The historie of Great Britannie declaring the successe of times and affaires in that iland, from the Romans first entrance, vntill the raigne of Egbert, the West-Saxon prince; who reduced the severall principalities of the Saxons and English, into a monarchie, and changed the name of Britannie into England.

THE FIRST PART: (Book 1)

The second Booke.

[illustration] portrait of Nero

NERO CL: CAES: AVG: GER: P. M. TR. P. XI. P. P.

The first CHAPTER.

Nero succeedeth Claudius in the Empire. The Province in Britannie is governed by Veranius, after whose death the charge is committea to Suetonius Paulinus. The Ile of Anglesey is subdued. The doctrine and maners of the religious Druydes.

THis was the state of the affaires in Britannie, when Claudius the Empe∣rour died, leaving the Roman Mo∣narchie to Nero his adopted sonne, who (after his first five yeares spent) being given over to all kinds of vice, neglected the government both at home and abroad, not daring to enter into any militare action; and it was thought that he would have revoked the armie out of Britannie, if verie shame in de∣tracting

from his fathers glorie, and loosing that which he had wonne, had not with-held him.

About that time Veranius was Governour in Bri∣tannie, where the shortnesse of his continuance suffred him not to effect any great matter; for he died in the first yeare of his government, and then was the Province assigned to Suetonius Paulinus, one of the most famous men of that age for militare affaires. His good suc∣cesse at his first entrance, in subduing nations, and esta∣blishing Garrisons (where need required) made him bold to assaile the Ile ofa 1.1 Mona, (lying in the West part of Britannie) as having beene a common receptacle of Fugitives during the warre. In his passage thither, he left the Country behind him (as he marched) vnfurni∣shed in diverse places, laying it therby open to all opor∣tunities of annoyance. At his arrivall, the barbarous people rudely armed, standing vpon the shore, made shew of their purpose to resist: The women in mour∣ning attire (their haire about their eares) shaking bur∣ning fire-brands like Furies of hell, ran vp and downe, and the Druydes lifting vp their hands toward heaven, filled the ayre with cries and curses.

These Druydes were certain Priests, had in great re∣verence among the Britans. They kept their residence, for the most part, in shadie and darke groves (as fittest places for devotion.) Among all trees, they most estee∣med the Oake, as halowed, and without the which, they could not performe their superstitious rites. Their sacrifices were both private & publike. They instructed the youth of Britannie, and decided controversies, civil, and criminall. If any man refused to stand to their a∣ward, he was forbidden to be present at their sacrifices, which was accounted the greatest punishment that might be; for thereby he was reputed a notorious of∣fender,

exempt from the ordinarie protection of the lawes, vncapable of any preferment, and all men would flie his companie. Amongst these Priests, there was al∣wayes one that had the chiefe authoritie; and he being dead, the worthiest of them that survived, succeeded in his place. If there seemed to be an equalitie of worthi∣nesse among more then one, then the choise was made by pluralitie of voyces. At one certaine time in the yeare, they vsed to hold a Sessions in Gallia, in some consecrated place, where they heard and determined causes; For the superstition was first carried thither out of Britannie. They had immunitie from all maner of Tributes, and from service in the warres; by reason of which priviledges, they drew to them many followers, whom they taught a great number of verses by heart, supposing it vnlawfull to commit those sacred things to writing; whereas in other matters, as well publike, as private, they vsed the Greeke letters. And this it is like∣ly they did, either for that they would not have the knowledge of their superstitious rites laid open to the common people, (in whom ignorance seemeth to in∣gender a kind of devotion) or else, for that they would have their schollers to trust the more to their memorie, while they wanted the helpe of writing. They preached that the soule was immortall, and that after the death of one man, it went into another. By this perswasion, they stirred vp men to vertue, and tooke away the feare of death (the maine obstacle of glorious adventures.) Other things they taught also concerning the motion of the Starres, the situation of the earth, and the power of their prophane gods.

The strange behavior of these religious Priests, and the out-cries of the people of Mona, so amazed the Ro∣man souldiers, that like men inchaunted, they stood still

without motion, till the Captain spake vnto them, and encouraged them to adventure, not fearing a flocke of feelie women, or frantike people; and then boldly gi∣ving the charge, he soone disordered & dispersed them, making himselfe maister of the field: which done, the Roman souldiers entred the Townes, and placed garri∣sons there, felling the woods, which the Inhabitants superstitiously reputed holy, by reason of the Altars, whereupon they sacrificed the blood of captives, and prophecied of the successe of their owne affaires, by viewing the entralls of men, whom they had killed.

CHAP. II.

The Britans oppressed by the crueltie and covetousnesse of the Roman officers, discover their greevances one to ano∣ther. Prodigious signes foregoing the subversion of the Roman Colonie. The Britans take armes vnder the conduct of Voadica.

IN the meane time Prasutagus Prince of the Icenians, a man renowned for his riches, did by his last will, make the Roman Emperour his heire, (joyntly with two of his daughters,) supposing, that thereby his prin∣cipalitie, and family should have beene maintained in good estate, and protected from violence after his death: all which fell out contrarie to his hopes; for his kingdome was made a prey to the Souldiers, Voadica his wife whipped, his daughters deflowred, such as were of his family made slaves, and the wealthiest men of his Country, either by open force, or surmised pretences, deprived of their goods, and dispossessed of their inhe∣ritance. Besides that, Seneca one of Neroes counsailors,

having forced diverse of the better sort of the Britans, to take great summes of money of him vpon vsurie, did then, for his private gaine, exact the payment of the principall vpon a sodaine; to the vtter vndoing of his debtors: and Decianus Catus thea 1.2 Procurator in Britan∣nie, renued the Confiscation of their goods, which Claudius the Emperour had pardoned. The souldiers placed in the Colonie at Camalodunum, had thrust the owners and ancient Inhabitants out of their houses, terming them slaves, and drudges, and abusing them in all reprochfull maner. The Temple erected in the ho∣nour of Claudius, was an eie-sore, and continuall bur∣den vnto them, while the Priests Augustales that atten∣ded there, wasted the wealth of the inhabitants, vnder the pretext of religion. To these common grievances of the afflicted people, the present occasion seemed to offer means of redresse, while the Roman Generall was making warre in Mona. Whereupon they resolved to take armes, inciting the Trinobantes and other Nations (that were not wholy brought vnder subjection) to doe the like. Then they began to discourse of the miseries of bondage, to lay their injuries togither, aggravating them by their owne Constructions, and complaining, that their patience had profited them nothing, but to draw heavier burdens vpon them, as men that would gently beare:

That whereas in former times they had onely one Commander, now there was two thrust vpon them, the Lievtenant to sucke their blood, and the Procurator their substance, whose disagreement was the vexation of the subject, and agreement, their vtter vndoing, while the one burdened them with Souldiers and Captaines, the other with wrongs, and indignities: that the lust and covetousnesse of these their enemies, laid hold vpon all persons, without ex∣ception:

that though in the field, he that spoyleth, be commonly the stronger, yet themselves were, by Cowards and weaklings (for the most part) dispos∣sest of their houses▪ bereft of their Children, enioy∣ned to yeeld Souldiers for other mens behoofe, as though they were such a kind of people, as knew how to do any thing else, save onely to die for their owne Countrey; For otherwise there was but a handfull of Souldiers come over, if they did but rec∣kon their owne number, considering withall, that Germanie had alreadie shaken off the yoke, having no Ocean Sea, but a river to defend it: that the causes then moving them to take armes, were just, and ho∣nourable; namely to recover their libertie, and to de∣fend their Parents, Wives, Children, and Coun∣trey; whereas the Romans had nothing to provoke them to warre, but their owne covetousnesse, and wanton lust, and were likely enough to depart (as Iu∣lius Caesar had done) if themselves would imitate the vertues of their progenitors; and not be dismaid with the doubtfull event of one skirmish, or two, seeing that men in miserie have commonly more courage (then at other times) and more constancie to conti∣nue: and now the heavens themselves seemed to pittie their poore estate, by sending the Roman Go∣vernour out of the way, and confining the army (as it were) into another Iland; by which meanes, opor∣tunitie of revenge, and hope of libertie was offred: and finally, that being assembled, to devise, and deli∣berate togither, they had obtained the hardest point in an action of that nature, wherein it were more dan∣ger to be taken consulting, then doing.

With these and the like speeches they stirred vp one another, each man laying open his owne particular greevances, and

adding them to the common cause.

About this time, diverse prodigious signes were no∣ted to portend the subversion of the Roman Colonie, as namely, an Image of Victorie falling downe reversed at Camalodunum; Strange noyses sounding in the ayre: Strange apparitions seene in the sea: The Ocean bloody in shew: and the print of mens bodies vpon the sands. Diverse constructions were made of these things as o∣minous, whether that they proceed of some naturall causes (though not alwayes observed,) or else, that they do necessarily forego the ruine and change of great States. Howbeit commonly in such cases, mens minds do mis-give them, while they frame the future event of things answerable to their owne fearefull imaginations; and great alterations falling out sometimes after like ac∣cidents, they superstitiously suppose them, to be al∣wayes the certaine fore-runners of destruction. The ap∣prehension of these things, at the first, strooke the Ro∣mans with greater feare, by reason of the absence of their General, and thereupon they required the ayde of Catus Decianus the Procurator, who sent a small compa∣nie badly armed, to renforce the garrison. The old soul∣diers that had beene left within the Towne, (although few in number) yet trusting to the franchize of the Temple, and not doubting the secret conspiracie of their confederates, were in a maner carelesse, as in times of peace, following their pleasures, and making no pro∣vision for defence. The Britans, having in the meane time, taken armes vnder the conduct of Voadica, a Ladie of the blood of their kings (for in matter of government they made no difference of sex) and being informed of the state of the Colonie, determined first to assaile the townes and forts in their passage thither, which they at∣tempted accordingly, & with no great difficulty surpri∣sed the greatest number of them.

CHAP. III.

The Britans take armes vnder the conduct of Voadica. Her Oration to her Souldiers. The Roman Colonie is surprised. Cerealis comming to succour it, hardly escapeth with life. Catus the Procurator flieth into France.

THe good successe the Britans had in taking in some places of defence, as they marched forward, made them desirous and adventurous to invade the Co∣lonie it selfe: and Voadica as their leader, being a woman of a great spirit, and comely personage, (apparelled in a loose gowne of diverse colours, with a golden chaine a∣bout her necke, and a light speare in her hand) standing vpon a heape of Turves, the better to be seene (her daughters on each side of her) with a shrill voice vtte∣red these, or the like words:

It is no new custome for the Britans to make warre vnder the leading of women, ennobled by their birth and discent; the examples of former times can well witnesse the experience thereof. Howbeit at this present, I wil disclaime all titles of dignitie, and pre∣rogatives of blood: and what difference soever there is in our estates, yet shall our fortune, in this action, be indifferent and common to vs both. I shall not need to repeate that, which you all know but too well; namely, what miseries we have endured vnder the ty∣rannie of this prowd Nation. You have had the triall both of libertie and bondage, and I doubt not, but you find now, how much the one is to be preferred before the other; and howsoever some of you here∣tofore, for private respects, have inclined to the Ro∣man governors, as favourers of their vsurped sove∣raigntie:

yet I suppose you will now confesse with me, that freedome in a poore estate, is better then golden fetters. For what abuse can there be named so vile, or indignitie so disgracefull, that hath not bin offered vs, without respect of degree, age, or sex? we till our grounds, & sweat for other men, that reap the sweat of our travells; the wealth that we gather to maintaine our selves, and our families, is by other men wastfully and riotously mis-spent; we have no∣thing our owne, but what they leave vs, and no∣thing left vs, but labour and vexation; our bodies and estates being consumed, to satisfie their ambition & covetousnes; We have not so much as our heads toll-free: so narrowly are we sifted, from the highest to the lowest. Other subdued Nations are yet by death freed from bondage; but we, even after death seeme to live still in thraldome, while we are enforced to pay tribute, as wel for the dead, as the living. What! are we a nation so contemptible, that we can serve to no other vse, then to be slaves? or so vnhappie, that death it self can not acquite vs from being miserable? How long shall we give way to our owne wrongs? Shall we hope for reformation of these abuses? Nay, we have hoped too long, and by patient bearing of one injurie, we have drawn on another. Why should we not rather seeke to redresse them? for if we enter into due consideration of our selves, what are the Ro∣mans more then we? our bodies are as strong as theirs: our numbers greater. We have agilitie of body, (our women no lesse then our men) to run, to leape, to swim, and to performe all warlike exercises; for which (indeed) we are naturally more fit, then for the spade, plough, or handy-crafts. And how soever the Romans may seeme fortunate by the folly, or weaknes

of other Nations: yet are they not comparable vnto vs, whom Nature hath framed to endure hunger, cold, and labour, and to be content with things ne∣cessarie onely. For to vs everie herbe and roote is meate, each river, and spring yeeldeth vs drinke, while we seeke no further, then to appease hunger, and quench thirst; each tree serves for shelter against storms in winter, & for shadow against the parching heate of summer, we need no other beds then the earth, nor covering then the heavens; whereas they must have their joynts suppled with hot baths, sweet oyntments, and soft couches, and their bodies pam∣pered with wine, daintie fare, and all kind of effemi∣nate nicenesse and delicacie. These be the properties, wherein they imitate their master Nero, who hath onely the shape of a man, being indeed a woman, or rather, neither man nor woman, but a monster of na∣ture, a singer, a fidler, a stage-player, a murtherer, and one that excelleth other men as farre in vice, as he doth in preheminence of degree. Besides all this, the cause of our warre is just, and the Divine powers (that favour justice,) have made our first at∣tempts prosperous: and me thinketh, that the neces∣sitie of our case, were able to make, even Cowards, va∣liant. Your ancesters could make head against Iulius Caesar, and the Emperours Caligula, and Claudius. The Germans have lately freed themselves by that memo∣rable overthrow of the Roman Legions, vnder the conduct of Quintilius Varus; and shall not we, (who scorne to be reputed inferiour to the Germans in va∣lour) be confident in our owne strength, and boldly adventure? considering that if we prevaile, we reco∣ver our lost libertie, if we be forced to retire, we have woods, hills, and marishes for our refuge, and if we

die, we doe but sell those lives with honour, which we cannot possesse with safetie. For mine owne part, you shall find me no lesse readie to execute, (when time serves,) then I am now to advise and ex∣hort you: my selfe having determined, either to van∣quish, or die; If any of you be otherwise minded, then live, and be slaves still.

With these and the like speeches, she inflamed the hearts that were alreadie kindled, and perswading the Britans to pursue their enemies, as Dogs and Woolves doe fearefull Hares and Foxes, she let slip out of her lap a quick Hare, at whose running through the campe, the Britans showted, apprehending it as a matter ominous, and fore-signifying the Romans flight. And thereupon they cried, that they might be speedily led to the Colonie it selfe, (as the seat of their slaverie) which at their first comming they surprised, killing, spoyling, & consuming all with sword and fire, except the Temple onely, into which the Souldiers fled as a Sanctuarie, though it could not long protect them from the violence of the furious multitude. Petilius Cerealis the Lievtenant of the Ninth Legion, comming to succour the Garrison, had all his footmen slaine, and himself with a few horse hardly escaped. Catus the Procurator, knowing himselfe to be odious to the Britans, (by reason of the extor∣tions he had committed in his office,) fled secretly in∣to Gallia.

CHAP. IIII.

Suetonius returneth with his armie out of Anglesey. The Cities of London, and Verlam, are taken, and spoyled by the Britans. The Romans and Britans make pre∣paration for a set battaile.

SVetonius, vpon intelligence of the revolt, returned out of Mona, and led his armie with some difficultie towards London, (a place not knowne at that time by the name of a Colonie,) but famous onely for con∣course of Merchants and trafficke. There he staied a while, as doubting what course to take: the small num∣ber of his forces, and the ill successe of Cerealis making him more warie; and he supposed it would be a worke well worth his labor, if with the losse of one Towne, he could preserve the rest, that were likely to revolt. Wher∣upon, furnishing his defective Companies with such a∣ble men as were then in the Towne, although the Lon∣doners with teares implored his aide, and desired his a∣boade there for their defence: yet he marched forward, leaving behind him all such, as either by reason of their age, sex, or other infirmities could not folow, or else, for love of the place, (as being bred and born there) would not abandon it. The towne being thus weakly garded, was taken by the Britans, and the people therein put all to the sword. The like calamitie befell the free-towne ofa 1.3 Verulamium, by reason that diverse of the Britans finding their owne strength, forsooke their forts, and as∣sailed the most notable and wealthie places, enriching themselves with the spoil of their enemies, whom they hanged, burned, and crucifyed, exercising all kinds of crueltie that a mind enraged with desire of revenge,

could devise. They tooke no prisoners, either to pre¦serve for ransome, or to exchange, according to the lawes of warre, but slue both Citizens and Confede∣rates to the number of about seuentie thousand. Sueto∣nius with the Fourteenth Legion, seconded by the Stan∣dard-bearers of the Twentieth, and some Auxiliaries, made haste to encounter the Britans, and resolved with∣out further delay, to trie the chance of a set battaile. Then he pitched in a place that had a narrow entrance, with a thicke wood for a defence behind him, and a faire wide plaine before his Campe. The Legionarie Souldiers were marshalled togither in thicke ranks, the light harnessed inclosing them about, and the horse∣men making wings on each side. Poenius Posthumus the Campe-Master of the Second Legion, was appoyn∣ted to leade the fore-ward, but he contemptuously re∣fused the charge.

In the meane time the Britans ranged abroad in great troopes, triumphing for their late good successe, and being encouraged by the example of Voadica their Generall, were fiercely bent to assaile the Roman campe, supposing now, that no force was able to resist them. And they had brought their wives with them, and pla∣ced them in Waggons about the vtmost parts of the Plaine, to be the beholders of their valiant acts, and wit∣nesses of their expected victorie.

CHAP. V.

The Oration of Suetonius the Roman Generall vnto his Souldiers. The fight betweene the Romans and Bri∣tans. The Britans are overthrowne. Voadica poy∣soneth her selfe. The death of Poenius Posthumus.

SVetonius being now readie to joyne battaile, though he perceived that his Souldiers, were not much dis∣maied with the sight of so great numbers scattered vpon the Plaine; yet he supposed it not vnnecessarie to vse some speech to them, by way of exhortation, and therefore began in this maner:

I can not now vse many words to exhort you; the time permits it not, and the present occasion requi∣reth rather deeds then words. Yet let not our small number discourage you, considering that your ance∣stors, with a smaller number have vndertaken greater matters; and that, where many Legions have beene in the field, a few Souldiers have carried away the vic∣torie; What a glorie shall it be for you then, if with so small a power, you can purchase the praise of a whole army? There is no feare of Ambush; the Woods gard you behind, and on the Plaine before you lieth your enemies Campe, wherein you may behold more women then men, and the men them∣selves for the most part, vnarmed, and not likely to endure the poynts and strokes of our weapons, which they have so often felt to their smart. It stands you now vpon, to approove your selves the same men you are reputed to be. This is the time, either to recover that you have lost, or, to loose that which you shall never recover. You fight now, not for ho∣nour

onely, but for Honour and Life. Remember that you are Romans, whose glorie it is to doe, and suf∣fer great things. The fortune of this battell wil either give vs peaceable possession of that our forefathers have wonne, or for ever deprive vs of it; What shall become of you, if you be taken, the woful experience of your Countrimen, most miserably massacred be∣fore your eyes may sufficiently testifie. Revenge therefore both their wrongs, and your owne, and no doubt, but the gods themselves (who never leave crueltie vnpunished) wil assist you. It is better for vs to die in this Action, then by yeelding, or flying, to out∣live the praise of our owne worthinesse. But whether we live or die, Britannie shall be ours; for if we live and recover it, our posteritie ever after shall be able to defend it; and though they should not, yet shall our bones keepe continuall possession of it. Take courage therefore, and feare not the lowd and vaine showts of a disordered multitude, but boldly give the assault, and keeping your selves close togither, pursue the fight, without thinking of the spoile, till you have made a ful end. For the victorie once gotten, al things else will of themselves fall to your share.

With these, or the like words, the old Souldiers were pricked forward, and Suetonius perceiving it, gave the signall of battell. The Legions kept the strait, as a place of defence, till the Britans had spent their Darts: and then they sallyed out into the Plaine, (the Auxiliaries, and the horsemen making way) and pressed into the thickest troopes of the barbarous people, who being vnable to endure the fiercenesse of the assault, turned their backs, thinking to save themselves by flight; But by reason their waggons, placed about the Plain, had hed∣ged in the passages on all sides, few of them escaped.

The residue, as well women as men, were put to the sword, and their dead bodies (mingled with the carca∣ses of their Horses and Chariots) were heaped one vp∣on another. The number of the Britans slaine in that battaile, was reported to be about fourescore thousand, and of the Romans about foure hundred onely, and not many mo wounded in the conflict. This dayes service was renowmed among the Romans, as comparable to those of auncient times in the free Common-wealth. Voadica disdaining to fall into her enemies hands, en∣ded her life by poyson: and Poenius Posthumus seeing the good successe of the Fourteenth and Twentieth Legi∣ons, (for that by disobaying the Generall, contrarie to the discipline of warre, he had defrauded his owne Le∣gion of their part of the glorie in the action) for verie griefe slue himselfe.

CHAP. VI.

Suetonius renforceth the Roman Garrisons. Variance be∣tweene him, and Classicianus the Procurator. Poly∣cletus is sent by Nero the Emperour to examine their doings. Suetonius is discharged of the armie, which he delivereth vp to Turpilianus.

THen Suetonius having gathered togither his disper∣sed troopes, certaine Legionarie souldiers and Co∣horts of Auxiliaries were sent him out of Germany, to renforce the Garrisons, and to make an end of the warre. Some of the Britans that either openly resisted, or elsstood doubtfully affected, were put to the sword, and some that escaped the sword, died of famine for lacke of corne, (a calamitie incident to them, as to a people given rather to warre then husbandrie:) The

rest found meanes to relieve themselves by the Romans provision; And though some overtures were now and then made for a treatie of peace, yet the Britans would not verie readily hearken thereto, by reason they much doubted their safetie, as imagining that their guiltinesse of the rebellion, had excluded them from all hope of pardon; and they feared also the private dis∣pleasure of the Lievtenant, who (though otherwise a singular man) yet seemed to shew too much hautie and hard dealing towards them that yeelded themselves, and in some sort, vnder pretext of the publike service, to revenge his owne injuries.

Besides Iulius Classicianus (who was sent to succeed Catus) being at variance with Suetonius, had given out, that a new Lievtenant was comming, and that he was such a one, as being void of malice, or the pride of a Conquerour, would be readie to receive into favour all such as would yeeld themselves. He wrote Letters also to Rome, signifying to the Senate, that they should looke for no end of the warre in Britannie, so long as Suetonius continued the government there; and that the ill successe which he had in the service, was to be attri∣buted to his owne ill cariage of himselfe; and the good, to the fortune of the Common weale. Hereupon Nero sent Polycletus a Libertine into Britannie, to examine, and report the state of the affaires there, and to enterpose his authoritie, as a meane to reconcile the Lievtenant, & the procurator, & to win the Britans to embrace peace. At his landing in the Ile, the Roman souldiers there see∣med to feare & reverence him; & the causes of his com∣ming were diversly reported at the first. But the Britans derided him; for (as men being borne free) they knew not till that time, the power of Libertines (men made free) but rather marvailed, that a Captain, and an armie

which had atchieved so great an enterprise, could be brought to obey, and yeeld an account of their actions to a base bondslave, (as they termed him.)

These things, howsoever they were censured by o∣thers: yet they were reported to Nero in such maner, as the reporters thought might best content him: and Suetonius, after the losse of some of his shipping, was commanded (the warre being not yet finished) to de∣liver vp the armie to Petronius Turpilianus, who had (but even a little before) given over his Consulship.

CHAP. VII.

Trebellius Maximus succeedeth Turpilianus in the go∣vernment of the Province. Discord in the armie be∣tweene Trebellius and Celius. The death of Nero the Emperor, and succession of Galba, Otho, and Vi∣tellius. The valour and fortune of the Fourteenth Legion.

TVrpilianus was a man of a soft spirit, and being a stranger to the Britans faults, was the more tracta∣ble and readie to remit them; by which meanes, having composed the former troubles, he delivered vp his charge to Trebellius Maximus, whose vnfitnesse for action, and want of experience in militare matters, gave the more boldnes to the Britans, that began now to dis∣cover the defects of their Governours, having learned both to flatter & dissemble, in conforming themselves to the present times, and occasions for their ad∣vantage, and for the most part, yeelding themselves to those pleasures, which Securitie vseth to engender, e∣ven in minds well disposed by Nature. For Trebellius,

besides his insufficiencie, abused the authoritie of his place, to enrich himself by polling the Common soul∣diers, and Roscius Coelius Lievtenant of the Twentieth Legion whetted them on against him, as against his an∣cient enemie; so that in the end they brake out into hainous termes, the one objecting matter of crime a∣gainst the other: Trebellius charged Coelius with factious behauiour. Coelius againe Trebellius with beggering the Legions; and the discord betwixt them grew so farre, that Trebellius being despised, as well by the Aydes, as the Legions (both of them sorting themselves to Coelius his side) was in great feare of his life: the danger wher∣of he sought to prevent, rather by flying away, then by executing any exemplarie Iustice vpon offenders. In the meane time, the Souldiers neglecting the ancient discipline of warre, fell to mutinie, and all kind of riot, as men that had rather be doing ill, then doing no∣thing. And afterwards, Trebellius taking againe his for∣mer place, as it were by capitulation, seemed to govern onely at the discretion of his Souldiers, who finding his weaknesse, and want of Iudgement to vse his authori∣tie, tooke vpon them to do what they listed: and here∣with also the Lievtenant himselfe seemed contented, as being now given over altogither to a slouthfull kind of life (terming it peace and quietnesse••) for which the death of Nero the Emperour, and the civill discord at that time between Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, contending for the soveraigntie ministred some colour of excuse.

Not long before this time, the Fourteenth Legion (fa∣mous for many great attempts, and growing now more insolent then the rest,) was revoked out of the Ile, to have beene sent to the Streights about the Caspian Sea, though afterwards vpon intelligence of the revolt in Gallia, and Spaine, (when Iulius Vindex tooke armes

against Nero) it was retained about the Citie of Rome for a safegard to those parts. In the turbulent times that ensued Neroes death, it tooke part with Otho against Vi∣tellius, at the battell neere Bebriacum, where Otho was overthrowne; and Vitellius after the victorie, suspecting the Souldiers of that Legion, (as knowing their great stomacks, and ill affection towards him) thought it ex∣pedient to joyne to them thea 1.4 Batavian Cohorts, that by reason of the inveterate hatred betweene them, they might one oppose the other, and himselfe in the meane time remaine more secure.

CHAP. VIII.

Vectius Bolanus is sent by Vitellius the Emperour, to take charge of the Armie in Britannie. Vespasian succee∣deth Vitellius in the Empire. The government of the Province assigned to Petilius Cerealis, who soone af∣ter leaveth the same to Iulius Frontinus.

VEctius Bolanus, a man not much vnlike Trebellius in some respects, was sent over by Vitellius; during the time of whose Government, the like disor∣ders continued still in the Campe, saving that Bolanus, by the mildnesse of his nature (being not touched o∣therwise in his reputation) had purchased love, and good will, in stead of feare and obedience. In his time diverse choise men of warre taken out of the Legions in Britannie, were conducted to Rome by Hordeonius Fla••∣cus in ayd of Vitellius. But when Vespasian made warre for the Empire, Bolanus refused to send Vitellius any suc∣cour, by reason that the Britans finding the Romans state encumbred with civill dissention, began to revolt in

diverse places of the Ile, and some of them also shewed themselves openly in favour of Vespasian, who had car∣ried himselfe honourably in Britannie, when Claudius was there, and seemed now by many ominous pre∣dictions, to be a man specially marked for the Em∣pire.

The death of Vitellius quenching the flame of civill broyles among the Romans, confirmed the possession of the Empire to Vespasian, who shewed the care and re∣spect he had of the Ile of Britannie, by employing great Captaines, and good souldiers there. The Lievtenant∣ship was then assigned to Petilius Cerealis, a man that had given good proofe of his sufficiencie in former services. Vpon his first entrance into office, he invaded the Country of the Brigantes (the most populous state of the whole Province) the greatest part whereof, (after many bloodie battailes) was either conquered, or wa∣sted, and the hope of the Britans greatly abated, when∣as Iulius Frontinus (whose reputation was nothing im∣paired by the fame of his predecessor) tooke vpon him the charge, which he afterwards executed with great commendation, in subduing the strong and warlike Nation of the Silures, among whom he seemed to fight, not onely with men (whose strength and valour was able to make opposition against his attempts) but also with Mountaines, streights, and places of verie difficult accesse.

CHAP. IX.

Iulius Agricola assigned by Vespasian the Emperour to be Lievtenant of the Armie in Britannie, subdueth the Ordovices [the ancient Inhabitants of North-wales,] and maketh a full conquest of the Ile of Anglesey. The carriage of himselfe at his first entrance into govern∣ment.

IN this estate Iulius Agricola (having bin trained vp for the most part in the British warre) did find the Pro∣vince at his first comming thither. He crossed the nar∣row Seas about the midst of Summer; at which time, as though the season of the yeare had bin past to begin a new warre, the Roman soldiers attended an end of their travel, & the Britans a beginning of annoyance to their enemies. The Ordovices a little before he landed, had al∣most cut in peeces a troope of horsemen that lay vpon their borders. Vpon which attempt, the country being awaked, as desirous of warre, allowed the example, and some staied to see how the new Lievtenant would take it. Agricola in the mean time, although the summer was spent, and the Bands lay dispersed in the Province (his souldiers having fully presumed of rest for that yeare, & diverse officers of the armie being of opinion, that it were better to keep, and assure the places suspected, then to make any new attempt:) yet (all this notwithstan∣ding) he resolved directly to encounter the danger; and gathering togither the Ensignes of the Legions, & some few Auxiliaries (because the Ordovices, durst not discend into indifferent ground) himselfe first of all, (to give o∣thers like courage) marched vp to begin the assault. And having in that conflict destroyed almost the whole Na∣tion

of the Ordovices, & knowing right well, that Fame must with Instance be followed, (for as the first should fall out, so the rest would succeed:) he deliberated to conquer the Iland of Mona; from the possession where∣of, Paulinus had beene formerly revoked by the general rebellion of Britannie: But ships being then wanting (as in an enterprise not intended before) the policy and re∣solutenesse of the Captaine, devised a speedie passage. For he commaunded the most choise of the Aids (to whom al the shallows were knowne, and who (after the vse of their Country) were able to swim in their armor if need were) to lay aside their carriage, and putting o∣uer at once, suddainly to invade it. Which thing so a∣mazed the Inhabitants (who supposed that the Romans would have stayed a certain time for ships, and such like provision by Sea,) that now beleeving, nothing could be hard or invincible to men, which came so minded to make warre, they humbly intreated for peace, and yeelded the Iland. Thus Agricola at his first entrance in∣to office (which time others vsed to consume in vaine oftentation, or ambitious seeking of Ceremonies) en∣tring withall into labors and dangers, became famous indeed, and of great reputation. Howbeit he abused not the prosperous proceeding of his affaires, to vanitie, or braving in speeches; for he esteemed it an Action not worthy the name of a Conquest, to keepe in order, one∣ly persons subdued before: neither decked he with Laurel his letters of advertisement, but by stopping and suppressing the fame of his doings, he greatly augmen∣ted it, when men began to discourse vpon what great presumptions offuture successe, he should make so light an account of so great actions, alreadie performed.

CHAP. X.

Agricola reformeth abuses in the Province. His courage, industrie, and wisdome set forth as commendable qua∣lities in a Generall. The death of Vespasian the Em∣perour, whom Titus his sonne succeedeth in the Empire.

