Britain, or A chorographicall description of the most flourishing kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the ilands adjoyning, out of the depth of antiquitie beautified vvith mappes of the severall shires of England: vvritten first in Latine by William Camden Clarenceux K. of A. Translated newly into English by Philémon Holland Doctour in Physick: finally, revised, amended, and enlarged with sundry additions by the said author.

BRITAINE.

BRITAINE or BRITANNIE, which also is ALBION, named in Greeke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most famous Island, without comparison of the whole world; severed from the continent of Europe, by the interflow∣ing of the Ocean, lieth against Germanie and France triangle∣wise; by reason of three Promontories shooting out into divers parts: to wit, BELERIUM, i. the Cape of S. Burien in Corwall, Westward; CANTIUM, i. the Fore-land of Kent, into the East; and TARVISIUM or ORCAS, i. the point of Catnesse in Scotland, Northward. On the West side, whereas Ireland is seated, VERGIVIUS, i. the Westerne Ocean, breaketh in; From the North, it hath the most vast and wide Hyperborean sea beating upon it; On the East, where it coasteth upon Germanie, enforced sore it is with the Germane sea; and Southward, as it lieth opposite to France, with the British. Disjoyned from those neighbour-countries all about by a convenient distance every way, fitted with commodious and open havens, for traffique with the universall world, and to the ge∣nerall good, as it were, of mankind, thrusting it selfe forward with great desire from all parts into the sea.* 1.1 For betweene the said Fore-land of Kent and Calais in France it so advanceth it selfe, and the sea is so straighted, that some thinke the land there was pierced through, and received the seas into it, which before-time had beene excluded: For the maintenance of which their conceit, they alleage both Virgil in that verse of his,

Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos: And Britans people quite disjoyn'd from all the world besides.

Because Britaine, saith Servius Honoratus, was in times past joyned to the maine. And also Claudian, who in imitation of him wrote thus:

—Nostra deducta Britannia mundo. Britaine, a land, which severed is from this our [Roman] world.

Cer••es, that the outward face and fashion of this globe of Earth hath beene with the inundation of Noahs flood, as also by other causes altered; that some mountaines thereby increased in heighth, many places higher than others, setled low, and became even plaines and valleys; that waterie washes were dried up, and drie grounds turned to be standing waters; yea, and that certaine Islands have beene violently broken off from the firme land, carrieth some likelihood of truth. But whether the same be true indeed, or whether there were any Islands at all before the Deluge, it is not my pur∣pose here to argue; neither take I pleasure, without good advisement, of Gods works to give my doome. That the providence of God hath ordained divers things to one and the same end, who knoweth not? and verily, that parcels of the earth dispersed here and there within the sea, serve no lesse to adorne the world, than lakes spred up∣on the earth and hilles raised aloft, aswell Divines as Philosophers have alwaies held.

Livius and Fabius Rusticus have likened the forme heereof unto a * 1.2 long dish or * 1.3 two edged axe, and so is it shapen indeed toward the South, as saith Tacitus, where∣upon the fame went of the whole. But Northward, that huge and enorme tract of

ground running beyond unto the furthermost point, groweth narrow and sharpe like a wedge, So large, and of such exceeding greatnesse in circuit, they in olde time tooke it to bee,* 1.4 that Caesar, hee who first of all the Romans, discovered it, wrote, How he had found out another world; supposing the same so great, as that it seemed to containe within it the Ocean, and not to be compassed about therewith: and Iulius Solinus Polyhistor hath left in writing, that for the largenesse thereof it deserveth Well neere the name of a second world. Howbeit, this age of ours hath now at length by many and sundry voyages, found out in some sort the true dimension and just compasse of the whole Isle, For, from the point Tarvision unto the cape Belerium, the reaches and crooked turnings of the sea-banks along the West considered, there are reckoned much about DCCCXII miles: from thence, keeping the sea side, as it bendeth Southward untill you come to the Fore-land of Kent, CCCXX miles: whence coasting by the Germane sea, with crooked creeks and inlets for DCCIIII miles, it reacheth to the foresaid point Tarvisium: so that by this reckoning the whole Iland taketh in compasse MDCCCXXXVI miles. Which measure as it commeth farre short of Plinies, so is it al∣so somewhat lesse than Caesars. As for Schitinius Chius, I have no reason once to name him, who having in Apollonius among other wonders tolde us strange tales of fruits growing in Britaine without kernels, and of grapes without stone and seed, hath bounded it within the precinct of CCC stadia and no more. Much better yet hath Dionysius After in his Description of the world, reported of the British Ilands that is to say, Britaine and Ireland in this wise,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Now, for their greatnesse verily, exceeding large they are; And seeke through Ilands all, none may with Brittish Isles compare.

And toget•••••• with him, Aristides and other Greeke writers accord, who by way of excellenc•• 〈…〉〈…〉 truly called Britaine for the greatnesse thereof 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, The great I' 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Now, they that have more curiously compared the spaces of heaven above, toge∣ther with the tracts of earth beneath, place Britaine under the 8. Climate, and include it within the 18. and 26 Parallel. They thinke also the longest day there, to be 18. Ae∣quinoctiall houres and an halfe. But the Cape of Cornwall, respecting the convexi∣tie of the earth, they describe to be situate 16 degrees & 50 scruples from the furthest point West: the longitude likewise of the Fore-land in Kent, to be 21. degrees; as for the latitude, in the south-coast they measure it by 50 degrees, and that of Catnesse Northward. by 59 & 40 scruples over. So that, according to this site, Britaine is seated aswell for aire as soile, in a right fruitfull and most milde place. The aire so kinde and temperate, that not only the Summers be not excessive hote, by reason of continuall gentle windes that abate their heat (which as they refresh the fruits of the earth, so they yeeld a most holsome and pleasing contentment both to man and beast) but the Winters also are passing milde: For, the raine falling often with still showers, (to say nothing of the aire it selfe somewhat thicke and grosse) dissolveth the rigour of the cold so; and withall the sea which compasseth it, with moderate warmth doth com∣fort the land in such wise, as that the cold with us is much more remisse than in some parts of France and Italie. Whereupon it is, that Minutius Foelix, proving that God by his providence hath a speciall regard of the severall parts of the world as well as of the whole, saith, That Britaine though it want other whiles the aspect of the Sunne, yet refreshed it is with the warmth of the sea flowing round about it. Neither neede you to marvell at his speech, concerning the warmth of the sea. The seas, quoth Cicero, stir∣red to and fro with the winds,* 1.5 do so wax warme, that a man may easily perceive, within that world of Waters there is inclosed a certaine heat. To the temperatenesse also of this Iland Cescenius Getulicus a very ancient Poet seemeth to have respect, when he versified thus of Britaine;

Non Illîc Aries verno ferit aëra cornu, * 1.6Gnosia nec Gemini praecedunt cornua Tauri, Sicca Lycaonius resupinat plaustra Bootes.

The * 1.7 RAM unkindly smites not there, in Spring, the aire with horn, Nor * 1.8 TWINS, the horned * 1.9 BULL of Crete, untimely go beforn, Where DRIVER,* 1.10 hight Arctophylax, doth his drie waine up-turn.

Caesar likewise writeth thus; The places in Britaine be more temperate (by reason that the weather is not so cold) than in France. Semblably Cornelius Tacitus; No extremitie there is of cold: and hee addeth moreover, and saith, The soile, setting aside the Olive, the Vine, and the rest, which are * 1.11 proper to warmer countries, taketh all kind of graine, and beareth it in abundance: it ripeneth slowly, but commeth up quickly: the cause of both, is one and the same, to wit, the overmuch moisture of ground and aire. For the aire, as Strabo writeth, is subject rather to showres of raine, than to snow. Howbeit, the ground enriched so with all sorts of corne, that Orpheus hath reported it to bee the very seat of Ladi•• Ceres: for, that which we read in his Poeme thus,

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,— —Lo, heere, the stately hauls Of Ceres Queene.—

is meant of this our Island: yea, and it hath beene the very barne, garner, and store∣house of victuals of the West Empire;* 1.12 from whence the Romans were wont yearely to transport into Germanie, with a fleet of 800. vessels bigger than barges, great store of corne, for the maintenance of their armies, which there defended the Frontiers. But lest I should seeme to exceed over-much in the praise of my native country, heare in stead of me, that ancient Oratour, who with open mouth resoundeth out the com∣mendations thereof, in this manner: O happie Britaine, and more fortunate than all other lands beside,* 1.13 which first sawest Constantine Emperour! for good cause hath nature endowed thee with all the blessed gifts of aire and soile; wherein there is neither excessive cold of Win∣ter, nor extreme heat of Summer; wherein there is so great plenty of graine, that it serveth sufficiently both for bread and drink: wherein the forrests are without savage beasts, and the ground void of noysome serpents. Contrariwise, an infinite multitude there is of tame cattell with udders strutting full of milke, and loaden with fleeces: and verily, (that which for the use of our life we much esteemed) the daies there are very long, and the nights never want some light, whiles those utmost plaines by the sea side cast and raise no sha∣dowes on high, and the aspect both of skie and starres passeth beyond the bound of the night, yea the very Sunne it selfe, which unto us seemeth for to set, appeareth there, onely to passe a∣long and goe aside.

Hearken also, if it please you, to another Oratour speaking unto Constantius the fa∣ther of Constantine the Great in this wise:* 1.14 And, I assure you, no small dammage was it to the Common-weale, as to lose the bare name onely of BRITAINE, so to forgoe a land so plen∣tifull in corne, so rich in pasturage, so full of mines and veines of mettall, so gainefull in tributes and revenewes so accommodated with many havens, and for circuit, so large and spacious.

Moreover, the singular love and motherly affection of Nature to this Island, a Poet of good antiquitie hath by way of a speech made unto Britaine lively expressed thus, in this Epigram, which some have judged not unworthy to be divulged.

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu, nec sydere fervens, Clementi coelo temperiéque places, Cùm pareret Natura parens, varióque favore Divideret dotes omnibus una locis, Seposuit potiora tibi, matreque professa, Insula sis foelix, plenáque pacis, ait. Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat usus, Ex te proveniet, vel aliunde tibi. For aire, so mild and temperate right pleasing is thy seat; Where reigneth neither chilling cold, nor yet excessive heat. What time Dame Nature brought things forth, and of her onely grace, Bestow'd her favours manifold and gifts on every place;

Like mother kinde, the better part aside for thee she laid; Oh, happie Island maist thou be and full of peace, she said: What ever vaine excesse affects, what may mans need content, Shall come from thee, or else to thee, from other lands be sent.

* 1.15This plentifull abundance, these goodly pleasures of Britain, have perswaded some, that those fortunate Islands, wherein all things, as Poets write, do still flourish as in a perpetuall Spring tide,* 1.16 were sometime heere with us. For, this, doth one Isacius Tzet∣zes a Greek Author of no small credit, affirme, and our ancestours seeme to have be∣lieved the same as a certaine truth. For, what time as Pope Clement the sixth, as wee read in Robert of Aevsburie,* 1.17 had elected Lewis of Spaine, to bee the Prince of those fortunate Islands, and for to aid and assist him, mustered souldiers in France and Italie; our countrymen were verily perswaded, That hee was chosen Prince of Brit••ine, and that all the said preparation was for Britaine, as one, saith he, of the fortunate Islands. Yea and even those most prudent personages themselves, our Legier Embassadours there, with the Pope, were so deeply setled in this opinion, that forthwith they with∣drew themselves from Rome, and hastned with all speed into England, there to certifie their countreymen and friends of the matter. Neither will any man now judge other∣wise, who throughly knoweth the blessed estate and happie wealth of Britaine. For Nature tooke a pleasure in the framing thereof, and seemeth to have made it as a se∣cond world, sequestred from the other, to delight mankind withall, yea and curiously depainted it of purpose, as it were a certaine portraict, to represent a singular beautie, and for the ornament of the universall world: with so gallant and glittering variety, with so pleasant a shew are the beholders eies delighted, which way soever they glance. To say nothing of the Inhabitants, whose bodies are of an excellent good con∣stitution, their demeanour right courteous, their natures as gentle, and their courage most hardie and valiant, whose manhood by exploits atchieved both at home and a¦broad, is famously renowned thorow the whole world.

* 1.18But who were the most ancient and the very first Inhabitants of this Isle, as also, from whence this word Britan had the originall derivation, sundry opinions one after another have risen; and many we have seene, who being uncertaine in this point, have seemed to put downe the certaine resolution thereof. Neither can we hope to attaine unto any certaintie heerein, more than all other nations, which) setting those aside that have their originall avouched unto them out of holy Scripture) as well as wee, touching their point, abide in great darkenesse, errour and ignorance. And how, to speake truly, can it otherwise be? considering that the trueth, after so many revoluti∣ons of ages and times, could not chuse but be deepely hidden. For the first inhabitours of countreys had other cares and thoughts to busie and trouble their heads, than to deliver their beginnings unto posteritie. And say, they had been most willing so to do, yet possibly could they not, seeing their life was so uncivill, so rude, so full of warres, and therefore void of all literature; which keeping companie with a civill life, by peace and repose, is onely able to preserve the memorie of things, and to make over the same to the succeeding ages. Moreover the Druidae, who being in the olde time the Priests of the Britans and Gaules, were supposed to have knowne all that was past; & the Bardi, that used to resound in song all valours and noble acts, thought it not law∣full to write and booke any thing. But admit they had recorded ought; in so long continuance of time, in so many and so great turnings and overturnings of States, doubtlesse the same had beene utterly lost, seeing that the very stones, pyramides, obe∣lisks, and other memorable monuments, thought to be more durable than brasse, have yeelded long agoe to the iniquitie of time. Howbeit, in the ages soone after follow∣ing, there wanted not such as desired gladly to supplie these defects; and when they could not declare the trueth indeed, yet at least way for delectation, they laboured to bring foorth narrations, devised of purpose, with certaine pleasant varietie to give contentment, and delivered their severall opinions, each one after his owne conceit and capacitie, touching the originall of Nations and their names. Unto which, as, there were many, who neglecting further search into the trueth, quickly yeelded con∣nivence;

so, the most sort delighted with the sweetnesse of the Deviser, as readily gave credence.

But, to let passe all the rest, one Geffrey Ap Arthur, of Monmouth among us (whom I would not pronounce in this behalfe liable to this suspicion) in the raigne of K. Henrie the Second, published an Historie of Britaine, and that out of the British tongue, as hee saith himselfe: wherein he writeth, That Brutus a Trojane borne, the sonne of Silvius, nephew of Ascanius, and in a third degree nephew to that great Aeneas descended from supreame Jupiter, (for the goddesse Venus▪ bare him) whose birth cost his mother her life, and who by chance slew his owne father in hunting, (a thing that the wise Magi had foretold) fled his country and went into Greece; where he delivered out of thraldome the progenie of Helenus K. Priamus sonne, vanquish∣ed King Pandrasus, wedded his daughter, and accompanied with a remnant of Tro∣jans, fell upon the Island Leogetia: where by the Oracle of Diana, he was advised to goe into this Westerne Isle. From thence through the Streights of Gebraltar, where he escaped the Mer-maydes, and afterward through the Tuskan sea, hee came as farre as to * 1.19 Aquitaine, in a pight battell defeated Golfarius the Pict, King of Aqui∣taine, together with twelve Princes of Gaul; and after he had built the citie * 1.20 Tours (as witnesseth Homer) and made spoile of Gaule, passed over sea into this Island inhabited of Giants,* 1.21 whom when he had conquered, together with Gogmagog the hugest of them all, according to his owne name he called it Britaine, in the yeare of the world 2855: before the first Olympiad 334. yeares; and before the nativitie of Christ 1108. Thus farre Geffrey [of Monmouth]. Yet others there bee, that fetch the name of Britaine from some other causes. Sir Thomas Eliot, by degree a wor∣shipfull Knight, and a man of singular learning, draweth it from the Greeke foun∣taine, to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a tearme that the Athenians gave to their publike Finances or Revenues. Humfrey Lhuyd, reputed by our countrymen, for knowledge of Antiqui∣tie, to carrie, after a sort, with him all the credit and authoritie, referreth it confidently to the British word PRID-CAIN, that is to say, a pure white forme. Pomponius Laetus reporteth, that the Britons out of Armorica in France, gave it that name. Goropius Becanus saith, that the Danes sought heere to plant themselves, and so named it BRIDANIA, that is, Free Dania. Others derive it from PRVTENIA, a region in Ger∣manie. Bodine supposeth, that it tooke the name of BRETTA the Spanish word, which signifieth Earth: and Forcatulus, of BRITHIN, which, as wee read in Athe∣naeus, the Greeks used for drinke. Others bring it from the BRVTII in Italy, whom the Graecians called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As for those smatterers in Grammar, who keepe a bab∣bling and prating that Britaine should carry that name, of British manners, let them be packing.

These are all the opinions (to my knowledge) that have beene received touching the name of Britaine. But heerein, as wee cannot but smile at the fictions of stran∣gers, so the devices coined by our owne countrymen passe not currant with generall allowance. And verily, in these and such like cases, an easier matter it is to impeach the false, than to teach and maintaine a truth. For besides this, that it were an absur∣ditie to seeke the reason of this name in a forrein language; the generall consent of all Historiographers of better note, doth confute Laetus; who with one accord deliver unto us, that those Armorica Britons departed hence, and so from us carried the name with them. Againe, Britaine flourished under this name many hundred yeares before the names of Dania and Prutenia came up, But what doth the word Britan∣nia to doe with the Spaniards Bretta? which I doubt, whether it be Spanish or no: and why should this Island be so termed, rather than other Land? That the drinke called Brithin was ever in use among our countrymen, can hardly be proved: and to give name to our nation of the Greekes drinke, were ridiculous. As for those Brutii in Italy, whom as Strabo witnesseth, the Lucans called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as one would say, traiterous fugitives, it can never be prooved, that they like runnagates ranne hither into Britaine. But to come now to our owne countrimens conjectures. Eliots 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seemeth not probable; seeing that word was proper to the Athenians; and consi∣dering

the Greeks called this Isle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lhuyds Prid-Cain for the Britan, seemeth not onely too farre fetched, but also over-hardly streined: to say nothing, how that word, Cain, came from the Latines Candidum, and so crept into the pro∣vinciall language of the Britaines.

But as touching those reports of Brutus; were they true, certaine, and undoubted, there is no cause why any man should bestow farther study and labor in searching out the beginning of the Britaines: The thing is dispatched to our hand, and the search∣ers of Antiquitie are eased of their troublesome and painfull travell. For mine owne part, it is not my intent, I assure you, to discredit and confute that story which goes of him, for the upholding whereof, (I call Truth to record) I have from time to time streined to the heighth, all that little wit of mine. For that were, to strive with the streame and currant of time; and to struggle against an opinion commonly and long since received. How then may I, a man of so meane parts, and small reckoning, be so bold, as to sit in examination of a matter so important, and thereof definitively to determine? Well, I referre the matter full and whole to the Senate of Antiquari∣ans, for to be decided. Let every man, for me, judge as it pleaseth him; and of what opinion soever the Reader shall be of, verily I will not make it a point much material.

And yet I see (that I may tell you so much aforehand, beeing as I am a plaine ho∣nest and diligent searcher after the truth) how men most judicious and passing well learned, goe about divers waies to extenuate the credit of this narration; and so of∣ten as I stand in defence thereof, to come upon me fiercely with these and such like arguments. First, grounding their reason upon the time, they protest and say, that all is but fabulous (with reservation onely of the Sacred Historie) whatsoever is repor∣ted to have beene done before the first Olympias, to wit, the yeare 770. before the birth of Christ: like as these reports of Brutus, which are before the said time 300. yeares and more. And this they averre by the authoritie of Varro, the most learned writer of all the Romans: who as he named the first age immediately after mans cre∣ation unto the Deluge,* 1.22 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, uncertaine, by reason of the ignorance there∣of, so he termed the second, even from the said Deluge unto the first Olympias, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is to say,* 1.23 Fabulous: because in that time there is related nothing else (for the most part) but tales, even among the Greekes and Latines, learned nations; much more then among the Barbarous and unlettered, such as in those daies they were in all this tract, every one. Then they alleage, that for the confirmation of this matter in questi∣on, the authoritie of sufficient writers, (which to the knowledge of things past ma∣keth most, and is all in all) is altogether defective. Now, those they call sufficient wri∣ters, whose antiquitie and learning the greater it is, so is their credit the better accep∣ted, who all of them, like as the ancient Britaines themselves (by their saying) knew not so much as the name of Brutus. Caesar, say they, sixteene hundred yeares since, as he testifieth of himselfe, By all the enquirie that he could make, found no more but this, that the in land part of Britaine was inhabited by those, who, said they, were borne in the very Island; and the maritime coasts by such as from out of * 1.24 Belgium passed over thither. Tacitus also, a thousand and foure hundred yeares agoe, who searched diligently in∣to these particulars, wrote thus, What manner of men the first inhabitants of Britain were, borne in the land or brought in, as among barbarous people it is not certainely knowne. Gildas, being himselfe a wise and learned Britaine, who lived a thousand yeares since, hath not one word of this Brutus, and doubteth whether the old Britaines had any records or writings, whereby they might convey unto posteritie, their own beginning and Historie; professing that he wrote, by the relation which hee had from beyond-sea, and not by any direction out of the writings of his owne country, or any records left by writers: which if there were ever any at all, either the enemies had burnt them, or else they were carried away farre off in some fleet of exiled persons, and so not extant. Ninius also, disciple of Eluodugus, taking in hand to write a Chronicle, eight hundred yeares agoe, complaineth that the great Masters and Doctors of Britaine, had no skill, and left no memoriall in writing: confessing, that himselfe gathered whatsoever hee wrote out of the Annals and Chronicles of the holy Fathers. To these they adjoyne Beda,

William of Malmesburie, and as many as wrote eleven hundred and threescore years since, who seeme not once to have heard of Brutus his name; so silent are they of him in all their owne writings.

Hereupon they have noted, that the name of that Brutus was never heard of in the world, before that in a barbarous age, and amid the thickest clouds of igno∣rance, one Hunibald a bald writer, fabled and feined, That Francio a Trojane, King Priams sonne, was the founder of the French Nation. Hence they collect, that when our country-men heard once how the French-men their neighbours drew their line from the Trojanes, they thought it a foule dishonour, that those should out∣goe them in nobilitie of Stocke, whom they matched every way in manhood and proesse. Therfore, that Geffrey Ap Arthur of Monmouth, foure hundred yeares ago, was the first, as they thinke, that to gratifie our Britans produced unto them this Bru∣tus, descended from the gods, by birth also a Trojane, to bee the author of the British Nation. And before that time verily not one man, as they say, made any mention at all of the said Brutus.

They adde thus much moreover, that about the same time, the Scotish writers falsely devised Scota the Egyptian Pharaoes daughter to bee the Foundresse of their nation. Then also it was, that some misspending their wit and time, yea and offring violent abuse unto the truth, forged out of their owne braines, for the Irish, their Hiberus; for the Danes, their Danus; for the Brabanders, their Brabo; for the Goths, their Gothus; and for the Saxons, their Saxo; as it were the Stock-fathers of the said nations. But seeing that in this our age, which hath escaped out of those darke mists of fatall ignorance, the French have renounced their Francio as a counterfeit Proge∣nitor: (Whereas the Frenchmen, quoth Turnibus a right learned man, stand highly upon their descent from the Trojanes, they doe it in emulation of the Romans, whom they seeing to beare themselves proud of that Pedigree and noble stocke, would needs take unto themselves also the like reputation:) And for that the Scots, such as be of the wiser sort, have cast off their Scota; and truth it selfe hath chased away Hiberus, Danus, Brabo, and the rest of these counterfeit Demi-gods, and Worthies of the same stampe: Why the Britans should so much sticke unto their Brutus, as the name-giver of their Island, and to the Trojane originall, they greatly wonder: as who would say, before the de∣struction of Troy, (which happened in the thousand yeare or there about after Noahs floud) there had beene no Britaines heere: and as if there had not lived many valo∣rous men before Agamemnon.

Furthermore, they avouch, that very many out of the grave Senate of great Clerks, by name, Boccace, Vives, Hadr. J••nius. Polydore, Buchanan, Vigneier, Ge∣nebrard, Molinaeus, Bodine, and other men of deepe judgement, agree joyntly in one verdict, and denie, that ever there was any such in the world as this Brutus: also, that learned men of our owne country, as many, acknowledge him not, but reject him as a meere counterfet.* 1.25 Among whom, they produce, first John of Weathamsted, Abbat of S. Albanes, a most judicious man; who in his Granarie wrote of this point long since in this manner: According to other histories, which in the judgment of some are of more credit, the whole Discourse of this Brutus is rather Poeticall than histo∣ricall, and, for divers reasons, built upon opinion more than truth indeede. First, because their is no where mention made in the Roman stories, either of killing the father, or of the said birth, or yet of putting away the sonne. Secondly, for that, after sundry authors, As∣canius begat no such sonne who had for his proper name Sylvius: for, according unto them, he begat but one onely sonne, and that was Iulus, from whom the house of Iulii after∣wards tooke their beginning &c. And thirdly, Sylvius Posthumus, whom perhaps Geffrey meaneth, was the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia; and hee begetting his sonne Aeneas in the eight and thirtieeh yeare of his reigne, ended the course of his life by naturall death. The Kingdome therefore, now called England, was not heeretofore, as many will have it, named Britaine of Brutus the sonne of Sylvius. Wherefore, it is in their opinion a vaine peice of worke, and ridiculous enough, to challenge noble bloud, and yet to want a probable ground of their challenge. For it is not manhood only, that ennobleth a nation; the mind it is also

with perfect understanding, and nothing else, that gaineth gentilitie to a man. And there∣fore Seneca writeth thus, in his * 1.26 Epistles out of Plato▪ That there is no King but hee came from slaves, and no slave but hee descended of Kings. Wherefore, to conclude, let this suffice the Britaines from the beginning of their Nobilitie, that they bee couragious and valiant in fight, that they subdue their enemies on every side, and that they utterly refuse the yoke of ser∣vitude.

In a second rancke they place William of Newborough a writer of much greater authoritie, who too too sharply charged Geffrey the Compiler of the British history, for his untruth, so soone as ever it came forth, in these words: A certaine writer quoth he, in these our daies hath risen up, who deviseth foolish fictions and tales of the Britaines, and in a vaine humour of his owne, extolleth them farre above the valorous Macedonians and Romans both: he hath to name Geffrey, and is surnamed Arthurius, for that the tales of Arthur taken out of the Britaines old fables, and augmented by inventions of his owne, with a new colour of Latine speech laid over them, hee hath invested into the goodly title of an Historie. who also hath adventured farther, and divulged under the name of authentike prophesies, grounded upon an undoubted truth, the deceitfull conjectures and foredeemings of one Merline, whereunto hee added verily a great deale of his owne, whiles hee did the same into Latine. And a little after: Moreover, in his booke which he entituleth, The Bri∣tans Historie; how malapertly and shamelesly hee doth in manner nothing but lie, there is no man that readeth the said booke can doubt, unlesse hee have no knowledge at all of ancient histories. For, hee that hath not learned the truth of things indeede, admitteth without dis∣cretion and judgement the vanitie of fables. I forbeare to speake, what great matter tha•• fellow hath forged of the Britans acts, before the Empire, and comming in of Julius Caesar, or else being by others invented, hath put them downe as authentike. In somuch, as Giral∣dus Cambrensis,* 1.27 who both lived and wrote at the same time, made no doubt to terme it, The fabulous story of Geffrey. Others there bee, who in this narration of Brutus, laugh at the foolish Topographie set downe by this Geffrey; as also how falsly hee hath produced Homer as a witnesse: yea, and they would perswade us, that it is wholly patched up of untunable discords and jarring absurdities. They note besides, that his writings, together with his Merlins prophesies, are (among other books pro∣hibited) forbidden by the church of Rome to be published. Some againe doe observe thus much; how these tha•• most of all admire Brutus, are very doubtfull and waver to and fro about their 〈◊〉〈◊〉. He, say they, that taketh upon him the name and person of Gildas, and 〈…〉〈…〉 briefe glos••es to Ninius, deviseth first, that this Brutus was a Consul of Rome; then, that hee was the sonne of Silvius, and lastly, of one Hessicio. And there wanteth not (as I have heard say) a certaine Count-Palatine, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 needs have our Brutus to be called Brotus, because, forsooth, in his birth he was the cause of his mothers death, as if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sounded so much in Greeke. In the judgement of others, they should have left the Originall of Britaines as probable, if they had fathered their progenie, either upon Brito the Centaure, whom Hinginus mentioneth;* 1.28 or that Bretanus, of whose daughter Celtice, Parthenius Nicaeus a very ancient authour, writeth that Hercules begat Celtus, the father of the Celtae, and from whom Hesychius deriveth the word Britaine.

As for these observations and judgements of other men, which I have recited, I beseech you, let no man commence action against mee, a plaine meaning man, and an ingenuous student of the truth, as though I impeached that narration of Brutus; forasmuch as it hath been alwaies (I hope) lawfull for every man in such like matters, both to thinke what he will, and also to relate what others have thought. For mine owne part, let Brutus be taken for the father, and founder of the British nation; I will not be of a contrary mind. Let the Britaines resolve still of their originall, to have proceeded from the Trojans (into which stocke, as I will hereafter prove, they may truely ingraffe themselves) I will not gain-stand it. I wot full well, that Nations in old time for their originall, had recourse unto Hercules, & in later ages, to the Tro∣jans. Let Antiquitie herein be pardoned,* 1.29 if by entermingling falsities and truthes, humane matters and divine together, it make the first beginnings of nations and

cities more noble, sacred, and of greater majestie: seeing that, as Plinie writeth, Even falsely to claime and challenge descents from famous personages, implieth in some sort a love of virtue. As for my selfe, I willingly acknowledge with Varro, the best learned of all Romans,* 1.30 such originals as these, fetched from the gods, to be profitable; that valorous men may believe, although untruly, that they are descended from the gods, and thereby the mind of man assuredly perswaded of some divine race, may presume to enterprize great mat∣ters more boldly, act the same more resolutely, and upon the very securitie thereof, performe all more happily. By which words neverthelesse, S. Augustine gathereth, that the said most learned Varro confesseth (although not stoutly nor confidently, yet covertly) that these opinions are altogether truthlesse.

Forasmuch then, as all writers are not of one and the same mind, as touching the very name and the first inhabitants of Britaine, and I feare me greatly, that no man is able to fetch out the truth, so deepely plunged within the winding revolutions of so many ages, let the Reader of his candor and humanitie, pardon mee also among others, if modestly and without the prejudice of any man, I likewise interpose my conjecture; not upon any mind I have contentiously to wrangle, (be that farre from mee) but in my desire to search out the truth; which hath wholly possessed me and brought to this point, that in the question now in hand, I had rather aske forgive∣nesse for my fault (if there be any) than commit no fault at all. Howbeit, to the end that the reason of this name, may if it be possible, more easily and with better suc∣cesse appeare, I will endeavour first (as I may) to find out the most ancient Inhabi∣tours of the Island, albeit they lie so hidden in the utmost nooke and secretest closer of Antiquitie, as it were in a most thicke wood, where no pathwaies are to bee seene, that very small hope there is or none at all, to fetch those things backe againe with all my diligence, which oblivion hath so long removed out of the sight of our an∣cestours.

But to seeke for this matter farther off, and to omit Caesar, with Diodorus and others, who would have the Britans to be * 1.31 borne of themselves in the very land and meere * 1.32 Aborigines; that is, Homelings and not forrein brought in: who also imagined, that men in the beginning sprang out of the earth, like unto mushroomes and tod∣stooles: we are taught out of the sacred Historie penned by Moses, that after the Deluge, Sem, Cham, and Japhet, the three sonnes of Noe, having multiplied their issue in great number, departed asunder from the mountaines of Armenia, where the Arke had rested, into divers parts and quarters of the earth, and so, propagated the nations throughout the wide world. That some of their posteritie came to this Isle after the families were by little and little spred and dispersed abroad, both reason it selfe, and also the authoritie of Theophilus Antiochenus, doe joyntly prove. When as, saith hee, in old time, there were few men in Arabia and Chaldaea, after the division of tongues they encreased and multiplied more and more. Heereupon some departed toward the East, some gat them to the spacious and open main-land: others went forward into the North, seeking there to seat themselves: neither gave they over to possesse ground every where, untill they came as farre as to Britaine, scituate in the Northerne Climates. And Moses himselfe expressely sheweth the same, writing, that the Islands of the Gentiles were by the posteritie of Japhet divided in their Regi∣ons. The Islands of * 1.33 Gentiles the Divines call those, which lie farthest off: and Wolfgangus Musculus a Theologer, not of the lowest ranke, thinketh that the na∣tions and families which came from Japhet first inhabited the Isles of Europe, such as (saith he) be England,* 1.34 Sicilie, &c. Now, that Europe fell unto Japet and his pro∣genie, not Divines onely, but Josephus also and others have recorded. For Isidorus, out of an ancient writer citeth this, The nations descended of Iaphet, possesse from the Mountaine Taurus Northward, the one halfe of Asia, and all Europe so farre as to the Bri∣tish Ocean, leaving names both to places and people both: Of which very many afterward became changed, the rest remaine as they were. And we have seene that blessing of Noe, [God enlarge Iaphet,* 1.35 and let him dwell in the Tents of Sem, and let Chanaan be his servant] fulfilled in the people of Europe. For, Europe, which, as Plinie saith,

bred up a people conquerour of all nations, hath triumphed more than once over those other parts of the world which fell unto Sem and Cham: and in this part hath the off-spring of Japhet spred it selfe farre and wide. For of his sonnes, Magog begat the Massagets, Javan the Jones, Thubal the Spaniards, and Mesech the Moschovits. But Gomer his eldest sonne, in these farthest and remotest borders of Europe, gave both beginning and name to the Gomerians,* 1.36 which were after called Cimbrians and Cimerians. For, the name of Cimbrians or Cimerians filled in some sort this part of the world: and not onely in Germanie, but also in Gaul spred exceeding much. They which now are the Gauls, were, as Josephus and Zonaras write, cal∣led of Gomer, Gomari, Gomeraei and Gomeritae. From these Gomarians or Gomerae∣ans of Gaul, I have alwaies thought that our Britaines drew their beginning, and from thence, for a proofe of the said beginning, brought their name: the very pro∣per and peculiar name also of the * 1.37 Britans, hath perswaded mee thereunto. For even they call themselves ordinarily Kumero, Cymro and Kumeri: like as a * 1.38 British wo∣man Kumeraes, and the tongue it selfe, Kumeraeg. Neither acknowledge they any other names: although some there be not of the greatest skill, who from hence have coined in the former age, these words, Cambri and Cambria. Yea, and that Gram∣marian whom Virgil in his Catalects so taunteth and termeth the Britaine Thucy∣dides, Quintilian saith was a Cimbrian.* 1.39 And whence, trow yee, should wee thinke these names proceed, but from that Gomer, and the Gomerians in Gaul next ad∣joyning? which was the seate of the old Gomerians. That the Germans came of Aschenaz, the Turks from Togorma, sonnes of Gomer, the learned doe verily thinke, because the Jewes even at this day call these, Togormah; like as the former, Aschenas. That the Thracians Iones, Riphaeans and Moschi, &c. are the posteri∣tie of Thirax, Javan, Riphat and Moschus, no man denieth; for that the names sound not unlike: Semblably, that the Ethiopians were the seed of Chus, and the Egyp∣tians of Misraim, because they carry the same names in their owne languages, no man there is but granteth. Why should not we then confesse, that our Britaines or Cumerians, are the very posteritie of Gomer, and of Gomer tooke their denomina∣tion? For, the name accordeth passing well: and granted it is, that they planted themselves in the utmost borders of Europe: Which thing also, the very name of Gomer, imposed first not upon some light occasion, but even by Divine providence and inspiration,* 1.40 doth signifie: For Gomer in the Hebrew tongue, betokeneth utmost Bordering. Neither let any man by way of reproch, object unto our Cumeri or Cimbri, what Sext. Pompeius hath writen, That theeves in the French tongue are called Cimbri. For, albeit the Cimbri (among whom it is likely that our Cumeri were,) living in that couragious and bold age of the world, wherein martiall proësse flou∣rished, wandring (as Possidonius writeth), from these marches of Europe, war∣red by way of robberie, as farre as to the lake Maeotis; yet for all that, the word Cimbri no more signifieth a thiefe, than Aegyptius, one that is superstitious, or Chaldaeus, an Astrologer, and Sybarita, a delicate dainty-mouth. But because those nations were so given, therefore they that are such beare their names. And in this point agreeth right with mee,* 1.41 that singular ornament of learning Joseph Scaliger. Neither let any man marvell, wherefore I call not Berosus heere to take my part, out of whom writers in these daies furnish themselves with so great meanes. Certes, to speake my mind at once, the edge of that Berosus his authoritie, who commonly goeth under that name, is in my account so Blunt and dull, that I together with the best learned of our age, as namely Volaterran, Vives, Antonius Augustinus, Melchior Canus, and especially Gaspar Varrerius, thinke it to be nothing else, but a ridiculous figment of some craftie foister and jugling deceiver; which Varrerius in his Censure of Berosus Printed at Rome, is soone able to remove out of the Readers minds that errour of theirs so deepely setled, concerning this writer.

This is mine opinion and conjecture rather of the Britans originall: For in things of so great Antiquitie, a man may more easily proceede by guesse, than upon grounded reason pronounce sentence either way. And verily this their beginning from Gomer

and out of* 1.42 Gaule seemeth more substantiall, ancient and true, than that from Bru∣tus and Troy. Nay, that this soundeth rather to a truth, and that our Britaines are the very off-spring of the Gaulois, me thinkes I am able to prove, by the name, scite, religion,* 1.43 manners, and language: by all which the most ancient Gaules and Britaines have beene, as it were, in some mutuall societie linked together. And that I may this doe, let me, I pray you, with favourable good leave range abroad for a while at my pleasure.

As touching the name,* 1.44 because I have spoken thereof before, thus much onely will I repeate, that as the ancient Gaules are called Gomeraeans, Gomeritae, Gome∣ri, and by contraction Cimbri: so likewise our Britaines be named Cumeri and Kim∣bri. Now that the Gaules were called Gomeri, Josephus and Zonaras (as I said) doe joyntly prove. That they were named also Cimbri, may be gathered out of Cicero and Appian. Those Barbarians whom Marius defeated, Cicero plainely termeth Gauls.* 1.45 C. Marius, quoth he, repressed the armies of the Gauls, entring in great numbers into Italy. But all Historiographers witnesse, that they were Cimbrians: and the Haber∣geon of their King Beleus, digged up at * 1.46 Aquae Sextiae, where Marius put them to flight, hath shewed the same: For engraven it was with strange letters thus, BELEOS CIMBROS.* 1.47 Likewise, that they who under the conduct of Brennus spoiled * 1.48 Delphi in Greece were Gaules, all writers with one voice and mind agree: and yet, that these were named Cimbri,* 1.49 Appian in his Illyricks doth testifie: The Celts or Gauls, quoth he, whom they call Cimbrians. And heere will I neither cite the testimonie of Lucane, who calleth the hackster, that was hired and sent to kill Marius, a Cimbri∣an, whom Livie and others affirme to have beene a Gaule; nor alleage Plutarch, who nameth the Cimbrians, Gallo-scythians, ne yet Reinerius Reineccius an excel∣lent Historian, who constantly averreth out of Plutarch in his Sertorius, that the Gaules and Cimbrians used the same language. Neither will I urge and streine to my purpose that onely word of the Cimbrians which remaineth among authors, and is produced by Plinie out of Philemon,* 1.50 to wit, Morimarusa. i. the dead Sea, although it be meere British: For Mor with the * 1.51 Britans signifieth Sea, and Marw, dead.

Seeing therefore, that these people agreed in the most ancient name, from whence passed the said name into this Isle,* 1.52 but even with the first Inhabitants, out of Gaule, lying so neere, and by a very small streight of sea severed from it? For the world was not altogether and at once inhabited; but grant wee must, that the countries neerer adjoyning unto the mountaines of Armenia, (where the Arke rested after the flood, and from whence mankind was encreased) were peopled before others; and namely Asia the lesse, and Greece before Italy, Italy before Gaule, and Gaule before Bri∣taine. The consideration whereof is most delectable,* 1.53 in that the highest Creator, had joyned regions, and withall dispersed the Islands so, as their is no such great di∣stance betweene any of them, but that even those which lie farthest off, may from some one neere adjoyning, be seen and plainly as it were discerned by the eie. And for no other purpose was this done; but that the nations when they should over-abound, might discover and describe some places to passe unto and disburthen themselves; so long, untill the universall world were to the glory of the Creator replenished with Inhabitants every where. Wee ought therefore to bee perswaded, that the ancient Gomerians of Gaule (now France) either chased away by the pursuit of others, or cast out for lessening of the multitude, or else inflamed with a desire to travell and see farre countries, (a thing naturally inbred in men) crossed the sea and came over first into this Isle, which from the continent they were able to kenne. And it stands to ve∣rie good reason also, that every countrie received the first Inhabitants from places neere bordering, rather than from such as were most disjoyned. For, who would not thinke, that Cyprus had the first Inhabitors out of Asia next unto it, * 1.54 Crete and Sicilie out of Greece neereby, and Corsica out of Italy a neighbour countrie: and, not to goe farre, Zeland out of Germanie the neerest unto it, as also Island out of Norway, rather than from the remote tracts of Tartarie and * 1.55 Mauritania? In like manner, why should not wee thinke that out Britaine was inhabited at first by the

Gaules their neighbours, rather than either by the Trojans or Italians, the Alab••s and Brutians, so farre distant and remoove? Neither doe writers fetch the originall and infancie (as it were) of the Britaines from any other place, than their neighbour country Gaul. The inner parts of Britaine, saith Caesar, is inhabited of them, whom they themselves report out of their records to have beene borne in the Island: the Sea coast, of those, who upon purpose to make warre had passed thither out of * 1.56 Belgium in Gaule, who all in manner carie the names of those cities and States out of which they came thither, and after they had warred, there remained. For there were in Britaine like as also in Gaule, people named Belgae, Atrebatii, Parisi, Cenomanni, &c. Semblably Tacitus, Gene∣rally, quoth he, if a man consider all circumstances, it is most likely that the Gaules beeing neighbours, peopled the land of Britaine next unto them. Yea and Beda, one that a∣mong all our writers favoureth the truth, At the first, saith hee, this Island had those Britaines onely to inhabite it (from whom also it tooke the name) who by report, having sailed out from the tract of Armorica into Britaine, challenged unto themselves the South coasts thereof. Now, he calleth the tract of Armorica, the sea coasts of * 1.57 Gaule, oppo∣site unto our Island. This also seemeth to make for our purpose, that Caesar reporteth, How Divitiacus the Gaule even in his remembrance, held a good part both of Gaule and also of Britannie under his government;* 1.58 as also, (that which is of greatest mo∣ment) Plinie among the maritime people, just over against Britaine, neere unto the County of Bullen, reckoned the * 1.59 Britaines: like as Dionysius after a more ancient writer than he, in these verses,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Word for word thus:

And verily, that utmost point and angle of this * 1.60 part, Inhabite the Iberians, people of haughtie heart: Neere Gebraltar, at Hercules his pillars cal'd of old, Turning up the maine in length, what way the current cold Of Northern Ocean with strong tides doth interflow and swell, Where Britaines, and those faire white folke, the martiall Germans dwell.

For these words [where Britaines] seeme to have respect unto those other, [Turning upon the maine in length] and Eustathius, who did set forth his Commentaries upon this author, understandeth it of the Britons in Gaule, in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, And of these Britons, the Isles of Britaine over against them tooke their denomination. Howbeit, Avienus and Stephen in his booke of Cities,* 1.61 are of a contrarie mind. Moreover the same Religion was of both people observed; Among the Britaines, saith Tacitus, there is to bee seene in their ceremonies and superstitious perswasions an apparant conformitie with the Gaules. The Gaules, quoth Solinus, after a detestable manner of sacred rites, not to the honor but rather to the injurie of religion, offred mans flesh in their sacrifices. That the Britaines did the very same, Dio Cassius beside others reporteth in his Nero. Both Nations also had their Druidae, as Caesar and Tacitus very sufficient writers doe witnesse. Concerning which Druidae, let not the Reader thinke much to run over this whole passage out of Caesar.* 1.62 The Druidae are present at all Divine service. The overseers they be of publike and private sacrifices, the interpretours also of their religious rites and cere∣monies. To these a great number of younge men doe flocke for to bee taught, and those doe they highly esteeme and honour. For lightly they decide and determine all controversies, as well publike as private: And in case any hainous fact bee committed, if there bee a murther or man-slaughter, if variance arise about inheritance, if strife about the bounds of lands, they in their discretion judge of the matter; they appoint rewards, they award penalties, and punishments, If any either private person, or body politike stand not to their Decree, they put them by all sacrifices, as excommunicate. And this among

them is the most grievous punishment. They that be thus interdicted, are reckoned as godlesse and most wicked persons: All men decline from them, they avoid both meeting and talking with them for feare of taking harme by contagion from them. Neither have they the benefits of Law though they request it, nor be capable of any office, though they sue for it. Moreover, of all these Druides there is one President, who hath the greatest authoritie among them. When he is dead, looke who excelleth the rest in worth and dignitie, he succeedeth him: But if there be many of equall estimation, chosen there is one by the voices of the Druides. Sometimes also they fall together by the eares, and take armes about this place of precedencie. These Dru∣ides at one certaine time of the yeare hold a solemne Session within a consecrated place, in the marches of the* 1.63 Carnutes, a countrey held to be the middle of all France. Hither resort as unto the terme from all parts, as many as have any controversies or suits in law: and to their judgements and decrees they yield obedience. Their learning and profession is thought to have beene first found and devised in Britaine, and so from thence translated into France: and now also in these daies they that desire more exact knowledge thereof,* 1.64 goe thither for the most part, to be instructed therein. The Druides are wont to bee freed from warfare: neither with the rest pay they tribute. Immunitie they have in exemption, as from war-service, so from all other charges whatsoever. Thus, many there bee who being excited with so great rewards, and of their owne accord meete together at Schoole for to learne, and are thither sent by their kinsfolke, friends and parents. There by report, they learne by rote a great num∣ber of verses. And so they continue still schollars for certaine yeares together; neither doe they thinke it lawfull to commit what they learne to writing; whereas otherwise in every thing almost, in publike also and private dealings, they use Greeke letters. This order they have ta∣ken, I suppose, for two reasons: because they would not have their doctrine divulged, nor their scholars by trusting to their written bookes, to neglect their owne memorie a thing inci∣dent lightly to most schollars; who presuming upon the helpe of writings, uselesse diligence in learning without booke, and as little in exercising their memorie. This one point principally they are desirous to perswade their scholars, That our soules are immortall, and after death passe out of one man into another; and by this meanes they suppose men, setting behind them all feare of death, are most of all stirred up unto vertue. Furthermore, concerning the starres and their motion, touching the greatnesse of heaven and earth, of the Nature of things, of the power and might of the immortall Gods, much dispute they make, and as many precepts they give to youth. Whereupon Lucan in this wise speaketh unto them:

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morém{que} sinistrum Sacrorum, Druidae, positis repetistîs ab armis. Solis nosse Deos & Caeli sydera vobis Aut solis nescire datum. Nemora alta remotis Incolitis lucis. Vobis autoribus, umbras Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditis{que} profundi Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus Orbe alio: longae, canitis si cognita, vitae Mors media est. Certè, populi quos despicit Arctos, Foelices errore suo, quos, ille timorum Maximus, haud urget laethi metus: inde ruendi Inferrum mens prona viris, animae{que} capaces Mortis: & ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae.

Yee Priests also hight Druidae, your sacrifices leaw'd And barb'rous rites, which were forlet in wars surceasse, renew'd. Yee onely know, or yee alone know not the gods above And heavenly wights. Among high trees in groves remote, yee love To dwell, and teach that soules of men their bodies parted fro, Passe not to silent Erebus where Pluto reign's below, Among the pale and grisly ghosts: but spirit still the same Rul's limbs and joynts in other world: And death (if that yee frame

Your precepts grounded sure on truth and knowledge) is no more, Than middle point twixt future life and that which went before. Certes those Northerne people are right happie; whom we see Perswaded of such vaine conceits, wherein they nuzzeled be. No feare of death which men most dread, can once their stomacks dant, This maketh them so resolute, so bold and valiant: Vpon the pike and sword they runne, they passe not to be slaine; T'is cowardise to spare that life, which will returne againe.

By what name soever these were knowne to their Celts or Britaines,* 1.65 it may seeme that this name of Druides came from a Greeke primitive head, to wit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, an Oke, for that they held nothing more sacred than the Misselto of the Oke; whereupon Ovid writeth thus:

Adviscum Druidae, Druidae, cantare solebant. To Misselto goe Druidae, goe Druidae, they did sing.

as who commonly dwelt within Oke-groves, and celebrated no sacrifice and divine service without the branches and leaves thereof.* 1.66 But this, will Plinie more amply de∣clare in these words of his: The Druidae (for so they call their Diviners, Wisemen and estate of Clergie) esteeme nothing in the world more sacred then Misselto, and the tree whereupon it groweth, so it bee an Oke. Now this you must take by the way; These Priests or Clergie men chuse of purpose such groves for their divine service, as stood onely upon Okes: Nay they solemnize no sacrifice, nor celebrate any sacred ceremonies without bran∣ches and leaves thereof: so as they may seeme well enough to bee thereupon named Dryidae in Greeke. And in very deed, whatsoever they find growing to that tree, beside the owne fruit, they esteeme it as a gift sent from heaven, and a sure signe, that the God himselfe whom they serve, hath chosen that peculiar tree. And no marvell; for Misselto is passing geason, and hard to be found upon the Oke: But when they meet with it, they gather it very devoutly, and with many ceremonies. First, they principally observe that the Moone bee just six daies old: for upon that day begin they their moneths and new yeares, yea and their severall ages, which have their revolutions every thirtie yeares, because shee is thought then to bee of great power and force sufficient, and is not come to her halfe light or end of her first quarter. It they call in their Language, All-heale, [for they have an opinion, that it healeth all maladies whatsoever.] Now when they are about to gather it, after they have duely prepared their sacrifices and festivall cheere under the said tree, they bring thither two young bullocks milke-white, whose hornes are then and not before bound up. This done, the Priest arraied in a surplise or white vesture, climeth the tree, and with a golden bill cutteth off [the Misselto] and they beneath receive the same in a white souldiers cassock. Then fall they to kill the beasts aforesaid for sacrifice, mumbling many oraisons and praying, That it would please God to blesse this gift of his, to their good unto whom hee had vouchsa∣fed to give it. Now this conceite they have of Misselto thus gathered, that what living creature soever, otherwise barren, drinketh thereof, it will presently thereupon become fruit∣full; also that it is a soveraigne counterpoison and remedie against all venom. So superstiti∣ous are people oftentimes in such frivolous and foolish toies as these. Heereto accordeth well that Diodorus Siculus in the same sense hath termed these Priests of the Gaules 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.67 which word, (as they all know, who have skill in the Greeke tongue, betokeneth Okes. And Maximus Tyrius writeth thus of the Celts, i. the Gaules; That they wor∣ship Iupiter, whose symbole or signe, it the highest Oke. Furthermore, it may seeme to proceede from these Druides, that our Saxons (as we reade in Alfricus) called a Di∣viner or wise man in their language,* 1.68 Dry. Of these if you bee willing to learne more, I referre you to Mela, Lactantius, Eusebius De Praeparatione Evangelica, and the Co∣medie Aulularia of Pseudo-Plautus.

* 1.69The Frenchmen or Gaules, had likewise among their religious persons, the Bardi, who to the tune of the Harpe sung Dities in verse, conteining the famous exploits of brave and noble men. From whence it is that the same Lucan before cited speaketh thus unto them.

Vos quo{que} qui fortes animas, belló{que} peremptas,

Laudibus in longum, vates, dimittitis avum, Plurima securi fudistis carmina, Bardi. And yee the Poets, Bardi call'd, who knights redoubted prise Praise-worthie most, that died in the field, and them doe eternise; Pour'd foorth now many a verse in song, and that in carelesse wise.

And even those also doe our * 1.70 Britans still at this day terme by the very same name: For them they call Bard, who besides the exercise of that function, doe especially ad∣dict themselves to the skill of Heraldry, and the drawing of Pedigrees. But whether the Britaines in like manner as the Gaules, believed, That they were descended from Pluto, we have no record to lead us. Whereas the Gauls did for that * 1.71 cause, deter∣mine and end all their spaces of times, by reckoning nights and not daies, so as the day might in order follow the night, the very same have our Britans observed. For, that which the Latines call Septimana, and two Septimanae, they terme with-nos, that is, eight nights, and Pimthec-nos, that is, fifteene nights.

Likewise both peoples seeme to have framed unto themselves,* 1.72 one and the same forme of Common weale and government. For, ruled they were not by one mans scepter: but right as Gaul, so Britaine also had many Kings. And even as the Gauls in cases of greater waight and danger called an assembly of the whole nation and e∣lected one chiefe governour: so did the Britaines also, as it may bee gathered out of these words of Caesar, The severaignty of command, and managing the warre, was by a common Counsell granted to* 1.73 Cassivelaunus.

Neither were these two Nations unlike in manners, customes and ordinances. For to let this passe,* 1.74 that both of them were most warlike, and exceedingly given to slaughter: certaine it is, that in joyning of battels, and adventuring of dangers, they were one as forward as the other: as may appeare by Strabo, Tacitus, Dio, Herodi∣an and others. For manners and conditions, saith Strabo, the Britans are in part like to the Gauls: and anon he addeth, In fight for the most part they be fierce and cruell like unto certaine Gauls. And Tacitus according with him, The Britans, saith he, that were not vanquished by the Romans, remaine such as the ancient Gauls were. And in another place, Next neighbours to the Gauls and like unto them be the Britaines.

That the Britaines fought, armed after the Gaulish fashion, Mela doth report. The Britaines in their wars use a number of Chariots as Strabo writeth, like as some of the Gauls.

The manner was of the one people and the other, in time of warre to range their battels apart by severall nations, that the distinct valour of them both might more evidently appeare. That the Gauls practised this, Caesar witnesseth in these words: The Gauls being divided by their sundry cities and states kept the fourds and passages. Which also Tacitus affirmeth of the Britaines in the battell of Carattacus, The nati∣ons stood by troups and companies before the fortifications.

The Gauls, saith Strabo, were of a docible wit, and apt to learne: as also the Britaines, whose wits Agricola in Tacitus preferred before the studēts of Gaul, as being now curious to attaine the eloquence of the Roman language, whereas they lately rejected the language.

The Gauls, Strabo reporteth to have been of an ingenuous nature and single hear∣ted: which Tacitus seemeth to note and observe in the Britans, writing that they are ready and willing to endure levies of men and mony, and all other burdens imposed by the Empire, if wrongfull insolences herein be forborne.

Caesar reporteth, that the Gauls upon an unconstant and variable mind that they carried, loved evermore change and alteration in the government: The Britains like∣wise, saith Tacitus, were variable, given to factions and siding. By meanes of this in∣constancie of the Gauls, which Caesar more mildly calleth an Infirmitie, so great cre∣dulitie crept into their minds, that the credulity of the Gauls grew to be a proverbe, and one Poet hath written thus thereof:

Et tumidus Gallâ credulitate fruar: And full of this conceit will I Make use of Gauls Credulitie.

Neither have our Britans as yet therein degenerated from them, who most readily give eare even to * 1.75 Milesian fables, and either through superstitious hope or like feare doe presently believe most foolish prophesies.

We read in Strabo, that the Gauls grieved exceedingly and tooke to heart the a∣buse which they saw done unto their kinred. That there is the same Sympathie and fellow feeling in our Britans above all other nations, it is better knowne than can be uttered, and rife in every mans mouth.

The Gauls, as Caesar recordeth, according as every one excelled others in noble birth and wealthy estate, so kept they about them a greater traine of servants and dependants, whom they called Ambacti:* 1.76 which was the onely grace, countenance, and port they carried. Neither know our British Noblemen or gentry of Wales at this day, any other shew of reputation: From whom, as it is thought, the English have learned to leade after them so great a retinue of followers and serving men: in which thing they have not long since out-gone all other in Europe.

That the British buildings were in every respect sutable with those in Gaul, and compassed round about with woods, Caesar and Strabo doe shew unto us.

The Gauls, as witnesseth Strabo, ware chaines of gold, about their necks: and Bunduica the British Lady, saith Xiphilinus, had likewise a golden chaine, and was clad in a garment of sundry colours. And where at this day is that ornament more in use than in this Isle and among our Britans?

That Britans and Gauls both, adorned their middle finger with a ring Pliny doth report.

The same Strabo maketh mention of the Gauls, that they nourished the bush of their heads; and Caesar testifieth that the Britans went with long haire.

It appeareth in many authors, that the Gauls used certaine garments which in their mother tongue they termed Brachae;* 1.77 that these were also common to our Britaines, this verse of Martiall doth prove;

Quàm veteres Brachae Britonis pauperis: Than Brachae old of Briton poore.

I passe over that which Silius Italicus writeth of the Gauls:

Quinetiam ingenio fluxi, sed primà feroces, Vaniloquum Celtae genus, ac mutabile mentis. The Gauls though fierce at first, soone yield and hold not out, by kind; A nation given to vanitie of words and change of mind.

Because these qualities are common to most nations, I might adde hereto other par∣ticulars, wherein these people have jumped just together: but I feare me lest mali∣tious evill-willers would wrest them to the detraction and slander of the said nations. Besides, that saying pleaseth me exceeding well, All in a meane and within measure: and the argument perhaps which is drawne from common manners, may seeme not of the greatest validitie.

* 1.78Now are we come to the language, in which lieth the maine strength of this dis∣putation and the surest proofe of peoples originall. For no man, I hope, will deny, that they which joyne in communitie of language, concurred also in one and the same ori∣ginall. And if all the histories that ever were had miscarried and perished; if no wri∣ter had recorded, that we Englishmen are descended from Germans, the true and naturall Scots from the Irish, the Britons of Armorica in France from our Britans; the societie of their tongues would easily confirme the same: yea and much more ea∣sily, than the authoritie of most sufficient Historiographers. If therefore I shall prove, that the ancient Gauls and our Britans used one and the selfe same language, then the very truth will of force drive us to confesse, that they had also the same begin∣ning. Neither passe I what Caesar hath written, that the Gauls were of divers lan∣guages: since that Strabo saith, They differed only in dialect. They did not all, quoth hee, every where use the same tongue, but somewhat, little though it were, it varied. But that the language of the old Gauls was all one with the British (unlesse haply in va∣rietie of dialect), Caesar himselfe doth shew, writing that the maner was of the French

or Gauls who desired further knowledge in the discipline and learning of the Drui∣des, to goe over into Britaine unto our Druidae. Now seeing that they had no use of bookes, it stands to good reason, that in teaching they spake the same tongue that the Gauls did. Which Cornelius Tacitus more plainely affirmeth; the British speech, saith he, and the French or Gaulish differ not much. Whence it is that Beatus Rhena∣nus, Gesner, Hottoman, Peter Daniel, Picardus, and all others that have subscribed and done honour to venerable antiquitie, are all become of this opinion: except some fewe who will have the Gauls to have spoken the German language.* 1.79 But least any man herein should cast dust in our eies, let us out of authors gather and conferre as many words as we can out of the old Gauls, as it were ship-planks caught up from a shipwracke (seeing that the said tongue is now even drowned under the waves of ob∣livion.) For very many words we shall see not hardly nor violently strained, but pas∣sing easily, and in manner without any wresting, to agree with our British, both in sound and sense.

Ausonius in this verse of his,* 1.80 writing of a fountaine at Burdeaux,

Divona Seltarum lingua fons addite Divis: Thou fountaine added to the Gods in Gaulish Divona hight.

witnesseth, that Divona in the French language signifieth, Gods fountaine. Now doe our Britaines call God,* 1.81 Dyw, and a Fountaine, Vonan: of which is compounded Di∣vonan, and by the Latine Analogie, and for the verse sake, Divona.

That Jupiter,* 1.82 whom the Greekes, of Thunder call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Latines Tonans, that is, Thunderer was worshiped of the Gaules under the name of Taranis, there bee writers, not a few that have reported. But Taran with the Britaines betokeneth Thunder. In which signification the Germans seeme to have named Jupiter, Thon∣der: For Jupiters day or Thursday, they call Thonderdach, which is as much, as The Thunderers day.

The Gauls had another God,* 1.83 by Lucane named Hesus, and by Lactantius Heus, whom also the Author of Queroli termed Annubis latrans, that is, Barking Annubis; for that, painted he was in the forme of a Dog: and Huad with our welch Britaines betokeneth a Dog.

Most certaine it is that the Gauls worshipped Mercurie under the name of Teu∣tates,* 1.84 as the Inventors of Arts, and guide of their journeys: And Diw Taith in the British or Welch tongue, is as much as the God of Travelling: And that Plato in his Phaedrus and Philebus calleth Mercurie Theut, I am not ignorant. Howbeit I know there be some, who will have Teutates to be the same that the Germans called Tuisco in Tacitus,* 1.85 and is all one with Mars; as also that we the of-spring of Germans name thereupon Mars day, Tuisday. Concerning these three Gods of the Gauls, take with you,* 1.86 if you please, these three verses of Lucane,

Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro Teutates, horrens{que} feris altaribus Hesus, Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ara Dianae. And they that use with cursed bloud their Idol-gods to please, Teutates fell, and Hesus grim, whom nought else may appease But sacrifice of humane flesh: and Taranis likewise, Worship'd as curst Diana is, just after Scythicke guise.

That the foule Spirits named Incubi,* 1.87 were of the Gauls termed Dusii, because they practise that filthy uncleannesse of theirs continually, Saint Augustine and Isidorus both doe testifie: But that which is continuall and daily, the Britains still doe expresse by the word Duth.

Pomponius Mela writeth, That the religious women attending upon a certaine God, whom the Gauls worshipped, counted holy votaries of perpetuall virginitie, were called of the Gauls,* 1.88 Senae, or Lenae rather I would read if I durst. For, such con∣secrated Virgins, whom now folke name Nuns, the Britans, as it is an old Glossarie, termed Leanes: whence a most ancient Nunnery, Lean-minister, now called Lemster, drew the name.

The Gaules, saith Polybius, in their owne tongue called their mercenarie souldiers Gaessatae:* 1.89 and at this day the Welsh-Britains doe call their hired servants Guessin.

* 1.90Valiant men were, as Servius saith, named of the Gaules Gessi: and Guassdewr a∣mong the Britains importeth the same that in Latin, Vir fortis & strenuus, that is, a valorous and hardie man.

* 1.91Hitherto may bee referred Gessum, which was a weapon proper to the Gaules, as Pilum to the Romans, and Framea to the Germans. But of this, anon.

* 1.92As Phalanx was properly the Macedonians Legion, so was Caterva peculiar to the Gauls, as we may see in Vegetius. Neither is this word grown out of use with the Bri∣tains, who use to call a troupe Caturfa, and war Kad, and the strength of war which li∣eth in a Legion Kaderne, yea and Caterna, as is found in some Copies of Vegetius.

* 1.93To this Kad, may well be reduced Cateia, which was a kind of warlike weapon a∣mong the Gauls, as Isidorus reporteth.

* 1.94Gessa, a Gaulish weapon, Servius doth interpret to be a mans speare, whereunto the British Cethilou seemeth to come neere, which Ninnius expoundeth to be as much as Stakes burnt at the end, and a warlike seede or generation.

The Gauls whom Brennus marched with into Greece, named in their owne lan∣guage that order of Horse-fight which consisteth of three horses [in a ranke] as saith Pausanias,* 1.95 Trimarcia: For a horse they called Marca: which in that very signification is meere and British. For Tri signifieth three, and March an horse.

Pausanias in the same booke recordeth, that the Gauls termed their owne country∣shields Thireos:* 1.96 which even to this day the Britans name Tarian.

Caesar hath in his Journals or Day-bookes writen, as Servius saith, That he in Gaule being caught up of the enemy, and armed as he was carried upon his horse backe, one of his enemies that knew him chanced to meete him, and insulting over him said, Ce∣dos Caesar:* 1.97 which in the Gauls tongue is as much as Let goe Caesar: now, among the Britans Geduch betokeneth as much.

* 1.98Rheda, a Gaulish word, is of the same signification, saith Quintilian, that Caruta, that is, a chariot, or waggon, among the Latins. This word the British tongue doth not now acknowledge: howbeit, that it hath been in use among the Britans, Rhediad for a course,* 1.99 Rheder to run, and Rhedecfa a race, doe plainly shew: which words that they spring from the same stocke, no man need to make doubt. And what absurditie were it from hence to derive Eporedia, a City of the Salassians, which Pliny writeth, tooke that name of Horse-breakers.* 1.100

Another kind of waggon a charriot there was, used of both these people, which by one name they called Covinus,* 1.101 and the driver Covinarius. And albeit this word toge∣ther with that kind of waggon it selfe be quite growne out of use, yet the primitive thereof, as I may so say, remaineth still among the Britains: in whose language the word Cowain signifieth to carry or ride in a waggon.

* 1.102Essendum likewise was a Gaulish waggon or charriot rather, meet for the warres: which together with Caesar, Propertius attributes to the Britans in this verse,

Essedacaelatis siste Britanna jugis. Stay there your British charriots with yokes so faire engrav'n.

* 1.103Circius is a wind by name passing well knowne, unto which Augustus Caesar both vowed and also built a temple in Gallia. That the word is Gaulish, Phavori••us a Gau∣lois borne declareth in Agellius. Our Gauls, saith he, call the wind blowing out of their land, and which they find to be most fell and boisterous, by the name of Circius, of the whir∣ling and whistling, I suppose, that it makes. Of all winds this is known to be most bluste∣ring and violent: now, Cyrch, with the Britans betokeneth force and violence, as may be seene in their Letany.

* 1.104The Pennine Alpes, which Caesar calleth the highest Alpes, had this name impo∣sed upon them, as Livie writeth, not of Annibal Poenus, that is the Carthaginian, but of that Hill which with the highest top among the Alpes the Mountainers of Gaule consecrated and named Penninus. But Pen with the Britans even in these daies signi∣fieth the tops of hils: whence the highest mountaines that we have, to wit, Pen-mon∣maur,

Pendle, Pen Pencoh-cloud, and Pennigent gat their names. Neither have the high mountaines Apennini in Italy their name from ought els.* 1.105

The cities and States of Gaule coasting upon the Ocean, were called, as Caesar writeth,* 1.106 after the custome of the Gauls,

Aremoricae: with whom the Britans accord in the same name for the same thing. For, with them Ar-more, is as much as by the sea, or upon the sea: And in the very same sense Strabo nameth them in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

In the raigne of Dioclesian the Emperor,* 1.107 the rurall people in Gaule made a com∣motion. And to the crue of that faction of theirs they gave the name Baucadae. And among the Britans, Swineheards and country gnoffs, be called Beichiad.

The inborne theeves of the land,* 1.108 the Gauls, saith Sidonius, named Vargae: And I have found in the Glossarie of the Cathedrall Church of Lhandaff, that theeves in the British tongue were in old time knowne by the name of Veriad.

The Allobrogae,* 1.109 saith that ancient and excellent Scholiast upon Iuvenal, were so named, because Brogae in French signifieth a land or Territorie, and Alla, another: As one would say, Translated out of another place. But Bro in British, is a region or country, and Allan, without, or externall: so that the Etymologie in both tongues, holdeth very well.

There is an herbe like to Plantain called in Gaule Glastrum, saith Plinie, wherewith the Britans died and coloured themselves,* 1.110 as writers testifie. This is the herbe which we terme Woad, and it giveth a blew colour: which colour at this day, the Britans terme Glasse.* 1.111 This was the Greeks Isatis, by the testimony of Plinie, and the Diars, vitrum, by the authority of Oribasius. Whereby, Pomponius Mela may easily be corrected, if in stead of Ultro, you put Vitro: where he saith thus, Britanni incertum ob decorem, an ob quid aliud, ultro corpora infecti, that is, whether the Britans died their bodies with woad for a beautifull shew, or in some other respect, it is uncertaine.

The Gallathians who spake the same language, as S. Hierome witnesseth, that the ancient Gauls did,* 1.112 had a little shrub called Coccus; of which that deep red skarlet co∣lour was made: and this very colour the Britans usually name Coco.

That Brachae were garments common to French and Britains wee have shewed be∣fore.* 1.113 Diodorus Siculus calleth such, unshorne, or undressed and of sundry colours. And even now adaies the Britans terme foule and ragged clothes, Brati.

If Laina was an old Gaulish word,* 1.114 as Strabo seemeth to tell us, when he writeth thus, The Gauls weave them cassocks of thickned wooll which they call Lainas; the Bri∣tans are not gone far from them, who in their tongue name wooll Glawn.

Bardus in the Gauls tongue signifieth a Singer,* 1.115 Festus Pompeius is mine author: and this is a meere British word.

Bardocucullus,* 1.116 as we are taught out of Martial and others, was the cloake that the Gaulish Bardi woore. And like as Bard, so the other part also of the foresaid word, re∣maineth whole among the Britans, who call such a cloake, Cucull.

Gaul,* 1.117 saith Plinie, yeelded a kinde of Corne of their owne, which they called Brance, and we Sandalum, a graine of the finest and neatest sort. Among the Britans likewise, meale of the whitest graine is named Guineth Urane.

The herbe which the Greekes, of five leaves doe call Pentaphyllon, was named of the Gaules Pempedula,* 1.118 as sheweth Apuleius. Now, Pymp in British, is five, and Deilen, a leafe.

As the Gaules by Pymp meant the number of five, so by Petor, foure, as wee learne out of Festus:* 1.119 who sheweth, that Petoritum was a chariot or wagon of the Gaules, so called of foure wheeles: and this word Pedwar in the British tongue signifieth foure.

Among wooden instruments,* 1.120 Canterium, in English a Leaver, was among the Gaules called Guvia, as Isidorus writeth: and novv the same in the British language, is named Gwif.

Betulla,* 1.121 vvhich vve call Byrch, Plinie nameth a Gaulish tree. Hee vvould if he lived novv call it the British tree. For it groweth most plentifully in Britaine, and in the British tongue is named Bedw.

Wine delayed with water, as we read in Athens, the Gaules called Dercoma: and among the Britans,* 1.122 Dwr, betokeneth water.

And even so, (not to prosecute all that may be said:) in Dioscorides, the herbe Ferne,* 1.123 called in Latin Filix, and of the old Gauls, Ratis, is in the British tongue termed Redin.* 1.124 The Elder tree, in Latine Sambucus, in the old Gaulish Scovies, is in British, Iscaw.* 1.125 The herbe in Italy, Seratula, in old Gaulish, Vetonica, the Britans and wee doe call Betany. That which in Plinie the Latines name Terrae adeps, that is, the fat of the ground,* 1.126 the Gaules Marga, is of the Britans called Marle. The white or bright marle, named of the Latines Candida Marga,* 1.127 of the Gaules Gliscomarga, might of the Bri∣tans be termed Gluismarl: For Gluys, with them is as much as Bright or shining. A three-footed stoole, which the Latines name Sellula Tripes: the Gauls, as wee read in Sulpitius Severus,* 1.128 Tripetia, is among the Britans termed Tribet. That which the La∣tines meane by Centum pedes,* 1.129 that is, a hundred foot, the Gaules in Columella under∣stand by Candetum, and the Britans by Cantroed. A Birds bill, in Latine Avis rostrum: the Gaules,* 1.130 as we read in Suetonius, called Becco, and the Britans name Pic.

* 1.131Neither should I bee as fancy-full as Goropius, if I reduced Suetonius his Galba, which signifieth exceeding fat,* 1.132 to the British word Galuus, that betokeneth, passing big: or Bulga in Valerius Flaccus for a leather Budget,* 1.133 unto the British Butsiet: or the Soldurij in Caesar, put for men * 1.134 Devoted, unto the Britans Sowdiws: or Plinie his Planarat, for a plough, unto Arat, which in the British tongue signifieth a plough: or Isidorus his Taxea for Lard, unto the Britans Tew, or Diodorus Siculus his drinke called Zithum, unto their Sider, or Cervisia, unto Keirch, that is, Otes, whereof the Britans in many places make that drinke (or rather to Cwrwf) which we in English terme Ale.

That all these were the ancient words of the ancient Gaules, appeareth evidently out of those Authors; and you see how fitly they for the most part agree and accord as it were in consent with our British words, in sound and sense both.

* 1.135Hereunto thus much moreover may be added, that seeing the ancient names of places end with both people in the same termination, to wit, in Dunum, Briva, Ritum; Durum, Magus, &c. it may be gathered that these were not divers nations. And even from hence verily a sound reason may be drawn, that we Englishmen are sprung from the Germanes, for that the later and more moderne names of our townes end in Bur∣row, Berry, Ham, Steed, Ford, Thorp, and Wich, which carrie a just and equall correspon∣dence unto the terminations of the Dutch townes; Burg, Berg, Heim, Stadt, Furdt, Dorp, and Wic.

Againe, the reason of certaine old Gaulish words may bee so fitly given out of our British tongue, the property and nature of the thing agreeing also thereunto, that of necessity we must confesse, either they were names imposed by the Britans, or els the Britans s••ake French. But let it suffice to alledge one or two for all.

The third part of Gaul, saith Caesar, they inhabite, who in their owne language be na∣med Celtae,* 1.136 and in ours Galli, but of the Greeks Callathae. But whence they were called Celtae and Gallathae the best learned of all the French, could never as yet tell: But let them consider and see, whether it come not of the British word Gualt, which even yet among the Britans betokeneth the haire or bush of the head, as also Gualtoc, that signifi∣eth Comata,* 1.137 that is, with long haire: whereof it may seeme that Celtica, Gallathae, and Galli, are termes mollified by variety of pronuntiation. Now that the Celtae were called Comati, of their long haire which studiously they cherished, all learned men doe joynt∣ly grant: and as for the letters, C. and K. Q. and G. how should one (considering their force and native sound) put a difference betweene them?

That the famous and noble river * 1.138 Carunne in France carrieth a swelling streame, and as if the waves were angry and chased, whereupon Poets name it with these attri∣butes, Validus, Aequoreus, and Rapidus Garumna, that is, the strong, sealike, and swift Garumna, it is so well knowne as nothing more: And all that doth Garw in the British tongue import.

The river * 1.139 Arar passeth marvellous gently, so as by the eie uneth it can be discer∣ned which way the streame goeth, whereupon the Poets give these Epithets unto it,

Araris tardior, and Lentus Arar, that is, Slow and Still Arar. But Ara with the Bri∣tans betokeneth Still and Slow.

Rhodanus,* 1.140 into which Arar doth fall, runneth downe amaine with an exceeding swift, and violent current: and therefore it is termed, Incitus, Celer, and Praeceps, that is, swift, quicke, running headlong: Which name, Rhodanus, disagreeth not much from the British Rhedec, that signifieth a speedinesse in running.

That the Hils * 1.141 Gebennae runne out farre into Gaul,* 1.142 in manner of a long continued ridge, Strabo and others doe make mention. And that Keve•• among our Britaines soundeth as much as the backe or ridge of an Hill, appeareth by the British Dictiona∣rie: and I my selfe have seene a long chaine of hils in Yorke-shire, which the Inhabi∣tants there doe call the Kivin.

Considering that stones were in old time errected in Gaul by the high waies side, at the distance just of every * 1.143 thousand and five hundred paces: see it also that the Gaul-like Leuca, or League, containeth, as Jornandes writeth, just so many paces; and Leach in the British tongue betokeneth a Stone,* 1.144 I would have the learned French-men say, whether the said Leuca tooke not that name thereof. About the Sea side of that part of France, which was called Narbonensis, where (as the fabulous report go∣eth) Hercules and Albion fought together, there lie so many stones every where all abroad, that a man would verily thinke it had rained stones there: whereupon wri∣ters name it,* 1.145 the Stonie Strond, and stonie field: The French in these daies call it Le Craux. And yet they know not the reason of this name. But Stones in the British tongue, be termed Craig.

They that heretofore inhabited the maritime tract of Gaul, which is next unto us,* 1.146 were in their owne language called Morini: and seeing that the Sea is named Mor in British, it seemeth that thereupon they were so termed. For the Britans call such as dwell upon the Sea coast Morinwyr: like as Aremorica betokeneth long since in Gau∣lish, and now in British, By the Sea side.

Thus Arelate a most famous citie of Gaul,* 1.147 seated in a moist and waterie soile, may seeme to have taken that name of the very scite thereof: For Ar in British signi∣fieth Vpon, and Laith, Moisture,

Vxellodunum,* 1.148 saith Caesar, was a towne having on every side a steepe accesse unto it, and scituate upon an high Hill. But Vchell among the Britaines is as much as steepe or loftie,* 1.149 and Dunum with the ancient Gaules, betokeneth a high place or hill: as Plutarch hath taught us out of Clitiphon, in his booke of Rivers: and the same was also in use among the old Britaines.

The Promontorie * 1.150 Citharistes,* 1.151 Plinie placeth in Gaul neere unto Marsiles, where now is seene the towne Tolon: but if you aske our Welsh Britains, what is Cythara, in their language, they will tell you by and by Telen.

Againe, that no doubt may herein bee left behind, seeing it is evident that the late French tongue is come from the Latine and Germane, yet so as therein neverthe∣lesse there remaine very many words still of the old Language: I have heard of those that be skilfull in both tongues, that very many of those French words, which cannot be reduced, either to the Latine or German Originall (and therefore may be thought of the old Gallique) doe come as neere unto the British as is possible. As for example, the French men at this day use Guerir, and the Britans Guerif for To heale. The French say Guaine, the Britans Gwain, for a sheath: The French, Derechef, the Britaines Der∣chefu, for againe: The French Camur, the Britaines Cam, for crooked: the French Ba∣taeu, the Britaines Bad, for a Boad: the French Gourmand, for an over-great-eater, the Britans Gormod, for Overmuch: the French Baston, the Britans Pastwn, for a staffe or cudgill: the French Accabler, the Britans Cablu, for to oppresse: the French Haure, the Britans Aber, for an Haven: and Comb is still used of both the nations for a Valley. There are of this sort very many more, which haply the Reader may distaste, al∣though they serve especially for this purpose now in hand.

But whereas Tacitus writeth, that the people of the Aestii, used the fashions and habit of the Suevians, but in language came neerer to the Britans, that maketh nothing against

my Assertion. For the Languages most remote, in some points agree. And of late A••∣gerius Busbequius,* 1.152 Embabssadour from the Emperour to the great Turke, hath ob∣served many Dutch and English words in the Biland Ta••rica Chersonessus.* 1.153

Hereupon it may be concluded, that the ancient Gauls Inhabitants of the country now named France, and Britaines of this Isle spake one and the same language: and by necessary consequence the originall of the Britaines is to bee reduced unto the Gauls. For we must confesse, as I said before, that France or Gaul was peopled before Britain, as lying neerer unto Armenia: and as it was plentifull in corne, so, by the te∣stimony of Strabo, more fruitfull of men: Seeing also, that the Gauls sent out and planted their colonies all abroad, in Italy, Spaine, Germanie, Thracia and A••ia: much more then by all reason and congruitie in Britan so neere, and no lesse plenteous than the rest. Neither can it chuse but make for the Britaines reputation even in the highest degree, to have derived their beginning from the ancient Gauls, who in martiall prowesse have surpassed all others: with whom the Romans for many years maintained war, not about superioritie in glory, but for the very main chance of life and living: and who (to use the Poets words rather than mine owne)

Per omnem Invecti Europam, quasi grando Aquilone vel Austro Importata, gravi passim sonnere tumultu. Scit Romanus ad huc, & quam Tarpeia videtis Arx attolentem caput illo in monte superbum; Pannones, Aemathii norunt, scit Delphica rupes: Invasions made all Europe through; and like some storme uncouth Of suddaine haile, brought in by force of wind from North or South, A foule stir kept, with hideous noise, what way thy ever went. The Romans and their stately Towre, which rais'd with steep ascent On Tarpie cliffe doth mount aloft, full well this yet doe know Pannonians, Aemathians eke, with Delphick rocke also.

And a little after

Intravere Asiae fines: prope littora Ponti In gentem crevere novam, quaetenditur usque Ad juga Pamphilium, Garamantica sydera contra, Inter Cappadoces posita & Bythinica regna: They entred then the Asian bounds, neere Pontus shore they go, And grew there to a nation new, extending close unto Pamphylian hils, where opposite the Garamants are seene, Seated the Cappadocians and Bithyne realme betweene.

Neither must we here passe over in silence those reasons which others have alleaged to prove the Britans first rising from the Gauls. George Buc, a man both well descen∣ded and well learned, observeth out of Mekercus, that the Germans call a French man Wallon: And when the Saxons of Germany came hither, and heard the Britaines speake Gaul-like, they termed them Walli; that is, Galli, that is to say, Gaules. Bu∣chananus saith moreover, that [Walch] doth not simply among the Germans signi∣fie a stranger, but rather in a better sense, a Gaul. And withall, he noteth thus much, that the French at this day doe name that country Galles, which we call Wales: also, that the ancient Scots divided all the British nations into Gaol, and Galle, that is to say, after his Interpretation, into the Gallaeci and the Galli.

But if our Britans will needs be descended from the Trojanes, they shall not verily have me to gainesay them: and yet shall they in mine opinion ascribe their originall to the Trojanes best of all, by the old Gauls. For some say, as we reade in Ammianus, that some few who after the destruction of Troy fled, possessed themselves of Gaul at that time void and unpeopled.* 1.154 But when wee thus consider these languages, we cannot but highly admire and set forth, the divine goodnesse of the most high Creatour toward our Britaines, the posteritie of that ancient Gomer: who although the Romans, Sax∣ons and Normans have subdued them and triumphed over them, yet hitherto have

they preserved their old name and originall language safe and sound: notwithstanding the Normans sought to abolish the same even by their lawes enacted for that purpose. Insomuch as an old Britan, one of their nobilitie being demanded of Henry the second, King of England, what he thought of the Britans power and the Kings warlike prepa∣ration made against them, answered not impertinently after this manner;* 1.155 This Nation, quoth he, O King, may now by the assaults of your selfe and others be molested, and for the most part destroied or weakned, like as heretofore and oftentimes it hath been. But, be the dis∣pleasure of man what it will, unlesse the wrath of God concur withall, it will never bee utterly wasted and consumed, Neither shall any other nation or language else, (as I suppose) answer in the straight day of judgement before that supreame Iudge (for this angle of the World) what ever may happen furthermore, than the Welsh, that is, the British nation

THE NAME OF BRITAINE.

BVt you will say, If Cumero be the primitive name of the Inhabi∣tants, whence comes Albion, whence comes Britaine? which name hath so growne in ure that in some sort it hath caused the other to be quite forgotten. But heare, I pray you, that, where∣of I am most assured, because it is most true. As the selfe same things, may be considered by divers circumstances, so they may be called also by sundry appellations, as Plato teacheth in his Cratylus? ••f you run over all particulars severally both new and old; you shall find, that every nation was of others called by divers names, from those that they them∣selves used. Thus they that in their native tongue had Israelites to their name, accor∣ding to the Greeks were called Hebrewes and Jewes, and by the Egyptians Huesi, as witnesseth Manetho; because they had Heardmen for their governours. So the Greeks named them Syrians, who, as Josephus writeth, calleth themselves Aramaeans. They that named themselves Chusians, were by the Grecians of their blacke faces called Ethiopians. Those which after their owne speech were named Celtae, the Greekes termed Galatae, of their milke-white colour, as some would have it, or of their long bush of haire, as I said erewhile. So, they that nominated themselves after their own language Teutsch, Numidians and Hellenes, by the Romans were named Germans, Mauri and Grecians. Even so in those daies, (not to speake of many other), they which in their owne Idiome are called Muselmans, Magier, Czecchi and Besermans, are by all nations in Europe named Turkes, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Tartarians. And even wee our selves in England, called in our naturall speech Englishmen, are named by the * 1.156 Britaines, Irishmen and the high-land Scots, Sasson, that is to say, Saxons. By the same reason we are to deeme, that our ancestours, which termed them∣selves Cumero, were upon some other cause either by themselves or others, named Britaines: From whence the Greekes framed their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and delivered the same as it were from hand to hand unto the Romans. This ground being laid let us enquire now into the names of our Island.

As for the name Albion I passe not much,* 1.157 considering that the Greekes gave it to this Isle for difference sake, seeing that all the Islands bordering round about it were called Britanish and Britaines. The Island Britaine saith Plinie, renowned in the Greek records and ours both, lieth betwixt North and West over against Germanie, France and Spaine, but with a great distance betweene them, they being the greatest parts by far of all Europe.* 1.158 Albion it had to name when all the Isles adjacent were called Britannies. Where∣upon Catullus writing against Caesar said thus;

Hunc Galliae timent, timent Britanniae. Him Gaule doth feare, him Britaine dreads.

Who also in the same traine of verses, calleth it the utmost Isle of the West. And it may seeme that this name Albion,* 1.159 sprung from the vanitie, the fabulous inventions, and that unconstant levity of the Greeks in coining of names, which they themselves ter∣med 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For seeing they have in fabulous wife named Italy Hesperia of

Hesperus the sonne of Atlas; France Gallatia of a sonne of Polyphemus: I cannot o∣therwise believe, but that in the same veine also of fabling they called this Island Al∣bion, of Albion Neptunes sonne: which thing Perottus and Lilius Giraldus have put downe in writing. Unlesse a man would derive it rather of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which, as Festus wit∣nesseth, in Greeke signifieth White, whereupon the Alpes also have their appellation. For environed it is with white rocks, which Cicero termeth Mirificas moles, that is, wondrous Piles: and hereof it is that upon the coined pieces bearing the stampe of Antoninus Pius and Severus,* 1.160 Britaine is pourtraied sitting upon rockes in womans habit. And the British Poets themselves name it Inis wen, that is, The white Isle. To say nothing of Orpheus in his Argonauticks, (if so be they be his), who called the Island next unto Hibernia or Irënis, that is, Ireland, which must needs be this of ours, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, the white land: and which a few verses before, he may seeme to have named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Fracastorius also writing how that pestilent day-fever in Britaine, which commonly we call the British or English swet, hapned by occasion of the soile,* 1.161 as if the same had stood much upon plaister, supposeth that this Island gat the name Albion of the said plaisterish soile. As for that pretty tale, how Albion was also called of Albina, one of those thirtie daughters of Dioclesian the King of Syria, which at their very wedding solemnitie, slew their husbands, and being brought hither by ship without rower tooke possession of this Island first, and conceived by spirits, brought forth a breede of giants, who can abide to heare it with∣out indignation, as the most loud lie of some leaud lossell?

Neither is there any cause wherefore I should so curiously search, why Britaine, in that ancient * 1.162 Parodia against Ventidius Bassus, is named Insula Caeruli, considering that it is compassed round about with the Ocean, which the Poets call Caerulus, and Caerulum. Whereupon Claudian of Britaine, writeth thus:

—Cujus vestigîa verrit Caerulus— —Whose feet the Azure Sea Doth sweepe.—

I passe over to speake of Aristides, who named it The great, and the furthest Island. That it was called also Romania,* 1.163 Gildas after a sort doth intimate, who writeth, that subdued it was of the Romans so, as that the name of Roman servitude stuck to the soile there∣of: and by and by after, so as it might not be counted BRITANIA, but ROMANIA: and one or two pages after, speaking of the same, The Island, quoth he, keeping indeed the Roman name, but neither their custome nor law. And prosper Aquitanus in expresse words called it the Roman Island: heereto may bee referred also thus much, that when the Statutes of Tacitus and Florianus the Emperors were by lightning overthrowne, the Soothsayers answered out of their learning,* 1.164 that an Emperour should arise out of their family, who among other things was to set presidents over Taprobane, and to send a Proconsull to the Roman Island, which the learned understand of our Britaine, that was a Province * 1.165 Praesidiall, and never Proconsular, as afterwards wee will declare. But that sometime it was named Samothea of Samothes the sixth Sonne of Iaphet, be∣lieve it who that will, for me. Out of whose shop and forge this comes, I wote full well: even from Annius Viturbiensis forsooth, who under a goodly title, as the man∣ner is of craftie retailers, hath in the name of Berosus published, and thrust upon cre∣dulous persons his owne fictions, and vaine inventions.

But touching the name and originall of Britaine, the truth by reason of the divers and sundry wits of men is very doubtfull and wavering. In which point, that I may lawfully interpose mine owne conjecture, I will by way of Preface, beseech our Bri∣tains to speake and think favorably of me, that while they are desirous to learne, they would be willing to pardon, and not debarre me of that course, which Eliot, Leland, Lhuid, and the rest have taken. For if it was lawfull for Humfrey Lhuid a most lear∣ned Britain, without any prejudice at all to Brutus, (nay if hee were commended ra∣ther for it,) to derive the name of Britaine otherwise, than from Brutus; let it not bee imputed as a hainous offence unto me, who am unwilling to impugne the Storie of

Brutus, to deduce it from somewhat else, if I can. And that out of the very British tongue, and from nothing else, which as it is least mingled with other languages, and withall most ancient, so in this search it seemeth greatly to helpe and further us. For, ancient tongues are reputed passing necessarie, for the searching out of Originals▪ and Plato teacheth us, That the first names being through the long continuance of time growne out of use,* 1.166 are preserved in barbarous tongues, as being more ancient than others. And although those things so farre remote from all memory, are o∣ver-cast with such mists and darkenesse, that the truth seemes rather to bee wished than hoped for: yet for all that, will I doe my best to trace out the truth, and declare as briefly as I can, what my judgement is: not minding to put downe ought prejudi∣ciall to any man, but most willing, if any one shall bring more probable matter to welcome and embrace the same. For I affect and love the truth not in my selfe more than in another, and in whom soever I shall see it, I will most willingly and gladly entertaine it.

First, by the Readers good leave, I will take this for granted and proved, that an∣cient Nations in the beginning, had names of their owne: and that afterwards, from these, the Greeks and Latines, by wresting them to the analogie or proportion of their speech, imposed names upon regions and countreys: to speake more plainely, That people were knowne by their names, before regions and places, and that the said regions had their denominations of the people.

Who can deny that the names of the Jewes, Medes, Persians, Scythians, Almans French or Gauls, Betulians, Saxons, Englishmen, Scots, &c. were before Jewry, Media, Persia, Scythia, Alamaine, France or Gaule, Betulia, Saxonie, England, Scotland, &c. And who sees not, that these words sprang out of the other? Of the Sam••ites, Insubres and Belgae, we reade that Livie and Caesar first named the countreys them∣selves * 1.167 Samnitium, Insubrium, and Belgium.

Of the Franci in the time of Constantinus Maximus, as is to be seene in his coines, the place where they were seated took the name of Francia first: & from the Burgundi Si∣donius Appolinaris first framed Burgundie. In the same sort we must of necessitie think, that this our Island Britaine, tooke denomination from the Inhabitants, or from the Gaules their neighbours:* 1.168 That these first Inhabitants were called Brit or Brith, some things induce me to thinke: First and formost, that verse which goeth about, under the name of Sybilla:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Twixt Brits and Gaules their neighbours rich, in gold that much abound, The roaring Ocean Sea with bloud full filled shall resound.

Moreover, the authoritie of Martial, Juvenal and Ausonius. Procopius also, who nameth this Isle BRITTA. In like manner the old Inscriptions set up by the Britaines themselves, wherein are read, BRITO, BRITONES, BRITTUS. COH. BRITTON. ORDINIS BRITTON: and at Rome in the Church of Saint Mary the round NATI∣ONE BRITTO: as also in this which is seene at Amerbachium in Germanie, which I will put downe here underneath because it maketh mention of Triputium, a place in Britaine, not knowne.

NVMPHISO NO BRITTON TRIPVTIENO SVB CVRA MO VLPI MALCHI * 1.169 7. LEG. XXII PO PO FO.

* 1.170The Saxons also themselves called the Britans in their language 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Witi∣chindas the Saxon every where namedth the Britans Britae: so that the word BRIT is doubtlesse the primitive, from whence Brito is derived, and from whence the first glympse of light leading to the word Britaine, seemeth to appeare.

Considering now that Nations devised their names of that, wherein they either excelled others or were knowne from others: whether in regard of their first foun∣ders honour; as the Iönes of Javan, the Israelites of Israël, the Chananites of Chanaan the sonne of Cham: or whether in respect of their nature, conditions, and inclinati∣ons; as the Iberi, after the Hebrew Etymologie, because they were miners; the Hene∣ti, for that they were straglers; the Nomades, because they gave themselves to the breeding and feeding of Cattell; the Alemans or Germanes, for that they were estee∣med valiant men; the French or Frankners, for beeing free; the Pannonians, for wea∣ring coats with cloth-sleeves, as Dio conceiteth it: the Ethiopians of their black hue; and the Albanes, because they were borne with white haire: whereupon, (marke I pray you) as Solinus saith, The colour of the haire upon the head gave name unto a people: Seeing also that our countrey men, who were (by a name common to them and their neighbours) called Cimbri and Cumeri, had no marke whereby they might bee distin∣guished and knowne from the borderers, better than by that manner of theirs to paint their bodies: for the most sufficient Authors that be, as Caesar, Mela, Plinie, and the rest doe shew,* 1.171 that the Britaines coloured themselves with woade, called in Latine Glastum, (and Glass at this day with them signifieth Blew.) What if I should conjecture,* 1.172 that they were called Britans of their depainted bodies? For, whatsoever is thus painted and coloured, in their ancient countrey speech, they call Brith. Nei∣ther is there cause why any man should thinke this Etymologie of Britaines to be harsh and absurd; seeing the very words sound alike, and the name also as an expresse image representeth the thing, which in Etymologies are chiefly required. For Brith and Brit, doe passing well accord: and that word Brith among the Britans, implieth that which the Britans were indeed, to wit, painted, depainted, died, and coloured, as the La∣tine Poets describe them;* 1.173 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, having their backs pide, or medly colou∣red, as Oppianus termeth them.

Neither will it be impertinent, (as small a matter as it is) to note here, that as I have observed, in the names, of well neere all the most ancient Britaines, there appeareth some signification of a colour:* 1.174 which no doubt, arose from this kind of painting. The red colour is of the Britaines called Coch and Goch, which in my judgement lieth couched in these names, Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, and Segonax. The same Britaines call the blacke colour, Dû, which after a sort sheweth it selfe in Mandubratius, Cartimandua, Togodumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The white colour is with them named Gwin, the very prints, as it were, and expresse tokens of which word, me thinkes I see in Venutius and Immanuentius. Gwellw among them signifieth that, which Color aqueu•• among the Latines doth, that is to say, a wan or waterish colour: and this appeareth evidently in the names of Vellocatus, Caruillius and Suella. Glass in the British tongue, is as much as Blew, which is seene in the name of King Cuniglasus. For Gildas inter∣preteth it to be all one with Fulvus, or as some copies have Furvus Lani••, that is, a Lion tawnie, or coale blacke Butcher. Aure, which betokeneth a faire yellow or golden colour, bewraieth it selfe in Cungetorius and Arviragus. A lively and gallant colour is with them called Teg, which maketh some little shew in Prasutagus and Ca∣rattacus. But if we be perswaded, that the Britans borrowed the names of mingled colours, together with the very simple colours themselves of the Romans; for cer∣taine it is that they tooke from the Romans, Werith, for Viridis, that is, Greene: Me∣lin, for Melinus, that is a Quince yellow colour: then if I thinke that there lyeth close some note of the colour Prasinus, that is, Leeke-blade greene, in Prasutagus; and of the red vermillon or Sinopre colour, called of the Latins Minium, in the name of Acli∣minius, King Cinobelinus his sonne, no man I hope will stand against mee. Moreover Rufina, that most learned British Lady, tooke that name of the colour Rufus, that is, sad r••d: like as Albane the first martyr in Britaine of Albus, that is, White. And if

any one that is skilfull in the old British tongue, would examine the rest of British names, which in the ancient Writers are not past foure or five more in all, wee may well suppose, that he shall find in those names, as few as they be, some signification of a colour. Neither must we omit this observation, that the commonest names at this day among the Britans,* 1.175 Gwin, Du, Goch, Lhuid, were imposed upon them, from the white, blacke, red, russet, or tawny colour. So that now it may bee thought no such wonder, that the whole nation it selfe, drew the denomination from painting: considering verily, that they in generall painted themselves: and the very Inhabi∣tants, both in times past, and also in these our daies imposed upon themselves their names, of Colours. But now to the matter, if haply, all this hath beene beside the matter.

This also is certaine, that in stories a Britaine is called in the British tongue Brithon. I care not for the note of aspiration, seeing that the Britaines (who, as Chrysostome saith,* 1.176 had a hissing or lisping pronuntiation) delight in aspirations, which the Latines have carefully avoided. Now, as Brito came of Brith, so did Britannia also in my opi∣nion. Britannia, saith Isidore, tooke that name from a word of the owne nation. For what time as the most ancient Greeks (and these were they that first gave the Island that name) sailing still along the shore, as Eratosthenes saith, either as rovers, or as mer∣chants, travailed unto nations most remote and disjoyned farre asunder, and learned either from the Inhabitants themselves, or else of the Gaules, who spake the same tongue,* 1.177 that this nation was called Brith, and Brithon; then they unto the word BRITH added TANIA: which, as we find in the Greek Glossaries, betokeneth in Greek, a re∣gion: and thereof they made a compound name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the Britons-land, for which they have written false, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: But Lucretius and Caesar, the first Latines that made mention thereof, more truely Britannia. That this is so, I doe the more firmely believe, because that besides our Britaine, a man shall not find, over the face of the whole earth above three countries of any account and largenesse, which end in the termination TANIA: and those verily lying in this west part of the world, namely, MAVRITANIA, LVSITANIA, and AQVITANIA. Which names, I doubt not but the Greeks made and delivered to the Latines, as who first discovered and surveied these lands. For, of Mauri they framed Mauritania, as one would say, the countrey of the Mauri, which the home-bred people of that land, as Strabo witnesseth, called Numi∣dia: of Lusus the sonne of * 1.178 Liber, Lusitania, as it were, the land of Lusius: and Aquita∣nia, perhaps ab aquis, that is, of waters, as Ivo Carnotensis is of opinion, being a region seated upon waters: in which sense, as Plinie writeth, it was before time named Ar∣morica, that is, coasting upon the sea. As for Turditania and Bastitania, names of smaller countries, they may hereto also be reduced, which likewise were in this we∣sterne tract, to wit, in Spaine, and may seeme to signifie as much as the regions of the Turdi and the Basti. Neither is it a strange and new thing, that a denomination should be compounded,* 1.179 of a forrein and a Greek word, put together. Names are compounded, saith Quintilian, either of our own, that is, Latine, and of a strange word put together, as Biclinium, that is, a roome with two beds or two tables: and contrariwise, as Epito∣gium, that is, a garment worne upon a gowne; Anticato, that is, a book written against Cato: or of two forrein words joyned in one, as Epirrhedium, a kind of wagon. And this maner of composition is most usuall in the names of countries. Came not Ireland by composition of the Irish word Erin, and the English word Land? Did not Angle∣terre, that is, England, grow together of an English and of a French word? and did not Franclond (for so our Saxons named Francia or France) proceed from a French and Saxon word? Came not Poleland likewise from a Polonian word, which among them betokeneth a plaine, and a Germane? Lastly, was not Danmarch compounded of a Danish word, and the Duch March, which signifieth a bound or limit? But in so plaine and evident a matter I will not use any more words. Neither have we cause to wonder at this Greeke addition TANIA, seeing that S. Hierome in his questions upon Genesis, proveth out of most ancient authors, that the Greeks inhabited along the sea coasts and Isles of Europe throughout, as far as to this our Island. Let us read, saith

he, Varroes bookes of Antiquities, and those of Sisinius Capito, as also the Greeke writer Phlegon, with the rest of the great learned men, and we shall see, all the Islands well neere and all the sea coasts of the whole world, yea and the lands neere unto the sea, to have beene taken up with Greeke Inhabitants, who, as I said before, from the mountaines Amanus and Taurus even to the British Ocean, possessed all the parts along the sea side.

* 1.180And verily, that the Greeks arrived in this our region, viewed and considered well the scite and nature thereof, there will be no doubt and question made; if we observe what Athenaeus hath written concerning Phileas Taurominites (of whom more a∣non) who was in Britaine in the clx. yeare before Caesars comming: if we call to re∣membrance the Altar with an Inscription, Vnto Vlysses, in Greek letters; and lastly, if we marke what Pytheas before the time of the Romans time, hath delivered in wri∣ting as touching the distance of Thule from Britaine. For who had ever discovered unto the Greeks, Britaine, Thule, the * 1.181 Belgicke countries, and their sea coasts especi∣ally, if the Greeks ships had not entred the British and German Ocean, yea and rela∣ted the description thereof unto their Geographers? Had Pytheas, thinke you, come to the knowledge of sixe daies sailing beyond Britaine, unlesse some of the Greeks had shewed the same? Who ever told them of Scandia, Burgos, and Nerigon, out of which men may saile into Thule? And these names seeme to have been better knowne unto the most ancient Greeks, than either to Plinie or to any Roman. Whereupon Mela testifieth, That Thule was much mentioned and renowned in Greek letters: and Plinie likewise writeth thus; Britaine an Island famous in the monuments and records both of the Greeks and of us. By this meanes therefore, so many Greek words have crept into the British, French, & withall, into the Belgicke or low-Dutch language. And if Lazarus Bayfius,* 1.182 and Budaeus, do make their vant and glory in this, that their Frenchmen have beene of old 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Lovers and Studious of the Greekes, grounding their reason upon few (French) words of that Idiome, which retaine some markes and tokens of the Greek tongue: if Hadrian Junius joyeth no lesse, because in the Belgicke words there ly covertly Greek Etymologies: then may the Britaines make their boast, in whose language many words there be derived from the Greeks. Howbeit, Sir Thomas Smith Knight,* 1.183 sometime Secretary to Queene Elizabeth, a man most learned every way, thinketh verily, that this hapned thereupon, for that when all Europe besides was much troubled and shaken with wars, very many of the Greeks flocked hither for refuge, as it were into a sanctuary.

Thus have you, as touching the Originall and name of Britaine mine error or con∣iecture, whether you wil, which if it swerve from the truth, I wish it were by the truth it selfe reformed. In this intricate and obscure study of antiquitie, it is thought praise-worthy, somewhat to erre: and remember we should withall, that such things as at the first sight being slightly thought upon are deemed false, after a better review and further consideration oftentimes seeme true. Now if any man should summon me to appeare before the Tribunall of Verity, I have no other answer at all to make. And as for our countrimen the Britans, such as be of the learneder sort, I doe most earnestly beseech and desire them to employ all their labour, industry, wit, and understanding in the searching out hereof, so lgog, untill at last, the truth with her owne cleare bright beames, may scatter and dissolve all mists of conjectures whatsoever.

THE MANERS AND CVSTOMES OF THE BRITAINES.

AS concerning the Britaines, what Acts at the first they exploited▪ what forme of common-wealth they used, after what orders and lawes they lived, M. Daniel Rogers, a very good man, excel∣lently well learned, and my especiall friend, promised in his wri∣tings to informe us: but for that he beeing cut off by untimelie death,* 1.184 hath performed nothing, take here these few notes as touching their ancient maners and customes collected word for word out of ancient authors.

Caesar. The Britans use for their money, brazen pieces, or * 1.185 rings of iron duly weighed and tried to a certaine just poize. To taste of hare, hen, and goose, they thinke it unlawfull: howbeit, these they keepe for their delight and pleasure. Of them all, these are most civill and curteous by far, that dwell in Kent, which is a country altogether lying upon the sea coast: neither doe these Inhabitants differ much in custome from the Gaules. The Inlanders for the most part sow no corne, but live of milke and flesh; and clad themselves in skins. But the Britans all in generall depaint themselves with * 1.186 wood, that maketh a blew colour; and hereby they are the more terrible to their enemies in fight. The haire of their heads they weare long, and shave all parts of the body, saving the head and upper lip. Ten or twelve of them together use their wives in common, and especially brethren partake with brethren, and parents with their children: but looke what children they beare, theirs they are repu∣ted who first married them virgins. In battell for the most part, they were wont to em∣ploy their chariotiers. First these ride about into all parts of the battell, and fling darts:* 1.187 and with the very fearefull sight of horse, and with the ratling noise of the wheeles, they doe most part breake the rankes and put them in disarray, and when they have once wound themselves within the troopes of the horsemen, they alight from their chariots, and fight on foot. The chariot-guiders in the meane time depart a little out of the medly, and bestow themselves so, that if the other be overcharged with the multitude of enemies, they may readily and without let retyre in safetie. Thus in their battels, they performe the nimble mo∣tion of horsemen, and steadinesse of footmen: by daily practise and experience so ready in their service, that they were wont to stay in the declivity of a steepe hill their horses be∣ing in their full carriere, quickly turne short and moderate their pace, runne along the spire∣pole and beame of the chariot, rest upon the yoke of and harnesse of their steeds, and from thence leape againe into the chariots most speedily at their pleasure. These chariotiers would retire also many times of purpose, and when they had trained and drawne our men a little way off from their legions, dismount from their chariots and encounter them on foot, having thereby the vantage of them in flight.* 1.188 Furthermore, they never fought thicke and close together, but thinne and with great distance betweene, having set stations or wards of purpose, so as one might succour another, receiving the wearied, and putting forth new and fresh supplies.

Strabo. The Britans be taller of stature than the Gauls: their haire not so yellow, nor their bodies so well knit and firme. For proofe of their talenesse, I saw my selfe at Rome very youths and springals, higher by halfe a foote than the tallest man. Mary, they had but bad feet to support them. As for all other lineaments of the body, they shewed good making and proportionable feature. For disposition of nature they partly resemble the Gauls: partly they be more plaine, more rude and barbarous; insomuch that some of them for want of skill, can make no cheeses, albeit they have plenty of milke: others againe, are altogether ignorant in gardening and planting of orchyards, yea and in other points of husbandry. Many Lords and Potentates they have among them. In their warres they use a number of chariots, like as some of the Gauls. Woods stand them in stead of Cities and townes: for when they have by felling of trees, mounded and fensed therewith a spacious round plot of ground, there they build for themselves halles and cottages, and for their cattell set up stals and folds: but those verily for the present use, and not to serve long.

Caesar likewise. A towne, the Britaines call some thicke wood, which they have enclosed and fortified with a ditch and rampier, and made for a place of refuge and retrait, to avoid the incursions of the borderers.

Diodorus Siculus. The Britans live after the manner of the old world. They use chari∣ots in fight, as the report goes of the ancient Greeks at the Trojane war. Their houses are for the most part of reed or wood. Their corne they inne and house with eare and all: threshing out thereof from band to mouth as their need requires. Faire conditioned people they are, plaine and of upright dealing, far from the subtiltie and craft of our men. Their food where∣upon they live is simple, and nothing daintie nor like the full fare of rich men. Their Island is replenished with people.

Pomponius Mela. Britaine bringeth forth nations and Kings of Nations, but they be all uncivill, and the farther they are from the continent, the lesse acquainted they be with other

kind of riches: onely in catell and lands they be wealthy. Their bodies are died with wo••d, whether it bee for to make a gallant shew, or for what else, it is uncertaine. They pick quarel, of warre at their pleasure to satisfie their owne wills, and so oftentimes molest one another: but principally upon an ambitious desire of rule and soveraigntie,* 1.189 and an encroaching mind they have to enlarge their owne possessions. Their fight is not only with horse or footmen, but also with wagons and chariots harnessed and armed after the Gaul-like manner, such as they call Covinos: and in those they use axeltrees armed at both ends with hookes and sithes.

Cornelius Tacitus. The Britans neerest unto * 1.190 Gallia resemble likewise the Gaules▪ either because they retaine still somewhat of the race from which they descended, or that in countries butting one against another the same aspects of the heavens doe yield the same complexion of bodies, But generally, if a man consider all, it is most likely, the Gaules which lay neerest peopled the land unto them. In their ceremonies and superstitious perswation, there is to bee seene an apparant conformitie: The language differeth not much: Like bold∣nesse to challenge and set into dangers: when dangers are come, like feare in refusing: Sa∣ving that the Britans make more shew of courage, as beeing not mollified yet with long peace. For the Gaules also were once, as we read, redoubted in war, till such time as giving them∣selves over to ease and idlenesse, cowardise crept in, and shipwrack was made both of man∣hood and libertie together. And so is it also befallen to those of the Britans which were sub∣dued of old: The rest remaine such as the Gaules were before. Their strength in the field consisteth of footmen. Yet some countries there, make war in wagons also. The greater per∣sonage guideth the wagon, his waiters and followers fight out of the same. Heretofore they were governed by Kings, now they are drawne by petty Princes into Partialities and Facti∣ons: and this is the greatest helpe wee Romans have, against those puissant Nations, that they have no common counsell. Seldome it chanceth that two or three States meete together and concur to repulse the common danger: So, whilst one by one fighteth, all are subdued.

In another place. An usuall manner it was with the Britans to seeke for the direction of the Gods, by looking into the inwards of beasts: and to make warre under the conduct of women; neither mattereth it whether sex beare rule over them. Whereupon learned men thinke Aristotle spake of the Britaines, where he writeth, That certaine warlike nations beyond the Celtes,* 1.191 were subject to the government of women.

Dio Nicaeus, out of the Epitome of Xiphilinus, as touching the Britans in the North part of the Island. They till no ground: They live upon prey, venison and fruits. For of fish, although there is exceeding great plenty thereof, they will not taste: their abode is in tents, naked and unshod: Wives they use in common, and the children borne of them they all doe foster among them: the Comminaltie for the most part doth governe: most willing they bee to practise robbing. In warre, their service is out of Chariots: the horses they have be little and swift of pace: their footmen runne most speedily: whiles they stand, they bee strongest: the armour and weapons that they use, are a shield and short speare, in the nea∣ther part whereof, there hangeth a round bell of brasse like an apple, that when it is shaken, they might with the sound terrifie and maskre the enemies: they have daggers also. But principally, they can endure hunger, cold, and any labour whatsoever. For, sticking fast in the bogs up to the head many daies together, they will live without food; and within the woods they feed upon the barks and roots of trees. A certaine kind of meat they provide ready for all occasions, whereof if they take but the quantitie of a Beane, they are not wont ei∣ther to be hungrie or thirstie.

Herodian. They know no vse at all of garments, but about their belly onely and necke, they weare yron; supposing that to be a goodly ornament, and a proofe of their wealth, like as all other Barbarians esteeme of gold. For why? their very bare bodies they marke with sundry pictures, representing all manner of living creatures; and therefore it is verily, that they will not be clad, for hiding (forsooth) that painting of their bodies, Now they are a most warlike nation, and very greedy of slaughter, content to bee armed onely with a narrow shield and a speare, with a sword besides hanging downe by their na∣ked bodies. Vnskilfull altogether how to use either corslet or helmet, supposing the same to be an hinderance unto them, as they passe over the bogs and marish grounds:

through the hot vapours arising, from whence the skie and aire is there most part foggie.

The rest of the particulars,* 1.192 which are very few, I will lightly gather, and crop here and there. Plinie writing of Magicke: But what should I (quoth he) rehearse these things, in an art that hath passed over the Ocean also, so far, as beyond which, nothing is to be disco∣vered but aire and water? And even at this day verily, it is in Britaine highly honoured, where the people are so wholly devoted unto it, and that with all compliments of ceremonies, as a man would thinke the Persian learned all their Magicke from them.

The same Plinie▪* 1.193 There groweth an hearbe in Gaule like unto Plantine, named Glastum, that is, Woad, with the juce whereof, the women of Britaine, as well married wives, as their young daughters annoint and die their bodies all over; resembling by that tincture the co∣lour of Aethiopians, in which manner they use at some solemne feasts and sacrifices to goe all naked.* 1.194 Againe, Their is not a daintier dish of meate known in Britain, than are the Chene∣rotes, fowles lesse than wild geese. Also, The Britaines w••re rings on their middle finger. Likewise, The Britaines manured their grounds with Marle in stead of dung.

That they inammelled or branded themselves (as it were) with certain marks which Tertullian termeth Britannorum stigmata,* 1.195 that is, The Britans marks, Solinus sheweth: The Countrey (saith he) is partly peopled with Barbarians, who by the meanes of artificiall incisions of sundry formes, have from their childhood divers shapes of beasts incorporate up∣on them: and thus having these their markes deepely imprinted within their bodies, looke how a man groweth more and more, so doe these pictured characters likewise waxe. Nei∣ther doe these savage Nations repute any thing to signifie their patience, more than by such durable skars to cause their limbs to drinke in much painting and colour.

Dio.* 1.196 The Britaines worshipped as their Goddesses, Andate, that is, Victorie and Adraste.

Caesar and Lucan.* 1.197 Ships they had, of which the Keeles, the footstocks also, or upright standards were made of light timber: the rest of the body framed of windings and Oyster was covered over with leather.

Solinus. How long soever they held on their course under sayle, so long the Saylors for∣bare to eat. They used a drinke made of barley: and so doe wee at this day, as Diosco∣rides writeth,* 1.198 who nameth Curmi wrong for Kwrw, for so the Britaines call that, which we terme Ale.

Many of them together had but one wife among them, as Eusebius recordeth in Evan∣gelica Praeparatione 6.

Plutarch reporteth, That they lived one hundred and twenty yeares, for that the cold and frozen countrey wherein they dwelt, kept in their naturall heat.

But what those ancient times of cruell Tyrants were,* 1.199 whereof Gildas writeth, I know not, unlesse he meaneth them that in this countrey tooke upon them the sway of government against the Romans, and were at that time called Tyrants: for soone after, he addeth thus much out of S. Hierome: Porphyrie raging in the East-parts as a mad dog against the Church, annexed thus much to his furious and vaine stile: Britaine (saith he) a Province plentifull of tyrants. Neither will I speake of their ancient religion, which is not verily to be counted religion,* 1.200 but a most lamentable and confused Chaos of Su∣perstitions: For when Satan had drowned the true doctrine in thicke mists of darke∣nesse, The ugly spectres of Britaine (saith that Gildas) were meere Diabolicall, exceeding well neere in number those of Egypt: whereof some we doe see within or without desert walles, with deformed lineaments still, carrying sterne and grim lookes after their wonted manner.

But, whereas it is gathered, that the Britaines were together with Hercules at the rape of Hesione, and that, out of these verses which they take to bee made by Corne∣lius Nepos, whiles he describeth the marriage of Telamon and Hesione:

—Et in aurea pocula fusi Invitant sese pateris plebs mista, Britanni. Mid cups of gold, a medly sort thus lying all along, Boll after Boll quaft lustily, and Britans them among.

That is altogether poeticall, and I can cleerely by good evidences, as it were, un∣der hand and seale prove, that the author thereof, was not, as the Germans would have it, Cornelius Nepos, but one Ioseph of Excester: who hath made mention of our King Henrie the second, and Thomas, Archbishop of Canterburie.

* 1.201Whether Ulysses entred thus farre, whose arrivall in Caledonia, a certaine altar engraven with Greeke letters, as Solinus saith, hath testified, Brodaeus maketh doubt: and I would judge, that erected it was rather in the honour of Ulysses, than by Ulys∣ses himselfe: although they avouch Ulysses to bee the very same Elizza, that was Japhets sonne. For, apparant it is out of Histories, and alreadie I have said as much, that the most ancient Greeks undertooke long voyages by sea and land: no marvell then it ought to seeme, if their be also some names and monuments of theirs found in divers places. And often times they derived those names, not so much from their owne denominations, as from Worthies, who were held in as much reverence, if not more, among them, as were either Confessors or Martyrs among Christians. Like as therefore the names of Saint John, Saint Dominicke, Saint Francis, and infinite other Saints departed, are imposed upon new-found places, so also that it hapned time out of mind with the Greeks, who will denie? but who among all the worthies, made either more wandring voyages, or of longer continuance at Sea, than did Vlysses? No marvell then, if Sailers made vowes very often unto him above all others; and unto those places where they arrived and landed, did consecrate according to their vowes, names from him. Thus * 1.202 Vlyssippo upon the mouth of the river Tagus tooke the name: and thus elsewhere other monuments of Vlisses, Laertes and their com∣panions; which are not properly to be referred unto Vlysses as the founder: but wee must think, that by the Greeks who discovered strange and forraine coasts, they were dedicated in the honour of that Worthy, who of all others had travelled and seene most.

Whereas John Tzetzes in his Treatise intituled, Varietie of Stories, hath written, that our British Kings bestowed upon that renowned Cato the elder, who had per∣petuall conflict with the manners of the Roman people, certaine presents for his ver∣tues sake; let him make good and save his owne credit himselfe: yet thus much all the world knoweth, how that Writer is full fraught with fables.

Neither would I have you believe, that Alexander the Great came out of the East Indies, to Gades, and so forward to Britaine, howsoever Cedrenus, maugre all other Historiographers,* 1.203 writeth thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: that is, And from thence being come unto Phasis, Gades, and the British nation, and having furnished himselfe with a thousand hulkes &c. Of the same stampe is that also which Trithemius reporteth out of Hunnibald, that King Bassianus put away his wife, the King of the Orkneys daughter, in the 284. yeare be∣fore the birth of Christ, and thereupon he with the aid of the Britaines Kings, made warre upon Bassianus.

* 1.204Nor let any man thinke that Hanniball ever warred in Britaine, because wee read thus in Polybius in the Eclogues of his tenth Booke 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thus much in briefe; now that Hanniball was enclosed within the streights of Britaine.

For the place is corrupt, and for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it should bee read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is in Dio, booke 42. For in both places there is a speech of the Brutii in Italie. And yet I may not deny, but that about this time the Greeks came to our Island. For, Atheraeus in descri∣bing out of Moschion a most ancient author,* 1.205 that ship of Hiero, at the hugenesse and workemanship whereof all men wondred, reporteth, that the maine mast thereof was with much adoe found by a certaine swineheard in the mountaines of Britaine, and by Phileas Taurominites the Mechanick conveied into Sicilie. But I feare, lest the Criticks judge that the true reading here also should bee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and like∣wise understand it of the Brutian mountaine in Italy.* 1.206

But it seemeth, that the Britaines were entermingled with the Cimbri and the Gaules in those expeditions which were made into Italy and Greece. For, besides

the name common to them both, it is recorded in a most ancient British Booke enti∣tuled Triadum,* 1.207 wherein mention is made of three mightie hosts leavied from among the Britans, That a certaine forrain captaine leavied a marvellous puissant army from hence, which having wasted a great part of Europe, at the last sat him downe and a∣bode hard by the Greekish sea (meaning perhaps Gallatia).* 1.208 That Brennus a King so famous in Greek and Latine writers both, was a Britan, there be that thinke they can easily prove. For mine owne part, thus much onely I know, that his name is not yet growne out of use with the Britans,* 1.209 who in their language call a King Brennin, whe∣ther in honorable memory of him I dare not determine. Certes, that Britomarus the militare captaine among them,* 1.210 of whom Florus and Appian speake, was a Britan, the verae name doth evince, which signifieth as much, as A great Britan. Neither will I wrey to my purpose for to make the said Brennus a Britan borne, that place of Stra∣bo, wherein he writeth, That Brennus was by birth a Prausian. Ne yet dare I (where∣as Ottho Frisingensis writeth,* 1.211 That the Briones, a generation of the Cimbri, seated themselves at the head of the river Dravus,) change Briones into Britones. And yet what dare not our Criticks doe now adaies?

But yet truely, to speake my mind once for all: As the Romans for all they grew to that greatnesse above others, were not for a long time knowne, either to Herodo∣tus or to the Greeks; the Gaules also and the Spaniards for many yeares utterly un∣knowne to the old Historiographers:* 1.212 so, of this mind I have alwaies beene, that late it was ere the Greeks and Romans heard of the Britans name. For, that little booke, Of the World, which commonly goeth abroad under the name of Aristotle, and ma∣keth mention of the Britans, of Albion and Hierne, is not so ancient as the time wher∣in Aristotle lived, but of later daies by far, as the best learned men have judged. Po∣lybius verily, the famous Historian, who accompanying that noble Scipio travelled over a great part of Europe ccclxx. yeares or there about before Christs nativitie, is the ancient author, as far as I remember, that mentioneth the Britan Isles, where hee writeth:* 1.213 Of the utmost Ocean, the Britan Isles, the plenty of tynne, gold and silver in Spaine, old writers with different opinions, have reported much. But they seeme to have beene little more than by name may bee gathered by this hee writeth before in the same booke. Whatsoever, saith he, betweene Tanis and Narbo bendeth Northward, to this day there is no man knoweth: and whoever they be, that either speake or write any thing there∣of, they doe but dreame. And no lesse may they seeme to do in these daies, who in a pro∣digall humour of credulitie are perswaded, that Himilco beeing commanded by the State of Carthage to discover the Westerne sea-coast of Europe, entred into this Isle many yeares before that time, seeing we have no records of the said navigation, but onely a verse or two in Festus Avienus. But why it was so late ere Britaine was knowne, the reason may seeme to be, partly the scite of the Island so remote and dis∣joyned from the continent: and in part, for that those old Britans, then barbarous as all other people in these parts, and living close to themselves, had no great commerce and traffique with other nations. And surely in this point Dio is of the same opinion. The ancientest, saith he, as well of Greeks as Romans knew not for certaine so much as that there was any Britaine at all: and those of later times after them, made question whether it were the maine or an Island: and much writing there was pro & contrà of both opinions, by those who verily had no assured knowledge thereof (as who had neither seene the countrey nor learned of the native Inhabitants of what nature it was) but relied onely upon bare con∣jecture every one according to his time and diligence emploied that way. But the first La∣tine writer to my knowledge, that made mention of Britaine, was Lucretius in these verses concerning the difference of aire:

Nam quid Britannum caelum differre putamus, Et quod in Aegypto est, quà mundi claudicat axis? For aire, what difference is there in Britaine Isle thinke we, And Aegypt land, where Artick pole to stoupe men plainly see?

Now that Lucretius lived but a little before Caesar, no man denieth: at what time we are taught out of Caesar himselfe, that Divitiacus King of the * 1.214 Soissons, and the

most mightie Prince of all Gaule governed Britaine. But this is to bee understood of maritime coasts. For Caesar himselfe witnesseth, that no part of Britaine, save onely the sea-side, and those countreys which lie against Gaule, was knowne unto the Gauls. Howbeit, Diodorus Siculus writeth, that Britaine had experience of no for∣reiners rule: for neither * 1.215 Dionysius, nor Hercules, nor any other Worthy or Demigod have we heard to have attempted war upon that people. Now Caesar, who for his no∣ble Acts is called Divus, was the first that subdued the Britans, and forced them to pay a certaine tribute.

* 1.216From this time and no further off, must the writer of our Historie fetch his begin∣ning, of his worke, if he throughly weigh with judgement what the learned Varro hath in times past written, and my selfe already heretofore signified: Namely, that there bee of times three differences:* 1.217 the first from the creation of man unto the Floud or Deluge, which for the ignorance of those daies is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is Ob∣scure & uncertaine:* 1.218 the second from the Floud to the first Olympias, (being 3189. years after the Creation, and 774. before Christ) which in regard of many fabulous narrati∣ons reported in that time,* 1.219 is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Fabulous: the third from the first Olympias unto our daies,* 1.220 and that is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Historicall, be∣cause the Acts therein done, are contained in true Histories. And yet I am not igno∣rant, that albeit the learned nations (setting aside the Hebrews) have attained to the knowledge of nothing before this age, yet the British History of Geffrey, tooke be∣ginning three hundred and thirtie yeares before the first Olympias, being a very rude and ignorant age in these parts, which he called Fabulous. And even from hence, for feare least the ground-worke being ill laid, the rest of the building would goe on no better, because both the present place seemeth to require it, and also from it the chiefe light may arise to the traine of the narration ensuing; let mee summarily gathering matter heere and there briefly deliver the acts of the Romans in Britaine, not out of feined fables, which were vanitie to recite, and meere folly to beleeve, but out of the incorrupt and ancient monuments: wherein, I will not intercept matter of glory and commendation from them, who shall take in hand to pursue this argument in more ample manner.

ROMANS IN BRITAINE.

WHen Fortitude and Fortune were so agreed, or Gods appoint∣ment rather had thus decreed,* 1.221 that Rome should subdue all the earth, Caius Julius Caesar, having now by conquests over-run * 1.222 Gaule, to the end, that by a successive traine of victories at∣chieved both by land and sea,* 1.223 he might joyne those Lands to∣gether which nature had severed, (as if the Roman world would not suffice) cast an eye unto the Ocean; and in the foure and fiftieth yeare before the incarnation of Christ, endeavou∣red to make a journey into Britaine; either for that in all his Gaulish warre, there came under-hand aid from thence, or because the Britaines had received the * 1.224 Bellovaci that were runne from him, or as Suetonius writeth, allured with hope of the British pearles, the bignesse and weight whereof hee was wont to peize and trie by his hand; or rather upon an ardent de••ire of glorie: which wee must most easily believe, consi∣dering that he rejected the Embassadors of the Britaines, who having intelligence of his designement, repaired unto him, and promised to put in hostages, and to become obedient to the Roman Empire.

But his entrance into the Island, I wil compendiously set down, even in his own very words: Considering the coasts, ports, and landing places of Britaine, were not well knowne unto Caesar, he sent C. Volusenus before with a galley, to discover what he might; who, ha∣ving taken what view of the countrey hee could in five daies space, returned. In the meane time, the resolution of Caesar being made knowne unto the Britans by merchants, many par∣ticular States sent their Embassadours to him into Gallia, promising both to put in pledges,

and also to submit themselves unto the Roman Empire. Having then exhorted these to con∣tinue in that mind still, he sent them home backe againe, and together with them Comius of * 1.225 Arras, a man in those countreys of great authoritie, (for the * 1.226 Attrebates had before time departed out of Gaule, and planted themselves there) to perswade the said Cities vnd States to accept of the friendship and protection of the people of Rome. No sooner was hee set a shore, but the Britaines cast him into prison and hung irons upon him. Meane while, Cae∣sar having gotten together and put in readinesse about fourescore ships of burden, for the transporting of two Legions, and eighteene others besides, which hee appointed for the horsemen, put out to sea from the countrey of the * 1.227 Morini at the third watch, and a∣bout the fourth houre of the day arrived upon the coast, at an unfit landing place: For the hilles lay so steepe over the sea, that from the higher ground a dart or javelin might easily be cast vpon the shore beneath. Having therefore at one time both wind and tide with him, hee weighed anchor, and sailed eight miles from that place unto a plaine and open shore, and there hee rid at anchor. But the Britaines perceiving the Romans determination, sent their horse and chariots before, and there kept the Romans from landing. Here the Romans were exceeding much distressed; For, the ships were so great, that they could not ride neere unto the shore, where the sea was ebbe: the souldiers in strange and unknowne places, being loden with heavie armour, were at one instant to leape downe of necessitie from those tall ships, withall to stand amid the very billowes, and to fight with their enemies: whereas con∣trariwise the Britaines were perfect in the knowledge of those places, lightly appointed, as having all parts of their bodies at libertie, fought either from the dry shore where they had sure footing, or wading not farre into the water. Hereupon the Romans being terrified, beha∣ved not themselves with the like courage and alacritie as before time. But after that Caesar had caused the Gallies to be remooved from those hulkes, to bee rowed and laid a∣gainst the open side of the Britaines, and so from thence the enemie to be beaten backe, and displaced with slings, ordinance, and shot of arrowes; the Britans being troubled with the strange forme of those Gallies, the stirring of the Oares, and the unusuall kind of their en∣gines, reculed. Then the Eagle-bearer of the tenth Legion, earnestly beseeching the Gods, that it might fall out happily for the Legion: Leape downe, quoth he, my fellow souldiers, un∣lesse ye will forsake your standerd and betray it into the enemies hands: For mine owne part, I will bee sure to doe my devoir both to the common-weale and also to my Generall: so forth∣with hee cast himselfe into the sea, and began to advance the * 1.228 Eagle against the enemie: then, all the rest followed hard at his heeles (But if we believe * 1.229 Julian, Caesar himselfe was the first that came downe from his ship). The fight on both parts was very eager. But the Romans encombred with their heavie armor and weapons, tossed with the waves, not able to get any firme footing, and put out of array, were wonderfully troubled; untill such time as Caesar had caused the ship-boats, pinnaces and smaller vessels to bee manned with souldiers; and when he saw need of helpe sent them to rescue such as were over∣charged. As soone as the Romans got footing on the dry land, they made head together, charged the Britaines and put them to flight: but they were not able to follow them in chace, for want of the horsemen, that were not arrived in the Island. The Britaines beeing over∣throwne in battell, presently dispatched Embassadors unto Caesar to treat of peace, and together with them the foresaid Comius of Arras, whom they had detained bound in pri∣son: and withall, laid the fault upon the multitude, and excused all by their owne ignorance. Caesar soone pardoned them, and commanded hostages to be delivered unto him: which they presently performed in part, and gave their word to bring in the rest. Thus was peace conclu∣ded foure daies after that Caesar was landed in Britaine.

At the same time, those eighteene ships which transported the horsemen, approching so neare the coast of Britanny that they were within view, by reason of a suddaine tempest that arose, were cast upon the west part of the Island: from whence with much adoe they reco∣vered the continent of France. In the same night also it hapned, that the Moone being in the full, and the tides very high; both the Gallies which were drawne up to the shore, were filled with the tide, and the ships of burden also that lay at anchor, so shaken with the tem∣pest, that they became altogether unserviceable. This beeing knowne to the Princes of Bri∣taine, when they understood also, that the Romans now wanted horsemen, shipping, and

provision of corne, they rebelled and resolved to cut off their provision of graine. Caesar suspecting that which fell out indeed, brought corne daily out of the fields into his campe, and with the timber and other stuffe of those twelve ships which were most weather beaten and dismembred, repaired the rest. While these things were in action, the seventh Legion, being sent out to fetch in corne, and busie in reaping▪ the Britains suddenly set upon, and so with their horsemen and chariots all at once, encompassed them round about.

* 1.230The manner of their fight from out of these chariots, is thus, as I related a little before: First, they ride up and downe into all parts, and cast their darts; and with the very terrour of the horses, and ratling of the wheeles, often times disorder the rankes, and when they have wound themselves betweene any troups of horsemen, they forsake their chariots, and fight on foot. In the meane time the guiders of the chariots, drive a little a side out of the bat∣tell, and place their chariots so, as that if the other chance to bee overcharged with the multi∣tude of enemies, they might have an easie passage unto them againe. Thus they performed in all their fights the nimble motion of horsemen, and the firme stabilitie of footmen: so ready with daily practise & exercise, that in the declivity of a steepe hill, they could stay their horses in the very full cariere, quickly turn short, & moderate their pace, run along the beame or spire of the Chariot, stand upon the yoke and harnesse of the horses, yea, and from thence whip in a trice into their chariots again. But by the cōming of Caesar to rescue them in so good time, the Romans took heart afresh, and the Britans stood still, who having conceived good hope to free themselves for ever, presuming upon the small number of the Roman forces, together with the scarcitie of corne among them, had assembled a great power, and were come to the campe of Caesar. But he received them even before the campe with a battell, put them to rout, slew many of them, and burnt their houses far and neare. The same day came messengers from the Britans to Caesar, intreating peace, which they obtained: upon condition, that they should dou∣ble the number of their hostages, whom he commanded to be brought into Gaule. And streight after, because the * 1.231 Aequinox was at hand, hee put to sea, hoised saile from Britaine, and brought all his ships safe unto the continent of France. And thither, two onely of all the States of Britaine sent hostages unto him, the rest neglected it. These exploits thus performed, up∣on the relation of Caesars Letters, the Senate decreed a solemne procession for the space of twentie daies: although he gained nothing to himselfe, nor to Rome, but the glorie onely of an expedition enterprized.* 1.232

The yeare next ensuing, Caesar having gotten together a great fleet, for what with ships for convoy of corne and victuals, and what with other private vessels that every man had built for to serve his owne turne, there was 800. saile and above, and the same manned with five Legions, and 2000. horsemen, he launched from the port called* 1.233 Iccius, and lan∣ded his forces in that part of the Isle, where hee did the yeare before. Neither was there an enemie to be seene in the place. For albeit the Britans had beene there assembled with a great power, yet terrified with so huge a number of ships, they had secretly withdrawne them∣selves into the upland countrey. Here Caesar encamped in a place convenient, and left two cohorts, and three hundred horsemen as a garrison or guard for his ships. Himselfe having by night marched forward twelve miles, espied the enemies: who having gone forward as farre as to the river, began to give battell: but beaten backe by the cavallery, they conveighed themselves into a wood, and there lay hid, as lodging in a place strongly fortified, both by na∣ture and mans hand. But the Romans with a Testudo, or targnet-roofe, which they made, and mount that they raised against their fortifications, tooke the place, and drave them out of the woods; neither followed they them with any long pursuit, for they were to fortifie the campe in that very place.

The next day, Caesar divided his forces into three regiments, and sent them out to pur∣sue the Britaines: but straightwaies called them back againe, for that hee had intelligence by messengers of such a tempest at sea the night before, that his navie was sore beaten, run one against another, and cast on shore. And thereupon himselfe in person returned to the ships, and with the labour of ten daies haled them all up to land, and enclosed them and his campe to∣gether within one and the same fortification, and so goeth to the place from whence he was re∣turned. Thither also had the Britaines assembled themselves with greater forces, under the conduct of Cassivellaunus or Cassibelinus,* 1.234 unto whom, in a publike counsell of all the Britains,

[ A] the whole government and managing of the warre was committed; whose cavallery and chariotiers together, gave the Romanes a sharpe conflict in their march, wherein many of both sides lost their lives: But the Britans after some intermission of time, whiles the Ro∣mans were busie in fortifying their campe, charged fiercely upon those that kept ward before the campe; unto whom when Caesar had sent for rescue two cohorts, and those the principall and choysest of two legions, they most boldly, and with full resolution, brake through the thickest of the enemies, and from thence retired in safety. The next morrow, the Britans shewed themselves here and there in small companies from the hils; but about noone they made an assault upon three legions, and all the horsemen sent out for to forage; yet beaten [ B] backe they were, and a great number of them slaine. Now by this time were all their auxi∣liarie forces that had met together, departed; neither encountred they afterward the Ro∣mans with their maine power. Caesar then marched with his army to the river Thames, and so to the confines of Cassivelaunus:* 1.235 Vpon the farther banke of this river, yea and under the water, they had covertly stucke sharpe stakes, and embattelled themselves with a great power. But the Romans went and waded over with such violence, notwithstanding they had but their heads cleere above the water, that the enemy was not able to endure the charge, but left the banke, and betooke themselves to flight: not skared, as Polyaenus writeth, at the sight of an [ C] Elephant with a turret upon his backe.

Cassivellaunus having now no courage to contend any longer, retained onely foure thou∣sand Charioters with him, and observed the Romanes journeys: and so often as their horse∣men went foorth and straied out in the fields for forage or booty, he sent out his chariots, and kept them from ranging all abroad. Meane while, the * 1.236 Trinobantes submit themselves unto Caesar, and intreated that he would defend Mandubratius (whom Eutropius and Beda out of the Fragments of Suetonius now lost, call Androgorius, and our Britans Androge∣us) from the oppression of Cassivellaunus, and send him unto them to be their soveraign, Of them Caesar required and received forty hostages, and corne for his army, and therewith sent Mandubratius. Then the * 1.237 Cenimagi * 1.238 Segontiaci, * 1.239 Ancatites, * 1.240 Bibroci aad * 1.241 Cassij, following the example of the Trinobantes yeeld unto Caesar: By whom he understood, that Cassivellaunus his towne was not far off, fortified with woods and bogs: which as he assaul∣ted [ D] in two severall places, the Britans flung out at a back way: but many of them in their flight were taken and put to the sword.

Whiles these things were a doing, foure pety Kings that ruled Kent, to wit Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus and Segonais, by a mandate from Cassivellaunus did set upon the campe where the Romanes navy was kept, but by a sally that the Romanes made, they were driven backe: and Cingetorix one of the said Kings was taken prisoner. Then Cassivellau∣nus, having received so many losses, and troubled most of all with the revolt of the states, sent Embassadour to Caesar by Conius of* 1.242 Arras, tending unto him a surrendry. Where∣upon Caesar, being determined to winter in the continent of France, commanded pledges to be brought unto him, and imposed a yeerly tribute that Britaine should pay unto the people of [ E] Rome. But withall he inhibited Cassivellaunus and commanded him to doe no harme either to Mandubratius or the Trinobants. And thus with a great number of captives he em∣barked his army, and transported it backe at two severall passages. Thus much Caesar of his owne warre in Britain.

But Eutropius out of some writings of Suetonius now not extant, addeth thus much moreover. Scaeva one of Caesars souldiers, with foure other fellow servitours, crossed over sea before,* 1.243 in a small barke unto a rocke neere the Iland, and by the reflow or ebbe of the Ocean the while, was there left. The Britans many in number set upon the Romanes being but few: howbeit the rest who here and there had been his companions returned in a ship: Scae∣va tarieth behind still undanted, notwithstanding he was overlaid with darts from every [ F] side: First he made resistance with his pike or massie speare: and at length tooke him to his sword and fought alone with many of them. When he was weary and wounded, and had with∣all lost his helmet and target after many a stroke, with two habergeons he swum unto Caesars campe, and craved pardon of his Generall for his fool hardy rashnesse: whom Caesar advan∣ced to the honor and degree of a Centurion.

When Caesar came first into this Isle, (as Cotas, one who then in the campe had

the second place,* 1.244 hath put downe in a Greeke Commentary of his, concerning the [ A] Romane Common-wealth) of such temperance he was, and so far short of the pompe of our age, that he had no more servants and attendants ordinarily in his domesticall retinue, but three.

What time as Caesar, saith Seneca, travelled into Britaine, and could not containe his owne felicitie within the Ocean, he heard that his daughter was departed this life, drawing with her a traine of publike calamities, But he passed over this griefe of heart as lightly as he was wont all things else. Being returned with conquest out of Britaine, he dedicated un∣to Venus genitrix in her temple,* 1.245 a breast-plate made of British pearles. Some of his Bri∣tish prisoners, he appointed for services in the Theatre, and about these rich hangings [ B] of Tapestrie there,* 1.246 wherein he had woven in colours his victories in Britaine. Which the Britans were wont, being themselves therein wrought, to remove and take away; whereupon Virgill,

Purpurea{que} intextitollant auleae Britanni. Let Britans purple Tapestrie rid, wherein themselves are wrought.

Neither were the Britans appointed to the ministeries, and offices onely about the Theatre, but also (I note it by the way) to the Emperors Licter, as it appeareth ma∣nifestly by an antique inscription of this age, wherein there is made mention of a De∣curio, over the British Licter-bearers. Of this victorie of Caesar, an old Poet hath thus written: [ C]

* 1.247Vis invicta viri reparatâ classe Britannos Vicit, & hostiles Rheni compescuit undas. Lo here the mans undaunted heart! with navie rigged new, He Britans vanquish'd, and fell waves of Rhene he did subdue.

Hitherto may be referred those verses also of Claudian, touching the valour of the Romanes.

Nec stetit Oceano, remis{que} ingressa profundum, Vincendos alio quaesivit in orbe Britannos. In Ocaan rhode it rested not, nor put to sea for nought, But Britads in their otherworld, for conquest sake it sought. [ D]

Moreover Cicero in a certaine Poeme now lost, which hee entituled Quadrigas, caried Caesar in poeticall Chariots of triumph, through the midst of all praise and com∣mendation, for his acts atchieved in Britainc, as Ferrerius of Piemont perswadeth us: for thus he writeth, Pingam Britanniam coloribus tuis, penecillo autem meo, that is, I will depaint Britaine in your colours, but with mine owne pencill. Howbeit in the judgement of others, he terrified onely the Britans with a fortunate fight, or as Lucane (who no∣thing favoured the house of the Caesars) wrote;

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis. He sought the Britans, and for feare to them his backe he shew'd.

And Tacitus a right grave and substantiall author, writeth, That he discovered onely, [ E] but delivered not unto the Romanes, Britaine: and Horace implieth, that he scant touched them at all, when to flatter Augustus, hee saith, That the Britaine was not medled with∣all, in these words:

Intactus Britannus ut descenderet Sacrâ catenatus uiâ: Or that the Britans heretofore not dealt withall in fight, Might, chained now, the sacred street descend, in all mens sight.

And Propertius,

Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus. The Britans yet unconquered by Romanes, stay for thee.

So farre it is off, that it should be true which Velleius Paterculus, a flattering Histo∣rian [ F] of the Emperours Court wrote, Bis penetrata Britannia à Caesare, that is, twise Cae∣sar passed through Britaine,* 1.248 when as hee scarce made entry into it: For, many yeeres af∣ter this entrance of Caesar, this Island was left to the free government of their owne Kings, and used their owne Lawes.

Augustus seemeth of purpose, and with good advise to have neglected Britaine, [ A] when as he called that * Consilium, as Tacitus saith, that is, Policie, or a point of state, haply because it was thought the best pollicie, and safest for the State, That the Ro∣mane Empire should be kept, and held within bounds, to wit, the Ocean, the rivers Ister and Euphrates limits set by nature, to the end it might be a State Adamantine, (for so Au∣gustus himselfe speaketh in Iulian,) that is, invincible; and lest, as a ship of exceeding great bulke, it might not possibly bee well governed and managed, but endangered through the owne unweldy hugenesse sinke anone, and fall downe at once, which usu∣ally befalleth unto over-great States: or, as Strabo is of opinion, he despised it, see∣ing neither any cause at all of feare, nor hope of much profit from the Britans; and [ B] yet it seemed, that no small dammage would be presented from other nations, lying round about the said Island. But what cause so ever it was, certes, after Iulius, and the edge of Romane armes turned upon the Common-wealth it selfe, Britaine was a long time forgotten, even in time of peace. Neverthelesse at last Augustus departed from Rome, with a purpose to transferre the warre into Britaine: At which verie time Iso∣ratius framed this kinde of prayer unto the Goddesse Fortune at Antium.

Serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos Orbis Britannos. Save Caesar now that readie is, a journey long to take, [ C] Against the Britans most remote, a conquest there to make.

But after he was come into Gaule, the Britans sent Embassadors unto him to crave peace: and verily the British Princes and Potentates, having by Embassages and du∣tifull services obtained his amity, dedicated presents and oblations in the Capitol: and brought the whole Iland in a manner to be familiar unto the Romanes, and as it were their owne:* 1.249 so as they could endure taxes and imposts, which now are nothing grievous unto them, raised out of such merchandise and commodities as are shipped to and from out of Gaule and Britannie: and those be Ivory workes; Bits and bridles, chaines and wreathes, * 1.250 vessels of the mettall * 1.251 Electrum and of glasse, with other base and common wares of like sort. And therefore there needes no garrison for that [ D] Iland. For it would require one Legion at the least, and some horsemen, if tributes were to be levied from thence: and the said tributes would but countervaile the charges of main∣taining a garrison there: for of necessity by imposing a tribute, the revenewes comming by tollage and poundage and such like imposts, would be lesse: and if any violent course were used, some perill or other must be looked for. The yeare following likewise, Augustus intended a second expedition into Britain, because there was some variance about the Cove∣nants: but by occasion of some insurrection made in Spaine by the Cantabri and o∣thers, that journey was staied. Neither hath any man reason to beleeve Landinus, or Servius, or Philargyrus, who have recorded that Augustus triumph over the Bri∣tans, and that out of these verses of Maro.

[ E] Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste trophaea, Bis{que} triumphatas utro{que} a littore gentes. And trophees twaine caught by strong hand from divers enemies hoasts, And nations twice triumphed of likewise from both the * 1.252 coasts.

Surely, in regard of that surrendry of the Britans, Horace wrote thus;

Coelo tonantem credimus Iovem Regnare: Presens Divus habebitur Augustus, adjectis Britannis Imperio, gravibus{que} Persis. [ F] We thought before, that Iupiter in heaven above doth raigne For thundring there: but now shall be on earth Augustus here Reputed God, because he did to Romanes Empire gaine Both Britans and fierce Persians, of whom they stood in feare.

Tiberius nothing transported with an inordinate desire of extending the Empire,* 1.253 seemeth to have rested in that Counsell of Augustus; For hee brought out a booke written with Augustus his owne hand, wherein was contained the whole wealth and

estate of the common-weale, what number as well of Romane Citizens as Allies were in armes, how many Navies, Kingdomes and Provinces, what tributes and imposts [belonged to the state] with a resolution annexed thereto of containing the Empire within the bounds. Which [ A] advise and resolution of Augustus contented him so well, as Tacitus reporteth, that he would attempt nothing in Britaine, nor maintaine any garrison or deputies there. For whereas Tacitus reckoneth up the number of Legions, and what coasts or countries they defended at that time, he maketh no mention at all of Britain. And yet it seemeth that the Britans entertained amity with the Romans. For when as at the same time Germanicas sailed the Ocean, some of his company by force of tempest driven to this Iland, were by the Princes thereof sent backe againe. [ B]

* 1.254That Caius Caesar cast in his mind to enter this Iland, it is certaine: but that by his shittle braine, sudden repentance, and wonderfull attempts against Germany, it came to nothing. For to the end that he might terrifie Britain and Germany (over which he hovered) with the fame of some mighty piece of worke,* 1.255 he made a bridge be∣tween Baie and the Piles of Puteoli, three miles, and 600. paces in length. But having atchieved no greater exploit,* 1.256 than taken to his mercy Adminius the sonne of Cinobelli∣nus King of the Britans, who being by his father banished had fled over sea with a small power and traine about him, he sent magnificent and glorious letters to Rome, as if the whole Ile had beene yielded up into his hands: warning and wishing the posts ever and a∣non, [ C] to ride forward in their wagon, directly into the market place and the Curia: and in no wise to deliver the said missives unto the Consuls, but in the temple of Mars, and that in a frequent assembly of the Senate.

After this to the Ocean be marcheth, as if he minded to translate the warre over into Bri∣taine: Where even upon the very shore he embattelled his souldiers: himselfe tooke sea in a Galley, and after he had lanched out a little way from the land, returned again (and then moun∣ting up an high pulpit, sate him downe, gave his souldiers the signall of battell, and commanded the trumpets to sound: and so on a sudden charged them to gather cockles, mu••kles, and o∣ther small shell fishes, Having gotten these spoiles (as one indeed wanting enemies spoiles for to [ D] adorne a Trophye) he waxed proud as if he had conquered the Ocean: and having rewarded his souldiers,* 1.257 he brought some of those cockles, and the other shell fish to Rome, that there also he might shew the bootie which he had gotten. In token and memoriall of this brave victory he raised an high turret, out of which, as from a watch-tower, there might blaze all night long, lights and fires for the better direction of ships at sea in their course. The ruines whereof are sometimes seene at a low water in the shore of Holland, and by the peo∣ple there inhabiting is called Britenhuis. Who also finde oftentimes stones engraven with letters: of which one had these Characters, C. C. P. F. which they (I wote not how truly) expound thus Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit, that is, Caius Caligula this * 1.258 Pharus made. But of this watch-tower more at large, I will write in my discourse [ E] of British Islands.

* 1.259Afterwards, the inland parts of Britaine, wasted rather with Civill warres and facti∣ons, than by the force of the Romans, after sundry overthrowes and slaughters of both sides, came at the length by little and little under the subjection of the Romans. For, while the States fought severally one by one, they were all vanquished: running so one upon anothers destruction, that untill they fell to utter confusion, they had not in grosse, a feeling of the particular losses that each one sustained. And thus farre forth also wrought ambition in them, that many became false and disloiall, yea, and some fled from their countrey-men, making choise of the Romans protection, swea∣ring [ F] alleageance unto them, and practising by all meanes to subject their native coun∣trey, unto their government.* 1.260 Among whom the principall was one Bericus, who mo∣ved and perswaded Claudius the Emperour, to give the attempt upon Britaine, which none assaied to doe since the time of Iulius Caesar, and which then was up in a broile and commotion, for that the said Fugitives were not rendred againe unto them. Where∣upon he commanded Aulus Plautius,* 1.261 at that time Praetor, to goe with an Army into Bri∣taine: who had much adoe to withdraw the said army out of Gaule,* 1.262 as being much discon∣tented to make warre without the compasse of the world, and therefore drawing out the

[ A] time in length with many delaies. But when * 1.263 Narcissus sent from Claudius, began to mount up into the Tribunall of Plautius, and to make a speech unto the host the souldiers more in∣censed with indignation streightwaies cried all at once, Io. Saturnalia (for the manner is of Slaves, during the Saturnalia, to celebrate that festivall time in the habit of their Ma∣sters) and so presently with willing hearts followed Plautius. The forces being divided in∣to three parts, for feare lest if they arrived all in one place, they might be put by their lan∣ding; carried backe by a gale of wind, found some trouble in their passage: yet taking heart againe, because as they sailed along, there was seene a fire-drake in the Element shooting from the East the West, they were conveied over into the Island, and no man stopped [ B] them. For the Britans supposing verily, in regard of those things which I have related, that they would not come, had not assembled themselves: and therefore without any conflict, they lay hidden within bogs, marishes, and woods, in hope by lingring delaies to wearie the Romans, that they should be forced without any service exploited to retire hence, like as it had befallen unto Iulius Caesar. Wherefore, Plautius tooke great paines in seeking of them out. After he had found them (now they were not free States, but ruled under divers Kings) first he discomfited Caractacus, afterward Togodumnus, the sonnes of Cunobellinus, for their father was deceased. When these were fled, part of the * 1.264 Bodunni, who were subject to the * 1.265 Catuellani, he received into his protection: and having left a garrison there, hee went for∣ward to a certaine river: but because the Britans thought the Romans could not possibly passe [ C] over without a bridge, they lay encamped more carelesly on the farther side thereof. Plau∣tius therefore, set the Germanes, who were wont to wade through the most swift and vio∣lent rivers, even in their very armour. These comming upon the enemies at unawares, hurt not a man of them, but wounded the horses onely that drew their chariots, who when they were troubled and disordered, the men were not able to sit them. Then sent hee Flavus Vespasianus, (who afterwards became Emperour) and his brother Sabinus with him as Lieutenant, who likewise having passed over the river, surprised very many of the Barba∣rians, and slew them. Neither fled the rest away, but the morrow after joyned battell, where∣in the victorie remained doubtfull: untill such time as C. Sidius Geta, at the very point to have beene taken prisoner by the enemies, vanquished them so, as that for his good service, [ D] triumphall honours were granted unto him, although he had not been Consull. From thence the Barbarians retired themselves to the river Thames, where it dischargeth it selfe into the sea, and with the flowe thereof riseth high.

This river they soone passed over, as being skilfull of such places as would affoord them firme footing, and were passable fords. And the Romans in pursuing them were in dan∣ger. Soone after, when the Germanes had swum over a second time whiles some of them, passed over at a bridge, higher up the river, environing the Barbarians on every side, they made a great slaughter of them: but when unadvisedly they followed after the rest, they fell upon blind bogs and lost many of their men. Hereupon, and for that the Britans by occasi∣on of Togodumnus his death abated not their courage one whit, but rather prepared them∣selves [ E] to fight the more fiercely in revenge of his death, Plautius for feare went no far∣ther: but setting a guard to keep what he had gotten, sent for Claudius, having a warrant and commandement so to doe, in case he were overlaid with any extraordinary violence, For which expedition among much other Equipage,* 1.266 Elephants also were gotten together and prepared. Claudius advertised of these newes, committed the affaires of the City, and the souldiers likewise to the charge of Vitellius (upon whom, as also upon himselfe, he had conferred a Consulship for six moneths). Then went he downe in person by water from Rome to Ostra, and so from thence sailed to Marshils: and travelling the rest of the way partly by land and partly by sea came to the Ocean, embarked, crossed the channell into Britaine, and went directly forward to his forces expecting him by the Thames side. When he had re∣ceived [ F] them into his owne charge, and passed over the river, he fought a set battell with the Barbarians, assembled against his comming, and obtained victory. Then tooke he in * 1.267 Ca∣malodunum the roiall seat of Cunobellinus, and many thence he drave, others upon their yeelding he tooke to mercy. For these acts performed, divers times he was stiled Imperator, a thing directly against the Romanes custome; for, lawfull it is not in one war to assume that name oftner than once. Furthermore, Claudius disarmed the Britans, and committed as

well them to be governed, as the rest to be subdued, unto Plautius. Himselfe made speede to [ A] Rome, sending before him Pompeius and Silanus his * 1.268 sonnes in Law, with tidings of this victorie, Thus much Dio.

Howbeit Suetonius reporteth, that part of the Iland he tooke into his hands upon submission without any battell or bloodshed. Sixteene daies or thereabout himselfe stayed in Britain: in which time he remitted unto the Gentry and Nobility of the Britans the confiscation of their goods: For which benefit of his, they frequented his temple and adored him as a God. Thus returned he to Rome, in the sixt moneth after that he went forth from thence.

So great a matter it was and of such consequence to have conquered even so small [ B] a parcell of Britain, that the Senate thereupon decreed in the honor of Claudius, year∣ly Games, triumphall Arches both in Rome and also at * 1.269 Gessoriacum in Gaul, and a most honorable and stately triumph: to the beholding whereof the governors of Pro∣vinces also, yea and certaine banished persons were permitted to come into Rome: a Navall coronet was fixed upon the looure of the Palace,* 1.270 as it were the ensigne of the British sea subdued by him: the Provinces brought in Crownes of gold, and * 1.271 Gallia Comata one above the rest, waighing 9. pounds: and the hither part of Spaine ano∣ther of 7. pound weight. He mounted up into the Capitoll by the staires on his knees, supported and heaued up by his sonnes in Law on either side. He entred in triumph∣ing wise the * 1.272 Adriaticke sea, embarqued in a vessell more like to some exceeding [ C] great house than a ship. Unto his wife Messalina was allowed by the Senate the highest place to sit in, as also to ride in a Carroch, or hanging coach. After this, he set forth triumphall plaies and games, having taken upon him for that purpose the Consular office and authoritie. The solemnities were exhibited at once in two The∣atres, and many times when hee was gone aside from the sight, others had the charge thereof. Horse runnings for the prize hee promised as many as those daies would admit: Howbeit above ten there were not: for betweene every course of hor∣ses, Beares were killed, champions performed their devoirs, and choyce boies sent for out of Asia danced the warlike dance in armor. Moreover, upon Valerius Asiaticus, Julius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, in regard of this conquest, hee heaped Trium∣phall [ D] ornaments. He suffered Licinius Crassus Frugi to follow after himselfe in this triumph, mounted upon a trapped courser with a rich caparison, and arraied in a roabe of Date tree worke. Upon Posidius the Eunuch hee bestowed a speare staffe without an head: upon C. Gavius, cheines, bracelets, horse••trappings, and a coronet of gold, as is to be seene in an ancient marble at Taurinum.

In the meane time Aulus Plautius went on with the reliques of this war, and sped so well in his battels, that Claudius passed a decree, that he should ride in pety tri∣umph ovant: and when he was entred into the City, himselfe went to meet him, gi∣ving him the right hand all the way both going and comming.* 1.273 And Vespasian even then shewed by the destinies, whom Claudius assumed unto him to beare a part of [ E] this British war, partly under the conduct of Claudius himselfe, and partly of Plauti∣us, fought thirty battels with the enemy: two most mighty nations, and above twen∣ty townes together, with the Isle of * 1.274 Wight he subdued. For which worthy exploits, he received triumphall ornaments, and within a short space two sacerdotall dignities, with a Consulship beside which hee bare the two last moneths of the yeare. Titus also served here in quality of a Tribune under his father, with exceeding commen∣dation for his industry and valour, (for valiantly he delivered his father when he was besieged): and no lesse report of his modest carriage: as appeareth by a number of his Images and titles to them annexed, thorowout the Provinces of Germanie and Britaine. The rest of the Occurrences which hapned in Britaine afterward unto the very latter end of Domitian,* 1.275 Tacitus, who best can do it, will declare by his owne [ F] words to this effect.

* 1.276P. Ostorius Propraetor in Britan was welcomed at his first landing with troubles and tumults. The enemies ranged all over the Allies country, and used so much the greater violence, for that they thought the new captaine was unacquainted with the army, (the win∣ter

[ A] also being now began) would not come foorth to encounter. But he knowing well that the first successes alwaies breed either feare or confidence, gathered with all speed his readiest co∣horts, advanced toward the enemy; and having slaine those which made head against him, pursued the rest that were dispersed for feare they should joine againe: and lest an hatefull and faithlesse peace might give neither captaine nor souldier any rest, he went about to disarme as many of them as he suspected, and by raising forts and setting garrisons upon the two rivers * 1.277 Aufona and the * 1.278 Severn to restrain and hem in the Britons. Which the Iceni first of all re∣fused, a strong nation and unshaken with battels,* 1.279 because of their owne motion they had sought our alliance and amity. And at their instigation, the people adjoyning chose a place to fight [ B] in, compassed about with a rude and rusticall rampire, having a narrow entrance of purpose to hinder the comming in of horsemen. This fense the Romane captaine, albeit he had un∣der his conduct the power of his allies, alone without the maine forces of the Legion assaieth to breake thorow: And having bestowed his cohorts in rankes setteth the troupes of horse∣men in like readinesse to performe their service. Then after the signall given, they broke o∣pen the said rampire, and disordered the enemies encombred and penned within their owne hold. And they knowing in their owne conscience they were no better than rebels, and see∣ing all passages for escape stopped up, shewed great valour and courage in defending themsel∣ves. In which fight M. Ostorius the lieutenants sonne deserved the honor of saving a Citi∣zen.

[ C] Vpon the discomfiture and slaughter of these Iceni, they that wavered betweene warre and peace became setled and were quiet: and so the army was led against the * 1.280 Cangi. Whose ter∣ritory they wasted, harried and spoiled all over: whiles the enemies durst not shew themselves in the field, or if privily by stealth they attempted to cut off the taile of our armie as they mar∣ched, they paid for their craft and deceit.* 1.281 Now by this time were the Romanes come well neere to the sea coast that looketh toward Ireland, when certaine troubles and discords sprung up among the the Brigantes, brought their leader backe, being certainly resolved to attempt no new matters, before he had setled the old. But as for the Brigantes, some few being put to death that began first to take armes, he pardoned the residue, and all were quieted. The * 1.282 Silures could neither by cruelty nor faire meanes bee reclaimed but they would needs war; and [ D] therefore no remedy there was but to keepe them under with garrisons of Legionary souldiers. Which to performe more easily, the colonie called Camalodunum consisting of a strong compa∣ny of old souldiers was brought into the countries by conquest subdued, for succour and save∣gard against Rebels, and an inducement to traine the Associats to observe the lawes. Certaine Cities and States were granted by way of Donation to King Cogidunus, according to the an∣cient custome of the people of Rome, that they might have even Kings to be instruments of ser∣vitude and thraldome.

Then went the Romanes from thence against the Silures, who besides their owne stoutnesse trusted much in the strength of Caractacus,* 1.283 a man whom many dangerous adventures which he had waded thorow, and as many prosperous exploits by him atchieved, had so lifted up, [ E] that he carried the reputation and praeheminence above all the British Commanders. But he in subtill craft, and knowledge of the deceitfull waies, having the advantage of us, though other∣wise weaker in strength of souldiers, translateth the warre into the country of the * 1.284 Ordovices: and there, joyning to him as many as feared our peace, resolveth to hazard the last chance, ha∣ving chosen a place for the battell, where the comming in, and going forth, with all things else might be incommodious to us, but for his very advantageous. Then, against the high hilles, and wheresoever there was any easie passage, & gentle accesse, he stopped up the way with heaps of stones raised in manner of a rampier: withall, there ranne hard by a river having a doubt∣ful foord, and the severall companies of his * 1.285 best souldiers had taken their standing before the fortifications. Besides all this, the leaders of every nation went about, exhorted and encouraged [ F] their men, by making lesse all causes of feare, and kindling in them good conceits of hope, with all other motives and inducements to war. And verily Caractacus bestirring himself, and cour∣sing from place to place,* 1.286 protested, That this was the day, this the battell, which should begin either the recovery of their libertie for ever, or else perpetuall bondage. And here, he called up∣on his ancestors by name, who had chased Caesar the Dictator from hence, through whose va∣lour they were freed from the Romane axes, and tributes, and enjoyed still the bodies of

their wives, ann children undefiled. As he uttered these and such like speeches, the generall [ A] multitude of the souldiers made a noise about him, and bound themselves by oath every one ac∣cording to the religion of his countrey, that they would not give way and yeeld; for any weapons or wounds whatsoever. This couragious and cheerefull alacritie of theirs, astonied the Romane captaine, considering the river just before his face, the rampier beside which they had cast up, the high hils over their heads, nothing but terrible, and full of defendants, put him into a won∣drous fright. Neverthelesse the souldiers called hard for battell, crying still, that there was no∣thing which valour could not overcome. The Praefects and Tribunes also with like words, much enforced the ardour and courage of the whole armie. Then Ostorius having viewed round about what places were unpassable, and what yeelded passage, advanceth forward his men in [ B] boiling heat of choler, and easily wadeth over the river. Being come to the banke and rampier aforesaid, so long as the volley of darts continued on both sides, our men received more wounds, and in greater number were slaine. But after that by making of a targnet roofe of fence, those rude and ill fashioned joynts of stones were plucked a sunder, and the fronts of both armies came close to hand-strokes, without ods; the Barbarians fled to the hill tops. But thither also, as well the heavie corselets, as the light armed souldiers brake in: whiles these shot their darts and javelins at them, the other preassed thicke and close together upon them: Contrariwise the Bri∣tans rankes were broken and disordered, as who had neither head peece nor coat of fence. If they thought to resist our auxiliarie forces, they were beaten downe with the arming swords [ C] & massie pikes of the Legionarie souldiers: if they turned to make head against them, they were slaine with the Speares, and bastard swords of the auxiliaries. A noble and renowned victo∣rie this was. The wife and daughter both of Caractacus, were taken prisoners, his brethren also yeelded themselves. Himselfe, as generally there is no trusting to succour in adversitie, craving defence and protection of Cartismandua Queene of the Brigantes, was by her taken, bound with yrons, and delivered to the Conquerours, nine yeeres after the warre began in Bri∣taine. Whereupon the fame of him being carried over into the Islands, and spread abrode tho∣rowout the Provinces adjoyning, was famous also in Italie: in so much as they desired to see who he was that so many yeeres had defied and contemned our forces. Neither was the name of Caractacus meanly esteemed of at Rome. And Caesar whiles he extolled his one worth and ho∣nour, made the conquered Prince more glorious. For why, the people also was assembled and cal∣led, [ D] as to see a notable spectacle. The cohorts of the Emperours guard stood all armed in good order within an open plaine lying before their campe. Then as King Caractacus his vassals and dependants marched before, the caparisons, chaines, and whatsoever he had wonne in wars a∣gainst strangers, were brought in a shew: then, his brethren, wife and daughter: and last of all himselfe was shewed to the people. The prayers of all the rest were by reason of feare, base, and nothing savouring of nobilitie: but Caractacus, neither hanging downe his head, nor with words craving any mercy, when he stood before the Emperours tribunall, spake in this wise.

If my moderation in prosperity had beene as great as my nobility and fortune was, I had come rather as a friend into this City, than a Captive: neither would you have disdained to receive me with covenants of peace, being a Prince descended of Noble Progenitors, and [ E] a commander over many nations. My present state, as it is to me dishonorable, so to you it is magnificent. I have had horses, men, armour and wealth: what marvell if against my will I have forgone them all? For if yee will be rulers over all men, it followeth that all men must abide servitude. If presently I had yeelded and been delivered into your hands; neither had my fortune nor your glorie been renowned: and oblivion would have follow∣ed my punishment. But if you save me alive, I shall be an example of your clemencie for e∣ver.

Vpon these words Caesar pardoned him, his wife and brethren. And they being allun∣bound, did their reverence likewise unto Agrippina,* 1.287 (who sat a loft not far off in another high seat to be seene) giving her the like praises and in the same degrees of stile as they did the Emperor himselfe. Surely a strange and unexampled precedent among all our an∣cestors, [ F] that a woman should sit and command the Romane ensignes. But shee carried her selfe as a fellow and associate in the Empire, gotten by her progenitors. After this, the Lords of the Senate were called together, who made long and glorious discourses as touching the captivity of Caractacus. Neither was this, as they affirmed, lesse honorable, than when Pub.

Scipio shewed Siphax: Luc. Paulus Perses, or whosoever else exhibited, conquered Kings [ A] unto the people. As for Ostorius, decreed it was hee should be honoured with triumphall ornaments.

These conquests of Britain, writers have numbred among the most famous mo∣numents and testimonies of the Romans prowesse. And thereupon Seneca writeth thus; Claudius might make his boast that he first vanquished the Britans: for Iulius Caesar did but shew them only to the Romans. And in another place, writing of the same Claudius,

Ille Britannos Vltra noti Littora Ponti, [ B] Et caeruleos Scuta Brigantes, Dare Romuleis Colla catenis Iussit, & ipsum Nova Romanae Iura securis Tremere Oceanum. The Britans, those, that seated are beyond the knowne sea-coast, [ C] And Brigants with blew-painted shields, he forced with his hoast, To yeeld their necks in Romane chaines as captive to be led, And even the Ocean this new power of Romane axe to dread.

And Seneca the Tragicke poet in his Octavia, versified in this manner concerning Claudius,

Cui{que} Britanni Terga dedere, ducibus nostris Antè ignoti juris{que} sui. And unto whom the Britans shew'd their backs, who er'st unknowne To all our Captaines liv'd by lawes and customs of their owne.

[ D] And in the same tragedie, for that he had passed over the Thames,

En qui orae Tamisis primus posuit jugum Ignota tantis classibus texit freta: Interque gentes barbaras tutus fuit, Et soeva maria; conjugis scelere—Occidit. Behold, who first the mouth and coast of Thamis, did subdew And spread with mightie fleets those Firths, the like that never never knew: With nations rude, in raging seas, who lived safe and sound, By wicked hand of cursed wife his death at home he found.

Semblably Egesippus, saith thus of Claudius, Witnesse here is Britaine, which li∣ing [ E] without the world, is by the might of Romans reduced into the world. Whom the former age knew not, the Romans victory hath discovered: and even they now are become servants, who knew not what servitude was: being born only for themselves, and alwaies free unto them∣selves: even they who being by the interflow of the sea divided frō the power of their superiors, could not stand in feare of them whom they knew not. A greater matter therfore it was, to have passed over to the Britans, than to have triumphed over the Britans. And in another place, Bri∣taine also, which lieth hid amidst the waves, he gained to the Roman Empire by force of armes: by the triumph over which Island, Rome was thought to be more welthy, Claudius reputed more [ F] wary and politick, and Nero esteemed more fortunate. Also in another passage, which deserveth most of all to be put downe here, The very Elements also, have done homage to the name of the Romans: to whom likewise even the round world hath sworne alleageance already, which is enclosed and bounded with the Romane Empire: and in one word is of many called the RO∣MANE WORLD. For if we search into the truth, the whole army it selfe is comprised with∣in the Empire of the Romans: upon which the Roman valour, having gone forward still be∣yond the Ocean, hath sought for it selfe another world, and in Britaine an Island remote from the confines of Lands hath found out for a selfe another possession. To conclude, they who are

denied the benefit, not onely of the free burgesie of Rome, but in manner also of all converse with men, are directed and awarded thither, there to dwell as persons banished out of the world. The Ocean now hath reined up his bounds: For the Romans know how to seeke into his inward [ A] secret parts. And Iosephus in the person of Titus, speaketh thus to the Iewes: What grea∣ter wall and barre than the Ocean? wherewith the Britans being fensed and inclosed, doe yet adore the Romans forces.

Moreover, as touching this argument, that renowned Ioseph Scaliger, in his Ca∣talects, hath saved and freed from rust and mouldinesse certaine verses of a most learned Poet though unknown: which, because they are not every where to bee found, I will not thinke much of my paints to put down: for they are as good as good may be. [ B] Now, that they be sundry Epigrams, and therefore distinctly to be considered, Iohn Obsopaeus the German, a passing learned young man, hath out of ancient (manuscripts) parchments very lately,* 1.288 enformed me:

Ausonius nunquam tellus violata triumphis. Ictatuo, Caesar, fulmine procubuit. Oceanus{que} tuas ultra se * 1.289 respicit a••as, Qui finis mundo est * 1.290 non erit imperio.

That Land whose honour never felt, by Roman triumph, wrong [ C] By dint la••e of thy thunder-bolt, ô Caesar, lay along: The Ocean seeth * 1.291 beyond it selfe thine altars, to adore, * 1.292 That, will * 1.293 not bound their Empire, now, which did the world before.

Victa priús nulli, jam jam spectata triumph••, Illibata tuos gens jacet in titulos. Fabula visa diù, medio{que} reconditaponto Libera victori jam modó colla dedit. Euphrates Ortus, Rhenus * 1.294 incluserit Arctos; Oceanus medium venit in imperium. [ D]

A people erst untouch'd, unfoil'd, and conquered of none, Late seene in triumph, to thy stile hath title added one: Though but a tale long time, as hid in mid-sea past all view, To Victors yoke now yeelded necke, that never bondage knew. How ever Rhene shuts up the North, Euphrates Easterne land, It skils not, now that th' Ocean sea is whole at thy command.

Libera non hostem, non passa Britannia Regem, [ E] Aeternum nostro quae procul orbe jacet; Foelix adversis, & sorte oppressa secunda Communis nobis, & tibi, Caesar, erit.

Britaine most free, which enemie and Monarch never felt, Far dissite from this world of ours, wherein we ever dwelt; An happie state in adverse times, but wonne in prosperous dayes, Sall be, ô Caesar, common now to thee and us alwaies. [ F]

Ultima cingebat Tibris tua, Romule, Regna: Hic tibi finis erat, religiose Numa. Et tua, Dive, tuum sacrata potentia coelo Extremum citra constitit Oceanum. At nunc Oceanus geminos interluit orbes Pars est imperij, terminus ante fuit,

Thy Kingdomes all, ô Romulus, Tibris sometime did bound

[ A] Past it, ô Numa prince devout, thou had'st no foot of ground: And even thy power right sacred now, and heavenly though it be, O Caesar, staied within precinct of thine owne Ocean sea: But now the Ocean interflow••s two worlds, by double shore, And parcell of our Empire is, which was the bound before.

Mars pater, & nostrae gèntis tutela Quirine, Et magno positus Caesar uter{que} Polo. Cernitis ignotos Latia sub lege Britannos, [ B] Sol citra nostrum flectitur imperium. Vltima cesserunt adaperto claustra Profundo Et jam Romano * 1.295 cingimur Oceano.

O father Mars ô Romulus, Protector of our race, And Caesars both, late defied, in heav'n who have your place. The Britans erst unknown, ye see the Latian lawes embrace And short of our large Seignory the Sun turnes in his race. The furthest frontiers soone gave way, when seas once opened were The Romane Ocean now it is, wherein enclosed we are.

[ C] Opponis frustrà rapidum Germania Rhenum, Euphrates prodest nil tibi, Parthe fugax. Oceanus jam terga dedit, nec pervius ulli Caesareos fasces, imperium{que} tulit.

In vaine opposest thou for fence, swift Rhene, ô Germany Euphrates (Parthian) boots thee nought, thou that in fight dost flie. For th' Ocean is already fled, which passable to none Hath now the Caesars government, and Romes rule undergone.

[ D]

Illa procul nostro semota, exclusa{que} coelo, * 1.296 Alluitur nostrâ victa Britannia aquá, Semota, & vasto disjuncta Britannia Ponto Cincta{que} inaccessis horrida littoribus: Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus. Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus. Brumalem sortita * 1.297 plagam: quà frigida semper Praefulget stellis Arctos in occiduis. [ E] Conspectu{que} tuo devicta Britannia, Caesar, Subdidit insueto colla premenda jugo Aspice, confundit populos imper via tellus, Conjunctum, est quod adhuc orbis, & orbis erat,

That Britain from our clime far set and thence excluded quite, Conquerd of late is washed yet, with water ours by right. Britain, I say, far set apart, and by vast sea disjoin'd, Wall'd with inaccessible banks and craggy clifts behind; Which father Nereus fensed had with billowes most invincible And Ocean likewise compassed with ebs and flowes as fallible. [ F] Britain that hath a wintry clime alotted for her seat, Where cold North-Beare shines alway bright with stars that never set Even at thy sight and first approach ô Caesar soone subdu'd, Submitted hath her necke to beare strange yoke of servitude. Behold, the earth unpassable of nations makes commixtion, What heretofore was world and world is now conjoined in one.

Now let Tacitus proceed in his Story. Vntill this time all went well with Ostorius: but [ A] soone after, his fortune stood in dolefull termes: either for that upon the displacing of Ca∣ractacus as if thereby all had beene subdued and the warre ended, the Romans intended not so carefully their militarie service: or because the enemies in compassion of so puissant a king, were more fervently enflamed to revenge. For they environed the Camp-master and those Legionary cohorts which were left behind to build fortresses in the Silures country: And if the villages ans forts next adjoyning had not speedily come to rescue, they had beene put to the sword every man. Neverthelesse the Camp-Master, with eight Centurions and all the forwardest maniples of common souldiers were slaine; and not long after, they put to flight our forragers, and the very troupes of horsemen that were sent out to succour them. Then [ B] Ostorius setteth out certaine companies lightly appointed, and yet thereby could not stay their flight, had not the Legions come in and undertooke the battell. By their strength they fought with small ods on either hand, but afterward wee had the better of it, and the enemie betooke himselfe to his heeles and escaped with small losse, because the day was farre spent. After this, they had many skirmishes, and for the most part in manner of rodes and robbe∣ries; in woods, on marishes, rashly or with foresight it skilled not: according as it fell out, either as occasion by chance, or their owne hearts served them: one while for anger, another while for booty: sometime by commandement from their Captaines, and sometimes againe without their warrant and privitie: but principally through the wilfull obstinacie of the Silures, [ C] who were exasperated with a speech of the Roman Generalls, that was bruted abroad and came to their eares: which was this, That as the Sugambri were rooted out and transpor∣ted over into Gaul, so the name of the Silures should utterly be extinguished. And in this heat they intercepted two auxiliary bands, as they through the avarice of their Praefects for∣raied and spoiled without advised circumspection. Also by large giving away of spoiles and prisoners, they drew the rest of the Nations to revolt. And then Ostorius wearied with care and griefe of heart yielded up his vitall breath. Whereat the enemies rejoyced, as at the death of a Captaine not to be despised, who though he died not in battell, yet was toiled out and spent by reason of the warres.

* 1.298But Caesar having intelligence of his Lieutenants death, lest the Province should bee de∣stitute of a governour, appointed A. Didius in his place. He beeing thither come with great [ D] speed, yet found not all in good state. For in the meane space, the Legion whereof Manlius Valens had the charge, met with an unlucky and disasterous fight. The fame whereof the enemies had made greater than it was, to terrifie the captaine which was comming: who al∣so in the like policie multiplied all that he heard, to win more praise by appeasing those trou∣bles, or to purchase pardon more easily, if they continued still. The Silures were they that wrought us this displeasure and damage, whereupon they overran the province far and nere, untill such time as by Didius his comming they were driven backe.

About this time Claudius departed this life: and Nero succeeded him in the Empire, one who had no heart at all to attempt any thing in warfare:* 1.299 nay he was minded once to with∣draw the forces out of Britain: Neither gave he over that intent of his but onely for shame, [ E] lest he might have been thought to deprave the glory of Claudius. After that Caracta∣cus was taken,* 1.300 Venutius a very expert man above the rest in military affaires, borne under the state of the * 1.301 Iugantes, long time trusty to us, and defended by the Romanes power, ha∣ving to wife Queene Cartismandua, by occasion soone after of a divorce, and then of open war between them, rebelled also against us, and proceeded to plaine hostility. At the first, the quarrell was onely between them two: untill Cartismandua by pollicie and craft had in∣tercepted the brother, and neere kinsmen of Venutius. Whereupon our enemies, kindled with rage, and pricked forward with an ignominous indignity, lest they should be brought under the yoke of a womans government, with a strong power of choise youth, by force of armes invaded her kingdome, which was foreseen by us: and thereupon were cohorts sent to aid her, and they fought a hot battell: The beginning whereof was doubtfull, but the end [ F] more joifull. The Legion also which Cesius Nasica commanded, fought with like successe. For, Didius [yee must thinke] being strucken in yeeres, and having many honours heaped upon him, thought it sufficient to execute his charge and keep off the enemy by the ministe∣ry of others. For what was woon by others he held: onely a few fortresses he built forward

[ A] farther into the country: whereby he might purchase the name of enlarging his office. These exploits although they were atchieved by two Propraetors Ostorius and Didius in many years, yet I thought good to joyne together, lest beeing severed, they should not so well have beene remembred.

After Didius Avicus,* 1.302 there succeeded Verannius, who having with small rodes spoiled the Silures, was hindered by death, for warring any farther: a man while he lived carrying a great name of precise severitie, but in his last will he shewed himselfe manifestly ambiti∣ous. For after much flattering of Nero, he added this, That he would have subdued the Pro∣vince unto his obedience, if he had lived the next two yeares.

[ B] But then Suetonius Paulinus governed the Britans,* 1.303 one in martiall skill, and opinion of the people (which suffereth no man without a concurrent) striving to match Corbule; de∣sirous to equall the honour which he won in recovering Armenia, by subduing the enemies that stood out in this country. And therefore hee maketh all the preparation hee can to in∣vade the Isle of * 1.304 Mona, peopled with strong Inhabitants, and a receptacle of traiterous fu∣gitives. To this purpose hee buildeth flat botom vessels, for the shalowes and uncertaine landing places. Thus the footmen passed over: and then followed the horsemen by the foord, or if the waters were any thing high, by swimming they put the horses over. Against them [ C] the enemies stood upon the shore in divers places embattelled thicke in array, well appointed with men and weapons; with women also running among: who all in blacke and mourne∣full array, with their haire about their eares, carried firebrands before them in their hands like the Furies of hell.* 1.305 The Druidae likewise round about them, lifting up their hands to hea∣ven, and pouring out deadly and cursing praiers, with this so strange and unco••th sight, amazed the souldiers so, as they stood still as stockes and stirred not a foot, as if they would expose their bodies to receive all wounds presented unto them. But afterwards, be∣ing encouraged by their Captaine, and animating one another, that they should not feare a flocke of women and franticke people, they displaied their ensignes and advanced forward. Downe they went with such as encountred them and thrust them within their owne fires. This done they planted garrisons in their townes, and cut downe their woods and groves con∣secrated to their execrable superstitions.* 1.306 For they accounted it lawfull, to offer sacrifies up∣on [ D] their altars with the bloud of captives, and to aske counsell of their Gods by inspection of mens fibres and entrailes.

As Suetonius was busie in these actions, newes came unto him that the Province was suddenly revolted.* 1.307 Prasutagus King of the Iceni, in wealth surpassing all others, had set down in his will Caesar with two of his daughters to be his heires; supposing by this kind of flattery to curry favour, and to make his kingdome and house most secured from all injuries. Which fell out farre otherwise: in so much as his kingdome by Centurions, his house by slaves were spoiled and reputed lawfull booties.* 1.308 And to beginne withall, his wife Boadicia was whipped, and his daughters defloured. The chiefest of the Iceni, as if the whole country had beene gi∣ven them by way of gift, are turned out of their ancient inheritances, and the Kings kins∣folke [ E] reputed as slaves. By reason of which contumelious indignitie, and for feare of worse, con••idering they had beene reduced into the forme of a province, the Britaines began among themselves to cast and thinke upon the miseries of servitude, to lay together their wrongs and oppressions, in ripping of them vp to aggravate them by constructions to the highest, in these tearmes: that no other good was to be looked for by sufferance, but that more grie∣vous burdens should be imposed upon them still, as men ready to beare all willingly. That whereas in times past, their states had but one King a piece, now there were two thrust upon them: the Lieutenant, cruelly to suck their bloud, and the Procuratour as greedy to preie upon that substance: That the variance of these rulers was the torment; and their agree∣ment the undoing of the poore subjects: the one vexing by souldiers and Centurions, the o∣ther [ F] by extortions and reprochfull abuses: so that now there was nothing safe from their unsatiable avarice, nothing freed from their unbridled lust. In warre and battell yet, the stronger man commonly is bee that maketh spoile; but now cowards for the most part, and weaklings are they that dispossesse them of their dwelling houses, bereave them of their chil∣dren, enjoyne them to muster, as if they were men that knew not to doe any thing else, save on∣ly to die for their country. For otherwise, what a small handfull thinke yee of souldiers have

come over to serve, if the Britaines would fall to reckon themselves? Thus Germany had sha∣ken [ A] off the yoke of obedience, and yet were defended by a river only, and not by the Ocean: as for these Romans, what motives have they of warre but their owne covetousnesse, riot, and wanton lust? whereas we have our native country, our wives and children to provoke us thereto. Surely they would retire and bee gone as sometime Iulius, their canonized God, went his waies▪ if wee would endeavour to follow the valour and proësse of our ancestors, and not be dismaied with the doubtfull event of one skirmish or two: and commonly in such as are distressed and in miserie, there is more stomacke to attempt, and greater resolution to continue. And even now the Gods also take pittie of the Britaines poore estate, who keepe the Roman Generall out of the way, and confine the Lieutenant with his hands full in another [ B] Island: and themselves being assembled to advise together, had attained to the hardest points of all in an action of that nature, wherein without question it is more dangerous to bee taken consulting, than in the very action.

With these and such inducements, inciting and quickning one another, they take armes under the conduct of Boodicia a Ladie of the roiall bloud (for in matter of govern∣ment in chiefe the Britaines make no distinction of sex) having stirred up the Trinobants to Rebellion, and as many as yet, not broken to the yoke of servitude, had in secret conspiracies vowed to recover and resume their libertie, bearing a most bitter hatred against the old soul∣diers. For those who newly brought into the Colonie Camalodunum,* 1.309 thrust the ancient Inhabi∣tants out of their houses, disseized them of their Lands, Livings, calling them captives and [ C] slaves, whiles the new souldiers favoured & maintained the insolent outrages of the old, in re∣gard of conformitie in life & hope of like licenciousnesse. Besides, a Temple erected in the ho∣nour of Claudius of sacred memorie, as an Altar of perpetuall dominion over them, was an eie∣sore, & the Priests chosen under colour of religion, wasted & consumed all their wealth. Now, it was not thought any hard piece of work to raze & destroy that Colonie, not fensed with any fortifications: a thing not circumspectly foreseene of our captaines, whiles they had greater care of pleasure,* 1.310 than profit. Amid these occurrences, the image of victory set up in the Camalodunum, fell downe without any apparant causes, and turned backward, as if it would give place to the enemies. And certaine women distempered with some fanaticall furie, went singing by way of prophesie, that destruction was at hand. And strange noises abroad were heard into their Coun∣sell [ D] house, their Theatre resounded with hideous howlings, and a strange spectre, or apparition was seen in the arme of the sea * 1.311 there, a signe foretelling the subversion of that Colonie. Fur∣thermore, the Ocean bloudy in shew, and the shapes of mens bodies left after an ebbe, as the Britans construed favourably to feed their owne hopes, so the old souldiers interpreted to the increase of their feare. But because Suetonius was far off, they craved help of Catus Derianus the Procurator: who sent unto them not passing two hundred, and those but badly armed: and within the towne the number of souldiers which was not great, trusted to the fence of the Tem∣ple. And by reason that those among them, which being privy to the secret cōspiracie aforesaid, troubled their designments, hindred them, they had neither made trench or rampier before the town, nor sent away their old folke, and women, keeping the lustie young men only, and so be∣ing [ E] secure, as it had been in the time of perfect peace, surprized they were at unawares, & en∣closed round about with a multitude of barbarous people. And verily all other things were vi∣olently sacked or consumed with fire: the Temple only excepted, wherein the souldiers had ga∣thered themselves round together, which also was two daies together besieged and so forced. Also,* 1.312 the Britans it their train of victory, encountring Petelius Cerealis Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, as he was comming with aid, put the legion to flight & slew all the footmen. Ce∣realis himselfe with the Cavallery escaped to the campe, & saved himselfe within the fortifi∣cations. Vpon which overthrow, & in regard of the provinciall peoples hatred, driven through the avarice of the Romans to take armes, Catus the Procurator passed over in great haste for feare, into Gaul. But Suetonius with constant resolution, passing through the midst of his ene∣mies, went to Londinium, a towne verily by the name that it carried of a Colony, nothing fa∣mous, [ F] but for concourse of merchants, & * 1.313 provision of necessaries most of all other frequented. Being thither come, he stood doubtfull whether to chuse it for the seat of war or no. And con∣sidering well the small number of souldiers that he had,* 1.314 & by good proofs taught how Petilius paid for his rashnesse, he determined with the damage of one towne to save all the rest whole.

[ A] Neither could he bee won by the weeping and pitifull teares of those that besought his aide, but he would needs put out the signall of a remove, and receive all followers, as part of his armie to march along with him. As many therefore as weaknesse of sex, wearisomnesse of age, or plea∣santnesse of the place held back, were all put to the sword by the enemie. The like calamitie be∣fell unto the free towne * 1.315 Verulamium: because the Barbarians leaving the castles & forts of garrison souldiers, made spoile of the richest and fattest: and carrying their pillage into some place of safetie,* 1.316 as men glad of bootie, went on still to such as were of note and mark above the rest. And thus to the number of seventie thousand Roman citizens and associats together, by true report,* 1.317 were knowne to have been slaine in those places before named. For there was no ta∣king [ B] of prisoners, no selling of them, nor any other commerce and traffique of war, but killing, hanging, burning and crucifying, such haste they made to make havocke of all, as if they were to requite the measure they had suffered, and anticipate in the meane while all revenge.

Now by this time Suetonius having with him the fourteenth Legion with the old souldiers, of the twentieth, & the auxiliaries from the parts next adjoyning, was well neere ten thousand strong, when he resolved to lay aside all further delaies, and to trie the chance of a main battel. And so he chooseth a place with a narrow entrance like a gullet,* 1.318 and enclosed behind with a wood: being well assured, that he had no enemies but in front, and that the plain lay open with∣out feare of ambush The Legionarie souldiers therefore, being marshalled in thick rankes, and [ C] close together, with the light armours about them, the horsemen were placed on either hand like wings. But the Britaine forces came leaping forth all abroad by troupes and companies, in such a multitude as never the like else where at any other time, and with so fierce courage, as that they would needs bring their very wives with them, and place them in carts which they had bestowed in the utmost parts of the plaine, to be witnesses of the victorie.

Boodicia, having her daughters before her in a chariot, ever as she came to any severall na∣tion (for it was the custome verily of the Britans to make warre under the conduct of women) protested & told them, that she was come then, not as a Lady descended of so noble progenitors, to make either Kingdome or riches her quarrell, but as one of the common people, in revenge of her libertie lost, her body sore whipped, and her daughters chastitie assailed by uncleane handling: That the Romans lust and concupiscence, was growne to such a passe, that they spa∣red [ D] no body, no not aged persons, nor left their Virgins undefiled. How be it, the Gods (saith she) are with us, and favor just revenge. For, the legion that came into the field, and durst ha∣zard a battell, was cut in pieces: the rest are either hidden within campe and hold, or else seek meanes to escape by flight: so that they will never abide so much as the noise and crie of so many thousands, much lesse then their violent charge, and close hand fight. If then they would weigh with her the power of their armed forces, and with all the motives of war, resolve they should either to vanquish in that battell, or to die: for her owne part, being but a woman, this was her resolution: the men might live if they pleased, and serve as slaves.

Neither could Suetonius himselfe, in so great an extremitie, hold his tongue: For although hee presumed and trusted much upon valour,* 1.319 yet enterlaced hee exhortations & praiers. That [ E] they should contemne the lowd and vaine threats of the Barbarians. Among whom there were more women to be seene, than lusty young men. Vnwarlike as they were and unarmed, they would presently give ground, when they came once to feele & acknowledge the weapons, & va∣lour of those cōquerors, by whom so often they had bin put to flight. For even in many legions, a few they bee that carry away the honour of the battell: and to their greater glory it would turne, if with a small power they won the fame of a whole armie. Only this they must remem∣ber, marshalled close together as they stood, first with launcing ther Iavelins, and afterwards with the bosses and pikes of their bucklers, and with their swords to continue in beating downe and killing them, and never to think all the while of any booty: for after victory once gotten, all would come to their share. These words of the Captaine, gave such an edge, and kindled [ F] their courage so: the old souldiers also experienced in many battels, had so bestirred thēselves, and were so ready to let their darts fly, that Suetonius assured of the event, gave signall of bat∣tell. And first of all, the legion not stirring one foot, but keeping the streights of the place afore∣said, as a sure defence, after that the enemies approching neerer within the just reach of shot, had spent all their darts, sallied out, as it were, in pointed battels. The auxiliarie souldiers like∣wise were of the same stomack, and the horsemen stretching out their long launces, brake what

was in their way, and made head against them. The residue shewed their backs, and had much [ A] adoe to flie and escape, by reason of the carts and waggons placed round about the plaine, which had blocked up the passages on every side. And the souldiers forbare not the execution so much as of the women: the very horses and draught beasts, were thrust through with darts, which made the heape of dead bodies the greater. This was a day of great honour and renowne, com∣parable to the victories of old time: for, some report, that there were slaine few lesse in num∣ber, than fourescore thousand Britans: but of our souldiers, there died not all out foure hun∣dred, and not many more hurt. Boodicia ended her life with poison. And Poenius Posthu∣mus campe-Master of the second Legion, understanding of this prosperous successe of the four∣teenth, and twentieth Legions, because he had defrauded his owne Legion of the like glorie, [ B] and, contrary to the order of service, refused to obey the Captaines commandement, thrust him∣selfe through with his owne sword.

After this, the whole armie being rallied together, kept the field still, and lay encamped for to end the residue of the warre: and Caesar augmented their forces by sending out of Germanie two thousand Legionarie souldiers, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand horsemen: by whose comming, they of the ninth Legion, had their companies supplied, and made up with the Legioners. The cohorts and cornets of horse, were appointed to lodge in new wintering pla∣ces: and all those nations of the enemies, which were either doubtfull or knowne adversaries, were wasted with fire and sword. But nothing distressed them so much as famine, being negli∣gent in sowing of corne, by reason that of all ages they were given to warre: for that also they [ C] made full account to live of our provision, and as all other fierce and stout nations, slowly give eare to peace, because Iulius Cliassicianus, being sent to succeed Catus, and at variance with Suetonius, hindred the common good with private grudges, and had given it out abroad, that they were to expect and tarrie for a new Lieutenant, who without any hostile rancour and pride of a Conqueror, would gently entreat and use with all clemencie such as yielded unto him. With∣all, he sent word to Rome, that they should looke for no end of warre, unlesse some one or other succeeded Suetonius, upon whose overthwartnesse, he laid all his ill proceedings, and attributed all fortunate successe to the happy fortune of the common weale.

To see therefore in what state Britaine stood, Polycletus one of Neroes freed men was sent: for, good hope he had, that by his authoritie there should not onely be wrought a perfect agree∣ment [ D] betweene the Lieutenant and the Procurator, but also that the rebellious minds of the Barbarians would be won to peace. Neither failed Polycletus, being with his mightie hoast burdensome to Italie and Gaul, after he had passed the Ocean sea, to shew himselfe terrible e∣ven to our souldiers also. But to the enemies he was but a laughing stocke: who, whiles liber∣tie was still fresh on foot among them, knew not what the power of these freed men was: and they made a marvell of it that a Captaine and an armie, which had atchieved so great a war, should yield to obey slaves. But of all these things the best was made to the Emperor. And Suetonius being busied still in these affaires, for that he had lost afterwards some few Gallies upon the shore and the gallie slaves in them, as if the warre continued still, was commanded to deliver up the armie to Petronius Turpilianus,* 1.320 who now was newly out of his Consulship, [ E] as unto a man more exorable-unacquainted with the delinquencies of the enemies, and there∣fore more ready to accept of their repentance: who neither, incensing the enemie, nor provo∣ked by him,* 1.321 colouring a lazie and idle life with the honest name of peace, after hee had dared and done no more▪ but composed former troubles and debates, delivered the charge of the pro∣vince unto Trebellius Maximus.

But he, a man unfit for action, and altogether unexpert in war-service, by a kind of cour∣teous and mild regiment entertained the country in quiet. For now the Britaines also had learned the good manners, not rudely to repulse the sugred assaults of flattering vices; and the disturbance of civill dissentions comming between, ministred a lawfull excuse for his do∣ing nothing. But much discord arose among them whiles the souldier, accustomed to war∣fare, waxt wanton with ease, and grew to be mutinous: and he for his niggardly sparing and [ F] base taking of bribes, was both despised and hated of the armie. This hatred of theirs a∣gainst him, was enflamed by Roscius Caelius Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, an ancient enemie of his, but now by occasion of civill dissentions, they were fallen out farther, and brake into more heinous tearmes. Trebellius objected ever and anon to Caelius, and charged

[ A] him with factious behaviour, and confounding the order of discipline: Caelius againe, that Trebellius had spoiled and beggered the Legions. But in the meane time, whiles the Lieute∣nants thus jarred, the modest cariage of the armie was marred: and the discord at length grew so great, that Trebellius was driven away with the railing of the Auxiliaries also, in cohorts and wings sorting themselves to Caelius side, was glad, as a man forsaken, to give place and flie to Vitellius. The Province although the Consular Lieutenant Generall was absent remained in quiet: whiles the Lieutenants of the Legions supplied the charge in right of equall authoritie: But Caelius indeed bare the greater stroke, because he was of more boldnesse.

[ B] Whiles the Civill war betweene Galba,* 1.322 Otho and Vitellius grew hot, Vectius Bolanus was by Vitellius sent to succeed him. Neither troubled he Britanny with any discipline. The same default continued still against the enimies, and the like licentiousnesse in the campe: saving onely that Bolanus a good honest harmelesse man, and not odious for committing any crime, had wonne himselfe love and good will in lieu of obedience: and albeit Vitellius sent for aids out of Britanny, yet Bolanus made no hast, for that Britain was never quiet enough. As for the Island, that great favour and reputation in warlike affaires, which Vespasian had got∣ten, being Lieutenant there of the second Legion under Claudius, did easily win it unto him, yet not without some stir of the other Legions: wherein many centurions and souldiers who had [ C] bin advanced by Vitellius were loth to change that Prince whom they had proved already. And besides, the souldiers of the fourteenth Legion, called the subduers of Britain, removed from thence by Nero to the Caspian wars, and in the quarrell of Otho vanquished, were by Vitellius sent backe into Britanny, and called away againe by Mutianus letters.

For all this civill warre, no quarrell nor mutinies there were in the Britaine armie. And to say a truth, during all the troubles of civill warres, no Legions behaved themselves more harmelesse, either because they were farre off and severed by the Ocean, or for that they were taught by continuall service and soulderie, to hate the rather all hostility and dealing with e∣nemies. Howbeit by meanes of these dissentions and rumours still of civill war, the Britaines tooke heart and rebelled, through the procurement of Venusius: who besides a natu∣rall fiercenesse of courage, and hatred of the Roman name, was incensed particularly by pri∣vate [ D] unkindnesses between him and his wife Queene Carthismandua.* 1.323 This Carthismandua was Queene of the Brigantes, of high and noble linag, who upon the delivery of King Ca∣ractacus whom shee tooke by fraud and sent to furnish and set out the triumph of Claudius (that glorious spectacle, I meane in manner of a triumph, wherein Caractacus was shewed) had woon favour with the Romans and greatly increased her strength. Whereupon ensued wealth: of wealth and prosperitie riotous and incontinent life: in so much, that casting off Venusius her husband, and intercepting his kinsfolke, shee joyned her selfe in marriage with Vellocatus his harnesse-bearer, and crowned him King: which foule fact was the overthrow immediately of her house. The good will of the country went generally with the lawfull hus∣band: but the Queenes intemperate affections were peremptory and violent in maintaining [ E] her minion the adulterer. Whereupon Venutius, by the helpe of friends which he procured, and the revolt of the Brigantes themselves, made warre upon Carthismandua, and brought her into great extremities. Then upon her instant praier unto the Romans for aid, our garrisons, cohorts and wings were sent to defend her: which after sundry skirmishes with divers event, delivered the Queenes person out of perill, but the kingdome remained to Venutius, and the warre unto us.

Now when as the state of Rome Citie,* 1.324 was for Vespasian governed by Mutianus, hee made Iulius Agricola who was gone to side with Vespasian, and had behaved himselfe with great integritie and courage, Lieutenant of the two and twentieth Legion in Britanny, a Le∣gion which slowly had sworne allegiance to Vespasian, In which province his predecessour by [ F] report seditiously demeaned himselfe. For the said Legion was out of awe, or rather it over∣awed even Lieutenants generall that had beene Consuls. Neither was the ordinarie Legions Lieutenant, who had beene but Praetor, of power sufficient to restrain and keepe it under, whe∣ther it were through his owne weaknesse, or the stubborne disposition of the souldiers, it is not certaine. Thus being elected both to succeede and revenge, hee shewed an example of most rare moderation in making choice to bee thought rather to have found them, than to have

made them dutifull souldiers. And albeit that Vectius Bolanus Lieutenant Generall of Bri∣tannie [ A] for the time being, governed in a gentler and milder manner, than was fit for so fierce a Province: Yet under him Agricola cunningly conforming himselfe to that humor, and not unlearned to joyne profitable counsels with honest, tempered the heat of his owne nature that it might not grow upon him still.

But when as Vespasian recovered together with the rest of the world, Britanny also; brave captaines, good souldiers were sent, and the enemies hope was greatly abated. For straight∣waies Petilius Cerialis strooke a terror into them,* 1.325 by invading at his first entry the Brigantes, thought to be the most populous state of the whole Province. Many battels were fought, and some bloudy: And the greatest of the Brigantes he either conquered or wasted. [ B]

And whereas Cerialis would doubtlesse have dimmed the diligence and fame of another successor,* 1.326 Iulius Frontinus a great man sustained also as hee might, after such a predecessor that waightie charge with reputation and credit: who subdued the puissant and warlike peo∣ple of the Silures, where he had beside the vertue of the enemie, struggled with the streights and difficult places.

In this estate Agricola found the Province, and the wars thus far proceeded in, when as about the middest of summer he passed the seas:* 1.327 at what time the souldiers, as if the season were past, attended an end for that yeare of their service, and the enemie occasions to begin for to hurt. The Ordovices a little before he entred the land, had hewed almost wholly in pieces a wing which lay in their borders. Vpon which beginning the countrey being awaked, as men [ C] desirous of warre allowed the example: and some staied to see how the new Lieutenant would take it.

Then Agricola, although the Summer was spent, and the bands lay dispersed in the Pro∣vince, and his souldiers had fully presumed of rest for that yeare, which hindred much, and crossed directly his undertaking of warre, most men also being of opinion, rather to keepe and assure the places suspected, all this notwithstanding, resolved fully to encounter the danger: having gathered therefore the ensignes of the Legions, and some few Auxiliaries, because the Ordovices durst not descend into indifferent ground, himselfe before the voward, to give o∣thers like courage in the like danger, led up in battell-ray to encounter the enemie. And having slaughtered almost the whole nation, knowing full well that fame must with instance be follow∣ed, [ D] and as the first fell out, so the rest would succeede, hee deliberated to conquer the Island * 1.328 Mona, from the possession whereof, as before I have rehearsed, Paullinus was revoked by the generall rebellion of Britannie: But as in purposes not resolved on before, ships being wanting, the pollicie and resolutenesse of the captaine devised a passage over. For he comman∣ded the most choise of the Aid-souldiers, to whom all the foords and shallowes were knowne, and who after the usuall practise of their countrie, were able in swimming to governe all at once themselves, their armour and horses, laying aside their carriage, to put over at once, and suddenly invade them. Which thing so amazed the enemie, attending for a fleet, for shipping, for tide, that they surely believed nothing could bee hard or invincible to men that came so minded to war. Whereupon they humbly intreated for peace, and yielded the Island. Thus A∣gricola [ E] at his first entry into this province (which time other consume in vaine ostentation or ambitious seeking of complements) entring withall into labors and dangers, became famous indeed and of great reputation.

Neither abused Agricola the prosperous proceeding of his affaires to vanity or braving in speeches, as to tearme it an exploit or a conquest, thus to have kept in order persons subdued before: or to bedeck with lawrell his letters of advertisement, but by stopping and suppressing the fame he augmented it the more: whiles men began to discourse, upon what great presump∣tions of future successe, hee should make so light an account of such great actions already per∣formed, as not to speake a word of them.

Now as touching civill government: Agricola knowing right well the disposition and mind of the Province, taught also by the experience of others, that armes availe little to set∣tle [ F] a new conquered State, if injuries and wrongs bee permitted, determined to cut off all causes of warres. And beginning at home, his owne house first of all he reformed and restrai∣ned, a point of as much hardnesse with many, as to governe a province. He committed no man∣ner of publike affaires to bond men or freed; hee admitted no souldier about his person either

[ A] upon private affection of partiall suiters; or upon the commendation and intreatie of Centuri∣ons, but elected simply the best, presuming the same to be the most faithfull. He would see into all things, but not exact all things to the rigor: Light faults he would pardon, and the great severely correct: not alwaies proceeding to punish, but often content with repentance: chu∣sing rather not to preferre unto office and charge such as were like to offend, than after offence to condemne them. The augmentation of corne and tributes, he mollified with equall dividing of charge and burthen, cutting away those petty extortions, which grieved the subject more than the tribute it selfe. For, the poore people were constained in a mockery to waite at [ B] the barnes fast locked against them, and first to buy the corne, then after to sell it at a price. Severall waies were enioyned, and far distant places by the purveiors commandement: that the country should carry from the neerest standing-camps to those which were far off & out of the way, till that which lay open to all, and at hand, was turned in fine to the gaine of a few. By repressing these abuses presently in his first yeare, a good opinion was conceived from him of peace, which either by the negligence or connivence of former Lieutenants was now no lesse feared than warre.

At this time died Vespasian, unto whom for these victories of the leaders, and his owne vertue under Claudius, Valerius Flaccus before his Poeme thus speaketh;

[ C] Tu{que} ô pelagi cui major aperti Fama, Caledonius post quam tua carbasa vexit Oceanus, Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos. And thou, for seas discovery whose fame did more appeare, Since time thy ships with sailes full spred in Northerne Ocean were, Which of the Trojan Julii erst did scorne the sailes to beare.

But when that Noble Titus, THE LOVELY Deareling AND JOY OF THE WORLD succeeded his father,* 1.329 Agricola when summer was once come, assembling his armie together, those souldiers of his who in marching behaved themselves in modest sort hee commended, the loose and dissolute straglers he checked. The places for pitching the campe hee designed himselfe; the friths he sounded, and the thickets he proved first in his owne person: not suffe∣ring in the meane season any corner in the enemies country to be quiet: but wasting and spoi∣ling [ D] with sudden excursions and roads: But when he had throughly terrified them, then would he againe spare and forbeare, alluring thereby their minds to friendship and peace. Vp∣on which kind of proceeding, many states that stood upon termes of equalitie before that day, gave hostages and meekely submitted themselves, receiving garrison, and permitting to for∣tifie, which he so wisely and with such great foresight and reason performed that nothing was ever attempted against them: whereas before, no new fortified place in all Britanny escaped unassailed.

The winter ensuing was spent in most profitable and politicke devises. For, whereas the Britaines were rude and dispersed, and therefore prone upon every occasion to warre, hee to in∣duce them by pleasures unto quietnesse and rest, exhorted them in private, and helpt them in [ E] common to build temples, houses and places of publique resort, commending the forward and checking the slow: imposing thereby a kind of necessitie upon them whiles each man contended to gaine honour and reputation thereby. And now by this time the Noble mens sonnes he tooke and instructed in the liberall sciences, preferring the wits of the Britaines before the students of France, as being now curious to attaine the eloquence of the Roman language, whereas they lately rejected their speech. After that, our attire grew to be in account and the Gowne much used among them. S••, by little and little they fell to these provocations of vices, to sumptuous galleries & bathes, yea and exquisite banquettings: which things the ignorant termed civility being indeed a part of their bondage. In the third yeare of his wars, he discovered new coun∣tries, wasting along till he came to the firth of * 1.330 Taus. Which thing so terrified the enemies; [ F] that although the armie was toiled out with cruell tempests, yet durst they not assaile them: and the Romans moreover had leasure & space to fortifie there. They which were skilfull that way, observed, that never any Captine did more advisedly chuse his places. No Castle planted by Agricola ever was, either forced by strength, or upon conditions surrendred, or as not defensi∣ble, forsaken. Many times they issued forth: for, against a long siege, they were stored with a whole yeares provision. So, they wintered there without feare, every garrison guarding it selfe

and needing no helpe of their neighbours, the enemies assaulting sometimes, but in vaine, with∣out [ A] successe, and driven thereupon to despaire. For, the losses of Summer they were commonly wont before, to repaire with winter events: but now, summer and winter alike they went to the worse. In all these actions, Agricola never sought to draw unto himselfe, the glory of any exploit done by another: but were it Centurion, or of other degree, hee would faithfully witnesse the fact, and yield him alwaies his due commendation. By some, hee is said to have beene somewhat bitter in checks and rebukes: and indeed, the man was, as toward the good of a most sweet disposition, so to the bad and lewd persons unpleasant and sower enough. But this choler passed away with his words: closenesse in him and silence you needed not to feare: hee esteemed it more honest to offend, then to hate. [ B]

The fourth summer was spent in perusing, and ordering that which he had over-run. And if the valiant minds of the armies, and glory of the Roman name, could have permitted or ac∣cepted it so,* 1.331 they needed not to have sought other limit of Britaine. For, Glotta and Bodotria two armes of two contrary seas, shooting a mightie way into the land, are onely divided a sun∣der by a narrow partition of ground:* 1.332 which passage was guarded and fortified then with gar∣rison and castle: so that the Romans were absolute Lords of all on this side, having cast out the enemie, as it were, into another Island.

The fifth yeare of the warre, Agricola first taking sea there, went over, and subdued with many and prosperous conflicts nations before that time unknowne: and he furnished with for∣ces, that part of Britannie,* 1.333 which lieth against Ireland, more in hope, than for feare. For Ire∣land, [ C] if it might have beene wonne, lying between Britannie and Spaine, and fitly also for the French sea, would aptly have united, to the great advantage of the one and the other, these strongest members of the Empire together. In bignesse it is inferiour to Britannie: howbeit, bigger than the Islands of our sea. The soile, and temperature of the aire, the nature and fa∣shions differ not much from the British. The ports and places of accesse, are better knowne by reason of more commerce and frequenting of merchants. Agricola had received before, a Prince of that country driven out by civill dissention, whom under colour of courtesie and friendship, he retained till occasion should serve. I have heard him oftentimes say, that with one Legion, and some few Aides, Ireland might bee wonne and possessed: that it were also a strength for our British affaires, If the Roman forces were planted each-where, and libertie banisht, as it were, quite out of sight. [ D]

About this time died Titus, who for these valiant Acts exploited by Agricola, was the fifteenth ••ime named Imperator, as Xiphilinus writeth, and an ancient piece of coine witnesseth with him. Then Agricola under Domitian in the summer which began the sixth yeare of his office, because a generall rising in armes of all the farther Nations, beyond Bodotria was feared, & passages were all beset with a power of the enemies, manned a fleet to search the Creeks and Harboroughes of that ample region, which lieth beyond it. Which being by Agricola then first taken, and emploied as a part of his strength, followed after a long, and made a goodly brave shew, while at one time warre both by sea and land went forward. And oft it so chanced, that the horseman, footman, and sea-souldier met, and made merrie in the [ E] same campe one with another, extolling and magnifying, each their owne prowesse and adven∣tures: making their vaunts & comparisons souldier-like, the one of the woods & high moun∣taines, the other of dangerous tempests and billowes: the one, of the land and enemie conque∣red, the other of the Ocean subdued. The Britains, as by the prisoners was understood, were a∣mazed also at the sight of the navie, as though now the secrets of their sea were disclosed, and no refuge remained if they were overcome. Whereupon the Caledonians arming with great pre∣paration, and greater bruit thereof, as the manner is of matters unknowne, having of them∣selves first set in hand to assault our Castles, braved our men, and put them in feare as Chalen∣gers: in so much that some of our side, who would seeme to be wise, but were dastards indeed, counselled the Generall to retire on this side Bodotria, and that the best course was to depart of their own accord, rather than to be repelled with shame: in the mean while Agricola takes know∣ledge, [ F] that the enemies meant to divide themselves, and to give the onset in severall Compa∣nies: whereupon lest hee should bee enclosed about, and entrapped by their multitude, and skill in the country, he also marched with his armie divided in three. Which when it was knowne to the enemie, they on a sodaine changing advise, and uniting their forces together, joyntly as∣saulted

[ A] by night the ninth Legion, as being of weakest resistance: and having slaine the watch, partly asleep, and partly amazed with feare, brake into the campe. And now were they fighting within the very trenches, when Agricola having intelligence given him by Spies, what way the enemies had taken and following withall their footsteps, commanded the lightest horsemen and footmen to play on their backs, and maintaine the skirmish, and the whole armie anone, to second them with a shout. And when it drew neere to day, the glittering of the ensignes was seene. So the Britaines were quailed with a duple danger: but the Romans recovered courage againe, and being past perill of their persons, fought now for their honour, freshly assailing [ B] their late assailers. And verily within the streights of the gates, the conflict was sharpe and cruell, till in the end the enemies were forced to flie; whilest both our armies contended: the one would seeme to have helped their fellows, the other to have needed none other to help them: and if the bogs and wood had not covered their flight, that one victory had ended the warre. Vpon this battell so manfully fought, so famously wonne, the armie presuming, that to their prowesse all things were easie and open, cried, To lead into Caledonia, and to find out the limit of Britan with a course of a continued Conquests: and even those who ere while were so warie and wise, waxt forward enough after the event, and grew to speak bigly: such is the hard con∣dition of warres; If ought fall out well, all challenge a part, misfortunes are ever imputed to [ C] one. Contrariwise, the Britans presupposing that not valour, but the cunning of the Generall, by using the occasion had carried it away, abated no whit of their stomacke; but armed their youth, transported their children and wives into places of safetie, and sought by assemblies and reli∣gious rites, to establish an association of their Cities and States together. And so for that yeare both parties departed away incensed.

The same summer, a cohort of Vsipians, levied in Germanie, and sent over into Britan, com∣mitted a hainous and memorable Act.* 1.334 For having slaine a Centurion, and certaine souldiers intermingled among other manciples, and set over them for direction of discipline, they fled and embarqued themselves in three pinnaces, compelling by force the Masters of the said ves∣sels, to execute their charge: and only one doing his office, the other two being suspected, and thereupon slaine, this strange going out, and putting to sea, the fact as yet not noised abroade, was gazed and wondred at: afterwards being driven uncertainly hither and thither, and ha∣ving [ D] skirmished with the Britains standing in defence of their owne, often prevailing and sometimes repulsed, they came at last to that miserie, that they were enforced to eat one ano∣ther, first the weakest,* 1.335 then as the lot lighted. Thus after they had floated round about Britain, and lost their vessels for lacke of government, they were intercepted first by the Suevians, then by Frisians, as Pirats and Rovers. Now, some of them there were, that being bought by merchants as slaves, and by change of Masters brought to our side of the river grew into a name by giving first notice of so great and so rare an adventure.

In the beginning of Summer, Agricola was deepely touched with a grievous mischance that happened in his owne house: for, he lost his owne Sonne about a yeare old. Which infortu∣nate hap, he neither bare out, as most of these great men do in the like case, vaine-gloriously, nor [ E] tooke it againe so impatiently with sorrow and lamentation, as women are wont: and amidst his mourning, used the warre as one of his remedies. Therefore having sent his fleete afore, which by spoiling in sundry places, should induce a greater and more uncertaine terrour upon his enemies, hee made ready, and followed after with his armie, joyning thereto some of the valiantest Britaines, whom by long experience in peace, he had found most faithfull, and so came as farre as to the mount Grampias,* 1.336 where the enemies were lodged before. For the Britans nothing danted with the event of the former battell, and attending for nothing else but revenge or servitude, and being taught at length, that common danger must bee repelled with concord, by embassages and league made, had raised the power of all their Cities and States together. And now by this time there were entred into the field, the view being taken, above [ F] thirty thousand armed men: besides an endlesse number of youth, which daily flocked to them still, yea, and lusty old men renowned in warr, and bearing every one the badge due to their honour: at what time, among many other leaders, Galgacus for his valour & birth the princi∣pall man,* 1.337 seeing the multitude thus assembled hotly to demand battell, is said to have used this speech unto them: When I view and consider the causes of this warre, and our present neces∣sitie, I have reason, me seemes, to presume, that this day, and this your agreeing consent, will

give a happy beginning to the freedome of the whole Island. For, both have we all hitherto li∣ved [ A] in liberty; & besides, no land remaineth beyond, no, nor so much as sea for our safegard: The Romane navie, thus as you see, hoovering upon our coasts: so that Combat and armes, which valiant men desire for honour, the dastard must also use for his best securitie: the former battels which have with divers events been fought against the Romanes, had their hope and refuge resting in our hands: Because we, the flower of the British Nobilitie, and seated therefore the furthermost in, never seeing the coasts of the countries which serve in slaverie, have kept even our eies unpolluted, and free from all contagion of tyrannie. Be∣yond us is no land, beside us none are free; us hitherto this very corner, and the inward recesse, as it were, of fame hath defended. Now the uttermost point of Britannie is laid open: [ B] & things, the lesse they have bin within knowledge, the greater is the glory to atchive them. But no nation now is there beyond us; nothing but water, nothing but rockes, and the Ro∣mans even among them, more infest than all besides. Whose intolerable pride in vaine shall a man seeke to avoide with any obsequious service, and humble behaviour: Robbers as they be of the world, who having now left no more land to spoile, search also the sea. If their ene∣mies be rich, they covet their wealth: if poore, they seeke to gaine glorie: Whom neither the East nor the West, is ever able to satisfie: the onely men of all memorie, that seeke out all places, be they wealthy, or be they poore with like affection. To take away by maine force, to kill and to spoile, they fasly terme Empire and government: when they lay all waste as a wildernesse, that they call peace. That every man should hold his owne children and bloud [ C] most deare, Nature hath ordeined: and even those are pressed for souldiers, and carried a∣way to serve as slaves elswhere. Our wives and sisters, if they be not violently forced as in open hostilitie, are in the meane time under the colour and title of friends, and guests often abused. Our goods and substance, they draw from us for tribute, our corne for provi∣sion. Our verie bodies and hands they weare out and consume, in paving of bogs; and rid∣ding of woods, with a thousand stripes and reproachfull indignities besides. Slaves yet, which be borne to bondage, are bought and sold once for all, and afterwards fedde and found at their owners expences. But Britannie daily buyeth, dayly feedeth, and is at daily charge with her owne bondage. And as in a private retinue of houshold servants, the fresh man and last commer, is laughed and scoffed at by his very fellowes: even so, in this old servi∣tude of the whole world, our destruction only is sought, as being the latest and vilest in ac∣count [ D] of all other. For, fields we have none to manure, no mines to be digged, no ports to trade in, for which purposes and emploiments we should be reserved alive. And as for the manhood and fierce courage of the subject, it pleaseth not much the jelous Soveraign. And this very corner being so secret and far out of the way, the more security it yeeldeth to us, in them it works the greater suspicion. So seeing all hope of pardon is past, at the length take courage, to defend and maintaine your safety as well as your honor, things most deere and pretious unto you. The Trinobantes, led by a woman fired a Colonie, forced campe and ca∣stle; and if such a lucky beginning had not ended in sloth and security, they might with ease have shaken off the yoke, We as yet were never touched, never foiled nor subdued: as men [ E] therefore that mind to maintain their freedome, not for the present but for ever, let us shew straitwaies in the first joining, what manner of men Caledonia reserved in store for herselfe. Or do yee thinke the Romanes to be as valiant in war, as they are wanton in peace? No, it is not by their owne vertue, but by our farrings and discords they are grown into fanie, and the faults of their enemies they abuse to the glory of their owne armie, composed of most di∣vers nations, and therefore as by present prosperity holden together, so if fortune once frowne it doubtlesse will dissolve: unlesse ye suppose, the Frenchmen and Germanes, and (to our shame be it spoken) many of our owne Nation which now lend their lives to establish a forrain usurper, and yet have beene enemies longer than servants, to be led and induced with any true harted and loyall affection. Nay, it is feare and terror, weake links and bounds of love: Remove them once, those which shall cease to feare, will soone begin to hate. All things to in∣cite [ F] unto victory are on our side. No wife to encourage the Romanes, no parents to upbraid them if they flee: most have either no country at all, or els some other. A few fearefull persons trembling and gazing all about at the strangenesse of heaven it selfe, of sea, of woods and all things els, the * 1.338 Gods have delivered, mewd up as it were and fettered, into our hands. Let

[ A] the vaine shew and glittering of gold and silver terrifie us, which neither defendeth nor of∣fendeth. And even amongst our enemies in the field we shall find of our side. The Britaines will agnize their owne cause. The French will call to remembrance their freedome and for∣mer estate: the rest of the Germans will leave and forsake them as of late the Vsipians did. And what else then have we to feare? the Castles are emptie, the colonies peopled with aged and impotent persons: the free Cities discontent and in factions, whiles those which are under, obey with ill will, and they that doe governe, rule against right. Here is the Generall, and here is the armie: There are the tributes, there be the mettall mines, and other miseries inseperably [ B] following them that live under the subjection of others: which either to continue and endure forever, or straight to revenge, it lieth this day in this field. Wherefore, as yee are going to battell, beare in your minds both the freedome of your ancestors, and the bondage of your posteritie.

This speech they cheerefully received, as well with a song after their barbarous m••••••ner, as with confused acclamations and dissonant noises. And as the companies clustered together and glittering armour appeared, whiles the boldest advanced forward, and withall, the rankes were putting themselves in array; Agricola, albeit his souldiers were glad of that day, and scarce with words could be with-holden, supposing it best to say somewhat, encouraged them [ C] in this wise.

Fellow souldiers and companions in armes: Your faithfull service and diligence these 8. yeares so painfully shewed, by the vertue and fortune of the Roman Empire, hath conquered red Britanny. In so many journies, in so many battells, we were of necessitie to shew our selves either valiant against the enemie, or patient and laborious almost above and against nature it selfe. In which exploits wee have hitherto borne our selves both, so that neither desired I better souldiers, nor you other Captaine. Insomuch as we have exceeded the limits, I, of my predecessor, and you of yours. To the end of Britannie wee have found, not by fame and report, but we are with our armes and pavillions really invested thereof. Britain I say, is found and subdued. In marching, when the passage over bogs, mountaines and rivers toiled you out, how oft have I heard every valiant souldier say, when will the enemie present himselfe? when shall wee fight? Loe, they are now put up out of their holes, and hither they are come. [ D] Your wish, loe, is here, and place for your vertue: yea and all things to follow in an easie and expedite course if you win: but all against you, if you leese. For, as to have gone so much ground, escaped through the woods, passed over the friths, is honourable forward; so, if we doe flee, the vantages wee have this day will become our greatest disadvantage. For wee are not skilled so well in the country, we have not the like store of provision: but hands wee have and weapons, and therein all things included. For my part, I am long since resolved, that it is not safetie either for souldier or Generall to shew their backs, and therefore a commendable death is better than life with reproach, and commonly, safetie and honour are dwelling toge∣ther: or if ought should mishappen, even this will bee a glory, to have died in the uttermost end of nhe world and nature. If new nations and souldiers unknowne were in the field, I would [ E] by the example of other armies embolden and encourage you: now, recount you your owne vi∣ctorious exploits, and aske your owne eies. These are the same men, which the last yeare assai∣led one legion by stealth in the night, and were by a blast of your mouth overthrowne: These of all other Britans, have been the most nimble in running away, and therefore have scaped the longest alive. For, as in forrests and woods, the strongest beasts are chased away by main force, the cowardly and fearefull are scared with the very noise of the hunters: so the most valiant of the British nation, long since have been by you dispatched and slaine, the rascall herd of da∣stardly cowards only remaineth: whom at length we have found, not as having intended to stay and make head, but at last overtaken, and by extreme passion of feare standing as stocks, presenting occasion to us in this place of a worthy and memorable victory. Make an end there∣fore [ F] once for all of your warfare: and to fiftie yeares travells let this day impose a glorious conclusion: Approve to your country, that the Armie could never justly be charged, either with protracting the warre, or pretences for not accomplishing the conquest.

As Agricola was yet speaking, the souldiers gave great tokens of fervencie, and when hee had ended, seconded the speech with a joyfull applause, and ran straightwaies to their weapons. Agricola seeing them sufficiently animated, and rushing furiously forward, ordered his men

in this manner. With the auxiliary footmen being eight thousand, he fortified the middle bat∣tell: [ A] three thousand of their horse he put on both sides in the wings: commanding the Legi∣ons to stand behind before the trench of the camp to the greater glory of the victory, if it were obtained without shedding any Roman bloud, otherwise, for assistance and succour, if the vantgard should be repelled. The Britans were marshalled on the higher ground, fitly both for shew, and also to terrifie: The first battalion standing on the plaine, the rest in the assent of the hill knit and rising, as it were, one over another. The middle of the field was filled with the clattering of chariots and horsemen. Then Agricola perceiving the ene∣my to exceed him in number, and fearing lest hee should be assailed on the front and flancks both at one instant: displaied his army in length: and although by that meanes his battell [ B] would become disproportionably long, and many advised him to take in the Legions, Yet being more forward to hope, than yeelding to feare, he rejected the counsell, and leaving his horse 〈…〉〈…〉 himselfe before the ensignes on foot.

In the first encounter before the joining, both sides discharged and threw: Wherein the Britans both employing art, and shewing resolution with their great swords and little tar∣guets a voided our shot, or shooke them off; darting withall great store of theirs against us: till at length Agricola spying his vantage, exhorted three Batavian cohorts, and two of the Tun∣grians to presse forward and bring the matter to handy strokes and dint of sword: a thing, which they in respect of long service were able readily to performe: and contrariwise to the enemy prejudiciall and hurtfull, by reason of their small bucklers and huge swords, For the [ C] swords of the Britans being blunt pointed were no way for the close or for the open fight. Now as the Batavians began to deale blowes and lay about them, to strike with the pikes of their bucklers; to mangle their faces, and having overborne in the plaine all that resisted, to march up the hill, the rest of the cohorts gathering heart, upon emulation, violently beat downe all about them, and many halfe dead or wholly untouched were left, for hast of winning the victory.

In the meane time, the troups of the horsemen began to flee: and the charriotters mingled themselves with the battell of the footmen: who albeit they had lately terrified others, were now distressed themselves, by the unevennesse of the ground, and thicke rankes of their ene∣mies. Neither was the forme of this fight, like a loose skirmish of horsemen to and fro. But [ D] standing still, and maintaining their places, they sought withall by maine weight of horses to breake in and beare downe one another. The wandring waggons also and masterlesse horses affrighted, as feare caried them, over-bare many times, those which met them, or thwarted their way. Now, the Britans, which stood aloofe from the battell, on the heigth of the hils, and at their good leasure disdained our fewnesse, began to come downe by little and little, and to wheele about the backs of our men that were now in traine of winning the field; but that Agricola suspecting as much, opposed against them foure wings of horsemen purposely retained about him, for sudden dispatch, and all chances of war; and so, by repulsing them backe, as sharply as they ran fiercely to assaile, put them in rout. Thus the counsell of the Bri∣tans turned upon their owne heads, and the wing, by commandement of the leader turning [ E] quite from the battell in front, followed the enemy at the back, and pursued the chase. Then might you have seen in the open fields a grievous and pitifull spectacle, coursing, wounding, taking, and killing of them that were taken, when others were offred. Now whole regiments of the enemies according to their severall dispositions, armed though they were, and more in number, turned their backs to the fewer: others unarmed sought their own death, offring themselves voluntarily to the slaughter. Every where there lay scattered, weapons, bodies, and mangled limbs, and the ground was every where embrued with bloud: and sometime even in them that were overcome, appeared both anger and valour: For, when they approa∣ched the woods, uniting themselves; they entrapped unawares some of the formost of our men which unadvisedly followed, not knowing the country. And but that Agricola with his presence every where assisted at need, setting about them certain cohorts of his bravest and [ F] most ready footmen, as it were in forme of a toile, and commanding some of his horsemen to forego their horses where the passes were narrow, and others, where the wood was thin to enter on horseback, no doubt we had taken some blow by our overmuch boldnesse. But after they saw our men again in strong array and good order to follow the chase, they fled, not in

[ A] troupes as before, and attending each other, but utterly disbanded and single, and eschuing all company, toward the farre remote and desart places. The night and our satiet••e of bloud made an end of the chase. Of the enemies side ten thousand were slaine: three hundred and forty of ours. Amongst whom was Aulus Atticus Captaine of a cohort, upon a youthfull heat of his owne, and through the fierce spirit of his horse, being carried into the midst of his enemies. That night, the winners for their parts solaced themselves with the victorie and spoile: and the Britans scattering out of order, crying and howling, (men and women toge∣ther) take and draw with them their hurt persons, call unto them that were not hurt, forsake their owne houses, and in despight also set them on fire themselves: chuse out holes for to lurke in, and straight-waies forsake them; communicate some counsels together, and then have [ B] some glimmering of hope: sometime at the sight of their deerliest beloved moved to pitie, more often stirred to rage: and certaine it is, that some, as by way of compassion and mercie, slew their owne wives and children. The day following discovered more plainely the great∣nesse of the victorie. Every where desolation and silence: no stirring in the mountaines: the houses fired and smoaking a far off: no man to meet with our spies; who being sent abroad into all quarters found by their footsteps the flight was uncertaine, and that they were no where in companies together. Whereupon Agricola, because the summer was spent, and the warre could not conveniently bee divided; bringeth his armie into the borders of the * 1.339 Horrestians: where receiving hostages he commanded the Admirall of his navie to saile a∣bout [ C] Britaine, lending him souldiers and strength for that purpose, and the terrour of the Roman name was gone already before. Himselfe, with easie and gentle journies, to terrifie the new conquered nations with the very stay of his passage, disposed his footmen and horse∣men in their wintering places▪ and withall the navy with prosperous wind and successe ari∣ved at the port * 1.340 Trutulensis, from whence it departed, and coasting along the neerest side of Britaine returned thither againe. Then and never before, the Roman fleet having dou∣bled the point of the utmost sea discovered and reported, Britan to bee an Island, and withall found out and subdued the Isles of Orkney, before that time never knowne, which Orosius and as many writers as follow him ascribe falsly unto Claudius. This state of affaires in Britaine Agricola signified by letter without any amplifying termes, to Domitian: who after his man∣ner, with a cheerefull countenance and grieved heart, received the newes: being inwardly pricked, to think that his late counterfeit triumph of Germany, wherein certaine slaves bought [ D] for mony were attired, and their haire dressed as captives of that country, was had in derision and justly skorned abroad: whereas now, a true and great victorie, so many thousands of ene∣mies being slaine, was famous and currant in every mans mouth: that it were indeed a most perilous point if a private mans name should bee exalted above the name of the Prince. Mary then in vaine had he suppressed the study of Oratory, and all other worthy politick arts, if he should in military glory be despised by another: For other matters might more easily be passed over; but to be a good commander of an army was a vertue above private estate; and peculiar for a Prince. With these and the like cares being tormented, and musing much in his closet alone, which was a token and signe of some crueltie intended, hee thought it yet [ E] best for the present to dissemble and put over his malice, untill the heate of Agricola his glory, and love of his souldiers were somewhat abated: for, as yet he remained in charge. Where∣fore he commanded that all the honours of triumphall ornaments, image triumphall and what else usually was conferred in lieu of triumph, should in Senate bee awarded unto him in most ample and honourable termes: and sending a successor, caused withall a bruit to be spred, that the province of Syria then lying void by the death of Atilius Rufus a consular Lieutenant, and reserved for men of great qualitie, was purposed unto him. And a common opinion went, that Domitian sending one of his most secret and trusty servants to Agricola, sent withall the patent of Syria with instruction, that if he were in Britaine it should be delivered: and that the same man meeting Agricola as he crossed the seas, without speaking unto him or doing [ F] his message, returned againe to Domitian. Whether this were true or fained and surmised pro∣bably, as correspondent to the Princes disposition, I cannot affirme: But in the meane season Agricola had delivered to his successor the Province in good and peaceable state. And lest his arrivall at Rome should bee noted, by reason of the multitudes of people, which would goe out to see & to meet him, cutting off that courtesie of his friends, he entred the City by night,

and by night came to the palace as he was willed. Where, being admitted to the Princes pre∣sence, [ A] and received with a short salutation and no speech, he sorted himselfe with the rest of the waiters.

* 1.341Agricola had for his successor, as others thinke, Cn. Trebellius, but, as I take it, Sa∣lustius Lucullus, whom Domitian straight after slew, because he suffered certain spears of a new fashion to be called Luculleae. At which time also, Arviragus flourished in this Island, and not in the daies of Claudius, as Geffrey of Monmouth dreameth. For these verses of Juvenall are to bee understood of Domitian:

—Omen habes magni clari{que} triumphi: Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno [ B] Excidet * 1.342 Arviragus— A powerfull osse and signe thou hast, presaging triumph great: Some King (sure (thou shalt prisoner take in chase or battell heate: Or else Arviragus shall lose his British royall seat.

There flourished likewise at Rome Claudia Rufina,* 1.343 a British dame, passing well lear∣ned, and withall as beautifull, whom Martiall commendeth in these verses;

Claudia caeruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis Edita, cur * 1.344 Latiae pectora plebis habet? Quale decus formae? Romanam credere matres [ C] Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam. Sith from blew Britans Claudia Rufina doth descend, How comes a learned Latian brest her person to commend? How beautifull! Italian dames may her a Roman make: And Attick wives againe full well, her for their daughter take.

This was, as John Bale and Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterburie have writ∣ten, the very same woman, of whom S. Paul maketh mention in his latter Epistle to Timothy) neither is the computation of times repugnant, howsoever others be of a contrary opinion.

Thus under the Empire of Domitian, when that farther part therof, as being rough and unfruitfull,* 1.345 was left unto the barbarous Britans, this hither side was reduced full and whole into the forme of a province: Which was not governed by any Consular [ D] or Proconsular deputy, but was counted * 1.346 Praesidialis, and appropriate to the Caesars: as being a prouince annexed unto the Roman Empire after the division of Provinces ordained by Augustus, and had Propretors of their owne. Afterwards when as Con∣stantinus Maximus had set downe a new forme of Common-weale, under a Pre∣fect or Provost of Pretors degree of Gaule, there was set over it a vicegerent, and to∣gether with him in matters of war the * 1.347 Count or Earle of Britan, an Earle or Count of the Saxony coast by Britan: and a Duke or Generall of Britan, besides Presidents, Auditors or Receivers & such others. Moreover out of those 29. Legions, which the Romans had appointed through their Imperial government, three of them lay in gar∣rison to restraine that Province, to wit, the second Legion Augusta, the sixt Legion [ E] victrix, & the twentith victrix. But this is meant of the time of Severus: For before, we learn out of Authors, that other Legions there were, and more in number. And al∣though Strabo writeth that there was neede of no more than one band of souldiers, to the keeping of Britaine in subjection, yet in the raigne of Claudius there were placed here, the second Legion Augusta, the ninth Legion Hispaniensis, & the fourteenth na∣med Gemina Martia victrix. Yea and about the time of Vespasian, Josephus sheweth, that foure Legions served in this Island: Britaine, saith hee, is compassed about with the Ocean, and almost as big as our world. The Romans there inhabiting, have brought it un∣der their dominion, and foure Legions doe keepe in subjection an Island, peopled with so great a multitude.* 1.348 And doubtlesse, the standing guards and Camps of Legions and Roman [ F] souldiers, were many times the Seminaries, as it were, and Seed-plots of Cities and townes, as in other provinces, so also in this our Britan. Thus was the yoke of subje∣ction laid upon the Britans, first by a garrison of souldiers, which alwaies with terror were ready to command the Inhabitants, afterwards by tribute and imposts: and in

[ A] that respect forced they were to have Publicans, that is to say, greedy cormorants and horsleeches, who sucked their bloud, confiscated their goods and exacted tributes in the name of the dead: Neither were they permitted to use the ancient lawes of their country, but magistrates were sent from the people of Rome, with absolute power and commission to minister justice even in capital matters.* 1.349 For, Provinces had Propre∣tors, Lieutenants, Presidents, Pretors and Proconsuls. Every citie also and State had their municipall magistrates. The Pretor proclaimed yearely solemne sessions and Assizes, at which he determined the waightier causes sitting aloft upon a high Tribu∣nall seat, and guarded with his Lictors about him proudly executed he his jurisdicti∣on: [ B] rods and whipping cheere were presented to the backs, the axe and heading to the necks of the common people, and every yeare they were forced to receive one new ruler or other allotted unto them. Neither was this sufficient: they maintained discord and disscention among them, some also they favoured among the rest, that they might have them to be the instruments of this their servitude.

This yoak of the Romans although it were grievous, yet comfortable it proved and a saving health unto them: for that healthsome light of Iesus Christ shone withall upon the Britans, whereof more hereafter, and the brightnesse of that most glorious Empire, chased away all savage barbarisme from the Britans minds, like as from other nations whom it had subdued. For Rome, as saith Rutilius.

[ C] —Legiferis mundum complexa triumphis Foedere communi vivere cuncta facit: Compassed the world with triumphs bringing lawes; And all to live in common league doth cause.

And in another place speaking unto the same Rome most truly and in right elegant verses;

Fecisti patriam diversis gentibus unam. Profuit injustis te dominante capi. Dum{que} offers victis proprii consortia juris, Vrbem fecisti quod prius orbis erat. [ D] Thou hast of divers nations one entire country framed, Happy it was for lawlesse folke, that they by thee were tamed. For offering use, to them subdu'd, of thine owne proper lore, One civill state rhou mad'st of that, which was wild world before.

For, to say nothing of the rest of the Provinces, the Romans having brought over Colonies hither, and reduced the naturall inhabitants of the Island unto the societie of civill life, by training them up in the liberall Arts, and by sending them into Gaule for to learne perfectly the lawes of the Romans (whereupon Juvenal

Gallia causidicos docui facunda Britannos, Gaule eloquent of Britans hath good pleading lawyers made.)

[ E] governed them with their lawes, and framed them to good manners and behaviour, so as in their diet and apparell they were not inferior to any other Provinces:* 1.350 they furni∣shed them also with goodly houses and stately buildings, in such sort, that the reliques and rubbish of their ruines doe cause the beholders now, exceedingly to admire the same: and the common sort of people doe plainely say, these Roman workes were made by Giants, whom in the North parts they use to call in their vulgar tongue Ea∣tons, for Heathens (if I be not deceived) or Ethnicks.* 1.351 Certes, they are works of excee∣ding great admiration, and sumptuous magnificence: but especially the Picts wall, whereof I will write more in due place: and those Causeies throughout the whole land, a wonderfull piece of worke, what with dreining and drying up the meres in [ F] some places, and what with casting up banks where low vallies were, in others: so ••en∣sed and paved with stone, and withall of that breadth, that they can well receive and with roome enough, waines meeting one the other. Now what manner of Causeies these were, let Gallene tel you.

The waies,* 1.352 quoth he, Trajanus repaired, by paving with stone, or raising with bankes cast up such pieces of them as were moist and myrie; by stocking up and ridding such as were rough

and overgrowne with bushes and briers: by making bridges over rivers that could not bee [ A] waded through: where the way seemed longer then needed, by cutting out another shorter: if any where by reason of some steepe hill, the passage were hard and uneasie, by turning it aside through easier places: now in case it were haunted with wild beasts, or lay wast and de••ert, by drawing it from thence thoough places inhabited, and withall, by laying levell all uneven and rugged grounds. But now adaies these of ours, being dismembred, as it were, and cut one piece from another in some places, by reason that the country people digge out gravell from thence, and scarcely to bee seene; yet elsewhere, leading through pastures and by-grounds out of the rode way, the bankes are so high, that evidently they shew themselves. [ B]

These causeies or Street-waies, the Romans called Vias Consulares, Regias, Praetorias, Militares, Publicas, cursus publicos, and Actus, as it is to be seene in Ulpian and Julius Frontinus. Ammianus Marcellinus termeth them Aggeres itinerarios & publicos: Sidonius Apollinaris, Aggeres, and Tellures inaggeratas: Beda and the latter writers, Stratas, that is Streets.

Our Chronicles, doubtlesse herein deceived, doe hold, that there were but onely foure such causeies as these: of which, the first was Watling-streete, so called of one Vitellian, I wote not what he was,) who had the charge thereof (and indeed the Bri∣tans named Vitellian, in their tongue Guetalin) and Werlam-street, for that it went through Verolamium, which elsewhere also, the people dwelling neere unto it, named, [ C] High dike, High ridge, Fortie-foot-way, and Ridge-way. The second they commonly call Ikemildstreet, because it began in the Icenes country: The third, the Fosse, for that (as men thinke) it was fensed on both sides with a ditch: and the fourth Ermin-street, by a German word, of Mercurie (whom as I am informed by Iohn obsopoeus) a great learned man) under the name of Ermisul, that is, the Columne of Mercurie, the Ger∣mans our ancient progenitors, worshipped.

Now, that Mercurie had the charge of waies, his name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Greekes, may shew sufficiently: as also his Statues with foure sides, called in old time Hermae, which were set every where upon high waies. It hath been generally thought, that one Mulmutius (I know not what he should be) many hundred yeares before the birth [ D] of Christ, made these causeys: but so far am I from believing it, that I dare confident∣ly avouch, the Romans by little and little founded and raised them up. Whilest Agri∣cola, saith Tacitus, governed Britaine, severall waies were enjoyned, and farre distant places (by the purveyors commandement) that the country should carry from the nearest standing camps, or wintering places, to those that were farre off, and out of the way: And the Britans complained, as the same Tacitus writeth, That the Romans wore out, and consumed their bodies and hands, in cleering of woods, and paving the Fens, with a thou∣sand stripes & reprochfull indignities. And so we read in ancient records, That in the daies of Honorius and Arcadius, there were made in Britaine certain beaten high waies from sea to sea. That this was the Romans worke, Beda witnesseth: The Romans inhabited (saith he) [ E] within the wall (which, as I rehearsed before, Severus had made overthwart the Island) to∣ward the southerne side, which the Cities, Churches, and street waies there made doe wit∣nesse at this day. About the making of such causeys and high waies, the Romans were wont to exercise their souldiers, and the common multitude, lest being idle, they should grow factious, and affect alteration in the Sate. The Romans, as Isodorus wri∣teth, made Causeys in sundry places, almost through the world, both for the direction of journeys, and also because the people should not be idle: and to the making and paving of such causeys, prisoners were many times condemned, as may be gathered out of Sue∣tonius, in the life of Caius. And there are to be seene in Spaine, the Causeys called Salamantica or Argentea, as also in France certaine Rode waies, called Viae militares, [ F] paved by the Romans; to say nothing, of the way Appia, P••mpeia, Valeria, and others in Italie.

* 1.353A long these Causeys and high waies, Augustus placed young men at first, as posts within small distances one from another: and afterward swift wagons, to give notice with all speed, and out of hand, what was doing in every place. Neere, or upon these

[ A] Cawsies, were seated Cities and Mansions, which had in them Innes furnished with all necessaries belonging to this life for travailers,* 1.354 and way-faring persons to abide and rest in,* 1.355 as also Mutations; For so they called in that age, the places where stran∣gers, as they journied, did change their post-horses, draught beasts, or wagons. He therefore that seeketh not about these Rode waies for those places, which are men∣tioned in the Itinerarie of Antoninus, shall no doubt misse the truth, and wander out of the way.

Neither, think much of your labour, in this place to note, that the Emperors erected at every miles end, along these Cawsies certaine little pillars or Columnes, with nu∣merall [ B] Characters or Letters cut in them, to signifie how many miles: Whereupon Sidonius Apollinaris, writeth thus:

Antiquus tibi nec teratur agger; Cujus per spatium satis vetustis, Nomen Caesareum viret columnis. That ancient cawsey, doe not decay, Where on good old pillars along the way, The Caesars name stands fresh for aie.

Neere also unto these high waies,* 1.356 on both sides were Tombs and Sepulchers, with Inscriptions graved upon them in memoriall of brave and noble men, that the passen∣gers [ C] by, might be put in mind, that as those sometimes were mortall men, so them∣selves are now. For the repairing likewise of the said cawseys, as wee may see in the Code of Theodosius title,* 1.357 de Itinere muniendo, that is, Of making and mending waies, They all were willing upon a good and profitable devotion, who could doe best, and make most speed in this businesse. Furthermore, in our owne ancient lawes, there is mention made, de pace quatuor Cheminorum, that is, Viar••m sub majori judicio, that is, Touching the peace of the foure Rhode-waies in some higher Court.

Under the raigne of Nerva,* 1.358 the writers have discontinued the Storie of Britannie. But in the time of Trajane, the Britans may seem to have revolted and rebelled: and evident it is out of Spartianus,* 1.359 that subdued then they were. Moreover, while Adrian [ D] was Emperour, Julius Severus ruled the Island: and when he was called away against the Jewes, who then were in an uprore, the Britans could not have beene kept in their allegiance to the Romans, had not Adrianus come among them in person: who be∣ing then Consull the third time, in the yeare of Christ 124. seemeth by the prow∣esse of his armie to have discomfited his enemies. For I have seene in one piece of mony of his coining, the stampe of an Emperour with three souldiers, whom I judge to represent three Legions, with this Inscription, EXER. BRITANNICUS: and another bearing this Inscription RESTITUTOR BRITANNY. This Prince reformed many things throughout the Island: and was the first that built a wall between the barbarous Britans,* 1.360 and the Romans fourescore miles in length: laying the foundation thereof within [ E] the ground of huge piles or stakes, and fastning them together, in manner of a strong hedge or mound. For which expedition of his, Florus the Poet plaied upon him, thus:

Ego nolo Caesar esse Ambulare per Britannos, Scythicas pati pruinas. I will in no wise Caesar be, To walke along in Britanie The Scythicke frosts to feele and see.

Unto whom, Adrianus wrote back in this wise:

[ F] Ego nolo Florus esse, Ambulare per tabernas, Latitare per popinas, Culices pati rotundos. And I will never Florus be, To walke from shop to shop, as he; To l••rke in Tavernes secretly,

And there to feele the round wine fly. [ A]

* 1.361At this time M.F. CL. PRISCVS LICINIVS, was the Propraetor of Bri∣tannie, and emploied in the Journey of Jurie with Hadrian; as appeareth by this an∣tique Inscription in a broken marble.

M.F. CL. PRISCO. ICINIO. ITALICO. LEGATO. AVGVSTORVM PR. PR. PROV. CAPPADOCIAE [ B] PR. PR. PROV. BRITANNIAE LEG. AVG.

— — —

LEG. IIII. GALLICIAE. PRAEF. COH. IIII. LINGONVM. VEXILLO. MIL. ORNATO. A. DIVO. HADRIANO. IN EXPEDITIONE IVDAIC.

Q. CASSIVS. DOMITIVS. PALVMB VS.

[ C]

* 1.362Under Antoninus Pius (by whose ordinance as many as were in the Roman world, became Citizens of Rome) this warre brake out againe into a light fire, which hee so quenched by driving the barbarous Britans further off, under the conduct of Lollius Vrbicus Lieutenant,* 1.363 and by making another wall of turfe, that thereupon he was sur∣named BRITANNICUS: and hee deserved singular commendation, for that hee had fined the Brigates with the losse of one part of their Lands, who had infested with roades Genounia, a neighbour province under the protection and allegiance of the Romans. And at this time, as we collect out of Jabolenus, Sejus Saturnius was Ar∣chigubernus of the Navie in Britannie:* 1.364 But whether by this title, hee were an Admi∣rall [ D] of the said Navie, or a principall Pilot, or the Master of a ship, I would have the Lawyers to tell.

* 1.365But the Britans, giving occasions still of quarrels and warres, one after another be∣gan a commotion under Antoninus Philosophus: for the appeasing whereof, Calphur∣nius Agricola was sent, and seemeth to have ended the same with fortunate successe. Which commendation for the dispatching of this warre, Fronto, for Roman eloquence com∣parable to the best, and second to none, would needs give unto Antoninus the Emperour. For albeit he sitting still, and holding his Court in the very palace of Rome, gave out only his com∣mission and warrant for to make this warre, yet he protesteth, that like unto the Pilot sitting at the helme to steere a galley,* 1.366 he deserved the glory of the whole course and sailing in that voy∣age. [ E] At the same time there served also in the wars of Britannie, Helvius Pertinax brought hither out of the Parthian warre, and here staied.

* 1.367Whiles Commodus was Emperour, Britannie, was all of a Garboile, full of warres, and seditious troubles. For the barbarous Britans, having passed over the wall, made great waste, and hewed in pieces the Romans, both Captaine and Souldier. For the repressing of which rebels,* 1.368 Vlpius Marcellus was sent: who had so fortunate an hand in taming their audacious stomacks, that his prowesse was soone defaced, and depra∣ved with envie, and himselfe called backe. This Captaine was of all others most vigilant: and being desirous that the rest about him might be as watchfull,* 1.369 he wrote every evening xij. tables throughout, such as commonly are made of the Linden-tree wood: and commanded one [ F] of his attendants about him, to carry the same unto divers of the souldiers, some at one houre of the night, and some at another, whereby they might thinke their Generall was ever awake, and so themselves might sleepe the lesse.

Of whose temperance thus much also is reported: And albeit otherwise his nature was able to resist sleepe, yet that he might doe it the better, he brought to passe by fasting and ab∣stinence.

[ A] For to the end that he would not feed of bread to the full, hee caused it to be brought from Rome to him into the campe; that by reason of the stalenesse of it, hee could not eat any whit more than was needfull. But when he, I say, was called backe, all licentious wan∣tonnesse brake into the Campe, and the forces in Britanny, letting the raines loose of militarie discipline, became unruly, and refused the command & government of Com∣modus, although by some of his flatterers he was stiled Britannicus. Moreover, they that served in Britanny suborned and sent a thousand and five hundred of their owne ranke into Italy against Perrennius, a man that not onely carried an outward shew and countenance, but of all the Emperors minions could indeed do most with him: accu∣sing [ B] him that he had made captaines over souldiers certain of the gentlemens degree, and put Senators out of place, and withall, that he had laid wait to take away the Em∣perors life. Commodus gave eare to this information, and believed it, whereupon he delivered the man into their hands: who after he had with many indignities beene whipped,* 1.370 lost his head, and was proclaimed a traitor to his country. Howbeit these seditious stirs Helvius Pertinax repressed, not without great danger, being himselfe al∣most slaine, and for certaine, left for dead among those that were slaine.

Now when Britanny was in peaceable estate,* 1.371 Clodius Albinus received it from Commodus, and withall, afterwards for his worthy exploits in Britanny the name of Caesareus: but soone after, because in a publike assembly he had made an invective a∣gainst [ C] the government of the Emperors, Junius Severus was placed in his rome.

At which very time, the thicke mists of superstition being scattered (not under M. Aurelius and L. Verus Emperors, as Beda writeth but under Commodus, when Eleu∣therus was Bishop of Rome) the heavenly light & brightnesse of Christianitie, by the meanes of King Lucius shone upon this Island. Which Prince, (as we find in the anci∣ent * 1.372 reports and lives of Martyrs, usually read in the Church) admiring the integritie and holy life of the Christians, made petition unto Eleutherus the Pope, by the me∣diation of Elvan & Meduan, two Britans, that both himselfe and his subjects might be instructed in christian religion. Then sent he hither forthwith, Fugatius and Donaita∣nus, two holy men, with letters, which at this day be extant, & (as very many are per∣swaded) [ D] are not forged but authenticall, as bearing date, when L. Aurelius Commo∣dus was second time Consull with Vespronius: Which holy men instructed the King and others in the mysteries of christian religion. Hereupon it is, that Ninnius writeth thus of this King, King Lucius quoth he, is surnamed Lever Maur, that is, [a Prince] of great glory, for the Faith which in his time came. Now for those that call these matters of King Lucius into question (as many doe in these daies) as if there had beene at that time no King in Britanny, which they suppose was full and whole reduced into a pro∣vince before, I wish them to call to remembrance thus much, That the Romans by ancient custome had in their provinces Kings as the instruments of bondage; that the Britans even then, refused to obey Commodus; and that themselves possessed and [ E] held freely, those parts of the Island which were beyond the foresaid wall, had their Kings of their owne,* 1.373 and that Antoninus Pius a few yeares before, having ended warre, permitted Kingdomes to by ruled by their own Kings, and provinces by their own * 1.374 Comites. What should let then, but that Lucius might be King over that part of the Island, un∣to which the Romans forces never came? And verily, that which Tertullian hath put downe, who wrote much about those daies, if we throughly weigh his words, and the time, may very aptly be referred to the Britans conversion unto Christ: Those pla∣ces, quoth he, among the Britans, which yielded the Romans no accesse, are now subdued unto Christ: and somewhat after, Britanny is enclosed within the compasse of the Ocean. The nation of the Mauri, and the barbarous Getulians are beset by the Romans, for feare they [ F] might passe beyond the limits of their countries. What should I speake of the Romans, who with garrisons of their Legions fortifie their Empire? neither are they able to extend the power of their dominion, beyond those very nations. But the Kingdome and name of Christ reacheth farther still, it is believed in every place, and is worshipped of all those people above named, &c.

But our Ecclesiasticall writers who have emploied both time and diligence in the

consideration of this point endeavor and labour to prove, and that out of ancient au∣thors [ A] of credit, that before this time, in the very dawning and infancie of the Church, Britanny had received christian religion: and namely that Joseph of Arimathea a no∣ble Senator,* 1.375 sailed out of Gaule into Britanny, and that Claudia Rufina the wife of Aulus Pudens, which woman, as it is credibly thought, S. Paul nameth in his latter E∣pistle to Timothy, and whom the Poet Martiall so highly commendeth, was a Britan borne. They cite also the testimony of Dorotheus, who commonly goeth under the name of the Bishop of Tyre, who in his Synopsis hath recorded, that Simon Zelotes, after he had travailed through Mauritania, was at last slaine and buried in Britanny: as also that Aristobulus, whom S. Paul mentioneth in his Epistle to the Romans, was [ B] made Bishop of Britanny: (whereto Nicephorus inclineth) notwithstanding he spea∣keth of Britiana and not of Britannia:* 1.376 they report likewise upon the authoritie of Si∣meon that great Metaphrast, and of the Greeks * 1.377 Menology, that S. Peter came hither and spread abroad the light of Gods word: out of Sophronius also and Theodoret that S. Paul after his second imprisonment in Rome, visited this our country. Where∣upon Venantius Fortunatus if he may be beleeved as a Poet, writeth thus of him, un∣lesse he speaketh of his doctrine.

Transiit Oceanum, & quà facit Insula portum Quas{que} Britannus habet terras, quas{que} ultima Thule. Pass'd over Seas, where any Isle makes either port or bay, [ C] And lands, so far as Britans coast or cape of Thule lay.

But to this purpose maketh especially that which erewhile I alleaged out of Tertulli∣an; as also that which Origen recordeth, How the Britans with one consent embraced the Faith, and made way themselves unto God by meanes of the Druidae, who alwaies did beat upon this article of beliefe,* 1.378 That there was but one God. And verily of great moment and importance is that with me, that Gildas writeth, after hee had mentioned the rebelli∣on of Boodicia,* 1.379 and treated of the revenge thereof, Meane while, quoth he, Christ, that true Sun, shining with his most glittering brightnesse upon the universall world, not from the temporall skie and firmament, but even from the highest cope of heaven, exceeding all times, vouchsafed first, his beames, that is to say, his precepts and doctrine in the time as wee [ D] know of Tiberius Caesar, unto this frozen Island full of Ice, and lying out as it were in a long tract of earth remote from the visible sunne. Chrysostome likewise, (to note so much by the way) writeth of the Christian religion in this Iland, as followeth: The British Ilands seated without this sea, and within the very Ocean, have felt the power of the word (for even there also be Churches founded, and altars erected) of that word, I say, which is planted in the soules, and now also in the lips of all people. And the same Chrysostome in another place:* 1.380 How often have folke in Britanny fed of mans flesh? but now with fasting they refresh the soule. Likewise S. Hierome; The Britan divided from our world, if he proceed in reli∣gion, leaving the westerne parts toward the Suns setting, will seeke Hierusalem, a Citie known unto him by fame only, and relation of scriptures. But now passe we forward from the Church [ E] to the Empire.

When Commodus was slaine, Pertinax being called to the Empire, sent presently Albinus againe over into Britanny. But after that Pertinax within eight hundred and two daies was made away,* 1.381 Didius Iulianus, (who likewise was within a while killed) at Rome, Pescennius Niger in Syria, Clodius Albinus in Britanny, and Septimius Se∣verus in Pannonia, all together at once take upon them the soverainty of the Empire. Severus being next unto Rome, hastneth first to Rome, and, with consent of the soul∣diers and Senate, proclaimed Emperor, straightwaies (because he would not leave an enemie behind at his backe) craftily createth Albinus,* 1.382 Caesar: this Albinus, chiefe commander of the forces in Britanny and Gaule, and having stamped mony with his image upon it, set up his statutes, and conferred upon him the honorable dignitie of a [ F] Consull, wisely with good foresight dulceth and kindly intreateth the men. Then maketh he an expedition into the East against Niger, whom in plaine field hee gave battell unto, vanquished and slew. The City * 1.383 Bizantium after 3. yeares siege he for∣ced and wonne: the Adiabenes, Arabians and other nations hee brought to his sub∣jection.

[ A] Being now puffed up with pride, for these fortunate victories, and impatient of a companion in government, he sent under-hand murderers of purpose to dispatch Albinus: but seeing his secret practises tooke not effect, hee openly proclaimeth him Traitor, and an enemie to the State, and with all the speede he could make, hasteneth into Gaule against him: where Albinus with the choice and chiefe strength of the British armie made head neere unto * 1.384 Lyons. The Albinians fought most valiantly, in so much as Severus himselfe, throwing from him his purple robe, began with his men to flie. But when the said British forces, as if now the victorie had beene in their hands, displaied their rankes in thinner arraies, and ran furiously upon their enemies [ B] backs, discomfited and in rout, Laetus, one of Severus his Captaines, who with his fresh and unfoiled troupes, waited untill then, for to see the issue of the battell (ha∣ving heard withall that Severus was slaine) with a purpose and resolution now to take the Empire upon him, charged upon them, and put them to flight. And Seve∣rus, having by this time rallied his men, and resumed the purple Roabe aforesaid, fol∣lowed likewise fiercely upon them, and having slain Albinus with a number of other, obtained a most fortunate victorie.

Upon this, Severus (having alone the Soveraigntie of the whole world) sent first Heraclianus to seize upon Britaine,* 1.385 and to rule it: when Virius Lupus, as Propraetor and Lieutenant (whom Vlpian the Civill Lawyer nameth Praesident of Britaine) who, [ C] as we shall relate in place convenient, built many new Castles there: howbeit, dri∣ven hee was in the end to redeeme his owne peace, at the hands of the Maeatae, with a great summe of money, after hee had recovered some few prisoners, considering that the Caledonians kept not their word, who had promised to keepe under the said Maeatae. And being not able after many losses and calamities sustained, to represse the sudden rodes, and assaults made by the enemies, of necessitie hee sent for Seve∣rus himselfe: who gladly and thankefully taking hold of this good occasion, to with∣draw and weane his sonnes (given to licentious rioting) from the delightsome plea∣sures of Rome-Citie, and therewith to augment his owne stile with the addition of Britannicus: albeit, he was above threescore yeares of age, and gowtie besides, fully [ D] resolveth with his two sons, Bassianus (whom he had named Antoninus, & Augustus) Geta Caesar, and the Legions, to enter Britaine. The Britans forthwith sent Em∣bassadours unto him for peace. Whom after he had of purpose detained with him a good while, till he might prepare all things meet for warre, hee sent away, as they came without obtaining their suit: and leaving his sonne Geta, (whom hee created Augustus at his first arrivall in Britaine) in the hither part of the Province which con∣tinued in obedience to the Romans, for the civill jurisdiction and administration of the affaires there: himselfe with Antoninus went into the farther parts, where being occupied in cutting down woods, making bridges, and drying up the meres, he fought no battell: howbeit, what with the ambuscadoes of enemies, and what with sick∣nesse, [ E] hee lost fiftie thousand of his men: Thus writeth Dio. But Herodian hath re∣corded, that in certaine light skirmishes, whiles the barbarous Britaines kept the fen∣nie bogs, and most thick woods, out of which they might more safely assaile the Ro∣mans he had the upper-hand. Yet he enforced them in the end to a league, with this condition, that they should yield unto him a good part of their Countrey. And that which is the greatest honour and ornament of his Empire, he fensed it with a wall o∣ver thwart the Island, from one coast of the Ocean to another. For these victories, he stamped certaine pieces of money with this Inscription, VICTORIA BRITANNICA, assumed the surname of BRITANNICVS MAXIMVS; and his sonne Geta named Bri∣tannicus bare it, as appeareth by his coines. Howbeit, the Britans afterward (having [ F] broken covenant) began to rebell, and make alteration in the State, whereupon his wrathfull indignation against them brake out into such termes, as that in an assembly of his souldiers, he gave them in charge to make a generall massacre of them all, using these verses out of Homer, to this effect:

Let none escape your bloudy hands, but be they sure to die, Spare not the very babes unborne, in mothers wombe that lie.

These rebels when he had in some sort repressed by the helpe of his own forces, he [ A] sickned, not so much upon any bodily disease, as for griefe and sorrow of mind, occa∣sioned by the desperate and unreclaimable misdemeanour of his Sonne Antoninus, who once or twice gave the attempt to kill him with his owne hand, and so hee yiel∣ded up his vitall breath at Yorke, uttering at the point of death these his last words, A troubled state of Common weale I found in every place: but, I leave it now in peace and quietnesse, even among the Britans. His body here was in militarie sort carried forth by his souldiers, bestowed in a funerall fire, and honoured with a solemne justing, and running at Tilt, performed by his owne souldiers and sonnes. I might peradven∣ture be censured for my vanitie, if I should relate in this place the prodigies that went [ B] before his death, and namely, as touching the sootie and black hostes or Sacrifices, as also the coronet made of the deadly and mournefull cypresse, which a scurrile Buf∣fon and jester presented unto him with these words, Thou hast beene all, now be a God: but after what manner he was canonized a God, I will not thinke much of mine owne paine, to annex hereunto, considering that the knowledge thereof may delight the reader also.

* 1.386A Custome the Romanes have, to consecrate those Emperours that die, their Sonnes or Successours surviving. And whosoever are in this wise honoured, be canonized and regi∣stred in the Rolle of their Divi, that is, Gods. Now, during this complement, they hold a generall mourning thorow the whole citie, and the same mixed with a festivall solemnitie. [ C] For,* 1.387 after the Princes death, they burie the bodie honourably, and with sumptuous funerals, according to the manner of other men: But withall, they frame an image of waxe, resem∣bling in all points the party deceased, and lay the same openly at the entry of the palace, upon a most ample and stately bed of Ivorie, erected on high, and covered with cloth of gold. And verily, that image lieth with a palish and wan colour like unto a sicke man: About the bed on both sides, there sit a great part of the day, the whole bodie of the Senate on the right hand, arraied in their blacks: and on the left hand certaine Dames and Ladies, who are by the place and dignity of the husbands, or parents worshipfull. And there is not one of them seene to weare any gold about them, nor to be adorned with jewels, but clad in white and slen∣der garments, they represent mourners. This do they for seven daies together: during which [ D] time▪ the Physitians resort daily into him to touch his pulse, and consider of his disease, and thereupon as of their patient, judicially pronounce, that he groweth worse and worse. Thus after a sevenight, when it seemed that he was departed, certaine of the noblest, and most choice young gentlemen, as wel of the Senators as Knights degree, take up the foresaid bed upon their shoulders, and carrie it thorow the high street, called Sacra, into the old Forum, where the Roman Magistrates had wont to lay down their rule and government. Here, on both sides were certaine greeses or steps in maner of staires raised; upon which, on the one hand was pla∣ced a quire of boies of noblest birth, and of the Patritian degree, and on the other, a company of women likewise of noble parentage, singing in commendation of the dead Prince, hymmes and sonets, entuned in a solemne, and mournfull note. Which done, they take up the said bed [ E] or hearse againe, and carrie it out of the Citie into Campus Martius: where, in the broadest place of the said field, a frame or turret foure square with equall sides was raised, and the same made in manner of a tabernacle, of no other matter than main great pieces of timber. And ve∣rily within it was all over filled with dry fewell: but without, adorned with rich hangings woven with gold wire between, with divers jvory portraicts of imagerie, and sundry curi∣ous pictures. * 1.388 Over this frame there stood another somewhat lesse: howbeit, in forme and furniture very like unto the former, with windowes and dores standing open. And so a third and fourth turret, smaller every one than that next beneath it, and others likewise still one after another, untill you come to the last and utmost, which is the least and highest of all the rest. The manner of this whole building a man may well compare to these [ F] lanternes or light-towers standing by haven ••ides, and are commonly called Phari, which give light by fire in the night time, and direct ships at sea in their course to safe harbours. The hearse then being mounted up into the second tabernacle, they get together spices and odours of all sorts, likewise all the sweet smelling fruits, hearbs juices and liquors, that the whole world can yield, and thereon poure the same forth

[ A] by heape-meale. For their is not a nation, citie or state, nor any person of worth and marke above the rest, but strive a vie every one to bestow in honor of the Prince, those last gifts and presents. Now when there is a mightie heape of the said spiceries gotten together, so that the whole roome is filled therewith, then all the Gentlemen of the Knights order, first ride about that edifice, marching in a certaine measure: and there∣with in their courses and recourses observe a warlike kind of motion round, in just measure and number. The open chariots likewise are driven about by courtiers in purple roabes of honor sitting thereupon to guide and direct them with vizards on their faces resembling all the redoubted captaines and renowned Emperors of Rome. [ B] These ceremonies thus performed, the Prince that next succeedeth in the Empire, takes a torch, and first himselfe sets it to the tabernacle aforesaid: then, all the rest from every side put fire under, so that forthwith every place being full of the said dry fuell and odors, kindle and catch fire mightily. Then straightwaies from the high∣est and least tabernacle, as it were out of some lower or high turret together with the fire put underneath, an Eagle was let flie, and the same was supposed to carry up the Princes soule into heaven. And so from that time forward was the Emperor reputed and by the Romans adored among the rest of the Gods. Thus much by way of di∣gression and beside the matter: now let us returne.

Antoninus Caracalla the sonne of Severus,* 1.389 pursued the reliques of the war by his [ C] Captaines for a while in Britaine: but soone after he made peace, surrendring to the enemie their territories and castles. Howbeit in a spirit of ambition hee assumed to himselfe in his stile the name of BRITANNICVS, yea and of BRITANNICVS MAXI∣MVS. His brother Geta likewise, took upon him the title and addition of BRITANNI∣CVS. For we have seen his mony coined with this Inscription, IMP. CAES. P. SEPT. GETAPIVS. AVG. BRIT. PONTIF. TRI. P. III. COS. II. PP.

From this time forward,* 1.390 writers have in long silence passed over the affaires of Bri∣taine: For Alexander Severus was not slaine, as some would have it, in Sicila a town of Britaine, but in Gaule. This certaine evidence onely have wee out of an antique stone, that Nonnius Philippus was here Propretor under Gordianus the yonger.

[ D] Whiles Gallienus the Emperor gave himselfe over to all manner of riotousnesse, the State of Rome either through the carelesse managing of affaires,* 1.391 or by some incli∣nation of the Destinies lay dismembred as it were, and maimed in all parts: and a hea∣vie rent there was and revolt of this Province from the Roman Captaine.* 1.392 For thirty tyrants there were who in divers places usurped rule and dominion: among whom Lollianus Victorinus, Posthumus, the Tetrici and Marius bare soveraigne sway, as I suppose, in this Island: For their coines are here in great abundance digged up daily.

Under Aurelian, that notable bibber Bonosus,* 1.393 a Britan borne entred upon the Em∣pire together with Proculus, who claimed to himselfe all Britaine, Spaine, and * 1.394 Brac∣cata Gallia, which provinces Florianus had for two moneths governed, but being in a [ E] long and bloudy battell vanquished by Probus, he hanged himselfe, whereupon this jest went commonly on him, There hangs a tankard, and not a man.

Howbeit Probus was welcommed into Britaine with new troubles and commoti∣ons: For one,* 1.395 whom Probus himselfe, induced by the commendation of his familiar friend Victorinus Maurus, had promoted to an office of state, practised a revolt. For which he fell out by way of expostulation with Victorinus, who having gotten leave to depart unto the said party, and feining that he fled and was escaped from the Em∣peror, being kindly entertained of the tyrant slue him in the night and returned to Probus, and therewith was the province rid of these broiles. But who this tyrant was no man hath related:* 1.396 Howbeit, he may seeme to be that Cl. Corn. Laelianus, whose [ F] pieces of coine are found in this Island, and not elsewhere. Moreover, Probus sent hi∣ther the Burgundians and Vandals whom he had subdued, and granted them places to inhabit: who afterwards, so often as any one went about to raise sedition, stood the Romans in good stead. Now, whereas Vopiscus writeth, that Probus permitted the Britans to have vines, there is a right learned man that feareth lest hee have inconsi∣deratly put this down in writing, as if this land were unfit for vineyards: & yet it hath

vines, and for certain it is knowne, that it had very many. In regard of so many tyrants [ A] rising up in these daies within this Province,* 1.397 Porphyrie, who lived in this age, cried out in these termes, Britaine a fertile Province of tyrants.

After this, Carus Augustus the Emperor allotted by decree this our country, to∣gether with Gaule, Spaine and Illyricum unto his son Carinus. That he warred here, some there be that slightly indeed, but how truly I wot not, gather out of these ver∣ses of Nemesianus;

Nec taceam quae nuper bella sub Arcto, Foelici Carine manu confeceris, ipso Pene prior genitore Deo: [ B] Neither may I the wars in silence hide Dispatcht of late with happy hand in North, By thee, Carine, thy Father Deifi'd, Who dost well nere surpasse in works of worth.

Under Dioclesian, Carausius a Menapian borne, a man of very base parentage, how∣beit inventive and active withall, who for his valour shewed in battels at sea became renowned, was ordained Captaine of * 1.398 Bologne in Gaule to put backe and drive away the Saxons and Frankners that troubled the seas. This Carausius having at first from time to time taken many of the Barbarians prisoners, and yet neither brought in all the bootie and pillage into the Emperors treasury, nor made restitution of goods unto [ C] the Provincials: afterwards when as hee vanquished and subdued but few of them, began deepely to be suspected, that of set purpose he admitted the Barbarians to enter, to the end in their passage by he might intercept them with booty, and so by this oc∣casion enrich himselfe: whereupon Maximian Augustus the Emperour gave com∣mandement that he should be killed.* 1.399 Whereof he having certaine intelligence, tooke upon him the Imperiall ensignes, and seized Britan into his own hands, withdrew the Navy that lay in defence of Gaule, built many ships after the Roman manner, adjoy∣ned to himselfe the Roman Legion, kept out the companies of forreine souldiers, as∣sembled and drew together the French Merchants to muster, fortified Bologne with a garrison, conveied away, and tooke to his owne use the publike revenewes of Britan [ D] and Batavia, allured by the spoiles of whole provinces no small power of Barbarian forces to be his associates, and the Franks especially, whom he trained to sea-service, and in one word, made all the sea coasts every way dangerous for passage. To the vanquishing of him, Maximianus set forward with a puissant army, out of which * 1.400 som there were who in the very voyage suffered death gloriously for Christs sake: but when he was come to the sea-side, being skared partly for want of sea-souldiers, and partly with the rage of the British Ocean, staied there; and having made a fained peace with Carausius, yielded unto him the rule of the Island, considering he was ta∣ken to bee the meeter man, both to command, and also to defend the Inhabitants a∣gainst the warlike nations. Hereupon it is, that wee have seene in the silver coines of [ E] Carausius two Emperours joyning hands, with this circumscription, CONCORDIA AVG. G. But Maximian turned his forces upon the Frankners, who then held * 1.401 Batavia, and had secretly under hand sent aide unto Carausius: whom he surprized on such a sudden,* 1.402 that he forced them to submission. In this meane while, Carausius governed Britain with incorrupt and unstained reputation, and in exceeding great peace: a∣gainst the Barbarians, as writeth Ninnius the disciple of Elvodugus, hee reedified the wall betweene the mouthes of Cluda and Carunus, and fortified the same with 7. castles, and built a round house of polished stone upon the banke of the river Carun, which tooke name of him, erecting therewith a triumphall arch in remembrance of victory. Howbeit Bucha∣nan thinketh verily it was the Temple of Terminus, as we will write in Scotland. [ F]

When Dioclesian and Maximian, as well to keepe that which was won, as to reco∣ver what was lost, had taken to them Constantius Chlorus, and Maximianus Galerius to bee Caesars: Constantius having levied and enrolled an armie, came with great speed, and sooner then all men thought to Bologne in France, which also is called Gessoriacum, a towne that Carausius had fortified with strong garrison; and they

[ A] laid siege unto it round about: by pitching logs fast into the earth at the very entry, and piling huge stones one upon another in manner of a rampire, he excluded the sea, and tooke from the towne the benefit of their haven: which damme, the strong and violent current of the Ocean beating against it forcibly for many daies together, could not breake, and beare downe: no sooner was the place yielded, but the first tide that rose made such a breach into the said rampire that it was wholly dis-joyned, and broken in sunder.* 1.403 And whiles he rigged and prepared both heere and elsewhere an Armada for the recoverie of Britaine, he rid Batavia which was held by the Francks, from all enemies, and translated many of them into the Roman nations, for to till their [ B] waste and desert territories.

In this meane time Allectus a familiar friend of Carausius, who under him had the government of the State,* 1.404 slew him by a treacherous wile, and put upon himselfe the Imperiall purple roabe. Which when Constantius heard▪ he having manned & armed divers fleets, drave Allectus to such doubtfull termes, as being altogether void of counsell, and to seek what to doe, he found then, and never before, that he was not fen∣ced with the Ocean, but enclosed within it. And withall, hoyzing up saile in a tempe∣stuous weather, and troubled sea, by meanes of a mist which over-spread the sea, hee passed by the enemies fleet unawares to them, which was placed at the Isle of Wight, in espiall and ambush to discoved, and intercept him: and no sooner were his forces [ C] landed upon the coast of Britaine, but he set all his owne ships on fire, that his Soul∣diers might repose no trust in saving themselves by flight. Allectus himselfe, when he espied the Navy of Constantius under saile, & approaching toward him, forsooke the sea-side, which he kept, and as he fled, lighted upon Asclepiodotus Grand Seneschal of the Praetorium: but in so fearful a fit, & like a mad man, he hastned his own death, that he neither put his footmen in battell ray, nor marshalled those troopes which he drew along with him in good order, but casting off his purple garment, that he might not be knowne, rushed in with the mercenary Barbarians, and so in a tumultuary skirmish was slaine, and hardly by the discovery of one man found among the dead carcases of the Barbarians, which lay thick spread every where over all the plaines and hils. [ D] But the Frankners, and others of the barbarous souldiers, which remained alive after the battell, thought to sacke London, and to take their flight and be gone: at which very instant, as good hap was, the souldiers of Constantius, which by reason of a misty and foggy aire, were severed from the rest, came to London, and made a slaugh∣ter of them in all places throughout the citie, and procured not only safetie to the citi∣zens in the execution of their enemies, but also a pleasure in the sight thereof.

By this victory was the Province recovered, after it had beene, by usurpation, held seven yeares or there about, under Carausius, and three under Allectus. Whereup∣on Eumenius unto Constantius, writeth thus; O brave victorie of much importance, [ E] and great consequence; yea, and worthy of manifold triumphs, whereby Britaine is resto∣red, whereby the nation of the Frankners is utterly destroyed, and whereby upon many peo∣ple beside, found accessarie to that wicked conspiracie, there is imposed a necessitie of obedi∣ence, and allegiance, and in one word, whereby, for assurance of perpetuall quietnesse, the seas are scoured and cleansed. And as for thee, ô invincible Caesar, make thy boast and spare not, that thou hast found out a new world, and by restoring unto the Roman puissance, their glorie for prowesse at sea, hast augmented the Empire with an element, greater than all Lands. And a little after, unto the same Constantius: Britaine is recovered so, as that those nations also which adjoyne unto the bounds of the same Island, become obedient to your will and pleasure.

In the last yeares of Dioclesian and Maximian, when as the East Church had beene [ F] for many years already polluted with the bloud of martyrs, the violence of that furi∣ous persecution went on, and passed even hither also into the West, and many Christi∣ans suffered martyrdome. Among whom, the principall were * 1.405 Albanus of * 1.406 Uerlam; Julius and Aaron of Isca, a citie called otherwise * 1.407 Caër Leon, &c. of whom I will write in their proper place. For then the Church obtained victorie with most honourable, and happy triumph, when as with ten yeares massacres it could not be vanquished.

When Dioclesian and Maximinian gave over their Empire, they elected that Con∣stantius Chlorus for Emperour,* 1.408 who untill that time had ruled the State, under the [ A] title of Caesar: and to him befell Italie, Africke, Spaine, France, and Britaine: but Italy and Africke became the Provinces of Galerius; and Constantius stood con∣tented with the rest. This Constantius, what time as hee served in Britaine under Aurelian, tooke to wife Helena daughter of Coelus, or Coelius a British Prince, on whom he begat that noble Constantine the Great,* 1.409 in Britaine. For so, together with that great Historiographer Baronius, the common opinion of all other writers with one consent, beareth witnesse: unlesse it be one or two Greeke authors of late time, and those dissenting one from the other, and a right learned man, grounding upon a [ B] corrupt place of Iul. Firmicus. Howbeit, compelled he was by Maximian to put her away,* 1.410 for to mary Theodora his daughter. This is that Helena, which in antike In∣scription is called * 1.411 VENERABILIS and PIISSIMA AVGVSTA, and for Christian pie∣ty, for clensing Ierusalem of Idols, for building a goodly Church in the place where our Lord suffered, and for finding the Saving Crosse of Christ, is so highly commen∣ded of Ecclesiasticall writers. And yet both Iewes and Gentiles termed her by way of ignominy and reproach * 1.412 Stabularia; because shee (a most godly Princesse) sought out the crib or manger wherein Christ was borne, and in the place where stood that hostelry,* 1.413 founded a Church. Hereupon S. Ambrose: They say that this Lady was at first an Inholder or Hostesse, &c. Well, this good hostesse Helena, hastned to Ierusalem and sought out the place of our Lords passion, and made so diligent search for the Lords crib: This good [ C] hostesse was not ignorant of that host, which cured the wayfaring mans hurts that was woun∣ded by theeves: This good hostesse chose to be reputed a dung-farmer, that she might thereby g••ine Christ.* 1.414 And verily no lesse praise and commendation goeth of her husband Con∣stantius for his piety and moderation; A man, who having utterly rejected the superstiti∣on of the ungodly, in worshipping divers gods, willingly of himselfe acknowledged one God, the Ruler of all things. Whereupon, to try the faith and beleefe in God of his owne Courtiers, hee put it to their free choice, either to sacrifice unto those gods, and so to stay with him, or els to refuse and depart: But those that would depart rather than re∣nounce and forsake their faith to God, hee kept with him still: casting off all the rest, who he supposed would prove disloiall unto him, seeing they had abandoned their be∣leefe [ D] in the true God. This most noble and worthy Emperor, in his last British expe∣dition against the * 1.415 Caledonians and the Picts died at Yorke, leaving behind him his sonne Constantine Emperor, his successor and Caesar elect.

Some few daies before the death of Constantius, his sonne Constantius rode from Rome to Yorke on post horses: and the rest which were kept at the charges of the State,* 1.416 hee maimed and lamed all the way as hee went, because no man should pursue him, and there he received his fathers last breath. Whereupon an ancient O∣rator spake thus unto him: Thou entredst this sacred place not as a competitor of the Em∣pire, but as heire apparant and ordained already,* 1.417 and forthwith that fathers house of thine saw thee, the lawfull successor. For, there was no doubt but that the inheritance duly be∣longed [ E] unto him, whom the destinies had ordained the first begotten sonne unto the Empe∣ror. Yet for all that, constrained in maner by the souldiers, and especially by the meanes of Erocus King of the Almanes, (who by way of aid accompanied him) advanced hee was to the Imperiall dignity.* 1.418 The souldiers regarding rather the publike good of the common-wealth, than following his affections, invested him in the purple roabe, wee∣ping and setting spurs to his horse, because hee would avoid the endeavor of the armie that called so instantly upon him, &c: but the felicity of the common-wealth over∣came his modesty. And hereof it is, that the Panegyrist crieth out in these words; O fortunate Britaine and more happy now than all other lands, that hast the first sight of Constan∣tine Caesar! [ F]

And now Caesar at his very entrance, having first pursued the reliques of that war, which his father had begun against the Caledonians and other Picts, and set upon those Britans more remote, and the Inhabitants of the Ilands lying there, the wit∣nesses as one said of the Suns setting, some of them hee subdued by force and armes,

[ A] others (for you must thinke he aspired to Rome and higher matters) by offering fees and stipends he allured and drew to be associates:* 1.419 and there were besides of them, whom of open enemies he made his friends, and of old adversaries his very familiars. Afterwards, having vanquished the Frankners in Batavia, and that with so great glory, that he stamped certaine golden pieces of coine, (whereof I have seene one) with the Image of a woman sitting under a Trophee, and leaning with one hand upon a crosse∣bow or a brake, with this subscription, FRANCIA: and this writing about it, GAV∣DIVM ROMANORVM: Having also overthrowne the Barbarians in Germany, won unto him the German and French Nations: and levied souldiers out of Britaine, [ B] France, and Germany, to the number in all of 90000. foot, and 8000. horsemen, hee departed into Italie, overcame Maxentius, who at Rome had challenged to himselfe the Empire, and having conquered Italy, and vanquished the Tyrant, he restored un∣to the whole world the blessed gifts of secure libertie, and as we find in the Inscripti∣on of an Antiquitie, INSTINCTV DIVINITATIS, MENTIS MAGNITVDINE, CVM EXERCITV SVO, TAM DE TYRANNO QVAM DE OMNI EIVS FACTIONE, UNO TEMPORE IVSTIS REMP. ULTVS EST ARMIS, that is, By instinct of the divine power, with great magnanimitie, and the helpe of his owne armie, at one time in the behalfe of the Common wealth, he was by lawfull warre revenged as well of the Tyrant himselfe, as of his whole faction.

[ C] Howbeit, that he returned againe into Italy, Eusebius implieth in these words: Con∣stantine, quoth he, passed over to the Britans enclosed on every side within the bankes of the Ocean: whom when hee had overcome, hee began to compasse in his mind other parts of the world, to the end he might come in time to succour those that wanted helpe. And in another place: After he had furnished his armie with mild and modest instructions of pietie, he in∣vaded Britaine, that he might likewise instruct those who dwell environed round about with the waves of the Ocean bounding the Suns setting, as it were with his coasts. And of Bri∣tan are these verses of Optatianus Porphyrius unto Constantine, to be understood:

Omnis ab Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro, Pacis amat cana & comperta perennia jura, [ D] Et tibi fida tuis semper bene militat armis; Res{que} gerit virtute tuas, populos{que} feroces Propellit, cedit{que} lubens tibi debita rata, Et tua victores sors accipit hinc tibi fortes, Te{que} duce invictae sustollunt signa cohortes. From Northern bounds, the land throughout where bleak North-west winds blowen Lov's lawes of peace right ancient, and ever during knowen: Prest alwaies in their loyaltie for service in thy right, With valiant and couragious heart, doth all thy battels fight. Thus, Nations fierce it drives to rout, and doth in chase pursue, [ E] Yielding to thee right willingly all paiments just and due: Victors from hence most valorous, thy lot it is to have, And under thee unfoiled bands, advance their ensignes brave.

About this time as evidently appeareth by the Code of Theodosius,* 1.420 Pacatianus was the Vicarius of Britaine: for by this time the Province had no more Propraetors nor Lieutenants, but in stead thereof was a Vicar substituted.

This Emperor Constantine, was right happy for very many praises, & those (I assure you) most justly deserved: for he not onely set the Roman Empire in free estate, but also having scattered the thicke cloud of Superstition, let in the true light of Christ, by setting open the Temples to the true God, and shutting them against the false. [ F] For now no sooner was the blustering tempest and storme of persecution blowne over, but the faithfull Christians,* 1.421 who in the time of trouble and danger had hidden themselves in woods, desarts, and secret caves, being come abroad in open sight, reedifie the Churches ruinate to the very ground, the Temple of holy Martyrs they found, build, finish, and erect, as it were, the banners of victorie in every place, celebrate festivall holy-daies, and with pure heart and mouth also, performe their sacred solemnities. And thereupon he is renow∣ned

under these titles. IMPERATOR FORTISSIMUS AC BEATISSIMUS, PIISSI∣MVS. [ A] FOELIX. URBIS LIBERATOR. QUIETIS FVNDATOR. REIPUBLICAE IN∣STAURATOR. PUBLICAE LIBERTATIS AUCTOR. RESTITVTOR URBIS RO∣MAE ATQVE ORBIS. MAGNUS. MAXIMUS. INVICTVS. INVICTISSIMUS. PER∣PETUUS. SEMPER AUGUSTUS. RERUM HUMANARUM OPTIMUS PRINCEPS. VIRTUTE FORTISSIMUS ET PIETATE CLEMENTISSIMUS. And in the Lawes, QUI VENERANDA CHRISTIANORUM FIDE ROMANUM MUNIVIT JMPERI∣UM. DIVUS. DIVAE MEMORIAE. DIVINAE MEMORIAE. &c. That is, Most valiant and blessed Emperour. Most pious. Happie. Redeemer of Rome Citie. Founder of Peace. Restorer of Rome Citie, and the whole world. Great. Most great. Invincible. Most in∣vincible. [ B] Perpetuall. Ever Augustus. The best Prince of the World. For vertue most valiant, and for pietie most mercifull. Also, Who fortified the Roman Empire with the reverend Faith of the Christians. Sacred. Of sacred Memorie; Of Divine memorie, &c. And hee was the first Emperour, as farre as I could ever to this time observe, who in coines of mo∣ney and publike workes, was honoured with this Inscription, DOMINUS NOSTER, that is, Our Lord. Although I know full well, that Dioclesian was the first after Ca∣ligula, who suffered himselfe openly to be called LORD.

Howbeit, in this so worthy an Emperour, his politike wisedome was wanting in this point, that he made the way for barbarous people, into Britaine, Germanie, and Gaule. For when he had subdued the northerne Nations, so, as that now he stood in [ C] no feare of them, and for to equall the power of the Persians, who in the East parts threatned the Roman Empire, had built Constantinople a new Citie: those Legi∣ons that lay in defence of the Marches, he partly translated into the East, and in their stead built forts and holds, and partly withdrew into Cities more remote from the said marches: so that soone after his death, the Barbarians forcing the townes and fortresses, brake into the Provinces. And in this respect there goeth a very bad report of him in Zosimus, as being the main, and first subverter of a most flourishing Empire.

* 1.422Seeing moreover, that Constantine altered the forme of the Roman government, it shall not be impertinent in this very place to note summarily, in what sort Britaine was ruled under him, and afterward in the next succeeding ages. He ordained foure [ D] Praefects of the Praetorium, to wit, of the East, of Illyricum, of Italie, and of Gaule: two * 1.423 Leaders or Commanders of the Forces, the one of footmen, the other of horse∣men in the West, whom they termed Praesentales.

For civill government there ruled Britaine, the Praefect of the Praetorium, or Grand Seneschall in Gaule, and under him the Vicar Generall of Britaine, who was his Vice∣gerent, and honoured with the title Spectabilis, that is, notable or remarkable. Him obeied respectively to the number of the Provinces, two Consular Deputies, and three Presidents, who had the hearing of civill, and criminall causes.

For militarie affaires, there ruled the Leader, or Commander of the footmen in the West: at whose disposition, were the * 1.424 Count or Lieutenant of Britaine; the [ E] Count or Lieutenant of the Saxon-coast along Britaine, and the Duke of Britaine, sti∣led every one,* 1.425 Spectabiles, that is, Remarkable.

* 1.426The Count Lieutenant of Britaine, seemeth to have ruled the in-land parts of the Island: who had with him seven companies of footmen, and nine cornets or troups of horsemen.

* 1.427The Count or Lieutenant of the Saxon coast, namely, who defended the mari∣time parts, against the Saxons, and is named by Ammianus, Comes maritimi tractus, that is, Lieutenant of the Maritime tract, for defence of the Sea coast, had seven companies of footmen, two guidons of horsemen, the second Legion, and one cohort.

* 1.428The Generall of Britan, who defended the Marches or Frontiers against the Barba∣rians, [ F] had the command of eight and thirty garrison forts, wherein kept their Stations 14000. foot, and 900. horsemen. So that in those daies, (if Pancirolus have kept just computation) Britaine maintained 19200. footemen, and 1700 horsemen, or much there about, in ordinarie.

[ A] Besides all these, Comes sacrarum Largitionum, that is, The Receiver of the Em∣perours Finances or publike revenues, had under him in Britaine, the Rationall or Auditor of the summes and revenues of Britaine: the * 1.429 Provost of the Augustian, that is, Emperours Treasures in Britaine, and the Procurator of the Gynegium or Draperie in Britaine, in which the clothes of the Prince, and souldiers were woven. The * 1.430 Count also of private Revenues had his Rationall, or Auditour of private State in Britaine: to say nothing of the sword, Fence Schoole, Procurator in Britaine, (where∣of an old Inscription maketh mention,) and of other officers of an inferiour degree.

When Constantine was dead, Britaine fell unto his Sonne Constantine: who [ B] upon an ambitious humour, and desire of rule, breaking into the possessions of other men,* 1.431 was slaine by his brother Constans. With which victory hee was so puffed up, that he seized Britaine, and the rest of the Provinces into his owne hands, and with his brother Constantius came into this Island. And thereupon Julius Firmicus, not that Pagane the Astrologer, but the Christian, speaketh in this wise unto them: Yee have in Winter time (a thing that never was done before, nor shall be againe) subdued un∣der your oares the swelling and raging billowes of the British Ocean. The waves now of the sea, unto this time well neere unknowne unto us, have trembled, and the Britaines were sore afraid to see the unexpected face of the Emperour. What would ye more? the very Ele∣ments as vanquished, have given place unto your vertues.

[ C] This Constans it was that called a Councell to Sardica, against the A••ians: unto which there assembled three hundred Bishops,* 1.432 and among them the Bishops of Bri∣taine; who having condemned the Heretikes, and established the Nicaene Creed, by their voices and judgements, approved the innocencie of Athanasius. But this Prince being youthfull,* 1.433 cast behind him all care of the Empire, and became drowned in pleasures: and thereby growing grievous to the Provincials, and nothing acceptable to his souldiers, was by Magnentius, * 1.434 captaine of the Iovij and Herculij, as he hunted, beset in a towne called Saint Helens, and there killed; fulfilling thereby a prophesie, which was, That he should end his life in his grandmothers lap, of whom that towne indeed tooke the name.

This Magnentius having a Britan to his Father, but borne among the Laeti, a peo∣ple in France, when he had now slaine Constans, invested himselfe in France into [ D] the Imperiall dignitie, and wonne Britaine unto him to take his part: but having been for three yeares together coursed by his brother Constantius, who sharply made war upon him, laid violent hands on himselfe: a fortunate Prince as ever any was, for sea∣sonable temperature of the weather, for plentie of fruits, and securitie from dangers of Barbarians, points which are by the vulgar people reputed to make especially for the glorie of Princes. But why this Magnentius should be called Taporus in an old anti∣quitie of stone, digged up long since at Rome, let other men enquire: For thus it is read, speaking of the Obeliske, erected in the birque or shew-place.

Interea Taporo Romam vastante Tyranno,* 1.435 [ E] Augusti jacuit, donum studium{que} locandi. Meane while that Tyrant Taporus of Rome did havocke make, * 1.436 Augustus gift unplaced lay, none would it undertake.

At this time, the Generall of all the warre-forces throughout Britaine, was Grati∣anus surnamed Funarius, the father of Ualentinian the Emperour. And called hee was Funarius,* 1.437 for that being yet but a stripling, or young springall, as he went about with a rope to sell, he gaue not ground to five soldiers that did set upon him, and as∣saied with all their force to snatch the same from him. This Gratianus being returned to his owne home, and discharged of his military oath, was fined by Constantius in the confiscation, and losse of his goods, because he was reported to have lodged Mag∣nentius, [ F] and given him entertainment.

When Magnentius was dead and gone, Britaine submitted it selfe to the govern∣ment of Constantius:* 1.438 and forthwith was hither sent Paulus the Notarie a Spaniard borne, one verily under a smooth countenance lying secret and close, but exceeding subtill to devise and find out all the casts and wylie meanes to endanger men: That hee might bring

certaine martiall and military men within danger who had conspired with Magnentius, when as they could not chuse nor make resistance, after he had outragiously come over them in man∣ner [ A] of a floud hee suddenly seised upon the fortunes and estates of many. Thus went he on still making spoile,* 1.439 yea, and undoing a great number, imprisoning such as were free borne, and grieving their bodies with bonds, yea, & bruising some of them with manacles, and all, by pat∣ching and piecing many crimes together laid to their charge, which were as false as might be. Whereupon was committed so wicked an act as branded the daies of Constantius with a per∣petuall note of infamie.* 1.440 There was one Martin that ruled those provinces as Vicar of Vice∣gerent; who grievously lamenting the miseries, and calamities of the innocent, and beseeching the said Paulus oftentimes, that the guiltlesse might be spared, when hee saw that hee could not prevaile, threatned to depart, to the end, that this malicious inquisitor, and persecutor, at [ B] leastwise for feare thereof, might give over at length, to enveagle and induce into open dan∣gers, men bred and nuzzeled in quiet peace.

Paulus, supposing heereby, that his trade decaied, (as hee was a vengible fellow in linking matters together, whereupon he came to be surnamed Catena, that is, a Chaine) drew in the said Vicar himselfe, (who still maintained the defence of those whom he had tendred and spared,) to have his part in common perils: And hee went very neere to bring him also prisoner bound, with tribunes, and many others, before the Emperours privie Counsell. At which extremitie of mischiefe so imminent, he being throughly provoked, caught up a dagger, and assaulteth the same Paulus: but because his right hand failed him, so that he was not able to give him a deadly wound, hee stabbed himselfe into the side with the [ C] said weapon drawne as it was. And so by this foule kind of death departed hee this life; (a right just man) after he had assaied to stay, and delay the woefull and pitious cases of many. Which wicked parts thus committed,* 1.441 Paulus, all embrued with bloud, returned into the Prin∣ces Court: bringing many with him over-laden with chaines, as being men dejected, and plunged into miserable calamitie, and heavie plight. At whose comming the rackes were made ready: the executioner prepared drags and tortures: and of them many were proscribed, and outlawed, some banished, and other suffred punishment by sword. At length himselfe also under Julian being burnt quicke, by the judgement of God the Revenger of such outragious crueltie, paide most justly for his deserts.

After this when as in Britaine, Ammianus Marcellinus is mine Author,) upon the [ D] breach of peace, by the rodes of Scots and Picts, (savage nations) the places neere bor∣dering upon them, appointed for the Frontiers, were forraied, and the provinces wearied with calamities past, that came so thicke one in the necke of another, and put in frightfull perplexitie. Julian whom Constantius had declared to be Caesar, and col∣legue in the Empire, wintering about Paris, and distracted with sundry cares, feared to goe and aid the provinciall people beyond-sea, as we reported that Constantius be∣foretime had done, lest he should leave Gaule without a governour: considering withall, that the Alamans were even then also incited, and set upon crueltie and ho∣stilitie; thought good therefore it was to send over into these parts, for to compose and settle all matters, one Lupicinus, * 1.442 Master at that time of the Armour: a warlike [ E] Knight, I assure you, and skilfull in military affaires; but a man of a haughtie spirit, and setting up his eie-browes aloft like hornes, and withall speaking bigge, and (as folke say) in a tragicke Key upon the stage: concerning whom, the question was a long time, whether he were more covetous than cruell. Having raised therefore an aid of light appointed men, to wit, the Heruleans, Batavians, and many companies of the * 1.443 Maesians, the foresaid Generall in the heart of Winter, came to Bologne: and there having gotten shipping, and embarqued all his souldiers, observing a good gale of a forewind,* 1.444 arrived at Rhutupiae, a place over against Bologne, and so set for∣ward to London: that, from thence after counsell taken, according to the qualitie of his businesse, he might hasten the sooner to give battell. [ F]

Under this Constantius, who mightily favoured the Arians, their heresie crept in∣to Britaine,* 1.445 wherein from the first yeares of the great Constantine, a sweete concent and harmonie of Christ the head, and his members had continued, untill such time, as that deadly and perfidious Arianisme,* 1.446 like to a pestiferous Serpent from the other side of the sea,

[ A] casting up her venom: upon us, caused brethren dwelling together, to be dis-joyned piteously one from another: and thus, the way as it were, being made over the Ocean, all other cruell and fell beasts wheresoever, shaking out of their horrible mouthes the mortiferous poison of every heresie, inflicted the deadly stings and wounds of their teeth upon this our countrey, desirous evermore to heare some noveltie, but holding nought at all stedfastly. In favour of these Arians,* 1.447 Constantius summoned foure hundred Bishops of the West Church, to Ariminum: for whom the Emperour, by his commandement, allowed corne and victuals.* 1.448 But that was thought of the Aquitanes, French, and Britaines, an unseemely thing: refusing therefore that allowance out of the Emperours coffers, they chose rather to live at [ B] their owne proper charges. Three onely out of Britaine for want of their owne, had mainte∣nance from the State, refusing the contribution offered unto them from the rest: reputing it more safe, and void of corruption, to charge the common treasure, than the private state of any person.

After this, when Constantius was departed this world, Julianus that Apostata, who had taken upon him the title of Augustus against Constantius, first drave out Palladi∣us, who had been master of Offices, into Britaine, and sent away Alphius, who had go∣verned Britan as Deputy Lieutenant,* 1.449 to reedifie Jerusalem: but fearefull round balles of flaming fire breaking forth neere unto the foundations, skarred him from that en∣terprize, and many a thousand of Jewes who wrestled in vaine against the decree of God, were overwhelmed with the ruines. This dissolute * 1.450 Augustus, and in his beard [ C] onely a Philosopher, feared (as hath erewhile been said) to come and aid the poore distressed Britans: and yet from hence he carried out every yeare great store of corne to maintaine the Roman garrisons in Germany.

When Valentinian the Emperour steered the helme of the Roman Empire,* 1.451 what time as through the whole world the trumpets resounded nothing but the warlike Al, Arme, the Picts, Saxons, Scots and Attacots vexed the Britans with continuall trou∣bles and annoyances. Fraomarius then King of the Almanes was translated hither, and by commission made Tribune or Marshall over a band of the Almanes, for number and power in those daies highly renowned,* 1.452 to represse the incursions of those barba∣rous nations. Neverthelesse Britaine was through the generall conspiracie of those Barbari∣ans [ D] afflicted and brought to extreme distresse, Nectaridius Comes or Lieutenant of the ma∣ritime tract slaine, and Bucholbaudes the Generall by an ambush of the enemies circumven∣ted. The intelligence of which occurrences when it was brought unto Rome with great horror, the Emperour sent Severus, being even then Lord High Steward of his houshold, to re∣dresse what was done amisse, in case his hap had beene to have seene the wished end: who be∣ing within a while after called away, Iovinius went to the same parts, * 1.453 sent backe Proventu∣sides in post, minding to crave the puissant helpe of an armie. For, they avouched than the urgent necessary occasions required so much. At the last, so many and so fearefull calamities were by daily rumors reported as touching the same Iland, that Theodosius was elected, and [ E] appointed to make speed thither,* 1.454 a man of approved skill in warlike affaires most fortunatelie atchieved, who having levied and gotten unto him a couragious company of young gallants, to furnish as well Legions as cohorts, put himselfe in his journey, with a brave shew of confi∣dence leading the way.* 1.455 At the same time the Picts divided into two nations the Dicalido∣nes and Vecturiones, the Attacots likewise a warlike people, and the Scots, ranging in di∣vers parts did much mischiefe where they went. As for the cohorts of Gaule, the Frank∣ners and Saxons confining upon them, brake out and made rodes where ever they could ei∣ther by land or sea, and what with driving booties, with firing towns, and killing poore cap∣tives, made foule worke there. To stay these wofull miseries, if prosperous fortune would have given leave, this most vigorous and valiant Captaine intending a voiage to the ut∣most [ F] bounds of the earth: when he was come to the sea side at Boloigne, which lieth divided from the opposite tract of land, by a narrow * 1.456 streit ebbing and flowing, where the water is wont to swell on high with terrible tides, and againe to fall downe flat and lie like even plains without any harme of sailer or passenger,* 1.457 from thence having sailed and leasurely crossed the said sea, he arrived as Rhutupiae a quiet rode and harbour over against it: From whence af∣ter that the Batavians, Heruli, Iovij and Victores, (companies confident of their strength

and power who followed) were come, hee departed: and marching toward London, an old [ A] towne,* 1.458 which the posteritie called Augusta▪ having divided his troopes into sundry parts hee set upon those companies of roving and robbing enemies, even when they were heavy loa∣den with bootie and pillage. And having quickly discomfited those that drave before them their prisoners bound, and cattell, he forced them to forgoe the prey, which the most misera∣ble tributaries had lost. In the end, after full restitution made of all, save onely some small parcels bestowed upon his wearied souldiers, he entred most joyfully into the citie, over set before with distresses and calamities, but now suddenly refreshed; so far forth as hope of recovery, and safetie might effect: and there being raised up with this luckie hand, to adventure greater exploits, and yet casting with himselfe projects promising [ B] securitie, he staied doubtfull of the future event; as having learned by the information of revolting fugitives and confession of captives, that so great a multitude of sundry nations, and a stiffe-necked people of so fell and fierce a disposition, could not possibly be vanquished but by secret wiles, and sudden excursions. Finally, after proclamations published, and promises made of impunitie, he summoned as well the traiterous run∣agates as many others that went with free pasport dispersed sundry waies, to present themselves ready for service. Vpon which summons given, so soone as most of them were returned, he as one pricked forward with so good a motive, and yet held backe by heavie cares,* 1.459 called for Civilis by name, (who was to rule Britaine as Deputie,) to bee sent unto him; a man of a very quicke hastie nature, but a precise keeper of Iustice and righ∣teousnesse: [ C] likewise for Dulcitius,* 1.460 a redoubted Captaine, and right skilfull in feates of armes. Afterwards, having gotten heart, and courage to him, he went from Augusta, which in old time they called Londinum, well appointed with industrious, and considerate souldiers, and so brought exceeding great succour to the ruinate, and troubled estate of the Britaines, gaining before hand all places every where for his advantage to forelay the Barbarians in ambush, and giving commandement of no service to the very common souldiers, but hee would him∣selfe cheerefully take the first assay thereof. In this sort performing as well the offices of an active and hardie souldier, as the carefull charge of a right noble Generall, having discomfi∣ted and put to flight divers nations, whom insolent pride fed with securitie incited, and set on fire to assaile and invade the Roman Empire, he having laid the foundation of quiet peace for [ D] a long time, restored both Cities and Castles, which verily had received manifold damma∣ges, to as good a passe as ever they were at. Now there had hapned whiles he atchieved these exploits, an horrible act like to have bred some great danger, but that in the very first en∣terprize it was quenched and suppressed. There was one Valentinus of Valeria Pannonia, a man of a proud spirit,* 1.461 brother to the wife of that pestilent Maximinus, first Deputie Lieute∣nant, & after President, for some notable offence banished into Britaine; who being impatient of rest like a noisom beast rose up in cōmotion against Theodosius, practising mischievous plots and an insurrection, upon a certaine swelling pride and envie, for that hee perceived him a∣lone able to withstand his horrible designes. Howbeit, casting all about for many meanes both secret and apert, whiles the puffing humour of his infinite, and unsatiable desire still [ E] encreased, he solicited as well the banished persons as souldiers, when he espied his opportunity, promising reward, for to allure and draw them on to some actuall attempt. And now as the time drew neere when these enterprizes should bee put in execution, and take effect, the Ge∣nerall being advertised of all these projects, and forwarder of the twaine to adventure, re∣solute also upon an high mind to take revenge of such as were attaint and convict, commit∣ted verily Valentinus with some few of his inward complices unto Captaine Dulcitius, for to bee put to death: but forecasting withall, the future events, (as hee was a man in militarie skill surpassing all others of his time) he would not suffer any farther inquisition and exa∣mination to be had of the conspirators, for feare lest by striking a terrour among so many, the tempestuous troubles of the provinces which were well appeased, might revive againe. Tur∣ning [ F] himselfe therefore from this businesse to the reforming of many enormities, which of necessitie were to be regarded, and having cleared all dangers (for evidently seene it was that fortune was so propitious and good unto him, as that she never forsooke but sped his enter∣prizes) he reedified the Cities, and those garrison forts whereof we spake; he fortified also the frontiers with standing watches and strong fore-fenses. Thus having recovered the province

[ A] which had yielded subjection to the enemies, hee so brought it to the former ancient state, that upon his owne motion to have it so,* 1.462 it both had a lawfull governour to rule it, and after∣ward also was called VALENTIA, for the Princes will and pleasure. The Areans a kind of men instituted by those of ancient times (concerning whom I have related in the Acts of Constans the Emperor) fallen by little and little unto vices, he removed from their stations, as being openly convict that they were allured by great receits, or promise at least waies of much reward, to have divers times discovered unto the Barbarians whatsoever was done or debated among us. For, this indeed was their charge, to run to and fro by long journeies, to intimate and make knowne unto our Captaines all sturs that the people neere adjoyning were [ B] about to make. Thus, after he had with very great approofe exploited these acts above rehear∣sed, and others the like; he was sent for to the Princes-court, and leaving the Provinces in much jollitie, no lesse honoured was he for his many and important victories, than either Fu∣rius Camillus or Papirius Cursor. And so being honorably accompanied and attended upon with the love and favour of all men as far as to the narrow seas, with a gentle gale of wind he passed over and came to the Princes camp, where with joy and praise hee was received. For these deeds of his so bravely atchieved, in honor of him, there was an image set up, resembling a man of armes on horsebacke, as Symmachus giveth us to understand, speaking to his son Theodosius the Emperor in this wise. The author, quoth he, of your kindred and stock, Captaine Generall sometime in Afrik and Britaine both, was among other [ C] ancient titles consecrated by the most honorable order with Images of Knighthood: And Claudian in his commendation with full pen wrote poetically thus;

Ille Caledoniis posuit qui castra pruinis, Qui medio Libyae sub casside pertulit aestus. Terribilis Mauro, debellator{que} Britanni Littoris, ac pariter Boreae vastator & Austri. Quid rigor aeternus? Caeli quid sydera prosunt? Ignotum{que} fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hiberne. [ D] In frozen Caledonian fields he that encamped lay, And in his harnesse, Liby heats endured day by day: The black Mores eke who terrified, and conquer'd British coast, Who North and South subdu'd alike, and wasted with his host, What did the lasting cold to them and frosty climats gaine, Or seas unknowne? embrued all with bloud of Saxons slaine The Orkneis were, with Pictish bloud well heated Thule was, And y••••e Ireland, Scots by heapes bewail'd with Out-alas.

In another place likewise of the same Prince.

—Quem littus adustae [ E] Horrescit Libyae, ratibus{que} impervia Thule, Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit, Scotum{que} vago mucrone sequutus Fregit Hyperboreas remit audacibus undas; Et geminis fulgens utro{que} sub axe trophaeis Tethyos alternas refluas calcavit arenas. Of whom the scorched Libyan coast doth stand in deadly feare, And Thule, where no passage was for ships their saile to beare. The nimble Mores he t'was that tam'd, and Picts likewise subdu'd, The Picts, I say, by right so cal'd: and when he had pursued [ F] The Scot with sword from place to place, the Hyperborean wave With venterous ores he brake: and so in two fold trophees braue All glittering under both the poles he marched to and fro The sands upon, where either sea by turnes doth ebbe and flow.

And concerning him Pacatus Drepanus: What should I speak, quoth he, of the Scot, dri∣ven back againe by him unto his fennes and bogs?* 1.463 The Saxon consumed with battels at sea,

&c. After him, Gratian took upon him the Empire, who also proclaimed Theodosius, [ A] the son of that Theodosius (of whom we have spoken already) Emperor: Whereat Maximus a Spaniard borne,* 1.464 his concurrent, and withall descended in right line from Cōstantinus the Great, who also had before time been Generall over the armie in Bri∣tan, was so highly discontented, that he took upon him the purple roabe: or as Orosius reporteth, was against his will by the souldiers saluted Emperor; a valiant man, vertu∣ous, & worthy of the title of * 1.465 Augustus, but that against his allegiance, he had by way of tyranny & usurpation attained to the place. Who at the first couragiously vanqui∣shed the Picts & Scots,* 1.466 that used to make many inrodes into the Province: afterwards with all the flower and strength well neere of British forces, arrived in the mouth of [ B] Rhene, and procured unto himselfe the whole puissance of the German armies: ordai∣ned the Royall seat of the Empire to be at * 1.467 Triers (whereupon stiled he was by the name of Trevericus Imperator) & spreading, as Gildas saith, his wings the one as far as to Spaine, the other into Italy, with the terror only of his name, levied tributes and pensions for souldiers pay, of the most fell and savage nations in Germanie. Against whom Gratianus having led an armie, after five daies skirmishing, being forsaken of his owne souldiers, and put to flight, sent Saint Ambrose Embassadour to treat for peace: which he obtained indeed; but the same full of treacherous guile. For,* 1.468 Maximus suborned, and sent under-hand one Andragathius, riding in a close litter or carroch, with a rumour spread abroad, that therein rode the wife of Gratian. Unto [ C] which when Gratian was come for love of his wife, and had opened the said litter, forth leapes Andragathius, with his companie, and slew him outright in the place. Whose body for to demand, was Ambrose sent a second time: howbeit, not admit∣ted, because he refused to communicate with those Bishops, that sided with Maxi∣mus. Who being lifted up, and proud of those things hapning to his mind, appoin∣ted his sonne Victor to be Caesar, dealt cruelly with Gratians Captaines, and setled the State in France.* 1.469 Theodosius Augustus, who governed in the East, at the requests or mandates rather of his Embassadours, acknowledged him Emperour, and exhibi∣ted his Image unto the Alexandrines for to be seene in publike place. And now ha∣ving by violence, and extortion entred upon the estates of all men, with the utter un∣doing [ D] of the common-wealth, hee fulfilled his owne greedie avarice. Hee made the defence of Catholike Religion his pretences to colour his tyrannie; Priscillian, and certaine of his Sectaries convict of hereticall,* 1.470 and false doctrine in the Synode, or Councell of Burdeaux, and appealing unto him, hee condemned to death; although Martin that most holy Bishop of * 1.471 Tourain or Tours, most humbly besought to for∣beare shedding the bloud of those poore wretches: avouching that it was sufficient to deprive such as were judged heretikes, and put them out of their Churches, by the definitive sentence of Bishops: and that it was a strange and unexampled hainous deed, that a secular Judge should determine causes of the Church. And these were the first, that being executed by the civill sword, left a foule and dangerous president [ E] to posteritie. After this he entred Italie with so great terrour, that Ualentinian, toge∣ther with his mother, were glad to flie unto Theodosius, the cities of Italie received him, and did him all the honour that might be: but the Bononians above the rest, a∣mong whom this Inscription is yet to be seene,

DD. NN. MAG. C. MAXIMO, ET FL. UICTORI, PIIS, FELICIBVS, SEMPER AVGVSTIS. * 1.472 B. R. NATIS. To our Great Lords, C. Maximus & Fl, Victor, Pious, Happie, Alwaies Augusti, borne for the good of the Common-wealth.

Meane while Nannius and Quintinus, Masters in militarie skill, unto whom Maxi∣mus [ F] had committed the infancie of his sonne,* 1.473 and the custodie of Gaule, gave the Frankners, who annoied Gaule with their incursions, a mightie great overthrow, and forced them to give hostages, and deliver into their hands the Authors of the warre. As for Valentinian, he earnestly besought Theodosius, to succour him dispoiled of his

[ A] Empire by a Tyrant, from whom for a good while, he could have none other answer, but this,* 1.474 That no marvel it is, if a seditious servant became superiour to that Lord, who cast∣eth off the true Lord indeed. For Valentinian was corrupted with Arianisme. Howbeit, wearied at length with his importunate praiers, he setteth forward in warlike manner against Maximus, who in the same time abode in Aquileia, very secure & fearlesse. For he had before-hand fortified the streits between the mountains with garrisons, and the havens with shipping, so that with great alacritie, and much confidence at the first hee welcomed Theodosius with one battel before Syscia in Pannonia:* 1.475 & afterwards most valiantly received him with another,* 1.476 under the leading of his brother Marcellus; but [ B] in both of them he sped so badly, that he withdrew himselfe secretly into Aquileia, where by his owne souldiers, as he dealt money among them, taken he was, and de∣vested of his Imperiall ornaments, brought before Theodosius, who immediatly de∣livered him into the hangmans hand to be executed, after that he had now worne the purple roabe five yeares. Whereupon Ausonius writeth thus in praise of Aquileia:

Non erat iste locus: meritò tamen aucta recenti, Nona inter claras Aquileia cieberis urbes Itala ad Illyricos objecta colonia montes, Moenibus & portu celeberrima: sed magis illud Eminet, extremo quòd te sub tempore legit, Solverat exacto cui justa piacula lustro [ C] Maximus, armigeri quondam sub nomine lixae. Foelix qui tanti spectatrix laeta Triumphi, * 1.477 Punîsti Ansonio Rutupinum Marte Latronem. This was no place of name: but since that fresh desert gave grace, Thou Aquileia of cities faire, shalt be the ninth in place, A Colonie Italian, gainst hils Illyrian set, For strong wals, and commodious haven right well renown'd: but yet This passeth all the rest, that he his choice of thee, did make Against his latter daies, who did revengement justly take Of Maximus: a base campe-Squire that sometimes knowne to be, [ D] Had now usurped five yeares past, and ruled with tyrannie. Right happy thou, of Triumph such that had'st the joyfull sight, Killing this Robber * 1.478 Rhutupine by maine Italian might.

Andragathus, whose state was now most desperate, cast himselfe from shipboard headlong into the Sea. Victor the sonne of Maximus, was in France defeated, ta∣ken prisoner, and slaine. But those Britans, who tooke part with Maximus, as some writers doe record, forcibly invaded Armorica in France, and there planted them∣selves. Now Theodosius presently after his victorie, entred Rome with his Sonne Honorius in triumph, and published an Edict to this effect: No man so hardy, as to chal∣lenge or claime that honour, which the bold Tyrant had granted: but that such presumption [ E] should bee condemned, and reduced to the former estate. And Valentinian, in these words; All judgements and awards whatsoever, that Maximus the most wicked and dete∣stable Tyrant that ever was, hath given forth to be promulged and enacted, we reverse and condemne. But Saint Ambrose in his funerall Sermon of Theodosius, crieth out in these termes: That Eugenius and Maximus, by their wofull example, doe testifie in hell, what a heavie thing it is to beare armes against their naturall Princes. To speake in a word, this victory was held to be so worthy and memorable, that the Romans from thence forward,* 1.479 solemnized that day every yeare, as festivall.

There succeeded Theodosius in the West Empire his sonne Honorius,* 1.480 a child ten [ F] yeares old; over whom was ordained as Tutor and Protector Flavius Stilicho, a man passing famous for a long time, as who being an inward companion of Theodosius in all his warres and victories, and by degrees of militarie service, advanced unto high authoritie, and the Princes affinitie, in the end cloied and glutted with prosperitie, and carried away through ambition, miserably lost his life. This man surely for cer∣taine yeares, had a provident regard of the Empires good estate, and defended Bri∣taine

against the invasion of Picts, Scots, and Vandals. And hereof it is, that Britaine [ A] speaketh thus of her selfe in Claudian:

Me quo{que} vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit, Munivit Stilicho, totam quum Scotus Hibernem Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis. Illius effectum curis, ne bella timorem Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis. And me likewise at hand, quoth she, to perish, in despight Of neighbour Nations Stilicho protected 'gainst their might, [ B] What time the Scots all Ireland mov'd, offensive armes to take, And with the stroke of enemies ores, the Sea much fome did make. He brought to passe, (his care was such) that I the Scotish warre Should feare no more, nor dread the Picts, ne yet ken from a farre, (Along the shore whiles I looke still when wavering winds will turne) The Saxons comming under saile, my coasts to spoile and burne.

And thus for that time Britaine seemed safe enough from any danger of enemies. For in another place, that Poet writeth thus:

—Domito quod Saxona, Thetis Mitior, aut fracto Secura Britannia Picto. What either seas more quiet now, that Saxons conquer'd are, [ C] Or Britaine become secure, since Picts subdued were.

And when Alaricus King of the Gothes, hovered about Rome, seeking meanes to assault and spoile it, that Legion which in the marches kept Station against the Bar∣barians was called from hence, as Claudian signifieth, when he reckoneth up the aids sent for from all parts.

Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat fraena truci, ferro{que} notatas Perlegit * 1.481 exanimes Picto moriente figuras. The Legion also came which did for British frontiers lie In garrison, that curbs fell Scots, and doth pursue with eie [ D] Those yron-brent markes in Picts now seene, all bloudlesse as they die.

* 1.482In these daies flourished Fastidius a Bishop of Britaine, and wrote bookes of divine learning, I assure you. Chrysanth••s likewise the sonne of Bishop Martian, who having beene a Consular deputy in Italy under Theodosius, and made * 1.483 Uicar of Britan, de∣served that praise and admiration for his good mannaging of the common-weale that he was against his will enstalled at Constantinople Bishop of the Novatians, who having made a schisme in that Church, and calling themselves * 1.484 Cathari, had Bishops apart of their owne and sectaries, who stoutly but impiously denied, that such as after baptisme received, fell by relapse into sinne, could not returne againe and bee saved. [ E] This is that Bishop, who as wee read in histories, of all Ecclesiasticall revenues and profits,* 1.485 was wont to reserve nothing for himselfe but two loaves of bread onely on the Lords day.

When as now the Roman Empire began to decline and decay, and barbarous Nations every way made foule havocke of the provinces all over the Continent; the British armes fearing least the flame of their neighbours fire might flash out and catch hold likewise of them; supposing also that they stood in need of some Generall & So∣veraign commander, to expell the Barbarians, addressed themselves to the election of Emperors.* 1.486 First therefore, they enthronized in the royall seat Marcus, and him they o∣beied, as one that in these parts bare the chief soveraignty. But afterward having made [ F] him away,* 1.487 because his carriage was not answerable unto theirs, they bring foorth and set up Gratian, countryman of their owne: him they crowned and arraied in the re∣gall purple, and him they dutifully attended upon, as their Prince. Howbeit upon a mislike that they tooke to him also, at foure moneths end, they deprive him of his Em∣pire, take away his life,* 1.488 and made over the Soveraignty of State to one Constantine, a

[ A] souldier of the meanest place, onely because his name imported, as they thought, the osse of good luck. For they conceived assured hope, that he by the fortunate name of Constantine, would likewise constantly and fortunately governe the Empire and dis∣patch all enemies, like as that Constantine he Great had done, who in Britaine was advanced to the Imperiall dignitie. This Constantine putting to sea from Britan, lan∣ded at Bologne in France, and easily induced withal the Roman forces as far as to the Alpes to joyne with him in his war. * 1.489 Valentia in France he manfully defended against the puissance of Honorius Augustus the Roman Emperor: the Rhene which long be∣fore had been neglected, he fortified with a garison: Upon the Alpes, as well * 1.490 Cottiae and * 1.491 Peninae, as those toward the * 1.492 maritime coasts, where ever there was any pas∣sage, [ B] he built fortresses: In Spaine, under the leading and name of his sonne Constans, whom of a Monk he had denounced Augustus or Emperor, he warred with fortunate successe: and afterwards by letters sent unto Honorius, requesting to be held excu∣sed for suffering the purple forcibly to be done upon him by the souldiers, received at his hands of free gift, the Imperiall roabe. Whereupon he became prouder than be∣fore, and after he had passed over the Alpes intended to march directly to Rome: but hearing that Alaricus the King of the Goths (who had sided with him) was dead, hee retired himselfe to Arles, where he planted his Imperiall seat, commanded the Citie to be called Constantina, and ordained therein, that the assemblies for Assizes of 7. [ C] provinces should be held. His sonne Constans hee sendeth for out of Spaine, to the end that meeting together they might consult as touching the State. Who leaving the furniture of his Court and wife at * 1.493 Caesar Augusta, and committing the charge of all matters within Spaine to Gerontius, came speedily without intermission of journey to his father. When they had met together, after many daies, Constantinus seeing no feare of any danger from Italy, gave himselfe wholly to gluttony and belli-cheere, and so adviseth his sonne to returne into Spaine. But when he had sent his for∣ces to march before, whiles he abode still with his father, newes came out of Spaine, that Maximus one of his vassals and followers was by Gerontius set up and advan∣ced to the Empire; and having about him a strong power and retinue of barbarous nations prepared to come against them. Whereat they being affrighted, Constans and Decimius Rusticus, who of the Master of Offices was now become the Prefect, ha∣ving [ D] dispatched Edobeccus before unto the German Nations, together with the Frankners, Almans & all the militarie forces, went into France, intending out of hand to returne unto Constantinus. But as for Constans, Gerontius intercepted him by the way at Vienna in France, and killed him: Constantine himselfe he besieged with∣in Arles: to raise this siege and to assaile him in hostile manner, when one Constantius sent from Honorius made hast with an armie, Gerontius fearefully fled: whereupon his souldiers for anger and indignation beset his house round about, and drave him to those hard streits, that first he cut off Alanus his most trusty friends head, then he laid violent hands upon Nunnichia the said Alanus wife, who earnestly desired to die with [ E] her husband;* 1.494 and last of all perished himselfe. Constantinus being very straitly shut up, and withall utterly dejected and cast down with the unfortunate fight of Edobec∣cus, after he had beene beleaguerd foure moneths, and raigned likewise foure yeares, laid away his purple habite, entred into a Church, and tooke the orders of priesthood, and soone after, having surrendred Arles, was led captive into Italie, and there behea∣ded, together with a sonne of his, whom he had named * 1.495 Nobilissimus, and a brother called Sebastian. From that time returned Britaine, under the Empire of Honorius, and was refreshed a while, through the wisedome and prowesse of Victorinus, who then ruled the Province, and repressed the outroades of Picts and Scots. In commen∣dation of whom,* 1.496 in Rutilius Claudius, are these verses extant, answerable in worth to [ F] the Author.

Conscius Oceanus virtutum, conscia Thule, Et quaecun{que} ferox arva Britannus arat. Quà Praefectorum vicibus frenata potestas Perpetuum magni foenus amoris habet.

Extremum pars illa quidem discessit in orbem, [ A] Sed tanquam medio rector in orbe fuit. Plus palmae est illos inter vol••isse placere, Inter quos minor est displicuisse pudor. The Ocean maine his vertues knowes, and Thule witnesse will, And all the fertile fields likewise, that Britans fierce doe till. Where ever Rulers power by turnes successive bridled is, Of much good love continuall increase he doth not misse. That part indeed divided was from all the world beside, And yet as if in mids thereof it were, he did it guide. The greater prise and praise it is to seeke there for to please, [ B] Where to controll lesse feare it were, lesse bashment to displease.

When Rome was forced by Alarîcus, Honorius calleth Victorinus home with his army: and forthwith the Britans took armes, and engaging themselves into danger for the safety of themselves, freed their own cities and States from the barbarous people, that waited all opportunities to annoy them. Semblably, that whole maritime tract of * 1.497 Armorica, and the rest of the Gaulois Provinces, accompanied the Britans, and in like manner delivered themselves, casting out the Roman Presidents, and setting up a certain proper common-wealth at their owne pleasure. This revolt and rebellion of Britaine,* 1.498 together with the French Provinces hapned in the time that Constantine usurped the Kingdome, considering that the Barbarians, taking advantage of his negli∣gence [ C] in government, boldly, and without restraint overcame those Provinces. How∣beit within a while after, the States of Britan importuned Honorius for succor: whom he without sending any aid at all, advised by his Letters to stand upon their owne guard, & look to themselves. The Britans upon the receit of Honorius Letters, were stirred up, and put themselves in armes to defend their owne cities: but being not a∣ble to match the Barbarians that came upon them so on every side, they besought Honorius what they could,* 1.499 and obtained at his hands, that a Legion should bee sent to their rescue and succour. Which being come over hither, defeated and overthrew a great number of the enemies, chased the rest out of the marches of the Province, [ D] and took order for a wall or rampier of turfe to be made, from the Eirth of Edenburgh, unto Cluid, which stood them in small or no stead. For by occasion that the said Le∣gion was called backe to the defence of France, the barbarous enemies returne, breake downe with ease the frontier bounds, and in all kind of outrage and crueltie in every place carry, harrie, and make havocke of all. Then were dispatched a second time in lamentable sort Embassadours, with their garments rent, and heads covered with sand (marke the manner of it) for to crave aid of the Romans: unto whom, by the commandement of Valentinian the Third, were appointed certaine regiments of souldiers,* 1.500 conducted by Gallio of Ravenna, which most valiantly vanquished the Bar∣barians, and in some sort gave comfort to the poore distressed and afflicted Province. [ E] They made a wall directly by a straight line,* 1.501 and that of stone (not as the other) at the publike charges of the State, and with private mens purses together, joyning with them the miserable Inhabitants, after the wonted manner of building, to wit, traver∣sing along the land * 1.502 from one Sea to another, betweene those cities which haply were pla∣ced there for feare of enemies; to the fearefull people they gave good instructions, and exhor∣tations to play the men, and left unto them paternes, shewing them how to make armour and weapons. Vpon the coast also of the Ocean, in the tract of the South countrey, what way they had ships (because even from that side also they stood in feare of those barbarous and savage beasts) they planted turrets, and bulwarkes with convenient spaces distant one from another, yielding farre and faire prospect into the sea: and so the Romans gave them a finall farewell, [ F] never to returne againe.

Now was the State every where in a most wofull and pitious plight to see unto: to see the Empire drooping with extreme age, lay along maimed, dismembred, and as it were, benummed in all the limmes and parts thereof: the Church likewise most grievously assailed by Heretikes (who amid the burning broiles of warre, cast and

[ A] spread their venome all abroad. Among whom Pelagius borne in this Island, taught here,* 1.503 to the prejudice of Gods meere grace, That we might attaine to perfect righteous∣nesse by our owne works. One Timothie also, impiously disputed among the Britains,* 1.504 against the divine and humane nature both, in Christ.

Now also was the Roman Empire in Britaine, come to her full and finall period, to wit, the foure hundreth, seventie, and sixth yeare after Caesars first entrie:* 1.505 what time, in the raigne of Valentinian the Third, the Romans having transported their forces with the foresaid Gallion, for the defence of France, and buried their treasure within the ground, left Britaine bereft of her youth, wasted with so many musters and [ B] levies, dispoiled of all succour and defence of garrison, unto the cruell rage of Picts and Scots. Hence it is, that Prosper Aquitanus wrote thus, and that right truely: At this time, by reason of the Romans weakenesse, the strength of Britaine was utterly spent, and brought to nought. And our Historiographer of Malmesburie: When the Tyrants had left none in the countrey, but halfe Barbarians; none in the cities and townes, but such as wholly gave themselves to belly-cheere: Britaine destitute of all protection by her vigorous young men, bereaved of all exercise and practise of good arts, became exposed, for a long time, to the greedy, and gaping jawes of Nations confining upon her. For, straightwaies, by the incursions of Scots and Picts, many a man was slaine, villages burnt, cities undermined and subverted, and throughout all laid wast with fire and sword. The Islanders in great [ C] trouble and perplexitie, thinking all other meanes safer, than triall by battell; partly be∣tooke them to their heeles, and for their safetie fled unto the mountaine-Countrey: partly, after they had buried their treasure within the ground, whereof much is digged up in these daies,* 1.506 purposed to goe to Rome for to crave aide. But as Nicephorus truely wrote, Valen∣tinian the Third, was not onely unable to recover Britaine, Spaine, and France, provinces plucked away from his Empire already, but also lost Africke beside. Not without just cause therefore Gildas in this age cried out thus: Britaine was dispoiled of all her armed men, her militarie forces, her Rulers (cruell though they were,) and of a mightie number of her stout and couragious youths. For, besides those whom that Usurper Maximus, and the last Constantine led away with them, it appeareth evidently by antike Inscriptions, [ D] and the booke named Notitia Provinciarum, that these companies underwritten served the Romans in war, here and there dispersed over their Provinces, which also were from time to time evermore supplied out of Britaine.

Ala Britannica Milliaria. Ala IIII Britonum in Aegypto. Cohors Prima Aeliae Britonum. Cohors III. Britonum. Cohors VII. Britonum. Cohors XXVI. Britonum in Armenia. Britanniciani sub Magistro peditum. [ E] Invicti juniores Britanniciani* 1.507 Exculcatores jun. Britan. Britones cum Magistro Equitum Galliarum, Invicti Iuniores Britones intra Hispanias. Britones Seniores in Illyrico.

Hereupon, no maruaile it is, if Britaine exhausted daily with so many, and so great levies of souldiers, lay exposed unto the Barbarians, and heereby proveth that sen∣tence of Tacitus true; There is no strength in the Roman armies, but it is of forraine strangers.

In writing of these matters, concerning the Romans government in Britaine, which continued (as I said) CCCCLXXVI. yeares, or much there about, whiles I consider [ F] and think otherwhiles with my selfe, how many Colonies of Romans were in so long a time brought hither, how many souldiers continually transported over hither from Rome to lie in garrison,* 1.508 how many sent hither to negotiate either their own busines, or the affaires of the Empire, who joyning in mariage with Britans, both planted them∣selves, and also begat children here (For, Wheresoever the Roman winneth, saith Se∣neca,

there he woneth, and inhabiteth:) I enter oft times into this cogitation, That [ A] Britans may more truely ingraffe themselves into the Trojans stocke, by these Ro∣mans, who are descended from Trojans, than either the * 1.509 Arverni, who drawing their descent, from * 1.510 Ilian bloud, have named themselves, the Romans brethren; or the Mamertines, * 1.511 Hedui, and the rest, who grounding upon a fabulous originall, have fathered themselves upon the Trojans. For Rome, that common Mother (as he saith) called those her Citizens,

Quos domuit, nexu{que} pio longinqua revinxit: Whom she subdued, and by a gracious knot, United people farre dissite and remote. [ B]

And meet it is we should beleeve, that the Britans and Romans in so many ages, by a blessed and joyfull mutuall ingraffing,* 1.512 as it were, have growne into one stocke and nation: seeing, that the * 1.513 Ubij in Germanie within 28. yeares after that a Colo∣nie was planted, where now Colein is, made answer as touching the Roman Inhabi∣tants there, in this wise: This is the naturall Countrey, as well to those that being conveied hither in times past, are conjoyned with us by mariages, as to their off-spring. Neither can we thinke you so unreasonable, as to wish us for to kill our parents, brethren, and chil∣dren. If the Ubij and Romans in so small a time became parents, brethren, and children one to another,* 1.514 what should we judge of Britans and Romans linked and conjoyned so many yeares together? What also may we say of the Burgundians, who for that [ C] they mingled their bloud with the Romans, whiles they held for a small time the Ro∣mans Provinces, called themselves a Roman off-spring: not to rehearse againe what I have said before, That this Island hath beene named Romania, and Insulae Romana, that is, The Roman Isle.

Thus much have I set downe summarily, and in compendious manner gathered out of the ancient monuments of Antiquitie, rejecting all fabulous fictions, as touching the Romans Regiment in Britaine, their Lieutenants, Propretours, Presidents, * 1.515 Vi∣cars, and * 1.516 Rectors. But more exactly and fully, [might I have done it] if Ausonius had performed his promise, and that come unto our hands: who said, he would rec∣kon up such, as

Aut Italûm populos Aquilonigenas{que} Britannos [ D] Praefecturarum titulo tenuere secundo. That ruled Nations Italike, and North-bred Britans all, Entituled with happy stile, Lieutenants Generall.

But seeing it is agreed upon among all learned men, that there ariseth very much light to the illustration of ancient Histories, out of ancient Coines, I have thought good in this place to exhibite unto the Reader certaine pieces of money, as well of those Britaines, who first came under subjection of the Romans, as of Roman Em∣perours; such especially as appurtaine to Britaine, and those out of the Cabinet of the right Worshipfull Sir Robert Cotton of Conington Knight, who hath from all [ E] places with curious and chargeable search, gotten them together, and of his courtesie with heart and good will, imparted the same unto me.

[illustration]

[illustration]

CONIECTVRES AS TOV∣ching the British Coines.

TO the Britans Coines, the portracts whereof I have here shewed, you looke haply, that I should adjoyne some briefe notes also. But what to adjoyne of such things as the revolution of so many ages past, hath altogether over∣cast [ B] with darkenesse, to professe plainely, I see not: and your selfe, when you shall read these slender guesses of mine, will avouch with me, that I walke in a mirke and mistie night of ignorance.

That the old Britans used brasse money, or rings, or else plates of yron tried to a certaine just weight, I have declared already before, out of Caesar: and there be, who averre, that they have seen some of these found in little pitchers. Besides these, found there are other∣whiles [ C] in this Island, pieces of gold, silver, and brasse of sundry fa∣shions, and as different in poize: all for the most part of the one side hollow: some without letters, others with expresse Inscriptions of letters; of which sort, I could never here that any have been digged up elsewhere, untill such time as Nicolaus Fabricius Pierescius, a right noble young Gentleman of Provance in France, one for such anti∣quities, & old Medals or pieces of money, passing skilfull, and of ju∣dicious insight, very lately had shewed me the like found in France. [ D] But to come unto these of ours, which I have here proposed.

The first, is a coine of Cunobelinus, who flourished in the daies of Augustus and Tiberius: wherein, if I deceive not my selfe, are en∣graven the heads of two-faced Ianus: peradventure, because even at that time Britaine began to cast off, and leave their barbarous rude∣nesse. For we reade, how Ianus was the first, that changed barbarous manners into civill behaviour, and therefore was depainted with two fore-heads, to signifie, that he had of one shape made another.

[ E] The second also is Cunobelinus Coine, shewing his face, and In∣scription [of the one side] and the Coiner or Mint-master on the o∣ther, with this word TASCIA set to it,* 1.517 which word among the Britans, betokeneth a Tribute Penye, as Master David Powell, a man most skilfull in the British language hath informed me: and is de∣rived perhaps of the Latine, Taxatio. For, the Britans acknowledge not X. for their letter. And by the same reason the Inscription of MONETA, is seene oft times in pieces of Roman money.

In like manner, the third is a Coine of the same Cunobelinus, [ F] with an horse and CVNO. with a corne eare also, and CAMV, (as it should seeme) for Camalodunum,* 1.518 which was the Royall citie and seat of Cunobelinus.

The fourth with VER,* 1.519 may be thought a coine of the Verlamians.

The fifth againe, is one of Cunobelinus his pieces. [ A]

The sixth, because it giveth no light by letters, I wot not what to make of it.

The seventh, a Coine of Cunobelinus, having this Inscription, TASC. NOVANEL, with a womans head; whether it should imply a tribute piece of the Trinovants, over whom he was ruler, I cannot avow on the other side, Apollo with his Harpe, and Cunobe∣lin putteth me in remēbrance of that, which elsewhere I have obser∣ved [ B] as concerning the God Belinus:* 1.520 namely, that the * 1.521 Gauls in old time worshipped Apollo under the name of Belinus: which Diosco∣rides also doth confirme, writing in plain & expresse termes, that the herbe * 1.522 Apollinaris, with the juce whereof the Gaules were wont to annoint their arrowes, is in the Gaules tongue, called Belinuntia. So that, upon this I may be bold in some sort to conject, that the name of Cunobelinus, as also of Cassibelinus, is drawn from the worship of Apollo, like as the names of Phoebitius and Delphidius. If not rather, [ C] like as Apollo for his bush of yellow haire, is named in Greeke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Latin, Flavus, that is, yellow: so likewise among the Britans, and Gaules, Belin. For that which is yellow, in * 1.523 British speech they call, Melin, Belin, and Felin: and for the same cause, that ancient Belinus, Cunobelinus, and Cassibelinus, who also goeth under the name of Cas∣sivelaunus, may seeme to be so named,* 1.524 as one would say, Yellow Prin∣ces. For that Cuno is a name of dignitie, the * 1.525 Britans confesse, and a thing which is especiall and principall, they terme at this day, Cynoc. [ D] Certes, it hath been a name of honour, Cungetorix, Cunobelinus, Cu∣neglasus, * 1.526 Cuneda, and Cunedagius, Princes names among the Bri∣tans; like as Cyngetorix, Convictolitanus, and Conetodunus, among the ancient Gaules, doe after a sort make good and declare. Neither am I ignorant that Gildas hath translated Cuneglasus, in Latine, Lanio∣nemfulvum vel furvum, that is, A Lion tawney, or darke hued Butcher: whom others have interpreted, Principem Caeruleum, sive vitrei colo∣ris, that is, A Prince blew, or of a blewish, or woad-colour: like as Cuneda, [ E] Principem bonum, that is, A good Prince. That the Germans Koning, and our King, came from Cuno, I dare not yet suppose. Let it suffice, by these my sundry guesses, to have thus dallied, lest I lay open my selfe to the scorne of others.

The eighth, with a chariot horse, and a wheele or shield under∣neath, having in the reverse BODVO; may seeme to be a Coine of the Nation called * 1.527 Boduni: or else of the Queene Bodicia, who is diversly named Voadicia, and Bunduica.

The ninth, wherein is represented an horseman, with speare and [ F] shield, and these letters in scattering wise, CAERATIC. I would deeme to be a Coine of that warlike Prince Caratacus, whose prai∣ses Tacitus highly extolleth.

[ A] The tenth, upon the one side whereof,* 1.528 under an horseman, is the Inscription REX, and on the other COM, both I and some others are pleased with this conceit, that it was a coin of Connius * 1.529 Attre∣batensis whom Caesar mentioneth.

The eleventh, which doth represent a little halfe moon with this Inscription, REX CALLE, is not much unlike the name of that most famous and frequented Citie, Callena.

The twelfth hath a winged head with this word ATEVLA: [ B] and in the reverse a Lion, and this Inscription, VLATOS. What the meaning might be of these words, I seeke and seek, but in vaine. Indeed by this very same portrature and image, I have seene upon pieces of Roman mony the Goddesse Victorie expressed. But, that Victorie should bee in the British tongue called Ateula,* 1.530 I never yet could find. Mary, that they named Victorie, Andata, I have out of Dio reported already: and whether the same were Andrata, worshipped [ C] of the * 1.531 Vocontij in Gaule, let some other say, for I dare not.

Here also may you behold the thirteenth,* 1.532 with this word DIAS, in an eight-angled figure, & an horse on the contrary side: the four∣teenth with a swine, and these letters VANOC, the head also of a goddesse, haply Venus; or else Venutius whom Tacitus speaketh of. The fifteenth, with an head and helmet upon it, and this Inscription, DVRNACO:* 1.533 and whether that were Dumnacus a Prince of the Andes whom Caesar doth mention, I wot not. The sixteenth with an horse, & this word ORCETI. The seventeenth with the image of Augustus and TASCIA; & on the reverse a bull boaking with [ D] his hornes: The eighteenth, with CVNO within a laurell garland: and upon the back part an horse, with the Inscription TASCE.

We have seen besides one other coine with the flying horse Pega∣sus, and CAMV: on the backe part whereof, the forme of a man with an helmet and shield, within standing corne, and CVNO: another, with an horse ill favouredly portraied, and EISV, perad∣venture for ISVRII, and on the back side, an eare of corne: also an∣other [ E] with a souldier carying a speare, and on the other side, within a wreath or chein, SOLIDV. That it should be the piece of mony called Solidus, I doe not believe; because the said piece was in that age alwaies of gold, whereas this was of silver. More probable it is, that it should have a reference to Solidurij.* 1.534 For so the ancient French named men devoted to die in behalfe of others: Whose condition was this, that look unto whose friendship they had betaken them∣selves, they should together with them enjoy all the comforts and [ F] commodities of this life. If any violent accident hapned unto them, they were either to sustaine the same chance together with them, or else to kill themselves: neither hath ever any one of them bin found, who after the party was slain, unto whose friēdship he had devoted

himselfe,* 1.535 would refuse to die. Now whether from these, those soul∣diers [ A] tooke their name, who being sworne pensioners to any one Prince or State, take a certaine pension, and with most nations of Europe carry almost the very same name, to wit Soldiers, Soldates, Soldados, &c. I had rather others should thinke than my selfe deter∣mine: although for mine owne part, I would more willingly sub∣scribe to this opinion, that in these later and more moderne times, they were termed Solidarij, for distinction sake, for those, who ser∣ved [ B] in the wars in regard of their tenours, without pay of mony.

Whether all these kinds of coine went commonly currant as mo∣ney, from one to another and in ordinary trafficke and exchange, or were stamped at the first apart, for some speciall use and purpose, is a question debated among the learned. But in few words, take here my conjecture, if I may be so bold to interpose the same. Conside∣ring that Caesar had appointed what Custome or Impost the Britans should pay yearely, and whereas under Augustus they endured those [ C] paiments for portage, or toll, as well in carrying forth as bringing in commodities: by little and little other tributes also were imposed upon them:* 1.536 to wit, for * 1.537 Corne-grounds, Plant-plots, Groves or Parks, Pasturage of greater and smaller beasts: as being subdued now to o∣bey as subjects, and not to serve as slaves: I have been of opinion, that those pieces of mony were stamped at first for that use; namely, for greater beasts, with an horse; for smaller with a swine; for woods with a tree; for * 1.538 corne-fields with an eare of corne: as in [ D] that piece of the Verlamians, which carieth the Inscription VERV. As for those with the head of a man or woman, they may seeme stamped for the Tribute * 1.539 Capitatio, which was personall and im∣posed upon the poll or person of every one: of women from the twelfth, of men, from the fourteenth yeare of their age. Which im∣position Bunduica or Bodicia a Queene of the Britans complaineth of unto her people in these words; Yee doe both graze and also plough for the Romans, yea, ye pay an yearly tribute in respect of your very bodies. [ E] For this purpose I have thought there was in old time one certaine kind of mony stamped, seeing that in the scripture it is plainly called Numisma Census,* 1.540 and Hesichius expoundeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cen∣sus, is a kind of personall mony paid for every poll. And the more sted∣fastly believe I this, for that in some there is expressed the Mint-ma∣ster marking mony with TASCIA, which among the Britans betokeneth a Tribute-Denier. Howbeit I denie not, but that after∣wards these passed promiscuously as mony from one to another. [ F] Neither am I yet of the same mind with those, that would have the Swine, the Horse, the Corne eare, Ianus, &c. to have beene the pe∣culiar badges of nations, families, or Princes: considering, we may see in these, that one and the same Prince and nation used sundry

[ A] badges, as Cunobelinus, who stamped in his mony a swine, an horse, a corne eare, and other things.

Now, whether these tribute pieces were coined by the Romans, or the Provinciall people, or their Kings, seing that the whole world was taxed by Augustus, I may not easily affirme. Conjecture I may that they were stamped by the British Kings, considering that Bri∣taine from the time of Iulius Caesar unto Claudius daies, used their [ B] owne lawes, and was committed to the government of their owne Kings, as Dio writeth: and withall, seeing that they represent the images and titles of British Princes. For, the Romans by a received custome had Kings in their Provinces as instruments to bring the people into servitude▪ who being now become, as it were, the Ro∣mans fellowes and associates, by little & little were framed, (a thing usuall with persons conquered) to their fashions, & so, as it seemeth, began after the Roman manner both to stamp mony at a certaine [ C] poize, and also to imprint a name upon the pieces. But contrariwise in Iurie, as may be collected by the answer of Christ, marked they were with Caesars face and superscription, and that in all likelihood by the Romans themselves. Which Cardinall Baronius a painefull Ecclesiasticall Historian, sheweth in these words: The manner, saith he, among the Romans was, that mony should be coined by the Emperours, in regard of Tribute or Taxe, and not to remaine alwaies the same, and af∣ter one sort, but according to the rise and fall of the said tributes, differ [ D] from other pieces of usuall mony in this point, for that the value of these or∣dinarie pieces is alwaies one and the same, but those of Tax or tribute, ever as the qualitie of Tribute changed, were made proportionable to the said tribute. But divers learned men accord not in this point with Ba∣ronius.

NOTES VPON THE ROMAN COINES.

[ E]

THE first Roman Emperour after [Iulius] Caesar, that earnestly set his mind upon the conquest of Britaine, was Claudius: and he having put over sea hither with an armie, brought the South-part thereof into the forme of a Province: At which ve∣ry time, this first piece of mony may seeme to bee stamped, which carrieth this abbreviated Inscription, TI CLAVD. CAES. AVG. P. M. TR. P. VIIII. IMP, XVI. that is to say, Ti∣berius [ F] Claudius Caesar,* 1.541 Augustus Pontifex Maximus, that is, High Priest, Tribunitia potestate IX. that is, In Tribunes authoritie the ninth time, Imperator XVI. that is, sixteene times Imperator. But to explaine these titles once for all, ye shall understand, That after Iulius Caesar,

who laid the foundation of the Roman Monarchie, and Octavius [ A] who was honoured with the name of Augustus, all their successors in honour of them would be called Caesares, and Augusti, as though they far surpassed the nature of men. For such things as be of sacred Majestie, are named Augustae: also, termed they were Pontifices Maximi, or High Priests, for that they were consecrated in all kinds of Priesthood, and overseers of all Sacrifices and religious ceremo∣nies. They usurped likewise the Tribunitian power and authoritie [ B] (for Tribunes in no wise would they be termed) to the end, that they might have protection thereby and be inviolable. For, being once invested in this authoritie, if any man either gave cursed lan∣guage or offered violence unto them, hee might without processe of condemnation be killed as a sacrilegious person: and this Tribuni∣tian power they renewed every yeare, and thereby were reckoned the yeares of their Empire. Last of all they were stiled, Imperatores, because their command and rule was most large, & under that name [ C] the power of Kings and Dictators was contained. Now, they were entituled, Imperatores, so oft as they had atchieved any worthy ex∣ploit in battell, either in their owne persons, or by their Captaines. But whereas in the reverse of this piece of mony, there is to be seene a triumphall Arch, with the portrait of an horseman betweene two trophees, and this title, DE BRITAN. I would judge, that ther∣by is meant a twofold victorie obtained, in the ninth yeare of Clau∣dius his Empire, according to the number, that sheweth his Tribu∣nitian authoritie renewed. [ D]

[ II] In the second piece, which also is a coine of Claudius * 1.542 Augustus, out of this Inscription, TI. CLAVD. CAES. AVG. GER. TR. P. XII. IMP. XIIX. we are taught, that in the twelfth yeare of his raigne, he, for a victorie won in Britan was with joyfull acclamati∣ons saluted, Imperator, the eighteenth time: and at the same instant that the Colonie Camalodunum was thither brought, which is sig∣nified expressely by an * 1.543 husbandman imprinted upon it, with a [ E] Cow and a Bull. The Romans (saith Servius) when they were about to found and build cities, being girt and clad after the Gabine fashion, that is to say, with one part of their gowne covering the head, and the other tuc∣ked up, yoked on the right hand, a Bull, and within forth a Cow, and held the crooked plough taile bending inward, so as all the clods of the earth might fall inward. And thus having made a furrow, they did set out the pla∣ces for wals, holding up the plough fro the ground, wher the gates should be.

[ III] The Son of Claudius, whose piece of coine the third is with Greek Characters, was by vertue of an act of Senate, adorned with the sur∣name [ F] of BRITANNICVS, in regard of his fathers fortunate wars, that he might use the same as his owne proper addition. He it was, for whom Seneca praied in this wise, That he might appease Ger∣manie,

[ A] make way into Britaine, and solemnize both his Fathers triumphs, and also new [of his owne.] But what should bee the meaning of an halfe ship in this coine, with this Inscription, Metropolis Etiminij Regis? Certes, I cannot for certaine affirme who that Etiminius was, unlesse a man list to imagine him to have beene the very same Adi∣minius, King Cunobelinus son, of whom Suetonius reporteth, That he ran away unto C. Caligula.

[ B] That which you see in the fourth place, is a piece of Hadrians mo∣ny, [ IIII] with this writing upon it, HADRIANVS AVG. CONSVL III. PATER PA∣TRIAE. And in the other side, EXERCITVS BRITANNICVS, that is, The Armie in Britaine represented by three souldiers. I would deeme, that it betokened the three Legions, to wit, Secunda Augusta, Sexta victrix, and Vicessima Victrix, which served in Britaine, Anno Christi 120. For then was he Consul the third time.

The fifth and sixth, which are the coines of Antoninus Pius, car∣rying [ V.VI.] [ C] this Inscription, Antoninus Pius, Pater Patriae, Tribunitia pote∣state, Consul tertiùm: and in their reverse, the one having Britaine sitting upon rocks with a militarie Ensigne, a speare and a shield; the other, the selfe same Britaine, sitting upon a globe; seeme to have beene stamped by the Province Britaine, in honour of Antoninus Pius, when he began his Empire in the yeare of Christ 140. As for that militarie habit of the Province Britan, it signifieth, That Britan in those daies flourished in glory of martiall prowesse: like as that [ D] piece of mony, which at the same time Italie stamped for the honor of him, hath such another figure sitting upon a globe, with Cornu-co∣piae, betokening plentie of all things: that also which Sieilie coined, hath the like figure with an eare of corne, in token of fruitfulnesse: semblably that which Mauritania stamped hath a portraict or per∣sonage, holding two speares with an horse, to shew the glory of that Province in good horsemanship and chivalrie. Hitherto also is [ IX] to be referred the ninth, which is a piece of the same Antoninus, but [ E] not set in his due place.

The seventh piece of mony, stamped by Commodus, sheweth no [ VII] more, but that he for a victorie against the Britans, assumed into his stile the name of BRITANNICVS: for in the other side there∣of is to be seen, Victory, with a branch of the Date-tree, holding a shield, and sitting upon the shield of the Britans vanquished, with this inscription, VICTORIA BRITANNICA.

The eighth, which is a coine of Caracalla, and set here not in the [ VIII] right place, more expresly sheweth by the numerall figures, that hee [ F] vanquished his enemies in Britaine, in the yeare of our Salvation, 214. as also by the Trophee, which Virgil better than any engraver, portraied in these verses,

Ingentem quercum decisis undi{que} ramis [ A] Constituit tumulo, fulgentiá que induit arma Mezenti ducis exuvias, tibi magne trophaeum Bellipotens: aptat roranteis sanguine cristas, Teláque trunca viri. A mightie Oke, the boughs whereof were shred from every side, Vpon an hill he pight, whereon he goodly armour tide Duke Mezence spoiles, a trophee brave, ô mightie Mars, to thee, [ B] And fits therto his crests which yet with gore bloud dropping be, The truncheons of that Knight also — [ XII] The same is to be thought of the twelfth, which also is one of the same Caracallaes. [ X.XI.] But in those of Severus and Geta, there is none obscuritie at all.

[ XIII] Who this Aebianus was, I am not yet fully resolved. Some reckon him to be A. Pomponius Aelianus, one of the 30.* 1.544 Tyrants. Others will him to be Cl. Aelianus, one of the sixe Tyrants under Dioclesian. [ C] There are also that thinke he was the very same * 1.545 Tyrant in Britain, under the Emperour Probus, of whom Zosimus made mention, but suppressed his name, and of whom I have written before. Surely, in what time soever he lived, we suppose that in Britaine hee was na∣med Augustus, considering his pieces of money bee found in this Island onely,* 1.546 carrying this Inscription, IMPERATOR CL. AELIANVS PIVS FOELIX AVGVSTVS. In the re∣verse, there is to be read, VICTORIA AVGVSTI, which [ D] betokeneth, that he subdued some Barbarians.

[ XIIII] The coine of Carausius, with this Inscription, Imperator Caius Carausius Pius Foelix Augustus, and in the backside thereof, PAX AVGVSTI, seemeth to have beene stamped at the very time when hee had quieted the British Sea, which by reason of rovers was so dangerous.

[ XV] When Allectus, who made away Carausius, had put on the Im∣periall purple, and fought manfully against the Barbarians, he stam∣ped [ E] this piece with VIRTVS AVGVSTI. As for the Letters Q. L. some would have them to signifie a * 1.547 Quartarius, stamped at London; others, The Questor, that is, Treasurer of London.

[ XVI] When as Constantius Chlorus, being departed this life at Yorke, was now solemnly consecrated, and after the Pagan manner deifi∣ed, in honour and memoriall of him was this piece of money stam∣ped: which appeareth evidently by the Inscription, and a Temple betweene two Eagles. these letters underneath P. LON. doe [ F] plainely imply Pecuniam Londini, that is, that the said money was stamped at London.

[ XVII] His wife Flavia Helena, a British Ladie borne, as our histories report, and as that most excellent Historiographer Baronius doth

[ A] confirme, what time as her Sonne Constantius Maximus had dis∣comfited the Tyrant Maxentius, and received these Titles, Fundator quietis, that is, The founder of quietnesse: and Liberator Orbis, that is, The Deliverer of the world, having procured securitie to the State and common-weale, had this piece stamped in honour of him at Triers, as appeareth by the Letters S. TR. that is,* 1.548 Signata Treviris, that is to say, coined at Triers.

Flavius Canstantinus Maximus Augustus, the great ornament of [ XVIII] [ B] Britaine, stamped this coine at Constantinople, as we are taught by these characters underneath, CONS. with this, GLORIA EX∣ERCITVS, that is, The glory of the Armie, to currie favour with the souldiers, in whose choice in those daies, and not at the dispose of the Emperour, was the soveraigne rule and government.

Constantinus the younger, Son of that Constantinus Maximus, [ XIX] unto whom with other countries the Province Britaine befell; [ C] stamped this piece while his Father lived. For he is called only No∣bilis Caesar, a title that was wont to be given to the Heires apparant, or elect Successours of the Empire. By the edifice thereon, and these words, PROVIDENTIAE CAESS. we understand, that he together with his brother, built some publike worke, like as by these letters P. LON. that this piece of mony was coined at London.

This coine carrying the Inscription, Dominus noster Magnentius Pius Foelix Augustus, may seeme to have beene stamped by Magnen∣tius, who had a Britan to his father: as also to win the favour of [ D] Constantius, after hee had put to flight some publike enemie. For, these Characters DD. NN. AVGG. that is, Our LORDS AV∣GVSTI, doe argue there were then two Augusti, or Emperours. And as for that Inscription, VOTIS V. MVLTIS X. it beto∣keneth, that the people at that time did nuncupate their vowes in these termes, That the Emperour might flourish 5. yeares, and by du∣pling the said number of 5. with lucky acclamations praied for ma∣ny [ E] 10. yeares. And hereto accordeth that speech in the Panegyrick o∣ration of Nazarus, as followeth: The * 1.549 Quinquennall feasts and so∣lemnities of the most blessed and happy Caesars, hold us wholly possessed with joyes; but in the appointed revolutions of ten yeares, our hastning vowes and swift hopes have now rested. The letters P. AR. doe shew that this denier was stamped at * 1.550 Arelate.

Constantius having defeated Magnentius, and recovered Britaine, [ XXI] in honour of his armie, caused this to be stamped. The letter R. in the basis thereof importeth haply, that it came out of the mint [ F] which was at Rome.

In honour of Valentinian, when hee had set upright againe the [ XXII] state of Britaine which was falling to ruine, and called that part of it by him thus recovered after his own name Valentia, this piece

was coined at Antiochia, as may be gathered out of the small let∣ters [ A] underneath.

[ XXIII] Vnto the Denier of Gratianus, I can think of nothing to say more, save only that which erewhile I noted upon that of Magnentius.

[ XXIIII] What time as Magnus Maximus was by the British armie created Augustus, and his son likewise Flavius Victor named Caesar, to grace [ XXV] and glorifie the souldiers were these pieces coined: and Theodo∣sius having subdued and made them away, for the very same cause, [ B] [ XXVI] stamped that with this, VIRTVTE EXERCITVS.

[ XXVII] Vpon that golden piece of Honorius, I have nothing to observe, but that by this Inscription, AVGGG. there were at the same time three * 1.551 Augusti: namely after the yeare of Grace 420. when as Ho∣norius ruled as Emperour in the west, Theodosius the younger in the East, and with them Constantius, by Honorius nominated Augustus, who had vanquished our Constantine, elected in hope of that for∣tunate name. As for that Inscription CONOB, it signifieth, that it [ C] was fine and pure gold, stamped at Constantinople. For that same CONOB, is no where read, so farre as ever I could hitherto ob∣serve, but in pieces of Gold, for CONSTANTINOPOLI OBRIZVM.

I could annex hereunto many more pieces of Roman mony, for infinite store of them is every where found among us in the ruines of cities and townes subverted,* 1.552 in treasure coffers, or vaults hidden in that age, as also in funerall-pots and pitchers. And how it came [ D] to passe, that there should remaine still so great plenty of them, I much marvelled, untill I had read in the Constitutions of Princes, that it was forbidden to melt such ancient coines.

Having now already represented these antike pieces, as well of British as Roman mony in their owne formes, I thinke it also profi∣table for the Reader to insert in this very place a chorographicall table or mappe of Britaine, (seeing it hath sometime beene a Pro∣vince of the Romans) with the ancient names of places▪ and al∣though [ E] the same be not exact and absolute, (for who is able to per∣forme that?) yet thereby a man may learne thus much, if nothing else, that in this round Globe of the earth, there is daily some change: new foundations of townes and cities are laid; new names of peo∣ple and nations arise, and the former utterly be abolished: and, as that Poet said,

Non indignemur mortalia corpora solvi, [ F] Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori. Why fret should we that mortall men to death doe subject lie? Examples daily shew that townes and cities great may die.

THE DOVVN-FALL OR DESTRV∣CTION OF BRITAINE.

WHen as Britaine now was abandoned of the Roman garrisons, there ensued an universall and utter confusion, full of woefull miseries and calamities, what with barbarous nations of the one side making incursions and invasions, what with the native Inhabitants raising tumultuous uprores on the other, whiles every man catcheth at the [ B] government of State. Thus, as Ninnius writeth, They lived in feare 40. yeares or thereabout. For, Vortigern then King, stood in great dread of the Picts and Scots: Troubled sore also he was with the violence of Romans, that remai∣ned heere, and no lesse stood he in feare of Ambrosius Aurelius or Aureleanus, who during the conflict of these tempestuous troubles, wherein his parents that had worne the Imperiall purple roabe, were slaine, survived them.* 1.553 Hereupon, the Saxons, whom Vortigern had called forth of Germany to aid him, made bloudy and deadly warre against those friends that invited and entertained them: insomuch as after many variable and doubtfull events of warre they wholly disseised the poore wretched Bri∣taines [ C] of the more fruitfull part of the Island,* 1.554 and their ancient native seat and habitation.

But this most lamentable ruine and downfall of Britaine, Gildas the Britaine, who lived within a little while after, all full of teares shall with his piteous pen depaint or deplore rather unto you. As the Romans were returning, quoth he, to their owne home, there shew themselves avie,* 1.555 out of their carroghes, wherein they passed over the * 1.556 Sciticke vale, and as it were, at high noone. Sunne. and in fervent heat, issuing from out of most nar∣row holes and caves, whole swarmes of duskish vermin, to wit, a number of hideous high∣land Scots and Picts in flocks,* 1.557 for manners and conditions in some respect different; but sor∣ting well enough in one and the same greedy desire of bloud-shed: Who having intelligence that the Roman associats and Maintainers of the Britans were returned home, with utter dis∣claiming [ D] and renouncing of all return, more confidently than their usuall manner had beene, seize into their hands all the Northern and utmost part of the land, and hold the same, (as na∣turall inborne Inhabitants) even as far as to the wall. Against these attempts opposed there was and placed upon an high fort and castle along the wall a garrison, nothing war-like, unfit for fight, with quaking hearts and altogether unmeet for service: which warding there day and night became lazie with doing nothing. Meane while, no stay there was, but those bare naked enemies approached the forts and wall with hooked weapons and engines, where∣with the most miserable people were plucked from the walles and dashed against the hard ground. This good yet did this manner of hasting untimely death, unto those that by such [ E] meanes were speedily rid out of the world, in that by so quick a dispatch they escaped and avoided the wofull imminent calamities of their brethren and deare children. To bee short, having abandoned their Cities and quit that high-wall, once againe they tooke them to flight, and were dispersed anew, in more desperate manner than before time. Semblably, the ene∣mies follow hard in chase, and hasten to make fouler havocke and more cruell butcherie of them. Like therefore as Lambs by bloudy butchers, so are these wofull Inhabitants quartred and mangled by their enemies: insomuch as their abode among them might well be compared to the ravening of wild and savage beasts. For not only the poore and wretched people them∣selves forbeare not to rob one another, for their short sustenance of small food, but also those hostile outward miseries and calamities were augmented with inward tumults and troubles: in that by these and such like pillages and spoiles practised so thicke, the whole country was ex∣haust [ F] of victuals the staffe and strength of life, save onely the small comfort that came by hunting.* 1.558 Whereupon the distressed remaines of them send their missive letters againe unto Aetius a power-able man in the Roman state, in this tune;

To * AETIVS THRICE CONSVLL. THE GRONES OF BRITANS.

The Barbarians drive us backe to the sea: The sea againe putteth us backe [ A] upon Barbarians. Thus betweene tweene two kinds of death, either our throats be cut, or we are drowned:

Yet obtaine they no succour at all for those their distresses.

Meane while in this wandring and declining condition of theirs, most notorious and horrible famine op∣presseth them, which forced many of them without delay, to yield themselves into the hands of those cruell spoilers and robbers, that they might have some food (were it never so little) to comfort and refresh their poore hungry soules: but with others it ne∣ver wrought so much, but they chose rather to withstand and rise against them con∣tinually, [ B] from out of the very mountaines, caves and thick woods, full of bushes, briers and brambles. And then verily, at the first they gave sundry overthrowes with much slaughter to their enemies for many yeares together (as they made spoile and drave a∣way booties in the land), reposing their trust not in man, but in God: according to that saying of Philo, The helpe of God is at hand when mans helpe faileth. Thus for a while rested our enemies from their boldnesse; but yet our countrymen gave not over their wickednesse: The enemies, I say, retired from the people, but the people did not retire themselves from their wickednesse. For, an usuall manner it ever was of this na∣tion (like as it is at this day also) to shew themselves feeble in repressing the enemies forces, but strong enough to civill warres, and to undergoe the burdens of sinne, &c. [ C] Well then, these shamelesse Irish ravenours returne home, minding shortly after to make repaire hither againe: and the Picts rested without molestation then first; and so from thenceforth, in the utmost part of the Province, yet not without wasting & har∣rying the country at sundry times. By meanes therefore of such surcease of hostility, the desolate peoples sore of famin was healed up clean and skinned, but another more virulent than it, secretly bred and brake forth. For, in the time that the Island was free from hostile wasting, there happened it in so fruitfull plenty and abundance of all things, as the like no age before had ever remembred: and therewith groweth ever∣more all manner of riot and excesse. For, so mightily it encreased and came to so great an head, that very fitly at the same time it might be said, Certainely it is hard, that there [ D] is such fornication, as the like is not among the Gentiles. And not this sinne onely was rife, but all others also that are incident to mans nature: and especially (which likewise at this very day overturneth the state of all goodnesse in it) the hatred of Truth, and the maintai∣ners thereof, the love also of lies with the forgers thereof, the admitting of evill for good, the respective regard of leawdnesse in stead of goodnesse, desire of darkenesse in lieu of the Sun∣light, and accepting of Satan for an Angell of light.* 1.559 Kings were annointed not by God, but by such as were knowne more cruell than the rest: and soone after, the same were mur∣dered by their owne anointers, without due examination of the truth, and others more fierce and cruell elected. Now if any one of these Kings seemed more mild than other, and some∣what better inclined to the Truth, upon him as the the subverter of Britaine the hatred and [ E] spitefull darts of all men without respect were levelled and shot. No difference made they of any thing that they tooke displeasure at, but things weighed all in equall ballance, saving that the better things indeed wrought ever discontent: in so much as, right justly the say∣ing of the Prophet which was denounced unto that people in old time might bee applied unto our country, Yee lawlesse and corrupt children have forsaken the Lord, and provoked unto wrath the holy one of Israel: Why should ye be smitten any more, still multiplying iniquitie? Every head is sicke, and every heart is heavy. From the sole of the foot unto the crowne of the head there is nothing sound therein. Thus did they all things that were contrary to their safe∣tie, as if no phisicke or medicine had been bestowed upon the world by the true phisician of all. And not onely the secular or lay men did this, but also the selected flocke of the Lord and [ F] the shepheards thereof, who ought to have given example to the whole people. To speake of drunkennesse, numbers of them drenched, as it were, with wine, lay benummed and sense∣lesse: possessed they were with swelling pride, and therewith stomackfull, given to contentious brawles, armed with the catching clawes of envie, and undiscreet in their judgement, as putting no difference betweene good and evill.

Insomuch as, apparantly (even as now a

[ A] daies) it seemed that contempt was poured forth upon the Princes▪ and the people were se∣duced by their vanities and errour in by paths and not led the right way. In the meane time, when God was minded to purge his family and to recure it thus infected with so great cor∣ruption of sinnes, by hearesay onely of tribulation, the winged flight (as one would say) of an headlesse rumour, pierceth the attentive eares of all men, giving notice of ancient enemies ready to arrive, and upon their comming fully minded to destroy them utterly, and after their wonted manner to possesse and inhabite the countrey from one end to another. Yet for all this were they never the better, but like unto foolish and senselesse horses, resisting the bridle of reason, and refusing to admit the bit (as they say) into their close shut mouth, leaving the way to salvation, narrow though it were, ran up and downe at randum all in the broad way [ B] of all wickednesse which leadeth directly and readily to death. Whiles therefore, as Salomon saith, the obstinate and stubborne servant is not amended with words, scourged hee is for a foole,* 1.560 and feeleth not the whip. For loe, a pestilent contagion bringing much mortalitie fal∣leth heavily upon the foolish people; which in a short space, when the enemies sword was gone destroied so great a multitude of them, as that the living were not able to bury the dead. Neither verily were they the better for it, that the saying of Esay the Prophet might in them also bee fulfilled: And God calleth them, quoth he, to sorrow and mourning, to bald∣nesse and sackcloth; but behold, they fell to killing of calves, to slaying of rams: Lo, they went to eating and drinking, and said withall, Let us eate and drinke, for to morrow wee shall die. [ C] And why? the time drew neere wherein their iniquities, like as those in times past of the Amorites, should come to the fulnesse. For, they fall to consult what was the best and most convenient course to be taken, for to represse so cruell, and so many invasions of the forena∣med nations, with the booties which they raised. Then, all the Counsellors together with the proud tyrant become blinded and bewitched, devising such a protection, nay a destruction rather of their country as this; namely, that those most fierce Saxons, a people foully infamous,* 1.561 odious both to God and man, should be let into this Island, as one would say, wolves into the sheep-folds, to repulse, forsooth, and beat backe the Northern nations. Than which, I assure you, nothing was ever devised and practised more pernicious, nothing more unhappy unto this land. O mist of sense and grossest understanding that ever was! O desperate dul∣nesse and blind blockishnesse of mind! Those whom in their absence they were inclined and [ D] given to dread more than very death, now of their owne record these foolish Princes of Egypt entertained, as I may say, under the roofe of one house, giving (as hath beene said) fond-foo∣lish counsell unto Pharao.

Then rushed forth out of the barbarous * 1.562 Lionesses den a Kennell of whelps in three Vessels, called in her language Cyulae,* 1.563 that is, Keeles, and in our Latine tongue, Longae naves, under full saile, carried with the wind of lucky sure presaging auguries, whereby fore-prophesied it was unto them, that for 300. yeares they should possesse and hold that land as their countrey, unto which they directed their course: and for an hundred and twentie, that is, the one moity of the said space, oftentimes waste and depopulate the same. These being put [ E] on shore, first in the East-part of the Island, and that by commandement of this infortunate tyrant, set fast their terrible pawes and clawes there, pretending unto the Islanders defence of their countrey, but more truely intending the offence thereof: unto which whelpes, the fore∣said dam, * 1.564 the Lionesse, finding that their first setting foote and marching forward sped well, sends likewise a greater rabble of worrying freebooters, which being arrived here in Flotes conjoyned themselves with the former misbegotten crew. From hence it is, that the shoot-grifts of iniquitie, the root of bitternesse, and virulent plants due to our deserts sprout and put forth in our soile, proudly bud, branch & leafe. Well, these barbarous Saxons thus ad∣mitted into the Island, obtaine allowance of victuals and wages, as for douty souldiers, and such as would endure hard service and much hazard (for so they falsly beare men in hand) [ F] in defence of their good hosts and friends for their kind entertainment. Which being gi∣ven unto them a long time stopped (as wee say) the dogs mouth. Howbeit afterward they complaine that their * 1.565 monthly wages was not well paid them, devising of purpose colourable occasions of quarrell, protesting and threatning, that unlesse they might feele more munifi∣cence powred and heaped upon them, they would with the breach of covenant spoile and waste the whole Island throughout.

And without further delay they second these threats with very

deeds, (for the cause of deserved revenge for precedent wickednesse, was still nourished) [ A] the fire kindled, and set a flaming by these prophane men from sea to sea, ceased not to con∣sume all the cities, and countreys bordering there about, untill such time as burning well neere all the inland soile of the Island it licked up with a red flaming, and terrible tongue all unto the westerne Ocean. In this violent furious invasion, comparable to that of the Assyri∣ans in old time against Iuda, is fulfilled also in us (according to the historie) that which the Prophet by way of sorrowfull lamentation uttereth: They have burnt with fire thy Sanctuarie, they have polluted in the Land the Tabernacle of thy name. And againe, O God, the Gentiles are come into thine heritage, they have defiled thy holy Temple, &c. In such wise, as all the Colonies by the force of many engines, and all the Inhabitants together with the Prelates of the [ B] Church, both Priests and People, by drawne sword glittering on every side, and crackling flame of fire, were at once laid along on the ground: yea, and that which was a piteous spectacle to behold, in the midst of the streets the stone workes of turrets, and high walles, rent and torne in sunder from aloft the sacred altars, and quarters of carcases (covered with imbossed works of imagerie) of a bloudy hue, were seene all blended and mixed together (as it were) in a cer∣taine horrible wine-presse, neither was there any Sepulcher at all abroad, save onely the ruins of buildings, and the bowels of wild beasts and fowles.

When we shall read these reports, let vs not be offended and displeased with good Gildas, for his bitter invectives against either the vices of his owne countrey-men the Britans, or the inhumane outrages of the barbarous enemies, or the insatiable cruel∣tie [ C] of our Fore-fathers the Saxons. But since that for so many ages successively ensu∣ing, we are all now by a certaine engraffing or commixtion become one nation, mol∣lified and civilized with Religion, and good Arts, let us meditate and consider, both what they were, and also what wee ought to be: lest that for our sinnes likewise, the supreame Ruler of the world, either translate other nations hither, when wee are first rooted out, or incorporate them into us, after we are by them subdued.

BRITANS OF ARMORICA.

[ D]

* 1.566DVring this most wofull, desperate, and lamentable tempestuous season, some poore remaines of Britaines, being found in the mountaines, were killed up by whole heapes; others, pined with famine, came and yielded themselves unto the enemies, upon composition to serve them as Bondslaves for ever, so they might not bee killed out of hand, which was reputed a most high favour, and especiall grace. There were also that went over sea into strange lands▪ singing under their spread sailes with a howling and wailing note, in stead of the Mariners * 1.567 Celeusma, after this manner: Thou hast given us [O Lord] as sheepe to be devoured, and scattering us among the heathen. Others againe remained still in their owne countrey, albe∣it in fearefull estate, betaking themselves (but yet continually suspecting the worst) to high [ E] steepe hilles and mountaines intrenched,* 1.568 to woods, and thicke growne forrests, yea, to the rockes of the sea.

Of those who passed beyond-sea, no doubt were they who for to save their lives, went over in great number to * 1.569 Armorica in France, and were kindly received of the Armoricans. That this is true, besides the communitie of lan∣guage, (the same in manner with that of our * 1.570 Britans) and to say nothing of other authors, who all accord in this point; hee who lived neerest unto that age, and was borne even in Armorica, and wrote the life of S. Wingual of the Confessor, suffici∣ently doth prove.

An off-spring, saith he, of the Britans embarqued in Flotes, arrived in this land, on this side the British sea, what time as the barbarous nation of the Saxons fierce in armes, and uncivill in manners, possessed their native and mother-soile. Then, I say, this deare off-spring seated themselves close within this nooke and secret corner. In which place [ F] they being wearied with travaile and toile, sate quiet for awhile without any warres.

How∣beit, our writers report, that our Britans long before this time, setled themselves in this coast. For, he of Malmesburie writeth thus:

Constantinus Maximus being saluted by the Armie, Emperour, having proclaimed an Expedition into the higher lands, brought

[ A] away a great power of British souldiers, through whose industrie and forward service, ha∣ving obtained triumphant victories to his hearts desire, and attained to the Empire: such of them as were past service, and had performed the painfull parts of souldjerie their full time, he planted in a certaine part of Gaule westward upon the very shore of the Ocean: where at this day their posteritie remaining, are wonderfully grown even to a mighty people, in manners and language somewhat degenerate from our Britans. And true it is that Con∣stantine gave commandement in this wise:* 1.571 Let the old souldiers according to our Precept enter upon the vacant lands, and hold them for ever freely. Ninnius likewise: Maximus the Emperor who slew Gratian, would not send home again those souldiers which he had [ B] levied out of Britaine, but gave unto them many countries, even from the poole or Mere, which lieth above Mount Iovis unto the Citie that is called Cantguic, & unto Cruc-occhidi∣ent. And he that hath annexed briefe notes upon Ninnius, fableth besides in this man∣ner: The Armorican Britans which are beyond-sea, going forth from hence with Maxi∣mus the tyrant in his expedition, when as they could not returne, wasted the west-parts of Gaule, even to the very bare soile: and when they had married their wives and daughters, did cut out all their tongues, for feare lest the succeeding progenie should learne their mo∣ther-language: whereupon we also call them in our tongue, Lhet vydion, that is, halfe si∣lent or tongue-tied, because they speake confusedly.

The authoritie of these writers here∣in I cannot in any wise contradict; yet I am of opinion rather, that the children of those old souldiers gladly afterward received these Britans that fled out of their coun∣trey. [ C] Neverthelesse, the name of Britans in this tract, I find not in all the writers of that age, before such time that the Saxons came into our Britain, unlesse it bee of those whom Plinie seemeth to place in Picardie, and who in some copies are named Brina∣ni. For if any man out of the fourth booke of Strabo his Geographie, doe with Vo∣laterane thinke, that Britaine was a citie of Gaule, let him but looke into the Greeke Booke, and he will soone informe himselfe, that he spake of the Island Britaine, and not of a citie. As for that verse out of Dionysius, which before I have alleaged, some would rather understand it with Stephanus of our Britans, than with Eustathius of the Armoricans, especially seeing that Festus Avienus, a writer verily of good anti∣quitie, hath translated it thus:

[ D] Cauris nimium vicina * 1.572 Britannis, Flava{que} caesariem Germania porrigit ora. Britaine the North-west winds too neare, And yellow haired Germanie her front doth forward beare.

Neither let any man thinke that the Britannicians mentioned in the booke Notitia,* 1.573 came from hence, who in truth were certaine cohorts onely of souldiers enrolled out of this our Britaine.

Before the arrivall of our Britans,* 1.574 this country was at first called, Armorica, that is, situate by the sea side: and afterwards in the same sense, Llydaw, in the British tongue, that is, coasting upon the sea, and thence in Latine by our writers living in the [ E] middle age,* 1.575 Letavia. From when I suppose, were those Leti whom Zosimus nameth in Gaule, when he noteth, that Magnentius the Tyrant, was borne among the Leti in France, and had a Britan to his father. These Armoricans when as that Constantine elected for the names sake became Emperor, and the barbarous nations over-ran Gaul, having cast out the Roman garrisons, instituted a common-wealth among them∣selves. But Valentian the younger by the meanes of Aetius, and at the intercession of Saint German, reclaimed them to allegiance. At which very time, it seemeth that Ex∣uperantius governed them. Of whom Claudius Rutillius writeth thus:

Cujus Aremoricas Pater Exuperantius or as [ F] Nunc post liminium pacis amore docet. Leges restituit, libertatem{que} reducit, Et servos famulis non sinit essesuis. Whose Sire Exuperantius the coasts to sea that reach Now after discontinuance long in love of peace doth teach: He sets the lawes againe in force, reduceth libertie,

And suffereth them unto his folke no more as slaves to be. [ A]

Out of which verses, I wot not whether Aegidius Maserius hath made some collecti∣on, when he wrote, That the Britans were servants under the Armoricans and against them errected a freedome. The first mention to my knowledge of Britans in Armori∣ca, was in the yeare of our salvation 461. about the thirtith yeare after that the Anglo-Saxons were called out of Germany into our Britan. For then, Mansuetus a Bishop of the Britans, among other Bishops of France and Armorica, subscribed to the first Councell of Tours. In the ninth yeare after, these new Inhabitants of France, see∣ing the West-Gothes to seize into their hands the most fertile territories of Anjou and Poictou,* 1.576 encountred them, and were a barre that the Gothes possessed not them∣selves [ B] of all France. For they sided with Anthemius the Roman Emperour against the Gothes, so far forth that Aruandus was condemned for treason, because in his let∣ters sent unto the King of the Gothes,* 1.577 he had given counsell to set upon the Britans dwelling over the river * 1.578 Loire, and to divide France betweene the Gothes and Bur∣gundians. These Britans were a kind of people witty and subtile, warlike, tumultuous, and in regard of their valour,* 1.579 number, and association, stubborne: in which termes Sidonius Apollinaris complaineth of them unto Riothimus his friend, for so himselfe calleth him (but Jornandes nameth him King of the Britans) who afterward being sent for by Anthemius, came with a power of 12. thousand men to aid the Romans, but be∣fore [ C] that they joyned with them, being with his owne forces vanquished in open field by the Gothes, hee fled unto the Burgundians confederate with the Romans. From that time the native Armoricans being by little and little subdued, the name of the Britans in these parts, where they were newly seated, grew so great, that generally all the Inhabitants there, passed by little and little into the name of Britans: like as this whole tract was called Britannia Armorica, and of the * 1.580 Frankners Britannia Cismarina, that is, Britan on this side the sea: and thereupon, I. Scaliger versified thus:

Vicit Aremoricas animosa Britannia gentes, Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo. The nations Aremorican stout Britan overcame, And with the yoke of servitude gave them her ancient name.

For, they turned the edge of their weapons upon those their friends that gave them [ D] entertainement,* 1.581 as appeareth evidently both by other testimonies, and also by these words of Regalis Bishop of Vennes as touching himself and his:

We living, saith he, in captivitie under the Britans are subject to a grievous and heavie yoke.

Moreover, in the times succeeding,* 1.582 they couragiously maintained themselves and their estates: First un∣der petty Kings, afterwards under Counts and Dukes against the French; albeit as Glaber Rodolphus writeth;

Their only wealth was immunitie from paiments to the pub∣lique Treasurie, and plentie of milke: Also 500. yeares since, William of Malmesbury wrote thus of them: A kind of people they are needy and poore in their owne country; otherwise also with foraine mony waged, and purchasing a laborious and painfull life. If they be well paid, they refuse not so much as to serve in civill war one against another without all regard [ E] of right or kindred, but according to the quantitie of mony readie with their service for what part soever you would have them.

BRITANS OF VVALES AND CORNWALES.

THe rest of the Britans, who pitifully distressed in their own native coun∣trey were put to seeke for their countrey, were overlaied with so great [ F] calamities, as no man is able sufficiently to expresse acccording to the nature of such horrible particulars; as being not only molested grievous∣ly by the Saxons, Picts, & Scots, who made cruel war upon them far & neere, but also oppressed under the proud and intollerable rule of wicked tyrants, in all places. Now

[ A] who those tyrants were and of what quality about the yeare of our Lord 500. have here in few words out of Gildas, who then lived and was an eie witnesse. Constan∣tine a Tyrant among the * 1.583 Danmonij, albeit he had sworne in expresse words before God and the companie of holy Saints,

that he would performe the office of a good Prince, yet in two Churches under the sacred vesture of an Abbat, flew two children of the bloud royall, together with their Fosters, two right valiant men: and many yeares before having put away his lawfull wife, was foulie defiled with a number of foule filthie adulteries.

Aurelius Conanus, wallowing in the mire of Parricidies and adulteries, hating the peace of his countrie, is left alone as a tree withering in the open field: whose father and brethren [ B] were with a wild, youthfull, and overweening phantasie carried away, and by untimely death, surprized.

Vortiporius tyrant of the * 1.584 Dimetae, the ungratious sonne of a good father, like to a Panther in manners, so variably spotted with vices of divers sorts: when his head was now waxen hoary and gray, sitting in his throne full of craft and guile, and the same defiled with Parici∣dies, or murthers of his owne kinred, and with adulteries beside, cast off his owne wife, (and filthily abused her daughter unawares, and unwitting) yea, and he tooke also her life away.

Cuneglasus, in the Roman tongue, Lanio fulvus, that is, the Lyon tawney Butcher, a Beare sitting and riding upon many, the driver of that chariot which holdeth the Beare, a contemner of God, an oppressor of the Clergie, fighting against God with grievous sinnes, and warring upon man with materiall armour, and weapons, turned away his wife, provoked the [ C] Saints and holy men with manifold injuries, proudly conceited of his owne wisedome, and set∣ting his hope in the uncertaintie of riches.

Maglocunus,* 1.585 Dragon of the Isles, the deposer of many Tyrants out of Kingdome and life both, the most forward in all mischiefe: for power and malicious wickednesse together, grea∣ter then many more: a large giver, but a more prodigall, and profuse sinner: stronger in armes, higher also than all the Potentates of Britaine, as well in royall dominion, as in the stature and lineaments of his person. In his youthfull daies with sword and fire, he brought to destruction his Vncle by the mothers side, (being then King) together with many right hardy and redoubted servitours. After that phantasie of a violent course of rule according to his desire was gone, upon a remorse of conscience for his sinnes, vowed to bee a professed [ D] Monke: but soone after returning to his vomit, breaking the said vow of Monkes profession, he despised his first marriage, and became enamoured upon the wife of his brothers sonne, whiles he was living; the said brothers sonne, and his owne wife, (after hee had kept her for a certaine time) hee murthered, and then maried that brothers sonnes wife, whom hee before had loved. But I must leave the report of these things to History writers, who hitherto have falsly set downe, that these Tyrants succeeded one after another: where∣as in truth as we may perceive by Gildas, who speaketh unto them severally, and per∣sonally one by one, they all at once, and the very same time usurped tyranny in divers quarters of the Island.

[ E] And now to returne: The residue of Britans remaining alive, withdrew them∣selves into the westerne parts of the Island, naturally fenced with mountaines, and in∣lets of the sea,* 1.586 to those parts (I meane) which now we call Wales, and Cornwall. The Inhabitants of the one the Saxons named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, like as those in Gaule, Galweales; For Walsh with them signifieth strange and forraine: whence also the Wallons in the low Countries, and the Vallachians upon the river * 1.587 Dunow had their names.

The Britwales,* 1.588 or Welshmen, a very warlike nation, for many yeares defended their libertie under pettie-kings: and albeit they were secluded from the English-Sax∣ons by a Ditch or Trench which King Offa cast, (a wonderfull piece of worke) yet [ F] otherwhiles by fire and sword they spoiled their cities, and in like sort suffered at their hands all extremities of hostilitie whatsoever. At the length in the raigne of Edward the First,* 1.589 as he writeth of himselfe,

The Divine providence which in the owne dispose is never deceived, among other good gifts dispenced by it, and with which it hath vouchsa∣fed our Kingdome of England to bee adorned, hath converted now full, wholly, and entirely (of her good grace) the Land of Wales with the Inhabitants thereof (subject before time un∣to

to us by fealtie and service) into our proper dominion, and without any let or barre whatso∣ever, [ A] hath annexed and united it unto the Crowne of the foresaid Realme, as a part of one and the same bodie politicke.

Howbeit in the age next ensuing, they could no way bee induced to undergoe the yoke of subjection, neither could the quarrels by any means possibly be taken up, nor the most deadly hatred betweene the two nations extingui∣shed, untill that King Henry the seventh, who descended of them, assisted the oppres∣sed * 1.590 Britans with his gracious hand, and King Henry the Eighth, admitted them unto the same condition of Lawes and Liberties, that the English enjoy. Since which time, yea and very often also before, the Kings of England have had triall of their constant fidelitie, and loyall allegiance. As for those Cornwallians, although they [ B] stoutly bent all their force together in defence of their Country, yet soone became they subject to the Saxons, as who neither matched them in number, neither was their Countrey sufficiently fenced by nature to defend them.

Let this suffice that hath beene said, touching the Britans and Romans: but since we treat of the Inhabitants, we may not in this place omit, (although wee have here∣tofore spoken thereof already) that which * 1.591 Zosimus reporteth; How that Probus the Emperour, sent over into Britaine the Vandals and Burgundians, whom he had o∣vercome, who having seated themselves here, stood the Romans in good stead, as oft as any one raised tumult and sedition. But where they were planted, I know not, un∣lesse it were in Cambridge-shire. For, Gervase of Tilbury maketh mention of an [ C] ancient rampier or hold in that shire, which he calleth Vandelsbury, and saith, it was the worke of the Vandals.

Neither let any man surmize, that in the daies of Constantius the Poeni had their abode here, grounding upon these words of Eumenius the Rhetorician: [Except per∣haps no greater ruine had fallen upon Britaine, and borne it downe, than if it had beene dren∣ched throughout, and overwhelmed with the over-flowing of the Ocean: which being deli∣vered from the most deepe gulfe [Poenorum] began to appeare and shew it selfe at the view and sight of the Romans.] For, in the old Copie belonging sometime to Humfrey Duke of Glocester, and afterwards to the right honourable Baron Burghly, Lord high Treasurer of England, we reade [Poenarum gurgitibus] that is, The gulfes of punishments, and not Poenorum gurgitib. For he seemeth to speake of the calamities and miseries wherewith [ D] Britaine was afflicted under Carausius.

Whereas Agathias in the second booke of his Histories, hath these words, Hunnica natio Britones sunt, that is, The Britons are a nation of the Hunnes: I would have no man hereby raise a slander upon the Britans, or thinke them to bee issued from the savage cruell Hunnes. For, long since Francis Pithaeus a very learned man, hath averred unto mee, and now of late I. Lewenclaius, a right worthy Historian, published in writing, that in a Greeke Copie it is read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and not Britones.

PICTS. [ E]

NOw let us come to the other Inhabitants of Britaine, and first unto the Picts,* 1.592 whom for Antiquitie next unto Britains, the Historiographers have accounted the second. Hector Boetius deriveth these from the Agathyrsti: Pomponius Laetus, Aventinus and others from the Ger∣mans: some from the Pictones in France, and Beda from the Scythians.

It hapned, saith hee, that the nations of the Picts came in long * 1.593 ships, and those not many, out of Scythia, (as the report goeth) into Ireland:

and of the Scots whom they found there, requested (but in vaine) a place of habitation: by whose perswasion they went into Britaine, and inhabited the Northerne parts thereof, and that was a∣bout [ F] the yeare of our Redemption, (as many would have it) 78. I for my part, in so great a varietie of opinions, know not which I should follow: yet, (that I may speake what I suppose to be true, and deliver mine owne judgement) were it not that in this point the authoritie of venerable Beda, did over-weigh all the conjectures of all

[ A] others, I would thinke that the Picts came from no other place at all, but were very naturall Britaines themselves, even the right progenie of the most ancient Britaines: those Britans, I meane, and none other, who before the comming in of the Romans, were seated in the North part of the Island, and of those who afterwards, casting off the yoke of bondage (as they are a nation most impatient of servilitie) repaired unto these in the North. Like as when the Saxons over-ran the Isle, those Britaines which would not forgoe their libertie, conveied themselves into the Westerne parts of the Island, full of craggie hils, as Wales and Cornwall: even so, doubtlesse, when the Roman warre grew hot, the Britaines lest they should undergoe servitude, (which is [ B] of all the miseries the extreamest) gat them into these Northerne parts, frozen with the bitter cold of the aire full of rough and rugged passages, and full of washes and standing meeres. Where being armed not so much with weapons, as with a sharpe aire and climate of their owne, they grew up together with the native Inha∣bitants whom there they found, unto a mightie and populous nation. For, Tacitus reporteth, that the enemies of the Romans were by his wives father Agricola, driven into this part, as it were, into another Island: and no man doubteth, but Britans they where which inhabited these remotest parts of the Island. For, shall we dreame that all those Britans, enemies to the Romans, which brought out thirtie thousand armed men into the field against Agricola, who gave unto Severus so great overthrowes, that of Romans and Associats he lost in one expedition and journey 70000. were kil∣led [ C] up every mothers sonne, and none left for seed, and procreation, that they might give roome unto forrainers out of Scythia and Thracia? So farre am I from belee∣ving this, although Beda hath written so much by relation from others, that I would rather affirme, they were so multiplied, that the very soile was not able either to re∣lieve or receive them, and were enforced therefore to over-flow, and over-whelme, as it were, the Roman Province, which came to passe wee know afterwards, when the Scots came in unto them. But because Beda hath so written, as others in that time reported, may easily bee brought to believe, that some also out of Scandia, called in times past Scythia, (as all the Northerne tract beside) came by the Isles, that by a continued ranke lie betweene, unto those Northerne Britaines. Yet lest any man [ D] should imagine,* 1.594 that I seeke to countenance a lie, carrying likelihood and probabili∣tie of a truth, me thinkes I am able to prove, that the Picts were very Britans indeed, by the demeanor, name, and language of the Picts, wherein wee shall see they agreed passing well with Britaines.

And to let passe among other reasons, that neither the Picts, according to Beda, nor the Britans, as Tacitus writeth, made by any distinction of sex for government in chiefe, or excluded women from bearing scepter, that custome of painting, and stai∣ning themselves with colours, was common to both nations. As touching the Bri∣tans, wee have prooved it before: and for the Picts, Claudian proveth it for us, who [ E] writeth thus:

—Nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit.— The Picts hee tam'd So truely nam'd.

And in another place,

—Ferro{que} notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras: —And doth peruse with eie Those iron-brent marks in Picts well seene all bloudlesse, as they die.

Which Isidore doth shew more plainly:* 1.595 The Nation of the Picts (saith he) have a name drawne even from their bodies, for that by the artificiall pricking therein of small holes with [ F] a needle, the workman wringing out the juce of greene grasse, encloseth the same within, that their Nobilitie and Gentry thus spotted, may carry these skarres about them, in their painted pounced limbes, as badges to be knowne by. Shall we thinke now, that these Picts were Germans, who never used this manner of painting? or the Agathyrsi of Thracia, so farre distant from hence; or rather the very Britans themselves? seeing they

were in the selfe same Isle, and retained the same guise, and fashion of painting. [ A]

Neither are those barbarous people, who so long time made such incursions out of the Forrest Caledonia, and from that farthest Northerne coast found the Romans worke, otherwise called than Britans, of the ancient writers, Dio, Herodian, Vopiscus, and others. Semblably, Tacitus who describeth at large the warres of Agricola, his wives Father, in this utmost coast of Britaine, calleth the Inhabitants by no other name than Britans, and Britans of * 1.596 Caledonia: whereas notwithstanding, our later Writers have recorded, that the Picts, new comers hither, were arrived there tenne yeares before; a thing that I would have you to note, considering that Tacitus in that age knew not of them at all. Neither would those Roman Emperors, who war∣red [ B] fortunatly against them, to wit, Commodus, Severus, with Bassianus and Geta his sonnes, have assumed into their Stile that addition of BRITANNICVS, after they had vanquished them, unlesse they had beene Britans. Certes, if the Romans, for whose magnificence every thing made that was strange, had subdued any other nati∣on there beside the Britans, and the same before time unknowne, (were they called Picts or Scots) they would (no doubt) have been knowne by the titles of PICTICVS and SCOTICVS in their coines and inscriptions. Tacitus guesseth by their deep yellow bush of haire, and their large limbes, that they had their beginning out of Germa∣nie: but straightwaies after, and more truely he attributeth all to the climate, and positure of the heaven, which yieldeth unto bodies their complection and feature. [ C] Whereupon, Vitruvius also writeth thus: Vnder the North Pole are nations bred and fostered, bigge and tall of bodie, of colour browne, with haire of head even, and streight, and the same ruddie. In like manner, that the Caledones, (without all question Britans) were the selfe same nation of the Picts, the Panegyrick Author after a sort doth inti∣mate, writing thus: The woods of the Caledones, and of other Picts, &c. as if the Cale∣dones also, had beene none other but the Picts. And that those Caledonians were Bri∣tans borne. Martiall in this verse of his, implieth:

Quinte Caledonios Ovidi visure Britnnos: Quint Ovide, Britans Caledon, thou that dost mind to see.

Ausonius likewise, who sheweth withall that they were painted, while hee com∣pareth their colour unto green mosse, distinguished with gravell between, in this wise: [ D]

—Viridem distinguit glarea muscum; Tota Caledonijs talis pictura Britannis: —Like to greene mosse with gravell rewes between, The Britans Caledonian are all be painted seen.

But, as these for a long time were no otherwise known than by the name of Britans, and that, by reason of their depainted bodies: so afterwards, about the time of Maxi∣mian and Dioclesian, (neither before that, find wee the name of Picts in any writers) when Britaine had so long beene a Province, that the Inhabitants had learned the pro∣vinciall Latine tongue, then (it seemeth) began they to bee called Picts, for distin∣ction sake, that they might be known from them that were confederate with the Ro∣manes, [ E] and called Britans. And whence should they bee called Picts, if it were not because they depainted themselves? Now if any one there be, who beleeveth not, that our Britans used the prouincial Latin tongue, little knoweth he certainly how earnest∣ly the Romans laboured, that the Provinces might speake Latin, neither seeth he what a number of Latine words is crept into the British language: that I may not urge the authoritie of Tacitus, who saith, that in the Domitians time the Britans affected very much the eloquence of the Latine tongue. And as touching the name of Picts, the authoritie of Flavius Vegetius may soone cleare this doubt, who sheweth (after a sort) that the Britans used the word [Pict] in the very same sense, for a thing that is coloured,* 1.597 as the Latines doe. For, he writeth, that the Britans called these light Pin∣naces [ F] of espiall, PICTAS; the sailes, gables, and other tacklings whereof were died with a blew or watchet colour, like as the mariners, and souldiers to them belong∣ing, who were clad in blew apparell. Surely if the Britans called Ships, for their sailes and tacklings stained with the said blew colour, PICTAS, what letteth but that

they should call the people PICTI, who were painted with sundry colours, and with [ A] blew especially, for that is the colour that woad giveth?

This also maketh for us, that the Northerne Picts, whom Saint Columbane by preaching the word, and by his good example brought unto Christianitie, as in the ancient English Annals, named, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as one would say, Britan Picts.

The cause whereof we draw not many proofes from the language, is this, for that of the Picts tongue,* 1.598 there can scarce one word be gathered out of Authors: yet it see∣meth to be the same that the British. Beda wrote, that the Roman wall made against the incursions of the Picts, beganne in a place, which in the Picts Language is called, Penuahel: and Pengwall, among the Britans expresly signifieth, The beginning or head [ B] of the wall. Moreover, throughout all that tract of the Island, which the Picts held longest (and that was the East part of Scotland) the names of most places doe savour of a British originall: as for example, Morria, Marnia, for that they be countries ad∣joyning to the sea, comming of the British word Mor, that is, Sea. Aberden, Aberloth∣net, Aberdore, Aberneith, that is, the mouth of Den, of Lothnet, of Dore and Neith, from the British word, Aber, which signifieth the mouth of a river. Strathbolgi, Strath∣dee, Strathearn, that is, The Dale or Vale of Bolgi, Dee, and Earne, comming of Strath, which in the British tongue betokeneth, a Valley. Yea, and the chiefe seat of the Picts, doth acknowledge no other original than a British, I meane Edenburgh, which Ptolomy calleth Castrum alatum, that is, the winged Castle. For Aden, in British is, a Wing. Nei∣ther [ C] will I (by way of proofe) take hold of this argument, that some of the British pettie Kings, were called Baidij, which is as much in the Britan language (as I have often said) as Depainted. Out of these premises verily, we may without any absur∣ditie conclude, That the Picts Language, and the British differed not, and therefore the nations were not divers; howsoever Beda speaketh of the Picts and Britans tongues, as if they were distinct one from the other; in which place, hee may bee thought to have meant their sundrie Dialects.

Neither is there cause why any man should marvell, that the Picts wrought so much mischiefe, and gave so many overthrowes unto their country-men the Britans, considering that wee see at this day in Ireland, those which are within the English [ D] pale, have none so deadly foes unto them, as their owne countrey-men, the wilde I∣rish. For like; as we read in Paulus Diaconus, the Gothes, Hypogothes, Gepidians, and Vandals, varying their names onely, and speaking one and the selfe-same lan∣guage, encountered often times one another in open field with Banner displayed; even so did the Picts and Britans, especially when these Britans were become the Roman allies. These were the reasons, such as they be, that tooke hold of mee, and induced mee in a manner, to thinke the Picts a remnant of the Britans: but perhaps the autho∣ritie of Beda weigheth downe all this; and therefore, if ye thinke so good, let the tra∣dition of so reverend a man, grounded upon the relation of others, prevaile and take [ E] place before these conjectures.

These Picts Ammianus Marcellinus divideth into Dicalidonians, and Vecturiones. I would rather read Deucalidonians, and doe thinke they were planted about the We∣sterne coasts of Scotland, where the Deucalidonian Sea breaketh in. And albeit I have beeene of opinion, that these were so called, as if a man would say, Blacke Caledo∣nians,* 1.599 for Dee in the British tongue, signifieth Blacke) like as the Irish now adaies terme the Scots of that tract, Duf Allibawn, that is, Blacke Scots, and so the Britans cal∣led the rovers and pirats, which out of these parts did much scath at sea, Yllu du, that is, the blacke armie: yet now, mee thinkes we may guesse, (for guesses are free) that they tooke that name from their scituation. For Debeu Caledonij, betokeneth the Ca∣ledonians dwelling on the right hand, that is, Westward; like as the other Picts, who [ F] kept on the left hand, that is, Eastward, which Ninnius calleth, the left side, were named Vecturiones, by a word haply drawne from Chwithic, which in the British tongue, signifieth, Left; and these some thinke are corruptly called in Ptolome••, Ver∣nicones. And an old Saxon fragment seemeth to give them the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for so they terme an enemie-nation to the Britans: whereas the ancient Angles, or English

called the Picts themselves, Pehits and Peohtas. And hereupon it is that wee read eve∣rie [ A] where in Whitkindus, Pehiti, for Picti.

* 1.600The manners of these ancient and barbarous Britans, who afterwards came to bee named Picts, I have heretofore described out of Dio, and Herodian. It remaineth now, that I goe on with my webbe, and weave thus much to it: namely, that in the declining state of the Empire, when the Romans somewhat unadvisedly, and with∣out good forecast enrolled cohorts of the Barbarians,* 1.601 certaine of these Picts, (when all was in quietnesse and peace) were taken into the militarie service of the Romans by Honorius,* 1.602 and therefore termed Honoriaci, who under that Tyrant Constantine (e∣lected in hope of so fortunate a name) having set open the fortified entries of the Py∣raenean hils, let Barbarians into Spaine. In the end, when first by themselves, and af∣terwards [ B] combining with the Scots their confederats, they had afflicted the Roman Province, they began, though late it were, to waxe civill. Those of the South, were by Ninias, or Ninianus the Britan, a most holy man, converted to Christ, in the yeare of Grace foure hundred and thirtie. But they of the North, who were seclu∣ded from the Southerne by a continuall ridge of high craggie mountaines,* 1.603 by Co∣lumbanus a Scot of Ireland, a Monke likewise of passing great holinesse, in the yeare 565. who taught them, whence soever hee learned it, to celebrate the feast of Easter,* 1.604 betweeee the fourteenth day of the Moone in March, unto the twentieth, but alwaies upon the Lords day, as also to use another manner of tonsure, or shaving their [ C] heads, than the Romans did, to wit, representing the imperfect forme of a Coronet. About these ceremonies hard hold there was, and eager disputation for a long time in this Island, untill that Naitanus a King of the Picts brought his owne subjects with much adoe unto the Roman observance. In which age very many Picts with great devotion, as the daies were then, frequented the Chappels and Shrines of Saints at Rome, and among others he that is mentioned in the Antiquities of Saint Peters Church there,* 1.605 in these words [ASTERIVS COMES PICTORVM ET SYRA CVM SVIS VOTVM SOLVERE] that is, Asterius a Count or Earle of the Picts, and Syra with their family performed their vowes. At length, by the Scots that infested them out of Ireland, they were made to stoop, and after so daunted, as that about the yeare of [ D] our Lord 740. being vanquished in a most bloudy battell, they were either utterly extinct, or else by little and little, quite passed into their Scottish name, and nation. Which very same thing chanced to the most puissant Nation of the Gaules, who be∣ing subdued of the Frankes by little and little, were turned into their name, and called with them, Franci, that is, French.

Whereas the Panegyrick author, giveth some inkling, that Britaine before Cae∣sars time used to skirmish with their enemies the Picts and Irish, halfe naked men, hee seemeth to speake after the manner of the time wherein hee lived: but surely in those daies, there were none knowne in Britaine by the name of Picts.

Also, whereas Sidonius Apollinaris in his Panegyrick to his wives Father poeti∣cally [ E] powred out these verses:

—Victricia Caesar Signa Caledonios transvexit ad us{que} Britannos, Fuderit & quanquam Scotum & cum Saxone Pictum: In traine of Conquest Caesar still his ensignes even as farre As Britaine Caledonian advanc'd: and though no barre Staid him, but that the Scots and Picts, with Saxons he subdu'd, &c.

I cannot chuse but with another Poet, crie out in this wise:

—Sit nulla fides augentibus omnia Musis: These Poets love to over-reach, [ F] Beleeve them not, when so they teach.

For, Caesar who is prodigall in his owne praise, would never have concealed these exploits, if he had ever performed them. But these men seeme not unlike to those good, honest, and learned writers in our age, who whiles they patch together an hi∣storie of Caesar, write forsooth, how he subdued the Franks in Gaule, and the Eng∣lish

[ A] men in Britaine, whereas in those daies the names of English, and French were not so much as heard of, either in the one or the other country, as who, many ages after, came into these Regions.

That the Pictones of Gaule,* 1.606 and our Picts were both one Nation, I dare not with Ioannes Picardus avouch, seeing the names of the Pictones in Gaule was even in Cae∣sars time very ri••e and much spoken of, and for that our Picts were never called Pi∣ctones: yet am I not ignorant, how in one onely place of the Panegyrist among all the rest, through the negligence of the copier, there was foisted in Pictonum, in stead of Pictorum.

[ B] SCOTI.

AMong the people of Britaine, after Picts, the SCOTISH Nation by good right challenge the next place: concerning whom, before I speake ought, for feare lest evill willers, & frowardly peevish, should calumniously mis∣consture those allegations, which I, simply, ingenuously, and in all honest meaning, shall heere cite out of ancient writers as touching Scots, I must certifie the [ C] Reader before hand, that every particular hath reference to the old, true, and naturall Scots onely: Whose of-spring are those Scots speaking Irish, which inhabite all the West part of the Kingdome of Scotland, now so called and the Islands adjoyning thereto, and who now adaies be termed High-land men. For, the rest which are of civill behaviour, and bee seated in the East part thereof, albeit they beare now the name of Scottish-men, yet are they nothing lesse than Scots, but descended from the same Germane originall, that wee English men are. And this, neither can they chuse but confesse, nor we but acknowledge, being as they are, teamed by those above said, High-land men. Sassones, as well as we; and using as they doe the same language with us, to wit, the English-Saxon, different onely in Dialect, a most assured ar∣gument [ D] of one and the same originall. In which regard, so farre am I from working any discredit unto them, that I have rather respectively loved them alwaies, as of the same bloud and stocke, yea, and honoured them too, even when the Kingdomes were divided: but now much more, since it hath pleased our Almightie, and most mercifull God, that we grow united in one bodie, under one most Sacred head of the Empire, to the joy, happinesse, welfare, and safetie, of both Nations, which I heartily wish and pray for.

The beginning and Etymologie of the Scotish Nation, like as of other neighbour nations round about, is so full of obscuritie, and lies over-spred under the mist of darkenesse, in such sort, that even Buchanan himselfe, though otherwise a man of [ E] a very deepe insight, either hath seene little therein, or seene to himselfe alone: for in this point he hath come short of all mens expectation. Whereupon I have forborne a long time to take this enterprize in hand, lest with others in admiring fables, I should full sweetly please my selfe, and fall into folly. For, a man may with as great probability derive the Scots pedigree from the Gods, as from Scota that supposed and counterfeit daughter of the Aegyptian King Pharaoh,* 1.607 wedded (forsooth) unto Gaithe∣lus, the sonne of Cecrops founder of Athens. But, as this conceite arising from the unskilfulnesse of Antiquitie, is of the better sort of ingenuous Scots rejected: so, that other opinion of later daies, drawne without all sense from a Greeke fountaine, that Scots should bee so called, as it were, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Obscure, I utterly disallow and condemne, as a device of envious persons, to the slanderous reproach of a famous and [ F] valiant Nation. Neither doe all men like the derivation of our * 1.608 Florilegus, namely, that Scots were so called, because they came of a confused mingle-mangle of divers nations: And yet I cannot but marvell, whence Isidorus had this: The Scots (saith he) take their name in their owne proper tongue of their painted bodies, for that they are mar∣ked with sharpe yron pricks, and inke, and so receive the print of sundry shapes. Which also Rabanus Maurus, in the very same words (doubtlesse out of him) doth testifie

in his Geographie to Ludovicus ••ius the Emperour, which is to be seene in the Libra∣rie [ A] of Trinitie Colledge in Oxford.

But seeing that Scotland it selfe hath of her owne people such as might very well fetch their beginning from the inmost record of Antiquitie, and thereby best of all advance the glory of their Country, in case they would wholly set their minds, and bestow their carefull diligence for a time in this argument; I will point only with my finger to the fountaines, from whence haply they may draw the truth; and lay before them certaine observations, which I would wish them to marke, and consider more diligently: for, my selfe will in this matter play the Scepticke, and affirme nothing. And first, touching their originall; and then, of the place from whence they remo∣ved, [ B] and came over into Ireland. For, certainely knowne it is, that out of Ireland, an Isle inhabited in old time by Britans,* 1.609 as shall in due place be proved, they passed into Britan, and what time as they were first known unto writers by this name, seated they were in Ireland. For, Claudian the Poet hath written of their irruptions into Britaine, in these verses:

—Totam cum Scotus Hibernem Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis: What time the Scots all Ireland stir'd offensive armes to take, And with maine stroke of enemies ores, the sea much fome did make.

And also in another place; [ C]

Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hiberne: And frozen Ireland, heapes of Scots bewail'd with many a teare.

Orosius likewise writeth thus; Ireland is peopled with Scotish Nations. Gildas cal∣leth Scots, Irish Spoilers. And Beda; The Scots that inhabite Ireland, an Isle next unto Britaine: as also elsewhere. Yea, and in the daies of Charles the Great, Eginhardus in expresse words, calleth Ireland, The Isle of Scots. Moreover, Giraldus Cambrensis; That the Scottish nation (saith he) is descended out of Ireland, the affinitie as well of their Language, as of their apparell, of their weapons also, and of their manners even to this day doe sufficiently prove. But now to come unto the points which I would have the Scots throughly to weigh.

For as much as they which are right and naturall Scots, acknowledge not this name [ D] of Scots,* 1.610 but otherwise call themselves Gaoithel, Gael, and Albin; seeing also, that very many people have other names given unto them by their neighbours, than they use themselves, whereby often times there is a secret light given unto nations of their descent: as for example; the Inhabitants of the lower Pannonia, who terme them∣selves Magier, are in Dutch named Hungari, for that they came first of the Huns: they that border upon the Forrest Hercynia, among themselves are called Czechi, but by o∣thers Bohemi, because they descended from the * 1.611 Boij in Gaule: the Inhabitants of A∣fricke, who having also a peculiar name among themselves, are by the Spaniards ter∣med Alarbes, for that they be Arabians: the Irish, who call themselves Erinach, are by our * 1.612 Britans named Gwidhil: considering also, that as well those Irish, and these [ E] our * 1.613 Britans, gave no other name to us English men, then Sassons, because were are descended from the Saxons; I would have the learned Scotish men first to consider, whether they might not bee called of their neighbours, as one would say, Scythae. For, even as the Flemings and other Netherlanders, expresse by this one word, Scut∣ten, both the Scythians and Scots; so it hath beene observed out of our British writers, that they named both Scythians and Scots, Y-Scot. Ninnius also expresly calleth the Britans that inhabite Ireland, Scythians: and the narrow sea, through which they pas∣sed over out of Ireland into Britaine,* 1.614 Gildas nameth, Vallem Scythicam, that is, The Scythian Vale. For so hath the copie printed at Paris, where others without all sense read, Stythicam Vallem▪ Moreover, King Alfred, who seven hundred yeares past transla∣ted [ F] the Historie of Orosius into the English-Saxon tongue, turned [Scotos] into [Scyttan] and our Country-men, who dwell next to Scotland, use to call them, not by the name of Scots,* 1.615 but Scyttes, and Scettes. For, like as (Walsingham is mine au∣thor) the same people be called Getae, Getici, Gothi, Gothici; so, from one and the same

originall, Scythae, Scitici, Scoti, Scoeici, take their names.

[ A] But whether this name were imposed upon this nation by their neighbours, in re∣gard of Scythian manners, or because they came out of Scythia, let them here advise well upon it. Surely, both * 1.616 Diodorus Siculus, and also * 1.617 Strabo, compare the first Britans inhabiting Ireland, (which is the native country indeed of the wild Irish, and those that be right Scots) with the Scythians for their savage nature. Besides, they drinke bloud out of the wounds of men slaine: they establish leagues among them∣selves, by drinking one anothers bloud; and suppose, that the greater number of slaughters they commit, the more honour they win: and so did the Scythians in old time. To this wee may adde, that these [wild] Scots, like as the Scythians, had for [ B] their principall weapons, bowes and arrowes. For, Orpheus termeth Scythians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, even as Aelianus, and Julius Pollux, Sagittarios, that is, Archers. And learned men there be, that thinke hereupon both nations had this name given unto them, for their skill in shooting. Neither may this seeme strange, that divers nations carried the same names, by occasion of the same manners: as they who have travailed all o∣ver the West-Indies, doe write, that all strange, and hardie men that doe so much mischiefe with bow and arrowes throughout all India,* 1.618 and the Isles thereof; are by one name called Caribes, although they be of divers nations.

Now, that these Scots came out of Scythia, the Irish Historiographers them∣selves doe report: For Nemethus the Scythian, and long after him, Delas, one of [ C] Nemethus his progenie, that is, of the Scythian stocke, they reckoned among the first Inhabitants of Ireland. Ninnius likewise a Disciple of Eluodugus, hath plainly writ∣ten thus: In the fourth age of the world (that space I meane which was betweene the building of Salomons Temple, and the captivitie of Babylon) the Scythians possessed themselves of Ireland. And hereto accordeth the authoritie of later writers, to wit, of Cisnerus in his preface to Crantzius;* 1.619 and of Reinerus Reineccius, who writeth thus: There remaineth yet the nation of the Scots in Britaine, sprung from the Scythians, &c. And yet I verily doubt, although the Getae were a Scythicke nation, whether the Poet Pro∣pertius meaneth those Irish of ours, in writing thus:

Hiberni{que} Getae, Picto{que} Britannia curru. [ D] Both Irish Getes and Britaine with her painted chariot.

But the Scots should lose part of their honour and dignitie,* 1.620 unlesse they be brought out of Spaine into Ireland. For, both they themselves, and their Historiographers labour to prove with all their might and maine; and good reason, (I assure you) have they so to doe.* 1.621 Unlesse therefore wee find Scythians in Spaine, all our la∣bour is lost. And that Scythians have beene in Spaine (to say nothing of a promonto∣rie or point among the Cantabri, called Scythicum next unto Ireland, and how that Strabo writeth, that the * 1.622 Cantabri and Scythians sorted well together in their de∣portment) Silius Italicus a Spaniard borne, doth most plainely declare: for by these [ E] verses he sheweth, that the Concani, a nation of Cantabria, were begotten of the Mas∣sagetae, that is, Scythians.

Et quae Massagetem monstrans feritate parentem,* 1.623 Cornipedis fusâ satiaris Concane venâ. And ye your Parents Massagets in fiercenesse that doe show, Hight Concani, drinke horses blood, as it from veine doth flow.

And after some few verses betweene, hee proveth, that the * 1.624 Sarmotae, whom all men confesse to have beene Scythians, built the Citie Susana in Spaine, whiles hee singeth in this note:* 1.625

Sarmaticos attollens Susana muros: Susana, with high Sarmatian wals.* 1.626

[ F] Of these Sarmatians or Scythians, the Luceni, whom Orosius placeth in Ireland, seem to be descended (considering that the Spaniards themseves put Susana among the * 1.627 Lucensians of Spaine) like as of those Concani, the Gangani of Ireland. For the Lucensij and Concani in Cantabria, were neighbour nations, even as the Luceni and Gangani in that coast of Ireland opposite to Spaine. Now if any man demand of

me, what those Scythians were which came into Spaine. Verily I know not, unlesse [ A] a man would thinke them to have beene Germans:* 1.628 And I could wish that the Scots themselves would enter into a more serious and deepe consideration of this point. But, that the Germans long agoe entred into Spaine; beside Plinie, who calleth the Oretani in Spaine, Germans, Seneca which was a Spaniard borne will enforme us. The mountaine Pyrenaeus (saith he) stopped not the passage of the Germans;* 1.629 the levitie of men made shift to enter through places scant passable, and unknowne. And that the Ger∣mans were called Scythians, we gather not onely out of Ephorus and Strabo, who termed all the nations in the North, Scythians, but also out of Plinie. The name of Scythians (quoth he) extendeth it selfe farre and wide every way, even to the Samaritans [ B] and Germans. Aventinus also witnesseth, that Germans were by the Hungarians called Scythae and Scythulae. And to derive descent from a Scythian stock, cannot be thought any waies dishonourable, seeing that the Scythians, as they are most ancient, so they have been the Conquerours of most Nations, themselves alwaies invincible, and ne∣ver subject to the Empire of others. Neither must we forget in this place that the Cauci and Menapij, ranged among the most famous Nations of Germanie, are by Ptolomee placed in Ireland under the same names, and in the very same vicinitie one to the other: so that by all likelihood, they derived from the same Germans, both their name, and also their descent.

If the Scots have not their originall from these, I would they pondred with them∣selves, [ C] whether they were not of those Barbarians, who (as it is recorded in King Al∣phonsus his Chronicles) were by Constantine the Great, driven out of Gallycia in Spaine:* 1.630 for out of those parts they will needs have it, that they came into Ireland. If they demand, who those Barbarians were? I doubt not but they will bee of the same minde with me, that they were Germans. For during the raigne of Gallienus the Emperour, the Germans dwelling in the farthest parts (saith Orosius) of Germanie, spoiled and held Spaine in subjection: and who should those remote Germans bee, un∣lesse they were meere Scythians? but Aurelius Victor, whom Andrew Schot hath published, called those Germans * 1.631 Frankes. But seeing those Frankes and Ger∣mans, inhabiting the farthest parts of Germanie, putting to sea from thence, sailed in their heate and furie farre into the Ocean, and as Nazarius saith unto Constantine, [ D] greatly annoied, and did much harme by these our seas, even to the Spanish coasts also, who will believe that they preferred the dry and barren soile of Biscay, before Ireland, an Isle most fruitful, and fitly scited to endamage Spain? Nay rather, as in the time of Charles the Great, and afterwards, the Norwegians out of Scandia, did of∣ten attempt and invade Ireland, yea, and seated themselves there: so wee may with good probabilitie conjecture, that the Frankes did the same before; and that they pas∣sed from hence into Spain; and after they were driven out thence by Constantine the Great, retired backe againe into Ireland. Credible likewise it is, that more of them afterwards flocked thither, what time as the Vandales and Gothes depopulated Spaine,* 1.632 and as barbarous nations, warred among themselves, and made havocke of all: [ E] as also, when any storme of Sarazens lay sore upon the Spaniards, and drave a great number of them into Gallycia and Biscay. But I leave these overtures unto others for to prie further into: let it be sufficient for me, that I have beene but willing onely to remoove this cloud out of the way.

But I beseech the learned Scots in this place to consider here, how it commeth to passe, that the Irish being the ancient forefathers and Progenitors of the Scots, yea, and the Scots themselves, beare them highly of this, that they be called Gael and Gai∣othel, and their Language Gaiothlac, as also why they named that part of Britaine, which they first possessed, Argathel? Whence can they say, that these names sprang? From the Gallaeci in Spaine, from whom very many, no doubt, flitted over into Ire∣land, [ F] and whose beginning is fetched from the Gallatae or Galles? or from the Goths, as some later Writers are of opinion, who would have this word Gaiothel to proceed from the Gothes, as likely as Catholonia did in Spaine? Here should they have drawn arguments from the affinitie, between the Gothicke Language, and the Irish: which

[ A] not withstanding, so farre as ever I could finde, hath no resemblance at all of any o∣ther tongues in all Europe, save onely of the * Welch and Dutch. How truly Hen∣ry Huntingdon writeth; The Scots came in the fourth age of the world out of Spaine in∣to Ireland: and part of them who still remained there, useth as yet the same Language, and are called Navarrians: how truely (I say) he hath delivered this, let others speake. And here I omit David Chambres the Scotish-man, who hath beene enformed by cer∣taine Jesuites, that the Scottish tongue is used in East India. I am afraid lest that countrey so farre remote as it is, made the credulous man bold, not to make a lie, but to tell a lie.

[ B] But if arguments in this case may bee taken from the habite and apparell of the people, surely the array and clothing of the wild Scots at this day, is all one with that of the Gothes in times past; as wee may by and by perceive out of Sidonius Apolli∣naris, who in describing a Goth, portraieth & depainteth unto us a wild Scot, as right as may be.

They are (saith he) of a flaming deepe yellow, died with saffron; they buckle upon their feete a paire of Broges made of raw and untanned leather up to their ankles; their knees, thighes, and calves of their legs are all bare; their garments high in the necke, straight made, and of sundry colours, comming scarce downe to their hammes; the sleeves cover the upper points of their armes and no more; their souldiers coats of colour greene, edged with a red fringe; their belts hanging downe from the shoulder; the lappets of their eares hidden under the curled * 1.633 glibbes and lockes of haire lying all over them, (For so a man may very [ C] rightly call, the manifold branched, and parted twists of haire, which * 1.634 Scots & Irish weare) they use also hooked Speares, which Gildas termeth, Vncinata tela, and axes to fling from them.* 1.635 They wore likewise strait bodied coats (as saith Porphyrio) fitted close to their breasts, without girdles. If this bee not for all the world the very right apparell of the wild Irish-Scots, let themselves be Judges. I would withall, they did consider these words of Giraldus Cambrensis, in his first booke of The Institution of a Prince. When Maximus (saith he) was passed out of Britaine into Gaule, with the whole power of men, forces, and armour, that the Island could make, and all to seize into his hands the Em∣pire, Gratian and Valentinian brethren, and partners in the Empire, shipped over these Gothes, (a Nation hardie and valiant in feats of armes, being also either confederate [ D] with them, or subject and obliged unto them for benefits, which they had received of the Emperours) from the borders of Scythia, into the North parts of Britaine, for to annoy the Britans, and cause the said Vsurper to returne backe with his forces. But they, because they were exceeding puissant, (such was the inbred valour and warlike nature of the Gothes,) and withall finding the Island destitute both of men and other meanes to defend it, becom∣ming of pirats, and rovers neighbour dwellers, planted themselves in the said Northerne parts, and held by strong hand no small Provinces thereof, which they usurped as their owne. Now, who these Gothes were, let others shew, and peradventure out of Pro∣copius, they may find some light;* 1.636 in whom we read, That Belisarius, when the Goths [ E] expostulated with him, for that he had granted Sicilie to the Romans, answereth in these words: And wee likewise permit the Gothes to have unto themselves Britaine a farre better countrey than Sicilie, and in ancient time subject to the Roman Empire: For, meete it is, that they who first have bestowed benefits, should either reape condigne thankes againe, or receive good turnes reciprocally. To this also may seeme to bee referred, that the Scots write, How Fergusius the Scot, accompanied Alaricke the Goth in the sacking of Rome: that Irenicus likewise reporteth, How Gensricke King of the Vandals came over unto Scotland and Britaine:* 1.637 as also, that which Cambrensis delivereth unto us, (but whence himselfe had it, I know not) namely, how the Gaideli, that is to say, the Scots, drew both their discent, and also their name from the Vandals, who were all [ F] one with the Gothes, as Paulus Diaconus sheweth.

Neither can it be any disparage∣ment at all to the name and nation of the Scots, to acknowledge themselves the of∣spring of the Gothes, seeing that the most puissant Kings of Spaine, thinke it an ho∣nour to fetch their pedigree from hence; and the noblest houses in all Italie, either draw indeed, or else falsifie their lineall descent from the Gothes. The Emperor him∣selfe Charles the fifth, would often times give out, and that in good earnest; that all

the Nobilitie of Europe came out of Scandia, and from the stocke of the Gothes. But these [ A] reasons are not of such credit and importance with mee, as that I dare thereupon re∣solve that the Scots are sprung and issued from the Gothes.

* 1.638Now, to end all in a word, I would have the learned Scots to consider seriously, whether they were of those most ancient Britans Inhabitants of Ireland (For, certaine it is that Britans in times past inhabited Ireland) and called Scythae or Scoti, because they suted so well with Scythians in manners: or Scythians indeed, such as came out of Scandia or Scythia, unto whom the Gallaeci, Franci, or Germanes driven out of Spaine, and Gothes or Vandals came afterwards, what time as Spaine with most hot and bloody warres was all in combustion: or rather a mishmash of sundry nations [ B] which conflowed into Ireland, and thereupon gat that name among other neighbors. The language, saith Giraldus, of the Irish is called Gaidelach, as one would say, ga∣thered out of all tongues.* 1.639 And Florilegus (whencesoever he gathered it); From Picts and Irish, quoth he, the Scots tooke their beginning, as people compounded of divers na∣tions: For that is called Scot, which from sundry things groweth into one heape. Like as the Almanes (by the testimonie of Asinius Quadratus) carried that name,* 1.640 because they came of a commixture of divers men. Neither may any man thinke it strange, that so many nations in old time flowed into Ireland, considering the scite of that Island in the very midst betweene Britan and Spaine, and lying open so conveniently upon the French sea: seeing also it appeareth most certainly upon record, in the best [ C] approved Annals, that within these eight hundred yeares last passed the Norwegi∣ans, and Oustmans, that is, Easterlings out of Germany, the Englishmen, Welchmen, and Scots out of Britaine, planted themselves surely there. These are the points, I say, which I would wish the Scotish men in this matter diligently to thinke upon. But let them remember in the meane time, that I have affirmed nothing, but onely given an inkling of certaine things, which may seeme in some sort materiall and to make for the purpose. Whence, if the originall of the Scots shall receive no light, let them seek else where: For, I my selfe in this am stark blind, and have in vaine searched and hunted after the truth, that flieth still from me; howbeit with this considerate and circumspect care, that I have not, I hope, given the least offence to any whomso∣ever. [ D]

* 1.641Touching the time when the name of Scots became first famous, there is some question; and Buchanan a right good Poet, hath herein commenced an action against Humfrie Lhuid as good an Antiquarie: Because the said Lhuid averreth, that the name of Scots can no where be picked out of Authors before the time of Constantine the Great; he fals upon the man, is ready to take him by the throat, and with two silly arguments goeth about to give them the deadly stab; the one out of the Panegyrist, the other grounded upon a bare conjecture. Because we finde in the old Panegyrist, that Britaine in Caesars time was wont to be troubled with Irish enemies; therefore, the Scots as then were seated in Britaine: but no man before him ever said, that so much as those Irish had then any settled place, much lesse, that they were Scots. No [ E] doubt, the Panegyrist, after the usuall and received manner of writers, spake according to his owne times, and not unto Caesars. And as for the conjecture, it is none of his owne, but the conjecture of that most learned Joseph Scaliger. For he in his notes up∣on Propertius, whiles he was correcting (by the way) of that verse out of Seneca his enterlude;

The Britans those that seated are beyond the knowne sea-coast And Brigants with blew painted shields, he forced with his hoast; To yield their necks in Roman chaines are captives to be led, And even the Ocean this new power of Roman ax to dread.

Ille Britannos	Vltra noti	Littora Ponti [ F]
Et caeruleos	Scuta Brigantes	Dare Romuleis
Colla Catenis	Iussit, &c.

readeth Scoto-Brigantes, and straightwaies exclaimeth, that the Scots are now behol∣den unto him for their originall. But to this his opinion I cannot yield assent, though

[ A] it be somewhat against my will,* 1.642 who in many things have alwaies for his learning honored and admired the man. For, this conjecture ariseth not from the divers rea∣dings in bookes, but out of his owne braine: and the sense may beare, either [Caeruleos Scuta Brigantes] as it is in all bookes, or [Caeruleos cute Brigantes] that is, the Brigan∣tes with blue died skins, as that most learned Hadrian Iunius readeth it. But Bucha∣nan, who had rather disport himselfe sweetly in his owne conceit and the witty inven∣tion of one other, than to judge aright with the usuall and approoved reading of that place, giveth a marvellous applause to this conjecture. First, because authors do not record that the Britans painted their shields; Then, for that Seneca called them Scoto-Brigantes [ B] for difference sake, to distinguish them from the Brigantes of Spaine and Ireland: Last of all, because in these verses hee makes a distinction betweene the Bri∣tans and Brigantes, as though they were divers nations. But if one would narrowlie sift and examine these matters what letteth but that they might paint their shields as well as themselves and their chariots? Why should he for distinction sake, coine this new word, Scoto-Brigantes? when he calleth them blew, and saith they were subdu∣ed by Claudius, doth he not sufficiently distinguish them from the other Brigantes? But that observation of his touching Britans and Brigantes, as if they were divers na∣tions, doth scarse favour of a Poets head, which could not be ignorant of that poeti∣call figure, and manner of speaking, wherein a part is used for the whole, and contra∣riwise. Wherefore, seeing these things make nothing to his cause, I will second Bu∣chanan [ C] by way, as it were, of a fresh supply, with the aid of Egesippus, (who is com∣monly reputed a verie ancient writer:) For, thus writeth he, where he treateth of the Romans power:

They make * 1.643 Scotland to quake, which is beholden to no land for any thing: before them, Saxony trembleth, that for Marishes is inaccessible.

But heare you me, this au∣thor shal stand behind in the rereward, for he lived after Constantines daies, as may be gathered out of his owne writings: neither can it bee prooved out of him, that the Scots dwelt in Britain, no more than out of that verse of Sidonius which erewhile I al∣leaged. Yea mary, but there is another reason of more weight and moment indeed, which M. Iohn Crag, a right famous and learned man, found by most exquisite and cu∣rious [ D] search in Ioseph Ben-Gorion, writing of the destruction of Ierusalem, to wit, that in an Hebrew copie, the Scots are expresly named, where Munster in his Latine tran∣slation hath untruely put downe Britans for Scots. But in what age that Ben-Gori∣on lived, I cannot find for certaine; sure I am, that hee was after Flavius Iosephus, be∣cause he maketh mention of the Franks, whose name long after began to be knowne.

But surely, if I may be so bold as to interpose my selfe in this question, among so great Scholars: so farre as I have beene able to observe, the first time that ever the Scotish nation became named in authors, was whiles Aurelianus was Emperour. For Pophyrie, who then wrote against the Christians, as * 1.644 Saint Ierome informeth us, mentioned them in these words:

Neither Britaine, a fertile Province of tyrants, nor the Scotish nations, together with the barbarous people round about, as farre as to the Ocean, [ E] had any knowledge of Moses and the Prophets.

At which time verily, or somewhat be∣fore, those that are well seene in Antiquities have noted, that the names of the most potent nations of French and Almanes, were not heard of before the time of Galli∣enus the Emperour.

It is no assured truth therefore, which some write, That the name and Kingdome of the Scots flourished in Britaine many hundred yeeres before the birth of Christ. But hearken to Girald, who will tell you the just time:

When Great O-Nel (saith he) held the Monarchie of Ireland, six sonnes of Mured King of Vlster, seized upon the North parts of Britaine. Hereupon from them was there a nation propagated, which by a peculiar name called, Scotica, that is, Scotish, inhabiteth that part even to this day. And that this be∣fel [ F] at the very time when the Roman Empire in every mans sight grew to decay, it is collected thus.

Whiles Lagerius the sonne of that O-Nel raigned over the Irish, Pa∣trick (the Apostle of the Irish-men) came into Ireland, much about the yeere after Christs nativitie 430. So as it may seeme, this hapned neere the daies of Honorius

* 1.645 Augustus. For then, whereas before time, ranging up and downe without any cer∣taine [ A] place of abode (as Ammianus doth report) they had long annoyed Britaine and the places appointed for the Marches, they seeme to have set their footing in Bri∣taine. But they themselves will have it thus, that they did but returne then out of Ireland, whither they had retired before, what time they were put to flight by the Britans, and driven away: and so they understood that place out of Gildas, of this very time; The Irish spoilers returne home, minding shortly to come backe againe. And much about this time,* 1.646 some think that Reuda, (whom Bede mentioneth) either by force and armes, or through favour planted himselfe in this Island, upon an arme of the river Cluid Northward. And of this Captaine Reuda (saith he) the Dalreudini, even [ B] to this day take their name. For, in their tongue, Dal, signifieth a part: and others think, that from this Reuda it was, that wee called the Irish-Scots, Redshanks. It is thought also, that the same Simon Brech, whom the Scots avouch to bee the founder of their nation, flourished in these daies. Sinbrech in truth was the name of the man, which is as much to say, as Sin, with the freckled face, as we read in Fordon. And peradven∣ture the same Brech he was, who about the time of S. Patricke, together with Thuibai, Mac-lei, and Auspac, Scots, infested Britaine, as wee read in the life of Saint Carantoc.

But why the High-land Scots living in Britaine, call that countrey which they in∣habite,* 1.647 Alban, and Albin, and the Irish name it Allabany, were a question for an inge∣nuous [ C] and liberall wit to travell in: as namely, whether this word Allabany, may not have it in some token of the ancient Albion: or whether it came of white∣nesse, which they call Ban, and therefore may import as much in Scotish, as Ellan-Ban, that is, a white Island: or whether it bee derived of Ireland, which the Irish Poets name Banne; so that Allabanny, may sound as much, as another Ireland, or a second Ireland. For, Historiographers were wont to call Ireland, Scotland the grea∣ter, and the Kingdome of the Scots in Britaine, Scotland the lesse. Moreover, seeing these Scots in their own language terme themselves Albin,* 1.648 whereupon Blondus called the Scots, Albienses, or Albinenses, and Buchanan, Albini, let Criticks consider, whe∣ther that in Saint Ierome, where hee inveigheth against a certaine Pelagian, a Scot [ D] borne, it should not be read, Albinum for Alpinum, when hee taketh him up in these termes;* 1.649 The great and corpulent Alpine dog; and who is able to doe more harme with his heeles, than his teeth: for he hath his of-spring of the Scotish nation, neere neighbours to the Britans: of whom also in another place, he said, that hee was full fatned with Scottish pottage & brewesse. Of Alpine dogs, I never remember that I have read ought; but that Scotish dogs were in much request at Rome in those daies, Symmachus sheweth unto us, Seven Scotish Dogs there were (saith he) the day going before the Games, which in Rome they wondred at so, as they thought they were brought thither in yron-grated Cages.

But after that the Scots were come into Britaine, and had joyned themselves unto the Picts, albeit they never ceased to vexe the Britans with skirmishes and in-roades, [ E] yet grew they not presently up to any great state, but kept a long time in that cor∣ner, where they first arrived, not daring (as Beda writeth) for the space of one hun∣dred and seven and twentie yeares to come forth into the field,* 1.650 against the Princes of Northumberland; untill at one and the same time, they had made such a slaughter of the Picts, that few or none of them were left alive: and withall the Kingdome of Northumberland, what with civill dissentions and invasions of the Danes, sore shaken and weakned, fell at once to the ground. For then, all the Northerne tract of Bri∣taine, became subject to them, and tooke their name, together with that hithermore countrey on this side Cluid,* 1.651 and Edenburgh Frith. For, that it also was a parcell of the Kingdome of Northumberland, and possessed by the English-Saxons, no man [ F] gain-saieth: and hereof it is, that all they which inhabit the East part of Scotland, and be called Lowland men, as one would say, of the Lower-countrey, are the very of-spring of the English-Saxons, and doe speake English. But they that dwell in the West coast, named Highland men, as it were, of the upper countrey, be meere Scots, and speake Irish, as I have said before: and none are so deadly enemies, as they be un∣to

[ A] unto the Lowland men, which use the English tongue as we doe.

Ammianus Marcellinus writeth, that together with the Scots, ATTACOTTI, a warlike people, did much mischiefe unto Britaine; and those Humfrey Lhuid, gues∣seth, (how truely I know not) to have beene also of the Scotish nation.* 1.652 Saint Ierome telleth us plainely, that they were a British people.

For he writeth, that when he was a very youth,* 1.653 (while Iulian as it seemeth was Emperour) he saw in Gaule the Attacots, a British nation, feed of mans flesh, who when they found in the Forrests heards of swine, flockes of neat and other cattell, were wont to cut off the buttockes of their heard-men, and keepers, the dugs also and paps of the women, and account the same the onely dainties in the world.

For, so according to the true Manuscript copies we are to read in this place, [ B] Attacotti [and not Scoti with Erasmus] who acknowledgeth this text to be corrupted: Although I must needs confesse, that in one Manuscript wee read Attigotti, in ano∣ther Catacotti, and in a third Cattiti. Neither can this passage bee any waies under∣stood as the vulgar sort take it, of the Scots: considering that Saint Ierome treating there of the sundry orders and manners of divers nations, beginneth the next sentence following in this wise: The nation of the Scots hath no proper wives of their owne, &c. In another place also, where Saint Ierome maketh mention of the Attacotti, Erasmus put∣teth downe for them, Azoti. These Attacoti, as appeareth by the booke called No∣titiae, served under the Romans in their warres, in the very decaying and declining state [ C] of their Empire. For, reckoned there are among the Palatine aids within Gaul, Atte∣cotti Iuniores Gallicani, and Attecotti Honoriani Seniores: also, within Italie, Attecotti Honoriani Iuniores. By this addition Honoriani, they seeme to be of the number of those Barbarians, whom Honorius the Emperour entertained, and to no small dammage of the Empire enrolled as souldiers to serve in his warres.

Among these nations also, which made rodes and invasions into Britain, Iohn Cai∣us, a man much exercised with cares and endevours of the best kind, and one who hath passing well deserved of our Common-wealth of learning, reckoneth the * 1.654 Ambrones, for that he red in Gildas, where he writeth of Picts and Scots, thus:

Those former e∣nemies, like Ambrones, Wolves, even enraged for extreame hunger, with dry jawes leaping o∣ver the sheep-fold whiles the shepheard is out of the way, being carried with the wings of ores and armes of rowers, set forward also with sailes helped with gales of winde, breake thorow [ D] the bounds, killing and slaying all where they came.

This good meaning old man thought of that which hee had read in Festus, namely, that the Ambrones, together with the Cimbri, flocked by numbers into Italie: and being busied about another matter, it was quite out of his head, that [Ambro] as Isidorus noteth, doth signifie, a Devourer. Nei∣ther doth Gildas use that word in any other sence, nor Geffrey of Monmouth, who called the Saxons also, Ambrones: nor any other Ambrones than these, could my selfe hitherto ever find in ancient Writers, to have invaded Britaine.

[ E] ENGLISH-SAXONS.

WHen as now the Romane Empire under Valentinian the younger did more than decline, and Britaine being exhaust through so many le∣vies of all able men,* 1.655 and abandoned of the Romane garisons, could no longer withstand the force of Scots and Picts; Vortigern, whom the Britans had made their Soveraigne and chiefe Governour,* 1.656 or who (as others thinke) had usurped the Monarchie, to the end that he might establish his imperiall rule, and recover the State falling to ruine: (much [ F] awed hee was, saith Ninnius, by the Picts and Scots, he stood in feare of the Ro∣manes forces, and was afraid of Aurelius Ambrosius) sent for the Saxons out of Ger∣manie to aide him: who forthwith under the conduct of Hengist and Horsa, with their Ciules (for so they called their Flat-boats or Pinnaces) arrive in Britaine, and after they had in one or two battels gotten the victorie against the Picts and Scots, became

verie much renowned: and seeing the Britans still relying upon their manhood and [ A] courage, they send for greater forces out of Germany, which should keepe watch and ward upon the borders, and annoy the enemies by land and sea. Guortigern (saith Nin∣nius) by the advice of Hengist, sent for Octha and Ebissa to come and aid him: who being embarqu'd in 40. Cyules or Pinnaces, and sailing about the Picts coasts wasted the Isles called * 1.657 Orcades, yea and got many Isles and Countreys beyond the * 1.658 Frith, as farre as to the confines of the Picts. But at length, after they had begun to fall in love with the Lands, the civill fashions, and riches of Britaine, presuming upon the weaknes of the Inhabitants, and making the default of pay, and want of victuals their quarrell, they entred into league with the Picts, and raised a most bloodie and mortall warre against the Britans, who [ B] had given them entertainment: they kill and slay them in every place being put in affright and amazednesse,* 1.659 their fields they harrie, their cities they raze, and after many doubtfull events of battell, fought against those two bulwarks of warre, Aurelius Am∣brosius, who here tooke upon him to weare the purple roabe, wherein his parents were killed, and that warlike Arture, they disseize the Britans of the more fruitfull part of the Isle, and drive them out of their ancient possessions. At which time, to speake all in a word, the most miserable Inhabitants suffred whatsoever either conquerour might dare, or the conquered feare. For, supplies of aide flocked together daily out of Ger∣manie, which still should renew warre upon warre against the wearied Britans: to wit, Saxons, Iutes, (for so must we read, and not Vites) and Angles, who by these proper [ C] names were knowne one from another, although generally, they were called English, and Saxons. But let us treat of these in severall, and summarily, that if it be possible we may have a sight of our originall, and first cradles.

Howbeit, first will I adde hereto that which Witichindus, being himselfe both a Saxon borne, and also a writer of good antiquitie; hath related, as touching the comming in of the Saxons.

Britaine (saith hee) being by Vespasian the Emperour long since reduced among Provinces, and under the vassalage of the Romanes, standing them in stead, and serving to good use a long time, became assailed by their neighbour-nations: for that it seemed destitute, and abandoned of the Romans helpe. For, the people of Rome, after that the Emperour * 1.660 Martial was by his souldiers killed, being sore tired out with forraigne warres, was not able to assist their friends with supply of accustomed aides. Yet neverthe∣lesse, [ D] the Romanes having built a mightie peece of worke for the defence of the Countrey, reaching betweene the confines from sea to sea, where it was thought that the enemies would assaile the Inhabitants, left the Land. But no difficultie it was for the enemie fiercely bent and alwaies ready to wage warre (especially where they deale with a nation, feeble and una∣ble to make warlike resistance) to destroy the said worke. Therefore hearing by report of the worthy and fortunate exploits, atchieved by the Saxons, they send an humble Embassage to require their helping hand: and so the Embassadors having audience given them, came forth and spake, as followeth. Most noble Saxons, The poore and distressed * 1.661 Brets out-toiled, and over-tired by the many incursions of their enemies, hearing the fame of those victories which yee have valorously atchieved, have sent us suppliants unto you, cra∣ving [ E] that yee would not denie us your helpe and succour. A large and spatious Land, plen∣tifull and abundant in all things. they yeeld whollie to be at your devotion and command. Hitherto have we lived liberally under the patronage and protection of the Romanes: after the Romans, we know none of more prowesse than your selves: and therefore wee seeke for refuge under the wings of your valour. So that we may by your puissant vertue and armes, be found onely superiour to our enemies, what service soever ye impose upon us, willing we are to abide the same. To this petition the Peeres and Nobles of the Saxons briefly made answere in this wise. Know yee, that the Saxons will be fast friends unto the Brets, and prest at all times, both to assist them in their necessitie, and also to procure their wealth and commoditie. With joy returne these Embassadours home, and with this wished for tidings, [ F] make their countrey-men more joyfull, Hereupon according to promise, an armie sent into Britaine, and joyfully received, in short time freeth the Land from the spoiling enemies, and recovered the countrey unto the behoofe of the Inhabitants.

For, the performance hereof required no great labour: the enemies who had long since heard of the Saxons, were

[ A] terrified with the verie fame that was bruited of them: so that their very presence drave them farre off, For these were the nations that troubled the Brets, namely, Scots and * 1.662 Pehits: against whom, the Saxons whiles they maintaine warres, received of the Brets all things necessary.

They abode therefore in that country a good while, making use in civill sort of the Brets friendship reciprocally. But so soone as the Chieftaines of the armie saw the countrey to be large and fertile, and withall the hands of the Inhabitans slow to practise feats of armes: and considered therewith, that themselves, and the greatest part of the Saxons, had no certaine place to seat themselves in, they send over to call unto them a greater power and more forces. Thus having concluded peace with the Scots and Pehits, they rise all together in common against the Brets, drive them out of the countrey, and divide the [ B] Land at their pleasure, as if it were their owne.

Thus much Witichindus.

The originall and Etymologie of the Saxons, like as of other nations, not onely Monkes ignorant, as they were, in learned antiquitie, but also latter Writers, being men of some exact and exquisite judgment, have enwrapped with forged and fained fables, Some derive them and their name from Saxo, the sonne of Negnon, and bro∣ther of Vandalus others from their stonie nature: some from the remaines of the Ma∣cedonian armie; others of certaine knives, whereupon was made that rhyme in Engel∣husius:

Quippe brevis gladius apud illos Saxa vocatur, [ C] Vnde tibi nomen, Saxo traxisse putatur. For, Sax, with them, and Short-sword, is the same, From whence it's thought, the Saxon tooke his name.

But Crantzius deriveth them from the Catti in Germanie: and that learned Cap∣nio from the Phrygians. Of these, let every man follow which he liketh best: For, such conjectural opinions as these, I will not labour to disproove. Howbeit, that conceit of the best learned Germans may seeme worthy of acceptance,* 1.663 and to bee preferred before the rest, who suppose that the Saxons descended from the Sacae, a most noble Nation, and of much worth in Asia, and so called, as one would say, Sacosones, that is, the sonnes of the Sacae: and that out of Scythia, or Sarmaria * 1.664 Asiatica, they came in companies by little and little, together with the Getae, Suevi, Daci, and others into Eu∣rope. Neither is this opinion of theirs improbable, which fetcheth the Saxons out of [ D] Asia,* 1.665 wherein mankind was first created and multiplied: for, besides that Strabo wri∣teth, how those Sacae (as before time the Cimerij) made invasions into countreys which lay farre off, and termed a part of Armenia after their owne name Sacacena: Ptolomee also placeth the Sassones, Suevians, Massagetes and Daci in that part of Scy∣thia: and Cisner observeth, that these Nations retained the same vicinitie or neigh∣borhood in a manner in Europe, which was among them in former times when they were in Asia.

Neither is it lesse probable,* 1.666 that our Saxons descended from these Sacae or Sassones in Asia, (call them whether you will) than the Germanes from those Germanes in Persia, of whom Herodotus maketh mention: which they themselves after a sort doe [ E] affirme, by reason of the affinitie of their Language: for, that singular Scholer Ioseph Scaliger sheweth, that these words, Fader, Moder, Tutchter, Band, and such like, are at this day found in the Persian tongue, in the same sence as we use, Father, Mother, Bro∣ther, Daughter, and Bond. But when the Saxons began first to bee of any name in the world, they had their abode in Cimbrica Chersonesus, which wee now call Denmarke, wherein Ptolomee placeth them, who was the first author (as far as I find) that men∣tion them. For, we should not indeed read, Saxones, (as it is in some bookes) but more truly,* 1.667 Axones, in that verse of Lucan:

—Longis{que} leves Axônes in armis: [ F] And Axons in side armour light and nimble.—

Out of this Cimbrica Chersonesus in the time of Dioclesian, they (with the Frankes their neighbours) troubled our coasts and the seas with Piracie, in so much as for the defence of the countrey, and to repell them, the Romanes made Carausius their Generall. Afterwards they having passed over the river * 1.668 Albis, part of them by little

and little gat footing within the seat and territorie of the Suevians, where now is the [ A] Dukedome of Saxonie, and part of them bestowed themselves in Frisland and Hol∣land, which now the Frankes had quite forsaken. For, those Frankes who before time had inhabited those inmost Fennes of Frisland (whereof some, by overflowes and flouds, are growne to be that sea, which at this day they call Zuider-sea) and pos∣sessed themselves of Holland, then called Batavia, under Constantius Chlorus, Con∣stantine the Great, and his sonnes, being received as Liege-men, and translated from thence to inhabite the waste and desert countries of Gaule, either by the swords point making way into more plentifull regions, or else (as Zosimus writeth) driven out by the Saxons, departed out of Holland. From which time, all the people bordering [ B] upon that sea coast in Germanie, which were men of warre, and professed Piracie, as before they grew to be Franci, so now they became clepid Saxons: those Nations I meane, which inhabite Iutland, Sleswicke, Holst, Ditmarse, the Bishopricke of Breme, the countie of Oldenburgh, both East and West Frisland, and Holland. For the nation of the Saxons,* 1.669 (as Fabius Quaestor Ethelward, himselfe descended of the Saxons roy∣all bloud, writeth) was wholly all that upon the seacoast, from the river Rhene unto the citie Donia, and which now is commonly called Dane-Marc. Which author▪ (that I may ac∣knowledge by whom I have profited) master Thomas Allen of Oxford an excellent man, and one endued with very many singular Arts, first found out, and of his cour∣tesie imparted the same unto me, with many others. [ C]

Out of this Maritime tract, the Saxons fleshed now with the slaughter of many Ro∣manes, brake many times into the Romans provinces, and for a great while annoied this Iland, untill Hengist himselfe came: Who out of Batavia or Holland, sailed into Britaine, and built that Castle of Leiden in Holland, as not onely the Hollanders An∣nals doe testifie, but also that noble Ianus Dousa, a man of excellent wit and learning: who of that Castle, versifieth thus:

Quem circinato maenium ut ambitu, * 1.670Sic arcuatis fornicibus novum Putatur Hengistus Britanno Orbe redux posuisse victor. Which Hengist, by report, when he [ D] Return'd from Britaine with victorie, Built new with walles in compasse round, And on vaults arched under ground.

The Iutae, who had that name (as many thinke) from the Gutes, Getes, or Gothes (for in a manuscript booke, we read Geatun) did for certaine inhabite the upper part of Cimbrica Chersonesus,* 1.671 which still the Danes call Iuitland: descended haply of those Guttae, whom Ptolomee hath placed in Scandia, whose habitation this day is called Gothland. But take heede you thinke not with Iornandes, that this was the na∣tive country of those Gothes, who with victorious conquests over-ran all Europe: [ E] for, the most ancient and best approoved writers have recorded unto us, that they dwelt beyond the river * 1.672 Ister fast by Pontus * 1.673 Euxinus, and were before time called Getae.

* 1.674But, in what place the Angles were seated, it is a question, neither are all men of one opinion. Most authors place them in Westphalia, where Engern standeth, and where the Suevians, whom Tacitus and Ptolomee make mention of, had their abode; whom I am willing to beleeve, if wee speake of the age of Tacitus: but I suppose, that from thence they came downe to the tract by the sea side. Others seeke for them in Pomerania, where the towne Angloen flourisheth. But seeing these reach into the more inland parts of Germany far from our seas, surely we must seek for some other seat of our Angles or Englishmen:* 1.675 which Beda willed me to looke for between [ F] the Saxons and Iutes.

The Angles (quoth he) came out of that countrey which is called Angulus, and is reported from that time to lie waste, betweene the Provinces of the Saxons and* 1.676 Iutes.

Now seeing that between Iuitland and Holsatia the ancient countrey of the Saxons, there is a little Province in the Kingdome of Dania, named at this day

[ A] Angel,* 1.677 beneath the citie Flemsburg, which Lindebergius in his Epistles calleth Little Anglia: I dare affirme, that now at length, I have found the place of our ancestors habitation, and that from thence the Angles came into this Iland. And to averre this the more confidently, I have good warrant from the authoritie of that ancient writer Ethelwardus, whose words be these: Old Anglia is sited between the Saxons and the Giots: they have a capitall towne, which (in the Saxon tongue) is named Sleswic: but the Danes call it Haithby. In which verie place, Ptolomee seemeth to set the Saxons. So that a Poet of the middle time, sung not untunably in this manner:

—Saxonia protulit Anglos, [ B] Hoc patet in lingua, niveo{que} colore.— That Englishmen from Saxons draw descent, Their colour * 1.678 white and tongue make evident.

Of these Angles, some part having passed forward into the inmore quarters of Ger∣manie, being blended with the Longobards and the Suevians went, as farre as Italie, and are thought to have left their footing in Engelheim, the native countrey of Charles the Great, Ingolstad, Engleburg, Englerute in Germanie, and Angleria in Italie. But what the reason or Etymologie is of the name, I dare not definitively pronounce. A∣way with that Angulus the son of Humblus: and with Queene Angela, whom foolish [ C] folke babble to have beene the founders of our Nation. Neither thinke we that their name was imposed of Angulus, that is, An angle or corner; as if it were a corner of the world, as some building upon that stale verse, seeme to hold:

Anglia terra ferax, & fertilis angulus orbis, Insula praedives, quae toto vix eget orbe: England a fruitfull angle, is without the world so wide, An Iland rich, that hath small need of all the world beside.

Neither doth Goropius his conjecture deserve credit, but rather a smile, which deriveth Anglos, that is, Englishmen, from Angle, that is, A fishing rod, or a Fish∣hooke; because (saith he) they hooked all unto them, and were, as we say, Good An∣glers. [ D] But he that seeth the Etymologie,* 1.679 of Engelbert, Englehard, and such like Dutch names, may see perhaps the originall of Angli also. Moreover, it may seeme out of Procopius, that the Frisones likewise came with others into Britaine. The text whole as it lieth (for that the booke is not commonly extant in print) I will not thinke much here to set downe, even as Franciscus Pithaeus a singular good man, and in all sorts of Antiquitie most skilfull, hath exemplified it unto me, out of the Kings Libra∣ry in Paris: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, [ E] That is, according to my grosse translation, thus:

The Iland Bri∣taine, three most populous nations doe inhabite, which have everie one their severall King to rule them: and these Nations be called Angili, Frisones, and after the name of the very Iland, Britones. Now they seeme to be so great a multitude of people, that every yeere a mightie number of them, with their wives and children, flit from thence unto the Franks: and they give them entertainment in that part of their Land, which seemeth most desert a∣bove the rest: and hereupon men say, they challenge unto themselves the verie Iland. And verily, not long since, when the King of the Franks, sent certaine of his people in Embassage [ F] to Constantinople unto the Emperour Iustinian, he sent withall some English, pretending am∣bitiously, that this Iland was under his dominion.

These are the people of Germanie, that planted themselves in Britaine, who, that they became one nation,* 1.680 and were called by one generall name, one while Saxons another while, Englishmen, and English-Saxons, for difference of those that are in Germanie, may be gathered most truly, out of Gildas, Beda, Saint Boniface, Pau∣lus Diaconus, and others: but most commonly in Latine, Angli, Gens Anglica;

and in their tongue, to the same sence, Engla theod. [ A]

About the time when they were admitted into Britaine by Vortigern, writers doe not agree:* 1.681 but to omit others, Bede and those that follow him, make this computation of those most confused times.

In the one and thirtieth yeere of Theodosius the younger, and of Christ 430. The Britans pitiously crave aid, but in vaine, of* 1.682 Aetius the third time Consul, for that they were sore oppressed by the Picts and Scots.

Under Valentinian the third, Saint German once or twice came into Britaine against the Pelagians, and after he had powred out his praiers unto God, led an armie [of Britans] against the Picts and Saxons, and gained the victorie. [ B]

In the first yeere of Martianus, and the yeere of our Lord 449, the nation of the English-Saxons arrive in Britaine.

But seeing it appeareth for certaine by the * 1.683 Kalender of the Consuls, that the third Consulship of Aetius fell out to be in the 39. yeere of the said Theodosius, and after the birth of Christ 446. as also by the best and most approoved authors, that Saint German died in the yeere of Grace 435: justly wee may suspect, that those numbers in Beda were corrupted, and that the Saxons had footing given them here, before the yeere of our Lord 449. For otherwise, how could it be, that S. German, who departed this life An. Do. 435, should conduct the Britans against the Saxons, when as they were not yet come? Ninnius also writeth, that Saint German returned out of Britaine into his [ C] owne country after the death of Vortigern,* 1.684 who received the Saxons into Britaine: so that of necessitie their comming in was before the yeere of our Lord 435, which was the yeere wherein Saint German ended his life. In like manner, in the second yeere after that Leo Magnus was created Bishop of Rome, which was in the yeere of Christ 443, Prosper Tyro who then lived, writeth, that Britaine after sundry overthrowes, was brought in subjection to the Saxons, so that they doubtlesse must needs come in before that time, namely, the yeere of Christ 449. But to take away all scruples, and cleere all doubts in this point, this one note of computation adjoyned unto some copies of Ninnius, which is unto me in stead of all, may suffice.

From the Consulship of the two Gemini, * 1.685 Rufus and Rubellius, unto Stilico the Consul, are [ D] reckoned 373. yeeres.

Item, from Stilico unto Valentinian the son of Placidia, and to the raigne of Vortigern, be 28. yeeres.

From the raigne of Vortigern unto the* 1.686 discord of Guitolin and Ambrose, are 12. yeeres. Which battell is Guoloppum, that is, Cathguoloph.

Now Vortigern held the Kingdome of Britaine when Theodosius and Valentinian were Consuls: and in the fourth yeere of his raign, the Saxons came into Britaine, and were entertai∣ned by Vortigern, when Foelix and Taurus were Consuls.

From the yeere wherein the Saxons came into Britaine, and were received by Vortigern, un∣to * 1.687 Decius Valerianus, are 69. yeeres. [ E]

By casting therefore the account thus, the comming in of the English Saxons in∣to Britaine, was in the 21. yeere of Theodosius the younger: and this commeth nee∣rest to the computation of Bede, in the yeere of our salvation 428. For then Foelix and Taurus bare their Consulship: and so all circumstances of persons and times doe well cohere. This moreover I thinke good to tell you of, although I will not take upon me to be a Criticke, that in most copies of Gildas, whence Beda had that note of Etius, we read Agitio 111. Consuli, in others without adjection of number, Aegi∣tio: and in one, Aequitio Cos. But to this day never could I see in the Register and Ka∣lender of Consuls, any Consul of that name: unlesse we might thinke that he was some Consul extraordinarie. [ F]

Well, what time soever it was that they came in, they made good proofe of their singular valour and wisedome with all. For in a short space, their State, for number, for good customes and ordinances,* 1.688 for lands and territories grew to that heighth, that it became most wealthy and puissant, yea, and their conquest in some sort full and absolute. For all the conquered, except some few, whom in the Westerne tract the

[ A] roughnesse of the countrey defended and kept safe, became one nation, used the same lawes, tooke their name, and spake one and the selfe same language, with the conquerours. For, besides England it selfe, a great part of Scotland, being possessed by the English Saxons (and still to this day, the wilde and naturall Scots indeed, terme them Sassones) useth the same tongue that we do, varying a little in the Dialect one∣ly. Which tongue we and they together for the space now of 1150. yeeres, have kept after a sort uncorrupt, and with the possession also of the Land. So that now it is pro∣ved vaine and false,* 1.689 (as other prophesies of that kind) which the Saxon Prophets fore∣told, when as they spred their sailes for this Iland, That they should inhabit here 300. [ B] yeeres and no more, and for one hundred and fiftie of them, often times waste and spoile the countrey. Now, the matter it selfe, and the place seeme to require, that somewhat should bee added as touching the ancient manners and demeanour of our Forefathers the Saxons: and surely, annex I will what I have observed in this behalfe.

This nation of the Saxons,* 1.690 was generally most warlike and martiall,

For courage of minde, strength of bodie, enduring of labour and travell, reputed of all the Germans most valiant, as saith Zosimus. Most feared of the Romanes, because their invasions were sudden, as Marcellinus reporteth: Terrible for hardinesse and agilitie, as saith O∣rosius. Saxony is a region (by reason of Marishes) inaccessible, and environed with comber∣some countreys, and unpassable. Which things although they may make them more secure for [ C] war, and although it selfe also was led captive oftentimes to set out the Roman triumphs, yet have they the name to bee a most valorous kind of men; excelling all other in piracie: how∣beit, trusting in their swift pinnaces and flibotes (not in fine force) provided rather for flight than fight, as Egysippus recordeth of them. In imitation of whom, Isidorus writeth thus: The Nation of the Saxons seated upon the coasts of the Ocean sea, and among unpassa∣ble Marishes, is for valour and nimblenesse meet for service: and thereupon they tooke their name, as being a kinde of people stout, hardy, and most valiant, yea and redoubted above all other for piracie.* 1.691

Men they are for their tall stature, the good feature of their limbs, and framing of their lineaments, conspicuous and notable. Whereupon Witi∣chindus the Monke, writeth thus of them; The Franks had these men in admiration for [ D] their excellencie as well in bodie as mind: they wondred at them for their new and strange▪ habite, for their armour also, and shoulders overspred with the haire of their head; but a∣bove all for their constant resolution, and valiant courage.

Clad they were in souldiers cassocks, and weaponed with long speares) they trusted upon their little bucklers, and wore great knives or skeins at their backes. Howbeit, before time they used to shave their haire off, hard by the head to the very skinne, unlesse it were round about the crowne, and to weare a plate about their head, as Sidonius Apollinaris teacheth us in these verses: Istic Saxona carulum videmus Adsuetum antè salo, solum timere; [ E] Cujus verticis extimas per oras Non contenta suos tenere morsus, Altat lamina marginem comarum. Et sic crinibus ad cutem recissis, Decrescit caput, additurque vultus. The Saxons there in watcher clad, we see On land a fraid, who earst at sea were bold; Whose bush of haires about the crowne that be Plates not content to keepe their wonted hold Raise up in tufts, when all the rest is pold: [ F] The Scalpe beneath thus shaven to the skin, Their face seemes full, their heads but small and thin.

As for their apparell, you may understand what it was out of these words of Pau∣lus Diaconus, as touching the Longobards. Their garments were large, and loose, and most of all linnen, such as the English Saxons are wont to weare, trimmed and set out with verie broad gards or welts purfled and embroydered with sundry colours. Most skilfull sea

men they were, as who a long time lived as Pirats, so that being accustomed to the [ A] sea they were afraid, as he saith, of the land: and wrought so much mischiefe upon the sea-coasts of Britaine and France,* 1.692 as farre as to Spaine, that there were both Captaines and souldiers appointed all along the shores of both Countries to restraine their ro∣vings and depredations, who thereupon were called Counts or Earles of the Saxon shore along Britaine and France. And heereto tend these verses of Sidonius Apollinaris:

Quîn & Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus, Sperabat * 1.693 cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum Ludus, & assuto glaucum mare findere lembo. The tract also that lies the Sea so neare, [ B] Hight Armoricke, did Saxon pirate * 1.694 feare: Whose sport it is with leather-stitched boat, Of British Sea to cut the waves afloat.

Yea and that which more is, within Gaule neere unto Armorica, they seazed into their hands and held a long time the Country about the * 1.695 Baiocasses, as is to bee seene in Gregorius Turonensis, who termed them Saxones Baiocassinos, like as the com∣mon sort, Sesnes Bessins.

But with how great cruelty they committed outraies along these shores, heare if it please you,* 1.696 Sidonius himselfe.

The Messenger, (saith he) with whom we spent some time in talke, whiles for your sake we held him with us, constantly affirmed, that you of late sounded [ C] alarum at Sea,* 1.697 and performing the part in your owne person sometime of a souldier, & some∣times of a mariner, bestirred your selfe up and downe the winding shores of the Ocean, to af∣front the * 1.698 flat bottom barkes of the Saxons: Of whom as many rowers as you see, so many Archpirats you may thinke you beheld: They all of them together, so command, obey, teach, and learne to rob and steale; that even now also you have greatest cause to be warned, and to be most heedfull and wary of them. There is no enemie so cruell as this. He setteth upon o∣thers at unwares, himselfe slips away as warily: He setteth at nought such as encounter him; he bringeth to nought those that take no heed to him: whom he courseth, he surely overtaketh; when he flieth he is sure to escape. To this service, shipwracks inure him, they terrifie him not. Not onely skilfull they are in the dangers of sea, but also familiarly acquainted in some sort [ D] therewith. Be there a tempest up? the same of one side serveth to secure them were they in jeopardie to be taken; on the other side if they be to assaile others, it keepeth them from being descried and seene farre off. In the mids of waves and craggy rocks, they hazard their lives in hope of good successe. Besides this, before they take shipping into their owne Country and weigh their flowked anchors from the enemies shore, upon the point of returne, their manner is to kill every tenth captive with equall and * 1.699 dolorous torment (a custome the more lamen∣table, because it is superstitious) and among the number of such as are gathered together to die, for to disperse the equity of lot, together with the iniquitie of death.

With such vowes they bind themselves, with such sacrifices they pay their vowes, and not so much purified by such sacrifices, as polluted with sacrilegies, the bloudie and abominable [ E] murderers thinke it a religious thing, rather to torment a prisoner to death, than to set him free for a ransome. Hitherto also may be referred that, which we collect of the frag∣ment of an ancient Historie in Isodorus. The Saxons trust to their fly-boats and not to their strength, better appointed for flight than for fight. As also this testimonie of Sal∣vianus, who then lived, writing thus of Barbarous nations. The Alani are a people vicious and uncleane, but not so perfidious. The Franks be given to lying, howbeit full of hospitalitie and kind to strangers. The Saxons in cruelty outragious, yet for chastitie to be honoured.

But so firme and resolute they were, (if I may be allowed to give it so good a terme) that they would chuse rather to kill themselves, and cast away their lives wilfully, than be mocked and laughed to skorne.

And hereupon it was, that when [ F] Symmachus had provided a band of them against the publicke shewes which were to be ex∣hibited; the very day on which they should have beene brought forth into the Theatre, for sword play to kill one another,* 1.700 they by strangling themselves prevented all hope of shew∣ing bloudy sport and pastime unto the people.

Of whom Symmachus himselfe writeth thus: The band or company of Saxons is lessened by death. For, when as the private guard

[ A] restrained not the liberty of the impious hands of those desperate people; the first day of the sword fight-shew, saw nine and twenty of their necks broken without any halter.

Moreover, this nation of the Saxons was very much addicted to superstition, & for that cause when they were to consult of weighty and important matters, beside Sooth∣saying by inspection of beasts entrails, they observed especially the neighing of hor∣ses, as presaging things to come. And thence perhaps it is, that the Dukes of Saxonie in ancient time gave the horse in their Armes. But why our first Progenitours Hen∣gistus and Horsa,* 1.701 tooke their names of an horse, (for both their names in the Saxon tongue do signifie, an horse,) surely I know not, unlesse it were for a lucky osse and fore∣token [ B] of their warlicke prowesse, according to that verse of Virgil.

Bello armantur equi, Bella haec armenta minantur: For warre our horses armed are, These beasts also doe threaten warre.

They used also casting and drawing of lots very much; for, they did cut downe a branch from some tree that bare fruit, and slived or cleft the same into slips and twigs, and when they had distinguished them with certain marks,* 1.702 they skattered them at hap∣hazard upon a white garment. Straight waies, if the consultation were publike, the Priest; if private, the goodman of the house, after prayers first unto the Gods, loo∣king up to heaven, tooke each of them up three times, and having lifted them up, they [ C] interpreted them according to the marke set before upon them.

To trie out the event and issue of warres, they were wont to set a prisoner of that nation against which they denounced warre, and a man chosen out of their owne coun∣trimen, to fight together a combat, each of them with the weapon used in their coun∣trie; and so to guesse by him that was victour, which nation should goe away with victorie. Above all other Gods they worshipped Mercurie, whom they called Wooden, whose favour they procured by sacrificing unto him men alive; and to him they con∣secrated the fourth day of the weeke,* 1.703 whereupon wee call it at this day, Wednesday: like as the sixth unto Venus, whom they named Frea or Frico, whence wee name that day Friday:* 1.704 even as we do Tuesday of Tuisco, the stocke-father of the German or Dutch [ D] nation. They had a Goddesse also named Eoster, unto whom they sacrificed in the mo∣neth of Aprill: and hence it commeth, saith * 1.705 Beda, that they called April, Eoster, monath, and we still name the feast of the Resurrection, Easter; but rather as I thinke of the rising of Christ, which our progenitors called East, as we do now that part whence the Sunne riseth. In generall (as saith Tacitus) the English and other neighbour-nations worshipped Herthus, that is, Dame Earth, for a Goddesse, and they had an opinion, that she intermediated in humane affaires, and relieved the people. And even with us in these daies, that word Earth is in use,* 1.706 but growne out of use with Germans, who in stead of Earth, say, Arden. Of these superstitions that foresaid Ethelward writeth thus; respectively [ E] unto the time wherein he lived:* 1.707

So grievously seduced are the unbeleevers of the North, that unto this very day, the Danes, Normanes and Suevians, worship Woodan as their Lord: and in another place; The Barbarous people honoured Woodan as their God, and the Painims offred sacrifice unto him, that they might be victorious and valorous.

But more fully Adam Bremensis setteth these things downe.

In a temple, saith he (called in their vulgar and native speech Vbsola) which is made altogether of gold, the peo∣ple worship the statues of three Gods: in such maner as that, Thor, the mightiest of them hath onely a throne,* 1.708 or bed: on either hand of him Woodan and Fricco hold their places. And thus much they signifie. Thor, say they, beareth rule in the aire, as who governeth thunder and lightning, winds, showres, faire weather, corne and fruits of the earth. The second, which is Woodan, that is, stronger, maketh wars and ministreth manly valour against ene∣mies, [ F] The third is Frico, bestowing largely upon mortall men, peace and pleasure, whose image they devise and pourtray with a great * 1.709 viril member. Woodan they engrave armed, like as with us they use to cut and expresse Mars. And they seeme to represent Thor, with the scepter of Iupiter. But these errors, the truth of Christian religion hath at length chased quite away. After that these nations above said, had now gotten sure foo∣ting in the possession of Britain, they divided it into seven kingdomes, and established

an Heptarchie:* 1.710

In which notwithstanding, the prince that had the greatest power, [ A] was called, as we read in Beda, King of the English nation: So that in this very Hep∣tarchie it may seeme there was alwaies a Monarchie. After this, Augustine, whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men, being sent hither by Gregorie the great,* 1.711 having abolished these monstrous abominations of heathenish impietie, with most happy successe planting Christ in their hearts, converted them to the Chri∣stian faith. But for what cause and upon what occasion, this Gregorie was so dili∣gent and carefull for the salvation of this English nation, Venerable Beda hath by tra∣dition of his forefathers recounted unto us in these words:

The report goeth, that on a certaine day, when upon the comming of merchants lately arrived, great store of wares was [ B] brought together into the market place [at Rome] for to be sold, and many chapmen flocked together for to buy, Gregory also himselfe among others came thither, and saw with other things, boies set to sale, for bodies faire and white, of countenance sweet and amiable, ha∣ving the haire also of their head as lovely and beautifull. Whom when he wistly beheld, he demanded, (as they say) from what countrey or land they were brought? Answere was made, that they came out of the Isle of Britaine, the people whereof were as welfavoured to see unto. Then he asked againe, Whether those Ilanders were Christians, or ensnared still with the errours of Paganisme? To which it was said, They were Painims: but he fetching a long deepe sigh from his very heart root; Alas for pitie, quoth he, that the foule fiend and [ C] father of darknes should be Lord of so bright and light some faces, and that they who caryed such grace in their countenances should be void of the inward grace in their hearts & soules. Once againe he desired to understand by what name their nation was knowne; They made answer, That they were called * 1.712 Angli: And well may they so be named, quoth he, for An∣gelike faces they have: and meete it is that such should bee fellow-heires with Angels in heaven. But what is the name of that Province from whence these were brought? Answere was returned, that the Inhabitants of the said province were cleped * 1.713 DEIRI: DEIRI, quoth he, They are in deed De ira eruti, that is delivered from ire and wrath, and called to the mercie of Christ. How call you the King of that province, said he? Answere was given, that his name was Aelle: Then he alluding to the name, said, That Allelu-jah should be sung in those parts, to the praise of God the Creator. Comming therefore to the Bishop of the Ro∣mane [ D] and Apostolicall See (for himselfe as yet was not made Bishop) he entreated, that some ministers of the word should be sent unto the English nation, by whose meanes it might be converted to Christ: and even himselfe was ready to under take the performance of this worke, with the helpe of God, incase it would please the Apostolicall Pope, that it should be so.

Concerning this conversion, the same Gregorie the Great writeth thus:

Behold, * 1.714 he hath now entred already into the hearts of all nations, in manner, that are: Behold, in one faith he hath conjoined the limits of East and west: Behold, I say, the very British tongue, which could nought else but rudely bray Barbarous words, long since began in the land of God to re∣sound the Hebrew Allelu-jah. And in his Epistle to Augustine himselfe: Who is able heere [ E] to shew sufficiently, what great joy is risen up in the hearts of all the faithfull for that the nati∣on of Englishmen by the operation of God almightie his grace, and the labour of your brother∣hood, after the darknes of errours were chased and driven away, is illuminated with the light of holy faith: for that with most sincere devotion they now spurne and tread idols under their feete, who beforetime in superstitîous feare lay prostrate before them? In an old fragment also written in that age, thus we read: Augustine upon one day of Christs Nativitie, which with the universall glorie of the Englishmen is for ever celebrated, did re∣generate by lively Baptisme above ten thousand men, besides an innumerable multitude of women and young children.* 1.715 But, what a number of Priests, and other holy orders besides, could be sufficient to wash such a sort of people? Having hallowed and blessed therefore the river called in English Swale, the Archbishop (Augustine) commanded by the voice of Cri∣ers [ F] & Maisters, that the people should enter the river confidently two by two, and in the name of the Trinitie baptize one another by turnes. Thus were they all borne againe with no lesse miracle, than in times past the people of Israel passed over the (red) Sea divided, and like∣wise Iordan when it turned backe: for even so, they were transported to the banke on the

[ A] other side: and notwithstanding so deepe a current and chanell, so great and so divers dif∣ferences of sex and age, not one person (who will ever thinke it?) tooke harme. A great miracle no doubt, but this miracle as great as it was a greater preeminence doth surmount: in that, all feeblenesse and infirmitie was laid off in that river: whosoever was sick and defor∣med returned out of it whole and reformed. O festivall spectacle for Angels and men to be∣hold, when so many thousands of a nation suing for grace, came forth of one rivers channel, as out of one mothers wombe, and out of one poole so great a progenie sprung up for the celestiall and heavenly Citie? Hereupon the most gracious Pope Gregorie, with all the companies of Saints above, breaking forth into joy, could not conceale this, but wrote unto Saint Eulogius [ B] the Patriarch of Alexandria, that hee would most thankefully congratulate with him, for so great an host baptized upon one Christmas day.

No sooner was the name of Christ preached,* 1.716 but the English presently with such fervent zeale and devotion consecrated themselves unto Christ, that they tooke in∣credible paines in propagating Christianitie, in celebrating divine service, perfor∣ming all functions and duties of pietie, building Churches and endowing them with rich livings, so that there was not another region in all Christendome that could make reckoning of more monasteries richly endowed: Yea, & divers Kings there were that preferred a religious and monasticall life before their Crowne and Kingdom. So many holy men also this land brought forth, which for their most firme profession of [ C] Christian religion, constant perseverance therein, and sincere pietie were canonized Saints, that it gave place to no other Christian province in this behalfe: And like as Britaine was called of that prophane Porphyrie, a plenteous province of Tyrants; so England might truely be named, a most fruitfull Island of Saints.

Furthermore,* 1.717 they applied their minds to the bringing in againe of the better kind of arts and sciences, and sowed the seeds of Divinitie and good literature throughout all Germanie, by the meanes of Winifridus, Willebrodus, and others, which a Ger∣man Poet sheweth in these verses:

Haec tamen Arctois laus est aeterna Britannis, [ D] Quòd post Pannonicis vastatum incursibus orbem, Illa bonas artes & Graiae munera linguae, Stellarum{que} vias, & magni sydera coeli, Observans, iterum turbatis intulit oris. Quin se religio multum debere Britannis, Servata, & latè circùm dispersa fatetur: Quis nomen Winfride tuum, quis munera nescit? Te duce, Germanis pietas se vera, fides{que} Insinuans coepit ritus abolere profanos. Quid non Alcuino facunda Lutetia debes? [ E] Instaurare bonas ibi qui foeliciter artes, Barbariem{que} procul, solus depellere coepit. Quid? tibi divinum{que} Bedam, doctissimus olim Dum varias unus bene qui cognoverat artes, Debemus. Yet this immortall praise is due to Britain, Northern Isle, That when the world was overrun and wasted all the while By Pannonik invasions, it did reduce in ure Those troubled countries, with good arts: also with knowledge pure Of Greeke tongue: and observing still the stars in spacious skie, And planets with their wandring waies, taught them Astronomie. [ F] For true religion eke preserv'd, and sowne in many a land, The world much bound to Britaine is, and to her helpfull hand. Thy name and gifts, ô Winifride, who knowes not? since by thee The way was made in Germanie; where faith and pietie First setting foote beganne to chase all rites profane away: What ow I not to Alcuine now? may eloquent Paris say,

Who happily went there in hand alone to plant a new, Good arts and thence all barbarisme to banish far from view. [ A] And unto thee for worthy Bede we are beholden much, The only man for sundry arts, his learned skill was such.

* 1.718Peter Ramus saith moreover, that Britaine was twice Schole-mistris to France, meaning, by the Druida•• and Alcuinus, whose industrie Charles the Great used espe∣cially in erecting the Universitie of Paris.

* 1.719They brought also into Germanie military knowledge of Armes, as well as learning and religion: yea, and, which you will marvell at, if wee may beleeve these words of Eginhardus, they gave unto those Saxons their first Originall, who now inhabite the [ B] Dukedome of Saxonie. The nation of the Saxons, saith he, as Antiquities do record, being departed from the English inhabiting Britaine, sailing through the Ocean, part∣ly upon a desire they had, and partly driven of necessitie to seeke where they might seat themselves, arrived upon the coasts of Germanie, and landed at a place called Haduloha: what time as Theodericus King of the Franks warring upon Hirminfridus Duke of the Thuringers his Daughters husband, cruelly with fire and sword wasted their land. Now when as they had in two pight fields already, tried the doubtfull for∣tune of battaile, with lamentable slaughter of their people and uncertaine victorie, Theoderich disappointed of his hope to be Master of the field, dispatched Embassadors unto the Saxons, whose Duke was Hadugato: who having heard the cause of their [ C] comming, and taken their promise, that upon obtaining victorie they should cohabite together, led forth an armie with them to aide Theodoricus. By meanes of which forces valiantly fighting now with him, as it were, for their libertie and native country, hee overcame his enemies: and when hee spoiled the naturall Inhabitants, killed them up, and in manner left not one alive, their land according to his promise hee set out and appointed for the Conquerours to possesse, who dividing the same by casting lots, seeing many of them were slaine in the wars, and that by reason of their fewnesse the whole country could not be occupied and peopled by them, part of it, that especially which lyeth Eastward, they made over to coloners and new Inhabi∣tants, to every one according as by lot it fell out, to be holden and tilled for a certaine rent and tribute: All the rest they themselves possessed. On the Southside verily, these [ D] Saxons have the Franks, and a remnant of the Thuringers, whom the precedent whirlewind of hostilitie had not touched, and are divided from them by the channell of the river Unstrote: Northward dwell the Normans, a most fierce Nation: East, from them the Obotrites inhabite: and Westward, the Frisians: from whom conti∣nually without intermission they defended their territories and marches thereof, ei∣ther by Covenants of league or necessary skirmishing. But now returne wee to our English-Saxons.

For a long time the State and Empire of the Saxons flourished exceeding well un∣der the foresaid Heptarchie, untill those Kingdomes bruised and impaired one of an∣other with civill warres, came all in the end to bee subjest unto the West-Saxons. [ E] For, Egbert King of these West-Saxons, having conquered already foure of these Kingdomes, and swallowed up (as it were) in hope the other twaine also, to the end that they which were subdued, and reduced to the rule of one Prince might bee con∣joyned likewise in one name, commanded by an Edict and Proclamation, that the Heptarchie which the Saxons held,* 1.720 should bee called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, England: whereupon in Latine it was named Anglia, taking denomination of the Angles, as beeing of those three nations most in number, and of greatest prowesse. For they kept in their possession the Kingdome of Northumberland,* 1.721 and Mercia, very great and large countries, together with East-England: whereas the off-spring of the Jutes held Kent only, and the Isle of Wight: The Saxons East-sex, South-sex, & West-sex, a small [ F] parcell verily if it be compared with those spatious territories & lands of the English, Of whom,* 1.722 long before this they were generally throughout called English, & in their owne language Englatheod, Anglcynne Engl-cynn, and Englisc-mon: albeit every King∣dome therein, had a speciall name of the owne by it selfe. And this appeareth for

[ A] certaine, as well out of other writers, as Beda, who intituled his Story, The Historie of the English-Nation. Yea, and in that Heptarchie, those Princes that over-ruled the rest, were stiled Gentis Anglorum Reges, that is, Kings of the English nation: At this time, the name of Britaine, lay forgotten and growne quite out of use among the In∣habitants of this Island: remaining only in books, and not taken up in common speech. And hereupō it is,* 1.723 that Boniface the bishop of Mentz, descended frō hence, called this our country, Saxony beyond the Sea. Howbeit, K. Eadred, about the yeare of our Lord, 948. used in some Charters and Patents the name and title of King of Great Britaine: like as Edgar in the yeare, 970. bare this stile also, The Monarch of all whole Albion.

[ B] Being now called Anglia or England, the state and puissance of these Angles was come to the full height, and therefore, (such is the revolution of all mortall things) hastened apace to their period and end. For, the Danes continually infesting our coasts many yeares together, at the length began to enter, ransacking and mangling this countrie most pittifully.

NAMES OF ENGLISH-SAXONS.

MY purpose was, even here to have set downe the orderly succession of the [ C] English-Saxon Kings, both in the Heptarchie, and also in their Monar∣chie: but seeing that they seeme not properly to belong unto this place, neither is the bare heaping up of names onely delightfull to the Reader, perhaps it will be more acceptable, if I briefly annexe hereto what I have observed by much reading, and especially in Alfricus our ancient Grammarian, as touching the force,* 1.724 reason, and signification of the ancient English names. Not that my mea∣ning is to interpret every name severally, (for, that were a piece of worke very labo∣rious) neither can such barbarous names, in which there lieth couched great signifi∣cancie, succinct brevitie, and some ambiguitie, be easily delivered in another tongue. But considering that most of them bee compounded, and that of few simples: I will [ D] explaine the said simples, that the significations of the compound, implying all the osse and presage of good lucke, wished-for, and happie fortune, may evidently ap∣peare, and that we may throughly perceive, there is among all nations that Orthotes of names, which Plato speaketh of.

AEL,* 1.725 EAL, and AL, in names compounded, like as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greeke compositions, signifieth, Al, or Wholly. Hereupon Aelwin, is as much, as Wholly, or Fully Victor. Albert, All, bright and dread, wholly dread or reverend. Alfred, Altogether Paci∣ficall, or peacefull. Whereunto in some sort are correspondent, in Greeke, Pammachius, Pancratius, Pamphilius, &c.

[ E] AELF,* 1.726 which with varietie of Dialect, is pronounced, Vlf, Wolph, Hulph, Hilp, Helfe, and in these daies Helpe, carrieth in it a signification of Helpe or Aide: as for ex∣ample, Aelfwin, that is, a victorious aide: Aelfwold, a helpfull Governour. Aelfgiva, she that giveth helpe: according to which are these Greeke names, Boetius, Symma∣chus, Epicurus.

ARD,* 1.727 betokeneth naturall disposition or towardnesse: as Godard, is as much, as Divine towardlinesse or inclination, Reinard, Sincere disposition, Giffard, a franke and liberall nature: Bernard, a filiall and sonne-like affection.

ATHEL,* 1.728 Adel, and Ethel import Noble. Thus Aethelred, that is, Noble in counsell; Aethelard, a noble nature or disposition: Aethelbert, famously Noble: Ethelward, a noble Tutor or Protectour.

[ F] BERT,* 1.729 the same that with us at this day, Bright, and in Latin, Illustris, and clarus, that is, Splendent, and cleare: so, Ecbert, that is, Bright and shining for ever: Sigbert, a splendent conquerour: as also, shee whom the Germans named, Bertha, the Greeke called Eudoxia, as Luitprandus witnesseth. And of this sort were Phaedrus, Epipha∣nius, Photius, Lampridius, among the Greekes; Fulgentius and Illustrius, &c. among the Latins.

* 1.730BALD, with the people of the North parts, is the same that Audax in Latine, that is, [ A] Bold, as Jornandes sheweth: a word, that yet is not growne out of use. So Baldwin, and by inversion Winbald, is the same, that, Bold Victour: Ethelbald, Nobly bold: Eadbald, Happily bold. Unto which are consonant, Thraseas, Thrasimachus, and Thrasibulus, in Greeke, &c.

* 1.731KEN, and KIN, import, Kinsfolke, as Kinulph, an helpe to Kinsfolke: Kinhelm, a Defender of his kin: Kinburg, a defence to kinred: Kinric, powerfull in or to kins∣folke.

* 1.732CVTH, beareth with it a signification of skill and cunning: so, Cuthwin, that is, a skilfull or politicke Conquerour: Cuthred, a learned counsellor: Cuthbert, Notable [ B] for his skill: neere unto these sound the Greeke names, Sophocles, Sophianus, &c.

* 1.733EAD in the compounds, and Eeadig, in simple words, sheweth as much as Happi∣nesse, and Blessednesse. Thus Eadward, is all one with, Happie Saviour, or preserver: Eadulph, Blessed helpe: Eadgar, happie power: Eadwin, Fortunate Conquerour: Of which there is some resemblance, in the Greeke names, Macarius and Eupolemus: in the Latine also, Faustus, Fortunatus, Faelicianus, &c.

* 1.734FRED, soundeth all one with peace, for, so our ancestours called Sanctuaries, Fredstole, that is, the seats of peace. Thus Frederic, is as much as Powerable, or weal∣thy in peace; Winfred, Victorious peace: Reinfred, Sincere peace.

* 1.735GISLE, among the English Saxons betokeneth a pledge or hostage, as Eredgisle, [ C] an hostage of peace. Gislebert, a notable or famous pledge: like as in Greeke, Ho∣merus.

* 1.736HOLD, in the old Glossaries, like as Wold also, is interpreted, Governour, or chiefe Lieutenant: although in other places, it signifieth, LOVE; as Holdlic, Lovely, or Amiable.

* 1.737HELM, is as much as Defence. Thus, Eadhelm, Happie defence: Sighelm, Victo∣rious defence: Berthelm, Notable, or famous defence: even as these Greeke names, Amyntas, Boetius, &c.

* 1.738HARE, and Here, as they are diversly pronounced, betokened both an Armie, and also a Lord: so, Harhold, that is, the Ruler of an Armie: Hareman, A Principall or [ D] Chiefe man in an Armie: Herebert, Excellent in an armie: Herwin, a Victorious armie, or Conquerour of an Host: not unlike to those Greeke names, Stratocles, Pole∣marchus, Hegesistratus, &c.

* 1.739HILD, in Alfricks Grammar is expounded, Lord, and Lady: thus Hildebert, be∣tokeneth a famous or brave Lord: Mathild, a Virgin Ladie: and in the same sense is Wiga found.* 1.740

* 1.741LEOD, that is to say, People: thus, Leodgar, is one mightie with the people.

* 1.742LEOF, signifieth, Love: thus, Leofwin, He that winneth love: Leofstan, Most deare or best beloved: like as in Greeke, Agapetus, Erasmus, Erastus, Philo; and in Latine, Amatus, and Amandus. [ E]

* 1.743MVND, betokeneth, Peace: whereof our Lawyers-terme Mundbreach commeth, that is to say, Breach of peace: so, Eadmund, is Happie peace: Aethelmund, Noble peace: Aelmund, Wholly peaceable, or Make-peace: whereunto are well neere equi∣valent these names, Irenaeus, and Hesychius in Greeke: Lenis, Pacatus, Sedatus, Tranquil∣lus, in Latine.

* 1.744RAN, RAR, and ROD, differing in Dialect, imply, Counsell: as Conrad, Powerfull, or skilfull in counsell. Etheldred, a noble Counsellor. Rodbert, notable for counsell: and in sense not unlike to Eubulus, Thrasibulus, in Greeke.

* 1.745RIC, signifieth, Potent, Rich, and Valiant, as Fortunatus in these verses hath taught us: [ F]

Hilperîce potens, si interpres barbarus adsit, Adjutor, fortis, hoc quo{que} nomen habet: O Hilpericke so mightie thou, (stood here th'expounder by Of bar'brous words) an helper strong, eke doth this name imply.

Like as Alfric, Al or wholly powerfull: Athelric, Nobly valiant, or mighty. Unto which

[ A] names these in Greeke allude, Polycrates, Crato, and Plutarch••s, Opimius also in Latine.

SI••,* 1.746 usually among them, was put for Victorie, whereupon, Sigbert, Renowned or glorious for victorie; Sigward, a victorious Protectour: Sigard, Victorious to∣wardnesse. And to the same sense in manner, Nicocles, Nicomachus, and Nicander with the Greekes: Victor, Victorinus, Vincentius, &c. among the Latines.

STAN,* 1.747 was among those old Forefathers of ours, a termination of the Superla∣tive degree, as, Athelstan, that is, Most noble: Betstan, best: Leefstan, most liefe or deare: Wistan, most wise: Dunstan, most high.

WI,* 1.748 the same that Holy, as Wimund, holy or sacred peace: Wibert, Famous, or re∣nowned [ B] for holinesse: Alwi, All holy: like as in Greeke, Hierocles, Hieronymus, Hosius, &c.

WILLI,* 1.749 and Vili, among English Saxons, as Billi at this day, among the Ger∣mans carried a signification of Many: as Willielm, a defender to many: Wildred, Ho∣noured, or reverend of many: Wilfred, Peace to very many. To which in sense and signification accord, Polymacus, Polycrates, Polyphilus, &c.

WOLD,* 1.750 and Wald, betokened with them a Ruler or Governour: Hence commeth Bellewold, An excellent Governour: Ethelwold, a noble Ruler: Herwald, and by inversi∣on, Waldher, the Governour or Ruler of an Armie.

But lay a straw here, for in a trifling matter, others as well as my selfe, may thinke [ C] these notes sufficient, if not superfluous.

But, of greater moment peradventure it will be, if I here commit to writing (if so be these papers be marked to long life) what we have seene: namely, that as Egbert commanded this hither part of Britaine, and which was his owne possession, to bee named England: so now after 800. yeares, or there about, come and gone; even whiles we are perusing this worke,* 1.751 King JAMES invested in the Monarchie of the whole Isle, by the propitious favour and grace of God, in the right of his owne inheritance, and with the generall applause of all good men; to the end that this said Isle, which is one entire thing in it selfe, encircled within one compasse of the Ocean; in his owne person, under one Imperiall Crowne, and Diademe, in one communitie of Language, [ D] Religion, Lawes, and Judiciall processes; to the increase of perpetuall felicitie, and oblivion of old enmitie, should beare also one name: hath in the second yeare of his raigne by an Edict published and proclaimed through his Realmes, assumed the name, title, and stile of KING OF GREAT BRITAINE, in all matters generally, save only in Writs, and formalities of Law Instruments.

THE DANES.

[ E] WHat was the beginning of the Danes, the Danes themselves verily know not for certaine. For, the veritie it selfe hath hissed out of the Schoole of Antiquitie, not onely that Giant Danus the sonne of Humblus, but also Goropius (who deriveth it from a Henne.* 1.752) Andrew Velleius a Dane and a very great scholler, fetcheth their originall from the Dahae, a peo∣ple of Scythia, and from Marc, a word which should signifie not a limit but a Regi∣on: Our country man Ethelward was fully perswaded, that the name arose from the Citie of Donia. For mine owne part, I alwaies thought, that they sprung from the Danciones, (whom Ptolomee placeth in Scandia, and who by change of one letter, in some copies be named Dauciones) and from thence voided themselves into the de∣sert and forsaken seat of the English, to wit, into Cimbrica Chersonesus: untill that Jonas Jacobus Venusinus, a most learned man, right judicious, and passing well seene [ F] in the studie of Antiquitie, found out by diligent search and inquirie, the very expresse tracts, as it were, and marks of the Danes name, within Sinus Codanus or Codanonia, that is, the Baltish sea, or Oost sea; where Pomponius Mela made mention in this very tract. Which names pronounced somewhat grossely by the Northerne people, Cadan and Cdononum, Mela forged and fashioned upon the Latine anvill, into Coda∣num

and Codanonia: like as the posteritie after him, Gdanum have coined out with a [ A] more gentle sound Dansk; of Clodonaeus, Lodovic, of Cnutus, Canutus. And yet be∣fore the daies of Justinian the Emperour, about the yeare of our redemption 570. the world tooke no knowledge of their name. For then, begun they to rove upon the coasts of France and England, and were by the writers, that penned in Latine the histories of England,* 1.753 named Winccingi, for that they practised Piracie: for Wiccinga, in the Saxon tongue, as Alfricus witnesseth, doth signifie a Pirat that runneth from creek to creeke: also Pagani, that is, Painims, because as yet they were not become Chri∣stians: but the Angles themselves in their language, termed them Deniscan, and of∣ten times Heathon-m••n, as one would say, Ethnicks. Of these Danes listen to * 1.754 Du∣do of Saint Quintins, an author of good antiquitie, out of the Librarie of John [ B] Stow (that most studious Antiquarie of the Citie of London) which was never shut from me. The Danes swarmed from out of Scanza, that is, Scandia, like bees out of an hive, in manifold diuersitie and barbarous manner, after they had in heat, lascivious lust, and wantonnesse engendred an innumerable of-spring. Who after they were growne to ripenesse of yeares falling to hot contention for goods and lands with their fathers, and grand-fathers, yea and often times among themselves; when they once overflowed and grew so populous that they could have no roome sufficient for to inhabite in the place, wherein they presently dwelt: having gathered together by lot a multitude of youth and springals, after a most ancient custome, were thrust out into forraine Realmes, to conquer unto themselves lands by dint of sword, wherein they might live. [ C]

* 1.755But in the full performance of dicharging those that should be thus sent out, and in muste∣ring up their armies, they sacrificed unto THVR, whom they worshipped in old time as their Lord; for whom they killed not any sheepe, oxen or other cattell, but offered mens bloud: Thinking that to be the most precious * 1.756 holocaust and sacrifice of all others, because when the Priest by casting lots had predestinated who should die, they were all at once deadly smitten upon the head with oxe yokes: and when every one that was chosen by lot had his braines dashed out, at one severall stroke, laid along hee was on the ground, and sought out there was with narrow prying the fibre, that is to say, the veine of the heart on the left side, and ha∣ving after their manner drawne out the bloud thereof and stricken it upon the heads of their friends, speedily they hoise up sailes, and thinking that they please their God with such an act, [ D] they immediatly put to Sea, and fall to their ores. Moreover, there is another manner, or rather a most foule and detestable superstition,* 1.757 which the Danes used in pacifying their Gods, and this doth Ditmarus the Bishop, who was of greater antiquitie some∣what than Dudo, in these words describe. But because I have heard strange, and wonder∣full things of the ancient Sacrifices that the Danes and Normans used, I will not over passe the same. There is in these parts a place, and the chiefe it is of this kindome, called Lederum, in a province named Selon: where every ninth yeare in the moneth of Januarie, after the time in which we celebrate the * 1.758 Nativitie of our Lord, they all assemble together, and there they kill and sacrifice unto their Gods ninetie and nine men, and as many horses, with dogs and cocks for the hauks, which the Gods sent them, certainly perswading themselves, as I said [ E] before, that by the same they should please them.

* 1.759About the time of Egbert, in the yeare of Christ, 800. they first landed on our sea-coasts: afterwards with such tumults and hurliburlies as never the like was heard of, having for many yeares made foule havock over all England, razing cities, firing Churches, and wasting countries, they let out the raines loose to all barbarous cru∣eltie, driving, harrying, spoyling, and turning all upside downe where ever they went. Thus after they had killed the Kings of the Mercians & East-Angles, seazed upō their Kingdomes, with a great part of the Kingdome of Northumberland. Then was there a tribute called, Dangelt, imposed upon the poore people, for the repressing of their robberies and outrages: and that you may know what manner of imposition this was, [ F] I would have you to reade these few lines copied out of our ancient Lawes: The pai∣ment of Dangelt was at the first ordained for Pirats. For by sore annoying the countrey, they went on,* 1.760 and did what they could to waste it utterly. And verily to keepe downe their insolencie, it was enacted, that Dangelt should yearely be paid, that is, twelve pence out of

[ A] every hide of land throughout the whole country: for to hire and wage those that might resist and withstand their invasion. Also, of this Dangelt was every Church freed and quit: as also, all lands that were in the proper * 1.761 Demesies of those Churches, wheresoever they lay, paying nothing at all in such a contribution as this, because they trusted more in the prayers of the Church, than in their defence by force of armes.

But when as now they assaile and set upon * 1.762 Aelfred King of the West-Saxons, he one while by retiring and giving them ground, otherwhiles by preassing hard upon them with his victorious forces, not only did put them back from his owne country; but also having slaine a Danish-petty-king of the Mercians, expelled them in manner, quite out of all Mercia: and his sonne Edward the elder following in traine of his fa∣thers [ B] victories, when he had put the Danes to flight, brought East England to his sub∣jection: like as Adelstane his base sonne, speedily marching to atchieve victories, with great slaughter of the Danes subdued Northumberland, and so terribly pursued the Danes, that they were forced either to depart the realme, or to submit themselves unto him. By the valorous prowesse of these Princes, England recovered out of the whirlepit of calamities, and rested from that bloody warre by the space of 50. yeares. But while Etheldred a man of a dull and soft spirit raigned, the Danes taking advan∣tage of his cowardise, strooke up alarme and sounded the battaile againe: and having wasted the country,* 1.763 constrained the Englishmen to redeeme their peace yearely with a great sum of monie: and so insolently they bare themselves, that the Englishmen [ C] conspired generally together, and in one night murdred all the Danes every mothers sonne of them throughout all England, thinking by the effusion of bloud to quench the fire of Danish warre, which brake out neverthelesse into a more pernicious flame. For,* 1.764 Sueno King of the Danes, provoked with this slaughter of his people, invaded England with a puissant armie, and having in a furious and enraged mood made much spoile, he put Etheldred to flight, subdued the whole Kingdome, and left the same un∣to his sonne Canutus: who having encountred in many cruell and sharpe battailes, and those with variable fortune fought,* 1.765 with Etheldred now returned, and his sonne Edmund surnamed Iron-side, had two of his sonnes succeeded after him, to wit, Ha∣rald a bastard, and * 1.766 Canutus the Hardie: After they were dead, and the Danish yoke [ D] shaken off, the Kingdome fell againe unto the English. For, Edward, who in regard of his holinesse was surnamed, The Confessor, the sonne of Etheldred by his second wife, recovered the Crowne and royall Dignitie. Now began England to take breath againe: but soone after, as saith the Poet,

—Mores rebus cessêre secundis, Prosperitie perverted manners.

The Priests were idle, drowsie, and unlearned, the people given to riot and loose life: they grew also through rest to be lither, discipline lay, as it were, dead, the com∣monwealth sick, as one would say, of an infinite sort of vices, lay in consumption and pined away: but pride above all, whose waiting maid is destruction, was come to a [ E] mightie head. And as Gervasius * 1.767 Dorobornensis, of that time speaketh They fell so fast to commit wickednesse, that to be ignorant of any sinfull crimes, was held to be a crime. All which most evidently foreshewed destruction. The Englishmen of those times, as William of Malmesburie writeth,

went lightly appointed with their garments, reaching but to the mid knee, their heads shorne, their beards shaven, but the upper lip uncut, where the mustaches grew continually, wearing massie bracelets of gold about their armes, carrying markes upon their skin: pounced in, of sundry colours: The Clergie contenting themselves, with triviall literature, could scarsly back and hew out the words of the Sacrament.

[ F]

THE NORMANS.

LIke as in ancient times out of that East coast of Germanie (in respect of us) which tendeth Northward, the Franks first, and then the Saxons, grie∣vously annoied both France, Gaule, and Britaine, with their depredati∣ons, so that in the end, the one became Lords of Britaine, the other of France: even so in these later daies ensuing, the Danes first, and afterward the Normans succeeding in their place, from out of the same coast did the like. As if it [ B] were fatally given unto that tract, by the dispose and providence of Almightie God, to conceive still, and often times to send out of her wombe, nations to afflict France, and Britaine, yea, and to establish new Kingdomes therein.

* 1.768These Normans were so called of the Northerne quarter or climate from whence they came for, Normans be nothing else but Men of the North: in which sense also they are named Nordleudi, that is, a Northerne people (for, a mixt nation they were of the most valiant Norvegians, Suedens, and Danes.) In the time of Charles the Great, they practised roving and piracie, in such cruell manner about Frisia, Belgia, England, Ire∣land, and France, that when the said Charles the Great saw their roving ships in the Mediterranean sea, he shed teares abundantly, and with a grievous deepe sigh said: [ C] Heavie I am at the heart that in my life time they durst once come upon this coast:* 1.769 and I fore∣see what mischiefe they will worke hereafter to my posteritie: Yea, and in the publique Processions, and Letanies of Churches, this afterwards was added to the rest: From the race of Normans, Good Lord deliver us. They drave the French to that extre∣mitie, that King Charles the * 1.770 Bald, was forced to give unto Hasting a Norman Arch∣pirate, the Earledome of Charters for to asswage the mans furie: King Charles the * 1.771 Grosse, granted unto Godfrey the Norman a part of * 1.772 Neustria, with his daughter also in marriage. But afterwards, by force, and armes they seated themselves neere un∣to the mouth of the river Sein, in a country which before time was corruptly called Neustria,* 1.773 because it had beene a parcell of Westrasia: For, so the writers of the mid∣dle time named that which the Germans used to call Westen-rijch, that is, the West-kingdome: [ D] and doth comprise all that lieth betweene the rivers of Loyre, and Seine: Which tooke the name of Normandie afterwards of them, as it were the region of Northerne men, when King Charles the simple had confirmed it unto their Prince * 1.774 Rollo, whose Godfather he was at his Baptisme, to bee held in Fee by homage, and withall bestowed upon him his daughter in marriage.

At which time, as we reade in an old Manuscript belonging to the Monasterie of Angiers, Charles, surnamed * 1.775 Stultus, gave Normandie to Rollo, and his daughter Gista with it: This Rollo daigned not to kisse the foote of Charles, and when his friends a∣bout him admonished him to kisse the Kings foote as his homager, for the receit of so great [ E] a benefit, hee answered in the English tongue, Ne se by God, which they interpret thus, NO BY GOD:* 1.776 The King then and his Courtiers deriding him, and corruptly repeating his speech, called him Bigod, whereupon the Normans be at this day called Bigodi. Hence also peradventure it is, that the Frenchmen even still use to call hypocrites, and supersti∣tious folke, Bigod.

This Rollo, who being baptised received therewith the name of Robert, some writers report to have become a Christian but in shew and colour onely; others, upon good deliberation and in earnest: and they adde moreover, that hee was warned so to doe by God in a dreame: which I pray you give me leave, (being a man for all this, that doateth not upon dreames) to relate without suspicion of vanitie, from the cre∣dit [ F] of writers in those daies. The report goeth, that as he sailed, he dreamed he saw himselfe fouly infected with the leprosie, but when hee was washed once in a most cleare spring at the foot of an high hill, hee recovered, and was cleansed thereof, and anon climbed up to the top of the said hill. This Dreame when he reported, a Christi∣an that was a captive in the same ship with him, interpreted it in this wise: The Le∣prosie

[ A] was the impious worship of Idol gods, wherewith he was tainted; that the spring, betokned the holy * 1.777 Laver of Regeneration, wherewith being once cleansed, he should ascend up the hill, that is, attaine unto high honor, and heaven it selfe.

This Rollo begat William surnamed * 1.778 Long-espee,* 1.779 of the long sword which he used to weare: and William begat Richard, the first of that name. Whose sonne, and ne∣phew by his son carrying both his name, succeeded after him in the Duchie of Nor∣mandie: but when Richard the third was dead without issue, his brother Robert was Duke in his stead, who of his concubine begat that William, whom wee com∣monly name The Conquerour, and the Bastard. All these were every one for their no∣ble acts, atchieved both at home and abroad, most renowned Princes. Now whiles [ B] this William being of ripe yeares, ruled Normandie, Edward the holy, surnamed CONFESSOR, King of England, and the last of the Saxons line, departed out of this world unto his heavenly country, to the great misse and losse of his people, who be∣ing the sonne of Ladie Emma cosen to William, and daughter to Richard, the first of that name, Duke of Normandie, whiles hee remained in Normandie banished, had promised unto him,* 1.780 that he should succeed after him in the Crowne of England. But Harold the sonne of Godwin, and Great Master or Steward of King Edwards house, usurped the Kingdome: whom to dispossesse, his brother * 1.781 Tosto of one side, and the Normans of the other, did what they could, and left no stone unturned: But [ C] when he in a pitched field had, neere unto Stamford-bridg in Yorkshire, slaine his bro∣ther Tosto and Harold King of Norway, whom Tosto had drawn to take part with him in this war,* 1.782 and so obtained a bloudy victorie, behold, within nine daies after the said WILLIAM surnamed the Bastard, Duke of Normandie, taking hold of the promises of King Edward late deceased, and presuming of his adoption and neere alliance, ha∣ving levied a great armie, arrived in England among the South-Saxons. Against whom Harold forthwith advanced, albeit his souldiers were sore wearied, and his power by the former battaile much empaired. And not farre from Hastings they en∣counter and joyne battaile: where Harold engaging himselfe into the midst of the medley, and fighting manfully lost his life with a great number of Englishmen left [ D] slaine in the place: but how many they were just, hard it is exactly to conceive and faithfully to put downe. WILLIAM thus a Conquerour presently with banner dis∣plaid marched about in order of battaile by Wallingford to London: where being received,* 1.783 he was solemnly inaugurated King, as unto whom, by his owne saying, The Kingdome was by Gods providence appointed, and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the Glorious, granted: and after some few lines the story runneth on and saith, that the most beauteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his heire in the Kingdome of England.* 1.784 And if we list to believe the Historie of Saint Stephens in Caen of Normandie, at his last breath he uttered these words: The Re∣gall [ E] Diadem which none of all my predecessours ever wore, I got and gained by the grace of God only, and no right of inheritance. And a little after: I ordaine no man heire of the King∣dome of England, but I commend the same to the eternall Creator, whose I am, and in whose hands are all things. For I became not possessed of so great honour by any hereditary right, but by a terrible conflict, and with much effusion of bloud I tooke it from that perjured King Harold, and after I had either slaine or put to flight his favourers, and adherents, I subdued it under my Dominion.

But why doe I so briefly run over this so great alteration of the English state? Have therefore, if you thinke not much to read it, what my selfe with no curious pen, (haply with as little studie and premeditation, howbeit according to the truth of the Historie) wrote, when being but young, not well advised nor of sufficiencie [ F] to undergoe so great a burthen, I purposed to set forth our Historie in the Latine tongue.

VVHen Edward the Confessour was now without issue departed this life,* 1.785 the Nobles and people of the land were in doubtfull care distracted about the setting up of a new King in his place. Edgar, surnamed Aetheling, King Edmund Iron side his nephewes nephew

by a sonne onely of all the issue male of the Saxons line remained alive, unto whom by right of [ A] inheritance the kingdome was due. But considering he was thought by reason of his tender yeares, not meete to mannage the State, and had beside intermingled his naturall disposition with forrain manners, as being borne in * 1.786 Pannonia, and the sonne of Agathra daughter to the Emperor Henrie the third, who was in so remote a countrie farther off, than that he could conveniently assist the young Gentleman either with aid or counsell: in these regards hee was lesse affected of the Englishmen, who desired nothing more than to have a King, (as it were) out of their owne bodie: And therefore, all of them for the most part had their eies fixed with much respect upon Harold Goodwins sonne, a man for his good parts as well in warre as peace very glorious. For albeit he was of noble parentage but by one side: and his father [ B] for his treacherie and treason, as also for pilling and polling had incurred everlasting infa∣mie and shame, yet with his courteous affabilitie, gentill deportment, liberalitie, and warlike prowesse he wound himselfe into exceeding great especiall favour with the people. For, there could not another bee set by him, in whom there was more resolute hardinesse to ad∣venture upon danger, or more advised policie in the midst of dangers. His valour also and fortitude shined out so apparantly in the Welsh warres, which heretofore most happily hee had brought to an end, that he was reputed verily a man passing well furnished with all vertues required in a soveraigne Commander, and even borne to repaire the decaied state of England. Moreover, good hope there was that the Danes (who onely terrified this country) would bee the better contented and pleased with him, because he was the son of Githa, daughter to Sue∣no King of Denmarke. And in case there should arise any other power against him, either [ C] forraine or domesticall, he was thought sufficiently enabled to make his part good, with the af∣fectionate hearts of the common people, with the alliance also and affinitie that hee had among the Nobility. For hee had to wife, the sister of Morcar and Edwin two brethren, men of ex∣ceeding great puissance: and Edric surnamed the Wild, a man of high spirit, and in chiefe au∣thoritie was linked to him in the neerest bond of Affinitie: besides it fell out very well for him, that at one and the selfe-same time, Sueno King of the Danes had his hands full of warre with Sueden; and betweene William Duke of Normandy, and Philip the French King, there fell some dislikes and emulation, for that Edward the Confessor during his exile in Nor∣mandie, had in expresse termes promised unto William of Normandie the Kingdome, if hee [ D] died without issue: For the performance of which promise, Harold became as it were, surety, and bound himselfe with an oath, (what time hee was detained prisoner in Norman∣die) but with this condition annexed, that he might espouse the daughter of the said William of Normandie. Whereupon most men thought it the wisest policy to set the Crowne upon William his head; to the end that by performing oath, and promise, the warre that they foresaw now threatned, and destruction (which alwaies waiteth as a due punishment upon perjurie) might be averted, and withall by laying Normandie to England, the Kingdome under so mightie a Prince might be surely established, and the common-wealth very much ad∣vanced. But Harold quickly preventing all consultations whatsoever; thinking it not good for him to linger and delay any whit: that very day on which King Edward was enterred, [ E] contrary to the expectation of most men, entred upon the soveraigne government, and with the applause onely of such as were then present about him, who with acclamations saluted him King, without the due complements and solemnitie of Coronation, set the Imperiall Diadem upon his owne head. By which act of his, as being a breach of ancient ordinance, he exceedingly provoked and stirred up against him, the whole Clergie and Ecclesiasticall state. But he knowing well enough, how hard it was for a new Prince, and an usurper, to main∣taine his royall place and dignitie, without an opinion of pietie and vertue, for to blot out that his offence given, and to establish his Scepter, did all he possibly could for the promoting of religion, and preferment of Churchmen, and to beautifie and adorne Monasteries and religi∣ous houses: Edgar Aetheling Earle of Oxford, and all the nobles he entertained with all love [ F] and favour: the people he eased of theire tributes: he gave bountifully a great largesse of mony to poore people: and in one word, with faire speech and affable language, with mild hearing of causes, and equitie in deciding the same, he wonn to himselfe singular love, and no lesse au∣thoritie and reputation. So soone as William Duke of Normandie was truly advertised of these newes, he seemed to take the death of King Edward very heavily, whiles in the meane

time, he was vexed at the heart that England which hee had in conceit and hope already swal∣lowed [ A] and devoured, was thus caught away out of his very chawes. Forthwith therefore, by advice of his counsell and friends, he dispatcheth Embassadors to Harold, with instructions to put him in mind of the promises and stipulation past; but withall, in his name to make claime to the Crowne. Harold, after some pause and deliberation upon the point, returneth this answer: As touching the promises of King Edward, William was to understand, that the Realme of England could not be given by promise, neither ought he to bee tied unto the said promise, seeing the kingdome was fallen unto him by election and not by right of Inheritance. And as for his owne stipulation, extorted and wrung it was from him, then a prisoner, by [ B] force and by guile, in feare of perpetuall imprisonment, to the hinderance of the English common-wealth and prejudice of the State, and therefore void: which neither ought hee, if he could, nor might if he would, make good, since it was done without the Kings privitie and consent of the people. And a very hard and unreasonable demand it was of his, that hee should renounce and surrender unto a Norman Prince, a meere stranger and of forrein linage, that kingdome wherein hee was invested with so great assent of all sorts. With this answere William was not well pleased, and he thought that Harold thereby sought starting holes for to hide his perjurie. Others therefore he sent out of hand in Embassage about the same mat∣ter, who should admonish him, how religiously hee had bound himselfe by oath, and that for∣sworne persons should be sure of finall perdition at Gods hands, and reproachfull shame among men. But when as now the daughter of William affianced unto Harold in the covenant, (the [ C] very strength and knot of the foresaid stipulation) was by Gods appoinment taken away by death, the Embassadours were with lesse courtesie entertained, and received none other an∣swere than before. So that now by this time, there was nothing like to follow but open warre. Harold riggeth and prepareth his navie, m••sters and presseth souldiers and placeth strong gar∣risons along the sea coasts in convenient places, and provideth all things in readinesse which were thought needefull and meet for to beat backe the Normans forces: Howbeit, the first tempest of warre, beside the expectation of all men, arose from Tosto the brother in whole bloud of Harold. He being a man of a proud, hautie and fell heart, ruled in great authori∣ty a good while over Northumberland, but growing outragious in cruelty to his inferiors, in pride towards his Soveraigne, and in hatred to his brethren, was outlawed by Edward the [ D] Confessor, and so withdrew himselfe into France, and now, by the advice of Baldwine Earle of Flanders, and perswasion of William Duke of Normandie, as it seemeth probable, (For Tosto and William married two daughters of Baldwine Earle of Flanders) beginneth to trouble his brother with open warre, whom a long time he deadly hated. From Flanders hee tooke sea with a fleet of 60. rovers-ships, wasteth the Isle of Wight, and annoyeth the sea-coast of Kent: but terrified at the comming of the Kings navie, hee set up saile and directing his course toward the more remote parts of England, landeth in Lincolneshire, and there har∣rieth the Countrey: where Edwin and Morcar give him battell: but beeing discomfited and put to flight, into Scotland hee goes, from thence to renew his forces and so to warre [ E] afresh. Now were all mens minds held in suspense with the expectation of a twofold warre, of the one side out of Scotland, of the other out of Normandie: and so much the more be∣cause at the feast of Easter,* 1.787 there was seene about a sevennight together a blazing starre of an hideous and fearefull forme, which turned mens minds already troubled and perplex∣ed, (as it falleth out in a turbulent time) to the forefeeling of some unluckie events. But Harold carried an heedfull eie to all parts of his kingdome, and the south coast hee fortified with garrisons.* 1.788 Lesse feare hee had from Scotland and Tosto, because* 1.789 Malcolme King of the Scots was more disquieted with civill dissensions. Meane while, William much busted in his mind about England, casting about what course to take, ever and anon communicated with his Captaines about the point; whom hee saw cheerefull, and full of forward hopes: [ F] But, all the difficulty was how to make money, for defraying the charges of so great a warre. For, when in a publike assembly of all the states of Normandie, it was propounded as touching a subsidie, answere was made, That in the former warre against the French, their wealth was so much empaired, that if a new warre should come upon them, they were hardly able to hold and defend their owne: That they were to looke rather unto the defence of their proper possessions, than to invade the territories of others: and this warre intended, just

though it were, yet seemed it not so necessary, but exceeding dangerous: beside, the Nor∣mans [ A] were not by their allegeance bound to military service in forain parts. Neither could they by any meanes be brought to grant a levie of money,* 1.790 although William Fitzosbern, a man in high favour with the Duke and as gracious among the people, endeavoured what he could to effect it: yea, and to drawe others by his owne example, promised to set out fortie tall ships of his owne proper charges towards this warre. Duke William then, seeing he could not bring this about in a publike meeting, goeth another way to worke. The wealthiest men that were he sendeth for, severally one by one to repaire unto him: he speaks them faire, and requireth them to contribute somewhat toward this warre. They then, as if they had strived avie who should helpe their Prince most, promise largely: and when that which they pro∣mised [ B] was presently registred in a booke, there was a huge masse of money quickly raised, and more than men would ever have thought. These matters thus dispatched, he craveth aid and helpe of the Princes his neighbours, to wit, the Earles of* 1.791 Anjou, * 1.792 Poictou, * 1.793 Maine and * 1.794 Bulloigne, and unto them he promiseth faire Lands and possessions in England. Philip also the French King he goeth unto, and solliciteth: voluntarily promising in case he aided him, to become his vassall and leege man, and for England to take the oath of fealtie unto him. But it being thought nothing good for the state of France, that the Duke of Norman∣die, who already was not so pliable and obedient to the French King as he ought, should bee bettered in his state by the addition of England (for, the power of neighbour potentates is alwaies suspected of Princes) so far was the King from yeelding any helpe, that he disswa∣ded [ C] him rather from invading England. But by no meanes could the Duke be reclaimed from his enterprise, nay much more encouraged he was now and set on, being once backed with warrant from Alexander the Bishop of Rome (for even now began the Pope to usurpe authority over Princes:) who allowing of his cause and quarrell, had sent unto him a sacred and hallowed banner as a luckie fore-token of gaining both the victory, and Kingdome: yea and with all cursed whosoever should oppose themselves against him. He assembled therefore all the forces he could possibly raise, and gathered together a mighty navie before the Towne of Saint Valeries, which standeth upon the mouth of the river Some, where he lay a long time windbound: For the procurement whereof with many a vow he importuned Saint Valeric the patron-Saint of the Towne, and heaped upon him a number of gifts and ob∣lations. [ D] Harold, who with his forces had waited very long in vaine for his comming de∣termined to dissolve his armie, to withdraw his navie, and to leave the sea-coast: both for that he was compelled thereto for want of provision, as also because the Earle of Flanders had written unto him, that William would not stirre that yeere: whom he soone beleeved, as thinking that the time of the yeere was such as had locked up the seas and barred all naviga∣tion, forasmuch as the [autumnall]* 1.795 Aequinox was neere: Whiles he thus deviseth with him∣selfe, driven he was (upon an unexpected necessity of new warre) to call backe his armie; for, Harold surnamed the * 1.796 Hard and Harfager, king of Norway, who had practised piracie in the North parts of Britaine, and already subdued the Isles of Orknes, being by Tosto sol∣licited and called forth in hope of the Kingdome of England, arrived within the mouth of [ E] the river Tine with a fleet of 500. flibotes or thereabout, where Tosto also came and joined his owne fleet. When they had a good while forraged and spoiled the countrey heere, they weighed anchor, and sailing along the coast of Yorkshire, put into Humbre, and there began to commit outrages with all manner of hostility. For the repressing of whom, the two Earles Edwin and Morcar led forth a power of soldiers, whom they had raised suddainly and in tumultuary haste: but they not able to abide the violent charge of the Norwegians, fled for the most part as fast as they could, and together with the Earles made shift to escape: howbe∣it, many of them passing over the river Ouse, were swallowed up with the waves thereof. The Norwegian•• ••hen, goe in hand to lay siege unto the Citie of Yorke, which straight waies they get by surrender, hostages being given on both sides. But after some few dayes, King [ F] Harold having gathered his whole power from all parts together, speedeth him to Yorke, and from thence marcheth against the Norwegians, who lay encamped strongly in a most safe place: for backed they were with the Ocean, flanked on the left hand with Humber, wherein their fleet rid at anchor, and had for their defence on the right side and afront, the river Derwent. Howbeit King Harold couragiously setteth upon them: where first, there

[ A] was a cruell conflict at the Bridge, standing over the river Darwent, which one Norwegi∣an souldier,* 1.797 by report, made good for a time against the whole armie of the Englishmen, and held out so long untill he was shot through with a dart, and died: after this continued the bat∣tell a good while within the very campe, fought with equall valour, and indifferent for∣tune on both sides: But in the end, the Norwegians were disarraied and scattered, and in the midst of the battell Harold himselfe King of the Norwegians, and Tosto, with the greater part of the Armie lost their lives. Vpon this Victorie, there fell unto King Harold an ex∣ceeding rich bootie, a great masse both of gold and silver, and that huge Armado, except twentie small Barques onely, which he granted unto Paul Earle of Orkney and O∣lave [ B] the Sonne of Harold who was slaine, for to carry away those that were hurt, taking their oath first, that from thence forward they should not attempt any hostilitie agaist England. This happie victorie encourged Harold and set him aloft: now, he thought that he should bee a terrour, yea, to the Normans, howsoever hee grew odious unto his owne people, because hee had not divided the spoile among his souldiers. Howbeit, wholly hee employed himselfe to reforme the disordered state of the countrey, which in this part was pittifully out of frame and lay neglected. Meane while, Willam Duke of Normandie, finding a fit season for his purpose, about the end of September weighed anchor and launched forth: then with a gen∣tle gale of winde, he sailed with all his shipping, and arrived at Pevensey in Sussex, where being landed upon the naked shore, for to cut off all hope of return from his men, he did set fire [ C] on his ships: and having erected a fortresse there, for his men to retire thither in safetie, for∣ward he marcheth to Hastings, where also he raised another strong hold, and placed therein a garrison. Now by this time, he maketh proclamation, declaring the causes of this warre: namely, to revenge the death of Alfred his Cousin, whom together with many Normans Godwin the Father of Harold had murthered: Item, to bee avenged of the wrongs that Ha∣rold had done, who when he had banished Robert Archbishop of Canterburie, even then by intrusion entred upon the Kingdome of England now pertaining to him, (treading under foot the religious respect of his oath.) Howbeit, by an Edict he straightly charged his souldi∣ers not in hostile manner to spoile the English men. Newes hereof in all hast was brought to [ D] King Harold, who by all meanes thinking it good to use prevention, and as spedily as might be to encounter the Duke, sendeth out his messengers every way, calleth earnestly upon his subjects to continue in their faithfull allegiance, assembleth all his forces in every place, and with great journies hasteneth to London: where there presented himselfe unto him an Em∣bassadour from Duke William; but as he made many words in claiming the Kingdom, Harold in a furious fit of anger and indignation, went within a little of laying violent hands upon the very person of the Embassadour. For a hard matter it was to bereave a fresh Victour of his pride and confident hope. Forthwith he dispatched his Embassadours also unto Willi∣am, by way of insolent termes to menace him, unlesse with all speed he retired backe into Nor∣mandie. Yet William gave him a gentle answer, and dismissed them with great courtesie. [ E] Meane time, Harold mustreth up souldiers in London, and findeth that by the former bat∣tell against the Norwegians, his forces were very much diminished: yet a mightie armie hee levied of Nobles, Gentlemen, and others, whom the love of their native countrey had rai∣sed and brought into the field, for to put backe & repell the common danger. Presently he lea∣deth forth into Southsex, notwithstanding his mother (though in vaine) did what she could to stay him: and with an undaunted heart, encamping upon a faire plaine, scarce seven miles from Duke William, sat him downe. And thither also immediately the Norman approached with his Armie. First there were secretly sent out on both sides Espies: and they of the English part, ei∣ther not knowing the truth, or disposed to lie, made incredible report of the Normans number, their furniture and provisiō, of their good order also and discipline, insomuch as Gyth, a youn∣ger brother of King Harold, a man renowned for martiall exploits, thinking it no good policy [ F] to hazard all in the triall of one battel, advertised the King, that the events of war were doubt∣ful, that victories oftener depend of fortune than of valour, & that holding off, and deliberate delay, was the chiefest point of militarie discipline: Also, he advised him, that in case he had made promise unto William of the Kingdom, he should for his owne person withdraw himself: for, surely he could not with all his forces be fenced against his conscience, and God no doubt, would require punishment for breach of faith & promise: neither, saith he, wil any thing strike

greater terrour into the Normans, than if he should be levying and enrolling of a new Armie, [ A] whereby they might bee received eftsoones with fresh battels. Furthermore, he assureth him in his owne behalfe, that if he would commit the fortune of that battell into his hands, hee would not faile to performe the part of a good brother, and a valiant Captaine: as who trusting upon the clearenesse of his heart, and a good conscience, might either more easily defeat his enemies, or else more happily spend his life for his country. The King was not well content, to heare these admonitions and counsels which seemed to tend unto his dishonour: for, as he could willingly abide the event and issue of warre, so in no wise could he endure the reproach of fearefull cow∣ardise, And therfore, the praises of the Normans with bad words he depraved, neither thought he that it would stand with his owne dignitie, or the reputation of his former prowesse, being [ B] now come as it were to the utmost point of perill and hazard, like a milke-sop and dastard, to draw foot backe, and incurre the perpetuall staine and blot of shame. Thus, whom it pleaseth Almightie God to overthrow, hee first maketh them uncapable of good counsell. Whiles these matters thus passed between them, Duke William upon a pious affection to preserve & main∣taine the state of Christendome, and to spare the effusion of Christian bloud, sendeth a Monke as a mediatour between both, who proposed this offer & condition unto Harold, Either wholly to resigne up his Kingdom, or to acknowledge from thence forth, that he holdeth it of the Nor∣man Duke as his superiour Lord, or else to decide the quarrell with William by combate, or at leastwise stand to the judgment of the Pope of Rome, touching the Kingdom of England. But he as one having no rule of himselfe, and accepting of no condition whatsoever, referred the [ C] whole triall of the matter to the tribunall seat of God, & made answer, that the very next day following, which was the second * 1.798 before the Ides of October; he would bid him battell: and this day upon a credulous errour, he had assured himselfe would be fortunate unto him, because it was his birth day. All the night ensuing, the Englishmen spent in licentious revels, in rio∣tous excesse of banqueting, and in clamorous noises: But the Normans bestowed the same in praiers and vows for the safetie of the armie, and for victorie. The next morning by day light they embattell thēselves on both sides: Harold placed in the vant-guard, the Kentish men with their billes * 1.799 and halberts, (for by an old custome the front of the battell was due to them:) and in the rereguard himselfe took place with his brother, and those of middle England with the Londoners. Of the Normans vaward Roger of Montgomerie, and William Fitz-osberne had the leading: the same consisted of horsemen out of Anjou, Perch, and little Britaine, the [ D] most part of whom served under Fergentus the Briton. The maine battell which stood of Poi∣ctovins & Germans, Geffery Mattell, and a German Pensioner commanded. In the rereguard was the Duke himselfe with the whole manhood of Normans, and the flower of his Nobilitie and Gentrie. But in every place, were intermingled with the rest certaine companies of Ar∣chers. The Normans having with no confused nor untunable shout, sounded the battell, and ad∣vanced forward with their Battalions, & at the first encounter did let flie lustily on every side a volley of arrowes like haile, a kind of fight, which as it was strange to the Englishmen, so it terrified thē exceedingly for, they flew so thick, that they thought they had their enemies even in the midst of thēselves. Then with a violent charge, they assaile the vaward of the English: and they for their parts, who resolutely had determined to cover the place which they had ta∣ken [ E] up with their bodies, rather than to give one foot of ground, bending all their forces, and keeping themselves close together right valiantly put the enemies backe, and slew a number of them: the Normans reenforced themselves againe upon them, and with an horrible noise, the battels of both sides gave the strok: And now by this time were they come to the medley, wherin as if foot to foot, & man to man, they had coped together, there was for a good while a fierce & cruel fight: The Englishmen standing thick & close, as if they had stuck one to another, abid the brunt & charge of the enemies with constant resolution, insomuch as after many a bloudy wound received, they were now at the point to have reculed, had not William performing the part of a leader, as well as of a souldier, with his authoritie restrained them. Thus the fight con∣tinuing still, the Norman horsemen brake in upon them, and withall from above, the arrowes [ F] flew so thick about the English mens eares, that they were in manner overwhelmed with them: yet for all that, they kept their array unbroken. For, Harold neglecting no dutie of a valorous Captaine, was ready in person every where: and William againe for his part bare himselfe as worthily, who having one or two horses stabbed and slaine under him, seeing that he could not

[ A] by fine force, and true valour indeed get the upperhand, betooke himselfe to stratagems: com∣manding his men to sound the retreat, and keeping them still in good order and array, to give ground and retire. The English men supposing now, that they turned backe and fled, and that themselves had the victorie in their hands, display their ranks, and being thus disraied, presse hard upō their enemies, as making full account that the day was now sure enough theirs. Wher∣as the Normans casting themselves suddenly againe into array, and winding about, charge the English afresh, and thus setting upon them being scattered, and out of order, enclosed them round about, and made an exceeding great slaughter of them. Many of them whiles they stood doubtfull, whether to fight or to flie, were borne downe and slaine: but more of them having re∣covered [ B] an higher ground, casting themselves round into a ring, and comforted with the ex∣hortation one of another, with good resolution, turned head and resisted a long time, as if they had made choice of that place for an honorable death: until that Harold being shot through the head with an arrow, together with his two brethren, Gyth & Leofwin, lost his life. Then Edwin and Morcar with some others that remained alive, and escaped by flight, yielded to the hand of God, and gave place unto the time, considering that the battell had continued without inter∣mission from seven of the clock in the morning unto the evening twilight. There were in this battell missed of Normans much about 6000. but of English many more by far. William now Conqueror, rejoyced exceedingly, & by way of a solemne supplication or procession, which he ap∣pointed, [ C] gave all honor to the Almightie and most gratious God: and when he had erected his pavilion in the midst of the bodies lying slain by heapes, there he passed that night. The morrow after, when he had buried his owne men, & granted leave unto the English men to do the like, himselfe returned to Hastings partly to consult about following the traine of his victorie, and in part to refresh awhile his wearied souldiers. No sooner was the newes of this grievous over∣throw by fearfull Messengers brought to London, and to other cities of England, but the whole land generally was striken into dumps, and as it were astonied. Githa the Kings mother, like a woman gave her selfe to plaints and lamentations, so, as that she would admit no consolation, but with most humble praiers intreated the Conquerour, for the dead bodies of her sonnes. And those she enterreth in the Abbey of Waltham. Edwin sendeth Queen Algitha his sister into the [ D] farther parts of the Kingdome: But the Lords and Peeres of the Realme, will the people not to cast downe their hearts, but lay their heads together about the State and Common wealth. The Archbishop of Yorke, the Citizens of London, and the Sea souldiers, whom they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, gave their advice to consecrate Edgar King, and to begin warre againe with William:* 1.800 Edwin and Morcar plotted secretly to usurpe the Imperiall rule and dignitie for themselves: but the Bishops, Prelates, and others, who were terrified with the flashing thunderbolts of the Popes curse, thought best to yield, and not by doubtfull battell to provoke the Conquerours heavie indignation against them: nor to strive against God, who now for the sinnes of the people calling for vengeance, had delivered England, as it w••re into the hands of the Norman. William all this while fortifying the Towne of Ha∣stings, [ E] purposed to march directly with his armie in warlike manner to London: but because he would raise the greater terrour abroad, and make all sure behinde, having divided his forces, he rangeth over part of Kent, over Southsex, Suthrey, Southampton shire, and Berk shire, fireth villages, and upland houses, driveth booties, at Wallangford hee passeth over the Thames, and terrifieth all the countrey as hee goeth. Yet for all this, the Nobles and Peeres wist not what counsell or course to take, neither could they be brought, to lay downe private grudges, and enmities, and with one heart to consult in common for the good of the State. The Prelates, to be absolved from curses of the Church, and censures of the Bishop of Rome, (whereby he now exercised his authoritie, not only over mens soules, but also over Kingdomes) seeing that the state of the Realme was now not decaied, but quite ruinate and past recoverie, persisted in this mind to submit, in so much as many seeking to save them∣selves, [ F] secretly departed out of the Citie. But Alfred Archbishop of Yorke, Wolstan Bi∣shop of Worcester, and other Prelates, together with Eadgar Aetheling, Edwin and Morcar, at Berkhamsted doe meete the Norman Conquerour, (who made them many and large pro∣mises:) and having given hostages, committed themselves to his protection, and submitted. Then forthwith speedeth he to London, where being received with great and joyfull acclama∣tions, he was saluted King: for the solemnizing of his Coronation, which he appointed should

be on Christmas day, he made all the preparation that might bee, and meane while bent his whole mind, and all his thoughts to the setling of the State.

Now was the period and revolution of the English-Saxons Empire in Britaine come a∣bout, which was determined within the compasse of 607. yeeres, and a notable alteration and change made in the Kingdome of England: which some lay upon the base a varice of the Magistrates, and the superstitious lazinesse of the Prelates: others impute to that Comet or blazing Starre, and the powerable influence of celestiall bodies: some againe made God the Author thereof, who in his secret judgements, and those never unjust, disposeth of King∣domes. Others also there were, who looked into neerer secondarie causes, and they found a great want and lacke of wisedome in King Edward, in that whiles under a goodly shew and pre∣text [ B] of religious and vowed virginitie, he casting off all care of having issue, exposed the Kingdome for a prey to ambitious humours.

WHat an insolent and bloudie victorie this was, the Monks that write of it, have declamed with full mouth: neither is it to be doubed, but in this Victorie, (as it hapneth in other) wickednes tooke head and bare the full sway. William the Conquerour, in token as it were of a Trophee for this conquest, abrogated some part of the ancient positive lawes of England, brought in some Customes of Normandie. and by vertue of a decree, commanded, That all causes should be pleaded in the French tongue. The English hee thrust out of their ancient Inheritances, assigned their lands [ C] and Lord-ships to his souldiers, yet with this reservation to himself, that he should still remaine chiefe Lord and bind them to doe due service and homage unto him and his successors, that is to say, That all of them should hold their lands in Fee or fealty. He caused also a Seale for himselfe to be made of purpose, with this inscription upon the one side:

Hôc Normannorum Guilielmum nosce Patronum, The Normans Patron William know, by this stamp that you see:

And on the other:

Hoc Anglis signo Regem fatearis eundem: By this, a King to Englishmen, acknowledge him to be. [ D]

* 1.801Moreover, as William of Malmesburie doth report, In imitation of Caesars policy, who expelled the Germans, (lying hidden within that huge forrest Ardenna, and by many asal∣lie from thence annoying his armie) not by the helpe of his owne Romans, but by the Gaules his confederates: to this end, that whiles strangers and aliens killed one another, himselfe might triumph with their bloud-shed: the very same course, I say, did William take with the English men. For, against certaine of them, who upon the first battell of that infortunate man Harold were fled into Denmarke and Ireland, and returned with a puissant armie in the third yeere after, he opposed meere English forces and an English generall; permitting the Normans to sit still and keepe holiday: foreseeing heereby and providing for his owne great easement, whether of them soever should have the better. Neither was he in this point [ E] frustrate of his purpose. For, the English, having thus a prettie while skuffeled and skirmished one with another, in the end rendred up the entire Victorie to the King, without his paines taking. And in another place: Having undermined and quite overthrowne the power of the Laimen, he provided by a sure and irrevocable edict, to suffer no Monke or Clerke of the English Nation, to endevour for to get any dignitie; much disagreeing herein from the clemencie and gentlenesse of King Cnuto in times past, who gave unto those that he conquered, all their honours entire. And hence it came to passe, that when hee was once dead, the naturall Inhabitants of the countrey upon light occasions fell to driving out of stran∣gers, and recovered unto themselves their ancient right and freedome.

When he had brought this to passe, above all things hee laboured to turne away [ F] the storme of the Danish wars, that hung over his head, and to purchase peace, though it were with round sums of mony. Wherein he used Adelbert Archbishop of Ham∣burgh as his Instrument. For, Adam Bremensis writeth thus: Betweene Suen and the Bastard there was continuall strife about England, although our Bishop being greased in the hand with Williams bribes, would have concluded a firme peace betwixt the

Kings. Which may seeme also to have beene established: for, since that time, Eng∣land [ A] was never any whit afraid of the Danes. And William verily betooke himselfe wholly to the defence and maintenance of his Imperiall dignitie, and to governe the state by excellent lawes. For, as Gervase of Tilburie writeth; When the renowned Con∣queror of England King William, had subdued the farther coasts of this Island, under his do∣minion, and throughly tamed the stomacks and hearts of rebels by terrible examples, lest that from thenceforth they should licentiously run into errour and commit trespasse, he determined to reduce his subjects under the obedience of positive, and written Lawes. Having therefore all the lawes of England laid before him, according to the Tripartite Division, whereby they [ B] were distinguished, that is to say, Merchenlag, Denelag, and Westsex-enlag, when hee had rejected some of them, and allowed of others, he adjoyned thereto those Lawes of * 1.802 Neustria beyond the seas, which seemed most effectuall to preserve the peace of his Kingdome. After∣wards, as mine Author Ingulphus saith, who flourished in those daies, He commanded every Inhabitant of England to doe him homage, and to sweare fealtie to him against all men: He tooke the survey and description of the whole Land, neither was there an Hide of Eng∣land through, but he knew both the value, and the owner thereof; there was neither plash nor place, but set it was in the Kings Roll: and the rent, revenue, and profit thereof, the very te∣nure of possession, and possessour himselfe was made knowne to the King, according to the credit and true relation of certaine Taxers, who being chosen out of every country, did put downe in writing the territorie properly belonging thereto. And this Roll was called, the [ C] Roll of Winchester, and by the Englishmen (for the generalitie thereof, because it contained fully and exactly, all the tenements of the whole Land) named, Domesday. I have beene more willing to make mention of this booke, because it is to be cited & alleaged often times hereafter: which booke also, it pleaseth me to name, Gulielmi librum Censualem, that is,* 1.803 The Tax-booke of William: Angliae Notitiam, that is, The Notice of England: Angliae commentarios Censuales, that is, The Taxe Register, or Sessing booke of England: and Angliae Lustrum, that is, the Survey of England.

But whereas Polydore Virgill writeth, how William that Conqueror, first brought in the Triall or Iudgement of * 1.804 twelve men, there is nothing more untrue. For, [ D] most certaine it is, and apparant by the lawes of Etheldred, that it was in use many yeares before. Neither hath he any cause to terme it a terrible Iudgement. For these 12. free-borne and lawfull men, are duely by order empannelled, and called forth of the Neighbourhood; these are bound by oath to pronounce and, deliver up their Verdict, * 1.805 de facto: they heare the counsell pleading in courts on both sides before the Bench or Tri∣bunall, and the disposition of witnesses: then taking with them the evidences of both parties, they are shut up together; and kept from meat, drinke, and fire, (unlesse haply some one of them be in danger of death thereby) so long untill, they be all agreed of the fact: which when they have pronounced before the Judge, hee, according to right and law giveth his definitive sentence. For, this manner of triall our most sage and wise Ancestours have thought the best to finde out the truth, to avoid corruption, and cut off all partialitie [ E] and affections.

Now,* 1.806 as touching martiall prowesse, how much the Normans excelled therein, let others tell: this may suffice for me to have said thus much, that being planted among most warlike nations, they alwaies saved themseves, not by obsequious basenesse, but by force of armes, and founded most noble Kingdomes in England, and Sicilie. For Tancrede, nephew unto Richard the second of that name, Duke of Normandie, and his posteritie, atchieved brave exploits in Italie, and having compelled the Sara∣zens to flie out of Sicilie, erected a Kingdome there. Whereupon the Sicilian Hi∣storiographer doth freely acknowledge, that the Sicilians are beholden unto the Normans, for that themselves remaine still in their native soile, live in freedome, and [ F] continue Christians.* 1.807 Likewise in the holy Land their martiall prowesse hath been seen with singular commendation. Hence it is also, that Roger Hoveden writeth in these termes; Bold France having made triall once of the Normans warfare, durst not peepe out: Fierce England being conquered, yielded as captive unto them: Rich Apulia falling to the lot of their possession flourished a fresh: Famous Ierusalem, and renowned Antioch were both

subdued by them. And ever since their comming, England as well for martiall honour [ A] as civill behaviour, hath among the most flourishing Kingdomes of Christendome flourished with the best. In so much, as Englishmen were picked forth to guard the person of the Emperours of Constantinople. For, John the son of Alexius Come∣nus, (as our writer of Malmesburie reporteth) having their fidelitie in great esteeme, ap∣plied himselfe especially to their familiaritie, commending their love unto his son after him: and a long time since, they were the Yeomen of the said Emperours guard, called by Nice∣tes Choniata, Inglini Bipenniferj, that is, English Halberdiers or Bill men, and by Cu∣ropalata, Barangi. These attended upon the Emperour in every place, carrying Polaxes or Halberds upon their shoulders: which they tooke up, and held upright whensoever the Em∣perour [ B] shewed himselfe from out his Closet, and knocking then their Halberds one a∣gainst another to make a clattering noise,* 1.808 they in the English tongue, praied for his long life. As for that blot wherewith Chalcondilas hath besmutted our nation, for having wives in common, the truth it selfe washeth it cleane away, and represseth the overlashing vanitie of the Grecian. For, as saith that most learned man, and my singular good friend Ortelius in this very matter, those things be not alwaies true, which by every one are given out of all whatsoever. Well, these are the nations that seated them∣selves in Britaine, whereof remaine the Britans, Saxons, or English men, and Nor∣mans intermingled with them: the Scots also in the North: whereupon came the two Kingdomes in this Island, to wit, England and Scotland, long time divided, but most happily now in the most mightie Prince King Iames, under one Imperiall Dia∣deme [ C] conjoyned and united.

Touching the Flemings, which flocked hither foure hundred yeares since, and by permission of the Kings, received a place in Wales to inhabit, it is not requisite to speake of them now,* 1.809 elsewhere I will treat of that matter. But let us conclude this argument with Seneca. By these, it is manifest that nothing hath continued in the same place,* 1.810 wherein it had the first beginning. There is a daily stirring and mooving to and fro of mankind: some change or other there is every day in so great a revolution of this world. New foundations of Cities are laid: New names of nations spring up, whereas the old are either growne out of use, or altered by the comming in of a mightier. And considering that all these nations which have broken into Britaine, were Northern as all the rest, [ D] which about the same time over-ranne all Europe, and afterwards Asia; most truely from the authoritie of holy Scripture,* 1.811 wrote Nicephorus, Like as terrors oftentimes are sent from heaven by God upon men, as lightning, fire, and tempestuous showers; oftentimes from the earth, as open gapings of the ground, and Earthquakes; often from the aire, as whirlewinds and extraordinarie stormes: so, these terrours of the Northerne and Hypor∣borean parts, God keepeth by him in store, to send them forth for some punishment, when, and among whom, it pleaseth him in his divine providence.

THE DIVISION OF BRITAINE. [ E]

* 1.812NOw let us addresse our selves to the Division of Britaine. Countries are divided by Geographers, either Naturally, according to the course of ri∣vers, and interpose of mountaines: or Nationally, according as the people inhabite them: or Diversly and Civilly, according to the wils and juris∣diction of Princes. But forasmuch as wee shall treat here and there throughout the whole worke, of the first and second kinds, that third (which is civill and politike) seemeth properly pertinent to this place. Which yet is overcast with so darke a mist, through the iniquitie of former times, that much easier it is in this case to confute what is false, than to find out the truth. [ F]

Our Historiographers will needs have that division of Britaine to be most ancient, whereby they divide it into Loegria, Cambria, and Albania, that is, to speake more plainely, into England, Wales, and Scotland. But I would think this division to be of a newer and later edition, both because it is threefold; for it seemeth to have risen of

[ A] those three sorts of people, English, Welch, and Scotish, which last of all parted the Island among themselves: and also for that such a partition is no where extant in ap∣proved Authors before our Geffery of Monmouth. For, the fable, (as the Criticks of our age doe thinke) could not hang well together, unlesse he the said Geffrey had de∣vised three sonnes of Brutus, to wit, Locrine, Camber, and Albanact, because so many Nations flourished heere when he lived. Neither make they doubt, but hee would have found out more children of Brutus, if there had beene more nations distinct at the same time in Britaine.

The most ancient division of Britaine in the opinion of many learned men is that, [ B] which is found in Ptolomee, in the second booke of * 1.813 Mathematicall Construction, where he threatneth the Parallels: namely, into Britaine the GREAT, and the LESSE. But by their leave,* 1.814 as great learned men as they be, they themselves shal see, if it please them to examine throughly and exactly in that place, the proportion of distance from the Aequator, and compare the same with his Geographicall Descriptions, that hee calleth this our Island there, Britaine the GREAT, and Ireland, Britaine the LESSE. Howbeit some of our later writers named the hither part of this Island to∣ward the South, GREAT, and that farther part Northward, the LESSE: the Inhabi∣tants whereof in times past, were distinguished into MAIATAE, and CALEDONII, that is to say, into the habitation of the Champian, or Plaines, and the Mountainers: as now, the Scots are divided into Hechtlandmen, and Lawlandmen. But for as much [ C] as the Romans cared not for that farther tract, because (as Appian saith, it could not be profitable for them nor fruitfull; having set downe their bounds not farre from Edenburgh,* 1.815 at the first they made this hither part reduced already into a Province, two-fold, to wit, the LOVVER, and the HIGHER, as it is gathered out of Dio. For, the hither or neerer part of England, together with Wales, he termeth the HIGHER, the farther and Northern part the LOVVER. Which thing the very seats, and abi∣ding places of the Legions in Dio do prove. The second Legion Augusta, ich kept at Caerleon in Wales, and the twentieth surnamed Victrix, which remained at Chester or Deva, he placeth in the Higher Britaine: but the Sixth Legion Victrix, that was resident at Yorke, served, as he writeth, in the Lower Britaine. This division I would suppose, [ D] was made by the Emperour Severus, because Herodian reporteth, that hee after hee had vanquished Albinus Generall of the British forces, who had usurped the Empire, and therewith reformed, and set in order the State of Britain, divided the government of the Province in two parts, betweene two Prefects, or Governours.

After this, the Romans did set out the Province of Britaine into three parts, as is to be seen out of a manuscript of Sextus Rufus:* 1.816 namely, into MAXIMA CAESARI∣ENSIS, BRITANNIA PRIMA, and BRITANNIA SECVNDA. Which, I take it, I have found out by the Bishops, and their ancient Diocesses. Lucius the Pope, in Gratian,* 1.817 insinuateth thus much, that the Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictions of the Christi∣ans, followed the Iurisdictions of the Roman Magistrates, and that Archbishops had [ E] their Seas in those cities, wherein the Romane Presidents in times past made their a∣bode. The Cities and places (saith he) in which Primats ought to sit and rule, were appointed not by the Moderne, but long before the comming of Christ: to the Primats of which Cities &c. the Gentile also appealed in matters of greater importance. And in those verie cities after Christs comming, the Apostles and their Successors placed Patriarks, or Primats, unto whom the affaires of the Bishops, and greater causes ought to be preferred. Whereas therefore, Bri∣taine had in old time three Archbishops, to wit, of London, of Yorke, and Caerleon in Southwales, I suppose, that the Province which now we call of Canterburie, (for thither the Sea of London was translated) made BRITANNIA PRIMA: Wales un∣der the * 1.818 Citie of Caer Leon, was BRITANNIA SECVNDA: and the Province of York, [ F] which then reached unto the Limit or Borders, made MAXIMAA CAESARIENSIS.

In the age next ensuing, when the forme of the Roman Empire was daily chan∣ging, either through ambition, that more men might attaine to places of honour, or the warie forecast of the Emperours, that the power of their Presidents which grew over great might be taken downe and abridged, they divided Britaine into five parts,

to wit, BRITANNIA PRIMA, SECVNDA, MAXIMA CAESARIENSIS, VALENTIA & FLAVIA CAESARIENSIS.* 1.819 VALENTIA seemeth to have been the northerly part of [ A] Maxi•••• Caesariensis, which being usurped and held by the Picts and Scots, Theodo∣sius Generall under Valens the Emperour recovered out their hands, and in honour of him named it Valentia, which Marcellinus sheweth more plainly in these words▪ The Province now recovered,* 1.820 which was fallen into the enemies hands, he restored to the for∣mer state, in such sort, as by his own procuring it had both a lawful governor, & was also after∣wards called, VALENTIA, at the pleasure of the Prince. Now that the son of this Theodo∣sius, (who being created Emperour was named Flavius Theodosius, and altered very many things in the Empire) added Flavia, we may very wel conjecture, for that before [ B] the time of this Flavius wee read no where of BRITANNIA FLAVIA. Wherefore to make up this matter in few words, All the south coast which of one side lieth between the British sea, and the river Thames with the Severn sea on the other side, was called BRITANNIA PRIMA. BRITANNIA SECVNDA, was that which now is Wales. FLAVIA CAESARIENSIS, reacheth from Thames to Humber. MAXIMA CAESARIENSIS, from Humber to the river of Tine, or the wall of Severus. VALENTIA from Tine to the wall or rampier neere Edenburgh, which the Scots call Gramesdike, and was the utmost limit of the Roman Empire in this Island, when this last division was in use.

And now I cannot chuse but note some want of judgement in certaine men, who otherwise being very learned, doe reckon Scotland in this account, which some of [ C] them make to have beene Maxima Caesariensis, and others, Britannia Secunda: As if (forsooth) the Romans neglected not that part of the Island, lying under a cold cli∣mate, and reckoned here those Provinces onely, which they governed by Consular Lieutenants, and Presidents: for Maxima Caesariensis, and Valentia were ruled by Con∣sular Lieutenants; Britannia Prima, Secunda, and Flavia, by Presidents.

Now if any man would have me render a reason of this my division, and accuse me as a false bounderer and surveior, let him heare in briefe, what hath induced mee to this opinion. Having observed thus much, that the Romans alwaies called those Pro∣vinces PRIMAS, which lay nighest to Rome: as Germania Prima, Belgica Prima, Lug∣dunensis Prima, Aquitania Prima, Panninia Prima; all which lay neerer to Rome, than those that were named, Secundae: and that these Primae, were by the finer sort of wri∣ters, [ D] termed Superiores, or higher: the Secundae, Inferiores, or Lower: I resolved, that the South-part of our Island, and neerer to Rome, was Britannia Prima. By the same reason seeing the Provinces Secundae (as they call them) were more remote from Rome, I sup∣posed Wales was the Britannia Secunda. Moreover, having noted this also, that in the decaying State of their Empire, those Provinces onely had Consular Magistrates, which lay against the enemies, not onely in Gaule, but also in Africke, as appeareth in the booke of Notices: also, that in the said Booke, Valentia with us, and Maxima Caesa∣riensis be accounted Consular Provinces; I have judged them being next and exposed to the Scots and Picts, to lie in those places which I have spoken of. I can doe no o∣ther but guesse, that Flavia Caesariensis here, was in the midst betweene them all, and [ E] in the very heart of England: and so much the more confidently, because that ancient writer Giraldus Cambrensis, is just of the same opinion with me. And thus much of the Divisions of Britaine under the Romans.

Afterwards, when the Barbarians made invasion on every side, and civill war daily increased among the Britans, the Island, as bereft of all life and vigour, lay for a time languishing and forlorne, without any shew at all of government. But at length that part which inclineth to the North became two Kingdomes, to wit, of the Scots and the Picts, and the Romans Pentarchie, or five portions, in this hither part became in processe of time the Heptarchie, or seven Kingdomes, of the Saxons. For, they divi∣ded the whole Province of the Romans, (setting Wales aside, which the remnant of [ F] Britans possessed) into seven Kingdomes, that is to say, Kent, Southsex, East-England, Westsex,* 1.821 Northumberland, Eastsex, and Mercia.

But what this Heptarchie of the English-Saxons was, and what their names were in those daies, in this chorographical table here adjoyned you may (if you please) behold.

Considering that in a Chorographicall Table or Map, by reason of so narrow a roome, those Regions or Counties which these Kingdomes contained, could not well and handsomely bee described: In this other Table heere, rather than by heaping many words together, I thinke good to propose, and set downe the same, that the Reader may once for all have a view of them.

The Sax∣ons Hep∣tarchie.

[ B] [ C]

• 1 The Kingdome of KENT con∣tained the Coun∣tie of Kent.
• 2 The Kingdom of SVSSEX, or Southern Saxons, contained the Coun∣ties of Suthsex. Suthrey.
• 3 The Kingdome of EAST-ENGLAND, or East-Angles, contained the Coun∣ties of
  • ...Norfolke.
  • ...Suthfolke.
  • Cambridge shire, with the Isle of Ely.
• 4 The Kingdome of WEST∣SEX, or West-Angles, con∣tained the Coun∣ties of
  • ...Cornwall.
  • ...Devonshire.
  • ...Dorsetshire.
  • ...Somersetshire.
  • ...Wiltshire.
  • ...Southampton.
  • ...Berkshire.
• [ D] 5 The Kingdome of NORT∣HVMBERLAND, contained the Coun∣ties of
  • ...Lancaster.
  • ...Yorke.
  • ...Durham.
  • ...Cumberland.
  • ...Westmorland.
  • Northumberland, and the Countries of Scotland to Edenburgh-frith.
• 6 The Kingdome of EAST∣SEX, or East-Saxons, con∣tained the Coun∣ties of
  • ...Essex.
  • Middlesex, and part of Hertfordshire.
• 7 The Kingdome of MERCIA, contained the Coun∣ties of
  • ... [ E] Glocester shire.
  • ...Herefordshire.
  • ...Worcestershire.
  • ...Warwickshire.
  • ...Leicestershire.
  • ...Rotlandshire.
  • ...Northamptonshire.
  • ...Lincolneshire.
  • ...Huntingdonshire.
  • ...Bedfordshire.
  • ...Buckinghamshire.
  • ...Oxenfordshire.
  • ... [ E] Staffordshire.
  • ...Derbieshire.
  • ...Salop or Shropshire.
  • ...Nottinghamshire.
  • ...Chester, or Cheshire.
  • The other part of Hertford¦shire.

YEt was not England when the Heptarchie flourished, thus divided into Coun∣ties, [ A] for so they be commonly called,* 1.822 but into certaine small regions with their Hides, which out of an old fragment that I had of Francis Tate a gentleman, most conversant in the Antiquitie of our Law, I have heere put downe. But it containeth that country onely, which lieth on this side Humber.

• Myrcna containeth 30000. * 1.823 Hides.
• Woken-setna 7000. hides.
• Westerna 7000. hides.
• Pec-setna 1200. hides.
• Elmed-setna 600. hides.
• Lindes-farona 7000. hides.
• Suth-Gyrwa 600. hides.
• North-Gyrwa 600. hides.
• East-Wixna 300. hides.
• West-Wixna 600. hides.
• Spalda 600. hides.
• Wigesta 900. hides.
• Herefinna 1200. hides.
• Sweordora 300. hides.
• Eyfla 300. hides.
• Wicca 300. hides.
• Wight-gora 600, hides.
• Nox gaga 5000. hides.
• Oht gaga 2000. hides.
• Hwynca 7000. hides.
• Ciltern-setna 4000. hides.
• Hendrica 3000. hides. [ B]
• Vnecung-ga 1200. hides.
• Aroseatna 600. hides.
• Fearfinga 300. hides.
• Belmiga 600. hides.
• Witherigga 600. hides.
• East-willa 600. hides.
• West-willa 600. hides.
• East-Engle 30000. hides.
• East-Sexena 7000. hides.
• Cant-warena 15000. hides. [ C]
• Suth-Sexena 7000. hides.
• West-Sexena 100000. hides.

Although some of these names may at the first sight be discovered, yet others of them a man shall hardly picke out although hee studie upon them: and they require one I professe it, of much sharper wit and quicker insight than my selfe, to guesse what they should meane.

* 1.824Afterwards, when Aelfred was sole Monarch, like as the Germans our ancestors, as Tacitus witnesseth, kept courts and ministred justice in every Territorie and town, [ D] and had a Hundred men out of the the Common people as companions and assistants to per∣forme this function: even so, to use the words of ingulphus of Crowland, He first divided England into Counties, for that the neighbour Inhabitants after the example, and under co∣lour of the Danes committed outrages and robberies. Besides, hee caused the Counties to be parted into Centuries,* 1.825 that is Hundreds, and Decimes, that is Tithings: and command∣ded withall that every Homeling or naturall Inhabitant should bee in some one Hundred and Tithing. Hee divided also the governours of the Provinces, who before were called Vice-Domini, that is, Vice-Lords, into two offices, to wit, Iudges, now Iustices, and Vice-Comites, that is, Sheriffes, which still retaine the same name. By whose care and industrie, peace so much flourished within short space through the whole Province, that had a way-fa∣ring [ E] man let fall in the fields or common highwaies, a summe of money, how great soever it had beene, if he returned thither the next morning or a moneth after he might bee sure to see it there safe and untouched. Which our Historiographer of Malmesburie will de∣clare unto you more at large. By occasion, saith he, and example of the Barbarians, that is, Danes, the proper and naturall Inhabitants also were very greedy of spoile, so that no man could passe to and fro in safety, without weapons for his defence. Aelfred therefore or∣dained Centuries, which they terme Hundreds, and Decimes, which they call Tithings, that every English m living under law, as a liege subject, should bee within one Hundred and Tithing, or another. And if a man were accused of any transgression, hee should bring in straightwaies some one out of the same Hundred and Tithing, that would bee bound for his [ F] appearance to answer the law; but he that could not find such a surety, should abide the se∣verity of the Lawes. But in case any man standing thus accused, either before or after sure∣tiship, fled, then all that Hundred and Tithing, incurred a mulct or fine to bee imposed by the King. By this device he brought peace into the Country, so as along the common causies and highwaies where they crossed one another, he commanded bracelets of gold to be hanged up,

[ A] to delude the greedinesse of passengers,* 1.826 whiles there was no man that durst take thē away. But these Hundreds be in some places of the realme called Wapentaches: if you would know the reason therof, I wil tel you it out of the laws of Edward the Confessor. When a man received the government of a Wapentach, upon a certaine day appointed in the place where they were wont to assemble, all the elder sort met together and expected him: and as hee a∣lighted from his horse, rose up unto him and did him reverence. Then he, setting his speare upright, received of them all, according to the custome, a covenant of Association. For, as many as came, with their speares touched his speare, and thus they assured themselves by touching of weapons, in peaceable manner. For, armes in English they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is as much as to confirme or establish: as if this were a comfirmation of weapons: or, [ B] to speak more significantly and expresly according to the English tongue, