so con∣stantly forsworne that which now proued to be true, he made answere, that being demanded, if hee were acquainted with the plot, he told them indeed that he knew nothing of it, but that hee vnderstood in his minde this restriction, I knew it not to tell you, and thereupon was brought to confesse, that he had pub∣lished a Booke of Equiuocations, prescribing therein the meanes to cosen the Iudges by doubtfull answers,

and by ambiguities to auoide the intent of their In∣terrogatories.

In behalfe of this venerable Father Garnet, a Ie∣suite named Iohn l' Heureux, but disguising his name in an Hyrogliphicall forme, cals himselfe Andreas Eu∣daemon-Iohannes Cydonius, hath very lately written an Apologie, Printed at Colen, by Iohn Kinke, Anno. 1610. together with the approbation of the Generall of their Order, Aquauiua, and three other of their Doctors, where he maintaines it tooth and naile, that it is lawfull to deceiue the Iudges by Equiuocations, and also that a priest, for any cause whatsoeuer, though the life of the King, and the safetie of the state stand to the stake for it, ought not to reueale any confession. Vpon the first point behold his words pag. 38.* 1.24 When any man is drawne▪ into question vnder an vniust tryall, no man standing bound to informe against himselfe (as the law of Nature teacheth vs plainely,) he may peremptorily and freely denie that for which he is called into question, without any tergiuersation, because he alwaies vnder∣stands this clause, vt tenear dicere. Here note by the way, that he stiles the iustice of the Kings of England, exercised vpon the Iesuites, an vniust iurisdiction, as if they stood not obliged to appeare at their command.

Martinus Nauarus Aspilcueta a Spaniard by birth, and trained vp in the ••ame schoole, hath written a Booke purposely of Equiuocations: in which, pag. 352. he deliuers this doctrine:* 1.25 that it is lawfull for a man to dissemble his being a Catholike, and in another place allowes the answere of him as good, who being deman∣ded by the Seriants if a murtherer whom they pursued,

were not passed that way, thrusting his hand into his s••eeue, protested that he passed not that way. And in the end addeth, that the doctrine of Equiuocations, is foun∣ded vpon the memorable example of S. Francis, which is without all doubt a grosse iniurie offered to the ver∣tue and piety of that holy Father, by fathering vpon him the coyning of such kinds of abhominable lying and cousening.

The fore-named Andreas Eudemon-Iohannes Cydo∣nius, in his 40. pag. targets himselfe with the authoritie of Siluester, in the 5. accusation, & 13. question, where he thus writes:* 1.26 When the Iudge doth not proceede iuridi∣cally, the arraigned being not simply subiect to him, either in this case, or for some other reason; vpon such termes, howbeit lying be vnlawfull, yet it is not a mortall sin, it being not against that which wee owe to Iustice and true iudgement, but only against that which is vsurped: nay, we hold it not a veniall sin, if in answering warily, or as they terme it, sophistically, he vtter somwhat which is false ac∣cording to the apprehension of the Iudge, but not in his owne meaning, for that in this case, sithence he is not his subiect, he is not bound to speake the truth, according to his vnderstanding. Here wee must remember, that by iudgemēt, which is not rightful, but vsurped vpō those who are not subiects, he means the passing of the iudg∣mēt of the ciuil Magistrate vpō Ecclesiastical persons, & chiefly Iesuites, who are no way subiect to Bishops.

The Iesuite Tolet in his fourth Booke of the instru∣ctions of Priests, Chap. 91. speakes thus: If the offence be secret, vpon which thou art demanded, thou maist then vse Equiuocation, answering, I know it not, with this

reseruation to the selfe, to tell it you; or thou maist an∣swere, I did it not, vnderstanding, at this present.

The ancient Ari••n Heretiques chalked out this way long since to the Iesuites: For Nicephorus in the eight Booke of his Historie, Chap. 51. saith, that Ar∣rius, hauing subscribed to the Confession of the Nicene Councell, had another Confession hid in his bosome, which himselfe had written, and there∣vpon confidently swore to the Emperour, that hee did beleeue as hee had written, vnderstanding thereby the writing which hee had wrapt vp in his bosome. By the vertue of this Doctrine, a man may denie his Religion, his Faith, his God, and all, tel∣ling the Iudge, that he beleeues not in Iesus Christ, but with this mentall reseruation, to tell you: and Saint Peter denying Iesus Christ to the Maide, might well haue shifted himselfe by the helpe of this Sophistrie, saying; I know him not, but softly to himselfe, to tell you.

By this subtiltie the Iesuites haue found a tricke, how to stirre vp Instruments to assault the sacred per∣sons of Princes, and withall to instruct them in the meanes not to disclose their Complices, perswading them that they may keepe their conscience safe, by such and such Equiuocations, as to denie, that they neuer saw it, or heard of it; alwayes prouided, that they keepe to themselues some secret limitation or condition, by which they may free themselues from the imputation of a lye, and not offend their conscience. This is it which makes the parricides of Kings, so confidently to forsweare themselues

in the face of the Court, being taught by their spirituall Guides, that in so doing, if they reserue some other meaning in their owne mindes, it offends not God at all.

And from hence it ensues, that a man cannot fixe any certain beliefe vpon Father Cottons protesta∣tion, in disauowing Mariana: for who knowes, whe∣ther hee haue not some reseruation locked vp in his owne breast? or who can tell whether in saying, I condemne Marianaes bookes, he vnderstands not for not hauing said enough: or thus, A priuate man cannot law∣fully attempt vpon the life of the Prince, speaking thus to himselfe, except the Pope giue way to it, or the King be excommunicated, or be no true King; but such, or such, is no true King, because he doth this or that, &c. But to conclude this point, as in contracts heretofore among the ancient Romaines, their women were compelled to renounce the Villeian decree, and the authentique Si qua mulier: In like maner, Father Cot∣ton if he would haue vs giue credit to his declaration, he ought first to haue renounced his priuiledge of ly∣ing, and vsing Equiuocation; and yet I feare, that in this very abrenuntiation, hee would haue vsed some other ambiguitie and craft.

The other point maintained by Iohn l' Heureux is, that Henry Garnet and his companions, hauing vn∣derstood of the conspiracie against the life of the King and his whole race, ought not to reueale it, but keepe it close: he deliuers it in these termes, Pag. 262. of his Apologie: Adde hereunto the scandall which Ca∣tholiques would conceiue,* 1.27 if a Priest, a Iesuite, being con∣sulted

in a case of Conscience, and that in the most Reli∣gious act of Confession, (the most sacred mysterie among Catholiques,) should informe against one, who comes to craue aduise: for to whom would they afterward ad∣dresse themselues to be resolued in their scruples of Con∣science ? or whom can they trust, if they finde no faith∣fulnesse in Priests? And in the 290. Pag. A thing sea∣led vp with the most holy signet of confession, cannot be broken vp without detestable sacriledge: his 13. Chap∣ter entire is spent about this subiect, in which at length he comes to this passe, to affirme, that there cannot fall out so great a mischiefe, for the auoiding of which, it can be lawfull to bewray a Confession. The Iesuit Suares sayes the same in effect in his Treatise of Pennance: * 1.28 Yea, though the safety of the whole Common-wealth should stand vpon it.

Of late dayes since the death of the last King, Fa∣ther Fronton Iesuite, though lesse seditious then the rest, accompanied with another Iesuite, came not long since to the Kings librarie at the Cordeliers, and there finding Mounsieur Causabon, the keeper of it, they fell into dispute with him vpon this Theame, Fronton maintaining it stoutly, that hee would rather all the Kings in the world should perish, then that he would reueale one confession.

How then? shall a Sonne rather suffer his Father to be slaine, then acquaint him that such or such lye in ambushment to kill him, though he haue receiued it vnder the seale of Confession? or shall a Iesuite ra∣ther suffer his King and Country to swimme in bloud, then open a confession? Yea, but will some man reply,

the Confessor must be faithfull to his Penitentiaries: it is true, but I say also, that he ought to be obedient to his God, and loyall to his Soueraigne: God com∣manding vs to be faithfull to him, to whom we haue solemnly sworne allegiance; and if wee looke into those sacred Tomes of holy Writ, we shall meet with store of passages which enioyne vs loyaltie and obe∣dience to Kings, but not so much as a fillable of en∣ioyning secrecie after confession: it is a precept which the Church onely hath put vpon vs, but with this caution, that it be not preiudiciall to the Comman∣dements of God, or that vnder the pretence of se∣crecie we turne Traytors, and by our perfidious si∣lence become the cause of the murthering of our Father or our King, which is, as if I espying one who hastning to set fire on his brothers or neighbours house, should quietly suffer him to doe it, because I had promised to disclose it to no man. No certainly, wee must beleeue that on the contrarie, rather the breach of such manner obligations is more praise∣worthie in it selfe, and pleasing to God: for hee that can preuent a mischiefe, and yet suffers it to passe, was euer held as guilty. And surely for none other reason is it, that Homer in the very entrance of his Iliads tels vs;* 1.29 that the rage of Achilles against Agamemnon, slew many valiant men, and gaue their carkasses as prayes to the dogges. And hence it is, that in the Romaine lawes, such kinde of patience is as farre forth lyable to pu∣nishment, as the principall acte it selfe: which rule hath it place and truth, not onely in common crimes, but most especially in Treason, as the Lawyers teach.

And to the end that no Marianist may obiect that the founders of those Lawes were Pagans, the Popes themselues haue euer heretofore maintained the same to be iust, in like case together with the whole rabble of Canonists, adding their reason, that there is a great presumption of secret intelligence and co∣respondence betweene the delinquent and the con∣niuent.

The Iesuite then, and Cardinall Bellarmine, take the wrong Pigge by the eare, in labouring to iustifie Garnet and Oldcorne, as if they had well done, espe∣cially since they might easily haue brought the mat∣ter to light without accusing any body, by writing a word or two to warne the King to looke to his person, or to search vnder the Parliament house, and by that meanes might the conspiracie haue beene dis∣couered, and not the Confession. The source and spring of all this mischiefe, ariseth from that vowe which the Iesuites take to obey their Superiours, that is to say, the Generals of their Order (who of neces∣siti•• ought alwayes to be subiect to the King of Spain) as also to their other Gouernours, and that with a simple, absolute vnlimited obedience, not such as en∣quiring why or wherefore, which themselues call an obedience not of will onely but of iudgement, or a blinde obedience. There is a little Pamphlet, enti∣tuled, Regulae societatis Iesu, which themselues haue caused to be Printed at Lyons Anno 1607▪ by Iiques Roussin, in the end of which they haue set a long Epi∣stle of Ignatius Loyola••s, the Spanish souldier, Patron and founder of their sect: in which the said Ignatius,

Page. 254. layes downe these rules to his Societie:* 1.30 Entertaine the command of your Superiour in the same sort, as if it were the voyce of Christ: And a little after, hold this undoubted, that all which your Superiour com∣mands, is none other then the commandement of God himselfe, and as in beleeuing those things which the Ca∣tholique Faith proposeth, you are presently carried with all the strength of your consent: so for the performance of all those things which your Superiour commands, you must be carried with a certaine blind imp••tuosity of will, desirous to obey without farther inquiring why or wher∣fore. And to the end that they might not finde any e∣scape by the word quodā, certaine impetuositie, other passages there are in the same Epistle, where that word is forgotten; as where he sayes, perit caelebris illa obedientiae caecae & simplicitas. For in as much as those things which the Superiours command, might some∣times seeme vniust and absurd, this Saint (though not yet canonized) commands the Iesuites so to cap∣tiuate their vnderstanding, that they sift not the com∣mands of their Superiours, after the example of Abraham, who prepared euen to sacrifice his Sonne at the commandement of God, and of Abbot Iohn, who watered a dry logge of wood a whole yeare to∣gether, to none other purpose but to exercise his o∣bedience; and another time put himselfe to the thru∣sting downe of a great rocke, which many men to∣gether were not able to moue, not that he held them things either vsuall or possible, but onely that hee would not disobey the command of his Superiour.

This rule then consequently drawes to this issue,

that if the chiefe of the Iesuites Order, among whom their General is alwaies subiect to the King of Spaine, command a young French Iesuite any thing whatso∣euer, he stands bound instantly to put it in execution, without so much as casting an eye vpon the danger or difficulty of it, or any way respecting how dam∣mageable it might proue, either to himselfe or the state. A Maxime which if it be held as sound, our Kings shall no longer be secure of their liues, then the Heads of the Iesuits command their vnderlings no∣thing to the contrarie: for it being once commanded, they are forbidden to enquire if the thing be iust, the matter giuen them in charge, shall be sure to carrie the name of the good of the Church, and be groun∣ded vpon a satisfaction for some enormious sinnes, or vpon the hope of being crowned Martyr, and obtai∣ning in heauen some preheminence aboue the or∣dinarie.

This vow is also the cause, that the Iesuites are ex∣empt from the obedience of Bishops, for it had beene a matter meerely impossible to obey their Superiours in all things, if the Bishops had had power to correct or hinder that which the Superiours should com∣mand.

Some one it may be will tell me, that these things are indeede cleere enough, and the testimonies suffi∣cient to settle any mans iudgement in discerning the doctrine of the Iesuites: but whence comes it to passe (then will some body here obiect) that in some places they condemne the murthering of Kings, and maintaine that a subiect ought not to attempt vpon

the person of his Soueraigne, howbeit he be vicious∣ly giuen and abuse his power: to which I answere, that the opinion indeede of some of the Iesuites is, that a Subiect ought not to rebell against his Soueraigne, although he be an Heretique or a Tyrant, before the sentence of depo••ition be pronounced by the Pope, or by some of the most learned, among which the Iesuites euer suppose themselues to stand in the first degree, and that by expresse declaration the subiect may be vnloosed from his oath of allegiance, as the Iesuite Andreas Eudemon-Iohannes teacheth at large, in the third Chapter of his Apologie for Henry Garnet: but they also generally hold, that after sen∣tence of deposition, which is commonly procured at the instance of these holy Fathers, such or such a King is no longer King, and that another ought to supply his roome, and that his Subiects owe him no obe∣dience at all. This point is at large demonstrated by the same Iesuite in the same Chapter, and we haue already made it cleere, that the same is also the do∣ctrine both of Ballarmine and Gretzer. Nay, France it selfe hath by experience sensibly felt the smart of it, to her great misery and grieuance. Now this is it which I affirme, that whosoeuer maintaines that the Pope can at his pleasure alter kingdomes, displacing one, and setting vp another, and exempt the French from their oath of allegiance, consequently main∣taines that the French in such a case ought to kil their King: For a man may well thinke that a King from whom offer is made to snatch away his kingdome, will take armes to maintaine his right, and labour to

reduce his subiects to loyaltie, who stand armed a∣gainst him: now in such a warre, and among so many rebels, it is impossible that the Prince should not r••nne in hazard of his life, since that in defending himselfe he is resolute not to loose his kingdome, but with the losse of his life: these be the nicities of the Ie∣suites, by which they euchant men; they protest so∣lemnly that they allow not the murdering of Kings, but herein lyes the craft, that they acknowledge none for Kings but whom themselues please, and maintaine that to kill a King, whose gouernment they cannot brooke, is not to kill a King, but a man (as they say) masked vnder that title. But yet marke here another mischiefe, by which they are plainely conuict to be enemies to our Kings: for the French could neuer yet be brought to acknowledge, that the Crowne of Fraunce depended from the holy Sea, or that the Pope might giue it too, or take it from whom hee thought fit, and neuer approued the Canon Alius, which is to be found, Causa. 15. Decret. quest. 6. and runnes thus in plaine termes:* 1.31 Zachary the pope of Rome deposed the French King, not so much for his wit∣kednesse, as for that he was vncapable of so great a po∣wer; and h••••th set Pippin, Father to Charles the Empe∣rour in his roome, and absolued all French men from their oath of allegiance. By vertue of which Canon the Pope attributes to himselfe power, to remoue the Crowne frō the heads of our Kings, without regarding whether they be Here iques or Catholiques; whether of a vicious or innocent and vertuous life; but onely if in his iudgement he finde them vnfit, and some other

more capable of gouernment. Whosoeuer main∣taines this opinion, withall cannot but hold that our Kings are meerely tit••larie, and that their Crowne is held at the mercy and disposition of the Pope.

But the Iesuites hold that the Pope cannot erre in Doctrine, and thereupon maintaine all and euery ar∣ticle which he teacheth, whereupon consequently it followeth, that the Pope in pronouncing this decree, hath spoken nothing but the truth.

I will adde hereunto yet one point more touching the Doctrine of the Iesuites, which may giue vs a ful∣ler taste of their humour. At Garnets arraignement among other matters which he confessed, he acknow∣ledged that Catesby the ring-leader in the Conspira∣cie, was touched with remorse of conscience, because that the time drawing neere for the acting of the plot, hee considered that in blowing vp the Parliament house, he must needes together with the Heretiques make away many innocent Catholiques; now to be resolued of this scruple, hee addresseth himselfe to Garnet, and demaunds of him whether in doing to death the bad, a man might with a safe conscience make away the good also that were found among them: Garnet to this question thus replies, that hee should make no doubt but that he might iustly mur∣therboth the one and the other, prouided alwaies that it aduanced the good of the Catholique Church. Is it possible to finde a more desperate rage then this, which to kill Kings spareth not the dearest bloud both of brothers and friends? And this I report not onely from the testimonie of Garnets arraignement, but

from the Confession of those Iesuites, who since his death haue written discourses in his commendation: for the Apologie of Garnet, composed by Iohn l' Heu∣reux, and approued by their Generall Aquauiua, and three other of their Doctours, confirmes the same, and offers to make good this fact of Garnet, Pag. 103. and 265. He confesseth moreouer,* 1.32 that Garnet in his publique prayers, in a Catholique assembly, exhor∣ted the people to pray vnto God, for the good suc∣cesse of an enterprise, which was to be executed at the opening of the Parliament: and Pag. 269. he con∣fesseth, that the Iesuite Hall being apprehended and put to his answere, that wee were not to iudge by the vnfortunate successe of the enterprise, of the iustnesse of the cause. And Pag. 273. he acknowledgeth, that the rebels hauing taken Armes after the enterprise was discouered, the Iesuite Hamond in stead of per∣swading them to disarme themselues, and lay aside their weapons taken vp against the King, gaue them all absolution. Againe, Page. 275. he affirmeth, that all that were of the powder treason, were men of very tender and scrupulous consciences. The same Apolo∣gie Page. 310. witnesseth that the Iesuite Garnet in cer∣taine Letters of his, resoluing to hazard his life for the Catholique cause, speakes thus; It is necessarie that one man die for the whole people: applying to his owne per∣son those speeches which Caiaphas inspired by the ho∣ly Ghost prophesied, touching the redemption of the world by the death of our Sauiour. At the arraigne∣ment of the same Garnet hee confessed to the Com∣missioners deputed to examine him, that hee had

offered sacrifice vnto God, for the hindering of the enterprise; yet with this restriction, if it were not pro∣fitable for the Catholique Church; hereupon the Apologie labours to excuse him in these words: Gar∣net approued not the fact,* 1.33 but loued the euent: as if a man should say, that hee approued not the murde∣ring of the King, and his family, but yet was glad that it was done: these are the windings and turnings of the Iesuites, ready to say and vnsay the same thing in the same line. These were the heroycall exploits for which Garnet and Oldcorne, iustly executed as Tray∣tors, are by B••llarmine stiled by the honourable name of Martyrs, as also by the Apologist, approued as I haue said before, by their Generall of their Order, Aquauiua, and three of their Doctors, and thereupon they are ranged in the Catalogue of the Iesuites mar∣tyrs, lately printed at Rome: a copie of which is to be seene and sold, at the Palace in the prisoners Gal∣lerie, and that since the death of the King. From hence then let the Kings and Princes of Christen∣dome duely con••ider, in what suertie they can liue hereafter, since the people is instructed by these Do∣ctors, to seeke the glory of Martyrdome in the villa∣nie of murther; and let all good Catholiques be mo∣ued with iust griefe, that the sac••ed name of Martyr, so much honoured in the Primitiue Church, should now a dayes be giuen to bloudy barbarous parricides, and disloyall Traytors.

