The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton

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Title
The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton
Author
Commynes, Philippe de, ca. 1447-1511.
Publication
Imprinted at London :: By Ar. Hatfield, for I. Norton,
1596.
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Subject terms
France -- History -- House of Valois, 1328-1589 -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A19191.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A19191.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 29, 2025.

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Page 153

THE FIFT BOOKE. (Book 5)

How the Duke of Burgundie making war vpon the Swissers, was ouerthrowen at the straights of the moun∣taines neere to Granson. Chap. 1.

THe Duke of Burgundie hauing conquered the Duchie of Lorraine, and receiued Saint Quintins, Han and Bohain, with all the Constables goods of the King, treated with him of a finall peace: for accomplishment whereof they two resolued to meete vpon a bridge built ouer a riuer, like to that made at Piquigny, at the enteruiew of the Kings of England and Fraunce. About the which mee∣ting messengers passed to and fro, so far foorth that the Duke was once purposed to dismisse the greatest part of his armie, to the end his men (being in very euill order, as well bicause of the siege of Nuz, as also of this small war in Lorraine) might refresh themselues: and the rest to put in garrison into certaine of the Earle of Romonts places, neere to the townes of Berne and Fribourg; vpon the which he was fully resolued to make war, bicause they had inuaded his dominions while he was before Nuz, had holpen to take the countie of Ferrette from him (as you haue heard) and had also conquered from the Earle of Romont part of his countrie. The King earnestly pressed him to come to the meeting appointed, to leaue these poore Swissers in peace, and to refresh his armie. The Swis∣sers also seeing him approch so neere them, sent their ambassadors to him, offering to restore all that they had taken from the Earle of Romont, who on the other side pressed him earnestly to succour him in person: whereupon the Duke altered his minde, and determined to march against them, leauing that course which in all mens opinions seemed best, considering both the time of the yeere, and the state of his armie. Further, it was agreed betweene the King and him, that for the Duchie of Lorraine they should not fall at variance.

The Duke departed out of Lorraine with this poore, wearie, and defeated armie, and entred into Burgundie, where the ambassadors of these ancient confederates of Almaine commonly called Swissers, repaired againe to him, making larger offers than before: for besides the restitution of the Earle of Romonts places, they offered to depart from all leagues that he should not allow of, especially their league with the King, and to enter into confederacie with him, and to serue him against the King with sixe thousand men well armed (and that for very smal pay) as often as he should require: which offers he refused; for God was fully purposed to bring him to destru∣ction. In those countries are certaine townes called the new confederates, namely, Basill, Strasbourg, and diuers other imperial cities 1 situate neer the riuer of Rhene, which in times past had beene enimies to the Swissers in fauour of Sigismond Duke of Austrich, whose confederates they were during the wars betweene the said Swis∣sers and him. But now all these townes ioined with the Swissers, and a league was made betweene them for ten yeeres, and peace also betweene Duke Sigismond and them: which league (as before you haue heard) was concluded by the Kings procure∣ment, earnest sute, and great expences, at the same time that the countie of Ferrette

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was taken from the Duke of Burgundie, and his lieutenant there called Peter Ar∣chambault beheaded at Basill. The onely cause of which inconuenience proceeded of this Archambault himself, which sure was a shrewd check to the Duke of Burgundy, being the very fountaine of all his other miseries. Wherefore a Prince that hath lately ioined a strange countrie to his dominions, ought to be circumspect what go∣uernors he placeth there. For whereas subiects newly conquered ought to be curte∣ously intreated, to haue Iustice truly administred, and to be better vsed than vnder their former gouernment: this Archambault did the cleane contrary, for he vsed great violence and extortion; whereupon ensued vtter destruction to himselfe, his Master, and many a good man besides.

This league aboue mentioned made by the Kings onely procurement, turned af∣terward to his great benefit, yea greater than the world weeneth, so far foorth that for my part, I account it one of the wisest deeds that euer he did, and most to the do∣mage of his enimies. For the Duke of Burgundy once destroied, the King of Fraunce neuer found man afterward of his owne subiects that durst lift vp his finger against him: for they sailed all with his winde. Wherefore it was a woorthy exploit to ioine Duke Sigismunde of Austrich and these newe confederates in league with the Swis∣sers, whose ancient enimies they had beene: and I warrant you it was neuer brought to passe without great expenses and many voiages.

After the Duke of Burgundy had put the Swissers from all hope of peace, they re∣turned to aduertise their confederates therof, and to make preparations for defence. The Duke led his army into the countrey of Vaulx in Sauoye, which the Swissers (as you haue heard) had taken from the Lord of Romont. There he wan three or fower places belonging to Monseur de Chasteauguion, which the Swissers held, and neg∣ligently defended. From thence he remooued, and laid his siege before a towne cal∣led Granson 2 , belonging also to the said Lord of Chasteauguion, within the which were eight or nine hundred Swissers 3 choice men: for bicause the place was neere their countrey they had manned it well. The Dukes force was reasonable great, for diuers bands came daily to him out of Lombardy, and the subiects also of this house of Sauoy were in pay with him. He loued strangers better than his owne subiects, notwithstanding that he might haue leuied in his owne dominions great force of good soldiers: but the Constables death togither with certaine other conceits he had in his head, caused him to mistrust his owne people. His artillery was maruellous strong, and he lay in great pompe and triumph in his campe, to shew his magnifi∣cence to the ambassadors that came to him out of Italy and Almaine: for the which purpose also he had brought with him all his best iewels and plate, and great aboun∣dance of all kinde of furniture. Moreouer he had many phansies in his head touching the Duchy of Milan, where he trusted shortly to haue great intelligence. After he had besieged this towne of Granson, and battered it with the canon certaine daies, they yeelded to his mercy 4 , and he put them all cruelly to death. The Swissers were assembled, but in small number, as diuers of them haue told me: for they are not able to leuy so great force in their countrey as the world supposeth, and at that time much lesse than now, bicause sithence most part of them haue forsaken their hus∣bandry and giuen themselues to armes. Further, of their confederates fewe were with them, bicause they were forced to succor the place in haste; but so soone as they were abroad in campe, they heard of their companions death. The Duke contrary to their opinion whose aduise he asked, determined to meete them at the entrie of the moun∣taines where they yet lay, greatly to his owne disaduantage: for he was encamped in a place very wel seated for the battel, being fortified on the one side with his artillery,

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and on the other with a lake; so that by all presumption they could not haue endo∣maged him. He had sent a hundred archers before him to keepe a strait directly ouer against the mountaine where the Swissers lay, and marched forward himselfe, and his enimies encountred him, the greatest part of his army being yet in the plaine. The first rankes of his men thought to retire to ioine with the rest; but those that were behinde, supposing these to flie, began to turne their backs, and by little and little the Dukes army retired towards his campe; some of them valiantly behauing themselues. But to be short, whē they drew neere to their campe, they neuer stood to defence, but fled all 5 . So that the Almaines wan the Dukes campe, his artillery, al his tents and pauilions and his mens also, (whereof there was great abundance) and other riches and treasures infinite 6 : for nothing was saued but the men onely. More∣ouer the Duke lost heere all his goodly iewels, notwithstanding in this battell were slaine onely seauen men of armes; all the rest fled, and himselfe also. A man may iustlier say of him that he lost this day honor and reputation, than of King Iohn of Fraunce, who valiantly defending himselfe, was taken prisoner by the English men at the battell of Poictiers.

This is the first misfortune that euer happened to this Duke: for all his other enterprises turned him either to honor or profit. But what a deadly wound receiued he this day by following his owne braine, and despising good aduise? what damage receiued his house heerby? in how miserable estate is it yet, and shall be we knowe not how long? how many men became his enimies, and declared themselues against him that the day before spake him faire, and temporized with him? And for what quarrell began this war? forsooth for a lode of sheepes skins taken by the Earle of Romont from a Swisser passing through his countrie. Sure if God had not vtterly abandoned the Duke of Burgundie, it is not to be thought he would haue put him∣selfe into so great danger for so small a trifle, considering both the offers made him, and the men he had to do with, by vanquishing whom he could obtaine neither riches nor honor. For at that time the Swissers as touching their valor were not esteemed as they be now, and their pouertie was so great, that a Knight of their countrie, who was one of their first ambassadors to the Duke, told me, that among diuers other reasons he vsed to disswade him from this war, this was one: that by conquering them he could gaine nothing, bicause their countrie was barren and poore, and void of all good prisoners, so far foorth that he thought verily if all their countrie men were taken, they should not be able to pay a raunsome to the value of the spurres and bridle bits in his campe.

But to returne to the battell: the King being immediately aduertised of all that was happened, by the sundrie spies and messengers he had abrode in the countrie, most of them were strangers; reioiced much at these newes, and sorrowed onely that so few were slaine. Further, bicause of these affaires he lay at Lyons, to the end he might the sooner be aduertised of all that happened, and the better countermine all such enterprises as the Duke had in his head. For the King being a wise Prince feared least he should ioine the Swissers to him by force. As touching the house of Sauoy, the Duke disposed thereof as of his owne: the Duke of Milan was in league with him: King Rene of Sicilie was fully bent to haue put the countrie of Prouence into his hands. So that if his affaires had receiued good successe, he should haue held vn∣der his dominion all that lieth betweene the west and east seas, and haue so brideled the subiects of this realme, that they could haue stirred no way out of Fraunce but by sea without his permission: Sauoy, Prouence, and Lorraine being vnder his sub∣iection. To euerie one of these Princes the King sent ambassadors. The one, namely

Page 156

the Duches of Sauoy was his sister, but friend to the Duke of Burgundie to the vtter∣most of hir power. The other, to wit, King Rene of Sicilie was his vnkle, who hardly gaue his ambassadors audience, but referred all matters to the Duke of Burgundie. The King sent also to these confederates of Almaine, but with great difficultie; for bicause the passages were stopped, he was forced to send beggers, pilgrims, and such kinde of men. The said confederates gaue him a proud answer, that vnlesse he would declare himselfe for them, they would make peace with the Duke, and ioine with the Burgundians against him: which notwithstanding that he greatly feared, yet thought he it not time as yet to discouer himselfe the Dukes enimie, doubting also least some of his messengers whom he sent about the countrie should be taken, and so all his practises discouered.

The Notes.

1 These townes were Basill, Strasburg, Slecstat, Colmar, Sunggau, and Brisgau.

2 He laide his siege before Granson the 12. of February 1476. beginning the yeere at New yeeres tide with 50000. men, and 500. peeces of artillery. Annal. Burgund.

3 Others write but 400.

4 Others write that they would not yeelde, vnlesse the Duke would receiue them to his mercie which he did, and yet after put them cruelly to death.

5 This battell was fought on Saterday the second of Aprill or of March as some say, the Swissers at this battell were not aboue 5000. and the most harquebusiers. Annal. Burg.

6 All that the Duke lost that day was valued at three millions of crownes. Annal. Burgund.

How after the ouerthrow at Granson, the Duke of Milan, King Rene of Sicilie, the Duches of Sauoy and others, depar∣ted from their league with the Duke of Burgundy. Chap. 2.

LEt vs now see how the world changed after the battell, and how the courage of the Duke of Burgundy and his confederates altered, and withall how wisely the King gouerned his affaires. For this shall be a goodly example for yoong Princes that at∣tempt foolish enterprises, not considering what may ensue ther∣of: and despise the counsell of those whose aduise they ought to vse, notwithstanding that themselues be vtterly void of all expe∣rience. First, the Duke himselfe sent the Lord of Contay to the King with a lowly and humble message, contrarie both to his accustomed maner and to his nature. Marke heere how suddenly he was changed euen in a moment: he de∣sired the King faithfully to keepe the truce, and excused himselfe for not comming to the meeting appointed at Auxerre, promising shortly to meete him there or else where at his pleasure. The King receiued the said Contay very honorably, assuring him of all his demands: for as yet he thought it not time to declare himselfe, bicause he knew well the loyalty of the Dukes subiects to be such to their Prince, that he should soone be aflote againe. Wherefore he was desirous to see the end of this war, with∣out giuing occasion to either partie to make peace. But notwithstanding the good entertainment the King gaue the said Contay, yet heard he many scoffes and taunts in

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the towne: for ballads were openly sung in the commendation of the vanquishers, and reproch of his follie that was vanquished.

So soone as Galeas Duke of Milan (then liuing) vnderstood of this aduenture, he reioiced not a little thereat, notwithstanding that he were the D. of Burgundies con∣federate: for he was entred into league with him for feare onely, seeing the Duke so highly fauored in Italie. Wherfore the said D. of Milan sent in all haste to the King a citizen of Milan, a man of small apparance, who by mediation of others was directed to me, and brought me a letter from the Duke: whereof when I had aduertised the King, he commanded me to heare his message. For he would not giue him audience himselfe, bicause he was displeased with the Duke of Milan for abandoning his league with him, to enter into confederacie with the Duke of Burgundie, and the rather for that his wife was the Queenes sister. The said ambassadors message was, that his Master the Duke of Milan was aduertised that the King and the Duke of Burgundie should meete to conclude a finall peace and a league greatly to his Ma∣sters discontentation, & diuers slender reasons he alleaged to disswade the K. from the conclusion thereof. But his last perswasion was, that if the K. would be bound to make neither peace nor truce with the D. of Burgundie, his M. would presently giue him 100000. ducats. When the K. heard the substance of his ambassage, he caused him to come to his presence, my selfe only being with him, and said thus briefly vnto him: Heere is Monseur d'Argenton that aduertiseth me thus and thus: tell your M. I will none of his monie; for I leauie once in a yeere thrise as much as he. And as tou∣ching peace or war, I will dispose thereof at my pleasure: but if your Master repent him that he hath forsaken his league with me, to enter into confederacie with the Duke of Burgundie, tell him I am contented that the league betweene vs shall conti∣nue as it was first concluded. The ambassador gaue him most humble thanks, per∣ceiuing him by his answer to be no couetous Prince, and desired that it would please him to cause the said league betweene him and his Master to be proclaimed in maner and forme as it was first concluded, saying that he had power to binde his Master to agree thereunto. The K. was contented, and after dinner it was proclaimed, & an am∣bassador foorthwith dispatched to Milan, where the league was againe proclaimed with great solemnitie. This is one blowe aduersitie gaue the Duke of Burgundie: for heere is one mightie Prince suddenly fallen from him; who had sent a great and so∣lemne ambassage to enter into league with him but three weekes before.

King Rene of Sicilie was purposed to make the Duke of Burgundy his heire, and to put Prouence into his hands, so far forth that Monseur de Chasteauguion that now is, and diuers others were already gone into Piemont with 20000. crownes to leuy men to take possession of the said countrey for the Duke of Burgundy: but vpon the newes of this ouerthrow they fled, and hardly saued themselues; and as touching their money, the Lord of Bresse being then in those parts tooke it. The Duches of Sauoy hearing these newes sent word thereof immediately to King Rene of Sicilie, extenuating the ouerthrow, and willing him to be of good cheere, notwithstanding this small losse: but hir messengers being Prouincials were intercepted, and thereby King Renes practise with the Duke of Burgundy discouered. Whereupon the King sent forces to the frontiers of Prouence 1 , and ambassadors to the King of Sicilie, desiring him to come to him and assuring him of good entertainment, which if he refused to do, he threatned by force to preuent this inconuenience. Wherefore in the end the King of Sicilie agreed to repaire to Lions to the King, where he was ho∣norably receiued and well feasted. I was with the King and heard the words that passed betweene them at their first meeting: which being ended, Iohn Cosse Seneschal

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of Prouence, a woorthy gentleman and of a good house in the realme of Naples, said thus to the King. Sir, you must not maruell if the King my Master your Vncle offered to make the Duke of Burgundy his heire: for he was counselled thereunto by his seruants, especially by my selfe, bicause you being his sisters sonne & his nephew, haue done him so great wrong in taking from him the castels of Bar and Angiers, and handled him so ill in all his other affaires. Wherefore we meant to enter into this practise with the Duke of Burgundy, to the end that you hearing this newes might indeuor your selfe to repaire the iniuries you haue done vs, and acknowledge in the end the King our Master to be your Vncle: but we neuer minded to bring this treaty to a full conclusion. The King being a wise Prince tooke this practise in good part, which the said Iohn Cosse vttered indeed simply as it was meant; for he himselfe was the onely contriuer thereof. In short space all controuersies between them were ended, and money was giuen to the King of Sicilie and his seruants. Further, the King feasted him with the Ladies, and vsed him in all points according to his owne humor as neere as he could; and of the Duke of Burgundy no more mention was made, but he was vtterly abandoned of King Rene. This is another mishap that en∣sued this small aduersity.

The Duches also of Sauoye who of long time was thought great enimy to the King hir brother, sent one Monseur de Montaigny (who was addressed to me) with a secret message to reconcile hir selfe to the King, alleaging diuers reasons why shee was fallen out with him, and wherein she stood in feare of him. Notwithstanding she was a verie wise Ladie and the Kings sister indeed: for it appeered that she meant to temporize as he did, to see what would happen further to the Duke before she would abandon him. The King gaue hir better words than he was accustomed, and sent the messenger very good answers by me, willing him to desire his Mistres to come into Fraunce; and thus hir man was dispatched. See heere an other of the Duke of Bur∣gundies confederats practising to forsake him. Besides this, through the whole coun∣trey of Almaine enimies began to declare themselues against him, and all the Im∣periall townes, as Nuremberg, Francfort and diuers others, ioined themselues with these old and new confederates of Swisserland: so that all the world seemed to be perswaded the doing of him harme to be good seruice to God.

The spoiles of his campe enriched maruellously these poore Swissers, who at the first knew not what treasures were fallen into their hands, especially those of the ru∣der sort: one of the goodliest & richest pauilions in the world was torne al to peeces. There were that sold a number of siluer plates and dishes for two souse a peece, sup∣posing them to be pewter. The Dukes great diamond being the goodliest iewell in Christendome, at the which hung a great orient pearle, was taken vp by a Swisser, who put it againe into the boxe where it was kept and threw it vnder a cart; but after returned to seeke it, and sold it to a Priest for a guldon, who sent it to the Lords of their countrey, of whom he receiued three franks for it. They wan also three goodly ballais rubies, called the three brethren, bicause they were in all points like, and ano∣ther great ballais rubie called La hotte, with a goodly stone called the round ball of Flaunders, the greatest and fairest stones in the world. Other infinite treasures they gained also; which since hath taught them to know what is money woorth. Further, the victories they obtained, the account the King made of them euer after, and the summes of money he bestowed vpon them, haue maruellously enriched them. Euery ambassador of theirs that came to him at the beginning of these wars, receiued goodly presents of him either in money or plate, wherby he asswaged the displeasure they had conceiued against him for not declaring himselfe the Duke of Burgundies

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enimy: for he sent them home well contented, with full purses and clothed in silkes and veluets. Then began he also to promise them a yeerely pension of 40000. gul∣dons, which afterward he truly paied, but the second battell was past first. Of this pension twenty thousand guldons were for the townes, and the other twenty thou∣sand for the gouernors of the townes. And I thinke verily I should not lie, if I said that betweene the first battell of Granson and the King our Masters death, these townes and gouernors of the Swissers receiued out of Fraunce aboue a million of florens. When I name townes I meane but these fower: Berne, Lucerne, Friburge, and Zurich, togither with their cantons situate in the mountaines. Swisse also is one of their cantons though but a village. Yet haue I seene an ambassador of that village clothed in very simple apparell giue his aduise in euery matter as well as any of the rest. The other two cantons are called Soleurre and Vnderwalde.

