The historie of Philip de Commines Knight, Lord of Argenton

THE EIGHT BOOKE CONTINVING THE DISCOVRSE OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTS OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT. (Book 8)

Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce. Chap. 1.

TO continue the better this my historie, and to informe you of all that happened, I must now returne to speake of the King, who from the time he entred into Naples till his departure thence, thought onely vpon sports and pleasures, & those that were about him vpon their owne priuate profit and gain: notwithstanding his yong yeers excused him; but on their behalfe, no iust excuse can be made: for he committed all his affaires to their gouern∣ment. And if they had aduised him to leaue well furnish∣ed in the countrie at his departure but three or fower castels onely, namely that of Caietta, and one or two more; yea but the castell of Naples alone (the prouision whereof he had giuen away as already you haue heard) the realme had neuer been lost: for if the castell of Naples had been kept, the towne had neuer reuolted. So soone as he vnderstood the league aboue mentioned to be concluded, he commanded his whole forces to repaire to him, and appointed fiue hundred men of armes French and 2500. Swissers ¹ , and a few French foote∣men for the defence of the realme, determining with the rest to returne home the same way he came; but the confederates made preparation to stop his passage. The King of Spaine had sent and daily did send certaine Carauels ² into Sicilie, the which notwithstanding that they were but slenderly manned, had before the Kings departure, put men into Reges in Calabria neere to Sicilie. I had eftsoones aduerti∣sed the King that there they would land; for the ambassador of Naples had so infor∣med me himselfe, supposing they had already been landed: but if the King had sent thither in time, he had taken the castell; for the towne held for him. Out of Sicilie came certaine bands also to Mantia and to Turpia, all through our owne fault, bi∣cause we had sent no forces thither. In like maner the towne of Otrante in Pouille (which had once set vp the armes of Fraunce) seeing the league concluded, and themselues seated neere to Brandis and Gallipoli, and no meanes possible to leuie men to put into their towne, reared vp againe the armes of Arragon; and Dom Fre∣derick being at Brandis, sent a garrison thither. To be short, fortune began now to frowne vpon vs, which but two moneths before so highly had fauored vs, in such sort, that through the whole realme they began to reuolt, as well bicause of the league, as also of the Kings departure, and the small forces he left behinde him, which was nothing in respect of the number of soldiers, though diuers of the cap∣taines were of great valor. He appointed for his lieutenant generall in the said

realme, the Lord of Montpensier of the house of Bourbon, a valiant and a hardy knight, but of no great sense, and so careles, that he kept his bed euery day til noone. In Calabria he left the Lord of Aubigny a Scottish man borne, a vertuous, wise, ho∣norable, & a valiant knight, him he created high Constable of the realme, and gaue him (as before you haue heard) the Earldome of Acri, and the Marquisat of Squil∣lazzo. He had made Lord great Chamberlaine of the realme at his first comming thither, the Seneschall of Beaucaire, called Stephan de Vers, who was also captaine of Caietta, Duke of Nola, and Lord of diuers other seniories. Further, all the treasure of the realme passed through his hands, so that his charge was much too waightie for him; but sure he was well affected to the defence of the realme. He created the Lord Don Iulian Lorrain a Duke, and left him in the towne of Saint Angelo, where he behaued himselfe passing well. He left in Manfredonia Master Gabriell of Mont∣faulcon, a man of whom he made great account; and to all these he gaue goodly possessions: but this Gabriell behaued himselfe very childishly; for at fower daies end he yeelded the towne for lacke of victuals: notwithstanding that at his entrie into it he found it very well furnished; besides that it was seated in a countrie aboun∣ding with all kinde of graine. Diuers sold all the prouision they found in the castels, and the report went that this Gabriell fled himselfe, and left VVilliam of Vilneufue for defence of the towne, whom his owne seruants sold to Dom Frederick, who put him into the gallies, where he remained a long time. At Tarente the King left George of Suilly, who carried himselfe there very gallantly, and died of the plague: and this citie held for the King, till famine forced it to yeeld. In Aquila he left the bailife of Vitry, where he did great seruice: and in Abruzzo master Gracian des guerres, who likewise made good proofe of his valor there. They were all left vnfurnished of mo∣nie: for order was giuen that they should receiue their pay there, of the reuenues of the crowne, but all was too little. Notwithstanding the K. left the Princes of Salerne and Bisignan very well appointed, who did him good seruice as long as they were able. He delt also very bountifully with the Coulonnois: for he granted them al their demaunds, & put aboue thirty places into their hands & their friends, which if they would haue defended for him, as both by dutie & oth they were bound, they had don him great seruice, and purchased to themselues both honor and profit. For I thinke they were not so highly aduanced these hundred yeeres, as by the King at that time: yet notwithstanding before his departure they began to practise with his enimies. True it is that they serued him in fauour onely of the Duke of Milan, bicause they haue euer been of the faction Gibilin, but they ought not in respect thereof, to haue dealt faithlesly with him, who so highly had aduanced and pleasured them, not only this way but diuers others. For in their fauor he had prisoners with him vnder garde, the Lord Virgill Vrsin, and the Earle of Petillane ³ , with diuers others of the Vrsines their enimies, yea and that against all right and reason: for notwithstanding that they were taken prisoners, yet knew the King right well that they had a safe conduct, the benefit also whereof he meant they should enioy, as himselfe well declared: for he was determined to leade them no further than Ast, and there to release them. All this did he at the Coulonnois request, and yet before his returne to Ast they shrunke from him, yea they were the very first that reuolted, though they could al∣leage no cause that mooued them thereunto.

The Notes.

1 Guicciar. saith, the King left behinde him halfe his Swissers, part of his French foot∣men, 800. French launces, and 500. Italian men of armes.

2 These are certaine ships hauing both saile and ore, the which are very much vsed in the meridionall seas.

3 Virginio Vrsin and the Earle of Petillane followed the King onely vpon their word not to depart without leaue.

How the King departed from Naples, and passed againe through Rome, whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette: of the communication the King had with Monseur D'Argenton at his returne from Venice: how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not: and of the Sermons woorthie of memorie of Frier Ierom of Florence. Chap. 2.

THe King hauing giuen order for his affaires, as he thought good, put himselfe vpon the way homeward with the rest of his forces, ¹ being (as I suppose) nine hundred men of armes at the least (comprehending therein the ordinarie retinue of his house) two thousand and fiue hundred Swissers, so that I thinke the whole armie contained seuen thousand men taking paie, besides the traine of the Court being to the number of fifteen hundred able to do seruice ² . The Earle of Petillane who tooke the iust muster of them, told me after the battell (whereof you shall heare) that the whole force was nine thou∣sand men. The King marched straight to Rome, where the Pope would not tarie his comming, but was first determined to haue gone to Padua into the Venetians do∣minions, so far foorth that his lodging was made there. But afterward he altered his minde: for both the Venetians and the Duke of Milan sent him certaine bands of men to Rome, where (though they arriued in time) yet durst he not abide; not∣withstanding that the King meant him no harme, but would haue done him all ho∣nor and seruice, and had also sent an ambassador thither purposely to desire him to staie. But he retired to Oruiette, and thence to Perouse, leauing the Cardinals at Rome to receiue the King, who staide not there ³ neither harmed any man. The K. wrote vnto me that I should meet him at Sene, whither I repaired accordingly, he receiued me of his goodnes verie graciously, and asked me (somewhat merily) whe∣ther the Venetians would send to stop him vpon the waie: for his army consisted altogither of yoong men who thought none in the world comparable to them. I answered, that the seniorie told me at my departure in the presence of one of his secretaries named Lourdin, that they and the Duke of Milan would put forty thou∣sand men into the field, not to offend him, but to defend themselues: adding fur∣ther that they aduertised me the day I departed from Padua by one of their proui∣sors, who came with their army that they sent against vs, that their force should not passe a certaine riuer in their dominions neere to Parma ⁴ called (as I remember) Olye, vnlesse he inuaded the Duke of Milan. The said Prouisor and I gaue secret tokens each to other, by the which messengers might passe to and fro betweene vs, if need should so require to treat of some good end: for I would breake off no ou∣uerture of peace, bicause I knew not what might happen to the King my Master. At this our communication was present one Master Lewis Marcell, who by the senio∣ries appointment accompained me out of their dominions, and gouerned for that

yeere the Motz viere ⁵ , which is a certaine treasure they haue: in like maner certaine of the Marques of Mantuas men, who caried money to their Master, were also pre∣sent at it, but they heard not our talk. From these or frō som others I brought the K. in writing the number of their horsemen, footmen, and Estradiots ⁶ , and the names of their captaines: but few of those that were neerest about him credited my words.

After the King had reposed himselfe two daies at Sene, and well refreshed his horses and his company, I earnestly pressed him to depart: for his enimies were not yet assembled, and I feared onely the Almaines arriuall, of whom the King of Romaines mustered great force, and leuied great summes of money for their paie∣ment. But notwithstanding all my solicitation, the King put foorth two matters to his councell which were soone debated: the one, whether he should restore the Florentines places to them and accept the offers they made for the restitution of them, being these, to pay him the thirtie thousand ducats remaining yet vnpaide of the summe they gaue him ⁷ ; to lend him besides, seauen tie thousand, and to serue him as he passed out of Italie with three hundred men of armes, and two thousand footemen vnder the leading of Master Frauncis Secco, a valiant knight and in good credit with the King. My selfe and diuers others were of opinion that he should ac∣cept these conditions, retaining onely Ligorne in his hands till his returne to Ast. And if he had so done, he might haue paied his soldiers, and reserued money ynough to haue withdrawen part of his enimies forces, and then haue fought with them. But this resolution tooke no place; for Monseur de Ligny a yoong man cosin german to the King ouerthrew it, not alleaging any reason to the contrarie, but onely for pitie of the Pisans. The other point debated was a matter that Monseur de Ligny himselfe caused to be propounded by Gaucher of Tinteuille, & by one of the factions of the Senois, the which desired the said Monseur de Ligny for their captain. For you shall vnderstand that these Senois are euer in diuision, and gouerne their common wealth more fondly than anie other towne in Italie ⁸ . I being first asked mine aduise said, that I thought it best for the King to march forward, & not to busie himself with these foolish offers which could not stand him in steed one week to an end: alleaging further that bicause this was an imperiall towne, we should by this meanes prouoke the whole Empire against vs. All the rest were of the same opinion, yet was the cleane contrarie done: for the Senois receiued Monseur de Ligny for their Cap∣taine, and promised him yeerely a certaine summe of money, whereof he neuer re∣ceiued peny. This foolish matter staied the King there sixe or seauen daies, during the which space he solaced himselfe with the Dames. Further, he left there three hundred of his men diminishing his force by so much, and then remooued to Pisa passing by Poggibonzia a castle of the Florentines. But they whom he left at Sene were chased thence within a moneth after.

I had forgotten to tell you how I being at Florence iourneying towards the King, went with one of the stewards of his house named Iohn Francois a wise and discreet person, to visite a Frier Iacobin called Frier Hieronime ⁹ , a man of holie life (as all men reported) abiding in a reformed couent where he had remained fifteen yeeres. The cause why I went to commune with him was, for that he had euer preached very fauorablie on the Kings behalfe, so far foorth that his words had staide the Floren∣tines from reuolting from vs, for neuer preacher caried so great credit in any citie: he had euer assured them of the Kings comming, whatsoeuer was said or written to the contrarie; affirming that he was sent of God to chastice the tyrants of Italie, and that no force should be able to withstand him. He preached further that the King should come to Pisa and enter into the towne, and that the selfe same daie the

estate of Florence should be altered as also it happened: for the same daie was Pe∣ter of Medicis banished the towne. Diuers other things also foretold he long before they happened, namely, the death of Laurence of Medicis: all the which he saide he vnderstood by reuelation. He preached yet further that the estate of the church should be reformed by the sword. This is not yet come to passe, but was very neer, and he auoweth still that it shall be. Many found great fault with him bicause he saide that God reuealed these things to him, but some beleeued him: sure I for my part take him for a holie man. I asked him whether the K. should passe out of Italie without danger of his person, seeing the great preparatiō the Venetiās made against him, whereof he discoursed perfectlier than my selfe that came from thence. He an∣swered me that the K. should haue som troble vpon the way, but that the honor ther∣of should be his, though he were accompanied but with an hundred men, and that God who had guided him at his comming, would also protect him at his returne. Adding notwithstanding that bicause he had not done his dutie in the reformation of the Church, but had suffered his men to spoile and rob the people, as well those that tooke his part, voluntarily receiued him into their cities, as his enimies: God had pronounced sentence against him, and would shortly scourge him. Neuerthe∣lesse he bad me tell him that if he would haue compassion one the poore people, and endeuour himselfe to keepe his men from doing euill, and punish the offenders (as he was bound by his office to do,) that then God would reuoke his sentence, at the least mittigate it: adding thereunto that he ought not to thinke it a sufficient excuse, that he in his owne person did no harme. He said moreouer that himselfe would go and tel the King thus much, and so indeed he did, and perswaded with him to restore the Florentines places to them. When he spake thus of Gods sentence, the death of my Lord the Daulphin came suddenly to my minde, for I saw no other thing that could greatly trouble the King. Thus much I haue written to the end it may yet more manifestly appeere, that this voiage was in deed a meere miracle of God.

The Notes.

1 He departed from Naples the 20. of May. Annal. Franc. Guicciar.

2 The King departed Naples with 800. French launces, two hundred gentlemen of his garde, a hundred launces vnder Triuulce, three thousand footmen Swissers, a thousand French, and a thousand Gascoines. Guicciar.

3 He arriued at Rome the first of Iune, and a bode there two daies. Annal. Franc.

4 For Parma it is better to reade Creme or Bergame: for the Venetians dominions lay not neere to Parma; besides that the riuer Olio is not neere Parma: for the Pau run∣neth betweene Parma and it, so that the Venetians must haue passed the Pau after they had passed Olie, before they could haue come to Parma.

5 The French Corrector readeth it Montvieil, called in Italian Monte Vechio, which is a certaine treasure the Venetians haue to pay the interests due vnto the ancientest cre∣ditors of their commonwealth, as appeereth in the booke of Donato Giannotti.

6 VVhat these Estradiottes were looke after Cap. 5.

7 They had giuen the King 120000. ducats, as mention is made Cap. 9. lib. 7.

8 The people of Sene were diuided against the order of Montenoue, which held a gard of soldiers in the palace. The citizens promised de Ligny 20000. ducats a yeere, to protect them against the said Montenoue, but foorthwith after the Kings departure the faction of Montenoue chased Ligny and his men out of the towne. Guicciar.

9 This Friers surname was Sauanarola, who hath written many goodly homilies and sermons: he was borne at Ferrara.

How the King retained in his hands the towne of Pisa, and certaine other of the Florentines places: and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre, a towne of the Duchie of Milan. Chap. 3.

AFter the King was entred into Pisa, (as you haue heard) all the Pisans both men and women besought their guests for Gods loue to make intercession to the King, that they might no more returne vnder the Florentines tyrannie, who in truth handled them extremely; but diuers cities in Italy that be in subiection to others, are as euill intreated as they: besides that, the Pisans and Florentines had been in wars togither the space of three hundred yeeres before the Florentines subdued them. These lamentable words be∣fore mentioned ioined with teares mooued our men to pitie, and caused them so far foorth to forget the Kings promise and oth made vpon the aultar of Saint Iohn at Florence, that all sorts of men busied themselues in this matter, euen the poore archers and the Swissers, who also threatned those that they thought perswaded the King to performe his promise, namely the Cardinall Saint Malo, so often before named generall of Languedoc, whom I my selfe heard an archer threaten. There were in like maner that gaue very rough language to the Marshall of Gié. The pre∣sident Gannay by the space of three daies and more, durst not lie in his lodging. But the Earle of Ligny aboue all the rest fauored the Pisans cause, who came in troupes weeping and lamenting to the King, in such sort, that we all pitied them, and would willingly haue releeued them, if it had lien in vs so to do. One day after dinner, fortie or fiftic gentlemen of the Kings house assembled themselues togither, and went with their partisans into the Kings chamber, where he was playing at tables with Mon∣seur de Pienncs, accompanied onely with two groomes of his chamber. One of these gentlemen sonne to Sallezard the elder, spake as mouth of the rest to the King, desi∣ring him to be gratious Lord to the Pisans, and accusing certaine of those lately na∣med as traitors to him. But the King with so stout language commanded them to depart, that after, the like neuer hapned. The King spent sixe or seuen daies needlesly in the towne of Pisa, and then changed the garrison, and made captaine of the Cita∣delle one Entragues, a man of lewd conditions, seruant to the D. of Orleans, whom he thus preferred by Monseur de Lignis sute, and left with him in the said Citadelle certaine footemen of the Duchie of Berrie. Further, the said Entragues procured such friendship (I suppose by his money) that he was also made captaine of Petro∣sancte, and of another place neere to it called Mortron ¹ , and in like maner of Li∣brefacto, which is neere to Lugues. The castle of Serzane being very strong, was put at the request of the said Earle of Ligny, into the hands of a bastard of Roussi, and an other place called Serzanelle, into the hands of another, being both his owne ser∣uants. In these places the King left a great part of his forces: notwithstanding that he shall neuer haue such need of men, as he had at that time. Moreouer, he refused the Florentines aid and offers aboue mentioned, and draue them into vtter despaire. Yet was he aduertised before his departure from Sene, that the Duke of Orleans (whom he had left behind him in Ast) ² had taken the city of Nauarre in the Duchie

of Milan, and therefore was well assured that the Venetians would declare them∣selues his enimies: for they sent him word that if he inuaded the Duke of Milan, they would aide the Duke with their whole force, according to their league lately made, and their force was great and in a readines. Now you shall vnderstand that present∣ly vpon the conclusion of their league, the Duke of Milan thought to haue surprised Ast, supposing to finde it vtterly vnmanned: but my letters had hastened the forces that the Duke of Bourbon sent thither, and the first that arriued were about fortie launces of the Marshall of Gies companie, which had tarried behinde in Fraunce, and came thither in good time. Soone after them arriued also fiue hundred footmen, sent thither by the Marques of Saluce. The comming of the which staied the Duke of Milans forces led by Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin, who hearing these newes re∣tired to Nom, a castle of the Duchie of Milan, two miles from Ast. In the necke of these arriued also three hundred and fiftie men of armes, and certaine gentlemen of Daulphine, and two thousand Swissers, with certain franke archers of the said coun∣trey of Daulphine, so that their whole number was 7500. men taking paie. But they lingred so long vpon the way that they serued not to the purpose they were sent for. For the K. sent for them to come & succor him, but instead of aiding him he was for∣ced to aid them. The K. had also giuen commandement to the D. of Orleans & his captaines not to attempte any thing against the Duke of Milan, but onely to defend the towne of Ast, & to meete him at the riuer of Thesin to helpe to conuey him ouer it, for that was the onely riuer to trouble him. But notwithstanding all that the King writ to the Duke of Orleans, this enterprise of Nouarre (which is but ten leagues from Milan) liked him so wel, that he was contented to giue eare thereunto, and was receiued into the citie in great triumph both of the Guelphes and Gibelines, which his exploit the Marchionesse of Monferrat greatly furthered. The castle held two or three daies and then yeelded also. But if in the meane time, the Duke had gone or sent to Milan (where he had good intelligence) he had been receiued into the towne with greater ioy, than euer he was into his castle of Blois, as diuers of the noblest men of the countrey haue enformed me. And the three first daies he might haue gone thither in safetie, for when Nouarre was taken, the Duke of Milans whole force lay yet at Nom neere to Ast, and returned not to Milan till the fourth day after. But I suppose the Duke beleeued not all the intelligence he receiued thence.

The Notes.

1 The French corrector supposeth it should be Motron, but the author himselfe after∣vvard chap. 14. calleth it againe Mortron. Guicciar. hath it Mutron.

2 The Duke of Orleans immediately after the skirmish vpon the sea at Rapalo, fell sicke of an ague, and returned to Ast: and passed no further vvith the King, tvvo gentlemen called Opizins brought the Duke of Orleans into Nouarre. Guicci.

How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountains between Pisa and Serzane: how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines, and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre. Chap. 4.

YOu haue heard already of the Kings departure from Sene to Pisa, and of al that he did at Pisa. Thence he remoued to Luques where the citizens honorably receiued him, and there he abode two daies. Afterward he marched to Petrosancte (which Entra∣gues held) making no account of his enimies, neither himselfe nor those that carried all the credit with him. He passed maruel∣lous straights in the mountaines betweene Luques and Petro∣sancte, which a handfull of footemen might easily haue defen∣ded against him: but our enimies were not yet assembled. Neere to the said Petro∣sancte is the straight of Seire on the one side, and the straight of Roctaille on the other, being great deepe salt marshes, where we were forced to passe ouer a narrow way, like to a causey in a standing poole: and this was the straight that betweene Pisa and Pontreme I most feared, and which was reported to be most dangerous: for one cart set ouerthwart the way with two good peeces of artillerie, and but a hand∣full of men, might haue stopped our passage, had our force beene neuer so great. From Petrosancte the King remooued to Serzane, where the Cardinall Saint Peter ad vincula offered to make Genua reuolt, and desired to haue some part of the Kings forces sent thither. The matter was debated by the Kings Councell, my selfe being present at it in the companie of a great many wise men and good captaines: all the which concluded, that no eare should be giuen to this enterprise, bicause if the King obtained the victorie, Genua would yeeld of it selfe; and if he were ouerthrowen, it could do him no seruice: and this was the first time that I perceiued any of them to doubt the battell. Report was made to the King of our resolution; yet notwithstan∣ding thither he sent the Lord of Bresse afterward Duke of Sauoy, the Lord of Beau∣mont, the Lord of Polignac my brother in lawe, and the Lord of Ambeiou of the house of Amboise, with sixe score men of armes, and fiue hundred crossebowe men newly come out of Fraunce by sea. But I woondred that so yoong a Prince had no trustie seruants about him, that durst boldly tell him into how great danger he put himselfe by diminishing his force after this sort: for as touching me, me thought he beleeued not all that I said.

We had a small armie vpon the sea returning from Naples, vnder the leading of the Lord of Myolens gouernor of Daulphin, and one Stephan de Neues of Montpel∣lier. They were in all about eight gallies, and sailed to Specie and Repalo, where at this present they were all defeated and led prisoners to Genua, in the selfesame place where we had vanquished King Alphonses forces at the beginning of this voiage, and by the selfesame men that tooke part with vs at that battell, namely Master Iohn Lewis de Flisco, and Master Iohn Adorne: but if the matter had been well ordred, they should haue been with the King, and all little ynough. The Lord of Bresse and the Cardinall aboue mentioned went and lodged in the suburbes of Genua, thinking that their faction within the towne would haue risen in their fauor. But the Duke of

Milan and the Adornes that gouerned the towne, and Master Iohn Lewis de Flisco (a wise knight) had giuen so good order to preuent this mischiefe, that our men were in great danger to be defeated heere also, as the others were before vpon the sea: for their number was small, and had it not been bicause the faction that ruled at Genua durst not issue foorth of the towne, for feare least the Fourgouses should rebell and shut the gates vpon them, vndoubtedly they had all been slaine; for this notwith∣standing they were in great distresse vpon the way as they retired to Ast: besides that, they were not at the battel with the King, where their seruice might haue stood him in good stead. From Serzane the King marched to Pontreme, through the which he was forced to passe, bicause it is the very entrie into the mountaines. The towne and castell were well fortified, and the seate of them maruellous strong, but within them were not past three or fower hundred footemen; for if they had beene well manned, they had beene impregnable. Wherefore Frier Ieroms prophesie proo∣ued true, which was, that God would leade the King by the hand, till he were out of danger: for it seemed that his enimies were blinded and bereft of their wits, in that they defended not this straight. To the said place of Pontreme the King sent his vaward led by the Marshall Gie, accompanied with Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, whom the King had receiued into his seruice at Naples after King Ferrandes depar∣ture thence, with whom he was them in pay: he was a gentleman of Milan of a good house, a good captaine, a very valiant man, and a great enimie to the Duke of Milan: for he was banished by him when King Ferrande receiued him into his seruice. By the said Master Iohn Iames his meanes, the place yeelded immediately without bat∣terie, and the garrison that was within it departed. But a great inconuenience happe∣ned there: for (as before is mentioned) when the Duke of Milan passed last that way, they of the towne and certaine of our Swissers fell at variance (of whom about forty at that time were slaine) for reuenge whereof, the said Swissers at this present (not∣withstanding the composition) slue all the men they found in the towne, spoiled it and burnt both victuals and all that was within it, and aboue ten also of themselues being drunke, neither could the Marshall Gie by any meanes make them to retire. They besieged the castel also, meaning to haue done the like to those that were with∣in it, being the said Master Iohn Iames of Treuoules seruants, whom he had put into it when the garrison of the enimies yeelded it, neither would the said Almaines de∣part thence till the King himselfe sent to them. It was great pitie that the towne was thus destroied, both bicause of the dishonor we receiued thereby, and also bicause there was great plentie of victuals within it, whereof we were already in great di∣stresse ¹ , notwithstanding that the people were no where against vs, saue onely the people of the countrie neere to Pontreme, bicause of the harmes we did there. Now to proceede, if the King would haue followed the said Master Iohn Iames his aduise, diuers places of the Duchie of Milan would haue yeelded, and diuers gentlemen of the countrie haue reuolted to him: for he gaue him counsell to reare vp in euery place the yoong Dukes armes, whom the Lord Lodouic held in his hands, being sonne to Iohn Galeas the Duke that last died at Pauia, as before you haue heard. But the King refused so to do, for the fauor he bare to the Duke of Orleans, who pretended and doth yet pretend title to the said Duchie. Thus marched the King beyond Pon∣treme, and lodged in a little valley neere to a village that had not ten houses in it; the name whereof I know not. There he abode fiue daies vpon no occasion, his armie being almost famished, and his battell lying thirty miles behinde his vaward in the middest of huge and sharpe mountaines, ouer the which such great cannons and culuerins passed then, as neuer had passed before. For Duke Galeas in his time con∣ueied

ouer but fower faulcons, waying not past fiue hundred pound a peece, which was a great woonder in those daies.

I must now returne to the Duke of Orleans, who after he had taken the castell of Nouarre, staid there a few daies to no purpose, and then went to Vigesue, neere to the which were two little townes that sent vnto him, offering to receiue him, but by wise aduise he refused their offer. They of Pauia sent also twise to him to the same end, and them he should not haue refused. Moreouer, he marched in order of battell before the said towne of Vigesne, where the Duke of Milans whole force lay, being led by the two brethren of Saint Seuerin, so often aboue named. The town is hardly so good as Saint Martin-de-Candé, which is not woorth sixe pence. I my selfe arri∣ued there not long after, at which time the Duke of Milan being there with certaine of his captaines, shewed me the place where both the armies had stood in order of battell hard by the towne and within the towne. And if the Duke of Orleans had marched but an hundred paces further, they had retired beyond the riuer of Thesin, for they stood hard by the riuer side, and had built a great bridge of boates ouer it. Moreouer, I saw them at my being there, beat downe a great bulwark of earth which they had made on the other side of the riuer to defend the passage; whereby it ap∣peered that they were fully minded if the Duke had marched forward, to abandon both the towne and castle, which had been much to their disaduantage. This is the place where the Duke of Milan vseth most to be resident, and sure it is scituate in the pleasantest countrey for all kinde of pastimes, especially hauking and hunting, that euer I sawe. But peraduenture the Duke of Orleans thought the place strong where his enimies lodged, and himselfe to haue passed far ynough: wherefore he retired to Trecas, the Lord whereof (who had charge vnder the Duke of Milan) and my selfe communed togither of these affaires a fewe daies after. To the said towne of Trecas certaine of the principal of Milan sent to the Duke of Orleans, promising to receiue him into the towne, and offering for performance thereof, to deliuer their children in hostage. Which their enterprise they might easily haue executed, as diuers of great authority being then within the towne and acquainted with all their practises haue aduertised me: saying that the Duke of Milan could not haue found men ynow to haue defended the castell of Milan for him, bicause both nobles & people desired the destruction of this house of Sforce. The Duke of Orleans also and his men haue enformed me of these practises aboue mentioned, but they had no great affiance in those that negotiated with them, and they lacked a man that vnderstood these af∣faires better than themselues: whereunto I also adde, that the said Dukes captaines were not all of one opinion as touching this enterprise. With the Duke of Milans forces ioined two thousand Almains, whom the King of Romanes sent thither, and a thousand Dutch horsemen vnder the leading of master Frederic Capelare, borne in the countie of Ferrette. Their arriuall so much encouraged Master Galeas and his companie, that they went before Trecas to present the battell to the Duke of Orle∣ans, who refused it (notwithstanding that his force were greater then theirs,) bicause his captaines as I suppose would not hazard the battell, fearing least the losse therof should be the Kings destruction, of whom they could heare no newes, bicause the passages were all stopped: wherefore they retired to Nouarre, giuing no order for their prouision of victuals, no not for the preseruation of the store they had within the towne already, much lesse for any new supplie, whereof notwithstanding they might plentifully haue been furnished at that time in the countrey about without money, whereas afterward they were greatly distressed through their owne follie. To conclude, their enimies came and lodged within halfe a league of them.