AS touching the civill government, Agricola know∣ing how the province stood affected, and being taught also by experience of others, that armes availe little to settle a new conquered state, (if violence and wrongs be permitted) determined at the first to cut off all causes of warre and rebellion. And beginning at home, he first of all reformed his owne house, (a point of more hardnesse to some men, then to governe a Pro∣vince.) He committed no maner of publike affaires to bondman or Libertine. He received no souldier neer his person, vpon private affection of partiall suiters, nor vp∣on commendation, or intreatie of Centurions, but elec∣ted the best, and most serviceable. He would looke nar∣rowly into all things, yet not exact all things to the vt∣most: light faults he would pardon, and the great se∣verely correct, not alwayes punishing offenders, but oft times satisfied with repentance, choosing rather, not to preferre to office, such as were likely to offend, then af∣ter the offence, to condemne them. The augmentation of Tribute and corne, he tempered, with equal dividing of burdens, cutting away those petie extortions, which grieved the Britans more then the tribute it selfe. For the poore people, in former times were constrained, in a mockerie, to wait at the Barne doores, which were lockt against them, and first to buy corne, and after sell at a low price. Severall wayes also, and farre distant places

had beene assigned them by the Purveyors appoint∣ments, for carrying provisions from the nearest stan∣ding campes, to those which were farre off, and out of the way, (pettie officers in the meane time, ma∣king a gaine thereof, by sparing some, and char∣ging others at their pleasure) so as that which lay open to all, and at hand, was turned onely to the private profite of a few. By repressing these abuses in his first yeare, a good opinion was conceived of the peace, which either by the negligence, or partialitie of former Lievtenants had beene no lesse feared, then warre. In times of service he was verie painfull, and oft times more adventurous in his owne person, then was fit for a Generall; for himselfe would alwayes appoint his ground for pitching the campe, and also be the first man in prooving the Thickets, Bogges, or any other places of danger, not suffring any corners or secret harbors vn∣searched, but wasting and spoiling everie where with suddaine incursions and assaults. Howbeit, when by these meanes he had terrified the Britans, then would he againe spare and forbeare, as hoping thereby to allure them to peace; whereupon many Cities (which before that time stood vpon termes of equality) gave hostages, and meekly submitted themselves, receiving garrisons, and permitting the Romans to fortifie a worke perfor∣med, with such foresight and judgement, as nothing was ever attempted against them, while he continued in office, whereas before that time, no new fortified place in all Britannie escaped vnassailed. Thus farre had Agricola proceeded, when the newes came that Vespasi∣an was dead, and Titus his sonne invested in the Empire.

CHAH. XI.

Agricolaes policie to plant civilitie among the Britans. He leadeth his armie without resistance vnto Edenbourgh Frith in Scotland.

THe Winter ensuing was spent in a most profitable and politike devise. For, whereas the Britans were rude, and dispersed, and therefore prone vpon eve∣rie occasion to warre, Agricola, that he might induce them by pleasures to quietnesse and rest, exhorted them in private, and commaunded his Souldiers to helpe them to build Temples, Houses, and Places of publike resort, commending such as were forward therein, and checking the slow and idle persons, seeming thereby, to impose a kind of necessitie vpon them, while everie man contended to gaine the Lievtenants good will. Moreover the Noble-mens sonnes, he tooke and cau∣sed to be instructed in the Liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of the Britans, before those of the students in Gallia; the Britans also themselves being now curious to attaine the eloquence of the Roman language, whereas they lately rejected the speech. After that, the Roman Attire grew to be in account, and the Gowne much v∣sed among them: and so by little and little, they pro∣ceeded to those common provocations of vices, name∣ly sumptuous Galleries, hote Baths, and exquisite banquetings; which things the ignorant people ter∣med civilitie, though it were in deede a badge of their bondage.

In the third yeare of his Government, he discove∣red new Countries, wasting all before him, till he came to the firth ofa 1.5 Taus. Which thing so terrified the Nor∣thern

Britans, that although the Roman Armie had bin toyled and wearied with manie sharpe conflicts, yet they durst not assaile it; whereby the Romans had the more leysure to encampe themselves, and to forti∣fie: wherein Agricola was either so skilfull, or so fortu∣nate, that no Castell planted by him, was either forced by strength, or vpon Conditions surrendred, or (as not defencible) forsaken. In all these Actions Agricola never sought to draw to himselfe the glorie of any ex∣ploit done by another, but were he Centurion, or of o∣ther degree that had atchieved it, he would faithfully witnesse the fact, and yeeld him alwayes his due com∣mendation.

The fourth yeare of his office was spent in viewing and ordering that, which he had over-run: and if the valiant minds of his Souldiers, and the glorie of the Roman name could have so permitted it, there should have beene no need to have sought other limits of Bri∣tannie, then were at that time discovered. Fora 1.6 Glota, andb 1.7 Bodotria, two armes of the two contrarie Seas, shooting mightily into the land, are onely divided a∣sunder by a narrow partition of ground, which pas∣sage was garded and fortifyed with Garrisons and Ca∣stels, so that the Romans were now absolute Lords of all on this side, having cast their enemies, as it were into an other Iland.

CHAP. XII.

What opinion the Romans had of the conquest of Ireland. Agricola setteth out a Navie to discover by Sea the vtmost limits of the Iland, and marcheth himselfe by land into the Country of the Caledonians, [the an∣cient Inhabitants of the North part of Scotland.] The Roman Campe is assailed, and delivered from danger by the comming in of Agricola.

THe fift yeare of the warre, Agricola subdued with many and prosperous conflicts, strange nations, be∣fore that time vnknowne, and furnished with for∣ces that part of Britannie, which lieth against Ireland: And this he did, more for hope of advantage, then feare of danger. For if Ireland might have beene wonne, (ly∣ing (as it doth) betwene Britannie and Spaine, and com∣modious also for Gallia) it would aptly have vnited to the vse and profite one of the other, those strongest members of the Empire. The Nature and fashions of the Irish, did not then much differ from the British, but the Ports and Haven Townes in Ireland were more knowne and frequented, by reason of greater resort thither of Merchants. Agricola having received a Prince of that Countrey, (driven thence by civill dissention) did vnder colour of curtesie and friendship retain him; till occasion should serve to make vse of him. It was afterwards reported, that with one Legion, and some few Aydes, Ireland might then have beene wonne and possessed, and that it would have beene also a meane to have kept Britannie in obedience, if the Roman forces had beene planted each where, and libertie (as it were) cleane banished out of sight.

Now in the Summer following, because a Generall rising in armes of the further Nations beyond Bodotria, was feared, (the passages being all beset with the power of the barbarous people,) he manned a fleet to search the Creekes and harbours of the ample region beyond it, backing them first of all with a navy, & with a goodly shew bringing warre, both by land & sea. And ofttimes it chanced that the horsmen, and footmen, and the Sea-souldier met, & made merry in the same camp, ech man extolling his owne prowesse and adventures, and ma∣king their vaunts and comparisons souldier-like, some of the woods and high mountaines that they had pas∣sed: others of dangers of Rocks and Tempests that they had endured: the one, of the land and the enemie de∣feated: the other, of the Ocean assayed, and subdued. The Britans, (as by the Prisoners it was vnderstood) were much amazed at the sight of the Navie, supposing that (the secrets of their Sea, being now disclosed) there remained no refuge for them, if they were overcome. Whereupon the Caledonians, arming with great prepa∣ration, and greater Fame, (as the maner is of matters vn∣knowne) began to assaile their enemies Castles; and some of the Roman Captains (which would seeme to be wise, being (indeed) but Cowards) counselled the Generall to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather to de∣part of his owne accord, then to be driven backe with shame. In the meane season Agricola had knowledge, that the Britans meant to divide themselves, and to give the onset in severall companies: Whereupon lest he should be enclosed about, and intrapped, either by their multitude, or by their skill in the Passages, he marched also with his army divided in three parts: which when it was knowne to the Caledonians, they changed advise on the sodaine, and vniting their forces togither, joynt∣ly

assaulted, by night, the Ninth Legion, as being of wea∣kest resistance: & having slain the watch, (partly asleep, & partly amazed with feare) they broke into the camp, & were fighting within the trenches, when Agricola ha∣ving vnderstood by spies, what way the Britans had ta∣ken, and following their footsteps, commanded the lightest horsemen, and footmen to play vpon their backs, and to maintaine the skirmish. When the day drew neere, the glittering of the Ensignes dazeled the eyes of the Britans, who being daunted with feare of danger on each side, began to draw backe: and the Ro∣mans, like men that were now out of perill of their lives, did fight more cheerfully for their honour, freshly assailing the Britans, and driving them to their owne gates, where in the verie straits the Conflict was sharpe and cruell, til in the end the Britans were forced to flie, whilest the Roman forces severally pursued them, con∣tending with a kind of emulation, the one to have hel∣ped the other, and the other to seeme to have needed no helpe. Vpon the successe of this battell, the Roman Souldiers presuming, that to their power al things were easie, and open, cryed to the Generall to leade them in∣to Caledonia, that with a course of continuall Con∣quests, they might find out the vtmost limits of Britan∣nie. Now such as before the battaile were so wa••ie and wise in adventuring, waxed forward enough after the event, and grew to speake gloriously of themselves, [such is the hard condition of warre; if aught fall out well, all challenge a part: misfortunes commonly are imputed to one:] Contrariwise the Britans (presup∣posing, that not true Valor, but the cunning of the Ge∣neral, by vsing the occasion, had carried away the victo∣rie,) abated not much their wonted courage, but armed their youth, transported their children and wives into

places of safetie, and sought by assemblies, and religious rites, to establish an association of the Cities togither. And so for that yeare, both parties as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 departed incensed away.

CHAP. XIII.

The Northern Britans with common consent arme them∣selves to repulse the Romans. The Oration of Galga∣cus the chiefe of their Leaders.

IN the beginning of the next summer, Agricola sen∣ding his Navie before, (which by spoyling in sundry places, should induce a greater, and more vncertaine terror,) followed himselfe with his armie by land, ha∣ving drawne to his partie some of the valiantest Bri∣tans (whom by long experience in peace, he had found most faithfull) and so armed at the Mounta 1.8 Grampius, where the Britans had lodged themselves before. For they were not altogither dejected with the vnfortunate event of former battel, but now, as men prepared for all chances, they attended nothing else but revenge, death, or servitude; & being taught at the length, that common danger must be repelled with mutuall concord) by leagues and ambassages they had assembled the power of all the Cities togither, in number above thirtie thou∣sand armed men (the view being taken) besides a great companie of youth (which dayly flocked to them) and lustie old men renowmed in warre, and bearing the badges due to their honour; at what time Galgacus, for Vertue and Birth, the principall man of all the Leaders, seeing the multitude hotly demaund the battell, is said to have vsed this, or the like speech.

When I consider the cause of this warre, and out present necessitie, I have reason (me seemes) to pre∣sume that this day, and this our generall agreement, will give a happie beginning to the freedome of the whole Iland. For we have al hitherto lived in libertie, and now no land remaineth beyond vs: no sea for our safetie: the Roman Navy (as you see) surveying and invironing our coasts; so that combat and armes which men of vertue desire for honour, the dastard must also vse for his securitie. The former battels which have with diverse events bin fought with the Romans, had their refuge & hope resting in our hands. For we the flower of the British Nobilitie, & seated in the furthest part of th'ile, did never yet see the borders of those countries, which were brought vnder servile subjection (our eies being still kept vnpolluted, & free from al contagion of tyranny.) Beyond vs is no land: besides vs none are free: vs onlie hitherto, this corner and secret harbor hath defended; You see the vtter∣most part of the land is laid open, and things the lesse they have bin within knowledge, the greater is the glorie to atchive them. But what nation is there now beyond vs? what els but water and rocks? and the Ro∣mans Lords of all within the land, whose intollerable pride in vaine shall you seeke to avoid by service and humble behavior. They are the robbers of the world, that having now left no land to be spoiled, search also the sea. If the enemie be rich, they seek to win wealth: if poor, they are content to gain glory to themselves, whom neither the East nor West can satisfie, as being the only men of al memory, that seek out al places, be they wealthy, or poore, with like greedy affection. To take away by main force, to kil and spoile, falsely they terme Empire & Government, when all is waste as a

wildernes, that they call peace. His children & blood each man holds by nature most deare, & yet even they are pressed for Souldiers, & carried away to be slaves, we know not where. Our sisters and wives, though they be not violently forced, as in open hostilitie, yet are they vnder the colour & title of friends & guests, shamefully abused. Our goods & substance they day∣ly draw from vs, rewarding vs onely with stripes and indignities. Slaves which are borne to bondage, are sold but once, & after are fed at their owners expen∣ces: But Britannie dayly buieth, dayly feedeth, and is at charges with her own bondage. And as in a private retinue, the fresh man and last commer is scoffed at by his fellow servants: so in this old servitude of the whole world, they seeke onely the destruction of vs, as being the latest attempted, and of al others, in their opinion, the most vile. We have no fields to manure, no mines to be digged, no ports to trad•• in; and to what purpose then should they keepe vs alive, consi∣dering that the manhood, and fierce courage of the subject doth not much please the jelous Soveraigne? and this corner (being so secret & out of the way) the more securitie it yeeldeth to vs, the greater suspition it worketh in them. Seeing therfore all hope of par∣don is past, it behooveth you at length to shew cou∣rage in defending and maintaining both your safetie and honor. The Icenians led by a woman, fired the Ro∣man Colonie, forced the castles, & had the prosecution of the war bin answerable to so luckie a beginning, the Southern Britans might then with ease have shaken off the yoke, and prevented our perill. We, as yet, ne∣ver touched, never subdued, but borne to be free, not slaves to the Romans: we (I say) are now to make proof of our valor, & to shew in this encounter, what maner

of men Caledonia hath reserved in store for her selfe. Do you think that the Romans be as valiant in warre as they are wanton in peace? No, you are deceived. For they are growne famous, not by their owne ver∣tue, but by our jarres and discord, while they make vse of their enemies faults, to the glory of their owne armie, composed of most diverse nations; and there∣fore, as by present prosperitie it is holden togither: so doubtlesse (if fortune frown on that side) it wil soone be dissolved: vnlesse you suppose the Gauls and Ger∣mans, and (to our shame be it spoken) many of ou•• owne nation (which now lend their lives to establish a forrein vsurper) to be led with any true harted and faithfull affection. No, it is rather with terror and di∣strust, (weak workers of love:) which if you remove, then those which have made an end to feare, wil soon begin to hate. All things that may encourage, and give hope of victory, are now for vs. The Romans have no wives to harten them on, if they faint; no parents to vpbraid them, if they flie. Most of them have no Country at all, or, if they have, it is some other mens. They stand like a sort of fearful persons trembling, & gazing at the strangenesse of the heaven it self, at the sea, and the woods. And now the heavens (favou∣ring our cause) have delivered them, mewed vp (as it were) and fettered into our hands. Be not terrified, or dismaid with the vain shew and glittering of their gold and silver, which of themselves do neither of∣fend, nor defend. And thinke, that even amongst our enemies, we shall find some on our side, when the Britans shal acknowledge their owne cause, the Gauls remember their old freedom, and the rest of the Ger∣mans forsake them, as of late the Vsipians did. What then should we feare? The castles are empty, the Co∣lonies

peopled with aged & impotent persons: the free cities discontented, and distract with factions, whilest they which are vnder, obey with ill will, and they which do governe, rule against right. Here is the Ro∣man Generall, and the armie: there Tributes & Mines, with other miseries, inseparably following such as live vnder subjection of others; which, whether we are to endure for ever, or speedily to revenge, it lieth this day in this field to determine. Wherefore being now to joyne battaile, beare in mind, I beseech you, both your ancestors (which lived in the happy estate of libertie) and your successors, who, (if you faile in this enterprise) shall live hereafter in perpetuall servi∣tude.

This speech (delivered with great vehemencie of voice and action) was cheerfully received by the Britans with a song (after their barbarous fashion) ac∣companied with confused cries, and acclamations.

CHAP. XIIII.

The Romans prepare themselves to fight. The Oration of Agricola the Generall vnto his Souldiers.

AS the Roman Cohorts drew togither, and discovered themselves, while some of the boldest pressed for∣ward, the rest put themselves in aray, and Agricola (albeit his souldiers were glad of that day) and could scarce with words have bin with-holden; yet supposing it fit to say somwhat, he encouraged them in this wise:

Fellow Souldiers, and Companions in Armes, your faithfull diligence and service, these eight yeares, so painfully performed, by the vertue and fortune of the Roman Empire, hath at length conque∣red Britannie. In so many journies, so many battailes we were of necessity to shew our selves, either valiant

against the enemie, or patient and laborious, above, and against Nature it selfe. In all which exploits, we have both of vs so carried our selves hitherto, as nei∣ther I desired better Souldiers, nor you other Cap∣taine. We have exceeded the limits, I, of my prede∣cessors, and you likewise of yours. The end of Bri∣tannie is now found, not by fame and report, but we are with our armes and pavillions, really invested thereof. Britannie is found, and subdued. In your marching heeretofore, when the passage of Bogges, Mountaines, or Rivers troubled and tyred you, how often have I heard the valiant Souldier say; When will the Enemie present himselfe? When shall wee fight? Loe, now they are put out of their holes, and heere they are come. Loe now your wish: Loe heere the place for tryall of your vertue, and all things likely to follow, in a good and easie course, if you win: contrarywise all against you, if you loose. For, as to have gone so much ground, escaped the woods and Bogs, and passed over so many armes of the sea, are honourable testimonies of your forwardnesse: so, if we flie, the advantages we have had, will become our greatest disadvantage. For wee are not so skilfull in the Country: we have not the like store of provi∣sion: we have onely hands and weapons, wherein our hopes, our fortune, and all things else are inclu∣ded. For mine owne part, I have beene long since resolved, that to shew our backes, is dishonourable, both for Souldier and Generall, and therefore a com∣mendable death is better then life with reproach, (Surety and Honor commonly dwelling together;) Howbeit, if aught should mis-happen in this enter∣prize, yet this will be a glory for vs, to have dyed e∣ven in the vttermost end of the world, and of Na∣ture.

If new Nations and Souldiers vnknowne, were in the field, I would, by the example of other Ar∣mies, incourage you: But now I require you, onely to recount your owne victorious exploits, and to aske counsell of your owne eyes. These are the same men, which the last yeare assailed one Legion by stealth in the night, and were sodainely, and (in a manner) by the blasts of your mouthes, overthrowne. These, of all the other Britans, have beene the most nimble in running away, and by that meanes, have escaped the longest alive. For, as in forrests and woods, the stron∣gest beasts are chased away by maine force, and the cowardly and fearefull scared onely by the noyse of the Hunters: so, the most valiant of the Brittish nati∣on, we have already dispatched; the rascall heird of dastardly cowards onely remaineth. And loe, wee have now at length found them, not as intending to stay and make head against vs, but as last overtaken, and by extreame passion of feare, standing like stocks, and presenting occasion to vs in this place, of a wor∣thy and memorable victory. Now therefore, make a short worke of our long warfare, and to almost fiftie yeares travaile, let this day impose a glorious end. Let each of you shew his valour, and approove to your Country, that this army of ours could never justly be charged, either with protracting the warre, for feare, or vpon false pretences, for not accomplishing the Conquest.

CHAP. XV.

Agricola marshalleth his forces. The battaile betweene the Romans and the Northern Britans. Part of the Bri∣tish Army is defeated.

AS Agricola was yet speaking, the Souldiers gave great tokens of their fervent desire to fight, and when he had ended his speech, they joyfully ap∣plauded it, running straitwaies to their weapons, and rushing furiously forward: which the Roman Generall perceiving, forthwith ordered his army in this man∣ner. With the Auxiliarie footemen, he fortifyed the middle battell. The horsemen he placed in wings on both sides. The Legions he commaunded to stand be∣hind, before the trench of the Camp, to the greater glo∣ry of the victory, if it were obtained, without Roman blood, or otherwise for assistance, if the foreward should be distressed. The Britans were marshalled on the higher ground fitly for shew, to terrifie their ene∣mies: the first troope standing on the plain, the rest on the ascent of the hill, rising vp as it were by degrees, one over another: the middle of the field was filled with Chariots and horsemen, clattering and running round about. Then Agricola finding them to exceed him in number, and fearing lest he should be assailed on the front and flanks, both at one instant, thought it best to display his army in length, and although by that means the battaile would become disproportionably long, and many advised him to take in the Legions: yet hee confidently rejected the counsell, & leaving his horse, avanced himselfe before the Ensignes on foot. In the

first incounter before they joyned, both sides dischar∣ged, and threw their darts. The Britans imploying both Art and Valour, with their great swords and little tar∣gets, defended themselves, and wounded their ene∣mies, till Agricola espying his vantage, appointed three a 1.9Batavian Cohorts, and two of theb 1.10 Tungrians, to presse forward, and to bring the matter to handy strokes, and dint of sword; which they, by reason of their long ser∣vice, were able readily to performe, to the prejudice of the other side, in regard of their little bucklers, and huge swords. For, the swords of the Britans being weighty, and blunt pointed, were no way fit, either for the close, or open fight. Now, as the Batavians began to strike them on the faces with the pikes of their buck∣lers, and (having over-borne such as resisted) to march vp to the mountaines: the rest of the Cohorts (gathering courage vpon emulation) violently beat downe all a∣bout them, and running forward, left some of the Bri∣tans halfe dead, some wholly vntouched, for haste, and desire to have part of the glory in winning the field. In the meane time, both the Chariots of the Britans, min∣gled themselves with their enemies battell of foote∣men, and also their troupes of horsemen, (albeit they had lately terrifyed others:) yet now themselves (be∣ginning to flie) were distressed by the vn-evennesse of the ground, and the thicke ranks of their enemies, who continued the fight, till the Britans, by maine weight of their owne horses and Chariots, were borne downe one vpon an other; the masterlesse horses affrighted, running vp and downe with the Chariots, and many times over-bearing their friends, which either met them, or thwarted their way.

CHAP. XVI.

The other part of the Brittish Army is overthrowne. The Romans pursuing the Britans through the woods) in danger to have beene intrapped. The lamentable e∣state of the Britans.

NOw the Britans (which stoode aloofe from the battell, vpon the top of the hills, and did at the first (in a manner) disdaine the small number of their enemies) began to come downe by little and lit∣tle, and sought to fetch a compasse about the backs of the Romans, which were then in traine of winning the field. But Agricola suspecting as much, opposed them with certaine wings of horsemen, purposely retained about him for sodaine dispatches, vpon all chances, and repulsed them as fiercely, as they ran to assaile. So the counsell of the Britans turning to their owne hurt, the Roman wings were commanded to forsake the battell, and follow the flight. Then were there pittifull spe∣ctacles to be seene; pursuing: wounding: taking priso∣ners: and then killing such as were taken, as soone as o∣thers came in the way. Then whole Regiments of the Britans, (though armed, & moe in number) turnd their backs to the fewer: others vnarmed sought their owne death, offering themselves voluntarily to the slaughter. The fields every where were imbrued with blood: E∣very where weapons lay scattered: wounded bodies: mangled limbs: some slaine outright: some halfe dead: some yeelding vp the ghost: and yet, even at the last gaspe, seeming by their countenances to discover both anger and valour. Such of the Britans, as in flying, re∣covered

the woods, joyned themselves together againe, and intrapped vnawares, some of the Roman Souldiers, that vnadvisedly followed, not knowing the Country; And if Agricola had not, by his presence and direction assisted at neede, setting about them his most expert footemen, (as it were in forme of a Toyle) and comman∣ding some of his horsemen to leave their horses, (where the passage was narrow) and others to enter single, on horseback, where the wood was thin, doubt∣lesse the Romans had taken a blow, by their over much boldnesse. But after that the Britans saw them againe in good array, and orderly following the chase, they fled, (not in troupes as before, when they attended each other, but vtterly disbanded, shunning all compa∣pany) toward the desart and farre distant places. The darkenesse of the night, and satiety of blood, made an end of the chase. Of the Britans were then slaine about ten thousand: of the Romans, three hundred and fortie; amongst whom, the chiefe man of note was Aulus At∣ticus, the Captaine of a Cohort, who vpon a youthfull heate, and through the fiercenesse of his horse, was car∣ryed into the midst of his enemies. That night the win∣ners refreshed themselves, taking pleasure in talking of the victorie, and dividing the spoyle. But the Britans being vtterly discouraged, crying, and howling, (both men and women together) tooke, and drew with them their wounded persons: calling the not wounded: for∣saking their owne houses, and in despite, setting them on fire: then seeking holes abroad to lurke in, and ha∣ving found them, straitwaies againe forsaking them: sometimes communicating Counsells together, and conceiving some little hope: and then by and by de∣jected and desperate: sometimes mooved with pitty at the sight of their kinsfolks and friends, and sometimes

stirred with rage and envie, in thinking and speaking of their enemies, and (which was most lamentable) some of them, by way of compassion and mercy, killing their owne children and wives.

CHAP. XVII.

The Britans are dispersed, and vnable to renew the warre. Agricola commandeth the Admirall of his Fleete to saile about Britannie. He planteth Garrisons vpon the Nor∣therne Borders, betweene the two armes of the Sea. Do∣mitian the Emperour, being advertised of his fortunate successe in the British warre, is tormented with envie and iealousie. Agricola yeeldeth vp the Province to Sa∣lustius Lucullus.

THe day following did more plainely discover the greatnesse of the victory, by the calamitie of the vanquished. Desolation and silence every where: the smoke of the houses fired, appeared a farre off: no sallies out of the woods: no stirring in the mountaines: no man to make resistance, or to meete with the Roman spies, who being sent abroad into all quarters, found by the print of the Britans footesteps, that their flight was vncertaine, and that they were no where in companies together, but scattered in divers places, and altogether vnable to make any new attempt vpon the sodaine. Wherefore Agricola, the summer being now spent in this journey, and the time past for imployment else∣where, brought his army into the borders of thea 1.11 Hor∣restians Country, where having received hostages of the inhabitants, he commanded the Admirall of his Navy, (being furnished with Souldiers, and sufficient

strength for that purpose) to saile about Britannie, whi∣ther the fame and terror of the Roman name, was alrea∣die gone before. Then he planted Garrisons vpon the borders between Glota & Bodotria, and disposed of his footemen and horsemen in the wintering places with∣in the Province.

Thus, after many conflicts, about the space of one hundred thirtie sixe yeares from Iulius Caesars first en∣trance, the vtmost limits of Britannie, and the Iles of the Orchades lying on the North side of it, were by the valour and industrie of Iulius Agricola, first discovered, and made knowne to the Romans: and the South part of the Ile, in the fourth yeare of the raigne of Domitian, (being in the yeare of our Redemption 86.) reduced into a full Province, the governement whereof, was peculiar to the Roman Emperours themselves, and not at the disposition of the Senate.

This state of affaires heere, Agricola signifyed by letters (without any amplifying termes) to Domitian, (the successor of Titus, his brother in the Empire) who after his manner, with a cheerefull countenance, and grieved heart, received the newes, being inwardly pricked with anger and disdaine, to thinke, that his late counterfeit Triumph of Germany (wherein a shew was made of slaves, boght for mony, attired like captives of that Country,) was had in derision, and justly scorned abroad; whereas now a true and great victory (so many thousands of enemies being slaine) was currant in eve∣ry mans mouth; Besides, he esteemed it as a most peril∣lous point in a State, that a private mans name should be exalted above the name of a Prince; and he suppo∣sed, that hee had in vaine suppressed the study of Ora∣tory, and all other politike Arts, if he should in military glory, be excelled by another; for matters of other

kinds (as he supposed) might more easily be passed o∣ver: but to be a good Commander of an Army, was to be above a private estate, (that being a vertue peculiar for a Prince.) Domitian beeing tormented with these and the like conceits, and musing much in his closet a∣lone, (which was commonly noted, as a signe of some mischiefe in working) thought it best for the present, to cloake and dissemble his malice, till the heate of A∣gricolaes glory, and the love of his souldiers were some∣what abated (for as yet Agricola remained in office.) Wherefore he commanded, that all the honours of Triumphall ornaments, the image Triumphall, and what else was vsually bestowed in lieu of Triumph, should in most ample and honorable termes, be awarded him in Senate: And then sending a successor, he caused a bruit to be spread, that the Province of Syria, (which was then void, and specially reserved for men of great qua∣litie) should be assigned to Agricola. The common opi∣nion was, that Domitian, sending one of his most secret and trustrie servants vnto him, sent withall, the com∣mission of Lievtenancie for Syria, with private instructi∣ons, that if Agricola, at the time of his comming should be still in Britannie, then it should be delivered: if o∣therwise, it should be kept backe; and that the same man meeting Agricola as he crossed the seas, without spea∣king to him, or delivering his message, returned againe to Domitian. Whether this were true, or fained vpon a probable surmise, as agreeable to the Princes dispositi∣on, it could not directly be affirmd; but in the mean sea∣son, Agricola had yeelded vp the Province in good and peaceable estate vnto Cneus Trebellius, or rather (as some writers report) to Salustius Lucullus.

CHAP. XVIII.

Agricola returneth to Rome, and is admitted to the pre∣sence of Domitian the Emperour. He betaketh him∣selfe to a retired life. He is poysoned. Salustius Lucul∣lus his successor in the Government of the Province, protecteth Arviragus the British Prince. He is put to d••ath by the commandement of Domitian.

AGricola, lest his comming to Rome should have bin noted, by reason of the multitude, of people, which would have gone out to see, and meete him, did warily cut off the occasion of that curtesie, entring the Citie by night; and by night, (as he was commanded) came to the pallace, where being admit∣ted to the Princes presence, and received with a short salutation, and no further speech, he sorted himselfe with other Gentlemen of his ranke, carrying himselfe ever after very temperately and warily in al his actions, as knowing the present state of those times, and the dan∣gerous inclination of the Emperour himselfe, who be∣ing (as all other Princes are commonly) more fearefull and jealous of the good, then the bad, envied in him, those vertues, and that honourable reputation, where∣of himselfe was not capable; Yet, as good deserts can∣not be hid, (true worthinesse shining even in darknesse it selfe:) so the retired life which Agricola led, did no∣thing diminish his glorie, but rather, like water sprink∣led vpon a burning fire, increased, and continued the heate thereof. Diverse times was he accused in his absence (which ministred to his ill willers oportunitie of working his disgrace,) and as often in abse••ce was he acquited, the opinion onely of his good deserts, and

no matter of crime giving the occasion, while such as highly commended him to the Emperor, (seeming his friends, but being (indeed) the most pestilent kind of enemies) procured vnder-hand his perill and ruine in the end. Howbeit, the ill successe of the Roman ar∣mies in diverse Provinces at that time, serving as a foile to set out his honourable actions, drew him perforce into glorie: and Domitian made pretences of his pur∣pose to employ him, thinking thereby to satisfie the people, who then complained of the want of good Leaders. But Vertue, that never continueth long time in prosperous estate, (as being the common object of envie,) hastened the death of Agricola, who (as the con∣stant fame went,) was made away by poyson, and that not without the Emperours knowledge, and consent. These things concerning Agricolaes government in Bri∣tannie, I have set downe particularly, as they are re∣ported by Cornelius Tacitus, who writ the storie of his life, which remaineth to the world, as a perpe∣tuall monument of the doings of the one, and the wri∣tings of the other.

Salustius Lucullus succeeding Agricola, left little me∣morie of himselfe, by doing any thing here, either for that no occasion was then offred to shew himselfe in action, or else, for that the fame of so worthie a pre∣decessor blemished his reputation. For having held the office but a short time, he was by commaunde∣ment of Domitian put to death, for suffering certaine Speares of new fashion, to be called by his owne name.

About this time Arviragus a Britan by birth, and education, did governe (as King) part of the Ile of Bri∣tannie, the Romans accounting it a poynt of policie to permit the Britans sometimes to be ruled by Princes of

their owne Nation, whose ayde and counsaile, they might vse (vpon occasions) to the pacifying of rebelli∣ons, and the establishing of their owne greatnesse; For the common people, (whose affection doth oft times sway the fortunes of great Princes) are much more easily brought vnder the obedi∣ence of their own Country-men, then of strangers.

The end of the second Booke of the first Part of the Historie of Great Britannie.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Anglesey.
• a 1.2

  Receiver of the revenues of the pro∣vince.
• a 1.3

  An ancient Citie, with whose ruines saint Albans was built.
• a 1.4

  Bands of Hollanders.
• a 1.5

  The river T••eed.
• a 1.6

  The Firth of Dunbretton in Scotland.
• b 1.7

  Edenbo∣rough Firth.
• a 1.8

  Grantz-ba••e in Scotland.
• a 1.9

  Companies of Hollanders
• b 1.10

  The antient inhabitants of the Territorie of Liege, in the Low Coun∣tries.
• a 1.11

  The antient inhabitants of Eskdale in Scotland, (as it is con∣jectured.)