The Notes.

1. For Prouence was held of the crowne of Fraunce, and therefore the King would not suffer his enimie the Duke of Burgundy to possesse it.

How the Swissers vanquished the Duke of Burgundy in bat∣tell neere to the towne of Morat. Chap. 3.

NOw to returne to the Duke of Burgundie, he leuied men on all sides, so that within three weeks he had assembled a mighty ar∣mie: for a great number of his soldiers that fled the day of the battell, repaired againe to his campe. He lay at Losanna 1 in Sauoy, (where you my Lord of Vienna) assisted him with your counsell in a dangerous sicknes he was fallen into, for sorow and griefe of the dishonor he had receiued, which so much al∣tered him that I thinke after this battell of Granson, his wits were neuer so fresh nor so good as before 2 . Of this new army he now leuied I speake vpon the Prince of Tarentes report, who made relation thereof to the King in my presence. For you shall vnderstand that the said Prince about a yeere before the battell, was come to the Duke of Burgundy with a goodly traine in hope to marrie his daughter and heir. And notwithstanding that his behauiour, apparell and traine shewed him indeed to be a Kings sonne, and his father the King of Naples to haue spared no cost in setting him foorth: yet did the Duke but dissemble with him, and fed at the selfe same time with faire promises the Duches of Sauoye putting her in hope of this marriage for hir sonne. Wherefore the Prince of Tarente called Don Frederick of Arragon and his Counsell misliking these delaies, sent to the King our Master a herault of armes a wise fellow, who humbly besought him to grant the Prince his safe conduct to passe through his realme to the King his father who had sent for him, which he easily obtained of the King, bicause it seemed to tende to the Duke of Burgundies dishonor and discredit. Notwithstanding before the Princes messenger was returned to his Master, a great number of these confederated townes were assembled and encamped hard by the Duke of Burgundie. The said Prince obeying the King his fathers commandement tooke his leaue of the Duke the night before the second battell was fought, for at the first he was present, and behaued himselfe like a valiant gentleman. Some say (my Lord of Vienna) that he vsed your aduise heerein: for when he was heere with the King I haue heard both him and the

Page 160

Duke of Ascoly commonly called the Earle Iulio, and diuers others affirme, that you wrote in Italy of the first and second battell, and told what should ensue ther∣of, long before they were fought.

At the Princes departure, great forces of these confederate townes were incam∣ped (as I haue said) hard by the Duke of Burgundy, and came to giue him battell, meaning to leuie the siege he held before Morat 3 a little towne neere to Berne, be∣longing to the Earle of Romont. The said townes had in their army (as some that were at the battell haue informed me) 35000. men, whereof fower thousand were horsemen, the rest footemen well chosen and well armed; that is to say, 11000. pikes, 10000. halberds, and ten thousand harquebusiers. Their whole force was not yet as∣sembled, and these onely fought the battell, neither needed any more helpe. The Duke of Lorraine arriued at their campe a little before the battell, with a very small traine, which his comming turned afterward to his great profit: for the Duke of Bur∣gundy helde then all his countrey, and a happy turne it was for him that they waxed weary of him in our Court, as al those that maintaine a noble man ouerthrowen vsu∣ally do; notwithstanding he neuer vnderstood thus much. The King gaue him a smal summe of money, and sent a good troupe of men of armes to conueigh him safe through Lorraine; who brought him to the frontiers of Almaine, and then returned home. This Duke of Lorraine had not onely lost his Duchy of Lorraine, the County of Vaudemont, and the greatest part of Barrois (the rest being withheld from him by the King, so that he had nothing left:) but his subiects also, yea his household ser∣uants had voluntarie done homage to the Duke of Burgundy: so that his estate see∣med almost irrecouerable. Notwithstanding God remaineth alwaies iudge to deter∣mine such causes at his pleasure.

After the Duke of Lorraine was passed through Lorraine into Almaine, and had iourneied a few daies, he arriued at the Almaines campe with small force three or fower howers before the battell began: which voiage (as before I haue said) turned to his great honor and profit; for if his successe had beene bad, I thinke he should haue found but cold entertainment in any place. At the very instant that he arriued, the battels marched on both sides. For the confederates had lien in campe three daies or more in a strong place hard by the Duke of Burgundie, who was at the very first discomfited and put to flight 4 : neither had he so good lucke heere as in the for∣mer battell, wherein he lost but seuen men of armes; which happened bicause the Swissers had then no horsemen: but at this battell neere to Morat (whereof I now speake) they had fower thousand horsemen well mounted, the which pursued fiercely the Burgundians that fled. Further, their battell of footemen ioined also with the Dukes battell, which was mightie and strong: for besides great force of his own sub∣iects, and certaine English men that serued him; diuers bands were newly come to him out of Piemont and the Duchie of Milan. So that the Prince of Tarente at his being heere with the King told me, that he neuer saw in his life so goodly an armie: for he himselfe and diuers others by his commandement numbring the force as it passed ouer a bridge, had told to the number of 23000. soldiers taking pay, besides those that followed the armie and were appointed to serue at the artillerie; which force me thinke was great, notwithstanding that many talke of millions, and report they wot not what, making armies fiue times greater than they are. The Lord of Contay who came to the King immediately after the battell, confessed in my hea∣ring, that the Duke his Master lost there 8000. soldiers taking pay, besides the strag∣lers: so that the wholenūber of the dead (for ought I could euer learne to the contra∣rie) amounted to 18000. 5 which is not incredible, cōsidering both the great force of

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horsemen that diuers Princes of Almaine had there; and also the great number of men that were slaine in the Dukes campe, lying still at the siege before Morat 6 . The Duke fled into Burgundie vtterly discomforted, and not without cause; and held him∣selfe close in a towne called La Riuiere, where he assembled all the forces he could. The Swissers followed the chase but that night, and then retired without further pur∣sute of their enimies.

The Notes.

1 The Duke after the battell of Granson retired first to Ioingne, from thence to Nose∣ret, and then to Losanna. La Marche.

2 This prooueth both Vitia animi scatere ad corpus, & animam sequi temperaturam corporis, which proceedeth of the great sympathie between the minde and bodie. Liuie lib. 1. decad. 1. writeth thus; Longinquus morbus, Tulli mores prorsus immutauit.

3 The Duke laid his siege before Morat (called in Dutch Murten) the 9. of Iune 1476. with 40000. men. Annal. Burgund. and so had the Swissers also, Idem. Meyer saith the Duke had but 24000. and the Swissers 30000.

4 This battell was fought 22. day of Iune. 1476. Annal. Burgund. Meyer.

5 Others write 17000. others 22700. others 26000. and of the Swissers but 50. Meyer saith the Duke lost 14000.

6 For better vnderstanding of this place, we must know that after the Dukes vaward was ouerthrowen, they within Morat issued foorth and ioined with the Duke of Lorraine, and entred perforce the Duke of Burgundies campe lying before the said towne of Morat, where they made a great slaughter, as our author heere maketh mention.

How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundie tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy, and how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrie by the Kings meanes. Chap. 4.

THis misfortune draue the Duke into vtter despaire: for he well perceiued by the sequele of the first battell at Granson (between the which and this second there was but three weekes space 1 ) that all his friends would abandon him. Wherefore by the ad∣uise of those that were about him, he made the Duchesse of Sa∣uoy and one of hir children now Duke of Sauoy, to be led by force into Burgundie: but hir eldest sonne was conueied away by certaine of hir seruants; for those that committed this outrage did it in great feare and vpon a sudden. The cause that mooued the Duke heerunto was partly feare, least the Duchesse should retire to the King hir brother; and partly bicause all these mis∣fortunes were happened to him (as he said) for succouring this house of Sauoy. Thus was the Duchesse led to the castell of Rouure neere to Dyion, where a small garde was appointed ouer hir. Notwithstanding euery body that would, went to visite hir, and among others the Lord of Chasteauguion, and the Marquesse of Rotelin that now are, betweene the which two and two of the Duchesses daughters the Duke of Burgundie endeuored to make two marriages, which afterward were accomplished. Hir eldest sonne called Philibert then Duke of Sauoy, was led by those that stole him away to Chambery, where the Bishop of Geneua lay, who was also of the house of

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Sauoy. This Bishop was altogither giuen to sloth and wantonnes, and gouerned wholy by a Knight of the Rhodes 2 : but the King so practised with him, and the Knight his gouernor, that they put into his hands the said Duke of Sauoy, and a little brother of his called Le Prothonostaire, togither with the castels of Chambery and Montmelian, and held also to the Kings vse another castell where all the Duchesses iewels lay. When the Duchesse was come to Rouure accompanied with all hir wo∣men, and a great number of hir seruants; she perceiuing the Duke of Burgundie to be busied in leuying men, and those that garded hir not to stand in such feare of their Master as they were accustomed: determined to send to the King hir brother to re∣concile hir selfe to him, and to desire him to deliuer hir out of this thraldome. For notwithstanding that she feared much to fall into his hands, bicause of the great and long hatred that had been betweene them: yet the miserie wherein she was, forced hir in the end thereunto. Wherefore she sent to him a gentleman of Piemont called Riuerol being steward of hir house, who was directed to me. When I had heard his message, and aduertised the King thereof, he commanded him to come to his pre∣sence: and after he had giuen him audience, answered, that he would not forsake his sister in this extremitie notwithstanding their former variance: and that if she would enter into league with him, he would send for hir by the gouernor of Champaigne, called Master Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont. The said Riuerol tooke his leaue of the King, and returned with speede to his Mistres, who reioiced much at this newes. Notwithstanding she sent yet againe to the King vpon the returne of the first message, to desire a safe conduct and assurance therein, that she should depart out of Fraunce into Sauoy, and that the Duke hir sonne and his little brother, togither with the places which the King held, should be restored to hir: and further that he would helpe to maintaine hir authoritie in Sauoy; and she for hir part would forsake all confederacies, and enter into league with him. All the which hir requests the King granted, and immediately sent a man purposely to the said Lord of Chaumont about this enterprise: the which was well deuised and executed accordingly. For the said Lord of Chaumont went himselfe peaceably through the country with a good band of men to Rouure, from whence he led the Duchesse of Sauoy and all hir traine to the next place of the Kings dominions. Before the dispatch of the Duchesses last messenger, the King was departed from Lyons, where he had lien halfe a yeere to ouerthrow couertly the Duke of Burgundies enterprises without breaking the truce. But if a man consider well the Dukes estate, the King made sharper war vpon him by letting him run himselfe out of breth, and priuily stirring vp enimies against him, than if he had openly proclaimed war. For immediately vpon the proclamation, the Duke would haue relinquished his enterprise, and then all these mishaps had neuer fallen vpon him.

The King being departed from Lions continued still his iourney, and from Rou∣uenne went downe the riuer of Loire to Tours, where at his arriuall he receiued newes of his sisters liberty; whereat he reioiced not a little, and sent for hir with all speed to come to him, and gaue order for hir charges vpon the way. Moreouer, when she drew neere, he sent a great company of gentlemen to wait vpon hir, and went himselfe to receiue hir as far as the gate of Plessis du Parc; where at their first meeting with a mery countenaunce he said vnto hir: Lady of Burgundy you are hartely welcome. Then she knowing by his countenance that he did but sport, made him a wise answer saying. Sir, I am a true French woman, and ready to obey you in all you shall command. The King led hir to hir chamber, where she was very hono∣rably entertained. True it is that he desired to send hir home as speedily as might be,

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whereof she was no lesse desirous than he: for she was a very wise woman, and they were well acquainted the one with the others conditions. The whole charge of this matter was committed to me, first to prouide money to defray hir in hir returne: se∣condarily to seeke silkes and veluets for hir: and lastly to put in writing the articles of their new league and amity. Moreouer, the King indeuored to disswade hir from the mariage of hir two daughters aboue mentioned; but she made hir excuse by the daughters themselues, who were obstinate therein: which when the King perceiued he yeelded vnto them, and in mine opinion they were well bestowed. After the Duches had soiourned at Plessis seauen or eight daies, the King and she sware thence foorth to be friends each to other, and writings touching their amitie were inter∣changably deliuered betweene them: which done, the Duches tooke hir leaue of the King, who caused hir safely to be conueighed into hir owne countrey, and resto∣red vnto hir, hir children, all the places that were in his hands, all hir iewels, and all that belonged to hir. They were both glad of their departure, and liued euer after as brother and sister euen till their death.

The Notes.

1 I suppose, yea I assure my self that the Printer hath heere made a great fault, and that these three weekes, must be read three moneths. For the battell of Granson was fought the 2. of March or Aprill, and this battell the 22. of Iune; which is much more then three weekes, and agreeth well with three moneths, and so also Annales Burgundiae report the time.

2 The French hath Vn Commandeur de Rhodes, what this Commandeur is looke in the notes of the 9. Chapter of the 7. booke.

How the Duke of Burgundie liued as it were solitarilie the space of certaine weekes, during the which time the Duke of Lor∣raine recouered his towne of Nancy. Chap. 5.

BVt to proceed in this history, I must now returne to the Duke of Burgundy, who after the battel of Morat, which was in the yeer 1476. fled to the frontiers of Burgundy and kept himselfe close in a towne called La Riuiere; where he lay more than six weeks with intent to leuy yet another army, wherein notwithstanding he proceeded but slowly: for he liued as it were solitarily, in such sort that all his dooings seemed (as you shall heereafter perceiue) rather to proceed of obstinacy than any reason. For the greefe he had conceiued of the first ouerthrow at Granson so inwardly vexed him, that he fell into a dangerous sicknes; which so altered his complexion, that whereas before his choler and naturall heate was so great that he dranke no wine, but Tysan euery morning ordinarily, and ate conserue of roses to refresh him: now this sorow and greefe had so much weakned his spirits, that he was forced to drinke the strongest wine without water, that could be gotten. And further, to reduce the blood to the hart, his Phisitions were faine to put burning flaxe into boxing glasses, and so to set them on his brest neere to the hart. Of this his sicknes (my Lord of Vi∣enna) you can better write than my selfe, bicause all the time thereof you were conti∣nually with him to assist him with your aduise, & caused him also to shaue his beard,

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which before he ware long. But in mine opinion after this sicknes his wits were neuer so fresh as before, but much weakned and decaied. Such are the passions of those that being fallen into great misfortunes seeke not the true remedies, especially of proud and disdainfull Princes. For in such a case the best and soueraignest remedy is to haue recourse to God, to bethinke our selues if we haue in any point offended him, to humble our selues before him, and to acknowledge our faults: for he it is that determineth these causes, and to him no man may impute any error. The second re∣medy in such a case is to conferre with some familiar friend, to reueale boldly vnto him all our passions, and not to be ashamed to vtter our greefe to our deere friend: for that easeth and comforteth the minde, and by talking thus in counsell with a faithfull friend, the spirits recouer their former vertue and strength. The third reme∣dy in such a case is to fall to some exercise & bodily labor: for seeing we are men such pensiuenes & greefe can not be passed ouer without great passions either publike or priuate 1 . But the Duke tooke the cleane contrary course, for he hid himselfe & kept himselfe solitary; wheras he should haue put to flight al such melancholike austerity. Further, bicause he was a terrible Prince to his seruants, none durst presume to giue him counsell or comfort, but suffered him to follow his owne sense, fearing if they had gone about to perswade with him, it might haue turned them to displeasure.

During this sixe weekes space or thereabout that he soiorned at La Riuiere with small force, (which was no maruell hauing lost two so great battels) many new eni∣mies arose against him, his friends fell from him, his subiects being defeated and dis∣comfited began to murmur and despise him, which is a thing vsuall (as before I haue said) in such aduersities. Further, many places in Lorraine were either razed or woon from him, namely Vaudemont, Espinall, and diuers others, and on euery side enimies prepared to inuade him, and the miserablest slaues were the hardiest. In this hurliburly the Duke of Lorraine assembled a small force & came before Nancy: of the little townes thereabout he held the greatest part; notwithstanding the Bur∣gundians kept still Pont-à-mousson being fower leagues distant from Nancy.

Among those that were besieged within the said towne of Nancy, was a worship∣full knight called Monseur de Beures of the house of Croy, who had vnder him cer∣taine harquebusiers; within the towne was also an English captaine though but of meane parentage, yet very valiant called Colpin 2 , whom I my selfe preferred with certaine others of the garrison of Guisnes to the Dukes seruice. This Colpin had within the towne vnder his charge a band of three hundred English men, the which grew wearie of the siege (though they were troubled neither with batterie nor ap∣proches) bicause the Duke made no more haste to succour them. And to say the truth, he committed a foule ouersight in that he approched no neere to Lorraine, but lay thus in a place far off & where he could do no seruice: sith it stood him more vpon to defend that he had already gotten, than to inuade the Swissers in hope to reuenge his losses. But his obstinacie turned him to great inconuenience, in that he would aske no mans aduise, but trusted wholy to his owne braine: for notwithstan∣ding that they that were besieged continually, and earnestly sollicited him to suc∣cour the place; yet lay he still vpon no necessitie, at the said towne of Riuiere sixe weekes or thereabout; whereas if he had done otherwise, he might easily haue relee∣ued the towne. For the Duke of Lorraine had no force before it, and by defending the countrie of Lorraine the passage from his other seniories into Burgundy should euer haue been open through Luxembourg and Lorraine. Wherefore if his wits had been such then as before time I had knowen them, he would sure haue vsed greater diligence.

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During the time that they within Nancy looked daily for succours, Colpin aboue mentioned, Captaine of the English band within the towne, was slaine with a ca∣non shot greatly to the Duke of Burgundies losse. For the presence of one man alone endued with vertue and wisedome, though but of base race and parentage, of∣tentimes deliuereth his Master from great incoueniences. As touching the which point I commend aboue all others the wisedome of the King our Master: for neuer Prince feared so much the Losse of his men as he did. Colpin being thus slaine, the English men within the towne began to mutine and despaire of succours: for nei∣ther knew they of how small power the Duke of Lorraine was, nor what goodly meanes the Duke of Burgundie had to leuie new forces. Further, bicause of long time the English men had made no wars out of their owne realme, they vnderstood not what the siege of a towne meant. Wherefore they resolued in the end to par∣lament, and told Monseur de Beures captaine of the towne, that if he would not fall to composition with the Duke of Lorraine, they would compound without him. He notwithstanding that he were a trustie Knight lacked courage, and fell to in∣treaties and perswasions; whereas in mine opinion stouter language would better haue preuailed: but God had already disposed heerof. If the towne had been held but three daies longer, it had been releeued. To conclude, the said de Beures agreed to the English men, and yeelded the place to the Duke of Lorraine 3 : and so depar∣ted he and all that were within it with bag and baggage.

The next day or at the furthest within two daies after the towne was yeelded, the Duke of Burgundie arriued there well accompanied considering his estate: for cer∣taine bands were come to him from Luxembourg, which had beene leuied in his other seniories. Before Nancy the Duke of Lorraine and he met; but no great exploit was done, bicause the Duke of Lorrains force was small. The said Duke of Burgundie continuing still his former enterprise, determined to lay his siege againe before Nancy: wherefore better it had beene for him not to haue delaide so long vpon selfewill the succouring of the towne. But God giueth such extraordinarie mindes to Princes when he is purposed to alter their good successe. If the Duke would haue followed good aduise, and manned well the small places about the towne, he might easily in short space haue recouered it: for it was vnfurnished of victuals, and he had men ynow, yea too many to haue held it in greater distresse. In the meane time he might commodiously haue refreshed and repaired his army, but he tooke the contrary course.

The Notes.

1 Cardanus giueth three natural remedies or purgations of sorrow: fasting, weeping, sighing.

2 This Colpin the new copy calleth throughout Cohin, but the old Colpin, and La Marche, Iehannin Collepin, wherefore I haue been bould to amend it according to the old copie.

3 Nancy vvas yeelded the 6. of October. Meyer.

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Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons, and how he kept the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuea∣led them to him before he was put to death, and how the said Duke made no account of the aduer∣tisement the King sent him. Chap. 6.

DVring the time the Duke of Burgundy held before Nancy this siege, vnfortunate to himselfe, to all his subiects, and to ma∣ny others whom this quarrell in no wise concerned: diuers of his men began to practise his destruction. For (as you haue heard) many enimies were now risen against him on all sides, and among others Nicholas Earle of Campobache in the realm of Naples, whence he was banished for the house of Anious faction. This Earle after the death of Nicholas Duke of Cala∣bria whom he serued, hauing as I said before neither lands nor liuing; was receiued with diuers others of the said Duke of Calabrias seruants into the Duke of Burgun∣dies house, who at his first comming deliuered him 40000. ducats in prest to go into Italy to leuy therewith fower hundred launces that were vnder the said Earles charge and paied by himselfe. From the which day forward euen till this present he euer sought his Masters destruction, and now seeing him in this aduersitie began to practise a fresh against him, both with the Duke of Lorraine and also with certaine of the Kings captaines and seruants that lay in Champaigne neere to the Dukes campe. To the Duke of Lorraine he promised so to order the matter, that this siege should take no effect. For he would finde meanes that such things as were necessary both for the siege and battery should be lacking; which promise he was well able to performe, for the principall charge thereof was committed to him; neither had any man so great authority in the army vnder the Duke of Burgundy as he. But his practises with the Kings captaines touched the quick neerer: for he continually pro∣mised them either to kill his Master or take him prisoner, demaunding for recom∣pence thereof the charge of these fower hundred launces, twenty thousand crowns to be deliuered him in ready money, and some good Earledome in Fraunce.

While this Earle was practising these treasons, certaine of the Duke of Lorraines gentlemen attempted to enter the towne of Nancy. Some of the which entred, and some were taken, among whom was one Cifron a gentleman born in Prouence, who was the onely man that entertained these practises betweene the Earle of Campo∣bache and the said Duke of Lorraine. The D. of Burgundy presently commanded this Cifron to be hanged, alleaging that by the law of armes after a Prince hath laid his siege before a place and made his battery, if any man attempt to enter to com∣fort those that are besieged he ought to die. Yet is this law not practised in our wars which are much crueller then the wars of Italy or Spaine where it is put in vse. But law or no law, the D. would that in any wise this gentleman should die, who seeing no remedy, sent word to the D. that if it would please him to giue him audience he would reueale a secret to him that touched his life; whereof certaine gentlemen to whom he vttered this speech went to aduertise the Duke: with whom at their arri∣uall they found the Earle of Campobache, come thither either by chance or of purpose to be alwais at hand, fearing least Cifron whom he knew to be taken should

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reueale all his conspiracies: for he was priuy to them all; and that was indeed the se∣cret he would haue discouered. The Duke made answer to these gentlemen that brought him this message, that he vsed this delay onely to saue his life, commanding him to open the matter to them: vpon the which word the Earle of Campobache laid hold, perswading the Duke that so it should be best. For you shall vnderstand that none of the Dukes counsell, neither any other persons were present with him at the debating of this matter, but this Earle onely who had charge of the whole army, and a Secretary that was writing. The prisoner answered that he would vtter it to no man but to the Duke onely: whereupon the Duke commanded him againe to be led to execution, and so he was. But vpon the way thitherward, he desired diuers gen∣tlemen to intreat the Duke their Master for him; affirming this to be such a secret as the Duke would not for a Duchy but know. Many that were acquainted with him pitied him, & went to desire the Duke to vouchsafe him the hearing. But this traite∣rous Earle, who kept the Dukes chamber (being of timber) so straightly that no man might enter in: refused the doore to these gentlemen, saying that the Duke had com∣manded him to be hanged with speed; and further sent diuers messengers to the Pro∣uost to hasten the execution. Thus was this Cifron hanged to the Duke of Burgun∣dies great preiudice, and better had it been for him to haue vsed lesse cruelty, and gently to haue heard this gentleman; which if he had done, peraduenture he had been yet liuing, his house florishing, his dominions in safety, yea and much inlarged, considering the broiles that haue hapned since in this realme.

But it is to be thought that God had otherwise disposed heereof, bicause of the dishonorable part the Duke had plaide the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce not long before. For you haue already heard in this historie how notwith∣standing his safe conduct, he took him prisoner, deliuered him to the King to put him to death, and sent also all the letters and writings he had of the said Constables ser∣uing for his processe. And although the Duke had iust cause to hate him euen to the death, and to procure his death for diuers considerations too long to rehearse, (so that he might haue done it without stayning his honor:) yet all the reasons that may be alleaged on his behalfe, cannot excuse his fault in that contrarie to his pro∣mise & honor, hauing giuen him a sufficient safe conduct; he tooke him and sold him for couetousnes, partly to recouer the towne of S. Quintin with other the said Con∣stables places, lands and goods; and partlie to stay the King from hindering his en∣terprise at Nancy when he first besieged it. For lying at that siege, after many de∣laies he deliuered the Constable, fearing least the Kings army being in Champaigne would haue hindered his said enterprise if he had done otherwise. For the King threatened him by his ambassadors, bicause it was agreed betweene them, that whe∣ther of them could first lay hands vpon him, should deliuer him to the other within eight daies, or put him to death. But the Duke had passed the terme of the Consta∣bles deliuerie many daies as you haue heard; so that the onely feare of losing Nancy, and the greedie desire of hauing it caused the Duke to deliuer him to the King. But euen as in this place of Nancy he committed this foule fault, and afterward also in the same place at the second siege put Cifron to death, refusing to heare him speake, as one hauing his eares stopped and wits troubled: euen so in the selfesame place was he himselfe deceiued, and betraied by him whom he most trusted, and perad∣uenture iustly punished for his false dealing with the Constable, in deliuering him for couetousnes to haue the said towne. But the iudgement heerof appertaineth to God alone, neither speake I it to any other end but to declare this matter at large, and to shew how much a good Prince ought to eschew such false and faithlesse dea∣ling,

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what counsell soeuer be giuen him thereunto. For oftentimes those that giue a Prince such aduise; do it either to flatter him, or bicause they dare not gainsay him: and yet when the fault is committed, they are sorrie for it, knowing the punishment both of God and man that is like to ensue. But such councellors are better far from a Prince than neere about him.

You haue heard how God appointed this Earle of Campobache his deputie in this world, to take reuenge of the Constables death committed by the Duke of Bur∣gundie, in the selfesame place, and after the same manner, or rather a crueller. For euen as the Duke contrarie to his safe conduct and the trust the Constable had repo∣sed in him, deliuered him to death: euen so was himselfe betraied by the trustiest man in his armie (I meane by him whom he most trusted) and whom he had receiued into his seruice being old, poore, and destitute of liuing, and whom he yeerely entertained with an hundred thousand ducats, wherewith this Earle himselfe paied his men of armes, besides diuers other great benefits that he had receiued at the Dukes hands. And when he first began to conspire his death he was going into Italie with 40000. ducats, which (as you haue heard) he had receiued in prest of the Duke to leuie there∣with his men of armes. Moreouer, the better to execute his traiterous enterprise, he practised in two places, first with a physition dwelling in Lyons called Master Simon of Pauia; & afterward with the Kings ambassador in Sauoy, as before I haue rehear∣sed. Againe at his returne out of Italie, his men of armes lying in certaine small towns in the countie of Marle which is in Lannois, he began anew to practise against his Master, offering either to deliuer into the Kings hands all the places he held: or when the King should be in battell against his Master, a priuie token to be between them; vpon the sight whereof he would turne with all his companie to the King against the Duke his Master. But this last ouerture pleased not the King. He offered yet further, so soone as his Master should be abrode with his armie, either to take him prisoner or to kill him, as he went to view the seate of his campe; which last enterprise vn∣doubtedly he would haue executed. For the Dukes manner was when he alighted from his horse at the place where he encamped, to disarme himselfe all sauing his quirace, and to mount vpon a little nagge, accompanied onely with eight or ten archers on foote, or somtime two or three gentlemen of his chamber; in the which estate he vsed to ride about his campe, to see if it were well inclosed: so that the said Earle might with ten horses easily haue executed his enterprise. But the King detesting the continuall treasons of this man against his Master, especially this last being attempted in time of truce; and further not knowing throughly to what pur∣pose he made these offers: determined of a noble courage to discouer them to the Duke of Burgundie; and accordingly aduertised him at large of them all by the Lord of Contay (so often before named) I my selfe being present when he declared them to the said Contay, who I am sure like a faithfull seruant reuealed them to his Master. But the Duke taking all in euill part, said that if it were so, the King would neuer haue aduertised him thereof. This was long afore he laid his siege before Nancy; yet think I that he neuer spake word thereof to the said Earle: for he loued him euer after ra∣ther better than woorse.

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How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains, came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy, and how the King of Portugale who was in Fraunce, came to see the D. of Burgundie during the said siege. Chap. 7.

LEt vs now returne to our principall matter, I meane the siege the Duke held before Nancy, which he began in the middest of winter with small force, euill armed, euill paide, and the most part sicke. The mightiest in his campe practised against him as you haue heard, and generally they murmured all, and despised all his dooings, as in aduersitie commonly it happeneth: but none attempted ought against his person or estate, saue this Earle of Campobache onely; for in his subiects no disloialtie was found. While he lay there in this poore estate, the Duke of Lorraine treated with the confederated townes before named, to leuie men in their territories to fight with the Duke of Burgundie lying before Nancy, whereunto all the townes easily agreed, but the Duke of Lorraine lacked monie: wherefore the King sent ambassadors to the Swissers in his fauor, and lent him also 40000. franks towards the paiment of his Almains. Further, the Lord of Cran who was then the Kings lieutenant in Cham∣paigne, lay in Barrois with seuen or eight hundred launces and certaine franke ar∣chers led by very expert captaines. The Duke of Lorraine by meanes of the Kings fauor and monie, drew vnto his seruice great force of Almains as well horsemen as footemen, besides the which the townes also furnished a great number of their owne charge. Moreouer, with the said Duke were many gentlemen of this realme, and the Kings armie as I said before lay in Barrois, which made no war, but waited to see to whether part the victorie would incline. The Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with these Almaines aboue mentioned, came and lodged at Saint Nicholas two leagues from Nancy.

The King of Portugale had beene in this realme at that present the space of nine moneths: for the King our Master was entred into league with him against the King of Spaine that now is. Whereupon the said King of Portugale came into Fraunce, hoping that the King would lend him a great armie to inuade Castile by the fron∣tires of Biscay or Nauarre. For the said King of Portugale held certaine places in Castile bordering vpon Portugale, and certaine also vpon the confines of Fraunce; namely, the castell of Bourgues, and diuers others: so that if the King had aided him as once he was purposed, it is like his enterprise had taken effect: but the King altered his minde, and foded him foorth with faire words the space of a yeer or more. During the which time his affaires in Castile daily impaired: for at his comming into France all the nobles in maner of the realme of Castile tooke part with him, but bicause of his long absence, by little and little they altered their minds, and made peace with King Ferrande and Queene Isabell now raigning. The King our Master excused his not aiding him according to his promise by the wars in Lorraine, alleaging that he feared that the Duke of Burgundie (if he recouered his losses) would foorthwith in∣uade him. This poore King of Portugale being a good and a iust Prince 1 , resol∣ued to go to the Duke of Burgundie his cosin german 2 to treate of peace betweene

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the King and him, to the end that then the King might aide him: for he was ashamed to returne into Castile or Portugale in this estate hauing done no good heere in Fraunce; and the rather bicause he had taken this iourney vpon him verie rashly, and contrarie to the aduise of the most of his counsell. Wherefore he put himselfe vp∣on the way in the middest of winter to go to the Duke of Burgundy his cosin lying before Nancy: where at his arriuall he began to treat with him according to the Kings instructions. But perceiuing it an impossibilitie to agree them bicause their demands were contrarie in all points; after he had remained there two daies he tooke his leaue of the Duke of Burgundie his cosin, and returned to Paris from whence he came. The Duke desired him to staie a while, and to go to Pont-à-musson fower leagues from Nancy to defend that passage: for the Duke was already aduer∣tised that the Almains army lay at Saint Nicholas. But the King of Portugale ex∣cused himselfe, saying: that he was neither armed nor accompanied for such an en∣terprise; and so returned to Paris, where he remained a long time, till in the ende he entered into ielousie, that the King meant to take him prisoner and deliuer him to his enimie the King of Castile. Wherupon he and two of his seruants disguised them∣selues, purposing to go to Rome there to enter into religion. But as he iourneied in this disguised attire, he was taken by a Norman called Robinet le Beuf. Of this his de∣parture the King our Master was both sorie and ashamed: and thereupon armed di∣uers ships vpon the coast of Normandie to conuey him into Portugale; of the which fleete George Leger was appointed Admirall.

The occasion of his war vpon the King of Castile was for his sisters daughter. For you shall vnderstand that his sister had been wife to Don Henry King of Castile that last died; and had issue a goodly daughter which liueth yet in Portugale vnma∣ried. This daughter Queene Isabell sister to the said King Henry 3 , held from the crowne of Castile, saying that she was illegitimate; of the which opinion were also many others, alleaging that King Henry was impotent to generation, for a certaine impediment that I ouerpasse. But whether it were so or no; notwithstanding that the said daughter were borne vnder the vaile of mariage: yet remained the crowne of Castile to Queene Isabell and hir husband the King of Arragon and Sicilie 4 now raigning.

This King of Portugale aboue mentioned, labored to make a mariage betweene the said daughter his neece and King Charles the eight now raigning, which was the cause of this his voiage into Fraunce, that turned so greatly to his damage and greefe. For soone after his returne into Portugale he died. Wherefore (as I said in the beginning of this history) a Prince ought to beware what ambassadors he sen∣deth into a strange countrey. For if they had been wise that came from the King of Portugale into Fraunce to conclude the league aboue mentioned (whereat I my selfe was present, as one in commission for the King) they would haue informed them∣selues better of our affaires in these parts before they had counselled their Master to enter into this voiage, which turned so much to his losse and damage.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth a simple Prince of wit.

2 How the King of Portugale and the Duke of Burgundy were cosin germans, the Pede∣gree in the end of the worke will declare.

3 The Pedegree in the end of the worke will make this plaine.

4 Before he calleth Rene King of Sicilie, but King Rene had but the title not the pos∣session.

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How the Duke of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men, was discomfited and slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the Duke of Lorraine, neere to Nancy. Chap. 8.

I Would haue passed ouer this discourse of the King of Portu∣gale, had it not been to shew that a Prince ought to beware how he put himselfe into another Princes hands, or go in person to demaund aide. But now to returne to the principall matter. Within a day after the King of Portugales departure from the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Lorraine and the Almains that serued him, dislodged from Saint Nicholas, and marched to fight with the said Duke; and the selfe same day the Earle of Campobache to ac∣complish his enterprise departed from the Dukes campe 1 , and reuolted to his eni∣mies with eight score men of armes, sorowing onely that he could do his Master no more harme. They within Nancy had intelligence of this Earles practises, which incouraged them to endure the siege. Further, one that leaped downe the ditches entered the towne and assured them of succors, otherwise they were vpon the point to haue yeelded it. And to say the truth had it not been for the said Earles treasons, they could neuer haue held it so long; but God was fully determined to bring the Duke to his end.

The Duke of Burgundy being aduertised of the Duke of Lorrains arriuall, assem∣bled his counsell contrary to his accustomed maner; for he was neuer woont to aske any mans aduise, but in all matters to follow his own sense. Most of them counselled him to retire to Pont-à-musson, being but fower leagues thence, & to man the places well which he held about Nancy, alleaging that the Almains would depart so soone as they had victualed the towne, and the Duke of Lorrains mony faile him; so that he should not be able in long time to assemble the like force. They said further, that his enimies could not victuall the towne so well, but that before winter were halfe expired it should be in as great distresse as at that present, and in the meane time, he might leuy men: for I haue been informed by those that perfectly vnderstood it that he had not in all his army aboue fower thousand soldiers, of the which hardly twelue hundred were able to fight. Money he lacked not, for in the castell of Luxembourg being not far thence, were at the least 450000. crownes, and men ynough he might haue recouered. But God would not giue him grace to follow this wise aduise, nor perceiue how many enimies lodged round about him on euery side: so that he tooke the woorst course, and by the aduise of certaine harebrained fooles determined to hazard the battell with these few terrified and hartlesse men; notwithstanding all the reasons alleaged to him, both of the great force of Almains the Duke of Lorraine had, and also of the Kings army that lay hard by his campe. When the Earle of Campobache was come to the Duke of Lorraine, the Almains commanded him to depart, saying, that they would haue no traitor among them. Wherefore he retired to Condé a castell and passage neere at hand 2 , which he fortified with carts and other prouisions the best he could, trusting that when the Duke of Burgundy and his men fled, some of them would fall into his hands, as indeed a great many did. But this practise with the Duke of Lorraine was not his greatest treason; for a little

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before his departure he conspired with diuers in the Dukes army, resoluing with them (bicause he sawe no hope of killing or taking his Master prisoner) to reuolt to the enimies at the very instant that the two battels should ioine; but sooner not to depart, to the end their sudden reuolt might the more astonish and terrify the Dukes whole army. Further, he promised assuredly, if the Duke fled that he should neuer escape aliue; for he would leaue thirteene or fowerteene trusty fellows behinde him, some to begin to flie at the very instant that the Almains should march: and other some to haue an eie on the Duke to kill him if he fled, which enterprise he made full account to execute; and two or three I knew afterwards my selfe of those that were left behinde for that purpose. After he had conspired these abhominable treasons, he returned againe to the Dukes campe, and then reuolted from him (as you haue heard) when he saw the Almains march, of whom being refused, he retired as I said before to this castell of Condy. The said Almains marched forward, being accom∣panied with great force of French horse men that had leaue giuen them to be at the battell. Diuers also there were that lay in ambushes neere to the place, to the end if the D. were discomfited they might get som good prisoner or booty▪ Thus you see the miserable estate this poore Duke of Burgundy was fallen into, by refusing good ad∣uise. When the two armies ioined, the Dukes hauing been already twise discomfi∣ted, and being but small and in very euill order, was incontinent broken and put to flight; a great number escaped, the rest were either slaine 3 or taken, and namely the Duke himselfe died vpon the place. Of the maner of his death 4 , I will not speake bicause I was not there present: but I haue communed with some that were there, who told me that they saw him striken to the ground, & could not succor him bicause they were prisoners. Notwithstanding to their iudgement he was not then slaine, but after these came a great troupe which slew him in the midst of them, stripped him, and left him among the dead bodies, not knowing who he was 5 . This battell 6 was fought the fift of Ianuary 7 , 1476. vpon Twelfth euen. * 1.1

The Notes.