The Notes.

1 The cause of their lacke vvas the barrennes of the countrey.

How the Kings great artillerie passed the mounts Appenines by the Almains helpe, of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward, and how the King arriued at Fornoue. Chap. 5.

YOu haue heard how the King vpon no occasion laie in a valley on this side Pontreme fiue daies togither, in great distresse of victuals. Our Almains did there one great peece of seruice: for those that committed this foule fault at Pontreme, fearing that they had thereby procured themselues the Kings indignation for euer; came and offered to passe the artillerie ouer these mon∣strous waies in the mountaines, for so may I well terme them, bi∣cause they were so high and steepe that there lay no beaten way ouer them. I haue seene all the highest mountaines both of Italy and Spaine, which vndoubtedly are not comparable to these. The Almains made this offer vpon condi∣tion that the K would pardon their fault, which he promised to do. We had fower∣teene great and massy peeces of artillery, and immediately after we were out of the valley, we mounted vp such a maruellous steepe and vpright hill, that our mules could hardly clime vp to it. But these Almaines coupled themselues two and two togither with stronge cordes, and drew a hundred or two at a time, and when one companie was wearied, a fresh succeeded. Besides this, all the horses appointed for conueiance of the artillery helped them, and euery man of the Kings house that had any train, lent a horse to conueigh it ouer with the more speed: but had it not been for the Almaines, the horses would neuer haue passed it ouer. To say the truth they con∣ueighed ouer not the artillerie onely, but the whole army, for had it not been for them there could not a man haue passed. But it is no maruell if they drew with good courages, bicause thereby they passed as well themselues as vs, whereof they were no lesse desirous than we. They did much harme I confesse, but their good seruice far surmounted their euill deeds. The greatest difficultie was not to draw vp the ar∣tillerie, for when they were at the top of the mountaine, they might behold a great deepe valley vnderneath, for the way is such as nature hath made, and by Arte it was neuer holpen. Wherefore vndoubtedly the difficultie was much greater in con∣ueighing the artillerie downe than in drawing it vp; for both horses and men were forced to draw countermount at the taile of euery peece: besides that, carpenters or smiths were continually working vpon them, for when a peece fell, great trouble it was to hoise it vp againe. Many gaue aduise to breake all the great artillerie, but the King would in no wise agree thereunto.

The Marshal of Gie who lay with our vaward thirtie miles before vs, pressed the King to make haste: but it was three daies before we could ioine with him. The eni∣mies campe lay directly in his face within halfe a league of him, who in mine opini∣on should haue had a good bootie if they had assailed him. Afterward he lodged in the village of Fornoue to keepe them from assailing vs in the mountaines, for the which purpose the village serued well, bicause it is at the foote of the mountains, and the very entry into the plaine. Notwithstanding we had a better protector than him,

I meane God, who put an other conceit into our enimies heads: for so great was their couetousnes that they resolued to tarie vs in the plaine, to the end none of vs should escape, supposing if they had assailed vs in the mountaines, that we would retire to Pisa and the Florentines places that we held. But therein they were much deceiued, for we were too far from those places; besides that, if our force and theirs had ioyned and fought, they might haue pursued as fast as we could haue fled, espe∣cially knowing the countrie better then we did: hither to in all this voiage we had no war ¹ , but now it began. For the Marshall of Gie aduertised the King that he was past the mountaines, and had sent fortie light horse to giue an alarme to the enimies campe thereby to discouer their actions, who were incontinent encounte∣red by the Estradiots ² , the which slew a gentleman of ours named le Beuf, and cut off his head and hung it at one of their launces, and caried it to their prouisors to receiue a ducat for it. These Estradiots are soldiers like to the Turkes Ianizaries, and attired both on foote and horsebacke like to the Turks, saue that they weare not vpon their head such a great roule of linnen as the Turkes do called Tolliban. They are rough soldiers, for both they and their horses keepe the fields winter and som∣mer. They were all Greekes come from the places that the Venetians hold there, some from Naples ³ in the countrie of Morea, some out of Albain, and some from Duras. Their horses are excellent good, for they are all Turkish. The Venetians vse their seruice much and trust them well. I saw them all when they landed at Venice, and mustered in an Ile wherein the Abbey of Saint Nicholas standeth: they were to the number of fifteen hundred, and are valiant men, and trouble an army exceeding∣ly with their alarmes when they are so disposed to do. These Estradiots followed the chase euen to the Marshals lodging, and entered into our Almaines campe, of whom they slew three or fower, and caried their heads away with them, for such is their maner. Bicause when the Venetians were in war with the Turke Mahomet Ot∣thoman this Turkes father that now raigneth: he commanded his men to take no prisoners, but gaue them a ducat for euery head, and the Venetians did the like, which maner I thinke they now vsed, the more to terrifie vs, as indeed they did. But the said Estradiots were no lesse daunted themselues with our artillerie: for one faulken shot slew one of their horses, whereupon they retired incontinent, for they vnderstood not the feat of artillerie: but in their retract, they tooke a Captaine of our Almaines prisoner, who was mounted on horsebacke to see if they retired. He was stricken through the body with a launce, for he was vnarmed. He was a wise fellow, and they led him to the Marques of Mantua Generall of the Venetians ar∣mie, being then accompanied with his vncle the Lord Rodolphe of Mantua, and the Earle of Caiazze Captaine of the Duke of Milans forces, who knew this Captaine that was taken very well. Now you shall vnderstand that our enimies whole force was abrode in order of battell ⁴ , at the least all that was assembled: for all their for∣ces were not yet come togither, notwithstanding that they had lien there eight daies making their musters, so that the King had leasure ynough to haue returned into Fraunce without all danger, had it not been for the long abode he made to no pur∣pose in the places aboue rehearsed. But God had otherwise disposed of this busines.

The said Marshall fearing to be assailed, encamped vpon the mountaine, hauing with him onely eight score men of armes and eight hundred Almaines as he told me himselfe: and as touching vs we could not haue succoured him, for it was a daie and a halfe after before we could ioine with him bicause of our artillerie ⁵ . The King lodged by the way at two yoong Marquesses houses. Our vaward laie vpon the hill in great feare waiting howerly when their enimies (who stood in order of battell,

a pretie way from them in the plaine) would assaile them. But God who alwaies manifestly declared that he would preserue the company, tooke away our enimies senses from them▪ for the Earle of Caiazze asked our Almaine who it was that led this vaward, and how great the force was, for he knew our number as well as our selues, bicause he had been with vs all the sommer. The Almaine made the force great, and reported them to be three hundred men of armes, and fifteen hundred Swissers: whereunto the Earle answered that he lied, alleaging that in the whole armie were but three thousand Swissers, and that it was vnlike we would send the halfe before with the vaward. Then this Almaine was sent prisoner to the Marques of Mantuas pauilion, and they consulted whether they should assaile the Marshall or no. But the Marques crediting the Almaines report, alleaged that their foote∣men were not able to match our Almaines, and that part of their force was yet vn∣come, without the which they should do wrong to fight. And further, that if they should happen to be discomfited, the seniorie might iustly be displeased: wherefore he liked better to tarie vs in the plaine, seeing we could passe no way but iust before them: of which opinion were also the two prouisors, against whose aduise they durst not fight: but others said that if this vaward were defeated, the King must of neces∣sitie be taken: notwithstanding in the end they agreed all to tarie vs in the plaine, trusting that not one of vs should escape. All this I vnderstood by the parties them∣selues aboue named: for after the battell we and they met togither, and the Marshal of Gie and my selfe had great communication with them about these affaires. Thus they retired into their campe, being well assured that within a daie or two the King would passe the mountaines and lodge in the village of Fornoue. In the meane time al the rest of their forces arriued, and we could not passe but hard before them: so straight and narrow was the way. When we came downe the mountaines we beheld the champaigne countrey of Lombardy, which is the pleasantest, best, and fruitfullest soile in the world. But notwithstanding I call it champaigne; yet is it ve∣rie troublesome for horsemen, bicause it is full of ditches like to Flaunders, yea ful∣ler I thinke: but withall it is much pleasanter and plentifuller both of good corne, good wines, and fruits, for their grounds beare euery yeere. We were right glad to behold it, bicause of the great famine and penurie we had sustained in our iourney euer since our departure from Luques. But our artillerie tired vs exceedingly as we came downe the hill, so steepe and painfull was the way. Our enimies campe was well furnished of tents and pauilions, which made it shew maruellous great, and sure so was it: for the Venetians had performed their promise made to the King by me, which was that they and the Duke of Milan would put fortie thousand men into the field, at the least if they performed it not fullie, they failed not much there∣of: for in this army were fiue and thirtie thousand taking pay, fower parts of fiue be∣ing of Saint Marke ⁶ .

They were at the least two thousand men of armes barded, euery one of them ac∣companied with fower men on horse back, bearing crosse bowes or some other wea∣pons ⁷ , their Estradiots and light horse men, were to the number of fiue thousand, the rest were footemen, and they lodged in a strong place well fortified, and wel fur∣nished with artillerie.

The King came downe the mountaine about noone, and lodged in the village of Fornoue, vpon sunday being the fift of Iuly, the yeere 1495. We found in the village great plenty of meale, wine, and prouender for horses, brought thither by the peo∣ple * 1.1 of the countrey, who receiued vs friendly euery where (for no honest man did them harme) & victualed vs with bread & wine & some fruit, wherby they somwhat

eased the armie: but their bread was little and blacke, and they sold it deere, and three parts of their wine was water. I my selfe caused some of their victuals to be bought for me, which notwithstanding I durst not taste of, bicause we suspected they meant to poison vs, so that at the first no man durst aduenture to eate of them; and the suspition increased, bicause two Swissers were found dead in a seller, hauing drunke themselues to death, or taken cold after they had drunke. But before mid∣night the horses began first to feede, and afterward the men, and then we refreshed our selues well. I must heere speake somwhat in the honor of the Italian nation, bi∣cause we neuer found in all this voiage that they sought by poison to do vs harme, yet if they would we could hardly haue auoided it. We arriued at Fornoue (as you haue heard) vpon sunday at noone: the King lighted & ate and dranke, a little to re∣fresh himselfe, but a number of gentlemen there were that hardly could get a morsell of bread, for there was small store of other victuals than such as we found in the place, whereof till midnight (as before you haue heard) none of vs durst taste.

Immediately after dinner, certaine of their Estradiots came and gaue vs a hot alarme euen within our camp. Our men were as yet vnacquainted with them, for the which cause all our armie came foorth into the field in very good order, and in three battels, vaward, battell, and rereward, the one being not aboue a bowles cast from the other, so that ech of them might with speed haue succoured other: but in the end this hot alarme prooued nothing, wherefore we returned to our lodging. We had a few tents and pauilions, and our campe lay in length auauncing it self towards theirs: besides that, there was a wood through the which the enimies might come vnder couert almost to vs ⁸ , by meanes whereof twentie of their Estradiots might ea∣sily giue vs an alarme at all times, and so I warrant you they did, for they lay continu∣ally at the end of our campe. We encamped in a valley, betweene two little hils ⁹ , through the which ran a riuer, that a man may easily passe ouer on foote, vnlesse it happen to arise, as it doth often vpon the sudden in that countrey, but the waters tarrie not long, the riuers name is Tarro. Al the said valley is grauell and great stone, very troublesome for horsemen, and not aboue a quarter of a league broade. Vpon the hill on the right hand lay our enimies (hardly halfe a league from vs) so that we were forced to passe iust before them, the riuer running betweene vs: for notwith∣standing that on the backe side of the hill on the left hand (vnderneath the which we encamped) there lay another way that we might haue taken; yet would we not so do, least we should seeme to flie, but encamped in the valley at the foote of the said hill, in the face of our enimies. Those in our campe that were of the wiser sort began now to feare, in such sort, that about two daies before, they had desired me to go and parle with the enimies, taking one with me to view them, and to number how great their force was. I was loth to take this iourny vpon me, bicause without safe conduct I could not go in safetie. Wherefore I answered that both at my departure from Ve∣nice, and the same night also that I arriued at Padua, I was entred into good intelli∣gence with their prouisors, so that I thought they would not refuse to commune with me in the midway betweene both the armies: but if I should offer my selfe to go to them I should thereby too much encourage them; adding further, that this mat∣ter was mooued too late. Notwithstanding, the selfe same sunday that the King arriued at Fornoue, I writ to their prouisors (one of the which was named Master Luques Pisan, and the other Master Melchior Treuisan) desiring them that vnder safe conduct, one of them would come and parle with me, according to their offer made at our departure from Padua, (as before you haue heard.) They answered that they would willingly haue satisfied my request, if the war had not been begun vpon the

Duke of Milan: notwithstanding, they promised that one of them (whether of the twaine should be appointed) would come into some place in the midway to com∣mune with me if we so thought good; which answer I receiued the same sunday at night: but those that had all the credit with the King, made no account thereof. As touching my selfe, I durst not take too much vpon me, nor presse the matter too ear∣nestly, least they should charge me with cowardise: wherefore I waded no further in it that night; notwithstanding, that I would with all my hart haue helped the King and his army out of that straight, if I might haue done it without danger.

About midnight the Cardinall of Saint Malo, whose pauilion was hard by mine, told me as he came from the King, that we should depart the next morning by break of day, & that the King would command a cannon to be shot into the enimies camp as we passed along by them, to signifie that he was there ready to present them bat∣tell, and so march forward without any more adoe. And I suppose that this aduise proceeded from the Cardinall himselfe, as a man vnable to talke of the wars, nei∣ther vnderstanding what they meant. But it had been requisite that the King should haue assembled the wisest men and best captaines in his armie, to debate so weighty a matter as this was. And yet perhaps that should haue beene but to small pur∣pose neither; for I sawe many matters debated in this voiage, the which were execu∣ted cleane contrary to the resolution. I answered the Cardinal that if we approched so neere them, as to shoote into their campe, vndoubtedly men would issue foorth on both sides to the skirmish, the which could neuer be retired without battell: alleaging further, that this was cleane contrarie to that I had already begun with their prouisors, and it greeued me, that we should take this course: but such had mine estate been euer since the beginning of the Kings raigne, that I durst not wade too far in any matter, least I should haue procured my selfe the displeasure of them that were in authoritie about him, which was so great where he liked, that it was but too great.

The selfesame night we had two other great alarmes all through our owne fault, bicause we had giuen no order against their Estradiots as we ought to haue done, and the vse is to do in the wars against light horsemen: for twenty of our men of armes with their archers would haue matched two hundred of them; but they were as yet strange to vs. There fell also this night a terrible raine, and such lightening & thundering as was neuer since the world began; so that heauen and earth seemed to go togither, or that this foreshewed some great inconuenience to ensue. For not∣withstanding that we knew well, that the reuerberation of these great mountaines (at the foote of the which we lay) made this thunder seeme greater than indeede it was; and further, that thunder and lightening be naturall in a hot countrie, especially in sommer: yet seemed they at that present the more dreadfull and terrible to vs, bi∣cause we sawe so many enimies encamped before vs, we hauing none other meanes to passe through them but by battell, our force being so small as it was; for we were not aboue nine thousand able men good and bad: of the which two thousand were noble mens seruants of the campe; but I comprehend not in this number pages nor straglers, nor such kinde or people.

The Notes.

1 For you heard before how easily without blowes they entred into Naples.

2 It seemeth that this word is deriued of the Greeke, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke signifieth a soldior.

3 This Naples is a towne in Morea or Peloponnesus vnder the Venetians gouernment,

called in times past Nauplia, and now Neapolis Romanie.

4 For they were come foorth of their campe with intent to haue assailed the Marshall.

5 Vnderstand this day and a halfe after he lodged vpon the mountaine, not after his first arriuall there: for from his first comming, it was three daies before the King ioined with him, as he said a little before.

6 That is to say, of the Seniorie of Venice, which haue Saint Marke for their patrone.

7 He said Lib. 7. cap. 5. and saith also againe in this booke cap. 15. that the Italian men of armes were allowed no archers: but note that this that the Venetians did heere, was con∣trarie to the ancient maner of Italie, and that they did it to imitate the French.

8 The Kings campe lay among sallowes and willowes. Annal. Franc. & Aquit.

9 Of the seate of both the camps reade Guicciar. fol. 38. pag. 2.

Of the battell of Fornoue, wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight, and how the Earle of Petillane, who the same day brake the Kings prison, relied them togither againe. Chap. 6.

THe monday morning about seuen of the clocke, being the sixt day of Iuly, the yeere of our Lord 1495. the noble King mounted on horsebacke calling often for me. At my comming to him I found him armed at all peeces, and mounted vpon the brauest horse that euer I saw, called Sauoy, which some said was a horse of Bresse. Duke Charles of Sauoy gaue him to the King: he was blacke, and had but one eie, and of a meane stature, but tall ynough for him he carried. This yoong Prince seemed that day altogither another man than either his nature, person, or complexion would beare: for naturally he was, and yet is very fearfull in speech, bicause he had euer been brought vp in great awe, and with men of meane estate: but this horse made him seeme great, and he had a good countenance and a good colour, and his talke was stout and wise: whereby ap∣peered (as I then called to minde) that Frier Ierom told me truth, when he said that God would leade him by the hand, and that he should haue somewhat to do vpon the way, but that the honor thereof should be his. His words to me were these; if these men will parlament, go and commune with them, and bicause the Cardinall was there present, he named him to accompanie me, and the Marshall of Gie, who was out of patience bicause of a broile that had happened betweene the Earles ¹ of Narbonne and Guise, the which Guise somtime had led certaine bands, and ought of right to haue led the vaward ² , as all men said. I answered the King, that I would do his commandement, but that I neuer saw two so great forces so neere togither, de∣part without battell.

Our whole armie marched foorth vpon the plaine in good order, the one battell neere to the other as the day before: but as touching the force, it seemed but a hand∣full to that I had seene with Duke Charles of Burgundie, and King Lewis this Kings father. Vpon the said plaine the Cardinall and I withdrew our selues aside, and endi∣ted a letter to the two Prouisors aboue named, the which was written by one Master Robertet a Secretarie of the Kings, and in good credit. The contents of our letter were, that it appertained to the estate and office of the Cardinall to procure peace, and vnto me also hauing so lately been ambassador at Venice; for the which cause I

might as yet take vpon me the office of mediator betweene the King and them. We signified further to them on the Kings behalfe, that he would but passe foorth his way without doing harme to any man: wherefore if they minded to parlament, ac∣cording to the order taken the day before, we for our parts were willing thereunto, and would imploy our selues to do all the good we could. The skirmishes were al∣ready begun round about vs, and after our armie had marched awhile, softly passing along before them, the riuer running betweene them and vs (as you haue heard) we approched so neer to them, that we came within a quarter of a league of their camp, within the which they stood all in martiall aray: for their maner is to make their campe so large, that they may all stand in order of battell within it.

They sent foorth incontinent part of their Estradiots and crossebowe men on horsebacke, and certaine men of armes, the which came along vpon the way almost vnder couert, towards the village of Fornoue (out of the which we were departed) meaning there to passe this little riuer, and to assaile our carriage, which was so great, that I thinke it laded aboue 6000. mules, horses, and asses. They had set their battels in such order many daies before they fought, that better they could not be ordered: for they were so placed, that their great number halfe assured them of the victory, bicause they assailed the K. & his army on euery side, in such sort that not one of vs could haue escaped if we had been broken, considering the straight we were in. Those aboue mentioned came and assailed our carriage, and on the left hand came the Marquesse of Mantua, the Lord Rodolph his vncle, and the Earle Bernardin of Dalmouton, with all the flower of their armie, being to the number of sixe hundred men of armes, as they themselues afterward confessed, all the which entred into the plaine directly behinde vs. Their men of armes were all barded, and furnished with braue plumes and goodly bourdonasses ³ , and well accompanied with crossebowe men on horsebacke, Estradiots, and footemen. Against the Marshall of Gie and our vaward, marched the Earle of Caiazze with fower hundred men of armes (accompa∣nied as the others aboue mentioned) and with a great band of footemen: with him also was another companie of two hundred men of armes, led by Master Iohn de Bentiuoille of Bolonia his sonne, a yoong man, who before had neuer seen the wars, for they were as slenderly prouided of good captaines as we. This yoong Bentiuoille was placed there, to giue a new charge vpon our vaward immediately after the Earle of Caiazze. With the Marquesse of Mantua was also a like companie of men of armes for the same purpose, vnder the leading of Master Anthony of Vrbin bastard to the late Duke of Vrbin. Besides these there remained yet in their campe two great troupes of men of armes, as I vnderstood the next day by themselues when they and I communed togither, and I saw them also with mine eies. And this they did bicause the Ven••tians would not hazard all at once, nor vnfurnish their campe. Notwith∣wanding in mine opinion it had beene better for them to haue aduentured their whole force, seeing they meant to fight.

I will now tell you what became of the letter, the Cardinall and I sent to their campe by a trumpeter. The Prouisors receiued it, and immediately after they had read it, brast foorth the first peece of our artillerie, then shot theirs which was not so good as ours. The said Prouisors incontinent sent backe our trumpeter, accompa∣nied with a trumpeter of the Marquesses, who brought word that they were content to parlament, if we would cause our artillerie to cease, saying, that they on their side would do the like. I was then a great way from the King, who rid about heere and there, and sent backe these two trumpeters with answere, that he would make the artillerie to cease, and gaue commandement to the Master of the ordinance to stay

the shot, and so all ceased awhile on both sides. But soone after vpon a sudden they discharged one of their peeces, and then shot ours againe freshlier than before, and we approched three of our peeces neerer to them. After the two trumpeters were arriued at their campe, they tooke ours and sent him to the Marquesses pauilion, re∣soluing to fight. For the Earle of Caiazze (as those that were present haue informed me) said that it was now no time to parlament, seeing that we were halfe vanquished already; and one of their Prouisors was of his opinion, and agreed to fight (as I haue heard himselfe report) but the other would not consent thereunto. The Marquesse in like maner desired the battell, but his vncle, who was a vertuous and a wise gen∣tleman, and loued vs well, and bare armes against vs with an euill will, withstood it to the vttermost of his power; but in the end they agreed all to fight.

Now you shal vnderstand, that the King had put his whole force into his vaward, in the which were three hundred and fiftie men of armes, and three thousand Swis∣sers (the onely hope of our army) with whom he commanded three hundred archers of his garde to ioine themselues on foote, and likewise certaine crossebowe men on horsebacke of the two hundreth that were also of his garde, which was a great dimi∣nishing of the safety of his person. In our army were but few footemen besides these, for all that we had were placed in the vaward. On foote with our Almaines were the Lord Engelbert brother to the Duke of Cleues, Lornay, and the bailife of Digeon, the said Almains captain, and before them marched our artillerie. Heere they whom we left in the Florentines places, and those that were sent to Genua would haue don good seruice, contrary to the opinion of all men. Our vaward had now marched al∣most as far as their campe, so that all men thought they should haue begun the bat∣tell: but our two other battels were not so neere it, nor so well placed to haue suc∣coured it as the day before. Further, bicause the Marques of Mantua (who was entred into the plaine and past the riuer) was directly vpon our backe, about a quar∣ter of a league behinde our rereward, marching with his force softly and close togi∣ther, which was a maruellous pleasant sight to behold; the King was forced to turne his backe to his vawarde, and his face towards his enimies, and so to approch neerer to his rereward, and retire from his vaward. I was then with the Cardinall atten∣ding an answer of our letter, but I told him I perceiued it was no time to staie any longer there; wherfore I departed being hard by the Swissers, and went to the King. But before I could come to him, I lost a page who was my cosin germaine, and a groome of my chamber, and a lackey which followed a prety way behinde me, so that I saw not when they were slaine.

I had not riden aboue a hundred paces, when suddenly a cry began to arise in the selfe same place from whence I was departed, or but little beyond. For you shall vn∣derstand that their Estradiots at this very instant came to our carriage, an•• entred into the Kings lodging where were three or fower houses, in the which they slew or hurt fower or fiue soldiers, but the rest escaped, they slew also about an hundred of our straglers, and put our carriage in great disorder. When I came to the King, I found him dubbing of knights, but bicause the enimies were at hand, we caused him to cease, and then I hard the bastard of Bourbon named Mathew (who was in good credit with the King) and one Philip de Moulin (a poore gentleman but very valiant) call the King, saying, passe foorth sir, passe foorth: whereupon he went into the fore∣front of his battell, and placed himselfe before his standard, so that (the bastard of Bourbon excepted) I sawe none neerer the enimies then himselfe. Our enimies mar∣ched lustely forward, in such sort that within lesse than a quarter of an hower after my arriuall, they were come within a hundred paces of the King, who was as euill

garded & as euil waited on, as euer was Prince or noble mā; but mauger the deuil, he is wel defended whom God defends. And sure the prophesie of the reuerend father frier Hierom prooued true, who told me (as before you haue heard) that God led him by the hand. His rereward stood vpon his right hand, being recoiled somwhat from him; & the neerest companie to him on that side was the D. of Orleans companie, being to the number of 80. launces led by Robinet of Frainezelles, and Monseur de la Trimoilles company, being about forty launces, and the hundred Scottish archers of his garde, who thrust themselues into the presse as men of armes. I my selfe stood vpon the left hand with the gentlemen, pensioners, and seruants of the Kings house. This rereward was led by the Earle of Foix: but as touching the names of the other captaines, I passe them ouer for breuitie.

Within a quarter of an hower after my arriuall, the enimies being so neere the King, as you haue heard, charged their staues, and began a soft gallop. They were diuided into two troupes; one of the which charged the two companies of our horsemen, and the Scottish archers standing on the Kings right hand; and the other, the King himselfe; so that both they and the King were charged almost at one in∣stant: we that stood vpon the left hand charged them vpon the flanke greatly to our aduantage; and vndoubtedly it is impossible for men to meete roughlier than we met. But the Estradiots that accompanied them, seeing our mules and carriage flie towards our vaward, and their companions ⁴ get all the bootie, turned their horses that way, and forsooke their men of armes, who by meanes thereof were vnfollowed; whereby it manifestly appeered, that God meant to preserue vs: for if these fifteene hundred light horsemen had broken in amongst vs with their Cimeterres (which are terrible swords like to the Turks) vndoubtedly we had beene defeated, our num∣ber being so small. The Italian men of armes, immediately after they had broken their staues fled, and their footemen or the greatest part shrunke aside, and fled also. At the selfesame time that they charged vs, the Earle of Caiazze gaue a charge also vpon our vaward, but they met not so roughly as we: for at the very instant that they should haue couched their staues, they began to faint, and disordered themselues in such sort, that fifteene or twenty of them being scattered amongst our bands, were taken and slaine by our Almaines; the rest were but easily pursued: for the Marshall of Gie endeuored to keepe his forces togither, bicause he saw yet a great troupe of enimies not far from him. Notwithstanding part of his men followed the chase, and part of the Earle of Caiazzes men that fled, passed ouer the place where the Mar∣ques & we had fought, with their swords in their hands; for they had throwne awaie their staues. But they that assailed the King fled immediately after they had charged, and were maruellous swiftly pursued, for we all followed the chase: part of them tooke ••way to the village from whence we were departed, the rest fled the next way to their campe, we all pursuing them, saue the King who staid behinde with a few men, and put himselfe in great danger, bicause he followed not after them with vs. One of the first that was slaine of their side, was the Lord Rodolph of Mantua, vnckle to the Marques, who should haue sent word to the aboue named Master An∣thonie of Vrbin, when he should march; for they thought that this battell would haue endured as their battels in Italie do; which their error serued the said Master Anthonie for a good excuse: but to say the truth, I thinke he saw ynough to stay him from marching. We had a great number of straglers and seruants following vs, all the which flocked about the Italian men of armes being ouerthrowen, and slue the most of them. For the greatest part of the said straglers had their hatchets in their hands, wherewith they vsed to cut wood to make our lodgings, with the which

hatchets they brake the visards of their head peeces, and then claue their heads, for otherwise they could hardly haue beene slaine, they were so surely armed; so that there were euer three or fower about one of them. Moreouer, the long swords that our archers and seruants had, did that day a great execution. The King tarried vpon the place where the charge was giuen, accompanied with seuen or eight yoong gen∣tlemen, whom he had appointed to attend vpon him, for neither would he follow the chase, neither retire to his vaward bicause it was somwhat farre off. He escaped wel at the first encounter, cōsidering that he was one of the foremost, for the bastard of Bourbon was taken within lesse then twenty paces of him ⁵ , and led prisoner to the enimies campe.