I passe ouer my iudgement to what purpose that di∣stinction tends, which the Iesuites make of two sorts of Catholiques, naming the one true Catholiques,

and the other state Catholiques: for these latter, how∣beit they accord in all points of faith with the Ro∣maine Church, yet are they not esteemed of them but as demie Catholiques, because forsooth they will not be as factious as they are, nor approue treason and rebellion, a distinction which without all perad∣uenture will breede a Schisme in the Church of God, if his mercy preuent it not.

These accusations which wee haue mustred toge∣ther in this Chapter, sufficiently witnesse, that Mar••ana hath not alone stragled out of the way, but that all the Iesuites vpon this matter erre with him, whom Father Cotton cannot iustifie in generall, without gi∣uing satisfaction to the particular obiections drawne out of other Bookes, as expresse for the murthering of Kings as that of Marianaes.

CHAP. II.

Wherein the same thing is further proued by the facts of the Iesuites.

WEe haue already sufficiently proued by the writings of the Iesuites, that it is an opi∣nion generally currant among them, that it is lawfull euen for priuate men to kill Kings: now wee come to demonstrate the same in their actions, the horrible effects of a detestable Do∣ctrine.

It may from thence strongly be presumed that this mischieuous sect first set a foote this Doctrine, in as much as before their arising, neuer a word was extant of attempting vpon the persons of Kings, vnder pre∣tence of Religion: and beholde, since, two of our Kings successiuely haue miscarried through the im∣pression of this damnable perswasion; and if some order be not soone taken against it, it will turne into custome.

And we haue found by experience in Fraunce how pernicious vnto a state this Sect is, which comming out of Spaine aboue fifty yeares since, yet could not the sweetnesse of the French ayre, qualifie the fierce∣nesse of their spirit vnto this day.* 1.34 A very strange thing, considering that heretofore euen Lyons and Tygers being brought vnto the Temple of Adonis in Persia, were no sooner entred there, but that their rage and naturall cruelty was changed into such a gentlenesse as is almost incredible.

And if it pleased the Queene, and my Lords the Princes of the bloud, to enforme themselues through∣ly by my Lords the Presidents, and Counsailors of the Court, or by the Aduocates and Atturnies gene∣rall of his Maiestie, of the proceedings taken against the Iesuites, they shall finde this which followeth to be true, which wee haue drawne out of the arrests of the said Court, and out of the interrogatories of the conuicted, which are yet kept in the Office of the same Court, namely:

That in the yeare 1594. the 27. of December, Iohn Chastel, Clarke, brought vp in the Colledge of the

Iesuites, hauing giuen the late King a stab with a knife in the mouth, thinking to haue giuen it in the breast, was taken and committed to the Prouost of the Kings house, and brought into the Bishops prison, where vp∣on an interrogatorie, he confessed, that long agoe hee had purposed in himselfe to giue this stab, and missing of his purpose, he would doe it yet if he could, being perswa••ded that it would be for the good of the Catholique, Apo∣stolique, and Romane Religion. Being brought from thence to the prison of the Palace, hee was examined by the chiefe Officers of the Court, to whom he con∣fessed amongst other things, that whereas he had a con∣ceite that hee should be forgotten of God, and was cer∣tainly perswaded, he should be damned like Antichrist, of two euils he made choise to auoid the worst, and being a damned person, hee had rather his damnation should be in a fourth degree then in an eight. Being demanded where he had learned this new Diuinitie, he made an∣swere, that it was by Philosophie. Being asked whe∣ther he had studied Diuinitie in the Colledge of Ie∣suites, he answered: Yea, and that vnder Father Gue∣ret, with whom he had continued two yeares and a halfe. Being (further) asked whether hee had euer beene in the Chamber of Meditations, whether the Iesuites vse to bring the greatest sinners▪ there to behold the re∣presentation of many Diuels, diuersly and fearefully shaped (vnder colour of reducing them to a better life,) thereby to cause a perturbation in their spirits, and consequently vpon such or such resolutions to push them forwards to the vndertaking of some great action. His answere was, that he had often been

in this chamber of meditations. Being demaunded whether the killing of the King were not matter of ordinarie discourse amongst those Iesuites, made an∣swere, that hee had heard them say, It was lawfull to kill the King, and that he was no member of the Church, neither ought wee to obey him, nor hold him for (our)▪ King, vntill hee had (receiued) approbation from the Pope.

During the foresaid proceedings, certaine of the Lords of the Court, came to the Colledge of Clere∣mont where the Iesuites were, and (there) seazed on the papers of Iohn Guignard, amongst which there was found a Booke composed in the praise of Iames Clement, who murthered Henry the third, with ex∣hortation to doe the like vnto hi•• Successour: out of which Booke diuers clauses haue beene produced in the first Chapter.

The Court vpon the sight of these Writings, sent for Guignard the Author, who when his Writings were shewed him, and himselfe examined thereupon, confessed that himselfe had composed them, and written them with his owne hand. And hereupon Guignard by sentence of the Court, was (condemned and) executed the 7. of the Ianuary, 1595.

By another sentence was Peter Gueret Iesuite, the Maister of Iohn Chastell condemned to perpetuall ba∣nishment, and all his goods seazed on, and confisca∣ted vnto the King, with commandement for the ere∣ction of a Pyramis before the great gate of the pa∣lace, with an inscription containing the causes why the Iesuites were banished. In which (inscription)

they are tearmed Heretiques, troublers of the State, and corrupters of Youth. Which Pyramis while it stood, if any did aske why it was set vp, many more now a dayes are ready to aske why it was puld down.

A case like vnto this fell out at Melun, the last of Aprill. 1593. what time the processe criminall was made against Peter Barriere, who being apprehended vpon the intelligence of a Fryer, an honest man and faithfull vnto the King, confessed that he came pur∣posely vnto the Court to make away the King, and that he had been incited hereunto by one Varad•• by name, a Iesuite, whose daily practise was to defame the King with vile speeches. By the perswasion of this Iesuite, the fore-said Barriere had prepared a knife to doe the fear. About this he first of all asked the ad∣uise of A••bry, Curate of S. Andrew des arts, to whom he made his purpose knowne, and afterwards betooke himselfe vnto Varade, Rectour of the Colledge of Ie∣suites, vpon the fore-said Aubry his aduise. That the said Varade confirmed him in his resolution to kill the King, and that by assuring him, that in case hee were apprehended and put to death, hee should obtaine in heauen a Crowne of Martyrdome. That the said Va∣rade adiured him vnto this action, vpon the Sacra∣ment of Confession, and of Communion of the body of our Lord.

It was also obserued, that when the late King was striken, their Colledges being enuironed with a Guard, certaine Iesuits cried out at the doores of their Cham∣bers; Surge frater, agitur de Religione: Vp brother, vp, our Religion is in danger.

Besides this, in the Colledge of the said Iesuites, there were found diuers theames giuen by the Mai∣sters of formes, the argument of all which was an ex∣hortation to set vpon Tyrants, and to suffer death con∣stantly.

It was also certified to betrue, that after Paris was reduced vnder the Kings obedience, the Maisters of the Colledge of Iesuites, forbad their Schollers to pray for the King.

Else-where informations haue beene made against Alexander Hayes, Iesuite, borne in Scotland, who taught openly that it was good to dissemble, and for a while to performe obedience vnto the King in shew. He was wont to say, Iesuita est omnis homo. This Ie∣suite was further charged to haue said, and that often, that he wished if the King came along by their Col∣ledge, he might fall out of the window vpon him, and breake his neck. For which cause by the sentence of the Court, giuen the 10. of Ianuarie, 1595. the saide Hayes was condemned to perpetuall banishment; and withall hee was wished to keepe himselfe out of the Country, vpon paine of being hanged, without any other forme of arraignement. Moreouer, the said Fa∣thers haue beene often conuicted for corrupting chil∣dren, that so they might sende them into strange Countries against the will of their Fathers. As for in∣stance, in the yeare 1595. the 10. of Aprill, a Iesuite, by name Iohn the Fayre, of the Colledge of Cleremont, did honourable pennance in the great Chamber, du∣ring the Audience, bare-head and bare-foote in a white sheete, holding in his hand a burning Torch of

two pound weight of waxe, and sentenced to professe and declare vpon his knees, that rashly and vnadui∣sedly hee practised to seduce Francis Veron, Clarke, Student in the Vniuersitie of Poictiers, to send him fo••th of the kingdome. And further, that he had in∣discreetly reserued and kept with him Lectures and Treatises made by some of the said Societie, which hee receiued and wrote out with his owne hand in the said Colledge of Cleremont, containing many dam∣nable instructions to attempt against Princes, and (withall) approbation and commendation of that de∣testable parricide, committed vpon the person of our King of most blessed memorie, Henry the third. These are things so common and so well knowne, that who so should faine ought, or adde vnto it, cannot haue any hope to belieued; and he must needes be accoun∣ted impudent that should denie them, the whole bo∣die of the Court being witnesses of the truth of them. Besides all this, there is no man that hath not by ex∣perience found, that the Iesuites were neuer other then sworne enemies vnto our Kings. For during these last troubles, which endeuoured to transport France into Spaine, there were many of the Religi∣ous persons found, and that of all Orders, to ha••e taken the Kings part, but there was no one Iesuite found to be for him, vntil such time as for their crimes they were driuen out of the kingdome.

In a word, the late King our Prince, who neuer was afraide in warre, (yet) was afraide of these men in peace. My Lord the Duke of Sully can testifie this, who perswading the King not to recall the Iesuites,

was answered by him, Giue mee then securitie for my life.

And if we step forth of the kingdome of France, we shall finde many examples of the like. In all the con∣spiracies against Elizabeth the late Queene of Eng∣land, it was alwayes found that some Iesuites or other had the tempering of them: and yet for all this they cease not to martyr her with wrongfull speeches af∣ter her death, prouoked hereunto by this, that shee suffered them not to murther her. Bonars••ius the Iesuite, in the first Booke of his Amphitheater, and fourth Chapter, cals her, Lupam Anglican••m, The English Wolfe. And the Iesuite Eudaemon-Iohannes, in the 116. Page. of his Apologie for Garnet, cals her Sororis filiam, Patris neptem: Her Sisters daughter, and her Fathers Niece.

Of late Henry Garnet, Hall, surnamed Oldcorne, Hamond, Iohn Gerard, and G••inuelle, were found to be complices in that powder-mine, which was made vnder the house where the King with the States of the Country were to assemble together. And for these the Iesuite, Iohn the H••ppy, hath writ an Apologie: where∣in hee confesseth that indeede they knew the intend∣ment, but that they ought not to reueale it. It was found also that they had communication (hereon) by letters with Bauldwin, the English Iesuite, who (then) liued at Bruxels: this Iesuite was taken since as hee passed through the Pals••raues Country; and we doubt not but that if he were but a little stretcht by the fin∣gers, a man might learne strange misteries of him; yea, & that he had some intelligence (to) with Francis

Rauillac, who had been in Flanders somewhat before his cursed enterprise.

And if you passe into Polonie, you shall finde that the Iesuites doe absolutely possesse the King, and ha∣uing as it were the Tutorship of him, haue carried him vnto such violent courses, that the Country by their meanes is risen vp against him, and he in great hazard of his kingdome. Their factio••s humour is the cause that Sueden is lost from the Crowne of Po∣land, and from the Catholique Church. For they haue moued the King of Poland, to make warre vpon Duke Charles (who now stiles himselfe King) so by force to compell him to receiue the Iesuites.

Neither is Transyluania free. Wee haue seene the Letters of the Baron of Zerotin, dated the 2. of May last, wherein hee declareth how a Lord of the Coun∣try hauing a Iesuite (with him) in his house, was by the same Iesuite drawne to conspire the death of the Prince of Tran••yluania; who being aduertised of the day (appointed) for the enterprise, went forth of the Towne that day, giuing out that he went to hunt, and laid an ambush without the Towne, wherein hee sur∣prised the enterprisers, who followed after him to ex∣ecute their intendment vpon him. He put them all to death, and the said Iesuite was executed with the ge∣nerall slaughter of his complices.

The house of Austria alone hath this priuiledge, (as) to be free from the conspiracies of this Societie. Of this family the Princes liues are sacred and inuio∣lable vnto the Iesuits: for the founder of their Order, and the General of their Societie being a Spaniard, to

whom they haue vowed a blinde obedience vnder oath, it is not to be feared in this respect, that euer they should be moued to enterprise ought against the Kings of Spaine, or against such as are of his house.

And therefore it is not without cause, that the Common-wealth of Venice, (whose wisedome of go∣uernment is to be admired) hath driuen them out of Venice, and out of all their dominions: They (well) perceiue that these men are creatures of bloud, and fire-brands of warre, whom they can better endure without, then within their Country. For their last troubles had their beginning from the Iesuites: for whereas the Senate had discouered, that the Iesuites by cunning fetches had gotten great store of Lega∣cies by Will, and made themselues Lords of much land, to the preiudice of the Common-wealth: It was concluded by aduise in Councell, to prohibite all Clergie men thence forward to receiue any goods immoueable by testament, without leaue of the com∣mon-wealth: whereunto when other of the Church submitted, the Iesuites who opposed it, and wrought against it at Rome, were for euer banished the State.

And for these considerations it is, that the Citie of Orleans would neuer receiue them, albeit they haue much desired it and laboured it. They sent thither one of their companie to preach their Lent Sermons; but the Inhabitants were not very well satisfied: for in∣stead of studying, he busied his braines in searching out and entertaining such as had yet in their hearts any (remainder of the) olde leauen of the League: by whose entercourse this Iesuite set the report going,

that the Kings pleasure was, they should be established there. Heretofore their talke was of driuing out the Monkes of S. Sampson, that they might get their Church, and of displacing Mounsieur, the Marshall of Chastres, Gouernour of that Citie, to get his house, making reckoning to ioyne it together with the hou∣ses in the way vnto the fore-said Church. And be∣sides all these preparatiues, hauing giuen the King to vnderstand, that the Citizens of Orleans did excee∣dingly desire their company, they did so importune his Maiestie, that hee granted them to haue an house there, yet with this charge that the Citizens should be drawne to consent vnto it. Now when they were solemnly assembled together about this matter, one amongst them, Touruille by name, a famous Aduo∣cate of the Citie, a man of learning and iudgement, declared vnto them the inconueniences that might befall the Citie if they did admit them, and by strong reasons made it good, that in France for a man to loue his King and the Iesuites, were things that could not stand together. The chiefe Officers of Iustice following this first tune, and all the Citizens concurring iointly in the same opinion, it was concluded, that they should not be receiued. This Citie at other times hath drunk of the cup of Rebellion, with many others, but sithens their reducing vnder obedience vnto the King, they haue at all times declared themselues most faithfull; euen by their carriage in this last common affliction, as they haue declared more griefe then any other, so do they make the continuance of their obedience ap∣peare by al maner of good works, more then any other.

CHAP. III.

That the Iesuites are guilty of the murther of our de∣ceased King, Henry the fourth.

WHosoeuer shall consider the crime of this wicked (wretch) Rauillac, in euery part and circumstance of it shal easily perceiue that the Iesuites had their fingers in the Pie, and that the mischiefe came none otherwise then by their instruction.

It is some fiue yeares since that at S. Victors, there was a Maide possessed with a Diuell, whose instru∣ment she was for the tel••ing of diuers things that see∣med admirable. Father Cotton, either moued with curiositie, or grounding himselfe vpon the familiari∣tie he had with his Spirits, tooke a iourney thither, to question with this Spirit on diuers points which he had a desire to know. And to helpe his memory, hee wrote in a ticket the points whereon hee was to de∣mand: Amongst other points these were some: What should be the issue of the conuersion of Mounsieur de la Val: and of the enterprises against Geneua: and of the continuance of Heresie: and of the estate of Madamoy∣selle Acarie; and about the life of the King. There were many like vnto these: but so it fell out, that Father Cot∣ton, deliuering vnto Mounsieur Gill••t, Counsailour, in in the great Chamber a booke which he had promised

him there, through some ouersight, left behinde him his memoriall, which falling by this meanes into the handes of the said M^r. Gillot, he communicated it vn∣to certaine others, and amongst others to my Lord the Duke of Sully, and so the matter came abroad. Had this fallen out at some other time, while some vi∣gour of spirit yet remained in men, this had beene sufficient to haue entred an inditement against the Ie∣suite; it being a matter capitall for a man to enquire about the tearme of his Princes life: (and that) not onely by the Romane lawes,* 1.35 the Authors whereof were Pagans and Idolaters;* 1.36 but euen by the lawes of God,* 1.37 as we may read in the 18. Chap. of Deutronomie. And Tertullian giues the reason of it in his Apologe. ticus, to wit, that such a one hath imaginations against the Princes life, that makes such inquirings about it.

Two yeares after this, so it fell that Mounsieur de le Forze, Lieutenant for the King in Bearne, by the in∣telligences which hee had from Spaine, by reason of his neighbour-hood vnto it, was aduertised that a Spaniard of such a stature, of such an hayre, and in such apparrell, departed such a day from Barcelo∣na, to go into France, with intendment to make away the King, by poyson or other meanes. Well, this Spa∣niard came to Paris, addressed himselfe to Father Cotton, who brought him vnto the King, & gaue high commendations of him. A while after came the Let∣ters of Monsieur de la Forze: when the King had read them, hee sends (forth) to seeke Father Cotton, and shewes him the Letters of Mounsieur de la Forze, and commands him to bring backe againe that same

Spaniard. Father Cotton answeres, he could not be∣lieue it, and that the aduertisement was false: neuer∣thelesse, he would go seeke out the said Spaniard, and bring him before his Maiestie. Whereupon he goes forth, and returning a good while after, hee tels the King, he could not finde him, and that hee was gone. To see clearely vnto the bottome of this, but a little good sight is too much.

It is not aboue a yeare agoe that Father Cotton wrote vnto a prouincial of Spaine diuers things which our King had vttered in secret, and reuealed in Con∣fession, and such as turned to the disgrace of his Ma∣iestie. The discouery whereof was the cause why hee continued in disgrace for the space of sixe Moneths. Neuerthelesse the late King (through a clemencie (that was) fatall vnto his owne destruction) forgaue him, and receiued him into fauour. But it may be re∣membred, how not many daies after, our young King being importuned by him, gaue him a gird, by such an answere as he well deserued, in these tearmes; I will tell you nothing, for you will writo in into Spaine, as you haue done the confession of my Father.

And to come neere the fact of Rauillac: like as af∣ter the death of Henry the third, a man might heare the Iesuites preach sediciously, and exhort their au∣ditors to do the like vnto his Successor: and amongst others, Father Commolet, crying out in his Sermons, We haue need of an Ehud, be he a Monke, or be he a Soul∣diour, we haue need of an Ehud. Right so at Lent last, might a man haue heard a Iesuite, by name Father Hardy, Son to one Mercier, dwelling on Nostre-Dame

bridge, preaching at S. Seuerins, and saying, that Kings heaped vp treasures to make themselues feared, but that there needed but a mattocke to kill a King. In witnesse whereof, I can produce Mounsier le Grand, and Mounsier de la Vau, Counsailours of the Court, who were present thereat, besides diuers others.

At the same time Father Gontier preached so se∣diciously, and so iniuriously against the King, that Mounsier the late Marshall of Ornano, as zealously af∣fected vnto the Catholique religion, as any man in France, being asked of his Maiestie what hee thought of his Sermons; made answere to him, that if Gontier had spoken as much at Burdeaux, he would haue cau∣sed him to be throwne into the Riuer. Euery one from that time might prognosticate some great mischiefe, and the murmure was so great amongst true French∣men, that my selfe falling on a time amongst good company, where some speach past between vs, one of them affirmed, that a iolly man of qualitie, called Mounsier de la Grange▪ Secretary to the Prince of Condy, would auouch to Fathe•• Gontier (s face,) that whiles (during these warres) he remained prisone•• at Perigeus, the said Gontier in presence of Father Sa∣phore, Rector of the Colledge, did maintaine against the said de la Grange, that it were a good deed to kill the King.

Yet this is not all: for to giue fire to the match at both ends, the Iesuites by meanes of a person named Guron, (who makes shew of much deuotion) would faine haue prescribed vnto the Curates of the pari∣shes in Paris, a forme of preaching the very last Lent,

giuing them in writing sundry discourses tending to sedition. But diuers honest Curates came to the Duke of Sully, beseeching him, that by his meanes they might speake with the King; to whom they made their complaints, saying; there were some that would prescribe them to preach things contrarie to their allegiance. The excessiue clemencie of this great King contented it selfe with making remonstrance hereof vnto Father Gontier; yea, and to winne his heart, he made him his Preacher, and gaue him a pension.

Like as before lightning a man shall heare some grumbling in the Clouds: euen so, these preachings and seditious meetings were the forerunners of this great blow, that hath shaken this State in the person of so great a King, whose losse we lament now, but shall feele it much more in the time to come.

Adde hereunto the Confession of Rauillac,* 1.38 who iu∣stified vnto Father Aubigny, that hee had told him in confession, that he had ben sent to giue a great stroke, and that hee shewed him the knife, hauing an heart grauen vpon it. But the said Iesuite protested, that God had giuen him this grace, that so soone as ought was reuealed vnto him in confession, hee forgat it incontinently. The Gallant saued his life by this: but had he beene in another Countrey, hee would haue beene taught the Art of Memorie.

They that haue sounded this Rauillac, and haue beene present at his examination, may perceiue that the said parricide hath beene (very) throughly in∣structed in this matter: for in euery other point of

Diuinitie hee shewed himselfe most ignorant; but in the question, whether it be lawfull to kill a Ty∣rant; he was well skilled in all manner of euasions and Iesuiticall distinctions, as my Lords the Commissio∣ners can testifie, the Sieur Coeffeteau Doctor of Diui∣nitie, and others, who had the examination of this Rauillac in this matter. And this parricide being de∣manded what moued him to this attempt, told them more then once, What the causes were why it was re∣quisite to kill the King, they might vnderstand by the Ser∣mons of the Preachers. His meaning was, that he was induced hereunto be the sermons before mentioned. But (more then this) it was easie to perceiue that be∣sides publike exhortations, he had (withall) receiued particular instructions at large, so well seene was hee in this argument.

Neyther is it a circumstance to be neglected, that Father Cotton, hauing obtained leaue to speake with Rauillac in prison, amongest other things that he spake vnto him, this was one; Looke well to it, that you ac∣cuse not the Innocent: fearing (belike) least hee should accuse the Iesuites: but the Cordeliers, Carmelites, and other honest religious persons, who were not touched in conscience, they feared not lest any should accuse them.

But whence was it, that at Bruxelles and at Prage where the Iesuites dominiere, the Kings death was spoken of (some) twelue, or fifteene dayes before it came to passe? At Roan diuers receiued letters from their friends at Bruxelles, desiring to be infor∣med whether the report that went of the Kings death

were true, albeit at that time it was not so.

Mounsieur Argentier at Troyes, receiued letters from the ••utor of his children at Prage, wherein hee was aduertised that a Iesuite had giuen it forth, that the King was dead before it fell out to be so, and with∣all had tolde them, that after his decease Monsieur the Dolphin should not be King, but the King of Spaine, and that for the same reasons which Father Gontier gaue in his sermons at Aduent and Lent last.

I may not omit the prediction of the prouost of Petiuiers, (who was found strangled in prison) who being at Petiuiers, two days iourney from Paris, and playing at nine pinnes, amongst sundry of his friends, told them saying; This day the King is either slaine▪ or hath a blow. This prouost was in faction a Iesuite, and had committed a sonne of his vnto them, who at this day is a Iesuite.

Diuers haue obserued with what disdaine and ge∣nerall indignation it was taken of euery one, to see the Iesuites at the Louure, the (very) morning after this abhominable assassinacie, looking with a smiling and pre••umptuous countenance, as who should say, all things went well for them; and to be presented vnto the Queene by Mounsieur de la Varenne, their Benefactor and restorer; and to haue that boldnesse in this common heauinesse and sorrow, so speedily to demand the ha••t of the poore deceased King, which they carryed away in a kinde of conquest, wherewith∣all they had done well to haue buryed also the tooth which Iohn Chastel, a disciple of theirs, strooke out some yeares since.

But who did not wonder to see all the Orders of religious persons assist the funerals of the King, and pertake of the common sorrow, sauing the Iesuites? who alone hauing receiued more good turnes of this good King, then all other Ecclesiasticall persons put together, euen they alone vouchsafed not to accom∣pany his body vnto the graue. Which being obser∣ued by diuers of the Spectators, some said, the reason of their absence was, because they disdained all other Orders: but the most iudicious, their opinion was, that it was no small part of their wisedome: and that Tiberius and Iulia, hauing procured the empoysoning of Germanicus,* 1.39 in the publike mourning that was at Rome, would not appeare openly, for feare least the people should discouer their sorrow to be but false and counterfai••e.

After the Kings death, they did what they could to keepe his purpose from taking effect, and to thwart such courses as he iudged to be for the good of the State. Hee had resolued to send companies vnto Cleues, for aide to the princes of Germanie. Since that, Mounsieur the Marshall of Castres, Generall of these forces, prepared himselfe for the iourney, when behold two Iesuites who came to seeke him out, tolde him that he could not goe this voyage, not bring suc∣cour vnto Heretiques with a good conscience, and fought to affright his conscience with threats, as that if he did this, hee could not be saued. But the said Marshall giuing no credit vnto their words, within a while after, they come vnto him to change their lan∣guage, and to appease him.

CHAP. IIII.

An Examination of the declaratory Letter of Peter Cotton.

FIrst of all, I say, that this Letter being ex∣torted (as it is) by necessitie, comes out of season, and doth not preuent the euill, but comes after it: for it should haue beene written against Mariana when hee first peeped forth, and when the late King intreated Father Cotton to write against it.

I say further, it is vtterly vnknowne to vs whether he speakes in earnest: in his Letter, or whether accor∣ding to the doctrine of his Order, he vseth Equiuoca∣tion, and suppresseth the one halfe of his meaning: or if he speakes in good earnest, who seeth not that his companions are not of his opinion, sith none of them hath subscribed his Booke, nor approued it? which yet had been most requisite in a matter so publike and of such importance.

Againe the authoritie of so many Iesuites condem∣ning the murthering of Kings, is alledged by him in vaine: for all such passages of the Iesuites are vnder∣stood of Kings whom the Pope and Iesuites acknow∣ledge for Kings: But wee haue made it cleere in the former Chapters by the authoritie of a great many Iesuites, and by their actions, that when the Iesuites

do attempt vpon the life of any King, they make good their action by this, that such a one they doe not reckon to be a King, albeit he beares the name, in as much as he is excommunicated, or because hee is an enemie vnto the Church: and in very deed this wret∣ched Rauillac, alledged this for the cause of his at∣tempt, to wit, because the King would make war against the Popr, and that the Pope was God, and by consequence,* 1.40 that the King would make warre against God.

And therefore the reuerend Abbot of Boyse, hath well obserued in his answere to Father Cotton, that whereas Gregorie of Valence, Iesuite, saith; It is no way permitted for a man to attempt vpon the life of his Prince, albeit he abuse his authority; yet he addes, If it be not done by publique iudgement. Now all the Ie∣suites maintaine that the iudgement of the Generall of their Order is a publique iudgement, and whereon they must rest (themselues,) as on the voyce of Christ, as wee haue shewed before; wee hold also the iudge∣ment of the Pope to be a publike iudgement.

Againe we haue formerly obserued that the Apo∣logie of Eudemon-Iohannes the Iesuite, approued by their Generall Aquauiua, and of three Doctors•• of the Iesuites, affirmes that Iesuites doe no way approue the murthering of Kings, notwithstanding they loue the euent: so that it serues to no purpose for Father Cot∣ton to condemne him that murthered the King, if ne∣uerthelesse he be glad for the euent, that is to say, for the death of the King.

And in very deede, it is a fraudulent protestati∣on that hee makes of approuing the decree of the

Councell of Constance, where they condemne the proposition of Iohn Petit, and declare that it is not lawfull for a subiect to kill a Tyrant: for the Iesuites haue their euasion ready, and which is a truth, name∣ly, that the Councell of Constance speaketh of such Tyrants as are lawfull Kings, and that they speake not of Tyrants deposed by publike iudgement, and whose Subiects are discharged and absolued of their oath of allegiance by the Pope, nor of Kings who are iudged enemies vnto the Church. For if the Iesuites shall vndertake to make away a King, they will easily finde (out) some reason (or other) to proue that he is no King at all, and by consequence that (herein) they doe nothing against the Councell of Constance, nor against those places which Father Cotton alledged out of the writings of the Iesuites.

That which Father Cotton addes, that this was the singular opinion of Mariana, and not of all their Or∣der, hath beene disproued in the first Chapter, by the approbation of a great many Iesuites, whose names are in the front of Marianaes Booke, and by the bookes of sundry Iesuites, who affirme the same that Mariana doth; yea, they commend him, and maintaine him: and the Iesuite Cotton (himselfe) doth so tenderly condemne him, that in his reprehensions of him, hee doth rather seeme to flatter him.

As for that pretended decision, which hee would make vs belieue to haue beene made in a prouinciall congregation of the Iesuites, wherein Mariana was condemned by them: this seemes to mee, to marre their Market, ••ith they haue concealed this decision

hitherto,) and would haue no man know it. Did they feare to make French-men too well affected towards the preseruation of the King? or did they feare to giue offence to the Iesuites of Spaine, by publishing their condemnation of Mariana? Out of doubt it will be found that either any such decision was neuer made, or if it were, it was a matter of (mere) Equiuocation, and ambiguous (construction)

And this will be more easily belieued when a man shall come neare, and obserue the Iesuites confession in this matter, which Father Cotton hath reduced to fifteene heads or Articles, which are nothing but in∣foldings of words, and which declare the Iesuites be∣liefe in such points whereof no man askes them any question: for behold, (these are the points) where∣on wee would expect to heare the Confession of their Faith.

I. Whether when the Superiour of the Iesuites shall command them to vndertake against the King, they ought to obey him.

II. Whether the Pope can discharge Subiects of their oath of allegiance made vnto their King.

III. Whether a King being deposed by the Pope, and excommunicated, is neuerthelesse a King, and whether the Subiects are bound, neuerthelesse to performe obedience to him in things temporall after excommunication.

IIII. Whether in case some good Catholique shall discouer vnto a Iesuite in Confession his purpose to kill the King, the Iesuite ought to reueale this Con∣fession, or conceale it.

V. Whether the Pope can giue and take away kingdomes, and at his pleasure transferre them: name∣ly, whether the Iesuites do approue that Canon which ••aith, that the Pope may take off the Crowne from a Kings head, albeit he be without blame.

VI. Whether Kings are aboue Clarkes: that is to say, whether the King hath authoritie ouer their goods, and ouer their liues, as much as ouer his other Subiects.

VII. Whether faith giuen to the enemies of the Church be to be kept.

VIII. Whether a Iesuite being accused of Trea∣son, and kept prisoner thereupon, may lawfully vse Equiuocations in his answere.

IX. Whether to slay a mans enemies, it be lawfull for him to kill his friends.

X. Whether the rebellion of a Cleargie man a∣gainst the King be high treason.

XI. Whether a man can hate him that murthe∣reth a King, and yet be glad for the euent.

XII. Whether Garnet & Oldcorne are Martyres: and whether Guignard were iustly condemned to death.

These are the points, whereon all honest Catho∣liques desire the Iesuites might be catechised, and that it would please the Queene Regent, and my Lords the Princes of the bloud, the Officers of the Crowne, and Lords of the Counsaile, to commaund Father Cot∣ton, and his companions to write their mindes cleare∣ly, and to set forth their Confession, to the end these new impressions which enfeeble the authoritie of

our Kings, and hazard their liues, might be razed out of (the mindes of) the people, in stead of giuing vs articles which touch not the matter, and which (withall) are carried in obscure and doubtfull termes, like vnto the sword of Delphos, which cuts on both sides.

The first Article is this: All Iesuites (saith hee) in generall and in particular, are ready to seale euen with their owne bloud, that they haue not either in this mat∣ter or other, any other Faith, doctrine and opinion, then that of the Church of Rome. Herein he speakes a∣gainst his conscience: for if all Iesuites in particular are agreed in euery thing, it followes that Cotton and Mariana doe agree together, and that Cotton doth not well to condemne him. Whereas he saith, that all the Iesuites are ready to subscribe, that in this matter they haue no other beliefe then the vniuersall Church hath. I answere, that the Iesuites may easily subscribe to any thing that a man would haue them, sith they haue their retention, and secre•• conditions, which they reserue in their mindes: but I am well assured that the vniuersall Church will not subscribe to any of those abhominable positions of the Iesuites, which we haue formerly alledged out of their Bookes, much lesse will it approue their actions.

His second Article is: That amongst all kindes of gouernments and administrations of Common-wealths a Monarchie is the best. To what purpose is this? It is not necessarie that they who esteeme a Monarchie to be better then a Democratie, for this cause, must make scruple to destroy Kings: or that they who desire••

to kill the King, must haue an intention to change the forme of Gouernment; but only they desire another King, because he that liues mislikes them.

The third Article sauours altogether of the Iesuites veyne, and of their termes, for therein is nothing but Equiuocations, and mentall reseruations. It saith, That such as is the spirituall Gouernment of the Church, which relyes on the Vicar of Iesus Christ, the Succ••ssour of S. Peter: such is the temporall of the State and King∣dome of Fraunce, that it determines in the person of the King, our Soueraigne Lord and Maister. There is no∣thing spoken to the full in this, but with much dissi∣mulation: for hee dares not affirme that the King is as simply absolute in his Kingdome, as the Pope in the Church: for the Iesuites alone maintaine that the Pope can depose Kings; but they do not maintain that Kings may depose Popes: they hold that Popes can discharge Subiects of their obedience vnto Kings; but they do not hold that Kings can dispense with Christi∣ans touching their obedience vnto Popes: They hold that the Popes power reacheth vnto the temporalties of Kings, either directly as some say, or indirectly as others say; but they doe not belieue that Kings haue any power either directly or indirectly, ouer the spiri∣tualties or temporalties of Popes: they hold that there are many persons in Fraunce who are not lyable to tryall before the Kings Iudges; but they do not hold, there is any man within th•• territories of S. Peter who is not triable before the Officers of his holinesse: they hold that the Pope can leuie money and rents vpon the Ecclesiasticall reuenewes of the Kingdome of

Fraunce; but they doe not holde that the Kings of Fraunce can leuie any mony vpon the persons nor vp∣on the lands of Italy, which are of the Patrimonie of S. Peter.

For it is not credible that Father Cotton will op∣pose himselfe against Cardinal Bellarmine the Iesuite, all the Iesuites now adayes being his Disciples and Schollers, who in his fift Booke, De Pontifice Romano, and sixt Chapter, writes thus: The Pope may change kingdomes, take them from one▪ and bestow them on ano∣ther, as the supreme Prince spirituall, and when he shall finde it necessarie for the saluation of soules▪ Of whom also we haue formerly learned that Kings are not a∣boue Clarks. The same (Authour) in the second Chapter of his Booke, Of the exemption of the Clergie, cals all Kings and Princes ingenerall, Prophane men: And he holds in diuers places,* 1.41 that the power of secular Princes, is but an humane institution, and is onely the worke of men. Albeit the Apostle in the thirteenth to the Romanes, saith; That there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. And therefore it is no part of the Iesuites beliefe, to account Kings to be Kings in such sort, as the Pope is the head of the Church, seeing they are not Kings but by humane institution: but the Pope is head of the Vniuersall Church by the institution of God. In a word, Cotton speakes but with halfe a mouth, and by that which hee saith, it is impossible to apprehend what he beleeueth. And the same may be said of his other Articles.

The last Article is a recrimination of those of the

pretended reformed Religion, sundry of whose Books he saith are infected with this opinion, that it is law∣full for a Subiect to make away his King. After this he addes; I could note and specifie the places, alledge their words, were it not much better that they should remaine swallowed vp of the gulfe of forgetfulnesse. Oh what matter of triumph here doth he giue vnto our aduer∣saries? whose saying will be, that if Father Cotton had knowne those places, hee would not haue failed to bring them to light, and it had beene good to name the bookes, that they might be suppressed, and the Authors punished if they were liuing.

Now hereupon I haue been moued in the humor of curiosity to cleare my selfe: and enquiring of some of the contrary Religion, men not vnlearned, they haue answered mee, that indeede the Councell of Constance in the eight Session, makes an enumeration of Wickliffes Heresies, and amongst other things ac∣cuseth him for being of opinion,* 1.42 that no m••n is a Mai∣ster or Lord in ciuill things, during his continuance in mortall sinne. Againe, that people may at their plea∣sure correct Princes that are faulty. And that Bucha∣nan an Historian and Scottish Poet, in his Booke, De iure Regni apud Scotes, speaketh (indeed) of hand∣ling Kings roughly, and driuing them out, when they become Tyrants. But the Councell of Constance slandereth Wickliffe, not onely in this point, but also in diuers others: that this is no where to bee found throughout his writings: and that he was not present to answere for himselfe: that after the same slande∣rous maner, the same Councell chargeth him to haue

said, that God must•• obey the Diuell: that Buchanan was no Diuine: that amongst their Doctors there are in∣deed found some free speeches against Kings that per∣secute their Churches, so farre as to say, that not∣withstanding their wicked wils, they will not giue ouer to aduance the worke of God, and such like. But not so much as any one word is to be found of aduise to kill Kings, nor so much as any one precept of rebellion. That Luther writ indeed against King Henry the eight of England, in most contemptuous sort and indiscreet termes: but that Luther was none of his Subiect, and that he neuer spake of killing Kings, nor of rebelling against their Soueraigne, and therefore that these ex∣amples are not to purpose.

This I say, not that I rest satisfied with these iusti∣fications, I leaue them as they are, but to stirre vp Fa∣ther Cotton to speake more plainly vnto this point, for feare least our aduersaries should say, that they are accused without proofe, and without shewing where∣fore.

That which remaines of Father Cottons declarato∣rie Letter, is onely a declamatorie discourse, wherein he talkes of Otacoustes, Prosagogides, and Quadrupla∣tors: words that had giuen vs the stop, had they been put in the entrance (of his discourse.) For these are words too hard for vs, that know no other Latine then that of Ac••ursius, and that busie our selues to proue as good French-men, as the Iesuites are good Spaniards.

CHAP. V.

Whether it be for the good of the State, that Father Cotton should be neere about the person of the King, or of the Queene Regent, and whether the lesuites are to be suff••red.

IF all the world wonders to see after the blow that Iohn Chastel gaue with a knife, af∣ter the condemning of the Iesuites, after the erection of the Pyramis for a memori∣all, yet neuerthelesse a little after (all this,) these Fa∣thers to be established againe, and to possesse the heart of the King, whose mouth they had slit: So is it a thing as much to be wondred at, to see at this day, after so horrible a death, those, who haue set abroach the doctrine of murthering (Princes) and who are knowne to haue a ••inger in the action, to continue still, and to be neare about the person of the King.

I will beleeue that the person of Father Cotton is free from this crime, and that Father Gontier and Aubigny had no communication with him, and that he had no intelligence with the Iesuites of Bruxelles: yet such are his maners and his profession, that it is no way fit, nor for (the) credit (of the Court) for him to come neere about the person of his Maiestie.

First of all, I affirme that Cotton, who cals himselfe a religious person, yea, of such a Company who take

vnto them the name of Iesus, is a scandall to the whole Church, being euery day a follower of the Court: for this is a thing contrary, not onely to the Institution of all Monkes, but particularly to the rules of the Iesuites, as Father Richeome assureth vs in his Apologeticall complaint: and Cardinall Tolet the Iesuite, in his Booke Of the Institution of Priests. 1. Booke, and 40. Chapter, holds it for a generall truth, that a religious person who betakes himselfe vnto the Courts of Princes, is an excommunicate person, albeit he hath leaue of his Superiour.

Secondly, for the imprinting of vertue in the heart of a Prince, it is fit to set about his person men that are enemies vnto vices, and such as will not flatter him in his imperfections. This was one of the (great) faults of Father Cotton, euen his conniuence at the pleasures of the late King, in stead of with-drawing him from them. And such a Prince was hee, that if a man an enemie vnto vice, had helde his place about him, it had beene an easie matter to restraine him. This is the complaint that Father Portugais, lately made in our hearing, in a funerall Sermon that he preached at S. Iames in the Shambles, and which afterwards he set forth in print.

Yet this is not all: for in stead of restrayning him, he rather humoured him, affirming euen at a full Ser∣mon, that his Maiestie made amends for his sinnes with many merits: that Dauid committed faults, al∣though he were a man after Gods owne heart.

(Nay,) he did well worse then this: for he was the Messenger of the Kings loue, and carried his Loue-letters

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vnto Ladies: a great Prince of this kingdome, and who now liues in Court, can testifie, that (as hee told him) (how) he wondred at this, that Father Cot∣ton should be employed in bringing a certaine Dam∣sell vnto the King: the said Iesuit answered him, that indeed it was a sinne, but that he was rather to regard the health of the King, whose life was so necessarie vnto the Church, and that this euill should be recom∣penced with a greater good.

And for his life; therein he hath discouered egre∣gious Hypocrisie. He vaunted (sometimes) in the presence of sundry Lords of the Court, who yet are liuing, that since he was two and twenty yeares of age, he neuer committed any mortall sinne; and yet ne∣uerthelesse, the Abbot of Boyse hath iustified vnto him, and is ready to iustifie it, that since that time it is that a sentence hath passed against him at Auignon, for getting a Nun with childe. Mounsieur des Bordes, Lord of Grigny, a man that wants no good part, saue to be a Catholike, hath lying by him at this day Fa∣ther Cottons (loue) Letters vnto Madamoyselle de Cla∣ransac de Misme, written with his owne hand: wherein after many protestations of friendship, he tels her, that he hopes to see her shortly, to pay her the principall, and the arrerages of his absence: and that the affection h••e beares vnto her is such, that he cannot promise himselfe to haue full ioy in Paradise, if he finde not her there. This Damsell was entred amongst the questions which this Iesuite was to propose vnto the Diuell.

Who doth not wonder at the incredible impuden∣cie of this man, who insinuates himselfe euery where,

and shrinkes not backe for an hundred puttings by? who thrusts himselfe into euery action, who makes himselfe a companion to Princes, who in the Medita∣tions he sets forth, seemes as if hee would flatter God, and bring him a sleepe with words that sauour of his Queane? What an heart-burning would it be to see a caitife Iesuite besiege the spirit of a King, and to be as a man may say, tyed to his girdle, while in the meane time, Princes and Lords who haue done him great seruice, haue much a doe to come neere him? I cannot conceiue any reason why other of the Cler∣gie who for many ages haue beene the pillars of the Church of Fraunce, who neuer laide hand on their Kings, and who neuer abandoned them in their af∣flictions, especially in the (time of our) last troubles, should not enioy the same fauour that these new come vpstarts, who are not subiect to any Bishop, but imme∣diately depending of their Spanish Generall, and of their Consistorie: and who haue been already driuen forth, for the crime of parricide? Haue not other Re∣ligious Orders better deserued to be Confessors vnto the King, or Preachers vnto the Queene; whose Con∣fessions these men will write into Spaine, to some Pro∣uinciall of Castile, or to their Generall at Rome?

And if in seauen or eight yeares, since their reuo∣cation, they haue bestird themselues so well, that in diuers parts of Fraunce, they haue gotten aboue an hundred thousand crownes of rent, and built in diuers places, especially at la Flesche, an house, that comes to aboue an hundred thousand crowns, what wil they do if they continue but twenty years more? This is a can∣ker that stil gets ground. They cannot be in a place but

they must dominiere to: they haue already built an house for nouices in the Suburbs of Saint Germanes, a pretie towne might stand within the precincts of it: and there the Rector of the Vniuersitie shall haue no∣thing to do, but to looke on; and from thence are they like to draw all the youth, as being more subtile then others to insinuate into mens houses, to please women giuen to deuotion, to flatter their children, to take nei∣ther for washing nor candles of their schollers, so they may swallow lands, and whole inheritances: whence it will come to passe, that the Vniuersitie of Paris, shal be but a shadow, and assuredly come to nothing. From hence in tenne yeares space, the Priuie Councell, and Courts of Parliament, and the great Councell, shal be full of the Disciples of the Iesuites, and the rest of the Clergie shal no more be made reckoning of: for they haue a purpose to bring them lower, and they speake contemptuously of them, as of ignorant persons: and yet I haue heard of many that are learned, and parti∣cularly of Mounsieur, the Cardinal of Perron, that them selues are ignorant persons, & that they wil ouerthrow learning. For the restoring whereof, my Lord the said Cardinall hath a purpose to erect a new Colledge in the Vniuersitie, where he will raise (the study of good) letters, which are falne, sith these men haue soyled them, by reducing them vnto a miserable kinde of Schollerisme, and making them to consist of slender obseruations which themselues haue gathered.

(Yet) this were but a small matter, were it not that by bringing vp Schollers, and making men learned, they hereby graspe the State, and goe about to bring Kings vnder a Tutorship, and stirre vp people vnto

sedition, and if they were as ready to rise, as these are busie to solicite them, France by this had runne ouer with bloud, and the death of the King had beene fol∣lowed with massacres both of the one and of the other Religion: for this was their hope in this cursed parri∣cide: from which if this blow cannot keepe them from falling, they will easily finde the meanes to renew their party.

In the meane while let my Lords of the Councell, and my Maisters of the Courts of Parliaments, iudge whether with a good Conscience they can permit the hearing of confessions vnto them, who haue sworne to reueale nothing, though it necessarily concerne the preseruation of the King: and whether it be not fit to force them from so damnable a doctrine, that makes them culpable of high treason. To what purpose serues it to burn a book by the executioner, while the (persons themselues) are suffered? and to execute a piece of pa∣per, while in the meane time a man dares not name the Iesuits, for feare to offend them? Let them consider whether they will be glad to see the ruine of the Vni∣uersitie of Paris, which euer since Charles the great, hath beene the Ornament of this Kingdome: or whe∣ther in suffering the encrease of these, and their esta∣blishment in the Court, they can be content to hold the Kings faithfull Catholiques in defiance, and in ex∣pectation to behold yet a third parricide. Let them be forbidden to entermeddle in affaires of State: let them preach the Gospell, and the Commandements of the Church: let Parents be bound to send their Children vnto Colledges in the Vniuersitie: let there not be two distinct Vniuersities: let enquirie be made

what the Iesuites doe with all their wealth, seeing it is wel knowne they are but few in number, and that they do not spend it neither vpon apparrell, nor on horses, nor vpon seruants. To what end then serues all their reuenewes, saue to make voyages, and Commissions for strange Countries, and to make a store-house that may serue to wage the enemies of the State, and con∣tribute to the charges of some Rebellion, as they did in the last league? For I finde the Polander had rea∣son, when he said that the Societie of the Iesuites was a sword, whose scabberd was in France, but the han∣dle of it in Spaine, or at Rome, where the Generall of the Iesuites abides; for the first motion to draw this sword comes from thence.

This is it we had to say on this matter, whereunto my desire is, that answere should be made from point to point: or rather that we would open our eyes vnto these considerations, which are most cleare and need∣full. And if in doing this we shall procure more ha∣tred then we shall gaine commodity, yet this shall be our comfort, that wee haue not failed in our duty of proposing things necessarie for the good of the State, and for the peace and safety of the Church.

A QVADRANE To the Queene.

If you desire your State continue may, Then chase these cruell Tygers farre away: Who cutting their Kings life apart, Are their owne pay-maisters with his heart.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Dionicij, Macha∣nidas, Aristoti∣mus saeculorum portenta, Galliā opprimant, nemo Pontifex Dionē, Tim••le••ntē, Phi∣lopoemē, Helena∣tum securus ani∣mabit?
• * 1.2

  Nullus in hanc belluam miles e∣rit? nullus Pon∣tifex nobilissimū Regnum securi eximat?
• * 1.3

  Cur deni{que} Hen∣ricus Garnetus, vir doctrina om∣nis generis, & vitae sanctitate incomparabilis, vltimo supplicio affectus est, nis•• quia reuelare noluit, quod sal∣ua conscientia reuelare non potuit?
• * 1.4

  L. 13. ff. de off. praes. L. 1. ff de Receptat.
• * 1.5

  L. quisquis. §. id quod Cod. ad Leg. Iul. Maiest.
• * 1.6

  Papa potest mu∣tare Regna, & vni a••ferre at{que} alteri conferre, tanquam sum∣mus Princeps spiritualis.
• * 1.7

  Tam timidi & trepidi nō sumus vt asserere palā vereamur Ro∣manum Pontifi∣cem posse si ne∣cessitas exigat, subditos Catholi∣cos soluere iura∣mēto fidelitatis, si Princeps ty∣rannic•• illos tractet. &c.
• * 1.8

  Excommunicat•• subditi non te∣nentur iuraruen. to fidelitatis.
• * 1.9

  Excommuncia∣tus non potest iu∣risdictionis actū exercere.
• * 1.10

  Cognito à Theo∣logis, quos ••rat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tyrā∣num iure interi∣••••i posse.
• * 1.11

  Su•• sang••ine pa∣triae cōm••nis & gentis libertatē redemptā inter ictus & vulnera impense lae••eba∣tur, scilicet caes•• R••g•• ingens sibi nomen fecit, c••ede caedes est expiata ac manibu•• G••••i∣sij Duci•• per••ide perempti regi•• sang••i••e est pa∣rentatum.
• * 1.12

  Si sacra patriae pessumdet, publi∣cos{que} hostes in patri••m attra∣hat, qui voti•• publicis fauentes ••um p••rimere tē∣tarit, ha••d qua∣quā ••um inique fecisse existi∣ma••••.
• * 1.13

  Ho•• tamen tem∣peram••nto vti in hac quidem dis∣putatione licebit si non ipse qui pe∣rimitur veneni••̄ haurire cogitur, quo intimis me∣dullis cōcepto pe∣re••t, sed exteri∣us ab alio adhi∣b••atur, nihil ad∣i••••āte eo qui pe∣rimendus est, ni∣mirum cu•••• tan∣tavis est ve••eni vt sella eo aut veste delibut•• vim inter••ici∣endi habeat.
• * 1.14

  N•• tyrannum quidēprimi vel secundi generis ••tiam post iudi∣ciariam contra illum latam sen∣tentiam ve••en•• licite tolli, si Ty∣rannus ipsem••t vene••um illud sum••re & sibi applicare debeat.
• * 1.15

  Quid? Marian•••• grauem & deco∣rā constructionē sonantis ver•••••• splendor••m nar∣randi{que} sublimi∣tatem copiosum ingenium in no•• impari materia quae ••••t••s n••n re∣••erebitur?
• * 1.16

  Quippe approba∣t••s prius à viris doctis & gra••i∣bus ex eodem no∣stro ordine.
• * 1.17

  Propter h••ec & similia mani∣festa impoeniten∣ti••e sig••a decre∣uimus pro ipse non esse celebra∣d•••• exequias.
• * 1.18

  Tacebo ••go 〈◊〉〈◊〉 clarum coelo ter∣ra{que} sidu•• & vl∣timū nil ampli∣us doliturae do∣mus innocuū pia∣men••um? Nullu••
• * 1.19

  tui sanguinis ve••••igia dies ex∣teret, to••a{que} in haec vota m••a ibit Gallia••.
• * 1.20

  Non obstante de∣••re to supradicti Co••cilij constan∣ti••nsis Priuatis & singulis licitū sit Reges & prin∣cipes haereseos & Tyrannid••s con∣dē••••atos ••ccid••r••.
• * 1.21

  Contra hostem publicum & i••∣••idice condem∣••at••••.
• * 1.22

  Vulnerando Hē∣ricum Borbon••ū, non vol••erit ••••••∣dere aut occidere Reg••m, etiams•• se talem dicebat, & in quo praeter imaginem nihil Regij quam quod genere Regio or∣tus erat.
• * 1.23

  Cl••rici reb••llio in Regem non est crimen laesae Ma∣iestatis, quia non ••st subditus regi. Summus P••nti∣fex exemit cleri∣cos •• sub••ectio•• principum. Non sunt amplius re∣ges, Clericorum superiores▪
• * 1.24

  C••m quis n••llis iustis iudicijs in iusvocatur, quia∣nemo tenetur s••∣ipsum magi••••ra∣tui prodere idque ••ex naturae satis docet aper∣tè & liberè, sin•• vlla tergiuersa∣tione negare po∣test id cuius gra••∣ti•• accersitur quia. semper clausula illa in∣telligitur, vt t••∣near dicere.
• * 1.25

  In de••r. C. hu∣manae aures. 22. quest. 5. pag. 3••8▪ Franciscus inter∣rogatus a licto∣ribus homicidam persequen••ib••••, anillac vbi S. Franciscus erat talis homicid•• transisset? i••••∣miss••s manibus intra manicas, respondit hac non transiuisse, sub intelligend•• ••acit•• contra cō∣munem intelli∣gentiam non trā∣siuisse per 〈◊〉〈◊〉 manicas.
• * 1.26

  Quando iuridicè non pr••cedit, v••l quia accusatus e•• non est subdi∣tus simpliciter, vel in hoc caus••, ••••t qu••cunque alia de caus••, tum lice•• m••n∣dacium sit illici∣tum, non tamen e••t mortale, quia nec est co••tra de∣bi••um iustitiae, nec in iudicio ve••ro, sed in vsur∣pato. Immo ••••n erit ••tiam veni∣ale si respond en∣d•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & vt aiunt sophi∣s••icè, dicat ali∣quid falsum a∣pud sensum iu∣d••••is & apud su••m verum. Si crimen omni∣••o occultum est de quo quis in∣••errogatur, ••um aequiuocatione vti poterit, re∣spōdendo nescio, intelligendo ta∣men intrae se vt dicam tibi, vel respōdendo non feci, intelligen∣do intra se nunc non feci.
• * 1.27

  Adde Catholic••∣rum scandalum, & off••nsionem si sacerdos idem{que} I••suita conscien∣tiae causa cons••l∣tus id{que} interpo∣sita confessionis religione q••a•• nulla maior in∣ter Catholicos esse potest, con∣sultores su••s de∣tuliss••t? quem enim in posterum in rebus sui•• d••••bijs adire, aut cui ampli••s ••ide∣re possint▪ si ••e in sacerdotibus quidem fidem inueniant? Rem sacrosancto confessionis arca∣••o obsignatam sine immanni sa∣crilegi•• prodi nō potuisse.
• * 1.28

  Disput. 33. sect. 1. num▪ 2.
• * 1.29

  Homer. Il. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. L. 1. §. ••••cis••rum ••um s••qq. ff. ad. S. C. Syllania. L. 9. §. 1. ff. ad. leg. Cornel. de fals. L. 1. Cod. de falsa mon. L. quisquis Cod. ad leg. Iul. Maiest. Idem in cap. quantae de sen∣tent. excommu. cap. delicto. de sentent. excom∣muni. In 6. Cano. non inferenda. 23. quest. 3.
• * 1.30

  Statuatis vobis∣cūt ipsi quicquid superi••r praecipit ipsius Dei prae∣••eptum esse, at{que} vt ad credenda qu•••• Catholica fi∣des propo••it toto a••nimo affectu{que} vestro statim in∣••umbitis: sic ad ••••faci••nda quae∣cunq••e superior dix••rit caeco quo∣dam impetu vo∣luntatis parendi c••pidae sine vlla prorsus disposi∣••ion•• feramini.
• * 1.31

  Romanus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Zachari••s s••ilicet Regem Franciscorū non tam pro suis i••i∣quitatibus, quā pro eo quod tan∣tae p••testat•• erat i••••tilis, a regno deposuit▪ &c.
• * 1.32

  M••••et omnes qui ad solem∣nem Ecclesiae c••••∣tum conuene∣rant, vt obnix•• orent Deum pro felici success•• grauissimae cu∣iusdam rei in causa Catholico∣rum sub initium comitiorum.
• * 1.33

  Neq••e vero ob ••am re•••• factum probabat ed ••∣••••••bat euentum.
• * 1.34

  A••lian. de ani∣••alib▪ lib. 12. cap. 23.
• * 1.35

  Paulus. lib. 5.
• * 1.36

  Sentent. tit. 21. §. 9.
• * 1.37

  Qui de falute Principis vel summa Reipub. Mathematicos, Ariolos Aru∣spices Vaticina∣tores consulit, cum eo qui re∣sponderit capi∣te punitur. Cui auté opus est serutari su∣per Caesaris sa∣lute nisi à quo aduersus illam aliquid cogita∣tur, aut post illam speratur & sust••nctur?
• * 1.38

  This is to be found in the Records.
• * 1.39

  Tacitus. lib. 3. Annal. Tiberi∣us atque Augu∣sta publico ab∣stinuere, inferi∣us maiestate sua••rati, si palam la∣mentarētur, an¦ne omniū ocu∣lis vultum eorū scrutantibus, falsi intellige∣rentur.
• * 1.40

  These are the very words of the interroga∣tori••.
• * 1.41

  Qui•• dicere au∣deat ius e••••e pro∣fano ••n ea quae sancta sanctarū, id est, sanctissi∣ma dici merue∣runt?
• * 1.42

  Artic. 15. Nul∣lus est Dominus dum est in pecca∣to mortali, & Artic. 17. Popu∣lares possunt ad arbitrium suum dominos delin∣quentes corr••∣gere.