1 He departed vpon wensday with 180. Meyer saith almost 200. men of armes, that is 800. horse, and on saturday departed the Lords of Dauge or Augy as Meyer nameth him, and Montfort with 120. men of armes, that is 480. horse, and vpon sunday was the battel. Annal. Aquit. Meyer. Annal. Burgund.

2 The castell of Condy was the passage vpon the bridge of the riuer of Moselle. Meyer.

3 The Duke lost in the battell of Nancy 3000. men. Annal. Burgund.

4 He had three wounds, one with a halberd in the side of his head, which claue his head downe to the teeth, another with a pike through the haunches, and the third a push also with a pike by the fundament. Annal. Burg. He was born the 11. of Nouember 1433. and was 34. yeeres old when he began to gouerne: he liued 43. yeeres, one moneth, and 26. daies: and gouerned nine yeeres, sixe moneths, and twenty daies. Meyer.

5 The name of him that slue Duke Charles was Claude of Bausmont, captaine of the castell of Saint Dier in Lorraine. The Duke was mounted vpon a blacke courser, and see∣ing his battels ouerthrowen, tooke a little riuer supposing to haue saued himselfe, but in the riuer his horse fell and ouerthrevv him: and then this gentleman not knowing him, and by reason he vvas deafe not hearing the Duke, vvho cried to him for the safetie of his life, ran vpon him, slue him, stripped him, and left him lying starke naked in the ditch. VVhere the next day after the battell, his bodie vvas found so fast frosen in the ice, that vvhen it vvas dravven foorth a peece of his cheeke tarried there behinde. The Duke of Lorraine to his great honor solemnly buried him, himselfe and al his nobles accompanying

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the corps in mourning attire. The place vvhere the Duke vvas slaine vvas hard by S. Iohns Church vvithout Nancy, vvhere the Duke of Lorraine erected a crosse for a memo∣riall thereof. The gentleman that slue him died soone after of melancholie, vvhen he vn∣derstood that he had slaine so vvoorthie and couragious a Prince. Champier. Annales Burgund.

6 The battell at Nancy Meyer nameth the battell of Iaruilla.

7 Being sunday, and as others vvrite ann. 1477. but the variance both in this place and diuers others betvveene Commines and them is, bicause they end the yeere at Nevv yeeres tide, and he not before our Lady day, as by the course of his historie is most plaine.

A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the Duke of Bur∣gundie, and of the time his house flourished in prosperitie. Chap. 9.

I Saw at Milan since his death a signet that I haue often seene him weare at his brest, which was a ring set with a camée, ha∣uing very curiously cut into it an iron to strike fire 1 , wherein his armes were grauen. This ring was sold at Milan for two ducats, and he that stole it from him was a false knaue, that had beene a groome of his chamber. Many a time haue I seene him made ready and vnready with great reuerence and solemnitie, and that by great personages. But now when death came, all these honors fleeted away, and both he and his house were destroied as you haue heard, in the selfesame place where a little before he had consented for couetousnes to deliuer the Constable to death. I had knowen him in times past a mightie and honorable Prince; as much yea more esteemed and sought to of his neighbours, than any Prince in Christendome. Further, in mine opinion the greatest cause of Gods indignation against him, was for that he attributed all his good successe, and all the great victories he obtained in this world, to his owne wisedome and vertue; and not to God, as he ought to haue done. And vndoubtedly he was endued with many goodly vertues: for neuer was Prince more desirous to entertaine noble men, and keepe them in good order than he. His liberalitie seemed not great 2 , bicause he made all men partakers thereof. Neuer Prince gaue audience more willingly to his seruants and subiects than he 3 . While I serued him he was not cruell, but grew maruellous cruel towards his end: which was a signe of short life. In his apparell and all other kinde of furniture he was woonder∣full pompous, yea somwhat too excessiue. He receiued very honorably all ambassa∣dors and strangers, feasting them sumptuously, and entertaining them with great solemnitie. Couetous he was of glorie, which was the chiefe cause that made him mooue so many wars: for he desired to imitate those ancient Princes, whose fame continueth till this present. Lastly, hardie he was and valiant, as any man that liued in his time: but all his great enterprises and attempts ended with himselfe, and tur∣ned to his owne losse and dishonor; for the honor goeth euer with the victorie. Yet to say the truth, I wot not well whether God powred out greater indignation vpon him, or vpon his subiects: for he died in battell without any long griefe; but they sithence his death neuer liued in peace, but in continual war; against the which they haue not been able to make resistance, bicause of their owne ciuill troubles and diui∣sions. Yea and another thing that most greeueth them is, that they that now defend

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them are strangers, who not long since were their enimies, namely the Almaines. To conclude, since the Dukes death neuer man bare them good will, no not they that defend them. Further, if a man consider well their actions, it seemeth that their wits were as much troubled, as their Princes before his death: for they despised all good counsell, and sought all meanes to hurt themselues. In the which vale of misery they are still like to continue; or if happily they wade out of it for a season, like they are to fall into it againe.

Wherefore I am of a certaine wise mans opinion of my acquaintance, that God giueth to subiects Princes, according as he will punish or chastise them; and likewise towards the Prince disposeth the subiects harts, according as he will aduaunce or abase him: and euen so dealt he with the subiects of this house of Burgundie. For after three great, good and sage Princes, who gouerned them the space of 120. yeers or more, with great wisedome and vertue, he gaue them in the end this D. Charles, who held them in continuall wars, trauell and charges, almost as much in winter as sommer: so that a great number of rich wealthy men were either slaine in these wars, or starued in prison. Their great miseries began before Nuz, and continued with the losse of three or fower battels, till the hower of the Dukes death; who in this last battell wasted and consumed the whole force of his countrie, and lost all his seruants that could or would haue defended the estate and honor of his house. It seemeth therefore (as before I said) that this aduersity hath counteruailed all the time of their felicitie. For as I say, that I haue seene him a great, mighty and honorable Prince: so may I say also of his subiects: for I haue trauelled the best part of Europe in mine opinion, yet saw I neuer countrey in my life of the like greatnes, no nor far greater, abound with such wealth, riches, sumptuous buildings, large expences, feasts, ban∣kets and all kinde of prodigality, as these countries of Burgundy did, during the time that I was there. And if those that knew them not during the time that I speake of, thinke my report too large: I am sure others that knew them then as well as my selfe, will thinke it too little. But God with one blowe hath laid flat on the ground this sumptuous building, I meane this mighty house that bred and maintained so many woorthy men; that was so greatly esteemed both far and neere, and obtained greater victories, and liued in greater honor during the time it florished than any other: which great felicity and grace of God towards them continued the space of a hun∣dred and twenty yeeres. During the which time all their neighbors suffered great afflictions, namely, Fraunce, England and Spaine, so far foorth that all these at one time or other haue come to craue helpe and succor of this house of Burgundy, as you haue seene by experience, of the King our Master, who in his youth while his father King Charles the seuenth raigned, liued in Burgundy the space of sixe yeeres, with good Duke Philip, who louingly receiued him. As touching the Princes of England, I haue seene in the Duke of Burgundies court King Edvvards two brethren the Dukes of Clarence, and Glocester who afterward named himselfe King Richard the third: and on the contrary side of the house of Lancaster that tooke part with King Henry, I haue seene in maner all the noble men suing to this house of Burgundy for aide. To be short, as I haue knowen this house honored of all men: so haue I also seene it at one instant fall downe topsie turuy, and become the most desolate and mi∣serable house in the world, both in respect of the Prince and also of the subiects. Such like works hath God brought to passe before we were borne, and wil also when we are dead. For this we ought certainly to beleeue, that the good or euill successe of Princes dependeth wholy vpon his diuine ordinance.

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The Notes.

1 Of the deuise of the Fuzill read the chronicles of Flanders pag. 345. Claude Para∣din in his deuises heroiques pag. 46. and Annal. Burgund. lib. 3. pag. 711. who saith that he gaue the striking iron, bicause it is made in the forme of B. which is the first letter of Burgundie. Further, he giueth the said iron striking against a stone with infinite spar∣kles flying from them, to signifie that the cruell wars betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the realme of Fraunce had set all their neighbours on fire.

2 His meaning is that bicause he bestowed vpon euerie man, he could not bestow much vpon any one, whereby his liberalitie was the lesse apparant.

3 He meaneth in hearing their sutes; for as touching matters of counsell he hath said before in diuers places that he would neuer vse any mans aduise.

How the King was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow, and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death. Chap. 10.

BVt to proceede in our historie, the King who had now laid posts in his realme (for before were neuer any) looked howerly for the certaine newes of this battell of Nancy, bicause of the occur∣rents he had alreadie receiued of the Almains arriuall, and of all the other circumstances aboue rehearsed: and was foorth∣with aduertised of the Dukes ouerthrowe. Diuers there were that waited diligently to beare him the first newes heerof; for alwaies he gaue somwhat to him that first brought him tidings of any good newes, withall not forgetting the messengers. Further, his delight was to talke of them before they came, and to promise rewarde to him that could bring him some good newes. Monseur de Bouchage and my selfe being togither, receiued the first word of the battell of Morat, whereof both of vs iointly aduertised the King, who gaue to each of vs two hundred marks of siluer. Monseur de Lude who lodged without Plessis, was the first man that knew of the Courriers arriuall with the letters of this battell of Nancy, and commanded the said Courrier to deliuer him his pac∣ket, who durst not denie it him, bicause of the Kings great fauour towards him. The next morning by breake of day the said de Lude came rapping at the doore next to the Kings chamber, which foorthwith was opened to him; and in he went and deli∣uered these letters sent from the Lord of Cran and diuers others; notwithstanding none of them writ any certaintie of the Dukes death: but some reported that he was seene flie, and was escaped. This newes at the first so rauished the King with ioy, that he wist not what countenance to shew: notwithstanding two doubts there were that troubled him; the one, least the Almaines, if the Duke were taken, for greedines of monie (whereof the Duke had plentie) would not onely raunsome him, but also con∣clude some treatie with him, and of his foes become his friends. The other, if the Duke were escaped thus thrise discomfited, whether he should seaze into his hands his seniories of Burgundy or no, knowing them easie to be taken, bicause in manner all the force of the countrie was slaine in these three battels. Touching the which point, his resolution (whereunto few I thinke but my selfe were priuy) was, if the Duke were escaped aliue, to command his army that lay in Champaigne and Barrois

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to enter incontinent into Burgundie during this great feare and astonishment of the people; and hauing seazed all the countrie into his hands, he meant to aduertise the Duke, that he did it onely to saue it for him, and defend it from the Almaines. For bicause the said Duchie was held of the crowne, he would for no good that it should be a pray for them: but whatsoeuer he had taken, he would faithfully restore; as vn∣doubtedly he would, though many happily will not credite it. And no maruell; for they know not the reasons that would haue mooued him thereunto: but he altered this determination when he vnderstood of the Dukes death. Immediately after the King (being at Tours) had receiued the letters aboue mentioned, which reported no∣thing of the Dukes death; he sent into the towne for all his captaines, and diuers noble men, to whom he read these letters; whereat they seemed in apparance greatly to reioice: but those that looked narrowlier into their behauiour, perceiued that a great many of them forced their mirth, and wished with all their harts, notwithstan∣ding their outward shew, that the world had gone otherwise with the Duke. The reason wherof peraduenture was, bicause the K. heretofore had liued in great feare; but now they doubted, seeing him deliuered of so many enimies, that he would alter many things, especially offices and pensions. For there were a great number in the companie, that had borne armes against him both in the war called THE WEALE PVELIKE (whereof you haue heard in the beginning of this historie) and in diuers other broiles betweene him and the Duke of Guienne his brother. After he had communed a while with these noble men and captaines, he went to masse; which be∣ing ended, he caused the table to be couered in his chamber, and made them all dine with him; the Lord Chauncellor, and certaine others of his counsell being also pre∣sent. All dinner-while he talked of these affaires: but I and diuers others marked with what appetite those that sate at the table dined. And vndoubtedly there was not one of them (I wot not whether for ioy or sorrow) that ate halfe a meales meate; yet were they not ashamed to eate in the Kings presence, for euery one of them had often before dined at his table. When the King was risen from dinner, he withdrew him∣selfe, and gaue to diuers, certaine of the Duke of Burgundies lands if he were dead, and soone after dispatched the Admirall of Fraunce, called the bastard of Bourbon and my selfe, giuing vs commission to receiue into his allegeance as many as would become his subiects; and further: commanding vs to depart incontinent, and to open all courriers packets that we should meet with, to the end we might be certain∣ly informed whether the Duke were dead or aliue. We departed in great haste, though in the extreamest colde weather that euer I felt: and when we had ridden about halfe a daies iourney, we met with a Poste, whom we commanded to deliuer vs his letters; the contents whereof were, that the Duke was found among the dead bodies 1 , and knowne by an Italian Page that serued him, and by his Phisition called Master Louppe a Portugale borne, who sent word to Monseur de Cran of the Duke his Masters death, who incontinent aduertised the King thereof.

The Notes.

1 By what markes the Dukes body was knuwne, read Annal. Burgund.

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How the King after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille, and of the an∣swer they of Arras gaue him. Chap. 11.

WHen we vnderstood these newes, we rid foorthwith to the sub∣burbs of Abbeuille, and were the first that brought word of the Dukes death into those parts. At our arriual we foūd the towns men in treaty with Monseur de Torcy, whom they had loued of long time. But the soldiers and those that had been the Dukes officers, treated with vs about the deliuery of the towne by a messenger whom we sent thither before vs, so far foorth that vpon our promises they caused fower hundred launces to depart the towne, which the townes men seeing, immediately opened the gates to Monseur de Torcy, greatly to the hinderance of the captaines and the other officers of the towne; to seauen or eight of the which we had promised both money and pensions (for we had commis∣sion from the Kïng so to do) wherof nothing was performed bicause the towne was not yeelded by their meanes. This towne of Abbeuille was parcell of those lands that King Charles the seauenth engaged to Duke Philip of Burgundy at the treaty of Arras, vnder this condition, that for default of heire male they should returne to the crowne. Wherefore it is not to be maruelled if so lightly they opened to vs their gates. From Abbeuille we rid to Dourlans, and sent to sommon Arras the chiefe towne of Artois, the ancient inheritance of the Earles of Flaunders, which hath alwaies descended as wel to the heires females as males. Monseur de Rauastain and Monseur de Cordes, who were within the towne condescended to come & treat with vs at an abbey neere the towne called Mont Saint Eloy, bringing with them certaine of the towne. To the which treaty we agreed that I should go and certain with me, for bicause we supposed they would not yeeld to our requests: it was thought good that the Admirall should not go. Immediately after my arriuall at the place assigned, the Lords of Rauastaine and Cordes being accompanied with diuers gentlemen, and certaine also of the towne repaired thither. Among those that came to negotiate with vs for the towne, was their Recorder, called Master Iohn de la Vaquerie, since that time chiefe president in the court Parlament at Paris. We required them at this meeting to open vs the gates and to receiue vs into the towne for the King, saying that he claimed both towne and countrey as his by way of con∣fiscation; adding that if they refused so to do they were like to be forced thereunto, seeing both their Prince was slaine and their countrey vtterly vnfurnished of men of war, bicause of these three battels they had lost. The Lords aboue named made vs answer by the said Master Iohn de la Vaquerie, that this countie of Artois appertained of right to the Lady of Burgundie, daughter and heire to Duke Charles, and descen∣ded to hir by inheritance from the Lady Margaret somtime Countesse of Flaun∣ders, Artois, Burgundie, Neuers, and Retell, the which married with Philip the first, Duke of Burgundie, sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce 1 , and yoongest brother to King Charles the fift: wherefore they humbly besought the King to keepe the truce con∣cluded betweene him and the late Duke Charles. Our communication was but short; for we supposed before our meeting, that this should be our answer. But the chiefe cause of my going into those parts, was to commune with certaine of mine acquain∣tance

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there, and to draw them to the Kings seruice: with some of the which I spake, who soone after became his faithfull seruants accordingly. These countries were in marruellous feare and astonishment, and not without cause; for I thinke that in eight daies they could not haue leuied eight men of armes. Further, in all those quarters were not aboue 1500. soldiers, horsemen and footmen, which lay towards Namur & in Henault, & were of those that escaped out of the battel where the Duke was slain. Their woonted termes and maner of speech were now cleane altered; for they spake lowly and humbly: which I write not to accuse them, as though in times past their words had been more arrogant than became them; but the truth is when I was there they thought so well of themselues, that they vsed not such reuerent language, nei∣ther to the King, nor of the King, as they haue done sithence. Wherefore if men were wise, they would vse such faire speech in time of prosperitie, that in aduersitie they should not neede to change their termes. I returned to the Admirall, to make report of my negotiation: immediately whereupon we were aduertised that the King was at hand; for he set foorth soone after vs, and commanded letters to be written both in his owne name, and diuers of his seruants names, to cause certaine to repaire to him; by whose meanes he trusted to bring all these seniories vnder his obedience.

The Notes.

1 The pedegree in the end of this worke will shew, how all these titles descended to this Lady Margaret.

A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the greatioie the King was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies, and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience. Chap. 12.

THe King reioiced not a little to see himselfe thus deliuered of all those whom he hated and were his principall enimies: of some of the which he had taken the reuenge himselfe; namely the Constable of Fraunce, the Duke of Nemours, and diuers others, his brother the Duke of Guyenne was dead whose inheritance was fallen to him. In like maner all they of the house of Aniou were dead, namely King Rene of Sicilie, the Dukes of Calabria Iohn and Nicholas, and their cosin the Earle of Maine, and afterward of Prouence: the Earle of Armignac was slaine at Lestore, and all their lands and goods fallen to the King. But bicause this house of Burgundie was greater and mightier than the rest, and had made sharpe war with the English mens aide vpon his father K. Charles the seuenth, thirtie two yeers without truce, and had their dominions bordring vpon his, and their subiects alwaies desirous to make war vpon him and his realme: there∣fore he reioiced more at their Princes death, than at the death of all the rest. Further, he now fully perswaded himselfe, that during his life, no man neither within his realme, nor in the countries bordering vpon it, would once lift vp his finger against him. For he was in peace (as you haue heard) with the English men, the which he trauelled to the vttermost of his power to continue. But although he were thus void of all feare: yet did not God permit him to take the wisest course for the atchieuing

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of this his enterprise being of so great importance. And sure it appeereth both by that God shewed then and hath shewed since, that he meant sharply to punish this house of Burgundy, as wel in the person of the Prince, as of the subiects, and of those that liued amongst them. For if the King our Master had taken the best course, the wars that haue consumed them since had neuer hapned. For if he had done as he ought to haue done, he should haue sought to ioine to the crowne all those great Seniories whereunto he could pretend no title, either by mariage or by courteous dealing with the subiects; which thing he might then easily haue accomplished, seeing the great feare, miserie, and distresse these countries were in at that time. And if he had thus done, he should both haue rid them of many troubles, & inlarged and enriched his owne realme through long peace, which by this meanes had beene easily obtained. He might also heereby haue eased his realme diuers waies, especi∣ally of the charge of men of armes, who continually rode vp and down from one cor∣ner of the realme to another, oftentimes vpon small occasion. While the Duke of Burgundy yet liued, he eftsoones debated with me what were best to be done if the said Duke hapned to die. And then he discoursed maruellous wisely thereof, saying, that he would trauell to make a mariage betweene the King his sonne now raigning, and the Dukes daughter, afterward Duches of Austrich, which if she refused bicause of the Daulphin his sons yoong age; then he would attempt to win hir to mary some yoong Lord of this realme, to obtaine thereby hir friendship and hir subiects, and recouer without blowes that he claimed to be his: in the which minde he continued till eight daies before he vnderstood of the Dukes death. But this wise deliberation he began somwhat to alter the selfe same day he receiued newes therof, and the very instant that he dispatched the Admirall and me. Notwithstanding he discouered not his purpose therein, but made promise to diuers of lands and lordships that had been in the Dukes possession.

How Han, Bohain, Saint Quintin and Peronne were yeelded to the King, and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt. Chap. 13.

THe King being on the way comming after vs, receiued good newes from all parts: for the castels of Han and Bohain were yeelded vnto him, and the citizens of Saint Quintins of their own accord receiued Monseur de Mouy their neighbor into the towne for him. Further he assured himselfe of Peronne, which VVilliam of Bische held, and was put in hope both by vs and others, that Monseur de Cordes would reuolt to him. Further he had sent his barber called Master Oliuer to Gaunt, in a village neere to the which he was borne, and had dispatched diuers others into other places, being in great hope of them all; but the most part of them serued him rather with words then deedes. When he drew neer to Peronne I went to meet him, and found him in a village, whi∣ther M. VVilliam of Bische and certain others came & presented him the keies of the town, wherof he was right glad. The King abode there that day, and I dined with him after mine accustomed maner: for his pleasure was that seuen or eight at the least & somtimes more should ordinarily sit at his owne table. But after dinner he withdrew himselfe, and seemed to be discontented with the small exploit the Admirall and I

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had done, saying: that he had sent Master Oliuer his barber to Gaunt to bring that towne to his obedience, and Robinet Dodenfort to Saint Omers, who was well frien∣ded there: and those he commended as fit men to receiue the keies of a towne, and put his forces into it. Diuers others also he named, whom he had sent to other great townes: and this matter he made Monseur de Lude, and two or three others to de∣bate with me. It became not me to reason against him, nor gainsay his pleasure; but I told him that I feared Master Oliuer and the others whom he named, would not so easily take these great townes, as they supposed. The King vsed this communication with me, bicause he had altered his minde, and hoped by reason of his good successe in the beginning, that all the countrie would yeeld vnto him. Moreouer, he was coun∣selled by diuers (and was also of himselfe inclined thereunto) vtterly to destroy this house of Burgundie, and to disperse the seniories therof among diuers men; some of the which he named, vpon whom he was purposed to bestow the Earldoms, namely, Henault and Namur that border vpon Fraunce: with the greater seniories, as Bra∣bant, Holland, and the rest, he meant to win certaine Princes of Almaine to his friendship, to the end they might aide him in the atchieuing of his enterprise. All the which matters it pleased him to acquaint me with, bicause I had counselled him be∣fore to take the other course aboue rehearsed: wherefore he would that I should vn∣derstand the reasons, why he followed not mine aduise. Further he alleaged, that this course should be most beneficiall for his realme, the which had sustained infi∣nite troubles, bicause of the greatnes of this house of Burgundie, and the mightie se∣niories that it possessed. And sure as touching the world, his reasons carried great shew (though in conscience me thought otherwise:) notwithstanding such was his wisedome, that neither I nor any of his seruants could see so far into his affaires as himselfe did; for vndoubtedly he was one of the wisest and subtilest Princes that liued in his time. But in such waightie affaires God disposeth the harts of Kings and great Princes, which he holdeth in his hands, and directeth them into those waies that best serue for the executing of his determinations: for vndoubtedly if it had pleased him, that the King should still haue continued in that course, which he of himselfe had deuised before the Dukes death; the wars that haue been since, and yet are, had neuer happened. But we were vnwoorthie on both sides to enioy that quiet peace that was then offered vs, which sure was the onely cause of the Kings error, not want of wit: for, as you haue heard, in wit no man excelled him. I write of these affaires at large, to shew that when a man attempteth any great enterprise, he ought at the first thoroughly to debate it, to the end he may choose the wisest way; but especially to submit himselfe to God, and humbly to beseech him to direct him into the best course, which is the principall point, as appeereth both by the scriptures and by experience. I minde not heere to blame the King, nor say that he erred in this behalfe: for peraduenture diuers which knew and vnderstood more than my selfe, were then and yet are of his opinion; notwithstanding the matter was not debated there nor elsewhere. Further, those that write Chronicles, frame their stile common∣ly to their commendation of whom they speake, omitting diuers points, somtimes bicause they know not the truth of them. But as touching my selfe, I minde to write nothing but that is true, and which I my selfe either haue seen or learned of such par∣ties as are woorthie of credite, not regarding any mans commendation. For no Prince is to be thought so wise, but that he erreth somtime, yea oftentimes if he liue long, as should well appeere by their actions, if they were alwaies truly reported. The greatest Senates and Consuls that be or euer haue beene, haue erred and do erre, as we may reade and daily see.

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When the King had reposed himselfe one day in this village neere to Peronne, he determined the next morning to make his entry into the towne; for it was yeelded him as you haue heard. And at his departure he drew me aside, and commanded me to go into the countrey of Poictou and the frontiers of Britaine, telling me in mine eare that if neither Master Oliuers enterprise tooke effect, nor Monseur de Cordes re∣uolted to him; he would cause all the countrey of Artois called La Leuée lying vpon the riuer of Lis, to be burned; and that done returne againe into Touraine. I desired him to be good to certaine who by my means were become his seruants, and to whom I had promised in his name pensions and great rewards: whereupon he tooke their names of me in writing, and performed all that I had promised. Thus I tooke my leaue of him for that time. But euen as I was taking horse, Monseur de Lude came to me, whom the King for certaine considerations fauored greatly. He was a man much giuen to his owne priuate gaine, and as he cared not to deceiue and abuse any man: so was he also very light of beliefe, and often beguiled himselfe. He had been brought vp with the King from his childhood, & knew which way to feed his humor, and had a very pleasant head. He came and said thus to me (wisely after a iesting maner) what depart you now when you should be made or neuer, seeing the great things that fall daily into the Kings hands, wherewith he may enrich those that he loueth? For my part I looke to be gouernor of Flaunders, and to make my selfe all of golde, in vttering the which words, he brake foorth into great laughter: but I had no lust to laugh bicause I feared that this proceeded of the King. Mine answer was, that I would be right glad if his fortune might be such, and that I trusted the King would not forget me.

A certaine knight of Hainault was come to me not past halfe an hower before my departure, who brought me newes of diuers with whom I had peswaded by let∣ters to put themselues into the Kings seruice. The said knight and I are kinsemen, and he is yet liuing, wherfore neither wil I name him, nor those of whom he brought me this aduertisement. His offer in few words was to yeeld vnto the King the chiefe places and townes in Hainault. Whereof I aduertised the King euen as I was taking my leaue; who after he had talked with the said knight, told me that neither he nor those others whom I named were such as he had need of. He misliked one for this point, and another for that, and their offer seemed vnto him nothing: for he thought to obtaine all that he desired without them. Againe, after my departure the King made Monseur de Lude to commune with the same knight, who was much discon∣tented with the said de Ludes words, and departed incontinent without entring into farther treaty, bicause the said de Lude and he would neuer haue agreed in any point. For whereas this knight was come out of Hainault to get somwhat at the Kings hands whereby to inrich himselfe: the said de Lude at the first meeting asked him what the townes would giue him to commend their cause to the King. I thinke verily that this refusall the King made to these knights proceeded also of God; for since that time he would haue made good account of them if he could haue drawne them to his seruice. But peraduenture God would not accomplish his desire in all points either bicause of the reasons aboue alleaged, or for that he would not suffer him to vsurpe this countrey of Hainault (which is held of the Empire) both bicause he had no title thereunto, and also bicause of the ancient league betweene the Emperors and the Kings of Fraunce, whereof the King himselfe also seemed afterward to take notice. For he held Cambray, le Quesnoy, and Boissi 1 in Hainault, whereof Boissi he yeelded againe, and restored Cambray being an Imperiall towne to neutralitie as it was before. Athough I my selfe were not present at these actions, yet was I

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informed how they passed: for I had good meanes to vnderstand of them bicause I was acquainted, and had been brought vp in both these Princes dominions, and haue since also communed with diuers that were the principall managers of these affaires on both sides.

The Notes.

1 This Boissi libr. 6. cap. 3. he calleth Bouchain: and so out of doubt it should be read heere.

How Master Oliuer the Kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt, found meanes to put the Kings forces into Tournay. Chap. 14.

MAster Oliuer (as you haue heard) was gone to Gaunt, and carried letters of credit to the Ladie of Burgundie Duke Charles his daughter, hauing also commission to perswade with hir apart, to put hir selfe into the Kings gouernment 1 . But this was not his principall charge: for he doubted that he should not obtaine leaue to commune with hir apart; and though he did, yet sup∣posed he that he should not frame hir to his request. But his hope was to raise some great tumult in this towne of Gaunt, which hath euer been inclined to rebellion, and was the easier to be mooued there∣unto at this present, bicause vnder Duke Philip and Duke Charles they had liued in great awe, and lost diuers priuileges by the treatie made with the said Duke Philip, after their wars with him ended. Duke Charles also had taken one priuilege from them, concerning the election of their Senate, for an offence made the first day he entred into the towne as Duke: whereof bicause I haue made mention before, I will heere write no further. All these reasons encouraged Master Oliuer the Kings barber to proceede in his enterprise, so far foorth that he discouered his purpose to some such of the citizens, as he thought would giue eare vnto him, offering (besides diuers other promises) to cause the King to restore them their priuileges that they had lost. But notwithstanding that he were not in their Towne-house to speake publikely to their Senate, bicause he meant first to assay if he could do any good with this yoong Princesse; yet was his enterprise smelt out: wherefore after he had soiourned a few daies in Gaunt, he was sent for to declare his message; whereupon he repaired to the Princes presence, being apparrelled much more sumptuously than became one of his calling, and deliuered his letters. The said Lady sate in hir chaire of estate, ha∣uing about hir the Duke of Cleues, and the bishop of Liege, with diuers other noble men, and a great number of hir subiects. When she had read hir letter, she comman∣ded him to declare his message. But he answered that he had nothing to say but to hir selfe alone. Whereupon it was told him, that this was not the maner of their countrie, especially to commune in secret with this yoong Lady being vnmarried. But he still continued his former answer, that he had nothing to say but to hir selfe apart. Whereupon they threatened to make him say somwhat else: which words put him in feare. And I thinke verily, that when he came to deliuer his letter, he had not bethought him what to say: for this was not his principal charge, as you haue heard. Thus Master Oliuer departed for this time without further speech. Some of the

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Councell began to scorne him, as well bicause of his base estate, as of his foolish speech and behauiour, but especially they of Gaunt (in a little village neere where∣unto he was borne) scoffed and derided him, so far foorth that suddenly he fled thence, being aduertised if he staide there any longer, that he should be throwen into the riuer; which I thinke would haue prooued true. The said Master Oliuer named himselfe Earle of Melun, a little towne neere to Paris whereof he was captaine. From Gaunt he fled to Tournay, a towne in that countrie subiect to neither Prince, but maruellously affectioned to the King: for it is his after a sort, and paieth him yeerely sixe thousand franks; but in all other respects liueth in libertie, and receiueth all sorts of men: it is a goodly towne and a strong, as all the inhabitants thereabout can te∣stifie. The churchmen and citizens haue al their possessions and reuenues in Henault and Flaunders, in both the which countries it is situate. Wherefore they vsed alwaies during the long wars betweene King Charles the seuenth and Philip Duke of Bur∣gundie, to pay yeerely vnto the said Duke ten thousand franks; the which summe I haue seene them pay also to Duke Charles: but at the time that Master Oliuer came thither, they were quit of all paiments, and liued in great wealth and quietnes. Al∣though Master Oliuers charge aboue mentioned were too waightie for him to deale in, yet was not he so much to be blamed, as they that committed it to him: for not∣withstanding that his enterprise had such successe, as it was euer like to haue; yet shewed he himselfe wise in that he afterward did. For perceiuing the said towne of Tournay to be situate vpon the frontiers of both the countries aboue named, and very commodious to endammage them both, if he could put the Kings forces that lay in those parts into it; and knowing further, that the townes men would neuer consent thereunto, bicause they neuer tooke part with either Prince, but shewed themselues friends indifferently to both: he sent word secretly to Monseur de Mouy (whose sonne was bailife of the town, but not resident there) that he should bring his companie which he had within S. Quintins, and certaine other bands that lay in those quarters, to the towne of Tournay; who at the hower appointed came to the gate, where he found Master Oliuer accompanied with thirtie or fortie persons, who partly by fauor, and partly by force caused the gate to be opened, and receiued the Kings men; wherewith the people of the towne were well ynough contented, but not the gouernors: of whom Master Oliuer sent seuen or eight to Paris, whence they departed not during the Kings life. After these men of armes, entred also diuers other soldiers, who did great harme afterward in the two countries aboue named: for they spoiled and burned many goodly villages and faire farms, more to the dammage of the inhabitants of Tournay, than of any other for the reasons aboue alleaged. To be short, so long they spoiled that the Flemmings arose, and tooke out of prison the Duke of Guelderland (whom Duke Charles had held prisoner) and made him their captaine: and in this estate came before the towne of Tournay, where they lay not long, but fled in great disorder; and lost many of their men, and among the rest the Duke of Gueldres, who had put himselfe behinde to maintaine the skirmish (be∣ing euill followed) was there slaine, as afterward you shall heare more at large. Wherefore this honor and good successe that happened to the King, and the great losse his enimies receiued, proceeded of the said Master Oliuers wisedome and iudge∣ment: so that peraduenture a wiser man, and a greater personage than he, might haue failed to atchieue the like enterprise. I haue spoken ynough of the great charge this sage Prince committed to this meane person, vnfit to manage so waightie a cause; onely adding, that it seemed that God had troubled the Kings wits in this behalfe. For, as I said before, if he had not thought this enterprise far easier than indeede it

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was; but had appeased his wrath, and laid downe his greedy desire of reuenge vpon this house of Burgundy, vndoubtedly he had held at this day all those Seniories vn∣der his subiection.

The Notes.

1 The King claimed this Lady as his vvarde, bicause diuers of hir dominions, namely Flaunders, Artois, &c. were held of the crowne of Fraunce: besides that, he was hir godfa∣ther, which vvas the cause vvhy he commanded this Oliuer to mooue this request.

Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the King, and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the citie of Arras, the townes of Hedin and Bollein, and the towne of Arras itselfe, were yeelded to the King. Chap. 15.

YOu haue heard how Master VVilliam Bische yeelded Peronne to the King. The said Bische was a man of base parentage, borne at Molins-Engibers in Niuernois; but inriched and greatly ad∣uanced by Duke Charles of Burgundy, who made him captaine of Peronne, bicause his house called Clery (being a strong and goodly castell that the said Bische had purchased) was neere vnto it. But to proceede, after the King had made his entry into the towne, certaine ambassadors came to him from the Lady of Burgundy, being all the greatest and noblest personages that were able to do hir any seruice: which was vnaduisedly done to send so many togither; but such was their desolation and feare, that they wist not well what to say or do. The aboue named ambassadors were these; the Chauncellor of Burgundy called Master VVilliam Hu∣gonet, a notable wise man, who had been in great credit with Duke Charles, and was highly adaunced by him. The Lord of Himbercourt (so often before mentioned in this history) was there also, (who was as wise a gentleman, and as able to manage a waighty cause as euer I knew any) togither with the Lord of la Vere, a great Lord in Zeland, and the Lord of Grutuse, and diuers others as well noble men as church men, and burgesses of good townes. The King before he gaue them audience, tra∣uelled both generally with them all, and apart with euery one of them to draw them to his seruice. They all gaue him humble and lowly words, as men in great feare. Notwithstanding, those that had their possessions far from his dominions in such countries as they thought to be out of his reach, would not binde themselues to him in any respect, vnlesse the mariage betweene his sonne the Daulphin and the said Lady their Mistres tooke effect. But the Chauncellor and the Lord of Himbercourt, who had liued long in great authority, wherein they still desired to continue; and had their lands lying neere to the Kings dominions; the one in the Duchy of Bur∣gundy, the other in Picardy neere to Amiens: gaue eare to his offers, and promised both to serue him in furthering this mariage, and also wholy to become his the ma∣riage being accomplished: which course he liked not (though it were simply the best) but was displeased with them, for that they would not then absolutely enter into his seruice. Notwithstanding he shewed them no countenance of displeasure bicause he would vse their helpe as he might. Moreouer, the King hauing now good

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intelligence with Monseur de Cordes captaine and gouernor of Arras, by his counsel and aduise required these ambassadors to cause the said de Cordes to receiue his men into the city of Arras 1 : for at that time there were wals and trenches betweene the towne and the city, but the towne was then fortified against the city 2 ; and now contrariwise the citie is fortified against the towne. After diuers perswasions vsed to the said ambassadors, that this should be the best and readiest way to obtaine peace in shewing such obedience to the King, they agreed to his demaund, especially the Chauncellor and Himbercourt, and sent a letter of discharge to the said de Cor∣des, wherein they aduertised him of their consent to the deliuerie of the citie of Arras. Into the which so soone as the King was entred, he raised bulworks of earth against the gates of the towne, and in diuers other places neere to the towne. Fur∣ther, bicause of this discharge, Monseur de Cordes and the men of war that were with him, departed out of the towne 3 , and went whither them listed, and serued where them best liked. And as touching the said de Cordes, he now accounting himselfe discharged of his Mistres seruice, by the ambassadors letters aboue mentioned; de∣termined to do homage to the King, and to enter into his seruice; both bicause his house, name, and armes were on this side the riuer of Somme (for he was called Ma∣ster Philip of Creuecoeur, second brother to the Lord of Creuecoeur:) and also bi∣cause the territories so often aboue mentioned, which the house of Burgundie had possessed vpon the said riuer of Somme, during the liues of Duke Philip and Duke Charles, returned now without all controuersie to the crowne. For by the conditions of the treatie of Arras, they were giuen to Duke Philip, and his heires males onely. Wherefore seeing Duke Charles left no issue but his daughter, the said Master Phi∣lip of Creuecoeur became without all doubt the Kings subiect: so that he could com∣mit no fault by entering into the Kings seruice, and restoring to him that which he held of him, vnlesse he had done homage anew to the Lady of Burgundie. Notwith∣standing men haue reported, and will report diuersly of him for this fact: wherefore I leaue the matter to other mens iudgements. True it is that he had beene brought vp, enriched, and aduaunced to great honor by Duke Charles, and that his mother for a certaine space was gouernesse of the Lady of Burgundie in hir childhood: and fur∣ther, when the Duke of Burgundie died, he was gouernor of Picardie, Seneschall of Ponthieu, Captaine of Contray, gouernor of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye, and Captaine of Bolloin and Hedin. All the which offices he holdeth yet at this present of the King; in such maner and forme, as after the Dukes death the King our Master confirmed them vnto him.

After the King had fortified the citie of Arras (as you haue heard) he departed thence to besiege Hedin, leading thither with him the said de Cordes, who had beene captaine of the place not past three daies before, and his men were yet within it, and made shew as though they would defend it for the Lady of Burgundie, saying; that they had sworne to be true vnto hir: but after the artillerie had beaten it two or three daies they fell to parlament with the said de Cordes their late captaine, and yeelded the towne to the King. But this was indeede a compact matter betweene the King and them. From thence the King went before Bolloin, where the like was also done: but they held, as I remember, a day longer than the others. This was a very dange∣rous enterprise if there had been soldiers in the countrie; and that the King knew well ynough, as he afterward told me: for diuers in Bolloin, perceiuing this to be a meere collusion between the soldiers and him, trauelled to put men into the towne, if they could haue leuied them in time, and to haue defended it in good earnest. Du∣ring the space of fiue or sixe daies that the King lay before Bolloin, they of Arras

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perceiuing how they had beene abused, and considering in what danger they stood, being enuironed on euery side with a great number of soldiers, and great force of artillery: trauelled to leuy men to put into their town, and write thereabout to their neighbors of Lisle and Douay. At the said towne of Douay was Monseur de Vergy, and diuers others whose names I remember not, with a fewe horsemen escaped out of the battell of Nancy. These determined to enter the towne of Arras, and leuied all the force they could, being to the number of two or three hundred horse good and bad, and fiue or sixe hundred footemen. But they of Douay (whose pecockes feathers were not yet all pulled) constrained them spite of their teeths to depart the towne at noone day, which was great folly, and so came of it. For the countrey be∣yond Arras is as plaine as a mans hand, and betweene Douay and Arras are about siue leagues. If they had taried till night (as they would if they might haue been suf∣fered) they had sure accomplished their enterprise. But when they were vpon the way, they whom the King left in the city of Arras, namely Monseur de Lude, Iohn de Fou, and the Marshall of Loheacs companie being aduertised of their comming, de∣termined with all speed to issue foorth and encounter them, and to put all in hazard rather then to suffer them to enter the towne: for they well perceiued that if they entered the towne, the city could not be defended. Their enterprise was verie dan∣gerous, yet they executed it valiantly, and put to flight this band issued out of Do∣uay; the which also they so speedily pursued, that they were all in a maner either slaine or taken, and amongst the prisoners was Monseur de Vergy himselfe. The next day the King arriued there in person, reioicing much because of this discomfiture, and caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and of the footemen com∣manded a great number to be slaine, to put thereby those few men of war yet remai∣ning in those quarters, into the greater feare. Moreouer, Monseur de Vergy he kept long in prison, bicause he would by no meanes be brought to do him homage; not∣withstanding that he lay in close prison & in irons: But in the end hauing been priso∣ner a yeere and more, by his mothers perswasion he yeelded to the Kings pleasure; wherein he did wisely. For the King restored him to all his lands, and al those he was in sute for. He gaue him farther ten thousand franks of yeerely reuenewes, and di∣uers other goodly offices. They which escaped out of this discomfiture, being verie fewe in number entred the towne, before the which the King brought his artillerie and laide his batterie. The artillery was goodly and great, and the batterie terrible; but the towne wall and the ditch nothing strong: wherefore they within were in great feare, the rather bicause the town was vtterly vnfurnished of soldiers. Furher, Monseur de Cordes had intelligence within it; & to say the truth, the citie being in the Kings hands the towne could not be defended: wherefore they fell to parlament and yeelded it by composition, which notwithstanding was euil obserued; wherof Mon∣seur de Lude was partly to blame. For diuers burgesses and honest men were slaine in the presence of him and Master VVilliam de Cerisay, who maruellously inriched themselues there: for the said de Lude told me that he got during the time of his be∣ing there twenty thousand crownes, and two timbers of Marterns. Moreouer, they of the towne lent the King 60000. crownes, which summe was much too great for their abilitie; but I thinke it was repaied them, for they of Cambray lent 40000. which I am sure were restored, as I thinke were these also.

The Notes.

1 This request the King made as Tutor and Godfather to the yoong Ladie, in which re∣spect also the said ambassadors did as he required.

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2 Arras was cut in two, to wit into the towne and the citie; the towne vnder the Dukes of Burgundie was fortified and the dravve bridge was drawen into the towne: but the King beat downe the fortification of the towne, and fortified the citie, and altered also the drawe bridge, and drew it vp into the ccitie, whereas before it was drawen vp into the towne.

3 If the King had demanded the towne of Arras, the ambassadors would neuer haue granted it, bicause it was the whole strength of the countrey: but by obtaining the citie (at that time not greatly accompted of bicause it was vtterly vnfortified,) he got the said de Cordes discharge, who soone after procured him both the towne of Arras, and the greatest part of the countrey of Artois.

4 For they vvere vvilling to yeeld it, but bicause they vvould depart like souldiers, and vvithout suspicion of treason they desired to haue the cannon brought before it.

How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death, came in ambassage to the King, as from the three estates of their countrey. Chap. 16.

THe same time the siege lay before Arras, the Ladie of Burgun∣die was at Gaunt in the hands of hir mutinous subiects greatly to hir losse; but to the Kings profit: for alwaies ones losse is an others gaine. These citizens of Gaunt so soone as they vnder∣stood of Duke Charles his death, thinking themselues thereby cleerely deliuered out of captiuitie: apprehended their Sena∣tors being to the number of sixe and twenty, and put them all or the greatest part to death; pretending that they did it bicause the said Senators the day before had commanded one to be beheaded, though not without desert, yet without authority (as they said,) their commission being determined with the Dukes death, by whom they were chosen into that office. They slew also diuers honest men of the towne that had beene the Dukes freinds; amongst whom were some, that when I serued him disswaded him in my presence from destroying a great parte of the towne of Gaunt, which he was fullie resolued to haue done. Further, they constrained their Princes to confirm al their ancient priuileges, both those they lost in the time of Duke Philip by the treatie of Gauures, & those also that Duke Charles tooke from them. The said priuileges serued them onely for firebrands of rebellion against their Princes, whom aboue all things they desire to see weake and feeble. Moreouer during their Princes minoritie, and before they begin to gouerne, they are maruellous tender ouer them; but when they are come to the gouernment they can∣not away with them, as appeereth by this Ladie whom they loued deerely and much tendered before hir comming to the state. Further, you shall vnderstand that if after the Dukes death these men of Gaunt had raised no troubles, but had sought to defend the countrey: they might easily haue put men into Arras, and peraduen∣ture into Peronne; but they minded onely these domesticall broiles. Notwithstan∣ding while the King laie before the towne of Arras, certaine ambassadors came to him from the three estates of the said Ladies countries. For at Gaunt were cer∣taine deputies for the three estates, but they of the towne ordered all at their plea∣sure, bicause they held their Princesse in their hands. The King gaue these ambassa∣dors audience, who among other things, said: that they made no ouerture of peace;

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but with consent of their Princesse; who was determined in all matters to follow the aduise and counsell of the three estates of hir countrie. Further, they required the King to end his war in Burgundie and Artois, and to appoint a day when they might meete to treate friendly togither of peace; and in the meane time that he would cause a surcease of armes. The King had now in a maner obtained all he desired, and hoped well of the rest. For he was certainly informed, that most of the men of war in the countrie were dead and slaine, and knew well that a great manie others had forsaken the said Ladies seruice, especiallie Monseur de Cordes, of whom he made great reckoning, and not without cause; for he could not haue taken by force in long time, that which by his intelligence he obtained in few daies, as before you haue heard: wherefore he made small account of these ambassadors demaunds. Further, he perceiued these men of Gaunt to be such seditious persons, and so in∣clined to trouble the state of their countrie, that his enimies by meanes thereof should not be able to aduise, nor giue order how to resist him. For of those that were wise, and had been in credit with their former Princes, none were called to the de∣bating of any matter of state, but persecuted, and in danger of death: especially the Burgundians whom they hated extremely, bicause of their great authoritie in times past. Moreouer, the King (who sawe further into these affaires than any man in his realme) knew well what affection the citizens of Gaunt had euer borne to their Princes, and how much they desired to see them affeebled; so that they in their coun∣trie felt no smart thereof. Wherefore he thought it best to nourish their domesticall contentions, and to set them further by the eares togither; which was soone done: for these whom he had to do with, were but beasts; most part of them townes men vnacquainted with those subtill practises, wherein he had been trained vp, and could vse for his purpose, better than any man liuing.

The King laide hold vpon these words of the ambassadors, that their Princesse would do nothing without the consent and aduise of the three estates of their coun∣trie, and answered that they were euill informed of hir pleasure, and of certaine par∣ticular men about hir: for he knew very perfectly, that she meant to gouerne all hir affaires by the aduise of certaine particular persons, who desired nothing lesse than peace: and as touching them and their actions, he was well assured they should be disaduowed. Whereunto the ambassadors (being not a little mooued, as men vnac∣quainted with great affaires) made a hot answer, that they were well assured of that they said, and would shew their instructions, if neede so required. Whereunto answer was made, that they should see a letter, if it so pleased the King, written by parties woorthie of credit, wherein the King was aduertised, that the said Lady would go∣uerne hir affaires by fower persons onely. Whereunto the others replied, that they were sure of the contrarie. Then the King commanded a letter to be brought foorth, which the Chauncellor of Burgundie, and the Lord of Himbercourt deliuered him at their last being with him at Peronne. The said letter was written partly with the yoong Ladies owne hand; partly by the Dowager of Burgundie Duke Charles his widow, and sister to King Edward of England; and partly by the Lord of Rauastain brother to the Duke of Cleues, and the said yoong Ladies neerest kinsman: so that it was written with three seuerall hands, but signed with the name of the yoong Lady alone; for the other twaine set to their hands onely to giue it the greater credit. The contents of the letter were, to desire the King to giue credit to those things, whereof the Chauncellor and Himbercourt should aduertise him. And further, it was therein signified vnto him, that she was resolued to gouerne all hir affaires by fower persons; namely, the Dowager hir mother in law, the Lord of Rauastain, & the aboue named

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Chauncellor and Himbercourt, by whom onely and none others, she humbly be∣sought him to negotiate with hir; bicause vpon them she would repose the whole gouernment of hir affaires.

When these citizens of Gaunt, and the other ambassadors had seene this letter, it heated them throughly; and I warrant you those that negotiated with them, failed not to blowe the fire. In the end the letter was deliuered them, and no other dispatch of importance had they, neither passed they greatly of any other: for they thought onely vpon their domesticall diuisions, and how to make a new world, ne∣uer looking further into this busines; notwithstanding that the losse of Arras ought to haue greeued them much more than this letter: but they were townes men (as I said before) vnacquainted with these affaires. They returned straight to Gaunt where they found their Princesse accompanied with the Duke of Cleues, hir neerest kins∣man, and of hir blood by his mother 1 : he was an ancient man, brought vp continu∣ally in this house of Burgundy, where he receiued a yeerely pension of sixe thousand guildons; wherefore besides that he was their kinsman, he resorted thither ofttimes as a pensioner to do his dutie. The Bishop of Liege and diuers noble men were there also, partly to wait vpon this yoong Lady, and partly for their owne particular af∣faires. For the said Bishop entertained a sute there to discharge his countrey of a paiment of thirtie thousand guildons or thereabout, which they gaue yeerly to Duke Charles by the treatie they made with him, when the wars aboue mentioned ended. All the which wars began for the said Bishops quarrell, so that there was no cause why he should mooue this sute; but rather seeke to keepe them still in pouertie; for he receiued no benefit there more than of his spirituall iurisdiction and of his de∣maines, (which also were but small 2 in respect of the wealth of his countrey, and the greatnes of his dioces.) The said Bishop (brother to the Dukes of Bourbon Iohn, and Peter now liuing) being a man wholie giuen to pleasures and good cheere, and little knowing what was profitable or vnprofitable for himselfe: receiued into his seruice Master VVilliam de la Marche 3 , a goodly valiant knight, but cruell and of naughtie conditions; who had been enimy of long time both to the said Bishop and also to the house of Burgundie for the Liegeois cause. To this de la Marche the Ladie of Bur∣gundie gaue fifteene thousand guildons, partly in fauor of the Bishop, and partly to haue him hir friend: but he soone after reuolted both from hir and from the said Bishop his Master, and attempted by force through the Kings fauor to make his owne sonne Bishop. Afterward also he discomfited the said Bishop in battell, slewe him with his owne hands, and threw him into the riuer, where his dead corps floted vp and down three daies. But the Duke of Cleues was come thither in hope to make a mariage betweene his eldest sonne and the said Lady, which seemed to him a verie fit match for diuers respects; and sure I thinke it had taken effect if his sonnes condi∣tions had liked the yoong Ladie and his seruants: for he was descended of this house of Burgundie, and held his Duchie of it, and had been brought vp in it; but perad∣uenture it did him harme that his behauior was so well knowen there.

The Notes.

1 This Duke of Cleues vvas called Iohn, vvhose father Adolph had married Marie sister to Duke Philip of Burgundie. Meyer lib. 17. pag. 257. but Annal. Burgund. saie that Adolph was sonne to one of Duke Philips sisters, but corruptly, as the pedegree in the end of this vvorke vvill declare.

2 The Bishop of Liegeois reuenevves are nine thousand pound starling. Guicchiar.

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3 This de la Marche vvas named Aremberg, hovv he died after this murther reade Berlandus, fol. 77.

How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne, put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet, and the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will, and how they and other Flem∣mings were discomfited before Tournay, and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine. Chap. 17.

NOw to proceede in the historie. After these ambassadors were returned to Gaunt, the councel was assembled, and the Princesse sate in hir chaire of estate, accompanied with all hir noble men, to giue them audience. Then the ambassadors made rehearsall of the commission she gaue them, touching principally that point that serued for their purpose, and saying that when they aduertised the King, that she was determined to followe in all points the aduise and counsell of the three estates of hir countrey: he foorthwith answered that he was sure of the contrarie, and bicause they auowed their saying, offered to shew the said Ladies letters in that behalfe. The Princesse being therewith mooued, suddenly answered in the presence of them all that it was not so, assuring hirselfe that the King had not shewed hir letter. Then he that spake being Recorder of Gaunt or Brucels, drew the letter out of his bosome before the whole assemblie and deliuered it hir. Wherein he shewed himselfe a lewde fellow and an vnciuill in dishonoring openly after such a sort this yoong La∣die, who ought not so rudely to haue been delt with: for though she had commit∣ted an error; yet was it not publikely to be reformed. It is no maruell if she were greatly ashamed thereof; for she had protested the contrarie to the whole worlde. The Dowager of Burgundie, the Lord of Rauastain, the Chauncellor, and the Lord of Himbercourt were all fower there present also.

The Duke of Cleues and diuers others who had beene put in hope of this yoong Ladies marriage, stormed maruellously at this letter, & then began their factions to breake foorth. The said Duke was euer perswaded heeretofore that Hymbercourt would further his sute for his sonne: but now perceiuing by this letter his hope to be frustrate, he became his mortall foe 1 . The Bishop of Liege, and his minion Master VVilliam de la Marche who was there with him, loued him not for the things done at Liege, whereof the said Hymbercourt had beene the chiefe instrument. The Earle of Saint Paule sonne to the Constable of Fraunce, hated both him and the Chancellor; bicause they two deliuered his father at Peronne to the Kings seruants, as before you haue heard at large. They of Gaunt also hated them both, not for any offence made, but bicause of the great authoritie they had borne: whereof vn∣doubtedly they were as woorthie as any man that liued in their time, either heere or there; for they were euer true and faithfull seruants to their Master.

To be short, the same day at night that this letter was shewed, the aboue named Chancellor and Hymbercourt through the furtherance as I am perswaded of their enimies aboue named, were apprehended by the citizens of Gaunt, which danger

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notwithstanding that they were forewarned of by their friends; yet had they not power to auoid, as it hath often happened to diuers others. With them was also ap∣prehended M. VVilliam of Clugny then Bishop of Therouenne, & since of Poictiers; and all three imprisoned in one place. They of Gaunt proceeded against them by colour of processe (contrarie to their accustomed maner in their reuenge) and ap∣pointed certaine of their Senate to heare their cause: with whom they ioined in commission one of this house of La Marche, deadly enimie to the said Himbercourt. First they demaunded of them, why they caused Monseur de Cordes to deliuer the citie of Arras to the King, but thereupon they stood not long; notwithstanding that they had nothing else iustly to charge them with. But this was not it that grieued them: for neither cared they to see their Prince affeebled by the losse of such a towne; neither had they the wit to consider what great damage might ensue thereof to themselues in tract of time. Wherefore they rested chiefly vpon two points 2 ; the first, they charged them that they had receiued bribes of the towne of Gaunt, name∣ly for a sute in law, which of late the said towne had obtained by their sentence pro∣nounced by the said Chauncellor, against a particular man whom they had in sute. But of all this matter of briberie, they acquited themselues very honorably; and as concerning that particular point where they of Gaunt charged them, that they had sold iustice, and taken monie of them to pronounce sentence on their behalfe: they answered, that the towne of Gaunt obtained their sute, bicause their cause was good; and as touching the monie they tooke, they neuer demanded it, nor caused it to be demanded, but receiued it being offered. The second point was, that during the time they were with the late Duke Charles their Master, and also being his lieu∣tenants in his absence, they had done diuers things against the priuileges and state of their towne, and that whosoeuer doth against the priuileges of Gaunt, ought to die. But this point touched them no whit: for they were neither their subiects nor citizens, neither able to infringe their priuileges; and if the Duke or his father tooke any of their priuileges from them, they did it by the treatie made betweene them, after their long wars and diuisions: but the others that were left them (being more than was requisite for their profit) were neuer broken, but kept and obserued. Well, notwithstanding the answers these two notable men made to these two points (for of the principall matter first obiected against them, no word was spoken) yet the Se∣nate of the towne condemned them to die as they stood at the barre, bicause (as they said) they had broken their priuileges, and receiued bribes after iudgement giuen vpon the matter in law aboue mentioned. These two woorthie personages hearing this cruell sentence, were not a little astonished, and no maruell: for they saw no way how to escape, being in their enimies hands: notwithstanding they appealed to the King and his court of Parlament, trusting by this meanes to delay their death, to the end their friends in the meane time might deuise some way to saue them. Before their arrainment, they racked them extremely against all order of law. Their pro∣cesse endured but sixe daies, and (notwithstanding their appeale) after sentence pro∣nounced, they gaue them but three howers respite to confesse them, and bethinke them of their soules health. Which time expired, they led them into their market place, and set them vpon a scaffold. The Ladie of Burgundie (afterward Duchesse of Austrich) being aduertised of their condemnation, went to the townehouse to make request and supplication for their liues: but perceiuing that she could do no good there, she went to the market place, where all the people were assembled togither in armes, and there saw the two noble men aboue named, standing vpon the scaffold. The said Lady was in hir mourning apparell, hauing nothing on hir head but a

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kerchiefe, which was an humble and simple attire) and ought of right to haue moo∣ued them to pitie. There she desired the people with weeping eies, and hir haire loose about hir shoulders, to haue pitie vpon these hir two seruants, and to restore them vnto hir. A great part of the people were willing that hir pleasure should be done, and that they should not die; but others would in no wise giue eare vnto hir: whereupon they bent their pikes the one against the other. But those that desired their death were the stronger, and cried to them that stood vpon the scaffold to dis∣patch them; immediately whereupon both their heads were striken off: and in this estate returned this poore Lady to hir court sorrowfull and comfortlesse; for these two were the principall persons, in whom she had reposed hir whole confidence. After they of Gaunt had done this exploit, they remooued from about the said Lady, the Lord of Rauastain, and the Dowager Duke Charles widow hir mother in law, bicause they had also written part of the letter aboue mentioned, which Himber∣court and the Chauncellor deliuered to the King, and they of Gaunt redeliuered to their Princesse after their returne, as before you haue heard. Further, they vsurped all power and authoritie ouer this poore yoong Lady: for so might she now well be called, both bicause of the great dammage she had already receiued by the losse of so many notable townes, irrecouerable by force, considering his power in whose hands they were, although by fauor, friendship, or composition some hope yet remained; and also bicause she was in the hands of the ancient enimies and persecutors of hir house, which was a great misfortune to hir. Notwithstanding these citizens of Gaunt in all their publike actions haue euer shewed more grosse folly than cunning, and no maruell: for they that carrie credit and authoritie among them, are for the most part, wealthie men of occupation, vnacquainted with waightie affaires, and little vnderstanding what belongeth to the gouernment of a state. Their cunning consisteth but in two points; the one, that they studie by all meanes possible how to weaken and impouerish their Prince: the other, that when they haue made a fault, and finde the partie offended too strong for them, they craue pardon with greater humilitie, and buie peace with larger gifts than any people in the world; yea and know what instruments to worke by, and what persons to labour for obtaining of peace, better than any towne that euer I knew.

After they of Gaunt had taken by force the gouernment of their Princesse, put the two aboue mentioned to death, and remooued from about hir those that misli∣ked them; they began euery where to place and displace officers at their pleasure, and to banish and spoile all those that had best serued this house of Burgundy, not regarding their good or euill desert: but aboue all other men they hated the Bur∣gundians, especially so far foorth that they banished them all, and trauelled to make them the Kings seruants and subiects as much as the King himselfe did, who solli∣cited them thereunto by faire words, wise perswasions, large gifts and promises, and sought also to constraine them by great force which he had in their countrey. Moreouer these men of Gaunt meaning to begin their gouernment with some case of noueltie, tooke out of prison (as alreadie is mentioned) the Duke of Gueldres, who of long time by Duke Charles his commandement had been held prisoner for the causes aboue rehearsed, and him they made generall of an army which they among themselues, namely the townes of Bruges, Gaunt, and Ypre, leuied and sent to Tournay to set fire on the subburbes thereof, which was little for their Princesse profit. For 200. soldiers sent in time to Arras or ten thousand franks to haue enter∣tained men to put into it, when the siege came before it; would haue done both hir and them much more seruice than ten such armies as this. For this army could do no

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good but fire a fewe houses in a place, whereof the King made small account: for he leuied neither taskes nor subsidies there, but their wit was not able to reach thus far. After the Duke of Gueldres was come before Tournay with this armie being to the number of twelue or fifteene thousand men, verie well paid by the townes aboue∣mentioned, he set fire on the suburbs. But within the towne were three or fower hundred men of armes which sallied out and charged his men on the backe as they retired, & incontinent put them to flight. But the D. himselfe being a valiant Prince, turned against his enimies meaning to maintaine the skirmish, to the end his men might haue leasure to retire: but being euil followed he was ouerthrowne and slaine, and a good number also of this people; yet was the Kings force that did this exploit verie small. The Flemmings armie retired with this losse, for there was but one band of them defeated. The Ladie of Burgundy (as I haue heard) and hir friends reioised much at this newes; for the brute ran for a certaintie that they of Gaunt were deter∣mined to compell hir by force to marrie this Duke of Gueldres, which willingly she would neuer haue done for diuers reasons aboue rehearsed.

The Notes.

1 VVith the letter the King had also vttered the message, that the Chauncellor and Him••••rcourt brought, vvhich vvas to treat of a mariage betweene the Daulphin and this Lady, which also they offered the King to further; and this vvas the cause vvhy the Duke of Cleues became Himbercourts enimie.

2 The causes of the Chauncellors and Himbercourts death, read in Berlandus fol. 69.

A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisment of Princes and euill people, with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Prin∣ces, which happened in the authors time. Chap. 18.

I Cannot imagine for what cause God hath so long preserued this towne of Gaunt, the fountaine of so many mischiefes, and of so small importance for the benefit of the countrey where it is si∣tuate. For it yeeldeth no commoditie to the common wealth, much lesse to the Prince: neither is it comparable to Bruges, which is a place where there is greater trafficke of merchandise and resort of strangers in my opinion, than in any towne in Eu∣rope; so that the destruction thereof should be an irrecouerable losse. But it seemeth that God hath created nothing in this world neither man nor beast, without an eni∣mie to hold it in feare and humilitie; and for that purpose serueth this towne of Gaunt very well 1 . For there is no countrie in Christendome more inclined to all wanton pleasures, pomps and delicacies than this countrie of Flaunders, notwith∣standing they are good Christians there, and serue and honor God well. But it is not this nation onely, to whom God hath giuen as it were a continuall pricke, to put them in minde of their dutie: For to Fraunce he hath giuen the English men for eni∣mies; to the English men the Scots; to the realme of Spaine Portugale, I will not say Granado: for they are enimies of the faith; notwithstanding hitherto the said countrie of Granado hath much troubled and endammaged the realme of Castile. Against the Princes of Italie, the greatest part of the which hold their lands by no

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title, vnles it be giuen them in heauen (whereof we can but diuine) and who rule cru∣elly and violently ouer their subiects by extreme exactions and leuies of monie: God hath raised vp the free states of the said countrie, namely Venice, Florence, Genua, and somtime Bononia, Senes, Pisa, Luques, and others, which in diuers points are contrarie to the Princes, and the Princes to them, each of them hauing an eie vpon other, that none grow too great. But to speake more particularly of the state of Italie; against the house of Arragon God hath raised the house of Aniou; against the Sfor∣ces (which vsurpe the place of the Vicounts in the Duchie of Milan) the house of Orleans; against the Venetians, the Princes of Italie, as before I haue said, and be∣sides them the Florentines; against the Florentines their neighbors of Senes, Pisa, and the Genuois; and against the said Genuois their owne euill gouernment, and want of faith each to other, which is so vniuersally knowen, that euery man can tell thereof: for their factions are in league the one against the other, as appeereth by the Fourgouze 2 , Adorni, d'Orie, and others. Now to speake of Almaine; you haue alwaies the house of Austriche and Bauiere at variance, and particularly them of Bauiere diuided among themselues. In like maner the house of Austriche hath parti∣cularly opposite to it the Swissers; the beginning of which their variance arose but about a little village called Swisse 3 , vnable to arme sixe hundred men, whereof the other Swissers beare their name; who are now so increased, that two of the Duke of Austriches best towns, namely Zurich and Fribourg be of their cantons. Moreouer, they haue obtained great victories, and slaine of the Dukes of Austrich in the field 4 . Diuers other quarrels also there are in Almaine, as the Duke of Cleues against the Duke of Gueldres; the Dukes of Gueldres against the Dukes of Iulliers: the Easter∣lings who inhabite so far northward, against the Kings of Denmarke. And to speake generally of Almaine, there are so many strong places there, so many men inclined to mischiefe, to spoile, to rob, and that vse force & violence one against another vpon small occasions, that it is woonder to see: for a man that is able to maintaine but himselfe and his seruant, will proclaime war against a great citie or a Duke, that vn∣der colour thereof he may the better rob and spoile: for he will haue some small castell situate vpon a rocke to retire into, where he entertaineth twentie or thirtie horsemen, which run downe to rob and spoile the countrie at his commandement. These men are very seldome punished by the Princes of Almaine, bicause they vse their helpe when they neede their seruice: but the townes, if they take any of them, punish them cruelly, and often besiege and destroy their castels. Further, the said townes haue soldiers alwaies in pay for their defence. Wherefore it seemeth that these Princes and townes of Almaine are preserued, the one to force the other to that is right and good. And it is necessarie that such diuisions should be not onely there, but through the whole world. I haue hitherto spoken but of Europe; for I am not well informed of Asia and Affrike: yet we heare that they are diuided and make war one vpon another as we do, yea after a much beastlier sort. For I know in this part of Afrike bordering vpon vs, diuers places where they sell one another to the Christians, as also well appeereth by the Portugales, who haue bought and daily do buie of them manie slaues. But I doubt how well we may vpbraid this to the Sarra∣cens, sith in some part of Christendome they do the like: notwithstanding those countries are either vnder the Turks dominion, or next neighbors to him; as for ex∣ample some part of Greece.

It seemeth then that such diuisions are requisite through the whole world, and that these pricks and stings before spoken of which God hath giuen euery estate, and in a maner euery particular person, are necessarie. And surely for mine owne opinion

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(speaking as a man vnlearned, and one that will maintaine no opinion not to be maintained) I thinke they are necessarie indeed, especially bicause of the beastlines of some Princes, and the wickednes of othersome, who hauing wit and experience suf∣ficient, do notwithstanding abuse it. For a Prince or any other man of what estate or condition soeuer he be, hauing power and authoritie where he dwelleth ouer the rest, if he be learned & haue seen and read much, is thereby either much amended or empaired, for much learning maketh the euill woorse, and bettereth the good 5 : Not∣withstanding, it is to be presumed that learning rather amendeth a man than em∣paireth him: for if men be but ashamed of themselues when they know they do euill, it sufficeth either to keepe them altogither from doing euill 6 , or at the least from doing so much euill as otherwise they would. For although they be not good in∣deed, yet shame wil cause thē to make a shew of goodnes: wherof I haue seen diuers examples of great personages, whom learning oftentimes hath withdrawen from doing euil, ioined with the fear of Gods punishments, wherof they haue more vnder∣standing than ignorant men which neuer sawe nor read any thing. Wherfore those Princes that know not themselues, but lacke wit, either bicause they haue been euill brought vp, or bicause nature hath graffed follie in them, can neuer vnderstand how far the power and authoritie extendeth that God hath giuen them ouer their sub∣iects. For they neuer read it themselues, neither are informed by them that know it; nay few that vnderstand it are admitted to their presence; and if some one be, yet dare he not instruct them in it for feare of displeasure; or if happily at any time he put them in minde thereof no man will abide him, at the least he shall be accounted but a foole, paraduenture also it may be taken in euill part, and so turne him to displea∣sure. But to proceede, it is manifest that neither naturall reason, neither knowledge, neither feare of God, neither loue towards our neighbor, is sufficient to keepe vs from vsing violence against others, from withholding other mens goods, nor from rauishing by all meanes possible that which appartaineth to others. For if great Princes withhold townes and castels from their kinsfolkes or neighbors, none of these reasons can mooue them to restore them: and after they haue giuen foorth some colour or forged some pretence to withhold them, all their subiects commend their proceedings, at the least such as are neere about them, and hunt after their fa∣uor. Of meane persons that be at variance I speake not, for they haue a superior who somtimes doth iustice to the parties, at the least he that hath a good cause, and fol∣loweth it earnestly, and defendeth it stoutly, and spendeth frankly, shall in processe of time haue right, vnlesse the Court, that is to say, the Princes authoritie vnder whom he liueth, be against him. Wherefore it appeereth most manifestly, that God is constrained and forced as it were of necessitie to shew many examples among vs, and to beate vs with many rods, bicause of our negligence, or rather wickednes: but in Princes especially negligence and ignorance is very dangerous, and much to be lamented, bicause the good or euill gouernment of their Seniories dependeth wholy vpon them. For if a Prince being mighty and hauing a number of soldiers in ordi∣narie, by whose meanes he leuieth great sums of money at his pleasure, as well to pay them, as to spend in all kinde of wantonnes not necessary, will diminish none of this foolish and excessiue expences; further if all men seeke to flatter him, and no man dare shewe him what is good, either for feare of displeasure, or bicause he knoweth it will not preuaile: who can redresse this inconuenience but God alone? True it is, that God talketh not to men now as in times past, neither are there Prophets now a daies by whose mouth he speaketh: but his word is dispersed through the whole world, and well inough knowne to all those that will vnderstand and know it; so that

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no man can excuse himselfe by ignorance, at the least none that haue had space and time to liue & are indued with natural wit. How shall those Princes then escape that gouerne their Seniories after such sort, that by force they leuy what they list, and by tyrannie maintaine their authoritie, and hold their subiects in so great thraldome, that the least commandement they giue toucheth life? Some punish vnder colour of iustice, and haue lawyers euer at hand ready in all points to execute their comman∣dements, and to make a deadly sinne of a veniall. If they haue not matter inough against a man, they finde meanes to delay the hearing of the cause, or the taking of the depositions to hold the partie still in prison, or to vndoo him by charges, waiting continually if any man will come to accuse him that is thus held in prison, and to whom they wish euill. If this way be not colourable inough, nor speedy inough for their purpose, they deuise other readier waies alleaging that it was necessarie to do thus and thus for examples sake, and make the case as hainous as pleaseth them: with others that hold of them and be of some power, they go more plainly to worke, saying, thou dost against thine allegeance thou owest me, thou disobeiest me, and so proceede by force to take from him that is his if they can, (if they do not, it is no thanke to them) causing him to liue in great trouble and vnquietnes. Their neigh∣bors that be strong and mighty they meddle not with; but if any be weake, he can rest no where for them: for either they say that he hath aided their enimies, or they make their men of armes to liue in his countries, or buie quarrels to haue colour to assault him, or finde some occasion to destroy him by aiding his neighbor against him, and lending him forces to inuade him. Such of their subiects as haue beene in authoritie, and serued well their predecessors, they put out of office bicause they liue too long, and place newe men in their roomes. The Church men they en∣comber and trouble about their benefices, to the ende they may thereby wring some thing from them to enrich some one of their darlings, at the sute eftsoones of those that haue not deserued it, and at the request of such men and wo∣men as at times can preuaile much with them. The nobilitie they hold in con∣tinuall trauell and charge vnder colour of their wilfull wars, which they take in hand without the counsell or aduise of their estates, and of such as they ought to make priuie thereunto before they attempt them: for these they be that spend both goods and liues in the wars: wherefore it is reason they should vnderstand the cause of them before they begun. Their subiects they poule in such sort that they leaue them nothing; for notwithstanding that they pay them taskes and subsidies aboue their abilitie: yet seeke they not to redresse the disorder of their men of armes, which liue continually vpon their people without paiement, dooing besides infinite mischiefes and iniuries as all the world knoweth. For they are not contented with such cheere as they finde in the husband mans house and is set before them; but beat also the poore men, and constraine them to go foorth to buie them wine, bread, and victuals: and if the good man haue a faire wife or a daughter, he shall do wisely to keepe hir out of their sight. Notwithstanding, seeing these men of armes are duly paied, this inconuenience might easily be redressed, and order giuen that their paie should be made at euery two moneths ende at the furthest; so should they not be able to alleage any pretence of their mischieuous dooings vnder colour that they want paie: for the money is leuied, and at the yeeres ende there is not one penie ow∣ing them. I speake this for our realme which is more afflicted and plagued with these men of armes than any other countrey that I knowe. But none can redresse this matter but a wise Prince: other realmes bordering vpon vs haue other scour∣ges. Wherefore to continue this discourse, is there any King or Prince that hath

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power to leuy one penie vpon his subiects besides his demaines, without leaue and consent of those that must paie it, vnlesse it be by tyrannie and violence? A man will say that somtime the Prince can not tarie to assemble his estates, bicause it would require too long time. Whereunto I answer, that if he mooue a war offensiue, there needeth no such haste: for he may haue leasure inough at his owne pleasure to make preparation. And further, he shall be much stronger and much more feared of his enimies, when he mooueth war with the consent of his subiects than other∣wise. Now as touching a war defensiue, that cloud is seene long before the tem∣pest fall, especially when it is forraine war; and in this case good subiects ought not to complaine, nor refuse any thing that is laid vpon them. Notwithstanding such in∣uasion cannot happen so suddenly, but that the Prince may haue leasure at the least to call togither certaine wise personages, to whom he may open the causes of the war, vsing no collusion therein, neither seeking to maintaine a trifling war vpon no necessitie, thereby to haue some colour to leuy money. Money is also necessarie in time of peace to fortifie the frontiers for defence of those that dwell vpon them, least they be taken vnprouided; but this must be done measurably. In all these mat∣ters the wisedome of a sage King sufficeth; for if he be a iust Prince, he knoweth what he may do, and not do, both by Gods law and mans. To be short, in mine opinion of all Seniories in the world that I know; the realme of England is the countrey where the common wealth is best gouerned, the people least oppressed, and the fewest buildings and houses destroied in ciuill wars, and alwaies the lot of misfortune falleth vpon them that be authors of the war.

Our King is the Prince in the whole world that hath least cause to alleage that he hath priuileges to leuy what him listeth vpon his subiects, considering that nei∣ther he nor any other Prince hath power so to do. And those that say he hath, do him no honor, neither make him to be esteemed any whit the mightier Prince there∣by; but cause him to be hated and feared of his neighbors, who for nothing woulde liue vnder such a gouernment. But if our King or those that seeke to magnifie and extol him should say, I haue so faithfull and obedient subiects that they deny me no∣thing I demand, and I am more feared, better obeied, and better serued of my sub∣iects than any other Prince liuing, they endure patiently whatsoeuer I lay vpō them, and soonest forget all charges past: This me thinke (yea I am sure) were greater ho∣nor to the King than to say; I leuy what me listeth, and haue priuileges so to do, which I will stoutly maintaine. King Charles the fift vsed no such termes, neither did I euer heare such language proceede from any King, but from diuers of their seruants, who thought they did their Masters great seruice in vttring such speeches: but in mine opinion they misbehaued themselues towards their Prince, and vsed such language partly bicause they would seeme to be good seruants, and partly bi∣cause they knew not what they said. But for a manifest proofe of the French mens loialty and obedience to their Prince, we neede alleage none other example than that we our selues haue seene of late by experience; when the three estates were assembled at Tours, after the death of our Master King Lewis the eleuenth, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1483. A man might then haue thought that this good assembly was dangerous for the Kings estate; yea, and diuers there were of meane calling, and lesse honesty, that said then and haue often said since, that it is treason to make mention of assembling the estates, and a thing tending to the di∣minishing of the Kings authority: but they themselues are those that worke treason against God, the King, and the common wealth; neither do any vse these speeches but either such as are in authority without desert and vnwoorthy thereof; or such

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as are common tale-carriers, and accustomed to talke of trifling matters; or such as feare great assemblies, least their doings should there be ripped vp and reprehended. At this assembly I now speake of, all men of what estate soeuer they were, thought the realme much weakned and impouerished, bicause it had paied by the space of 20. yeeres or more great and excessiue subsidies; yea so great, that they surmounted yeerely by the summe almost of three millions of francks all subsidies that euer were leuied in Fraunce. For King Charles the seuenth leuied yeerely but eighteene hun∣dred thousand franks 7 : but King Levvis his sonne leuied at his death seauen and fortie hundred thousand 8 , besides the charges of the artillerie and such like expen∣ces. And sure it was a pitifull thing to behold the miserable estate of the poore people. But one good propertie had the King our Master, that he hoorded vp no treasure, he tooke all and spent all, and bestowed more vpon fortification of towns and places for the defence of his realme, than all his predecessors ioined togither. He gaue also much to churches, but in some respects he had done better to haue giuen lesse: for he tooke from the poore to giue to them that had no need. But there is no man perfect in the whole world.

Well to proceed. Notwithstanding that this realme were so impouerished and oppressed diuers waies: did the people yet after the King our Masters death raise any sedition against the K. that now is? the nobilitie and commons tooke they armes against their yoong King? went they about to chuse an other? sought they to dimi∣nishe his authoritie, or to bridle him that he should not vse the authoritie of a King? I thinke no, and to say the truth how could they? though diuers glorious fooles said they might. But his subiects did cleane contrarie; for they all repaired to him, as well the Princes, as the gentlemen and Burgesses of good townes: they all acknowledged him for their King, and did him homage and fealtie, and the Princes and nobilitie presented their requests in writing, humbly kneeling vpon their keenes. Further, they chose among themselues a counsell of twelue men, and the King being but thirteen yeeres of age commanded vpon report of the said counsell. Moreouer at this as∣semblie certaine supplications were made, and bils exhibited in the presence of the King and his Counsell in great humilitie for the common wealth of the realme, re∣ferring all to the King and his Counsels pleasure. They granted the King without any deniall all that was demanded, and all that was shewed in writing to be necessa∣rie for the maintenance of his estate. The summe the King demanded was two mil∣lions and a halfe of franks, 9 which was ynough and ynough againe, yea rather too much than too little without some extraordinarie accident. Further, the said estates humbly required, that at two yeeres end they might assemble againe: saying, that if the King had not money ynough, they would giue him more at his pleasure. They promised moreouer if he had wars, or that any enimie should inuade him, to aduen∣ture their bodies, to spend their goods, & not to refuse any thing for his seruice. Are subiects that giue thus liberally to be choked with priuileges whereby the Prince may take what him listeth? shall not the King do iustlier both before God and the world to leuie after this sort, rather than by extraordinarie will? seeing no Prince, as I haue said before, hath authoritie to command money but by grant; vnlesse he will vse tyrannie and incurre the danger of excommunication. But a number of Princes are verie beasts, not knowing what is lawfull or vnlawfull for them to do in this behalfe. Subiects there are also that offend their Prince and refuse to obeie him, and succour him in time of neede: yea in stead of aiding him when he hath great affaires in hand contemne him and stir vp rebellion and sedition against him, con∣trarie to the allegeance that they owe him. When I say Kings or Princes, I meane

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either themselues or such as gouerne vnder them: & when I say subiects, I mean such subiects as haue preheminence & beare swaie in the common wealth. The greatest mischiefes are wrought commonly by those that are mightie, for the weake desire peace & quietnes. When I say mighty, I meane aswell women as men, somtime & in some places where they haue rule and authoritie, either bicause of their husbands affection towards them, or bicause they gouerne their affaires, or for that their Seni∣ories are their wiues inheritance.

If I should write of men of meane calling in this world, my discourse would be too tedious. Wherefore it shall suffice to speake of great estates, bicause in them the power and iustice of God is most apparant. For although two hundred thousand mishaps chaunce to a poore man, no man regardeth them: but attributeth them either to pouertie or euill looking to; as for example, if he be drowned or breake his necke, they say this chaunced bicause he was alone, so that hardly men will giue eare to it. But if some misfortune fall vpon a great citie it is otherwise talked of, yet not so much as when it chanceth to a Prince. What is the reason then that God sheweth his iustice rather vpon Princes and great men, than vpon men of low degree? bicause meane and poore men finde ynowe in this world to punish them when they offend; yea oftentimes they are punished without desert, either for examples sake, or for their goods, or peraduenture through the iudges fault: some∣time also they deserue punishment, and then it is reason that iustice be done. But as touching great Princes or Princesses and their gouernors and counsellors: againe, as touching prouinces and townes, rebellious and disobedient to their Princes and gouernors, who wil search out their liues? Who wil informe the Iustice of their actions? What Iustice will take notice thereof? or who will punish their faults? I speake of the euill not of the good, but few there are of those. What is the cause then that mooueth both them and all others to commit these faults aboue rehearsed, and many mo (which for breuitie I ouerpasse) not regarding the power and iustice of God? I answer, that it is lacke of faith, and in those that are ignorant lacke of wit and faith togither, but especially of faith, which in mine opinion is the onely fountaine of all mischiefes. I meane such mischiefes as fall vpon those that complaine, that they are troden vnder foote, & oppressed by those that are mightier than they. For if men were fully perswaded the paines of hell to be such as indeede they are, and beleeued firmely (as we ought all to beleeue) that who so hath taken ought by violence, or possesseth ought that his father or grandfather tooke wrong∣fully: shall neuer enter into the ioies of paradise, vnles he make full satisfaction and restitution of all that he withholdeth from his neighbor; (whether it be Duchies, Earldoms, townes, castels, mooueables, medowes, ponds, or mils, euery man accor∣ding to his estate) there is no man liuing, be he poore or rich, or of what estate and condition soeuer he be, that would withhold ought that is not his owne. No, if all men beleeued this firmely, it is not to be thought, that there is either Prince, Prin∣cesse, or any other man through the whole world, what estate or condition soeuer he be of, be he high or low, spirituall or temporall, man or woman, that would wit∣tingly withhold any thing from his subiect or neighbor, wrongfully put any man to death, hold him in prison, take from one to giue to enrich another, or seeke to pro∣cure dishonesty to his kinsfolks and seruants for his wanton pleasures, as for women, and such like, which is the filthiest attempt that may be made. No vndoubtedly we would neuer do as we do, if we had a stedfast faith, and beleeued that which God and his Church commandeth vs to beleeue, vnder paine of damnation: knowing our daies to be short, and the paines of hell horrible and endlesse. Wherefore we

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may conclude, that all mischiefes proceede of want of faith. For example where∣of, when a King or Prince is taken prisoner, and feareth to die in prison, is there any thing in the world, be it neuer so deere vnto him, that he will refuse to giue for his deliuerance? as appeereth by King Iohn, who being taken prisoner by the Prince of Wales at the battell of Poictiers, paied for his raunsome three millions of franks, and yeelded to the English men all Aquitaine (at the least all that he held in his hands) with a number of other cities, townes and places; yea in a maner the thirde foote of his realme: whereby he brought his realme into such pouertie, that manie yeeres after they vsed leather monie, with a little stud or naile of siluer in the middest thereof. And all this gaue he and his sonne King Charles surnamed the VVise, for his raunsome. And if they would haue giuen nothing, yet would not the English men haue put him to death, but his greatest paine had beene imprisonment. But admit they had put him to death, yet had not that pain been so great by the hundred thou∣sandth part, as the least paine in hell. Why gaue he then all this great raunsome aboue rehearsed, destroying his children and subiects? but onely bicause he belee∣ued that which he saw and perceiued well, that he could not otherwise be deliuered. But peraduenture when he committed the fault, for the which this punishment fell vpon him, his children, and subiects: he beleeued not firmely, that the offence he made against God and his commandements, should be punished. Now to conclude, there is no Prince, or very few, that will restore one towne they withhold from their neighbor, for the loue of God, or to eschew the paines of hell; and yet King Iohn gaue all this to deliuer his bodie out of prison.

I asked a question before, who will search out great mens faults, who will informe the Iustice of them, and who will be the Iustice to punish them? Whereunto I now answer, that the information shall be the lamentable crie and plaint of their subiects, whom they tyrannize and oppresse so many waies without any compassion, the sor∣rowfull lamentation of widowes and orphans, whose husbands and fathers they haue wrongfully put to death; by meanes whereof their wiues and children haue euer after liued in affliction and miserie; and generally the complaints of all those whom they haue persecuted either in their persons or goods. These, I say, shall giue information against them by their great mourning, wailing, and pitious teares, and shall accuse them before the Lord God, who will be the iust iudge thereof, and per∣aduenture will not delay the punishment till the world to come; but will also punish them in this world: which punishment proceedeth of lacke of faith, bicause they had not a firme and stedfast beleefe in Gods commandements.

We must therefore of necessitie confesse, that God is forced to shew such tokens and examples, to the end both Princes themselues and all the world may beleeue, that these punishments fall vpon them for their misbeleefe and sinnes, and that God sheweth his mightie power and iustice vpon them, bicause none other in this world but he, hath power ouer them. At the first happily they amend not their liues for Gods scourges, be they neuer so great and long. But no misfortune falleth vpon a Prince, vpon those that gouerne his affaires, or vpon those that rule great com∣monalties, but the issue is hurtfull and dangerous to the subiects. When I say misfor∣tunes, I meane none but such as cause the subiects to smart; for to fall from a horse, to breake a leg, to be punished with a sharpe ague, are no misfortunes to a Prince, bicause he may be cured of them, and peraduenture they may do him good, and teach him wit: but I call these misfortunes, when God is so displeased with a Prince, that he will no longer suffer him to raigne, but shew his power and iustice vpon him. For then first he weakeneth his wits, which is a shrewd blowe for all those that haue

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to do with him, he troubleth his house, and suffereth it to fall into diuision and dis∣quietnes: and the Prince himselfe is so far in Gods disgrace, that he flieth the coun∣sell and companie of the wise, and aduaunceth none but yoong fooles, voide of wit, oppressors, flatterers, and such as soothe him in all his sayings. If he take one penie, they bid him take two; if he threaten a man, they bid hang him, and after that sort in all other actions. Further, they giue him counsell in any wise to cause himselfe to be feared, and they also behaue themselues cruelly and proudly, trusting by this meanes to hold men in awe of them, as though authoritie were their inheritance. Those whom such Princes, by the aduise of these new Counsellors haue banished and dis∣placed, hauing serued many yeeres, and being well acquainted and friended in their countrie, will storme at this vsage, and for their sakes their friends and well willers also; and peraduenture such iniurie shall be offered them, that they shall be forced either to defend themselues, or to flie to some Prince their neighbor, who perchance is enimy to him that banisheth and chaseth them, and so by inward diuision stangers shall enter into the land. Is any plague or miserie so great, as wars betwixt friends and acquaintance? Is any malice so ranke and deadly? As touching forren enimies, when the subiects are linked togither they may easily make resistance, bicause their enimies haue no intelligence nor acquaintance in the realme. Thinke you that an vnwise Prince being accompanied with fooles, can smell a far off how great a mis∣chiefe diuision among his subiects is? or beleeue that it can hurt him? or procee∣deth of God? he eateth and sleepeth no whit the woorse for it; he hath neither fewer horses in his stable, nor fewerrobes in his wardrobe, but many mo compani∣ons. For he allureth men vnto him by promises, and by parting among them the spoiles and offices of those whom he hath banished; he giueth also of his owne to win thereby fame and renowme: but when he shall least thinke of it, God will raise vp an enimie against him whom peraduenture he neuer mistrusted. Then will he waxe pensiue, and suspect those whom he hath iniuried, yea he will feare such as in∣deede owe him no euill will: yet notwithstanding he will not haue his refuge to God in this extremitie, but seeke to redresse this inconuenience by force. Haue we not seene in our daies examples heerof euen among our next neighbors? Haue we not seene the late King of England Edward the fourth of that name, heire of the house of Yorke, vtterly destroy the house of Lancaster, vnder the which both his father and he had liued many yeeres? Further, the said King Edward hauing done homage to King Henry the 6. being of the house of Lancaster, did he not afterward hold him prisoner many yeeres in the tower of London, the chiefe citie of the realme, where in the end he was put to death?

Haue we not also seene the Earle of Warwicke principall gouernor of all the said King Edwards affaires, (after he had put to death all his enimies, especially the Duke of Sommerset) in the end become deadly enimy to his Master, giue his daughter in mariage to the Prince of Wales sonne to King Henry, attempt to set vp againe the house of Lancaster, passe with the said Prince into England, discomfited in the field, and slaine both he, his brethren and kinsfolks, and diuers other noble men of Eng∣land, who in times past had done the like to their enimies? After all this, the children of these when the world turned, reuenged themselues; and caused in like maner the others to die, which plagues we may be assured hapned not but by the wrath of God. But (as before I said) the realme of England hath this speciall grace aboue all other realmes and dominions, that in ciuill wars the people is not destroied, the towns be not burned nor razed, but the lot of fortune falleth vpon the soldiers, especially the gentlemen whom the people enuy to too beyond reason: for nothing is perfect in

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this world. After King Edvvard was quiet in his realme and receiued yeerely out of Fraunce fifty thousand crownes paid him in the tower of London, and was growen so rich, that richer he could not be, he died suddenly as it were of melancholy, bicause of our Kings mariage that now raigneth, with the Lady Margaret the Duke of Au∣striches daughter. For so soone as he was aduertised thereof he fell sicke, and began then to perceiue how he had been abused touching the mariage of his daughter, whom he made to be named the Lady Daulphinesse. Then also was the pension which he receiued out of Fraunce taken from him, which he called tribute, although indeed it were neither the one nor the other, as before I haue declared 10 . K. Edward left by his wife two goodly sonnes, one Prince of Wales, the other D. of Yorke, and two daughters. The D. of Glocester his brother tooke vpon him the gouernment of his nephew the Prince of Wales, being about ten yeeres of age, and did homage to him as to his soueraigne Lord, and lead him to London pretending that he would there crowne him King, hoping by that meanes to get the other brother out of the Sanctuary at London, where he was with his mother, who began already to be iea∣lous of his proceedings. To be short, by meanes of the Bishop of Bathe (who hauing been somtime of K. Edwards Councell, fell afterward into his disgrace, and was put in prison, and made to fine for his deliuerance,) the D. of Glocester executed this ex∣ploit, which you shall now heare. This Bishop aduertised the Duke that K. Edvvard being in loue with a certaine Lady, promised hir mariage vpon condition that he might lie with hir, wherunto she consented, so far foorth that the said Bishop maried them togither, none being present but they two and he himselfe. Which matter this Bishop being a iolly courtier neuer disclosed during K. Edvvards life, but caused also the said Lady to conceale it, so that it was kept secret. After this the said King falling againe in loue, maried the daughter of an English knight, called the Lord Riuers, be∣ing a widow, and mother of two sonnes. But after K. Edvvards death, this Bishop of Bathe reuealed this matter to the D. of Glocester, whereby he egged him forward not a little to the executing of his mischieuous pretended enterprise. For the said D. murthered his two nephewes, crowned himselfe King by the name of Richard the third, proclaimed his brothers two daughters bastards in open parlament, tooke from them their armes, and put to death all the faithull seruants of the late King his brother, at the least as many as he could lay hands on. But this cruelty remained not long vnpunished: for when the said King Richard thought himselfe safest, and liued in greater pride than any King of England did these hundred yeeres (hauing put to death the Duke of Buckingham, and hauing a great army in a readines) God rai∣sed vp an enimy against him of no force, I meane the Earle of Richmond then pri∣soner in Britaine, but now King of England, of the house of Lancaster, though not * 1.2 the neerest to the crowne 11 , whatsoeuer men say, at the least so far as I can learne. The said Earle told me a little before his departure out of this realme, that from the fift yeere of his age he had liued continually like a prisoner & a banished man. And indeed he had been fifteene yeeres or therabout prisoner in Britaine to Duke Frances that last died, into whose hands he fell by tempest of the sea as he fled into Fraunce, accompanied with the Earle of Pembroke his vncle. I my selfe saw them when they arriued, for I was come of a message to the D. at the same time. The Duke entreated them gently for prisoners, & after King Edwards death lent the said Earle great force of men, & a great nauie; with the which he sent him hauing intelligence with the Duke of Buckingham, (who for this cause was afterward put to death) to lande in England: but the winde was against him, and the seas so rough, that he was forced to returne to Diepe, and from thence by land into Britaine. From whence soone

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after he departed with his band into Fraunce without taking leaue of the Duke, partly bicause he feared to ouercharge the Duke; (for he had with him fiue hundred English men,) and partly bicause he doubted lest the Duke would agree with King Richard to his preiudice: for he knew that King Richard practised with him to that ende. Soone after, the King that now is appointed three or fower thousand men to waft him ouer onely, and deliuered those that accompanied him a good summe of money and certaine peeces of artillerie: and thus passed he ouer in a ship of Nor∣mandie to land in Wales where he was borne. King Richard foorthwith marched against him; but a kinght of England called the Lord Stanley, who was married to the Earles mother, ioined himselfe with the Earle, and brought vnto him at the least 26000. men 12 . The battell was giuen, King Richard slaine, and the Earle crowned King in the field with the said Richards crowne. Will you saie that this was fortune? No, no, it was the iudgement of God: and for further proofe thereof marke this also. Immediately after the King had murthered his two nephews, he lost his wife, whom some say he murthered also. Further, he had but one onely sonne, who died in like maner incontinent after this murther. This example would haue serued better heereafter when I shall speake of King Edwards death; for he was yet liuing at the time my former Chapter treateth of: but I haue rehearsed it heere to continue my discourse which I am fallen into. In like maner we haue seene of late the crowne of Spaine altered after the death of Dom Henry that last died. For the said Dom Henry had to wife the King of Portugales sister last deceased, by whom he had issue a goodly daughter, which notwithstanding succeeded not hir father, but was put from the crowne vnder colour of adulterie committed by hir mother. But the matter ended not without great contention and war: for the King of Portu∣gale tooke part with his neece, and diuers great Lords of Castile ioined with him: yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henries sister, wife to the son of Dom Iohn King of Arragon, obtained the crowne and possesseth it yet at this day: and thus this partage was made in heauen as diuers others are. Further, you haue seene of late daies the King of Scotland and his sonne being thirteene yeeres of age in battell, the one against the other: the sonne and his faction preuailed, and the King was slaine vpon the place 13 . This King murthered his owne brother, and was charged with diuers other crimes, namely the death of his sister and such like. You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line, and haue heard what impietie the Duke last deceased vsed against his father. Diuers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appeere to be punishments and scourges of God, which scourges are the principall cause of wars, whereof insue mortality and famine, all the which euils proceede of lacke of faith. Wherefore I conclude, considering the wickednes of men especially of great men, who know not themselues, neither beleeue that there is a God: that it is necessarie for euery Prince and gouernor, to haue an ad∣uersary to keepe him in feare and humilitie, otherwise no man should be able to liue vnder them or neere them.

The Notes.

1 He meaneth that this towne of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole countrey of Flaunders, which otherwise bicause of the great abundance thereof, would soone forget God.

2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories.

3 This diuision began anno 1309. betweene the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz, and the said Abbot demanded aide of Leopolde Duke of Austrich.

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4 As for example, Leopolde Duke of Austrich brothers sonne to the former that be∣gan this diuision, whom they slue at the battell of Sempache 9. Iulij. ann. 1386.

5 The reason heerof reade in Aristot. Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. & Problem. Anthonii Zi∣marae 12.

6 Shame commeth of knowledge, so that if a man do a fault, and for lacke of learning know not that it is a fault, he can neuer be ashamed of it, nor seeke to amend it.

7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight souse to the English shil∣ling, and the French liuer at two shillings sixe pence starling.

8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling.

9 That is 2500000. franks, which amounteth to 312500. pound starling.

10 For it was due by the conditions of the treatie.

11 How King Henry the seuenth was next▪ heire of the house of Lancaster, the pedegree in the end of the worke will declare, where also Philip de Commines error is controlled.

12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000.

13 This King that slue his father in battell was Iames the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8.

Notes

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