The King abode in the said place maruellous weakely accompanied: for he had with him not a man more than one groome of his chamber called Anthonie des Am∣bus, a little fellow and euill armed: the rest were scattered heere and there, as him∣selfe told me at night euen in the presence of those that were appointed to waite vpon him, who deserued great reproche for leauing their Prince in such estate. Notwithstanding they arriued in time, for a certaine small broken troupe of Italian men of armes passing along vpon the plaine (where they saw no man stirring) came and assailed the King and this groome of his chamber: but the King being moun∣ted vpon the brauest horse in the world for a man of his stature, remooued to and fro, and desended himselfe valiantly: and at that very instant certaine of the rest of his men being not far from him arriued, whereupon the Italians fled, and then the King followed good aduise and retired to his vaward, which had neuer mooued out of their first place. Thus the King with his battell had good successe: and if his vaward had marched but one hundred paces farther, our enimies whole armie had fled. Some said they ought so to haue done, but others held opinion that they did best to staie.

Our company that followed the chase pursued the enimies hard to their campe, which lay in length almost as far as Fornoue, and not one of vs receiued a blow saue Iulien Bourgneuf, whom I saw fall dead to the ground with a stroke that an Italian gaue him as he passed by (for he was euill armed:) whereupon certaine of vs stai∣ed, sayieng, let vs returne to the King, and with that word all the whole troupe stood still to giue their horses breath, which were very wearie bicause they had chased a great way, and all vpon sharpe stones. Hard by vs fled a troupe of thirty men of armes, whom we let passe quietly fearing to assaile them. When we had brethed our horses, we rid foorth a fast trot towards the King, not knowing what was be∣come of him, but after a while we descried him a far off. Then caused we our seruants to light on foote, and gather vp the launces wherewith the place lay strawed, espe∣cially with Bourdonasses, which were not much woorth, for they were hollow and hardly so waightie as a iauelin, but trimly painted, and by this meanes we were better furnished of launces than in the morning. Thus as we rid towards the King, by the way we met a broken band of the enimies footemen crossing ouer the fielde, being of those that had lien hid among the hils, and had led the Marques of Mantua vpon the King backe: many of them were slaine, and the rest escaped, and waded through the riuer, and we staied not long about them. Diuers of our men cried often during the whole conflict, remember Guynegate, which was a battel lost in Picardie in the time of K. Levvis the eleuenth, against the K. of Romanies ⁶ , through the folly of our men, who fell to spoile the enimies carriage: notwithstanding in that battell no whit of their carriage was taken nor spoiled: but in this, their Estradiots tooke all our carriage horses, of which notwithstanding they led away but fiue and fifty being

the best and best couered, namely al the Kings, and all his chamberlains. They tooke also a groome of the Kings chamber called Gabriell, who had about him the ancient iewels of the Kings of Fraunce, which he then caried with him, bicause the King was there in person. True it is that a number of coffers were also lost, but they were ouer∣throwne and spoiled by our owne men, for we had in our campe a great many var∣lets and harlots that stripped the dead bodies, and spoiled all that they could come by, but as touching the enimies they tooke onely those aboue rehearsed. There were slaine on both sides (as I haue been credibly enformed both by them and certaine of our owne men) to this number. We lost Iulian Bourgneuf, the sergeant porter of the Kings house, a gentleman of the Kings house, and nine Scottish archers, of horse∣men of our vaward to the number of twenty, and about our cariage three or fower score horse-keepers. And they lost three hundred and fiftie men of armes, slaine vp∣on the place: but not one of them was taken prisoner, which chance I thinke neuer hapned before in any battel. Of their Estradiots few were slaine, for they turned al to the spoile as you haue heard. There died of them in all three thousand and fiue hun∣dred men, as diuers of the best of their army haue enformed me: others haue told me more, but sure they lost many gentlemen: for I sawe my selfe a role wherein were the names of eighteene gentlemen of good houses, and among them fower or fiue of the Marques owne name which was Gonzague, besides the which, the Marques lost also at the least three score gentlemen of his owne dominions, all the which were horsemen, and not one footeman among them. It is strange that so many were slaine with hand strokes; for as touching the artillerie, I thinke it slew not ten on both sides. The fight endured not a quarter of an hower, for so soone as they had broken or throwne away their launces they fled all: the chase continued about three quar∣ters of an hower. Their battels in Italy are not fought after this sort, for they fight squadron after squadron, so that a battell endureth there somtime a whole day, nei∣ther party obteining victorie.

The flight on their side was great, for three hundred of their men of armes and the greatest part of their Estradiots fled, some to Rege ⁷ (being far thence) and others to Parma, being about eight leagues off ⁸ . In the morning the very same hower that the two armies ioined, the Earle of Petillane & the Lord Virgile Vrsin escaped from vs. The said Virgile went but to a gentlemans house thereby, where he remained vpon his word, but the Earle fled straight to our enimies, and to say the truth, we did them both great wrong to leade them with vs after this sort. The Earle being a man well knowne among the soldiers (for he had alwaies had charge both vnder the Flo∣rentines and vnder King Ferrand) began to crie Petillane Petillane, and ran after them that fled aboue three leagues, saying that al was theirs, and calling them to the spoile, by the which meanes he brought backe the greatest part of them, and put them out of all feare, assuring them vpon his word that there was no danger, so that had it not been for him alone, their whole armie had fled: for the word of such a man newly departed from vs was no small staie to them. The said Earle (as himselfe hath since told me) gaue aduise to assaile vs again the same night, but they would not har∣ken thereunto. The Marques hath also since communed with me of these affaires chalenging this aduise as his: but to say the truth had it not been for the Earle alone they had all fled the same night.

When we were come to the King, we discouered a great number of men of armes and footemen standing yet in order of battell without their campe, whose heads and launces onely we could descrie. They had stood there all the day, and neuer mooued from that place, notwithstanding they were further from vs than they seemed: for

they and we could not haue ioined without passing the riuer, which was risen and arose howerly, bicause all the day it had thundered, lightened, and rained terribly, especially during the battell and the chase. The K. debated with his captaines whe∣ther we should assaile these new discouered enimies or not: with him were three Ita∣lian knights, one named Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, who is yet liuing, and beha∣ued himselfe that day like a woorthy gentleman; another Master Francis Secco a valiant knight, in pay with his Florentines, and of the age of 72. yeeres; and the third Master Camillo Vitelly, who with his three brethren was in seruice with the King, and came vnsent for from Ciuita de Castello, as far as Serzane (which is a great iourney) to be at this battell: but perceiuing that he could not ouertake the King with his companie, he came himselfe alone. These two latter gaue aduice to march against these enimies newly discouered: but the Frenchmen were of a contrarie opinion, saying, that they had done ynough, and that it was late, and time to make their lod∣gings. But the said Master Francis Secco maintained stoutly his opinion, shewing people that passed to and fro vpon the high way that leadeth to Parma (the neerest towne that the enimies could retire into) whom he affirmed to be enimies flying thither or returning thence, and indeede he said true, as we vnderstood afterward; and sure both his words and countenance shewed him to be a hardy and a wise knight. For all their captaines confessed to me (yea some of them before the Duke of Milan himselfe) that if we had marched forward, they had all fled; by meanes wherof we should haue obtained the goodliest, honorablest, and profitablest victorie that happened in ten yeeres before: for if a man could haue vsed it well, haue made his profit of it, haue behaued himselfe wisely, and entreated the people gently; the Duke of Milan by the space of eight daies after, should not haue had any one place to hold for him in his countrie, except the castell of Milan, yea and I doubt of that too: so desirous were his subiects to rebell. The like would also haue happened to the Vene∣tians, so that the King should not haue needed to take care for Naples: for the Ve∣netians should not haue been able to leuie a man out of Venice, Bressa, and Cre∣mone, which is but a small towne, bicause all the rest that they held in Italie would haue reuolted. But God had performed that which Frier Ierom promised, to wit, that the honor of the field should be ours; for considering our small experience and euill gouernment, we were vnwoorthie of this good successe that God gaue vs, bicause we could not then tell how to vse it: but I thinke if at this present, which is the yeere of our Lord 1497. the like victorie should happen to the King; he could tell better how to make his profit thereof.

While we stood debating this matter, the night approched, and the band of our enimies, which we saw before vs, retired into their campe, and we for our part went and lodged about a quarter of a league from the place of the battell. The King him∣selfe lay in a farme house, being an old beggerly thing; notwithstanding the barnes about it were full of corne vnthreshed, which I warrant you our army quickly found. Certaine other old houses there were also, which stood vs but in small stead: euery man lodged himselfe as commodiously as he could; for we had no lodgings made. As touching my selfe I lay vpon the bare ground vnder a vine, in a very straight roome, hauing nothing vnder me, no not my cloke: for the K. had borrowed mine in the morning, and my carriage was far off, and it was too late to seeke it. He that had meate ate it, but few there were that had any, vnlesse it were a morsell of bread, snatched out of some of their seruants bosoms: I waited vpon the King to his cham∣ber, where he found certaine that were hurt, namely the Seneschall of Lyons and others, whom he caused to be dressed. Himselfe was merrie and made good cheere,

and each man thought himselfe happy that he was so well escaped: neither were we puffed vp with pride and vaineglorie, as before the battell, bicause we sawe our eni∣mies encamped so neere vs. The same night all our Almaines kept the watch, and the King gaue them three hundred crownes; whereupon they kept the watch very diligently, and strake vp their drums brauely.

The Notes.

2 Vicount of Narbonne. Ferron.

2 Rereward after the French corrector, the leading whereof Iouius giueth to two that straue for it. Ferron and our author to Narbonne (otherwise called Earle of Foix) alone. Annal. Franc. to Monseur de la Trimoille Vicount de Touars and to Monseur de Guise: but it appeereth lib. 7. cap. 13. when the K. thought to haue fought with Dom Fer∣rand at Saint Germain that Monseur de Guise led the vaward, so that I know not how it is best heere to be read.

3 Bourdonasses were holow horsemens staues vsed in Italy, cunningly painted: our au∣thor himselfe in this Chapter describeth them at large.

4 By their companions he meaneth the Estradiots that had assailed the Kings corriage at the first.

5 Annal. Franc. write that this bastard Mathew, Monseur de Ligny and Monseur de Piennes were armed like to the King and continually about him.

6 Of this battell he writeth lib. 6. cap. 6.

7 Vnderstand not Rege in Calabria, but Rege neere to Parma called in Latin Regium Lepedi, and I doubt me the vnskilfull corrector at the first printing of the worke chop∣ped in this parenthesis, supposing the author to meane Rege in Calabria, wherefore I had rather leaue the parenthesis out.

8 The French corrector supposeth this number to be also corrupted.

How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go: and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast. Chap. 7.

THe next morning I determined to continue our treatie of peace, desiring nothing more than the Kings safe passage. But I could get neuer a Trumpeter to go to the enimies campe, partly bi∣cause nine of theirs were slaine in the battell being vnknowen, & partly bicause they had taken one of ours, and slaine another, whom the King (as you haue hard) sent to them a little before the battell began: notwithstanding in the end one went and ca∣ried the Kings safe conduct with him, and brought me one from them to commune in the midway between both the armies, which me thought was a hard matter to be brought to passe, but I would not seeme to draw backe nor make difficultie therin. The King named the Cardinall of Saint Malo, the Lord of Gie Marshall of Fraunce, and the Lord of Piennes his Chamberlaine to accompany me: and they named for them, the Marques of Mantua Generall of the Venetians army, the Earle of Caiazze (who not long before had taken part with vs, and was captaine of the

forces the Duke of Milan had there) and Master Luques Pisan, and Master Melchior Treuisan prouisors of the seniorie of Venice. We approched so neere them, that we might easily descry them fower vpon the plaine. The riuer ran between vs and them, which was risen exceedingly since the day before: on their side there was not one man without their campe but themselues onely, neither any on ours, but onely we & our watch which stood ouer against them. We sent a herault to them to know whe∣ther they would passe the riuer, whereunto me thought it a hard matter to perswade either partie, for I supposed both parties would make difficulty therein as well ap∣peered by them: for they answered that the place of communication was appointed in the midway betweene both the armies, and that they were come already more than the halfe way: wherefore they would not passe the riuer, nor put themselues in such danger being all the principall of their armie. They also of our side alleaged the like doubts, making no lesse account of their persons than the others. Wherfore they willed me to go to them, giuing me no instructions for my direction: I answered that I would not go alone, but would haue some body with me to testifie of all that should be done. Wherfore being accompanied with one Master Robertet the Kings Secretarie, and a seruant of mine owne, and an herault, I passed the riuer: for not∣withstanding that I wel perceiued I should do no good, yet thought I by this means to acquite my selfe towards them, being come thither by my procurement. When I came to them, I told them they were not come halfe the way according to their promise, wherefore I desired them, at the least to come to the riuers side, assuring my selfe that if we were once so high togither, we should not depart without commu∣nication. They answered, that the riuer was so brode, and ran with so great violence and noise, that no talke could be heard from the one side to the other; wherefore they would go no neerer to parlament, neither could I by any meanes bring them one foote further: but they willed me to make some ouerture, which I had no com∣mission to do. Wherefore I answered, that alone I could do nothing; but if they would propound any conditions of peace, I would make report thereof to the King. While we were in this communication, one of our heraults arriued, who brought me word that the Lords aboue named that had accompanied me, were ready to depart, and willed me to make what ouerture I thought good; which I refused to do, bicause they vnderstood further of the Kings pleasure than I did: for they were neerer him than I was, and had also talked with him in his eare at our departure: not∣withstanding as touching these affaires which I now speake of, I vnderstood what was to be done in them as well as the best of them. The Marquesse of Mantua entred into great communication with me of the battell, & asked me (if he had been taken) whether the King would haue slaine him. I answered, no; but haue entertained him well, alleaging that he had good cause to loue him, seeing the honor he had woon by his assailing him. Then he recommended vnto me the prisoners we had, especially his vncle the Lord Rodolph, whom he supposed to be yet liuing: but I knew well the contrarie; notwithstanding I answered, that all the prisoners should be well intrea∣ted, and recommended in like maner to him the bastard of Bourbon whom they had taken. Small entertainment would serue all the prisoners we had; for we had none, which I suppose neuer happened before in any battell. But the said Marquesse lost there of his kinsmen to the number of seuen or eight, and of his owne companie at the least sixscore men of armes. This talke being ended, I tooke my leaue of them, saying, that before night I would returne againe; whereupon we made truce till night.

At my returne to the King with the said Secretarie, they asked me what newes, and

the King sate in counsel in a poore chamber where nothing was concluded, but each man beheld other. The King talked with the Cardinall in his eare, and afterward bad me returne againe to the enimies to see what they would say. But bicause this com∣munication of peace proceeded of me, the enimies looked that I should make some ouerture and not they. Afterward the Cardinall bad me conclude nothing, but that speech was needlesse, for I was not like to conclude any thing, bicause they gaue me no direction: notwithstanding I would not replie to the Kings commandement, nor breake off my iourney; for besides that I was sure to do no harme, I was in some hope to gather somwhat by our enimies countenances, who vndoubtedly were more a∣fraid than we, and happily might passe some speeches that would turne both the parties to good. Wherefore I tooke my iorney thitherward, and came to the riuers side almost at night, where one of their trumpeters met me, and aduertised me that the fower aboue named sent me word to passe no further that night, bicause their watch was already set, being altogither of Estradiots, who knew not one man from another, wherefore I might happily endanger my selfe, if I passed further: notwith∣standing the trumpeter offered to tarry with me all night, to the end he might con∣uey me thither the next morning: but I sent him backe againe, saying that the next morning I would returne to the riuers side where I willed him to tarie me, or if the K. should otherwise determine, I promised to send thither a herald to aduertise them therof; for I would not bring this trumpeter into our campe, partly bicause I would not haue him priuy to our actions there that night: and partly bicause I knew not what the King meant to do, for I sawe whispering in his eare, which put me in some doubt, wherefore I returned to aduertise the King what I had done.

Euery man supped with that he could get, and slept vpon the ground. Soone after midnight I repaired to the Kings chamber, where I found his chamberlaines readie to mount on horsebacke, who told me that the King would depart with all speed to∣wards Ast, and the Marchionesse of Montferrates territories, willing me to stay be∣hinde, to hold the Parlament according to my promise: but I made my excuse, say∣ing, that I would not willingly kill my selfe, but be on horsebacke with the fore∣most. Soone after the King arose and heard masse, and mounted on horsebacke. Not past an hower before day, a trumpeter sounded Bon guet, but at our dislod∣ging nothing was sounded, neither needed it, for euery man was in a readines. Notwithstanding this was sufficient to haue put the whole army in feare, at the least those that were acquainted with the wars: for besides this we turned our backes to our enimies, seeking wholie our owne saftety, which is a dangerous matter in an ar∣mie. Further, the waies at our departure from our lodging were very cumbersome, in such sort that we were forced to march ouer mountaines, and through woods, and by-waies, for we had no guides to lead vs: my selfe heard the soldiers aske the ensigne bearers, and him that executed the office of Master of the horse, where the guides were, who answered that there were none. To say the truth we needed none, for as God alone had guided the armie at our going foorth: euen so (according to Frier Hieromes prophesie) meant he to do at our returne: otherwise it is not to be thought that such a prince would haue ridden in the night without a guide, in a place where ynow might haue been had. But God shewed yet a manifester token that he meant to preserue vs, for our enimies vnderstood nothing of our departure till the afternoone, but waited for this parlamenting I had begun: besides that, the riuer was risen so high, that it was fower of the clocke at after noone before any man durst aduenture ouer to follow vs, and then passed the Earle of Caiazze with two hundred Italian light horse, in such danger bicause of the force of the water, that one or two

of his men were drowned, as himselfe afterward confessed. We trauelled ouer hils and through woods, and were constrained by the space of sixe miles to marche one by one after another in the narrow waies, and then came we to a goodly large plain, where our vaward, artillerie, and carriage lay, which seemed so great a band a far off, that at the first we stood in feare of them, bicause Master Iohn Iames of Trenoules ensigne was square and white, like to the Marques of Mantuas the day of the battel. The said vaward was in like maner afeard of our rereward, which they saw a farre off forsake the high way to come the next way to them, whereupon both they and we set our selues in order of battell: but this feare soone ended, for the scoutes issued foorth on both sides, and discried one an other incontinent. From thence we went to refresh vs at Bourg Saint Denis, where we our selues made an alarme of purpose to retire our Almains out of the towne, least they should haue spoiled it. Thence we remooued and lodged all night at Florensole, the second night we encamped neere to Plaisance, and passed the riuer of Trebia, leauing on the other side of the riuer two hundred launces, all our Swissers, and all the artillerie except sixe peeces, which the King passed ouer with him. For he had giuen this order, to the end he might be the better and more commodiously lodged, thinking to command them to passe at his pleasure, bicause the riuer is commonly very shallow, especially at that time of the yeere: notwithstanding about ten of the clocke at night, it arose so high that no man could passe ouer it, neither on horsebacke nor on foote, neither could the one com∣pany haue succoured the other, which was a great danger, considering how neer our enimies were to vs. Al that night both they and we sought to remedy this mischiefe, but no helpe could be found till the water fell of it selfe, which was about fiue of the clocke in the morning, and then we stretched coardes from the one side to the other to helpe ouer the footemen, who waded in the water vp to their necks: immediately after them passed also our horsemen and our artillerie. This was a sudden and dan∣gerous aduenture, considering the place where we were, for our enimies lay hard by vs, I meane the garrison of Plaisance, & the Earle of Caiazze, who was entred in thi∣ther, bicause certaine of the citizens practised to put the town into the Kings hands, vnder the title of the yoong Duke sonne to Iohn Galeas, Duke of Milan that last died, as before you haue heard. And vndoubtedly if the King would haue giuen eare to this practise, a great number of townes and noble men would haue reuolted by Ma∣ster Iohn Iames of Treuoules meanes: but he refused so to do, bicause of the fauour he bare the D. of Orleans his cosin, who was already entred into Nouarre, although to say the truth on the other side he desired not greatly to see his said cosin so migh∣tie, wherefore he was well content to let this matter passe as it came. The third daie after our departure from the place of the battell the K. dined at the castle S. Iohn & lodged all night in a wood. The fourth day he dined at Voghera, & laie that night at Pontcuron. The fift day he lodged neere to Tortone and passed the riuer of Scriuia which Fracasse defended with the garrison of Tortone, being vnder his charge for the D. of Milan. But when he vnderstood by those that made the K. lodging that he would onely passe without doing harme to any man, he retired again into the town, and sent vs word that we should haue as great plenty of victuals as we would; which promise he also performed: for all our armie passed hard by the gate of Tortone, where the said Fracasse came forth to welcom the King, being armed, but accompa∣nied onely with two men: he excused himselfe very humbly to the King, that he lod∣ged him not in the towne, & sent out great store of victuals, which refreshed well our army, & at night came also himselfe to the Kings lodging. For you shal vnderstand, that he was of the house of S. Seuerin, brother to the Earle of Caiazze and Master

Galeas, and had not long before been in the Kings seruice in Romania, as you haue heard. From thence the King remooued to Nice de la Paille in the Marquisat of Montferrat, whereof we were right glad, bicause we were then in safetie, and in our friends countrie. For these light horsemen that the Earle of Caiazze led, were conti∣nually at our backe, and traueiled vs maruellously the three or fower first daies, bi∣cause our horsemen would not put themselues behinde to make resistance: for the neerer we approched to the place of safetie, the more vnwilling were our men to fight; and some say, such is the nature of vs French men. Wherefore the Italians write in their histories, that the French men at their arriuall are better than men; but at their returne woorse than women. The first point vndoubtedly is true: for they are the roughest men to encounter with in the world, I meane the horsemen: but all men at their returne from an enterprise are lesse couragious than at their departure from their houses. Now to proceede, our backs were defended by three hundred Almaines, hauing among them a great band of harquebusiers on foote, with whom also a number of harquebusiers on horsebacke were ioined: these made their Estra∣diots, being but few in number, to retire. Further, notwithstanding that their whole armie which had fought with vs, marched after vs as fast as they might, yet could they not ouertake vs, both bicause they were departed from the place of the battell a day after vs; and also bicause of their barded horses, so that we lost not one man vpon the way. The said armie neuer came within a mile of vs; wherefore seeing they could not ouertake vs, and peraduenture not greatly desirous so to do, they marched straight towards Nouarre, whither both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians had already sent certaine bands, as before you haue heard. But if they could haue ouer∣taken vs neere to the places of our retrait, peraduenture they might haue sped better than in the valley of Fornoue.

I haue shewed before sufficiently in diuers places how God guided this enter∣prise, but yet for further proofe thereof, a word or two more. You shall vnderstand therefore, that notwithstanding that from the day of the battell till our arriuall at the said place of Nice de la Paille, the lodgings were vnorderly and vnequally made; yet euery man lodged with patience as commodiously as he could, without strife or contention. Of victuals we had great lacke: notwithstanding they of the countrey brought vs some, who might easily haue poisoned vs if they would, both in their meates and wines, and also in their wels and waters, which were dried vp sometimes in a moment, bicause they were but small springs. If they had minded to haue poiso∣ned them, they would sure haue done it; but bicause they did it not, it is to be thought that our Sauiour and redeemer Iesus Christ tooke from them all desire to do it. I saw such thirst in our armie, that a number of footemen dranke of stinking puddles in the villages through the which we passed. Our iourneies were long, and our drinke foule standing water, which notwithstanding our men were so greedy of, that they ran into the pooles vp to the girdlestead to drinke. For you shall vnderstand, that a number of people followed vs, being no men of war, bicause our carriage was mar∣uellous great. The King departed from his lodging euery morning before day, and I remember not that euer he had guide. Moreouer, he rode till noone before he bai∣ted; and euery man made prouision for himselfe, and looked to his owne horse, and was forced to prouide prouender for him, and to beare it to him in his armes, as my selfe did twise; and two daies I ate nothing but naughty blacke bread: yet was I none of those that stood in most neede. Sure one thing was especially to be commended in this armie, to wit, that neuer man complained of necessitie, yet was this the misera∣blest voiage that euer I saw; notwithstanding that I haue been in diuers sharp & hard

voiages with Charles Duke of Burgundie. We marched no faster than the great artil∣lerie, the mending whereof often troubled vs: besides that, we lacked horses to draw it; but at all times when we stood in neede, we borrowed of the gentlemen in our armie, who willingly lent theirs; so that there was not one peece nor one pound of powder lost. And I thinke neuer man saw artillerie of such greatnes passe so speedily ouer such places as this did. All this disorder both in our lodgings and all other things, happened not for lacke of wise and expert men in the campe, but it was their chaunce to haue least credit at that time; for the King was yoong and wedded to his owne will, as before you haue heard. To conclude therefore, it seemed that our Lord Iesus Christ would, that the honor of this voiage should be attributed wholy to him. The seuenth day after our departure from the place of the battell, we marched from Nice de la Paille, and encamped all togither hard by Alexandria; our watch that night being very strong. The next morning before day we departed and went to Ast: the King and his houshold lodged in the towne, but the soldiers encamped without: we found the said towne of Ast furnished of all kinde of victuals, wherwith the whole armie was well refreshed, which vndoubtedly stood in great neede there∣of, bicause they had indured great hunger, thirst and heate, and lacked sleepe; besides that, their apparell was all tottered and torne. Immediately after the Kings arriuall thither, before I slept, I sent a gentleman called Philip de la Coudre (who somtime had been my seruant, and serued then the Duke of Orleans) to Nouarre, where the said Duke was besieged by his enimies, as you may vnderstand by that which is aboue rehearsed: but the siege was not yet so straight but that men might passe in and out, bicause the enimies onely endeuor was to famish the towne. I aduertised the Duke by this gentleman, of diuers treaties that were entertained betweene the King and the Duke of Milan, in one of the which my selfe negotiated by the Duke of Fer∣raraes meanes; wherefore I aduised him to repaire to the King, hauing first assured his men whom he should leaue behinde him, either shortly to returne, or bring force to leuie the siege. Within the said towne were with him to the number of 7500. soldiers both French and Swissers, being as goodly a band, so many for so many, as euer was seene. The King the next day after his arriuall, was aduertised both by the said Duke of Orleans and others, that the two armies were ioined togither before Nouarre: wherefore the said Duke desired aide, bicause his victuals daily diminish∣ed; for the which they had giuen no order at their first entrie into the towne. For they might then haue recouered ynow in the townes about, especially corne; and if their prouision had been made in time, and well looked to, they should neuer haue been forced to yeeld the towne: for if they could haue held it but one moneth lon∣ger, they had come foorth with honor, and their enimies departed with shame.

How the King sent ships to the sea to succour the castels of Naples, and why the said castels could not be succoured. Chap. 8.

AFter the King had reposed himselfe a fewe daies in Ast, he re∣mooued to Thurin, dispatching at his departure from Ast one of the stewards of his house called Peron de Bache with a com∣mission to arme certaine ships to the sea ¹ , to succour the ca∣stels of Naples which held yet for vs. The said Peron did as he was commanded, and appointed monseur d'Arban Admirall of the Fleet, which sailed as far as the citie of Pruce: ² where (our

men being within the view of our enimies:) a sudden tempest arose which would not suffer the two armies to ioine, by meanes whereof this Nauie did no seruice: for the said d' Arban returned to Ligorne ³ , where the most part of his men fled to land and abandoned their ships. But the enimies many came to the hauen of Bou∣gen ⁴ neere to Plambin, whence it departed not the space of two moneths, so that our men might without all danger haue succoured the said castels: for the nature of this hauen of Bougen is such, that a ship cannot come foorth of it but with one winde which bloweth seldome in winter. The said Arban was a valiant soldier and a very good sea man ⁵ .

While the King lay at Thurin, diuers treaties were entertained between him and the Duke of Milan: in one of the which the Duches of Sauoy was a dealer, she was daughter to the Marques of Montferratte, and a widow, and mother to the yoong Duke of Sauoy then liuing. Others negotiated also as well as she: and among the rest my selfe laboured for conclusion of the peace as before I haue made mention; and the confederats, that is to say, the captaines that were in the enimies campe be∣fore Nouarre, desired to deale with me, and sent me a safe conduct. But enuie euer raigneth in Princes courts; for the Cardinall so often aboue named, ouerthrew all that I did, and would that the Duches of Sauois negotiation should go forward, which was committed to the said Cardinals hoste, who was Treasurer of Sauoy, a wise man and a faithfull seruant to his Mistres. This treatie endured so long without effect that in the end all hope of peace ceasing, the Bailife of Digeon was sent am∣bassador into Swisserland to leuy there fiue thousand men.

I haue made mention already how the Kings Nauie that departed from Nice in prouence to succour the castels of Naples, could not succour them for the reasons there rehearsed. Wherefore the Lord of Montpensier and the other gentlemen that were with him in the castels vnderstanding of this misfortune, espied a conuenient time when the army that the King left behinde him in diuers parts of the realme lay neere to the said castles, and by helpe therof salied foorth (leauing within force suffi∣cient for their defence according to the proportion of their victuals which was very smal) and departed themselues with two thousand and fiue hundred soldiers, appoin∣ting Ognas and two other gentlemen captaines of the castles. The said L. of Mont∣pensier, the Prince of Salerne, the Seneschall of Beaucaire, and the rest that were with them departed to Salerne, for the which cause King Ferrand said, that he might lawfully put to death the hostages deliuered to him a few daies before, whose names were these, the Lord of Alegre, one called de la Marche-d' Ardaine, the Lord de la Chapelle d'Aniou, one named Roquebertin Catelin, and one Genly: for you shall vnder∣stand that not past three moneths before, the said King Ferrand was entred into Na∣ples by intelligence, or rather through the negligence of our men, who vnderstood of all their practises in the towne, and yet neuer sought to countermine them. But heereof I will write no farther, bicause I speake but vpon report: for notwithstan∣ding that I had mine intelligence from the principall of those that were there, yet do I not willingly discourse long of any matter, that I haue not been present at my selfe. The said K. Ferrand being in Naples, was aduertised that the King was slaine at the battell of Fornoue, as were our men also within the castle by the Duke of Milans letters, to the which credit was giuen: notwithstanding that they reported no thing but lies. And thereupon the Coulonnois (whose maner is, alwaies to turne with the strongest) reuolted incontinent from vs, though sundry waies bound to the King, as before you haue heard. Wherefore our men (partlie through these vntrue reports, but especially bicause a great number of them were retired into the castell, being vt∣terly

vnfurnished of victuals, and partly also bicause they had lost their horses, and all their goods within the towne:) made a composition, the sixt day of October in the yeere 1495. after they had been besieged three moneths & fowerteen daies, pro∣mising if they were not succoured within a certaine space, to depart into Prouence, and yeeld the castels without making further war, either by sea or land vpon the realme of Naples; for the performance of which conditions they deliuered these ho∣stages aboue named; and yet within twentie daies after the composition, departed as you haue heard: for the which cause King Ferrand said that they had broken the composition in that they departed without leaue: and notwithstanding that our men maintained the contrary, yet were the hostages in great danger and not with∣out cause. For although I will not denie but that our men did wisely to depart not∣withstanding the composition; yet had they done much better if the day of their departure they had yeelded the castles for their hostages safetie, and receiued again the said hostages. For the castels held but twenty daies after they were departed, partly for lacke of victuals; and partly bicause they despaired of succours. To con∣clude, the losse of the castell of Naples, was the losse of the whole realme.

The Notes.

1 This Peron vvas sent to Nice, being a hauen tovvne in Prouence to prepare this nauie.

2 I suppose this to be some hauen tovvne not far from Naples, or rather thinke it should be read the Ile of Prusse, vvhereof mention is made cap. 14. vvhich Guicciar. calleth the Ile of Poreze.

3 To the Ile of Elbe, Guicciar.

4 The place is corrupted, for this hauen is aftervvard called Bengon: vvherefore the French Corrector readeth it (as Blondus and the description of Italy lead him) Porto Barato pres Piombino.

5 Guicciar. saith, Arban vvas vnskilfull on the sea, and I doubt this place be corrup∣ted heere.

Of the great famine and miserie the Duke of Orleans and his men were in at Nouarre: of the Marchiones of Montferrats death, and like∣wise of Monseur de Vendosmes: and how after long deliberation the King enclined to peace, to saue those that were besieged. Chap. 9.

THe King being at Thurin (as you haue heard) and at Quiers, (whither he went sometime to solace himselfe) attended daily for newes of the Almains whom he had sent for, and trauelled to recouer the Duke of Milan, whose freindship he much desired, neither cared he greatly for the Duke of Orleans successe, who began now to be sore distressed for victuals, and wrote daily for succours bicause the enimies were approched neerer the towne. Besides that their force was increased with a thousand Almain horsemen, and eleuen thousand footemen called launce Knights, leuied in the King of Romaines domi∣nions: the horsemen being led by Master Frederic Capelare of the countie of Fer∣rette (a valiant knight who long had been trained vp both in Fraunce and Italy,) and

the footemen by a couragious knight of Austriche called Master George d'Abecfin ¹ , the selfe same that tooke Saint Omer for the King of Romaines. The King therefore seeing his enimies forces daily to increase, and that no honorable end could be made, was aduised to remooue to Verceil, there to deuise some way to saue the Duke of Orleans and his company, who (as before you haue heard) had giuen no order at all for their victuals at their first entrie into Nouarre. And sure the Duke should haue done much better, in following the aduise I gaue him at the Kings returne to Ast, as before is mentioned; which was to depart out of Nouarre, putting all that were vnable to do seruice out of the towne, and to repaire himselfe to the King: for his presence would much haue furthered his affaires, at the least those that he had left behinde him, should not haue suffered such extreme famine as they did: for he would haue made a composition sooner, when he had seene no remedie. But the Archbishop of Rouen, who had been with him in Nouarre from the very beginning; and for the furtherance of his affaires was come to the King, and present at the de∣bating of all matters; sent him word daily not to depart, bicause shortly he should be succoured, grounding himselfe wholy vpon the Cardinall of Saint Malos pro∣mise, who had all the credit with the King. Good affection caused him to write thus, but I was well assured of the contrarie. For no man would returne to the battell, vn∣lesse the King went in person; and as touching him he desired nothing lesse: for this was but a priuate quarrell for one towne which the Duke of Orleans would needes retaine, and the Duke of Milan needes haue restored, bicause it is but ten leagues from Milan; so that of necessitie one of them must haue had all. For there are in the Duchie of Milan nine or ten great cities, the one neere to the other. Further, the Duke of Milan said, that in restoring Nouarre, and not demanding Genua, he would do any thing for the King. We sent meale oftentimes to Nouarre, whereof the halfe was euer lost vpon the way; and once sixtie men of armes were defeated going thither, being led by a yoong gentleman of the Kings house, named Chastillon: some of them were taken, some entred the towne, and the rest hardly escaped. It is impos∣sible to expresse the great miserie of our men within Nouarre; for euery day some died of famine, and two parts of them were sicke, so that pitious letters came from thence in cipher, though with great difficultie. They receiued euer faire promises, and all was but abuse. But those that gouerned the Kings affaires desired the battell, not considering that no man was of that opinion but themselues: for all the best men of war in the armie, namely, the Prince of Orenge lately arriued, and to whom the K. gaue great credit in martiall affairs, and all the other captains, desired to make a good end by treatie. For winter approched, we were vnfurnished of monie, the number of the French was small, and many of them sicke; so that they departed daily, some with the Kings leaue, and some without leaue: but notwithstanding all these inconueniences, all the wise men in the campe could not disswade those aboue mentioned, from sending word to the Duke of Orleans not to depart the towne; whereby vndoubtedly they greatly endangered him. And this they did, bicause they trusted vpon the great force of Almaines, whereof the Bailife of Digeon assured them; to whom also certaine of them sent word to bring as many as he could le∣uie. To be short, their companie was diuided, and euery man said and writ what him listed.

Those that would haue no peace, nor meeting to treate thereof, alleaged that the enimies ought to make the first ouuerture, and not the K. but they on the other side said, that they would not first begin: in the meane time the misery of our men in No∣uarre daily increased, in such sort, that now their letters made mention only of those

that died daily for hunger, and that they could hold the towne but ten daies, and afterward eight daies, yea and once they came to three daies, but they had first passed their day before prefixed. To be short, so great extremitie hath not been seene of long time, no I am sure that a hundred yeeres before we were borne, neuer men sustained so great famine as they.

In the meane time died the Marchionesse of Montferrat (a great friend to the French,) wherupon some strife arose in that countrey for the gouernment, the which on the one side the Marques of Saluce demanded, and on the other the Lord Con∣stantine vnckle to the said Marchionesse, who was a Greeke, and she a Greekesse, daughter to the King of Seruia, but the Turke had destroied them both. The said Lord Constantine had fortified himselfe in the castell of Casal, and had in his hands the late Marques his two sonnes, begotten of this wise and beautiful Lady, the which died the 29. yeere of hir age, hir eldest sonne being but nine yeeres old. Other parti∣cular men also aspired to the gouernment, so that great part taking arose about that matter in our campe. The King commanded me to to thither, and determine the controuersie for the childrens safetie, and to the contentation of the greatest part of the people. For he feared that this variance would make them call the Duke of Milan into their countrey, greatly to our discontentment: for the friendship of this house of Montferrat stood vs in great stead. I was loth to depart before I had brought into better tune those that contraried the peace: for I considered both the incon∣ueniences aboue rehearsed, and also that winter approched, and feared least these Prelats should perswade the King to aduenture another battell, whose power was small, vnlesse great force of Swissers hapned to come, and though so many came as they vaunted of, yet seemed it to me a dangerous case to put the King and his estate into their hands. Further, our enimies were mightie, and lodged in a strong place, and well fortified. Wherefore all these points being well weighed, I aduentured to perswade the King not to hazard his person and estate for a trifle. I desired him to remember the great danger he was in at Fornoue, which could not then be auoided bicause necessitie forced him to fight: but now (I said) there was no such necessitie. I aduised him further, not to refuse a good end, bicause of this fond obiection, that he ought not first to breake the ice, for if it so pleased him, I would finde meanes that ouuertures should be made in such sort, that the honor of both parties should be sa∣ued. He bad me repaire to the Cardinall; and so I did: but the Cardinall gaue me strange answers, and desired the battell, assuring himselfe of the victorie: and further alleaging that the Duke of Orleans had promised him ten thousand ducats of yeer∣ly reuenues for one of his sonnes, if he obtained the Duchie of Milan. The next day, as I went to take my leaue of the King to depart to Casal (being distant from thence about a daies iourney and a halfe) I met with Monseur de la Trimoille by the waie, whom I aduertised of my communication had with the King: and bicause he was neere about him, I asked his aduise whether I should presse forward the matter, whereunto he earnestly perswaded me, for al men desired to repaire home. The King was in a garden, and when I came to him, I began to perswade with him (as the daie before) in presence of the Cardinall, who answered me that it appertained to him being a church man, to be the first moouer of the King to peace: whereunto I re∣plied that if he would not, I would. For I perceiued well that both the King and those that were neerest about him desired to returne home. Then I tooke my leaue, and at my departure told the Prince of Orenge (who had the principall charge of the army) that if I entred into any communication of peace, I would addresse my selfe wholy to him. This being done I tooke my iourney towards Casall, where I was well

receiued by the whole kinred of this house of Montferrat, and found the greatest part of them inclined to the Lord Constantine, whose gouernment was thought by them all most conuenient for the childrens safetie, bicause he could pretend no title to the succession as the Marques of Saluce did. I assembled by the space of certaine daies both the Nobles of the countrey, the Spirituall men, and the Burgesses of the good townes, and at the request of them, at the least the greatest part of them, de∣clared the Kings pleasure to be, that the Lord Constantine should remaine gouernor. For I was sure they would not withstande the Kings commandement, both bicause of the force he had then on that side the mountaines, and also bicause of the good affection the whole countrey beareth to the house of Fraunce.

About three daies after my arriuall at Casal, the Marquesse of Mantua the Vene∣tians Generall, sent the steward of his house thither to condole the late deceased Marchionesse death: for the said Marquesse was of kin to this house of Montferrat. The same Steward and I entered into communication how we might agree these two armies without battell: for both the parties disposed themselues to fight, and the King lay in campe neere to Verceil, but to say the truth he did but passe the ri∣uer onely ² and lodge his campe, which was vtterly vnprouided of tents and pauili∣ons: for our men had brought foorth but few with them, and those few also were lost. Moreouer the ground was wet, both bicause winter approched, and bicause the countrey lieth low. The King lodged in his campe but one night, and the next day returned to the towne: but the Prince of Orenge abode still with the army, so did also the Earle of Foix, and the Earle of Vendosme, who fell into a fluxe there where∣of he died, which sure was great pitie: for he was a goodly gentleman, yoong, and wise, and was come thither in poste, bicause the brute ran that there we should fight. For you shall vnderstand that he had not beene with the King in this voiage into Italy. Besides these the Marshall of Gie abode also in the campe and diuers other captaines, but the greatest force were the Almaines that had beene with the King in this voiage: for the French men would by no meanes lodge abrode, the towne being so neere; besides that, diuers of them were sicke, and many returned home some with leaue, & some without leaue. Nouarre was distant from our campe ten great Italian miles, containing six French leagues at the lest, the way is cumber∣some: for the ground is tough and soft as in Flaunders, bicause of ditches that are on both sides of the way, much deeper than the ditches of Flaunders. In winter the waies there are very foule, and in sommer maruellous dustie. Moreouer, betweene our campe and Nouarre, there was a little place which we held, called Bourg, about a league from vs, and another that they held about a league from their campe, called Camarian. But the waters were risen so high, that a man could hardly passe between vs and them.

The Marquesse of Mantuas steward aboue mentioned that was come to Casall and I, continued still our communication of peace, and diuers reasons I alleaged to him to perswade his Master to shun the battell. First, I put him in minde of the great danger he had beene in at Fornoue: secondarily, I told him that he fought for them that neuer had aduaunced him, notwithstanding the great seruices he had done them: wherefore his best way should be to incline to peace, which I for my part promised to further on our side as much as in me lay. He answered, that his Master desired nothing more than peace, but that we must make the first motion thereof, as word had been sent me heertofore, considering that their league, that is to say, the Pope, the Kings of Romanes and Spaine, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan were more woorthie than the King alone. I answered, that to make such a ceremonie

about so small a trifle, was meere follie: notwithstanding if any ceremonie were to be obserued, that the King ought to haue the preheminence and honor thereof, con∣sidering that himselfe was there in person, and the others had but their lieutenants there. But to auoid all such fond cauillation, I offered that he and I iointly as media∣tors (if he so thought good) would breake the yce, so that I were sure his Master the Marquesse of Mantua would agree therunto, and proceeded accordingly. Where∣upon we concluded, that the next day I should send a trumpeter to their campe, by whom I should write to Master Lucas Pisan, and Master Melchior Treuisan the two Venetian Prouisors, the which are officers appointed to consult with their captains, and to prouide things necessarie for their armie. According to the which resolution, the next morning I writ vnto them the effect of that I had said before to the steward: for I had good colour to continue still a mediator, bicause I had promised so to do at my departure from Venice. Besides that, I was sure the King desired peace, and me thought that also our affaires required it. Lastly, there are euer men ynow to breake off a good appointmēt, but few that haue skil & wil withal to trauel for the pacifying of so great a controuersie, nor that will endure so many hard speeches as are vsed of them that deale in such affaires; for in great armies all are not of one humor. The said Prouisors were glad of these newes, and promised that I should shortly haue answer of my letter: whereof foorthwith they sent word to Venice in post, and recei∣ued answere with great expedition from the Seniorie, and not long after, sent an Earle that serued the Duke of Ferrara, to our campe. The said Duke had men in their armie; for his eldest sonne was in pay with the Duke of Milan ³ , but another of his sonnes with the King our Master. This Earles name was Albertin, and he pretended openly, that the occasion of his arriuall was to visite Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, with whom he had a sonne in seruice ⁴ . He addressed himselfe to the Prince of Orenge, according to the stewards agreement and mine at our departure from Ca∣sal, and aduertised him that he had a commission from the Marquesse of Mantua, the Prouisors, and the other captaines of their armie, to demaund a safe conduct for the said Marquesse and others, to the number of fiftie horses, to come and treate with such as it should please the King to appoint; for they acknowledged that it was rea∣son they should first come to the King and his Commissioners, and declared also that they would do him that honor. Afterward the said Earle desired to commune with the King apart: which his request being granted; he then counselled him not to make peace, reporting our enimies armie to be in so great feare, that shortly they would raise their siege & depart: by which words he seemed rather desirous to break off the treatie than to further it; notwithstanding that his commission openly were such as you haue heard. At this communication M. Iohn Iames of Treuoul was pre∣sent, who bicause he was great enimie to the Duke of Milan, would also gladly haue broken off the treatie. But aboue all others, the Duke of Ferrara the said Earle Al∣bertins Master (being newly arriued at the Duke of Milans campe, who had married his daughter) desired war; for he was great enimie to the Venetians, bicause they withheld from him diuers countries, namely, the Polesan and others. After the King had communed with this Earle, he sent for me, and debated with his Counsell, whe∣ther he should grant this safe conduct or not. Those that would gladly haue broken off the treatie, as Master Iohn Iames, and others (who spake in fauor of the Duke of Orleans, as they pretended) desired the battell, saying, that they were sure the eni∣mies would shortly dislodge bicause they starued for hunger: but the greatest part of those that gaue this aduise were clergie men, who would not haue been at the bat∣tell themselues. Diuers others, and my selfe among the rest, were of the contrarie

opinion, saying, that we should sooner starue for hunger than they, being in their owne countrie. And as touching their dislodging we answered, that their force was too great to flie for feare of vs, & by that means to cast themselues away. Wherfore these words (we said) proceeded of men that would haue vs fight & hazard our liues for their particular quarrels. To be short, the safe conduct was granted and sent, and promise made, that the next day by two of the clocke at after noone, the Prince of Orenge, the Marshall of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, and my selfe should meete the said Marquesse and his collegues betweene Bourg and Camarian, neere to a towne where they kept their watch, to the end we might there commune togither. Accor∣ding to the which appointment the next day thither we went, accompanied with a good band of soldiers: and there the said Marquesse of Mantua and a Venetian that had the charge of their Estradiots met vs ⁵ , and gaue vs very courteous language, saying, that for their parts they desired peace. Further, we there concluded, that to the end we might the more conueniently commune togither, they should send cer∣taine Commissioners to our campe, and afterward the King certaine of his to them: whereunto they agreed, and sent vnto vs the next day on the Duke of Milans behalfe Master Francisco Bernardin Viscomte, and with him one of the Marquesse of Man∣tuas Secretaries; with whom we aboue named, and the Cardinall of S. Malo began to negotiate. They demanded Nouarre where the Duke of Orleans was besieged, and we Genua, saying, that it was held of the King by homage, and that the Duke of Milan had taken it by confiscation ⁶ . Then they made their excuses, saying, that they had attempted nothing against the King, but onely in their owne defence, that the Duke of Orleans had taken the said citie of Nouarre with the Kings forces, and had first mooued this war: and further, that they thought their Masters would neuer agree to such conditions, but willingly do any other thing to content the King. They were with vs two daies and afterward returned againe to their campe, whither the Marshall of Gie, Monseur de Piennes and I, were sent after them, to demand the said citie of Genua; and as touching Nouarre, we offered to deliuer it to the King of Romans men that were in their campe, vnder the leading of Master George de Pietre∣plane, and Master Frederick Capelare, and one named Master Haunce. For we could not succour it but by battell, and that we desired not: wherefore this offer we made to discharge our selues of it with honor; for the Duchie of Milan is held by homage of the Emperor. Diuers messengers ran to and fro betweene our campe and theirs, but nothing was concluded. Notwithstanding I lodged euery night in their campe; for the Kings pleasure was that I should so do, bicause he would breake off no ouer∣ture. In the end all we aboue named returned againe to them, being accompanied with the President of Gannay, and Moruillier Bailife of Amiens, which two went with vs to pen the articles in Latin; for hitherto I had negotiated with them in such bad Italian as I had. Our order of proceeding was this. When we arriued at the Dukes lodging, he and the Duchesse came foorth to receiue vs at the end of a galle∣rie, and then we entred all before him into his chamber, where we found two long ranks of chaires, set neere togither the one before the other; in the one of the which they sate downe, and we in the other. They sate in this order; first one for the King of Romanes, then the ambassador of Spaine, then the Marquesse of Mantua, and the two Prouisors of Venice, and an ambassador of Venice, then the Duke of Milan and his wife, and last of all the ambassador of Ferrara: of their side none spake but the Duke alone, and of our side but one. But our maner is not to proceede so calmly nor so orderly as they: for we spake somtimes two or three togither; but then the Duke vsed to reclaime vs, saying ho, one to one. When we came to pen our articles, all that

was agreed vpon, was written by one of our Secretaries, and likewise by one of theirs, which also at our departure the two Secretaries read, the one in Italian and the other in French, and likewise at our next meeting, as wel to the end that nothing should be altered, as also for the more expedition: and sure it is a good maner of proceeding in great and waightie affaires. This treatie endured about fifteen daies or more: but it was agreed the first day, that the Duke of Orleans might depart out of the towne, and the selfesame day we made truce, which continued from day to day till the peace was concluded. Moreouer, the Marquesse of Mantua put himselfe in hostage into the Earle of Foix his hands, rather for his owne pleasure, than for any doubt we had of the Duke of Orleans person. But they made vs first sweare that we would proceed in the treatie of peace vprightly and sincerely without dissimulation, onely to deliuer the said Duke.

The Notes.

1 All the Italians name him Georgio di Pietrapiana. The author himselfe also after∣ward nameth him Petreplane, which variance ariseth, bicause the one is his surname, the other the name of his seniorie.

2 This riuer is called Seruo, Guicciar. nameth it Stesie.

3 His eldest sonnes name was Alfonse. Guicciar.

4 He vsed this colour openly, bicause the Venetians would not seeme first to seeke peace.

5 This Venetians name was Bernarde Contaren. Guicciar.

6 Seeing it was forfeited, it ought of right to haue been forfeited into the Kings hands, of whom it was held, but not to the Duke of Milan.

7 The Marquesse of Mantua put himselfe in hostage, bicause the Duke of Orleans was to passe through the Italians campe. Guicciar.

How the Duke of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composi∣tion out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were be∣sieged: and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the King and the said Duke of Orleans. Chap. 10.

THe Marshall of Gie accompanied with certaine of the Duke of Milans seruants, went to Nouarre, and caused the Duke of Or∣leans with a small traine to come foorth of the towne, whereof he was right glad. They within the towne were so miserably per∣secuted with famine and sicknes, that the said Marshall was for∣ced to leaue his nephew called Monseur de Romefort in hostage with them, promising that within three daies they should all come foorth. You haue heard already how the Bailife of Digeon was sent into Swisserland to leauy fiue thousand men among their Cantons, the which were not yet arriued when the D. of Orleans came forth of Nouarre: for if they had, vndoub∣tedly in mine opinion we had fought. But notwithstanding that we were certain∣ly aduertised that there came a much greater number than we sent for: yet could we not tarie their comming bicause of our mens great distresse in Nouarre, where there died at the least two thousand of famine and sicknes: the rest also being so poore and miserable that they seemed rather dead carcasses than liuing creatures. And I

thinke verily (setting the siege of Hierusalem aside) that neuer men sustained such hunger as they did. But if at their first entrie into the towne they had made good prouision of Corne, (whereof the might haue recouered plentie in the villages there about) they should neuer haue beene brought to such extremitie: but on the other side, their enimies haue been forced to depart with great dishonor.

Three or fower daies after the Duke of Orleans departure out of Nouarre, it was agreed by both the parties that all the souldiers should likewise be permitted to come foorth, and the Marques of Mantua, and Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin, Captaines, the one of the Venetians, the other of the Duke of Milans forces, were appointed to conueigh them in safetie, and so they did. Further, as touching the towne of Nouarre it was put into the citizens hands, who were sworne to receiue into it neither French nor Italian, before the treatie of peace were fully concluded. Moreouer, thirtie of our men remained still in the castell, whom the Duke of Milan permitted to haue victuals for their money from day to day. Vndoubtedly a man would neuer beleeue the great miserie they were in that came foorth of the towne, vnlesse he had seene them. Horses they brought foorth but fewe, for they were in maner all eaten, and there were hardly sixe hundred men among them able to do seruice, notwithstanding that there came foorth 5500. A great number lay by the waies whom the enimies themselues releeued. I for my part for the value of a crowne saued fiftie of them, as they lay succourlesse in a garden neere to a little ca∣stle that the enimies held called Camarian, where I caused porrige to be giuen them, which so well refreshed them that in the said garden there died but one, and afterward vpon the way about fower, for it was ten miles from Nouarre to Verceil; whither when they arriued, the King bestowed his charity vpon them, and com∣manded eight hundred francks to be deuided among them, and paide them also their wages, as well the dead as the liuing, and the Swissers in like maner, of whom about fower hundred died in Nouarre: but notwithstanding all this their good chee∣rishing three hundred of them died at Verceil after their returne, some by feeding too greedily after their long famine, and some by sicknes, so that a great number lay dead vpon the dunghils of the towne. About this present, after all our men were come foorth of the towne, except thirty that remained in the castle: (some of the which also daily sallied foorth) arriued the Swissers, eight or ten thousand of the which came and lodged with vs in our campe, where were already two thousand that had beene with the King in this voiage of Naples: the rest of their company being to the number of ten thousand encamped neere to Verceil. The King was aduised not to suffer these two bands to ioine togither, in the which were to the number of twentie and two thousand men: so that I thinke so many soldiers of their countrey were neuer togither before. For the opinion of all those that knew their countrey was, that they left but few able men behinde them, & sure the greatest part of these came whether we would or not, in such sort that their wiues and children would haue come with them, had not the straights at the entrie into Piemont been defended to stop them. A man may doubt whether this their comming pro∣ceeded of good affection or no, bicause the late King Lewis had bestowed great benefits vpon them, and was the cause of the great honor and renowne they haue won in the world. True it is that there were some old men among them, that had borne great good will to King Lewis: for there came a number of Captaines aboue seauentie two yeeres of age, the which had serued against Duke Charles of Burgun∣dy: but the chiefe cause of their comming was couuetousnes and pouertie. To say the truth all the able men that they could leuie came, and such a number of tall

fellowes they were, and so goodly a bande, that me thought it impossible to discom∣fite them, otherwise than by famine or cold, or some such distresse.

Let vs now returne to the principall matter, to wit the treatie. The Duke of Or∣leans (after he had well refreshed himselfe eight or ten daies, being accompanied with men of all sorts) supposing his honor to be stained, bicause such a number of men as were with him in Nouarre, had suffered themselues through meere folly to be brought to so great extremitie, began to wish that we might fight, and talked ve∣rie stoutly of the battell, and one or two more of his followers. Further, Monseur de Ligny, and the Archbishop of Rouen (who gouerned the said Dukes affaires) and two or three other meane personages, suborned certaine Swissers to come and offer themselues to fight. But no reason could be alleaged why we should so do: for the Duke of Orleans had no men in the towne more than the thirty remaining in the castle, so that there was no cause why we should aduenture the battell; for the King had no quarrell, neither meant to fight but onely for sauing the said Dukes person and his seruants. Besides this, our enimies were mightie, and it was impossible to assaile them in their campe, as well bicause they were entrenched round about, and their trenches full of water, as also bicause of the strong seat thereof. Moreouer, they had no enimies to inuade them but vs onely, for they stood now in no more feare of the towne. They were aboue 2800. men of armes barded, and fiue thousand light horsemen, and 11500. Almaines led by good captaines, to wit, Master George of Pietreplane, Master Frederick Capelare, and Master Haunce, besides great force of footemen of their owne countries; so that they seemed to speake but vpon a brauery, that said we might take them in their campe, or that they would flie. Besides all this, another thing there was greatly to be feared, to wit, least these Swissers if they ioi∣ned all togither, should take the King and the noble men of the armie, being but a handfull in respect of them, and leade them prisoners into their countrie; for some apparance there was that they meant so to do, as you shall heare at the conclusion of the peace.

How the peace was concluded betweene the King and the Duke of Orleans on the one side, and the enimies on the other: and of the conditions and articles thereof. Chap. 11.

WHile these matters were thus debated to and fro among vs, in such heate that the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orenge fell at variance about them, so far foorth that the Duke gaue him the lie: the Marshall of Gie, the Lord of Piennes, the Presi∣dent Gannay, the Lord Moruillier, the Vidasme of Chartres, and my selfe returned to the enimies campe and concluded peace ¹ : which notwithstanding that we perceiued by manifest tokens to be vnlike long to endure; yet necessitie forced vs to conclude it, both bicause of diuers reasons aboue alleaged, bicause the winter constrained vs thereunto, bicause we lacked monie: and also to the end we might depart with an honorable peace, the which should be sent abrode into the world in writing, as the King had concluded with his Councell, the Duke of Orleans being there present. The articles of the peace were these. That the Duke of Milan should beare the King his faith for Genua

against all men: and that in respect thereof, he should arme two ships to the sea at his owne proper costs and charges, to succour the castels of Naples which held yet for the King. And further, that the next yeere he should furnish the King of three ships, and serue him in person in the conquest of the said realme, if the King himselfe happened to returne to conquer it againe. That he should giue passage to the Kings forces. And if the Venetians would not accept the peace within two moneths, but continue to defend the house of Arragon; that then he should take part with the King against them, and imploy his person and subiects for the Kings seruice, vnder this condition, that all that should be conquered of their dominions should be his. That he should release to the King fowerscore thousand ducats of the hundred and fower and twenty thousand that he had lent him in this voiage. That for perfor∣mance of these conditions, he should deliuer to the King two hostages of Genua. That the castell of Genua should be put into the Duke of Ferraraes hands, as neuter for two yeeres, and that the Duke of Milan should pay the one halfe of the garrison within it, and the King the other: and further, if the said Duke of Milan should re∣fuse to do such seruices to the King for Genua, as he was bound to do by this treatie; that then it should be lawfull for the Duke of Ferrara to put the said castell into the Kings hands. Last of all, that the said Duke of Milan should deliuer to the King two other hostages of Milan. These he deliuered, and so would he also the others of Ge∣nua, if the King had not departed so suddenly; but so soone as he sawe him gone, he made delaies.

After we were returned from the enimies campe, and had aduertised the King that the Duke of Milan had sworne the treatie, and the Venetians taken two mo∣neths respit to accept or refuse it (for more they would not condescend vnto) the King sware it also, and the second day after determined to depart, being very desirous both he and all the companie to returne into Fraunce: but the selfesame night the Swissers that were in our campe assembled togither each Canton apart, and strake vp their drums, standing in order of battell by their ensignes, as their maner is in their consultations. All the which I write vpon the report of Lornay, who was then, and long time before had been one of their captaines, and vnderstandeth well their language, and lodged that night in their campe, and came and aduertised the King of all these their actions.

Some of these Swissers gaue aduise to take the King and all his companie, that is to say, the principall of the armie; others would not agree thereunto, but gaue counsell to demaund paiment for three moneths, saying, that the King his father had promised them this paiment as often as they should depart out of their countrie with ensigne displaied: others were of opinion to take the principall of the armie, not touching the Kings person. This last opinion tooke place, so far foorth that they began to dispose themselues to execute it, a great number of their men being already within the towne: but before they had fully concluded, the King departed and went to Trin, a towne in the Marquisat of Montferrat. Sure they did vs great wrong, to demaund three months paiment (wheras K. Lewis had promised them but one;) espe∣cially hauing done no seruice. To be short, in the end we made an agreement with them, but they that had been with vs at Naples, had first taken the Bailife of Digeon & Lornay (who had euer been their captaines) demaunding paiment of 15. daies for their departure. But the others had three moneths pay, amounting to fiue hundred thousand franks; for the which summe, they were contented to take pledges and hostages. All this disorder happened by practise of certaine of our owne men, who mooued them thus to do, bicause they misliked the peace, as one of their captaines

came and told the Prince of Orenge, who aduertised the King therof.

When the King arriued at Trin, he sent the Marshall of Gie, the President Gan∣nay and me, to the Duke of Milan, to desire him to come and speake with him. We alleaged many reasons to perswade him thereunto, saying, that by this meanes the peace should be fully confirmed: but he gaue foorth diuers reasons to the contrarie, and refused so to do; excusing himselfe vpon certaine speeches vttered by Monseur de Ligny (who had aduised to take him prisoner when he was with the King at Pa∣uia) and likewise by the Cardinall, who had all the credit with the King. But notwith∣standing that many foolish words were indeede spoken, I know not by whom; yet sure I am that at this present the King greatly desired his friendship. He was in a place called Bolie, and agreed to speake with the King, so that a grate might be be∣tweene them built vpon a bridge ouer a riuer. Vpon receipt of which answer the King departed to Quiers, where he staied but a night or two, and then tooke his iourney to passe ouer the mountaines, and sent me againe to Venice, and others to Genua to cause the two ships to be manned ² , which the Duke of Milan was bound to lende him: but he performed no whit of that he promised; for after the King had beene at great charges in arming of men to the said ships, the Duke would not let them de∣part; but on the contrarie side sent two to our enimies.

The Notes.

1 This treatie of Verceil was concluded the 9. of October.

2 The Duke was bound to arme these ships, but the King would haue manned them with his owne men.

How the King sent the Lord of Argenton to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused: and of the Duke of Milans false dealings. Chap. 12.

MY ambassage to the Venetians was to know whether they would accept the peace, and agree to these three articles. First, to re∣store Monopoly to the King, which they had lately woon from vs ¹ . Secondarily, to reuoke the Marquesse of Mantua, and the forces they had in the realme of Naples, from King Ferrandes seruice. Lastly, to declare King Ferrande to be none of their confederates, bicause none were comprehended in their league but the Pope, the King of Romans, the King of Spaine, and the Duke of Milan. When I arriued at Venice, they receiued me very honorably, though not so honorably as at my former being there, and no maruell; for then we were in peace, but now in hostilitie. I did my message to the Duke, who welcommed me, and told me that shortly I should receiue mine answer, but that he would first consult with the Senate. Three daies they commanded generall processions and publike sermons, and dealt great almes, desiring God of his grace to direct them into the wi∣sest course; which maner of proceeding (as I was there informed) they vse ordinarily in such like cases. Wherefore I must needes confesse, that this citie seemed to me the most deuout, as touching matters of religion, that euer I came in, and their Churches the best decked and trimmed; so that heerin I account them equall with the ancient Romanes, and amfully perswaded, that thereof springeth the greatnes of their Se∣niorie:

which sure is woorthie rather to increase than diminish. But to returne to mine ambassage, I abode there fifteene daies before I was dispatched. The answer I receiued was a refusall of all my demaunds, with this excuse that they were not in war with the King, neither had done any thing but in defence of their confederate the Duke of Milan, whom the King sought to destroy. Afterward they caused the Duke to commune with me apart, who offered me a good composition, to wit, that King Ferrande by the Popes consent should hold the realme of Naples of the King by homage, and pay him yeerely fiftie thousand ducats for tribute, and a certaine summe of monie presently, the which they offered to lend, meaning to haue in gage for it the places which they now hold in Pouille, namely Brandis, Otrante, Trani, and the rest. And further, that for performance of these conditions, the said Dom Ferrande should deliuer to the King, or leaue in his hands certaine towns in Pouille, they meant Tarente which the King yet held, and one or two more that the said Fer∣rande should haue deliuered, which townes they offered vs on that side of Italie, bi∣cause it was the furthest from vs, notwithstanding that they pretended the offer to be, bicause they stood commodiously to inuade the Turke: whereof the King had put men in great hope at his first entrie into Italie, saying, that he attempted this conquest of Naples, to the end he might with the more expedition transport his forces against the said Turke, which was a wicked deuice, and a meere lie; for he meant nothing lesse, but from God no man can hide his thoughts. Moreouer, the Duke of Venice offered me, that if the King would attempt any thing against the Turke, he should haue free accesse to these places aboue named, that all Italy should be contributors to the wars; that the King of Romanes should inuade also on the other side, and that the King and they would gouerne Italie in such sort, that no man should refuse to pay that he should be rated at; and further, that they for their part would aide him vpon their owne proper costs and charges with an hundred gallies vpon the sea, and fiue thousand horses vpon the land.

I tooke my leaue of the Duke and the Seniorie, saying, that I would make report of their answer to the King. Then returned I to Milan, and found the Duke at Vi∣gesue, and the Kings ambassador with him, who was one of the Stewards of his house named Rigaut Dorelles. The Duke came foorth himselfe to meete me, vnder colour of going a hunting: for they vse there to receiue ambassadors with great re∣uerence, and lodged me in his castle very honorably. I desired to commune with him apart, and he promised that I should so do, though halfe against his will as it seemed. The castle of Naples held yet for the King: wherefore I meant earnest∣ly to presse him for the two ships promised vs by the treatie of Verceil, the which were readie to depart, he in outward apparance seeming-willing thereunto: But Peron of Basche Steward of the Kings house, and Stephen de Neues (who were at Genua for the King) so soone as they vnderstood of my arriuall at Vigesue, wrote vnto me, complaining of the Duke of Milans falshood, who would not suffer the two ships to depart which he had promised vs, but on the contrary side had sent two to aide our enimies. They aduertised me further, that one day the gouernor of Genua made them answere that he would not suffer the saide ships to be manned with any French men, and another day that he would put into each of them but fiue and twentie at the most, with diuers such like dissimulations, dalliyng and delaying the time till the castle of Naples were yeelded, which the Duke knew well to be vic∣tualled but for a moneth or little more. And as touching the armie that the King leuied in Prouence, it was not able to succour the castle without these two ships: for the enimies lay before it with a great Nauie, as well of their owne, as of the

Venetians, and the King of Spaines. Three daies I abode with the Duke, and one day he sate in counsell with me, seeming to be discōtented that I misliked his answer touching the said ships, and alleaged that by the treatie of Verceil he had promised to serue the King with two ships, but not that they should be manned with French men. Whereunto I answered that this seemed to me a verie slender excuse: for if he should lend me a good mule to passe the mountaines withall, and afterward make me lead hir in my hand and not to ride vpon hir, but looke vpon hir onely, what pleasure did he me? After much debating, he and I withdrew our selues into a gal∣lery, where I declared vnto him what great paines, both I and others had taken to conclude this treatie of Verceil, and into how great danger he brought vs by con∣trariyng thus his promise, and causing the King by that meanes to lose these castles, and consequently the whole realme, whereby he should also ingender perpetuall hatred between the King and him. Further, I offered him the Princedome of Ta∣rente and the Duchie of Bary, the which Duchie he held already. Lastly, I shewed him the danger he put both himselfe and the whole estate of Italy into, by suffering the Venetians to hold these places in Pouille ² . And he confessed I said true, espe∣cially touching the Venetians: but his last resolution was that he could finde no faith nor assurance with the King.

After this communication I tooke my leaue of him, he accompaning me vpon the way about a league. But euen at our very departure he deuised yet a cunningerly than all the rest (if a man may vse such termes of a Prince,) for bicause I seemed to depart sad and Melancholick: he said vnto me (as a man suddenly altered) that he would do me a friendly turne to the end the King might haue good cause to welcom me: for the next day he would send Master Galeas to Genua (more I could not wish when he named him to me) to cause the two ships to depart, and ioine with our ar∣mie, by meanes whereof he would saue the King the castle of Naples, and conse∣quently the whole realme, as he should indeed if he had done as he promised. He said further, that immediately after their departure he would aduertise me thereof with his owne hand, to the end I might be the first man that should bring newes to the King, of this great seruice that I had done him, adding also that the Courrier should ouertake me with his letters before my arriuall at Lyons. In this good hope departed I and tooke my iourney to passe the mountaines, thinking euerie Poste that came after me to be the same that should haue brought me these letters. Notwith∣standing I doubted somewhat thereof, knowing the nature of the man so well as I did. But to proceed in my voiage, I came to Chambery where I found the Duke of Sauoy who honorably entreated me, and staied me with him a day. Afterward I arri∣ued at Lyons (without my Courrier) to make report to the King of all that I had done, whom I found banketting and iusting, and wholy giuen to sport and pastime. Those that had misliked this treatie of Verceil were glad that the Duke of Milan had thus deluded vs: for their credit increased thereby, but me they potted at, as in such cases is vsuall in Princes courts, greatly to my griefe and discontentment.

I made report to the King by mouth, and shewed him also in writing the Veneti∣ans offers aboue rehearsed, whereof he made small account, and the Cardinall who gouerned all, much lesse. But that notwithstanding I mooued it to him afterward againe: for me thought it better to accept this offer then to lose all. Besides that, the King had no men about him able to deale in so waightie an enterprise ³ : for those that were able and of experience, they that had all the credit neuer or very seldome called to counsell in any matter. The King would gladly they should oftner haue beene called, but he feared to displease those that were of authority about

him, especially those that gouerned his treasure, namely the said Cardinall and his brethren and kinsmen. Wherefore let all other Princes learne by the example of this, how fit and conuenient it is for themselues to take paines in the gouerning of their owne affaires; at the least sometimes, how requisite it is to call more than one or two to counsell, according to the varietie of the matters that are debated; and how necessarie it is to hold their counsellors almost in equall authority: for if one of them be so great, that the rest feare him (as one was both then and euer since about King Charles) he is King and Lord in effect, and the Prince himselfe is euill serued, as this King was by his gouernors, who sought onely their owne profit and little re∣garded his, whereby himselfe was the lesse esteemed and the worse thought of.

The Notes.

1 The Venetians hauing sent aide to King Ferrand had won Monopoly and Pulignane. Guicciar.

2 For King Ferrand since King Charles his departure had in ingaged to the Veneti∣ans 6. townes in Pouille vnder certaine conditions which are rehearsed heerafter. cap. 14.

3 He meaneth the enterprise of succouring the castle of Naples.

How the King after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behinde him in the realme of Naples: and how the Daul∣phin died, whose death the King and Queen much lamented. Chap. 13.

I Returned to Lyons the yeere 1495. the twelfe of December, where the King was already arriued with his army a yeere and two moneths after his departure out of his realme. The castles of Naples held yet for him as before you haue heard, and Mon∣seur de Montpensier his lieutenant there, was yet at Salerne in the realme of Naples with the Prince of Salerne: likewise Monseur de Aubigny was yet in Calabria where he had done great seruice: notwithstanding that he had been sicke almost euer since the Kings de∣parture. Master Gracien des Guerres was yet also in l' Abruzzo, Dom Iulian at Mont∣saint-Ange, and George of Suly at Tarente: but they were all so distressed as a man would not beleeue. Besides that, they could hardly receiue any newes or letters out of Fraunce, and those few they did receiue, were but lies and faire promises without effect. For the K. as you haue heard they dispatched nothing himselfe: and if it had beene furnished in time but of the sixte part of the money that was spent afterward, they had neuer lost the realme. But in the end when all was yeelded, they receiued forty thousand ducats onely, for part of a yeeres pay already passed: and yet if this small summe had come but a moneth sooner, the miseries and diuisions they after∣ward fell into, and the dishonor they receiued, had neuer chanced. All the which inconueniences hapned bicause the King dispatched nothing himselfe, neither would giue the messengers audience that came from them. And as touching his seruants to whom he committed the gouernment of his affaires: they were men of small experience, idle, and negligent, and some of them I thinke had intelligence with the Pope, whereby it manifestly appeered, that God had now altogither with∣drawen his grace from the King, which at his going to Naples he had poured down so plentifully vpon him.

After the King had soiourned at Lyons about two monethes, word was brought him that the Daulphin his sonne lay at the point of death, and within three daies after that he was dead, which newes he tooke heauily as nature would: notwithstan∣ding his sorrow soone ended. But the Queene of Fraunce and Duchesse of Britaine called Anne, lamented the death of hir sonne, and that a long time, as much as was possible for a woman to do. And I thinke verily that besides the naturall griefe that women vse to conceiue in such cases, hir minde gaue hir that some greater euill hung ouer hir head. The King hir husband (as I haue said) mourned not long, but sought to comfort hir, by causing certaine yoong gentlemen to daunce before hir, of the which the Duke of Orleans was one, being of the age of fower and thirty yeeres, who seemed to reioice at the Daulphins death, bicause he was heire appa∣rant to the crowne next after the King: for the which cause the K. and he saw not one another in a long time after. The Daulphin was about three yeeres olde, a goodly childe, bold in speech, and no whit fearing those things that commonly children vse to feare. Wherefore (to be plaine with you) his fathers sorrow soone ended: for he began already to doubt if this childe grew to yeeres, and continued in his noble conditions, that happily he might diminish his estimation and authoritie: for the King himselfe was a man of very small stature and no great sense, but of so good a nature, that it was impossible to finde a gentler creature.

Heerby you may perceiue in how miserable estate Kings and Princes liue, who stand in feare of their owne children. King Lewis the eleuenth who was so wise and vertuous a Prince, stood in feare of this King Charles his sonne, but he prouided well for it, and afterward died, leauing his said sonne King, being but fowerteene yeeres of age. The said King Lewis also had put King Charles the seuen his father in feare of him: for being but thirteene yeeres of age, he mooued war against him with cer∣taine noble men and gentlemen of the realme, that misliked those that bare the sway in Court, & gouerned the estate, as K. Lewis himselfe hath eftsoones told me: but this broile soone ended. Afterward also being come to mans estate, he fell at great vari∣ance with his father, and retired himselfe into Daulphine, and from thence into Flaunders, leauing the countrie of Daulphin to the said King his father, as I haue made mention about the beginning of this historie written of King Lewis the 11. Wherefore it is manifest that no creature is exempt from trouble, but that all men eate their bread in trauell and sorrow, as God promised vs that we should soone after he had created man, the which promise he hath truly performed to all sorts of men. But great diuersitie there is of troubles and sorrowes: for those of the bodie are the lesse, and those of the minde the greater: the sorrowes of wise men are of one sort, and the sorrowes of fooles of another; but much greater griefe and passion en∣dureth the foole than the wise man, and lesse comfort receiueth he in his sorrowes, though many suppose otherwise. The poore man that trauelleth and toileth his bo∣dy to get foode to sustaine himselfe and his children, and paieth customs and subsi∣dies to his Prince, should liue in too great descomfort and despaire, if Princes and great men had nothing but pleasure in this world, and he nothing on the contrarie side but trauell and miserie. But God hath otherwise disposed thereof; for if I should take vpon me to rehearse the sundrie griefes, sorrowes, and passions that I haue seene diuers great personages sustaine, as well men as women within these thirty yeeres onely, a great volume would hardly containe them. I meane not such great perso∣sonages as Bocace writeth of in his booke ¹ , but such as we see abound with wealth, & liue in health and prosperitie; yea such as those that haue not beene conuersant with them as I haue been, would account in all respects happie: b•••• I haue often s••••ne

their sorrowes and griefes arise of so small occasions, that they that were vnacquain∣ted with them would hardly beleeue it, the most part being grounded vpon ielousies and reports, which is a disease that lurketh secretly in great Princes Courts, and trai∣neth with it infinite mischiefs both to their owne persons, their seruants, and all their subiects, and so much shorteneth their liues, that hardly any King of Fraunce since Charles the great hath passed the age of sixtie yeeres. For the which cause, when King Lewis the eleuenth approched neere to that age (being sicke of this disease) he accounted himselfe a dead man. His father King Charles the seuenth, who had done so many noble acts in Fraunce, conceiued an imagination in his sicknes, that his seruants went about to poison him, and therefore refused to receiue sustenance. Like∣wise his father King Charles the sixt was troubled with so many suspicions, that he lost his wits, and all by reports. And sure this is a fault greatly to be blamed in Prin∣ces, that in these cases they cause not such matters as concerne themselues (be they of neuer so small importance) to be ripped vp: which if they did, they should not so often be troubled with false tales. For if they would examine the parties the one be∣fore the other, I meane the accuser, and him that is accused, no man durst report any thing to them that were vntrue. But some Princes there are of so doltish disposition, that they will promise and sweare to the accusers neuer to disclose their reports, whereby they are often troubled with these anguishes before mentioned, and hate and iniurie their trustiest and faithfullest seruants and subiects, at the pleasure and vpon the complaint many times of lewd and naughtie persons.

The Notes.

1 Of vnfortunate noble men.

How the King was aduertised of the losse of the castle of Naples: and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men: of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille, to the great dammage of the French: and of the death of King Ferrande of Naples. Chap. 14.

THe Daulphin the Kings onely sonne died about the beginning of the yeere 1496. which was the greatest misfortune that euer happened or could happen to the King: for he neuer had childe after, that liued. But this mischeife came not without company, for at the very same time receiued he newes that the castle of Naples was yeelded by those that the Lord of Montpensier left within it, who were forced thereunto, partly by famine, and partly to recouer the hostages deliuered by the said Montpensier to King Fer∣rande, whose names were Monseur d'Alegre, one of the house de la Marche-d'Ar∣daine, one called de la Capelle de Loudonnois ¹ , & one named Iohn Roquebertin, Catelan. They that were within the castle returned by sea into Fraunce. Another great disho∣nor and losse receiued the King also at the same time which was this. Entragues, who held the Citadelle of Pisa (being the fort that keepeth the towne in subiection,) de∣liuered the said Citadelle to the Pisans contrarie to the Kings oth ² , who had twice sworne to the Florentines to restore vnto them the said Citadelle and their other places, namely Serzane, Serzanelle, Pietresancte, Librefacto, and Mortron, which

they had lent him in his great necessitie at his first comming into Italy: at which time they gaue him also sixescore thousand ducats, whereof there remained vnpaid to vs but thirty thousand at our returne home, as before you haue heard. To be short, all these the Florentines places aboue named were solde: the Genuois bought Serzane and Serzanelle of a bastard of Saint Paul ³ , Pietresancte Entragues solde to the Luquois ⁴ , and Librefacto to the Venetians ⁵ , to the great dishonor both of the King and all his subiects, and to the vtter losse of the realme of Naples. The first othe the King sware for the restitution of these places (as before you haue heard) was at Florence vpon the high aultar of the cathedrall Church of Saint Iohn: the second in Ast at his returne, at which time the Florentines lent him thir∣ty thousand ducats (in his great neede) vnder condition that if Pisa were restored to them, he should repaie no part nor parcell of this summe: but they would make restitution of the iewels engaged to them for it, and lend him 60000. ducats more, which they promised to cause to be paid then presently in the realme of Naples, to the Kings forces there. They offered further, to entertaine continually in the saide realme at their proper costs and charges, three hundred men of armes to do the King seruice till the said conquest were fully atchieued, of the which conditions none were performed, bicause of this euill dealing aboue mentioned. Besides that, we were forced to restore the thirty thousand ducats that they lent vs, all the which inconueniences happened through disobedience and priuy whispering in the Kings eare, for some of those that were neerest about him, encouraged Entragues to sell these places.

At the selfe same time within two moneths ouer or vnder, in the beginning of this yeere 1496. the Lord of Montpensier, the Lord Virgill Vrsin ⁶ , M. Camille Vitelly, and the rest of the French captaines, seeing all thus lost: put themselues into the field, and tooke certaine small places. But King Ferrande sonne of King Alphonse, who was entred into religion (as before you haue heard) accompanied with the Marquesse of Mantua, brother to the said Montpensiers wife, and Generall of the Venetians, marched against them. They found the saide Montpensier lodged in a towne called Atelle, a place very commodious for their prouision of victuals, and seated on a hill, vpon the which our enimies fortified their campe as men fearing the battell, bicause the said King Ferrand and his forces had been discomfited in all places, as was also the Marques of Mantua at Fornoua where we fought with him. The said Marques the Venetians had lent to K. Ferrand with a certaine summe of money, but of small value in respect of the places they had in gage for it, which were these sixe townes in Pouille of great importance, Brandis, Trani, Galipoli, Crana, Otrante, and Monopoly, the last of the which since the Kings departure they had woon from vs. Moreouer in the said summe of money they comprehended the wa∣ges of their soldiers that serued the said Ferrand, so that they hold these places for two hundred thousand ducats; yea, and now they require the charges they haue been at in the fortification and defence of them, so that I am fully perswaded they minde neuer to restore them: for they vse not so to do, when towns lie commodiously for them, as these do, being scituate vpon the Adriatike gulfe, so that by meanes of them they are Lords of the said gulfe, which is one of the things they chiefely de∣sire; and no maruell, for it is from Otrante (which is the verie point of the said gulfe) to Venice at the least nine hundred miles. And notwithstanding that the Pope held certaine places also vpon the said gulfe intermingled among these Venetian townes: yet were all passengers forced to paie custome to Venice: wherefore the possession of these places is more beneficiall to them than the world weeneth: for they re∣ceiue

yeerely from thence great plenty of corne and oile, which are two necessarie things for their prouision.

At the said place of Atelle aboue mentioned, our men fell at variance as well for their victuals which began now to diminish, as also for their paie, the soldiers were vnpaid for eighteene moneths and more, by meanes wherof they had liued in great miserie. To the Almains also much was due, but not so much: for all the money that Monseur de Montpensier could leuy in the realme was paied to them, yet notwith∣standing they were vnpaid for a yeere and more, but they had spoiled diuers small townes whereby they were maruellously enriched. If the fortie thousand ducats promised them had been sent in time, or if they had knowne they should haue recei∣ued them at Florence, this variance had neuer hapned, but now they remained al∣togither in despaire: diuers of our captaines haue enformed me that if our men would haue agreed to fight, they were like enough to haue obteined the victory: and if they had been discomfited, yet should not their losse haue been so great, as by the shamefull composition they made. Montpensier and Virgile Vrsin, who were the best men of war among them would haue fought, and euill hap it was to them that they did not: for King Ferrand brake the composition, and put them both in prison, where they miserablie ended their liues. They laid the blame that they fought not vpon Monseur de Persi a yoong gentleman of Auuergne, whom they accused as a mutinous knight, and disobedient to his captaine. You shall vnderstand that in this armie were two sorts of Almaines, the first were Swissers to the number of fifteene hundred, whom the King left there at his departure from Naples, the which serued faithfully euen til the hower of death, so that it was impossible for men to serue more valiantly than they did. The other sort were those whom we call commonly Launce knights (that is to say, seruants of the countrie) the which hate naturally the Swissers. They are of all parts of Germanie, as for example, of the countries lying vpon the Rhine, and of Swobland, some there were also of the countrie of Vaulx in Seno∣nie ⁷ , and some of Gelderland. These were to the number of eight hundred newly sent thither with two moneths pay, the which being spent before they came thither, and at their arriuall there no new pay being found: they seeing themselues in this distresse, declared that they bare vs no such good will as the Swissers do; for they practised with our enimies, and turned to King Ferrande, for the which cause partly, and partly for the diuision that was among our captaines, our men made a shamefull appointment with their enimies, the which King Ferrande sware to keepe and ob∣serue, being forced so to do by the Marquesse of Mantua, who thought thereby to assure the person of his brother in lawe Monseur de Montpensier, yet notwithstan∣ding the said Ferrande brake the treatie, as afterward mention shall be made more at large.

By the said composition they yeelded both themselues and all the Kings artille∣rie to their enimies, promising further, to cause to be rendred all the places that the King held in the realme, as well in Calabria where Monseur d'Aubigny was, as in L'Abruzzo where Master Gracian des Guerres was togither, with the townes of Ca∣ietta and Tarente; vnder this condition, that King Ferrande should send them by sea into Prouence with bag and baggage, which was not much woorth: but notwith∣standing the composition King Ferrande commanded them all to be led to Naples, being to the number of fiue or sixe thousand persons or more. So shamefull a com∣position hath not beene made in our time, neither do I remember that euer I read of the like, saue that which the two consuls of Rome made (as rehearseth Titus Liuius ⁸ ) with the Samnites (whom I suppose to be those of Beneuent) at a place called then

Furculae Caudinae, which is a certaine straight in the mountaines: notwithstanding the Romanes would not agree to the composition, but sent the two Consuls priso∣ners to their enimies.

If our force had fought and beene discomfited, yet should not their losse haue been so great; as by this composition: for two parts of them died either of famine, or of the plague in their ships in the yle of Prusse ⁹ , whither they were sent from Na∣ples by King Ferrande: and namely, there died Monseur de Montpensier himselfe, some say of poyson, others of an ague, which I rather beleeue. And I thinke verily that of all this companie neuer returned fifteene hundred: for of the Swissers which were thirteene hundred, returned but three hundred and fifty all extreme sicke. Their faith and loyaltie was greatly to be commended: for they all chose rather to die than to serue King Ferrande, and so a number of them died in the said yle of Prusse, some of heate, some of sicknes, and some of famine: for they were held there a long time in their ships, in such penurie and lacke of victuals, as is almost incredible. I saw them all that returned, especially the Swissers, who brought backe with the•• all their ensignes: and sure it well appeered that they had endured great miserie; for they were all so extreme sicke, that when they came foorth of their ships to take the aire, they were faine to be staied vp from falling. It was also agreed by the said com∣position, that the Lord Virgill Vrsin should returne home to his countrie in safetie, and his son, & all the Italians that serued the King: yet notwithstanding the enimies detained him still, and his said legitimate sonne also; for he had but one: and as touching his base sonne called the Lord Charles (who was a very valiant gentleman) certaine Italians of their companie spoiled him as he repaired homeward. If this miserie had fallen but vpon them onely that made this composition, they had not∣been greatly to be moned. Immediately after King Ferrande had receiued this honor aboue mentioned, and married King Ferrande his grandfathers daughter, being a yoong maide of thirteene or fowerteene yeeres of age, begotten of the King of Ca∣stiles sister that now raigneth (so that his wife was sister to his owne father King Alfonse) he fell into a continuall ague, whereof soone after he died, and the crowne of the realme descended to King Frederick (the said King Ferrandes vncle) now pre∣sently raigning. It abhorreth me to write of such a marriage as this, notwithstanding diuers such haue beene contracted in this house of Arragon within these thirtie yeeres. King Ferrande died immediately after the composition aboue mentioned made in the towne of Ate••••e, the yeere of our Lord 1496. The said Ferrande during his life, and Dom Frederick also after he came to the crowne, excused the breach of this composition, bicause Monseur de Montpensier had not performed the conditi∣ons thereof, nor rendred the places promised, which he could not to say the truth, Caietta and diuers others being out of his power. For notwithstanding that he were the Kings lieutenant, yet were not they that held these places for the King, bound to yeeld them at his commandement. Although all things well considered, the King should haue sustained no great losse, if they had then beene yeelded; for he spent afterward great treasure in defending and victualling them, and yet lost them in the end. I my selfe was present three or fower times at the dispatch of those that were sent to victuall and succour, first the castels of Naples, and thrise after the towne of Caietta. And I thinke I should not lie, if I said that these fower voiages cost the King aboue three hundred thousand franks: and yet all to no purpose.

The Notes.

1 Before cap. 8. he named him de la Chappelle d'Aniou, but if Loudonnois be in

Aniou the places be reconciled.

2 The Venetians paid the monie, for the Pisans were not able to redeeme it: but after the Citadelle deliuered, the Pisans put themselues into the Venetians protection, who razed the Citadelle. Guicciar.

3 This bastards name was de Bienne. Guicciar.

4 Mutron was also sold to the Luquois. Guicciar.

5 Librefacto was sold to the Pisans, but the Venetians paid the monie. Guicciar.

6 This Virgill Vrsin is he aboue mentioned, who after the Coulonnois reuolt from King Charles, turned to him, and of his foe became his friend and seruant.

7 The French corrector readeth it Sionnie, meaning the countrie called in Latin Va∣lesia Sedusiorum, whereof Sedunum called in French Sion, is the chiefe towne: or else he supposeth it should be Vaulx in Sauoy, whereof our author maketh mention lib. 5. cap. 1.

8 Decad. 1. lib. 9.

9 Procida it is named by Colleuntius, other Italians name it Ponze. I suppose it to be that, which Plinie lib. 3. cap. 6. calleth Proclita or Prochita, saying that it lieth in Sinu Puteolano not far from Naples, nor from the yle of Ischia. Boccace also Decame 2, nouell. 6. reporteth both Procida and Ponze to be neere to Naples. Guicciar. hath Pozzuole.

How certaine practises entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the Kings behalfe, as well for the conquest of Naples, as of the Duchie of Milan, failed for lacke of sending thither: and how another enterprise against Genua sped euill also. Chap. 15.

THe King after his returne from Naples abode at Lyons a long time (as before you haue heard) holding iusts & turneies. It gree∣ued him to lose the places in Italy aboue mentioned which he yet held, neither cared he what treasure he spent in defence of them, but he would take no paines himselfe in gouerning his owne affaires. Moreouer, he was aduertised daily of diuers practises entertained on his behalfe in Italy, which notwith∣standing that they were both dangerous and chargeable: yet was he of power suf∣ficient to haue atchieued them bicause his realme is populous, & plentifull of graine in Prouence and Languedoc, and hath also a number of other wealthie countries, where money might haue been leuied. But if any other Prince besides the King of Fraunce should attend to these Italian practises and aduenture to entermebdle in their enterprises, he should but vndoe himselfe, spend his treasure, and bring no∣thing to effect. For the Italians neither do nor can serue but for money, except it be a Duke of Milan, or one of the greatest Seniories: but a poore captaine be he ne∣uer so well affectioned to the seruice of a King of Fraunce pretending title to the realme of Naples, or the Duchie of Milan, be he neuer so faithfull and trustie, yet shal he not be able to do him seruice any long time after his paiment faileth, bicause his men will forsake him, and the poore captaine shall be vtterly vndone: for the greatest part of them liue onely vpon the credit they win by the seruice of their sol∣diors, who are paied by their captaine, and he of him whom he serueth, which is the cause why they desire in Italy nothing but factions and ciuile wars. But as touching the practises aboue mentioned, you shall vnderstand that they began before the

towne of Caietta was lost, to wit, immediately after the King perceiued that the Duke of Milan would not performe the conditions of the treatie of Verceil, and continued after the losse of the said towne, the whole space of two yeeres after the Kings returne home. As touching the said Duke of Milan, he brake not his promise altogither vpon malice and trecherie, but partly for feare: for he doubted that the King would destroy him if he obteined the realme of Naples: besides that, he ac∣counted the King to be a Prince in whom was no constancie nor assurance. But to proceede, one of these enterprises aboue mentioned was to inuade the Duchie of Milan after this sort. Order was giuen that the Duke of Orleans should go to Ast to enter with a good band of men on that side, whom I sawe once so neere his depar∣ture, that his train was already gone. We were sure of the Duke of Ferrareas friend∣ship, for he had promised to aide vs (notwithstanding that he were the Duke of Mi∣lans father in lawe) with fiue hundred men of armes, and two thousand footemen, which his promise vndoubtedly he would haue performed, to the end he might haue rid himselfe of the danger he was in, lying iust in the midst betweene the Venetians and the said Duke: for not long before (as I haue already made mention) the Veneti∣ans had taken from him the Polesan, and sought wholy his destruction: wherefore he would haue preferred his owne safetie and his childrens, before his sonne in lawes friendship; yea, and peraduenture he thought that the Duke of Milan seeing him∣selfe in this extremitie would make some appointment with the King ¹ . Moreouer, by the said D. of Ferraraes meanes, the Marques of Mantua was become our friend, who lately had been and yet was generall of the Venetians, but in great ielousie with them, and he likewise being discontented with them, soiourned with three hun∣dred men of armes with his father in law the Duke of Ferrare: for you shall vnder∣stand that he then had, and yet hath to wife the Duches of Milans sister, daughter to the said Duke of Ferrara. Master Iohn Bentiuoille who gouerneth Bolonia, and is as it were Lord thereof, promised to aide vs with a hundred and fiftie men of armes, and a good band of footemen, and to send to the Kings seruice two of his son••••s, who were captaines of certaine companies of horsemen, and such was the seat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 countrey that he might haue done great seruice against the Duke of Milan. The ••••o∣rentines who sawe themselues vtterly vndone (vnlesse by large expences they reco∣uered their losses) fearing to be disseased of Pisa and the other places aboue mentio∣ned ² ; would haue furnished eight hundred men of armes, and fiue thousand foote∣men vpon their owne proper costes and charges, and had already prouided their paiments for sixe moneths. The Vrsins and the Prefect of Rome brother to the Car∣dinall Saint Peter ad Vincula (so often before named,) being in paie with the King, would haue furnished a thousand men of armes: but you shall vnderstand that their men of armes are not accompanied with archers as ours be, but their wages and ours are much a like: for a yeeres pay of one of their men of armes amounteth to a hun∣dreth ducats, and the wages of one of ours is double as much bicause of his archers. These mercenary soldiers the King should haue paid, but as touching the Floren∣tines they should haue paid their forces themselues. The Duke of Ferrara also, the Marques of Mantua and Bentiuoille, offered this aide vpon their owne charge, for they hoped to conquer in the Duchie of Milan as much as should counteruaile their coste. And if the Duke of Milan had been suddenly inuaded by the Duke of Or∣leans, and all these aboue rehearsed at one instant, his confederates (namely the Ve∣netians) could not haue succoured him (though they would haue spent all their trea∣sure in his defence) before he must haue been forced to reuolt to the K, who would haue kept these Italians in the field a long time. And the Duchy of Milan being

once woon, the realme of Naples would haue yeelded of it selfe.

The stay of this goodly enterprise proceeded of the Duke of Orleans, who sud∣denly altered his minde the night before he should haue departed: for he had alrea∣dy sent before him all things necessarie for his person, and none remained to depart but himselfe onely: for the army was in a readines, their wages paid them, & they all gone before to Ast, being to the number of eight hundred men of armes French, and sixe thousand footemen: among the which were fower hundred Swissers. But the said Duke of Orleans being thus suddenly altered, besought the King twice to pro∣pound this matter againe to his counsell, and so he did, I my selfe was present at the debating of it both the times, and the whole Counsell concluded that he should go, not one man speaking to the contrarie: notwithstanding that there were pre∣sent at each time ten or twelue Counsellors at the least. And sure so had it beene most conuenient, considering that we had therof assured our friends in Italy aboue named: all the which had beene at great charges, and were in a readines. But the Duke of Orleans being present at the debating of this matter himselfe, made an∣swer (either by the aduise of some one, or for that he shunned this enterprise bicause he saw the King euill disposed of his body, whose heire he should be if he died) that he would neuer take vpon him this voiage for his owne particular quarrell, but wil∣lingly by the Kings commandement as his lieutenant, with the which answere the counsell arose. The next day and many daies after, the ambassadors of Florence and diuers others, pressed the King earnestly to command the Duke to depart. Where∣unto the King answered, that he would neuer force him to the wars against his will. Thus was this voiage dashed to the Kings great greefe, both bicause of the great charges he had susteined; and also bicause he was in good hope (if it had proceeded) to haue been reuenged of the Duke of Milan, considering what intelligences he had already, and what other intelligences he might haue had at that time; by meanes of Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul, lieutenant generall for him and the D. of Orleans in these Italian wars, who was a Milanois borne, and very well beloued and frien∣ded in his countrie, where he had good intelligence with many both of his kinse∣men and others. This enterprise thus failing, another succeeded, yea two or three at a clap against Genua: where the people are euer inclined to diuision; one of these enterprises was managed by Master Baptiste de Campefourgouse, who was chiefe of one of the factions in the towne, but banished, and his faction of no authoritie at that time, neither yet the house of Orie, who are gentlemen, and they of Fourgousi none. The said D'Ories take part with the Fourgouses, but none of them may be Duke, bicause they are gentlemen, for no gentlemen may be Duke of Genua: but this Baptiste had been Duke not long before, and lost the gouernment by the treche∣rie of his vnckle the Cardinall of Genua, who of late yeeres put the Seniorie of Ge∣nua into the Duke of Milans hands. So that at this present the Adornes gouerned Genua, who in like maner are not gentlemen, but haue often been Dukes by helpe of the Spinoles who are gentlemen; so that the gentlemen make the Duke of Genua, but cannot be Dukes themselues. This Baptista trusted that his faction would arise in his fauor, both in the towne and countrey, and that the towne being recouered, the soueraigntie thereof should remaine to the King, but he and his faction gouerne and banish their enimies. The other enterprise was this, diuers of Sauonne addres∣sed themselues to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula ³ , and promised to yeeld the towne to him, hoping thereby to recouer their libertie; for they are vnder the Ge∣nuois gouernment, and pay tribute to them. If we had entred into this place, Genua should haue been greatly distressed, the countrey of Prouence being in subiection to

the King, and Sauoy wholy at his deuotion. Wherefore the King being aduertised of all these enterprises, wrote to Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul to aide Master Baptist de Campefourgouse with force to conueigh him to the gates of Genua, to see whe∣ther his faction would arise in his fauor. And on the other side he was so earnestlie pressed by the Cardinal S. Peter ad Vincula, that he sent other letters at the selfe same time to the said M. Iohn Iames, comanding him to lend the said Cardinal men to con∣ueie him to Sauonne: and the like commandement sent he him also by mouth by the Lord of Sernon in Prouence, who was great friend to the said Cardinall and a stout talker. Besides these two commandements, came yet a thirde, which was, that the said Master Iohn Iames should retire into some place where he might conueniently aide both these parties aboue mentioned, & yet attempt nothing against the Duke of Milan, nor the treatie of peace made the summer before with him, which com∣mandement was cleane contrary to the two former.

Thus you see how great Princes affaires are gouerned when they vnderstand them not themselues, but command letters and dispatch men vpon a sudden before they heare matters well debated. For as touching the demaunds of Master Baptist de Campeforgouse and the said Cardinal, it was impossible to satisfie them both at once, for Baptist durst not go to the wals of Genua without great force, bicause the towne is very populous, and the people well armed, and hardy and valiant soldiers: where∣fore if Master Iohn Iames should at the same time haue lent men also to the Cardi∣nall, his armie had been diuided into three companies; for part of the force must haue remained with himselfe. In the meane time diuers bands arriued at Genua and at Sauonne, sent thither by the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, who both feared greatly the reuolt of Genua, as did also Dom Frederick and the Pope.

Besides these two enterprises, the said Master Iohn Iames had yet a third in his head, deuised of his owne braine, which was this, he would haue broken off both these other enterprises, and haue marched with the whole force straight against the Duke of Milan, and vndoubtedly if he had not beene countermaunded, he would haue done some great exploit. His enterprise he was already entred into, and had aduertised the King thereof, pretending that he could not otherwise aide them that should go to Genua or Sauonne to the enterprises aboue mentioned. Wherefore vnder colour thereof, he led his armie into the high way betweene Alexandria and Genua (which was the onely way the Duke of Milan could send to inuade our bands that should go to Genua and Sauonne) and three or fower small townes he tooke, which voluntarily receiued him, aduertising the King that this notwithstanding, he made no war vpon the Duke of Milan, seeing he was forced of necessitie (for the safe∣tie of those that should go to the other enterprises) to do as he did: adding, that the King could not be said to make war vpon the Duke of Milan, for seeking to conquer Genua or Sauonne, bicause they were held of him and forfaited to him; but this en∣terprise was dashed by the Kings commandement. Further, to satisfie the Cardinall, the said Master Iohn Iames lent him part of the armie to conuey him to Sauonne, but he found the place manned, and thereupon gaue ouer his enterprise and returned. He lent men also to Master Baptist to conuey him to Genua, who assured him that his enterprise should take effect: but when he was three or fower leagues vpon the way, they that accompanied him began to be ielous of him, as well the Almaines as the French, wherein notwithstanding that they did him wrong, yet sure their compa∣nie being but small, should haue put themselues in great danger, if they had gone to Genua, and his faction had not happened to arise. Thus all these enterprises sped euill, and the Duke of Milan, who had been greatly distressed, if Master Iohn Iames

had beene suffered to inuade him with the whole force, was now strong; for the Ve∣netians had sent diuers bands to his aide. Whereupon our armie retired, our foote∣men were dismissed, and these little townes that were taken abandoned: and thus ended these wars, finally to the Kings profit, who consumed infinite treasure in them.

The Notes.

1 Vnderstand against the Venetians, by the which meanes he might haue recouered the Polesan, and the rest that they withheld from him.

2 For you must vnderstand that these practises began before their places were sold.

3 This Cardinall was borne at Sauonne.

Of certaine controuersies betweene King Charles and Ferrande King of Castile, and of the ambassadors that were sent to and fro to pacifie them. Chap. 16.

WHat happened from the Kings returne out of Italie (which was about 3. or 4. moneths before the end of the yeer 1495.) till the beginning of the yeere 1498. I haue already rehearsed: for all that space I was resident in the Court, and present at the dis∣patch of most part of those affaires. The King rode about from Lyons to Moulins, and from Moulins to Tours, holding tour∣neies and iusts in all places, and minding nothing else. Those that were of the greatest authoritie about him, were so diuided, that more they could not be; for some of them would that the conquest of Naples should still continue, bi∣cause their profit and credit depended thereupon, namely, the Cardinall ¹, and the Seneschall ², who gouerned all the Kings affaires: on the otherside the Admirall, who before this voiage had borne all the sway with the yoong King, would in any wise that these Italian enterprises should cease, and trauelled to ouerthrowe them, knowing that the quailing of them would turne greatly to his profite, and be a meanes whereby he might recouer his former credit and authoritie, and the others fall into disgrace.

Thus passed the Kings affaires about a yeere and a halfe, during the which space he sent ambassadors to the King and Queene of Castile, who were in war with him, and whose friendship he greatly desired, bicause they were mightie both by sea and land. And notwithstanding that they did no great exploit vpon the land, yet had they sent great aide by sea to King Ferrande and King Frederick of Naples: for the yle of Sicilie is distant from Reges in Calabria but a league and a halfe, so that some hold opinion it was once firme land with Italie ³, and that the sea breaking in, made this straight ⁴ now named the Far ⁵ of Messine. The said yle of Sicilie was then and yet is, in subiection to the King and Queene of Castile, who sent from thence great aide to Naples, as well of great ships called Carauels that came out of Spaine, as also of men. Moreouer, in the yle of Sicilie itselfe a companie of men of armes was leuied, the which passed into Calabria with a certaine number of genetarios ⁶, and made war vpon the Kings forces there. Besides this, their ships were continually with the confederates nauie, by means whereof, when all their forces were togither, the King was much too weake for his enimies vpon the sea, but otherwise the King of Castile endammaged him not much. True it is that once a great companie of

horsemen entred into Languedock, and spoiled the countrie, and lodged in it three or fower daies; but other exploit did they none. Then the Lord of Saint André in Bourbonnois, who defended those frontiers for the Duke of Bourbon the Kings lieu∣tenant in Languedock, attempted to take Sausses a little towne in the countrie of Roussillon, bicause on that side they had inuaded the Kings dominions about two yeeres before. For you shall vnderstand, that the King had restored vnto them the said countrie of Roussillon ⁷, whereof the territorie of Parpignan is parcell, in the which this little towne of Sausses is situate. His enterprise was great and dangerous; for the towne was well manned though it were but small, and a great number of gen∣tlemen of the King of Castiles house were within it; besides that, their armie being stronger than ours lay abrode in the fields encamped within a league of the place: yet notwithstanding the said Lord of Saint André so wisely and closely guided his enterprise that within ten howers he tooke the towne by assault, as my selfe can wit∣nes, and at the breach were slaine thirtie or fortie Spanish gentlemen of marke, among whom was the Archbishop of Saint Iames his sonne, besides three or fower hundred common soldiers. They thought not that the towne could haue been taken so suddenly; for they vnderstood not the feate of our artillerie, which vndoubtedly is the best in the world.

This is all the exploit that was done between these two Princes, whereof though the effects were but small yet great was the shame and dishonor the King of Castile receiued thereby, his armie being so strong as it was: but where God is disposed to punish, commonly such small scoruges run before. For the said King and Queen of Castile were shortly after otherwise punished, and so were we also. But sure as tou∣ching them they much stained their honor in violating their othe giuen to the King, who had dealt so bountifully with them, by restoring them the countrey of Rousil∣lon, the fortification and defence whereof had beene so chargeable to his father, who had it in pawne for three hundred thousand crownes, which summe also the King forgaue them, all to the end they should not impeach nor hinder his voiage to Naples. Moreouer, they renued the ancient league betweene Fraunce and Castile, which is between King and King, realme and realme, and man and man of their sub∣iects, and promised not to hinder his said conquest, nor marie any of their daugh∣ters into Naples, England or Flanders, which straight offer of mariage proceeded of themselues: for a Frier Franciscan called Frier Iohn de Mauleon made this ouner∣ture on the Queene of Castiles behalfe. Yet all this notwithstanding so soone as they saw the war begun, and heard that the King was at Rome, they sent ambassa∣dors round about to enter into league against him, and namely to Venice, I being there present, where the league aboue mentioned was concluded betweene the Pope, the King of Romans, them, the Seniore of Venice, and the Duke of Milan: im∣mediately whereupon they inuaded the Kings dominions, alleaging that such a pro∣mise was not to be performed, meaning the marriage of their children (being fower daughters and one sonne) into the houses aboue mentioned, which ouuerture not∣withstanding proceeded of themselues, as before you haue heard.

But to returne to the matter. After these wars in Italy were ended, and all lost in the realm of Naples saue Caietta, which the K. yet held when these treaties of peace began betweene him and the King and Queene of Castile: but soone after lost also, and the wars in the countrey of Roussillon being in like maner ended, so that none sought to endammage other, but each partie to defend their own. They sent to King Charles a gentleman accompanied with certaine Monks of Montferrat, for all their affaires they gouerned by such men, either to saue charges thereby, or to dissemble

by such instruments with the lesse suspition, as for example they did by Iohn de Mau∣leon the Frier Franciscan aboue named, who perswaded the King to restore vnto them the countrey of Roussillon. These ambassadors at their first audience, besought the King to forget the great wrong the King and the Queene had done him. I name alwaies the Queene bicause the crowne of Castile mooued by hir, and bicause hir authority was greater there than hir husbands: and vndoubtedly this was a very ho∣norable mariage betweene the King hir husband and hir. Then these ambassadors began to treat of truce, desiring to haue all their league comprehended therein. The ouuertures they made were these: that the King should keepe the possession of Caietta, and the other places he yet held in the realme of Naples, and that during the truce he might victuall them at his pleasure. Further, that there should be a place assigned whither all the Princes of the league should send their ambassadors (at the least, as many as would) to treat of peace, the which being concluded: the said King and Queene meant to continue their conquest or enterprise against the Moores, and to passe the sea out of Granado into Africk, there to inuade the King of Fessa who was their next neighbour on that side. Notwithstanding some were of opinion that they meant rather to hold themselues contented with that they had already conquered, I meane the realme of Granado, which vndoubtedly was the greatest and honorablest conquest that hath been obteined in our time ⁸; yea such as their predecessors were neuer able to atchieue. And I wish with all my hart for the honor I beare them, that they had neuer mooued other war than this, but had faithfully performed their promise to the King. The King sent the Lord of Cle∣rieux in Daulphine backe into Castile with their ambassadors, and sought to conclude a peace or truce wherein their confederates should not be compre∣hended: notwithstanding if he had accepted their offer made by these their am∣bassadors, he had saued Caietta, which had been sufficient for the recouerie of the whole realme of Naples, considering the great fauour he had there. The said de Clerieux at his returne brought a new ouuerture (for Caietta was lost before he entred into Castile) which was, that the King and they should renew their former ancient league, and attempt betweene them at equall charges the conquest of all Ita∣lie, wherat the two Kings should be togither in person: but they said they would first conclude a generall truce, wherein all their league should be comprehended, and then assigne a diet at some place in Piemont, whither euery of their confederates should send their ambassadors, to the end they might honorably depart from their said league. All this ouuerture as we suspected then and vnderstood perfectly after∣ward, was but meere dissimulation to win time, to the end King Ferrand while he liued, and afterward Dom Frederic newly crowned King might repose themselues: notwithstanding I thinke they wished with all their harts the said realme of Naples to be their owne, and sure they had better title to it, than they that possessed it ⁹. But vndoubtedly the house of Anious right which the King had was the best, although to say the truth considering both the seate of the countrey, and the disposition of the people that inhabite it, me thinke he hath best right to it that can get it, for they desire nothing but alteration. The King afterward sent the aboue named de Clericux back againe into Castile & one Michaell of Grammont with him, with cer∣taine other ouertures. This de Clerieux bare some affection to these Princes of Arra∣gon, and hoped to obtaine of them the Marquisat of Cotron in Calabria, which the King of Spaine conquered in the last voiage that his men made thither. The said de Clerieux pretended title to it, and he is a good plaine dealing man, and one that will easily giue credit, especially to such personages as these were. At his second returne

he brought with him an ambassador from the King and Queene, and made his report to the King, which was, that they would hold themselues contented with that part of the realme of Naples that lies next to Sicilie (to wit, Calabria) for the right that they pretended to the said realme, and that the King should hold the rest: and far∣ther that the said King of Castile would be in person at this conquest, and beare equall charges in all things with the King, and indeed he held then and yet holdeth fower or fiue strong places in Calabria, whereof Cotron is one, which is a good and a well fortified citie. I was present at this report, which seemed vnto most of vs but meere abuse and dissimulation. Wherefore it was determined that some wise man should be sent to them to sound the bottom of this ouuerture, and thereupon the Lord of Bouchage was ioined in commission with the former ambassadors: he was a man of deepe iudgement, and one that had been in great credit with King Levvis, and so is he also at this present with King Charles his sonne. The Spanish ambassa∣dor that came with de Clerieux would neuer auow his report, but answered that he thought the said de Clerieux would not make the report, if the King his Master and the Queene had not willed him so to do; which answer caused vs so much the more to suspect their dissimulation: besides that, no man would beleeue that the King of Castile would go in person into Italy, or that he either would or could beare equall charges with the King.

After the said Lords of Bouchage, Clerieux, and Michaell of Grammont with the rest of their collegues were come to the K. and Queene of Castiles court, they lod∣ged them in a place where no man could com to commune with them, for the which purpose also certaine were appointed to watch their lodgings. But they themselues spake thrise with them: & when the said du Bouchage aduertised them of the report aboue mentioned made to the King by de Clerieux and Michaell of Grammont: they answered that they would willingly endeuor themselues to conclude a peace for the Kings honor and profit. And as touching the said report, they confessed that indeed such speech had passed them by way of communication but not otherwise, with the which answer de Clerieux being discontented and not without cause, aduowed his report to be true before them both, in the presence of the said Lord of Bouchage, who with the rest of his companions concluded a truce, (the King hauing two moneths respit to accept it or refuse it) wherin their confederates were not compre∣hended, but their sonnes in lawe, and the fathers of their sonnes in lawe, namely the Kings of Romanes and England ¹⁰ (for the Prince of Wales was at that time very yoong) were comprehended therein, they had fower daughters, the eldest of the which was a widow, and had been married to the King of Portugales sonne that last died, who brake his necke before hir as he passed a carrier vpon a ginnet within three moneths after their marriage. The second and the third were married the one in Flaunders, and the other in England, and the fourth is yet to marrie. After the Lord of Bouchage was returned, and had made his report, the King perceiued that de Clerieux had beene too credulous, and that he had done wisely in sending du Bouchage thither, bicause he was now assured of that which before he stood in doubt of. The said de Bouchage aduertised him further, that he could effect nothing but the conclusion of the truce, the which he had libertie either to accept or refuse at his pleasure. The King accepted it, and sure it serued him to good purpose: for it was the breach of their league which so much had troubled his affaires, and which hitherto he could by no means dissolue, notwithstanding that he had attempted all waies pos∣sible. Thirdly, the said de Bouchage informed the King, that the King and Queene of Castile had promised him at his departure to send ambassadors immediately after him 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉

cause of their attainture was for that they had attempted to make him King of Por∣tugale that now raigneth. These Lords therefore and gentlemen were by meanes of this marriage recompensed in Castile by the King and Queene, and their lands which they had forfaited in Portugale by attainture, assigned to the Queene of Por∣tugale (now mentioned) daughter to the said K. and Queene of Castile. But notwith∣standing all these considerations, the said K. & Queene repented them of this marri∣age: for you shall vnderstand that there is no nation in the world that the Spaniards hate more than the Portugales, so far foorth that they disdaine & scorne them: wher∣fore the said King & Queene lamented much that they had bestowed their daughter vpon a man that should not be beloued in the realm of Castile & their other domini∣ons: & if the marriage had been then vnmade, they would neuer haue made it, which vndoubtedly was a great corrosiue to them, yet nothing so great as this, that she should depart from them. Notwithstanding, after all their sorrowes ended, they led their said daughter and sonne in law through all the chiefe cities of their realme, and made the said King of Portugale to be receiued for Prince, and their daughter for Princesse, and proclaimed them their successors after their death. Some comfort they receiued after all these sorrowes, for they were aduertised that the said Lady Princesse of Castile and Queene of Portugale, was great with childe; but this ioy prooued in the end double greefe, so that I thinke they wished themselues out of the world: for this Lady whom they so tenderly loued and so much esteemed, died in tra∣uell of the said childe, not past a moneth agone, and we are now in October in the yeere 1498. but the childe liueth ⁴ and is called Emanuell after his fathers name. All these greatmisfortunes hapned to them in the space of three moneths.

Now to returne to the estate of Fraunce. You shall vnderstand that about fower or fiue moneths before the said Ladies death, a great misfortune happened also in this realme: I meane the death of King Charles the eight whereof heereafter you shall heare at large. It seemed therefore that God beheld both these houses with an angrie countenance, and would not that the one realme should scorne the other. For although the death of a Prince seeme but a trifle to many, yet is it sure far other∣wise: for change of the Prince neuer happeneth in any realme, but it traineth with it great sorrowes and troubles; and notwithstanding that some gaine by it, yet an hundred fold more lose, bicause at an alteration men are forced to change their ma∣ner and forme of liuing: for that that pleaseth one Prince, displeaseth another. Wherefore (as before I haue said) if a man well consider the sharpe and sudden pu∣nishments that God hath laide vpon great Princes within these thirty yeeres, in Fraunce, Castile, Portugale, England, Naples, Flaunders, and Britaine, he shall finde that they haue beene heauier and greeuouser than happened in two hundred yeeres before: and whosoeuer would take in hand to discourse vpon all the particu∣lar misfortunes that I my selfe haue seene, and in a maner knowen all the persons as well men as women to whom they happened, should make thereof a huge volume and that of great admiration, yea though it contained onely such as haue chanced within these ten yeeres. By these punishments, the power of God ought to be the better knowen, for the plagues he powreth downe vpon great personages are shar∣per, grieuouser, and endure longer than those he sendeth to the poorer sort. To con∣clude therefore, me thinke all things well waied, that Princes are in no better estate in this world than other men, if they consider by the miseries they see happen to their neighbours what may happen to themselues. For as touching them they cha∣stice their subiects at their pleasures, and God disposeth of them at his pleasure, bi∣cause other than him they haue none ouer them: but happie is the realme that is

gouerned by a Prince that is wise and feareth God and his commandements.

I haue briefly rehearsed the misfortunes that happened in three moneths space to these two great and mightie realmes, which not long before were so inflamed the one against the other, so busied in enlarging their dominions, and so little conten∣ted with that they already possessed. And notwithstanding that alwaies some (as be∣fore I said) reioice at changes, and gaine by them: yet at the first (euen to them) the death, especially the sudden death of their Prince is very dreadfull and dangerous.

The Notes.

1 This he seemeth to adde, bicause the empire was greater, but it was not the Emperors inheritance.

2 Vnderstand the two first murthers, of his wiues father and brother: for his sonne was dead before he slue his owne brother.

3 Vnderstand hir dowrie for hir first marriage.

4 But the childe died also afterward, and the crowne of Spaine descended to Iane the second daughter wife to Philip Duke of Austrich, and mother to the Emperor Charles the fift. Further, you shall vnderstand that our authors memorie failed him heere: for this Princes name was not Emanuel as Commines heere writeth, but Michael, according to all good authors and pedegrees both of Spaine and Portugale.

Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death, of the great desire he had to reforme the Church and himselfe, to diminish his reuenues, and to redresse the pro∣cesses of the law: and how he died sud∣denly in this good minde in his castel of Amboise. Chap. 18.

I Will heere cease further to discourse of the affaires of Italie and Castile, and returne to our owne particular sorrowes and trou∣bles in Fraunce, which notwithstanding were pleasant newes happily to those that gained by them. I will write of the sudden death of King Charles the 8. who being in his castel of Amboise, had begun the sumptuousest building, both in the castell and the towne, that any King tooke in hand these hundred yeeres, as ap∣peereth by the towers, vp to the which men ride on horsebacke, and by the foundātion laid in the towne, the platformes whereof were drawen of such exquisitenes, that they well declared it to be a worke of maruellous charge, and that could not haue beene finished in long time. For you shall vnderstand, that the King had brought with him from Naples, many excellent workmen in all kinde of arts, especially grauers and painters, and sure it seemed by the foundation, an enter∣prise of a yoong King that thought not to die, but hoped of long life: for he ioined, togither all the goodly things that were commended to him, were they in Fraunce Italie, or Flaunders. Further, he continued still desirous to returne into Italie, and confessed that he had committed many errors in his voiage thither, and oftentimes rehearsed them, determining if his fortune were to returne againe and recouer his losses; to giue better order for the defence of the countrie. The recouerie also wher∣of

(bicause he had great intelligence in all places) he purposed to attempt, and to send thither fifteene hundred men of armes, Italians, vnder the leading of the Mar∣quesse of Mantua, the Vrsins, the Vitellies, and the Prefect of Rome brother to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula. Moreouer, Monseur d' Aubigny who had done him so great seruice in Calabria, was ready to take his iourney towards Florence; for the Florentines offered to beare the halfe of these charges for sixe moneths, to the end the King with these forces aboue mentioned, might first take Pisa ¹ , at the least the small places about it, and then all togither enter into the realme of Naples, from whence messengers came daily to him. Alexander the Pope that now is, practised with him, and offered to become his perfect friend; for there was a breach betweene him and the Venetians, so far foorth that he sent a secret messenger into Fraunce, whom myselfe conueied into the Kings chamber a little before his death. The Vene∣tians were ready to practise against Milan: as touching Spaine, you haue heard how it was affected to him. The King of Romanes desired nothing so much as his friend∣ship, and that they two might ioine their forces togither, to recouer that which ap∣pertained to them in Italie: for the said Maximilian was great enimie to the Vene∣tians, bicause they withhold diuers things both from the house of Austrich (whereof he is heire) and also from the empire ² .

Moreouer, the King was wel disposed a little before his death to lead his life accor∣ding to the commandements of God, to reforme al abuses in the law & the Church, and to diminish his receits & reuenues, purposing to leuy of his people onely twelue hundred thousand franks ouer and aboue his demains, which sum the three estates granted him by way of subsidie at Towers at his first comming to the crowne, and this money he meant to employ vpon the defence of the realme. But as touching himselfe he would haue liued vpon his demaines, according to the maner of the ancient Kings of Fraunce, and so might he well haue done: for the demaines are great, yea so great, if they were well ordered, that they surmount a million of franks, certaine customes and subsidies being annexed to them. If this his determi∣nation had taken effect, he should thereby much haue eased his people, who pay at this present aboue two millions and a halfe of franks by way of subsidie. Moreouer, he tooke great pains in reforming the abuses of the order of Saint Benet, and other orders of religion: he called neere about him holy religious men, and often heard them preach: he would willingly haue brought to passe if he could, that a Bishop should haue had but one bishopricke, and a Cardinall but two, and that the clergie should haue beene resident vpon their benefices: but it had been a hard matter to reforme the church men. He gaue great almes to poore people a little before his death, as his confessor the Bishop of Angers (who was a woorthie prelate) enformed me. Lastly, he had built a publike audience where himselfe heard the sutes of all men, especially of the poore, and dispatched many matters: I my selfe sawe him in this place two houres togither but eight daies before his death, which was the last time that euer I sawe him: no matters of great importance were dispatched there, but by this meanes he held men in feare, especially his officers, some also of the which he displaced for extortion and briberie.

But the eight day of Aprill, the yeere 1498. vpon Palme sunday euen, the King being in this glory as touching the world, and in this good minde towards God: departed out of the chamber of Queene Anne Duches of Britaine his wife, leading hir with him to see the tennice plaiers in the trenches of the castle, whither he had neuer led hir before, and they two entred togither into a gallery, called Haquelebacs gallerie, bicause the said Haquelebac had in times past held watch and warde in it.

It was the vncleanest place about the castell, for euery man made water there, and the entrie into it was broken downe: moreouer, the King as he entred, knocked his browe against the doore; notwithstanding that he were of very small stature. Af∣terward he beheld a great while the tennice playing, talking familiarly with al men. I my selfe was not present there, but his said confessor the Bishop of Angers, and those of his chamber that were neerest about him, haue enformed me of this I write: for as touching my selfe, I was gone home eight daies before to my house. The last word he spake being in health was, that he hoped neuer after to commit deadly sin, nor veniall if he could: in vttering the which words he fell backeward and lost his speech, about two of the clocke at afternoone, and abode in this gallerie till eleuen of the clock at night. Thrise he recouered his speech, but it continued not with him, as the said confessor told me, who had shriuen him twise that weeke, once of ordina∣rie, and once for those that came to be cured of the Kings euill. Euery man that listed entred into the gallerie, where he laie vpon an old mattresse of strawe, from the which he neuer arose till he gaue vp the ghost, so that nine howers he continued vp∣pon it. The said confessor who was continually by him tolde me, that all the three times he recouered his speech he cried; My God, and the glorious virgin Marie, Saint Claude, and Saint Blase helpe me. Thus departed out of this world this migh∣tie puissant Prince in this miserable place, not being able to recouer one poore chamber to die in: notwithstanding that he had so many goodly houses, and built one so sumptuous at that present. These two examples aboue rehearsed declare the greatnes of Gods power, and the shortnes and miserie of mans life, which traineth with it great cares, for the purchasing of worldly goods and honors, and shew with∣all that death is common to all men, the which a Prince can no more auoid than a poore plowman.

The Notes.

1. Vnderstand, to the end he might deliuer it to the Florentines.

2 They withhold from the house of Austrich a part of Istria and Furly, and from the empire Padoa and Veronne.

How the holy man Frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the Pope, and of diuers Floren∣tines and Venetians his enimies. Chap. 19.

I Haue told you before in this discourse of our voiage to Naples, that there was at Florence a Frier Iacobin called Hierome, who had been resident there the space of fifteen yeeres, being a man famous for his holy life, and whom my selfe saw and com∣muned with in the yeere of our Lord 1495. The said Frier as aboue is mentioned foretolde diuers things, and affirmed al∣waies that the King should passe ouer the mountaines into Ita∣lie, and preached so openly, saying, that he vnderstood both this and all the other things whereof he spake by reuelation. He said further, that the King was chosen of God to reforme the estate of the Church with the sword, and to chastice Tyrants. But bicause he affirmed that he vnderstood these things by reuelation, many murmured against him, and he procured himselfe the displeasure

of the Pope and of diuers others in the towne of Florence. He led the holiest life that any man could leade, as appeered both by his conuersation, and also by his sermons, wherein he preached against all kinde of vice, so that he reformed the loose liues of many in the said citie. But in this yeere 1498. about the selfe same time that King Charles ended his life, died also this Frier Hierom, within fower or fiue daies the one of the other. The cause why I write this vnto you, is for that he preached alwaies openly that the K. should return again into Italy, to execute the commission that God had giuen him, which was to reforme the Church by the sword, and to chase tyrants out of the countrie; and that in case he did it not, God would punish him cruelly; and all his former sermons, and all that he made at this present he put foorth in print, and are to be sold. This threatning that he vsed against the King, saying that God would punish him cruelly vnlesse he returned: the said Frier writ also diuers times to him before his death, and the like told he me with his owne mouth, when I spake with him at our returne out of Italie, saying that God had pro∣nounced sentence against the King in heauen, vnlesse he executed that which he had commanded him, and restrained his men from spoile. Now you shall vnder∣stand, that about the time of the Kings death, the Florentines were at great variance within the citie: some desired the Kings returne, and waited daily for it, bicause of the great hope Frier Hierom gaue them thereof: but in the meane time they con∣sumed themselues and waxed maruellous poore, by reason of the great charges they sustained in hope to recouer Pisa, and the other places that they had put into the K. hands, whereof the Venetians held Pisa. But other some gaue aduice to take part with the league, and vtterly to abandon the King, saying that they were abused, that it was folly to looke for his returne, and that Frier Hierom was an heretike, and a whoormaster, and that it were almes to put him into a sacke, and throwe him into the riuer; but he was so friended in the towne, that they durst not attempt it. The Pope also and the Duke of Milan writ often against this Frier, offering the Floren∣tines to cause Pisa and their other places to be restored them, if they would depart from their league with the King, and take Frier Hierom and punish him. And by chance at that present a new Seniorie was chosen in Florence, whereof many were enimies to this Frier. For you shall vnderstand that the said Seniorie changeth at euery two moneths end. Wherefore the said Hieroms enimies suborned a Frier Fran∣ciscan to picke a quarrell to him and call him heretike, affirming that he abused the people, in saying he vnderstood any thing by reuelation: for proofe whereof he offe∣red himselfe to the fire, and these words he spake before the Seniorie. Frier Hierom would not present himselfe to the fire, but a companion of his said, that he would enter into the fire for him: and then another companion of the Frier Franciscans presented himselfe on the other side: whereupon a day was assigned when they should enter into the fire. Vpon the which they both came accordingly, accompa∣nied each of them with his couent; but the Iacobine brought the sacrament in his hand, which the Frier Franciscans and the Seniorie also commanded him to lay downe, which he refused to do: wherfore they returned againe to their couents. Then the people mooued by the said Frier Hieroms enimies, went with the Seniories commission and tooke him, with two others of his companions in his conuent, and at the very first racked him cruelly; they slue also the chiefest citizen in the towne called Francis Vallorie, bicause he was the said Friers great friend. Moreouer, the Pope sent his commission, whereby he authorized them to make their processe; and in the end they burned them all three. They charged him with these two points onely; first, that he raised discord in the towne: and secondarily, that he vnderstood

by his friends of the councell, all that he vaunted to know by reuelation. For my part I will neither accuse them, nor excuse them for this deed; neither know I whether they did well or euill, in putting him to death: but sure he told many things that prooued true, which he could not receiue from the councel of Florence. And as tou∣ching the King, and the euils he said should happen to him, they came to passe as he prophesied: for first he tolde him, of the Doulphin his sonnes death, and after of his owne, as my selfe can witnesse, for I haue seene the letters he writ thereof to the King.

Of the obsequies and funerals of King Charles the eight, and of the coronation of King Lewis the 12. his successor, with the genealogies of the Kings of Fraunce con∣tinuing to the said Lewis. Chap. 20.

THe Kings disease was a Catarre or an Apoplexie: his Phisitions hoped it would haue fallen down into one of his armes, the losse whereof they somwhat doubted, but feared no whit any danger of death: notwithstanding the contrarie to their expectation hapned. He had fower Phisitions, but gaue credit onely to the woorst of them, and that so great, that the others durst not vtter their minds: for they would gladly haue purged him fower daies before he died, bicause they sawe in his bodie the occasions of his death. Euery man ran to the Duke of Orleans, who was to succeede him as next heire to the crowne. But King Charles his chamberlains caused him to be richlie buried, and immediately after his death began solemne seruice for him, which continued both day and night: for when the canons ended, the friers Franciscans began; and when they ended the Bons-hommes ¹ , which was an order founded by himselfe: his body remained at Am∣boise eight daies, partly in his chamber, which was richly hanged, and partly in the church. All solemnities belonging to his funerals, were more sumptuous than euer were any K. of Fraunce: for his chamberlains, officers, & those that were neere about him, neuer departed from his body till it was laid in the ground, which was about a moneth after his death, al the which space this solemne seruice continued; so that the charges of his funerals amounted to fiue and fortie thousand franks, as diuers of the receit haue informed me. I arriued at Amboise two daies after his death, and went to say my praiers ouer his body, where I abode fiue or sixe howers. And to saie the truth, I neuer saw so great mourning, and lamentation, nor that continued so long for any Prince as for him: and no maruel; for he had bestowed vpon those that were neere about him, namely his chamberlaines, and ten or twelue gentlemen of his pri∣uie chamber, greater offices and gifts than euer did King of Fraunce, yea, too great to saie the truth. Besides that, he was the mildest and courteousest Prince that euer liued; for I thinke he neuer gaue foule word to any man: wherefore in better hower could he not die, both to leaue his fame behinde him in histories, and to be bewai∣led of those that serued him. And I thinke verily, that my selfe am the man whom of all other he vsed roughliest, but bicause I knew it to be the fault of his youth and not to proceede of himselfe, I could neuer loue him the woorse for it.

After I had staied one night at Amboise, I went to the newe King, with whom I had been more familiar than any man: and further, for his sake had susteined all my

troubles and losses, which now he seemed little to remember: notwithstanding with great wisdome he tooke possession of the crowne, for he changed no pensions that yeere, though halfe the yeere were yet to come, neither displaced many offi∣cers, but said that he would maintaine euery man in his estate; whereby he wan great honor. Moreouer, with all speede possible he went to his coronation, whereat my selfe was present. And these that follow represented the peeres of Fraunce. The first was the Duke of Alençon, who represented the Duke of Burgundie; the second the Duke of Bourbon, who represented the Duke of Normandie; the third the Duke of Lorraine, who represented the D, of Guienne. The first Earle was Philip L. of Ra∣uastaine, who represented the Earle of Flaunders; the second Engilbert of Cleues, who represented the Earle of Champaigne; the third the Earle of Foix, who repre∣sented the Earle of Tholouze. And the said King Levvis the twelfth now raigning, was crowned at Reims the 27. of Maie, the yeere 1498. and is the fourth that hath come to the crowne by collaterall line. The two first were Charles Martell, or Pepin his sonne, and Hugh Capet, who were both of them Masters of the pallace or gouer∣nors of those Kings, whom they deposed from the crowne, which afterwarde them∣selues vsurped; the thirde was King Philip of Valois; and the fourth the King that now raigneth: but these two latter came to the crowne by iust and lawfull title. The first genealogie of the Kings of Fraunce beginneth at Meronee: two Kings had raig∣ned in Fraunce before the said Meronee, namely Pharamond, who was first chosen King of Fraunce (for his predecessors were called Dukes or Kings of Gaule) and his sonne Claudio. The said Pharamond was chosen King the yeere of grace 420. and raigned ten yeeres, and his sonne Claudio eighteene, so that these two Kings raigned eight and twentie yeeres: and Meronee who succeeded next after, was not sonne, but cosen to the said Claudio. Wherefore it seemeth that the right line of the Kings of Fraunce hath failed fiue times: notwithstanding (as before I said) men begin the first line at Meronee, who was crowned King in the yeere of our Lord 448. from the which time to the coronation of King Levvis the twelfth are numbred 1050. yeeres. But if you reckon from Pharamond, you must adde eight and twentie more, which make 1078. yeeres since there was first King of Fraunce. From Meronee to the raigne of Pepin (when the line of the said Meronee failed) are numbred 333. yeeres. From Pepin to Hugh Capet raigned the true line of the said Pepin, and Charlemaine his son, the space of 237. yeeres. The right line of Hugh Capet raigned 339. yeeres, and ended in King Philip of Valois: and the right line of the said King Philip of Valois conti∣nued till the death of King Charles the eight, which hapned in the yeere of our Lord 1498. The said King Charles was the last of this line, the which had continued 169. yeeres, during the which space, these seuen Kings raigned in Fraunce, Philip of Va∣lois, King Iohn, Charles the fift, Charles the sixt, Charles the seuenth, Levvis the 11. and Charles the eight, in whom the right line of Philip of Valois ended.

The Notes.

1 This vvas an order of religion deuised by the King.

How Charles Duke of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster as Commines mentioneth lib. 1. cap. 5. and in other places.

• Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster.
  • ...—m.expand_less Blaunch daughter and heire of Henry Duke of Lancaster and Darby.
    • ...Philippa.
      • ...—m.expand_less Iohn the tenth King of Portugale, bastard to King Ferrande of Portugale.
        • ...Isabella.
          • ...—m.expand_less Philip Duke of Burgundie.
            • Charles Duke of Bur∣gundie, of whose wars and death this history treateth.

How Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, was neece to the Constable of Fraunce, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 5.

• Peter of Luxem∣bourg.
  • ...—m.expand_less Margaret Coun∣tesse of Saint Paul, Conuersane, Bri∣ane, Lignac, &c.
    • Petrus Earle of Saint Paul, &c.
      • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to William D. of Andre in Pro∣uence.
        • Iaquelna, or Iaquette.
          • ...—m.expand_less Iohn Duke of Bedford.
          • ...—m.expand_less Richard Wood∣uile Earle of Riuers.
            • ...Elizabeth.
              • —m.expand_less Sir Iohn Gray.
                • Thomas Mar∣ques Dorset.
              • ...—m.expand_less Edward the fourth King of England.
                • Edwardus quin∣tus R. Ang.
        • Lewis of Luxem∣bourg, Earle of Saint Paul, Con∣stable of Fraūce.
          • ...—m.expand_less Iane daughter & heire to Robert Earle of Marle, &c.
            • Anthonie Earle of Roussv men∣tioned by Com∣mines lib. 2. cap. 11. & lib. 4. ca. 4.
            • Iohn Earle of Marle slaine at the battell of Morat.
            • Peter Earle of Saint Paul and Brienne.
              • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to Lewis D. of Sauoye.
                • ...Marie.
                • ...Francis.
          • ...—m.expand_less Marie daughter to Lewis Duke of Sauoye.
            • Lewis Ea•••• of Ligny.

How Brabant, Lambourg, Luxembourg and Namurs came to Philip Duke of Burgundie, as mentio∣neth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13.

Brabant. Lambourg.

• Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant and Lambourg. 1 1.2
  • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to Guy Earle of Flaunders.
    • Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg.
      • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to Edward the first King of England.
        • Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg.
          • ...—m.expand_less Marie daughter to Philip of Valois King of Fraunce.
            • Iane the el∣dest daughter died 1397.
              • ...—m.expand_less Wenceslaus son to Iohn King of Boheme 2 1.3 died 1383.
            • ...Margaret.
              • ...—m.expand_less Lewis Malea∣•••••• Earle of Flaundres.
                • ...Margaret.
                  • ...—m.expand_less Philip the hardy.
                    • Margaret wife to William Earl of Haynault.
                    • Anthony slaine in the battel of Agincourt.
                      • ...—m.expand_less Iane daughter to Walleran Earle of Saint Paul & Ligny, the first wife.
                        • Iohn succeeded his father in Brabant and Lambourg.
                        • Philip succeeded his brother.
                      • ...—m.expand_less 3 1.4Elizabeth the second wife.
                    • Luxembourg.Iohn Duke of Burgun∣die.
                      • ...—m.expand_less Margaret siste•• to William Earl of Haynault & Holland.
                        • ...Namurs. Philip Duke of Burgundie. 4 1.5

How Holland, Hainault, and Zeland came to Duke Philip, as men∣tioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. where also the Queenes Maiesties title to the said countries is somwhat touched.

Holland, Hainault, Zeland.

• William Earle of Holland, Hainault, and Zeland.
  • ...—m.expand_less Iane sister to Philip of Valois after K. of Fraunce.
    • Philippa the eldest daughter, wife to Edward the third King of England.
    • William declared by the Emperor ann. 1337. Earle of Holland, Zeland, Hai∣nault, and Lord of Frise∣land, slaine by the Frizons 1345.
      • Margaret, daughter as some write, to William, 1 1.6 as others, sister.
        • ...—m.expand_less Lewis of Bauier•• Emperor.
          • William the el∣dest brother died without issue.
          • Albert succeeded his brother.
            • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to the Duke of Brida.
              • William succee∣ded his father.
                • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to Philip the Hardy.
                  • Iaqueline daughter and heire had fower husbands, but died without issue, and to hir succeeded Philip D. of Burgundie.
              • ...Margaret.
                • ...—m.expand_less Iohn Duke of Bur∣gundy sonne to Phi∣lip the Hardy.
                  • Philip Duke of Burgun∣dy succeeded Iaqueline in all these Seniories, as heere mentioneth Com∣mines.
    • A daughter married to the Duke of Iuliers.

How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders, Neuers and Rethel, as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. & lib. 5. cap. 11. the which Margaret married with Philip the Hardy, yoongest sonne to Iohn King of Fraunce.

• Ottho yoonger sonne to Hugh the fourth of that name Duke of Burgundy.
  • ...—m.expand_less Isabella daughter & heire of Arnulfe Earle of Neuers, which Arnulfe died anno 1243.
    • ...Neuers.Yolande.
      • ...Flaunders.—m.expand_less Robert of Bethune the 22. Earle of Flaunders died 1323.
        • Lewis Earle of Ne∣uers, Baron of Dou∣zy, died before his father ann. 1322.
          • ...Rethel.—m.expand_less Mary daughter and heire of Iames •• of Rethel.
            • Lewis Earle of Flaunders, Ne∣uers, Rethel, slain at the battell of Crecy 1346.
            • ...—m.expand_less Margaret yoongest daughter to Philip le Longue, King of Fraunce.
              • Lewis Earle of Flaū∣ders, surnamed of Malain, slain by Iohn Duke of Berry bro∣ther to Charles the fift anno 1383.
                • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to Iohn the 3. Duke of Brabant.
                  • Margaret daughter and heire heere mentioned married two Dukes of Burgundie, as in the next leafe more at large shall appeere.
                    • ...—m.expand_less Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundy the first husband.
                    • ...—m.expand_less Philip the Hardy yoongest sonne to Iohn K. of Fraunce.

How Arthois and the County of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret aboue mentioned, and how she married two Dukes of Burgundy, and how Philip the Hardy hir second husband obtained the Duchy of Burgundie after the death of Philip Duke of Bur∣gundie hir first husband.

• ...Burgundie Duchie. Robert Duke of Burgundy died 1308.
  • ...—m.expand_less Agnes daugh¦ter to King Saint Lewis.
    • Margaret the eldest daughter.
      • ...—m.expand_less Lewis Hut∣tin King of Fraunce.
        • Iane wife to Phil∣lip Earle of Eu∣reux.
    • ...Iane.
      • ...—m.expand_less Philip of Va¦lois King of Fraunce.
        • Iohn King of Fraunce. 3 1.7
          • Philip the hardie second husband to the Ladie Mar∣garet.
    • Ottho the 16. Duke of Bur¦gundie.
      • ...—m.expand_less Iane the el∣dest daugh∣ter.
        • Philip died afore his father anno 1346.
          • ...—m.expand_less Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne.
            • Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.
              • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daughter and heire, hir se∣cond husband was Philip the hardie.

• Burgundie Countie.Othelin Earle of Burgundie died 1303.
  • ...Arthois.—m.expand_less Maude daughter to Robert Earle of Arthois. 1 1.8
    • Iane succeeded hir mother in hir widow∣hood, and was poiso∣ned immediately af∣ter hir mothers death.
      • ...—m.expand_less Philip the long King of Fraunce
        • Iane the el∣dest daugh∣ter.
          • ...—m.expand_less Ottho the 16. Duke of Bur¦gundie.
            • Philip died afore his father anno 1346.
              • ...—m.expand_less Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne.
                • Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.
                  • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daughter and heire, hir se∣cond husband was Philip the hardie.
        • ...Margaret.2 1.9
          • ...—m.expand_less Lewis Earle of Flaunders
            • Lewis of Ma∣lain Earle of Flaunders.
              • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh¦ter to Iohn D. of Brabant.
                • Margaret daughter and heire, hir se∣cond husband was Philip the hardie.
                  • ...—m.expand_less Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather, died 1361.
    • ...Blaunch.
      • ...—m.expand_less Charles le bel K. of Fraunce.

How the King of Portugale was cosin germane to the Duke of Burgundy, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7.

• Ferdinand the ninth King of Portugale.
  • Iohn a bastard, but King of Por∣tugale.
    • ...—m.expand_less Philippa daughter to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster
      • ...Isabella.
        • ...—m.expand_less Philip Duke of Burgundie.
          • Charles Duke of Burgundy.
            • Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles.
              • ...—m.expand_less Maximilian Emperor.
      • Edward King of Portugale.
        • ...—m.expand_less Iane sister to Al∣fonse King of Ar∣ragon, Naples, and Sicile.
          • ...Leonora.
            • ...—m.expand_less Frideric the third Emperor.
              • Maximilian Emperor.
                • ...—m.expand_less Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles.
          • Alfonsus King of Portugale, the same that came into Fraunce for suc∣cours.

How the Duke of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother, as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16.

• Iohn Duke of Burgundy.
  • ...—m.expand_less Margaret sister to William Earle of Hainault and Holland.
    • ...Mary.
      • ...—m.expand_less Adolf the first D. of Cleues.
        • Adolfe Lord of Rauastain.
          • ...—m.expand_less Betrice daughter to Iohn Duke of Cuymbria in Portugale.
            • Philip Lord of Ra∣uastain mentioned in many places of this historie.
              • ...—m.expand_less Mary base daugh∣ter to Philip Duke of Burgundy.
        • Iohn Duke of Cleues the D. heere men∣tioned.
          • ...—m.expand_less Isabella daugh∣ter to Iohn E. of Neuers.
            • Iohn duke of Cleues the Dukes sonne, for whom the marriage with the Lady Mary should haue beene made.
    • Philip Duke of Burgundy.
      • ...—m.expand_less Isabella daugh∣ter to Iohn K. of Portugale.
        • Charles Duke of Burgundy.
          • ...—m.expand_less Isabella daugh∣ter to Charles Duke of Bour∣bon.
            • Mary Duchesse of Au∣strich, so often mentio∣eed in this historie.
              • ...—m.expand_less Maximilian Emperor.

How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster, contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. togither with the excuse of Commines error.

• Edward the third King of England.
  • Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lan∣caster.
    • ...—m.expand_less Blaunch daugh¦ter and heire to Henry D. of Lancaster.
      • Iohn Duke of Bedford
      • Henry the 4. Rex An∣gliae.
        • Henry the 5. Rex An∣gliae.
          • Henry the 6. Rex Angliae.
            • Edward Prince of Wales.
      • Thomas D. of Clarēce
      • Humfrey Duke of Glocester.
    • ...—m.expand_less Katharine the third wife.
      • Iohn Earle of Sommer∣set.
        • Iohn Duke of Sommerset the eldest sonne.
          • Margaret coun¦tesse of Rich∣mond.
            • Henry the 7
        • Edmund made D of Sommerset, bicause his bro∣ther died with∣out issue male.
          • Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded by K Edward the fourth.
          • Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded also by K. Edward the fourth.
            • A daughter maried Hum¦frey Duke of Buckingham
          • Iohn slaine at the battell of Teukesbury.

The excuse of Commines error.

The line of Henry the fourth being failed in Prince Edward, the right of the house of Lancaster came to the house of Sommerset, as heere is set foorth: but after the d••••th of Iohn Duke of Sommerset, who died without heire male, Edmund his brother was made Duke of Sommerset. Wherefore Commines knowing Henry the 7. to claime the right of the house of Lancaster as heire of the house of Sommerset, and seeing others to be Dukes of Sommerset and not him: supposed them to be of the elder house to him; yet notwithstanding was Henry the 7. neerer heire than they, being by his mother descended of the elder brother, though they being of the male line obtained the title of Sommerset before him. But this in my fansie bred Commines error, and thus much in his excuse.

The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie, countie of Prouence, and Duchy of Bar, mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the Kings title thereto: togither with the whole quarrell betweene the house of Arragon and Aniou: and why the house of Aniou had the best title, as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16.

• NaplesCharles Earle of Aniou and Main brother to King S. Lewis, King of Naples and Sicilie.
  • ...Prouence.—m.expand_less Betrice heire of Prouence.
    • 2Charles surnamed the Boiteux, King of Naples.
      • ...Hungarie.—m.expand_less Mary daughter & heire to Stephen King of Hungary.
        • Charles Martell King of Hunga∣rie the eldest brother.
          • Cornumbert King of Hun∣garie.
            • Lewis King of Hungarie.
            • Andrew stran∣gled by Queen Iane his wife.
              • ...4—m.expand_less Iane succee∣ded Robert hir grand∣father.
        • 3Robert King of Naples the yoonger brother.
          • Charles sans terre died before his father.
            • 4Iane succee∣ded Robert hir grand∣father.
              • ...—m.expand_less Andrew stran∣gled by Queen Iane his wife.
            • Mary. Boccace his Conc.
            • ...Margaret
              • ...5—m.expand_less Charles King of Naples and Hungarie.
                • 7Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother, died anno 1433.
                • 6Ladislaus King of Naples di∣ed 1414.
        • Lewis D. of Duraz∣zo.
          • Charles of Du∣razzo execu∣ted by Lewis King of Hun∣garie.
            • 5Charles King of Naples and Hungarie.
              • ...—m.expand_less Margaret
                • 7Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother, died anno 1433.
                • 6Ladislaus King of Naples di∣ed 1414.
        • ...Clementia.
          • ...—m.expand_less Charles Earle of Valois.
            • Philip of Va∣lois King of Fraunce.
              • Iohn King of Fraunce.
                • Lewis of Aniou adopted by Q. Iane the first, slaine an. 1385.
                  • Lewis of Aniou troubled K. Ladi∣slaus, died anno 1417.
                    • ...Bar. Yoland heire of Bar by Yo∣land hir mo∣ther.
                      • ...Marie.
                        • ...—m.expand_less Charles the 7 K. of France.
                          • Lewis the 11 K. of France
                            • Charles the 8. K. of Fraunce
                      • Reue so often mē∣tioned in this hi∣storie, adopted by the last Qu. Iane, after Lewis his brothers death.
                        • ...Lorraine.—m.expand_less Isabella daugh∣ter and heire to Charles D. of Lorraine.
                          • Iohn Duke of Calabria died before his father.
                            • Nicholas di∣ed before his grandfather.
                          • Yoland wife to Frederic of Vande∣monne.
                            • Rene. This is hee that clai∣med Prouence and Bar of K. Charles.
                      • Charles Earle, of Maine men∣tioned Lib. 1. cap. 3.
                        • Charles, whom king Rene made his heire of Na∣ples, Prouence, and Bar, and he after made King Lewis his heire lib. 7. c. 1.
                      • Lewis the third of Aniou Duke, ad∣opted by Iane the second, died anno 1433.

Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Lorraine had the best title to Prouence, as heire to Lewis the first of that name Duke of Aniou, to whom Queene Iane gaue it: to Naples likewise as heire to the house of Aniou, by being daughters sonne to Rene, to whom Queene Iane the second left it by hir last will and testament, of Bar he was heire as heire to Yolande his great grandmother: and as touching the testa∣ments of the two first Charles kings of Naples, who, as it is alleaged, so vnited Prouence, that it could not be seuered from the realme of Na∣ples, nor descend to the heire female as long as a male was liuing. First, the example of Queene Iane who succeeded Robert hir grandfather diuers males liuing, prooueth there was neuer any such testament: besides that, king Charles was no more heire male to those kings than the Duke of Lorraine, for they both descended of them by a woman, namely Clementia, wife to Charles of Valois. So that the King had no colour to Naples or Prouence, but at this da••e the whole title of the house of Aniou thereto, resteth in the now Duke of Lorraine, who is lineal∣ly descended of king Rene. Lastly, the reason whereupon Commines groundeth the house of Anious title to the realme of Naples to be best: is onely bicause Lewis of Aniou was made heire thereof by Queene Ianes last testament, which reuoketh all former testaments.

The storie of this pedegree of Naples and Sicilie.

1. Charles brother to Saint Lewis King of Fraunce obtained Prouence by marriage of Betrice daughter to Raymond, or Robert, or Berengarius Earle of Prouence, who made hir his heire, though she were his yoonger daughter, after Vrbanus the fourth Pope of Rome called him in∣to Italie against Manfredus King of Naples and Sicilie, whom Charles slew in battell, and after beheaded Conradinus also, who quarreled the realmes of Naples & Sicilie: but soone after Peter King of Arragon, who had married King Mansridus daughter, reuolted Sicilie from him, flew all the French men in an euening, and possessed Sicilie, as his posteritie namely King Philip doth yet at this day. Charles was crowned King of Naples by Vrbane the fourth, anno 1255. and after confirmed by Clement the fourth, and died anno 1274.

2. Charles his sonne in his fathers time seeking to recouer Sicilie, was taken prisoner by King Peters forces. and caried into Arragon, where he should haue been executed in reuenge of Conradinus death (as 200. gentlemen and nobles taken with him were) had not Constance king Peters wife saued his life: after he was restored to Naples, paying for his raunsome 30000. marks, and married the daughter and heire of Stephen king of Hungarie, by whom he had nine sonnes and fiue daughters, whose ofspring looke in Onufrius pag. 309. he died anno 1319. These two kings are they that our author mentioneth lib. 7. cap. 1. that were said to haue made testaments that Prouence could not be seue∣red from the realme of Naples, nor descend to the female as long as there was an heire male liuing, which appeereth to be false in the ex∣ample of Queene Iane.

3. Robert king of N••ples crowned by Clement the fift, died without issue male anno 1342. and left his realme to Iane his sonnes daughter, vnder condition that she should marrie Andrew yoonger sonne to Cornumbere king of Hungarie hir cosin germain remooued: heere is to be obserued that this Robert was yoonger sonne to king Charles, but the said king gaue to Charles his eldest sonne his realme of Hungarie, and Naples to this Robert. In his time liued Petrarcha and Boccace.

4. Iane daughter to Charles sans terre succeeded hir grandfather Robert, and married Andrew sonne to the king of Hungarie as hir said grandfather had appointed, whom within three yeeres she strangled: whereupon Lewis king of Hungarie his brother came into Italy, cha∣sed Q. Iane out of Naples, executed Charles of Durazzo as consenting to his brothers death, and carried Charles his sonne with him into Hungarie; after whose departure, Iane by helpe of Pope Clement returned and recouered Naples, but after she fell out with Pope Vrbanus the sixt, who chased hir into Prouence, where she adopted Lewis of Aniou sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce, and so returned to Naples, against whom the Pope called out of Hungarie Charles sonne to Charles of Durazzo, who recouered Naples, but Prouence Lewis enioied: she was hanged ann. 1381.

5. Charles (sonne to Charles of Durazzo beheaded) was led prisoner into Hungarie by king Lewis, as before is mentioned, after whose death, he succeeded him in Hungarie as his next heire male: he was inuested King of Naples by Vrbane the sixt against Queene Iane, whom he tooke prisoner anno 1381. and hung at the same window she had hung hir husband, and beheaded also Marie Queene Ianes sister (whom Boccace was enamored of) as consenting to hir sisters husbands death: he slew in battell anno 1385. Lewis of Aniou, adopted by Queene Iane, after he fell at variance with Pope Vrbane. He was slaine in Hungarie by the treason of the old Queene king Lewis his wife and hir daughter at a feast, anno 1386 his wife was Margaret Queene Ianes sister.

6 Ladislaus lost Hungarie by his fathers murther, but was at length receiued and crowned king of Naples by Pope Boneface the ninth, anno 1, 90. and then he chased Lewis the second out of Italie, who after his fathers death was come thither and had got some part of the realme. After Ladislaus fell out with Alexander the fift, and tooke Rome, whereupon the Pope gaue the realme of Naples to Lewis of Aniou, who returned and vanquished Ladislaus and recouered Rome, but not knowing how to vse the victorie, Ladislaus recouered himselfe, forced Lewis to retire into Fraunce, and then againe tooke Rome, and died anno 14••4.

7. Iane the second succeeded hir brother Ladislaus, after she fell out with the Pope, who called Lewis of Aniou the third of that name against hir, then she adopted Alfonse of Arragon, who chased Lewis out of Italie, but Alfonse and she falling at variance, she adopted Lewis of Aniou hir enimie, who recouered Naples, anno 1424. and raigned with hir till anno 1432. or 1433. when they both died: and then she made Rene brother to Lewis hir heire: but he being then prisoner with Philip Duke of Burgundie, could not come to Naples, and then Alfonse be∣ing dismissed out of prison by Philip Maria Duke of Milan, where he was also prisoner at the same time, preuailed and conquered Naples, and was inuested by Pope Eugenius. Since the which time the Aniouins haue but quarelled Naples, and as for the succession of this Alfonse, you shall see it in the last pedegree in the end of this worke.

Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Cyprus, as Commines writeth Lib. 7. cap. 4.

• 1Peter taken priso∣ner by the Genu∣ois, but deliuered vnder condition to pay them a yeerely tribute.
  • 2Ianus so named, bi∣cause he was born at Genua, which was founded by Ianus.
    • Anne married Lewis Duke of Sauoy.
      • ...Iohn.
      • Amadis Duke of Sauoy right heire of Cyprus by his mother after Char∣lotte was dead.
      • Philip Duke of Sauoy.
        • Charles Duke of Sauoy.
          • Phibbert Duke of Sauoy.
      • 4Lewis married Char∣lotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by Iames the bastard. He died sans issue
        • ...—m.expand_less Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue.
    • 3Iohn liued like Sardanapalus.
      • Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale, who was poisoned, & then this Lewis. She died sans issue.
        • ...4—m.expand_less Lewis married Char∣lotte: he was crowned King, but was chased away by Iames the bastard. He died sans issue
      • 5Iames a bastard, by the Sol∣dan of Aegypts helpe cha∣sed Lewis his sisters hus∣band out of Cyprus, and made himselfe King.
        • ...—m.expand_less Katharine daughter to Marke Comaire Senator of Venice: the Venetians ad∣opted hir, and vnder that colour conquered Cyprus, hir husband and sonne be∣ing dead.
          • 6A sonne borne after his fa∣thers death, of whom the Ve∣netians were tutors, but was poisoned, as some write, by them as his father had beene. After his death the Venetians conquered Cyprus, vnder co∣lour of adoption ann. 1473. or as Meyer saith fol. 349. anno 1470.

Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Sauoy hath the right to Cyprus, not the Venetians: for Iames husband to their adopted daughter was a bastarde and an vsurper: and their adopted daughter a stranger to the crowne, and could pretend no title to it, Sed malè parta, malè dilabuntur.

The house of Medices, whereof so ample mention is made Lib. 7. Cap. 5.

• Iohn of Medices.
  • Cosmus mentioned Lib. 7. cap. 5. died anno 1464. the ••8. yeere of his age.
    • Countessin•• of Bardy.
      • Peter. Commines see∣meth to ouer∣passe this man.
        • ...—m.expand_less Lucretia Tor∣naboni
          • Julian slaine in Florence, Com∣mines Lib. 6. c. 5.
            • Iulius called Pope Clement the seuenth.
          • Laurence so often mentioned in Commines.
            • ...—m.expand_less Clarice Ʋrsine.
              • Iohn called Pope Leo the tenth.
              • Peter fled out of Florence when K. Charles came thither.
                • ...—m.expand_less Alfonsine Vrsine.
                  • Clarice married Philip S••rozzi.
                  • Laurence made Duke of Vrbin by Pope Leo the tenth.
                    • ...—m.expand_less Maudeleine daughter and heire to the Earle of Bo∣loine.
                      • Alexander D. of Florence slaine by his cosin Lau∣rence of Medi∣ces.
                        • ...—m.expand_less Margaret base daughter to Charles the Emperor.
                          • ...—m.expand_less Octauio Farnese Pope Paulus nephew, secōd husbande to Margaret.
                        These were both ba∣stards.
                        • Iulia married Restagno Can∣teline a gentle∣man in L'A∣bruzzo.
                        • Iulius married a Lady of the county of Piombi.
                          • ...Alexander.
                          • ...Iulian.
                      • Katharine Q. mother of Fraunce.
              • Iulian Duke of Nemours married Philibert sister to Louyse King Fran¦cis mother Du∣ches of Nemours.
                • Hippolitus a Cardinal but a bastard.
  • ...Laurence.
    • ...Peter Francis.
      • ...Iohn.
        • ...—m.expand_less Katharine Sforce.
          • Iohn the vali∣ant soldier.
            • ...—m.expand_less Maria Sal∣u••••ti.
              • Cosmus chosen Duke of Florence after Alexanders death, and confirmed by Charles the Em∣peror.
                • ...—m.expand_less Leonor of To∣ledo daughter to Peter Duke of Alua.
                  • Isabella Duches of Ferrara, and two other daugh¦ters.
                  • Francis D. of Florēce died 1584.
                  • ...Ferdi∣nand.
                  • Iohn a Cardinal
                  • ...Graci∣an.
                  • ...Peter

How Lewis Duke of Orleans, called after King Lewis the 12. pretended title to the Duchie of Milan, as Commines mentioneth Lib. 7. cap. 6. and in diuers other places.

• 1Iohn Galeas made first Duke of Milan by the Emperor Wen∣ceslaus. This is he that lieth buried at Pauia, Commines Lib. 7. cap. 7 died anno 1402.
  • ...—m.expand_less Elizabeth daughter to the King of Bo∣heme the first wife.
    • ...Valentine.
      • ...—m.expand_less Lewis Duke of Orleans bro∣ther to Charles the sixth.
        • ...Ian••••.
        • Iohn Duke of Angoulesme.
          • Charles Duke of Angoulesme
            • Francis King of Fraunce
              • ...—m.expand_less Claude the el∣dest daughter.
                • Francis died before his fa∣ther.
                • Henry the se∣cond King of Fraunce, &c.
                • Charles died before his fa∣ther.
        • Orleans.Charles Duke of Orleans.
          • Lewis the 12. K. of Fraunce.
            • Claude the el∣dest daughter.
              • ...—m.expand_less Francis King of Fraunce
                • Francis died before his fa∣ther.
                • Henry the se∣cond King of Fraunce, &c.
                • Charles died before his fa∣ther.
            • Reneé married Hercules Duke of Ferrara.
        • Philip Earle of Vertu.
        • Margaret wife to Richarde Earle of E∣stampes.
  • ...—m.expand_less Katharine Vis∣conti the second wife.
    • 2Iohn Maria suc∣ceeded his father: died sans issue, he was slaine by his people.
    • 3Philip Maria succeeded his brother: died with∣out lawfull issue. Ap∣pointed by Testament King Alfonse of Naples his heire.
      • Blaunche a bastard
        • ...Sforce. 4—m.expand_less Francis Sforce, not∣withstanding Philips Testament vsurped the Duchie by fauor of the people.
          • Hyppolita marri∣ed Alfonse King of Naples.
          • 5Galeas slaine in the Church of Milan.
            • ...—m.expand_less Bo•••••• daught•••• to the Duke of Sauoy.
              • Blaunche married Maximilian the Emperor.
              • 6Iohn Galeas died when K. Charles came into Italie.
                • ...—m.expand_less Isabella daugh¦ter to Alfonso King of Na∣ples.
                  • Francis led in∣to Fraunce by Lewis the 12.
                  • Bonne maried Sigismund K. of Poland.
              • Katharine married Iohn de Medices.
                • Iohn the valiant soldier in Charles the fifts time.
                  • Cosmus Duke of Florence.
          • Ascanio a Cardinall.
          • ...7 Lodouic called King Charles into Italie. Died prisoner in France vnder Lewis the twelfth.
            • ...—m.expand_less Betrice daugh∣ter to Hercules Duke of Fer∣rara.
              • 8Maximilian reco∣uered the Duchie from Lewis the 12. after carried away prisoner by King Francis.
              • 9Francis restored by Charles the Emperor: died sans issue.
          • ...Philip.
          • ...Octauian.

The French King claimeth from Valentine, who ought to haue succeeded hir brother Philip Maria, before Blaunche being his base daughter.

After this Duke Francis death, the Emperor Charles seased the Duchie, partly by composition with Duke Francis at his restitution, which was to make the Emperor his heire if he died without issue, and partly by gift from Philip Maria, who by his ••estament gaue it to Alfonse king of Naples, whose heire the Emperor was: and partly in right of the house of Austrich, which pretended title to it, as writeth Commines Lib. 7. cap. 2.

The pedegree of Hercules Duke of Ferrara, of whom so often mention is made in this historie.

The familie of Este ancestors of this Nicholas gouerned Ferrara from the yeere 1202. or not long after, it is held of the Pope.

• Nicholas Lord or Marques as some call him of Fer∣rara.
  • Obizone was made ge∣nerall of the church, and had therefore a pension of ten thou∣sand ducats.
    • Nicholas vanqui∣shed Bernabo Visconti. Succee∣ded his father.
    • Albertus suc∣ceeded his brother.
      • Nicholas a bastard, vnder him was a coun∣cell at Ferrara, where∣at the Emperour of Greece was present.
        • Lionello a ba∣stard succee∣ded his fa∣ther.
          • —m.expand_less Daughter to Iohn Francesco Gonzaga.
            • ...2 Nicholas succeeded Borso, but his vncle Hercules right heire expelled him, and see∣king to recouer the state, he was taken and beheaded by Sigismundus his other vncle.
        • 1Borso a bastard succee∣ded his brother, bi∣cause his brothers son was yoong, he was created the first Duke of Ferrara by the Em¦peror Frederic.
        • 3Hercules expelled Nicholas his nephew he was generall to the Florentines, Ve∣netians, and Mila∣nois. This is he so often mentioned in this historie.
          • ...—m.expand_less Leonora daugh∣ter to Ferdi∣nand King of Naples.
            • Betrice mar∣ried Lodouic Sforce Duke of Milan.
            • ...Alfonse.
              • ...—m.expand_less Lucretia daugh∣ter to Alexander the 6. Bi••••op of Rome.
                • ...Franciscus.
                • Hippolitus a Cardinall.
                • ...5Hercules.
                  • ...—m.expand_less Renee daugh∣ter to Lewis the 12. King of Fraunce.
                    • 6Alfonsus D. of Ferrara.
                    • Luigi Cardi∣nall of Este.
              • ...—m.expand_less Laura.
                • ...Alfonsus.
                • ...Alfonsinus.
            • •• Elizabeth married Francis Gonzaga the Marquesse of Man∣tua mentioned in this storie.
        • ...Sigismundus.

The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua, so often mentioned in this historie.

The familie of Gonzagua had gouerned Man∣tua before this Francis, from the yeer 1328. vnder this Francis Iohn Galliazzo besieged Mantua a yeere, but preuailed not: this Francis serued the Duke of Milan and the Venetians.

• Francis died anno 1407.
  • Iohn Francis first Mar∣ques of Mātua made by the Emperor Sigismun∣dus, was thrice generall to the Venetians, died anno 1443.
    • ...—m.expand_less Paola daughter to Malatesta, Lord of Rimini.
      • Luigi liued in the time of Frederick the third.
        • ...—m.expand_less Barbara daughter to the Marques of Brandenburg.
          • ...Luigi.
          • Francis a car∣dinall.
          • Frederick was ge∣nerall to the Duke of Milan and the Venetians.
            • ...—m.expand_less Margarita Te∣desca.
              • Francis in the age of 38. yeeres fought with Charles the 8. at Laro, died 1520.
                • ...—m.expand_less Elizabeth daughter to Hercules Duke of Ferrara.
                  • Hercules a Cardinall.
                  • Frederick made general of the Church by Pope Leo, and so confirmed by his successors, made D. by Charles the fift, he died 1539.
                    • ...Montferrat.—m.expand_less Margaret daughter and heire of William Paleolo∣gus, marques of Montferrat.
                      • ...William.
                      • ...Francis.
                      • ...Lewis.
                      • ...Frederick.
                  • Ferdinandus generall of Milan to the Em∣peror Charles the fift.
          • ...Iohn Francis.
          • ...Rodolfe.
        • ...—m.expand_less Margaret daugh∣ter to the Duke of Bauiera.
      • Charles troubled his brother, but was cha¦sed away by him, & died in very poore estate.
      • Lucedus was mishapen.
      • Alexander cro∣ked backed was a monke.

How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it, as writeth Commines Lib. 8. cap. 17.

• 1Iohn the first of that name, King of Castile.
  • —m.expand_less Daughter to Ferdi∣nand the first, King of Portugale.
    • Castile. 2Henry the third, King of Castile and Leon.
      • Mary wife to Al∣fonse King of Arra∣gon and Naples.
      • 3Iohn the second.
        • 4Henry the fourth mar¦ried a daughter of the King of Portugale.
          • Elizabeth put frō the crowne by hir aunt, Commin. Lib. 5. cap. 7.
        • 5Elizabeth succeeded hir brother, putting hir neece from the crowne as a bastard.
          • ...Castile and Arra∣gon vnited. 4—m.expand_less Ferrand King of Ar∣ragon, and Castile by his wife, so often men¦tioned in these Ita∣lian wars.
            • Katharine wife to Henry the eight, King of England.
            • Iane married Phi∣lip Archduke of Austrich.
              • 6Charles the fift Emperor.
            • Iohn married Marga∣ret daughter to Maxi∣milian the Emperor, died before his fa∣ther.
  • ...—m.expand_less Elenor daughter to Peter King of Arragon.
    • Arragon. 1.Ferrand Earle of Me∣dina del Campo K. of Arragon.

This Ferrande obtained the realme of Arragon anno 1407. bicause his mother was daughter to king Peter, whose heire male failed in Martin his nephew, and notwithstanding that Martin had a daughter, yet Ferrande obtained the crowne to hir preiudice.

• 3Iohn succeeded his brother in Arragon, but in Naples Ferrand his brothers bastard succeeded.
  • Ferrand King of Ar∣ragon, and Castile by his wife, so often men¦tioned in these Ita∣lian wars.
    • ...Castile and Arra∣gon vnited. 4—m.expand_less 5Elizabeth succeeded hir brother, putting hir neece from the crowne as a bastard.
      • Katharine wife to Henry the eight, King of England.
      • Iane married Phi∣lip Archduke of Austrich.
        • 6Charles the fift Emperor.
      • Iohn married Marga∣ret daughter to Maxi∣milian the Emperor, died before his fa∣ther.
  • Charles King of Nauarre sans issue.
• Iane Queene of Portugale.
• Mary married Iohn the secōd K. of Castile.
• 2 1 NaplesAlfonse adopted by Iane Queene of Naples, who after adopted Lewis Duke of Aniou.
  • 2Ferrande the bastard succeeded his father in the realme of Na∣ples, died a little be∣fore King Charles came into Italy.
    • 5Frederick succee∣ded his nephew Ferdinand, led after into Fraunce by Lewis the 12.
      • Ferdinand married Germain widow to King Ferdinand of Arragon.
    • 3Alfonse fled when K. Charles came into Italy.
      • 4Ferdinand chased from Naples by King Charles, but after re∣couered the realme, died sans issue.
      • Isabella wife to Iohn Galeas, Duke of Milan.
    • Elizabeth wife to Hercules Duke of Ferrara.

The King of Spaine had better right to Naples, than Alfonse that possessed it when King Charles came into Italie, bicause Alfonses father was a bastard, & King Ferrands father being the first Alfonses brother, ought to haue succeeded him before his base sonne. Further, you shall vnderstand, that after Frederick was led into Fraunce by Lewis the 12. the said K▪ Lewis enioied Naples, but within fower yeeres Ferrande King of Arragon by the great captaine Consaluo chased King Lewis out of the realme, and left it to his nephew Charles the Emperor, from whom the French K. could neuer recouer it: but at this day it is in the possession of the King of Spaine sonne to the said Emperor Charles.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1495.
• 1 1.2

  Lambourg was erected into a Duchie 1172. and Henrie the last Duke thereof (who died without issue 1293.) solde it to Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant. But Henrie Earle of Luxembourg father to Henrie the Emperor, the Bishop of Colyn, and one called the Earle Ghelric inuaded the Duchie of Lambourg, with them Duke Iohn fought neere to the castell of Voronc, and tooke the Earle Ghelric (who pretended title to Lambourg) and the Bishop of Colin prisoners: the Earle of Luxembourg with two of his brethren was slaine, the castell of Voronc razed, since the which time, Lambourg hath remained quiet vnder the Dukes of Brabant.
• 2 1.3

  Wenceslaus succeeded Iohn Duke of Brabant, but he died 1383. without issue, and after his wife dying anno 1393. left Brabant and Lam∣bourg to Anthonie second sonne to Philip the Hardie, the said Ianes grand nephew by Margaret hir yoonger sister, after whose death and his two sonnes Iohn and Philip, Brabant and Lambourg descended to Philip Duke of Burgundie, as mentioneth Commines in the place aboue rehearsed.
• 3 1.4

  Elizabeth second wife to Anthonie Duke of Brabant, was daughter to Iohn Duke of Gorlic, brother to the Emperours Wenceslaus and Sigismundus, who partly in respect of this marriage, partly for money gaue to Duke Anthonie the Duchie of Luxembourg, but after his death, they and VVilliam Duke of Saxonie, who had married Sigismundus daughters daughter, sought to dispossesse hir of it: but Duke Philip of Burgundie euer defended hir, and after hir death succeeded hir as well by hir gift as also as heire to Duke Anthonie, (his two sonnes be∣ing dead) who had paid money to VVenceslaus and Sigismundus for it: afterward also Charles Duke of Burgundie bought the title of Isabella (wife to Cassimirus King of Polonia, and neece to the Emperor Sigismund) to the Duchie of Luxembourg to hold it without quarrell.
• 4 1.5

  As touching Namurs Duke Philip bought it for his money of diuers that pretended title to it, especially of Iohn Earle of Namur, who sold it to Duke Philip vnder condition to hold it during his life, which happened anno 1428.
• 1 1.6

  This Margaret Guicchiardin writeth to haue been daughter to VVilliam the yoonger Earle of Hainault, Holland and Zeland, but Anna∣les Genealogiques Franciae say that she was sister not daughter to VVilliam, as do also other most approoued Authors. And if she were but sister, then the Queenes Maiestie being descended of Philippa the said VVilliams eldest sister, is right heire of all these countries. Meyerus lib, 12. fol. 140. pag. 2. and fol. 147. pag. 1. saith, that Margaret was sister not daughter to Duke VVilliam, which also is the more manifestly proo∣ued, bicause the wife of this VVilliam was Iane the eldest daughter to Iohn Duke of Brabant, who ouerliued hir husband, and after married VVenceslaus brother to the Emperor Charles the fourth: which woman neuer had issue, yet finde we no mention of any other wife that VVil∣liam the yoonger Earle of Hainault had.
• 3 1.7

  Touching the Duchie of Burgundie, note that after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie, nephew to Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgun∣die, King Iohn of Fraunce being sonne to Iane the said Otthos yoonger sister, seazed the Duchie of Burgundie into his hands, excluding Iane daughter to Margaret the elder sister as suspected of bastardie, and after gaue the said Duchie to his yoongest sonne Philip the hardie for his aduancement in marriage with the Ladie Margaret of Flaunders.
• 1 1.8

  Touching the title of Arthois this is to be obserued, that Robert Earle of Arthois father to Maude, had a sonne named Philip, who died before his father, and left behinde him a sonne named Robert Earle of Beumont, who after his grandfathers death demanded the Coun∣trey of Arthois: but this Maude by fauor of the French King obtained it, bicause she was adiudged neerer heire to the Earle Robert being his daughter, than the Earle of Beumont being his sonnes sonne: for spite whereof, the Earle of Beumont reuolted to the King of England, of him are descended the Earles of Eu.
• 2 1.9

  This Margaret being in hir widdowhood, succeeded in Arthois and the Countie of Burgundie of Philip hir sister Ianes sonnes sonne, and husband to Margaret hir sonnes daughter, to whom after hir death the said Seigniories descended.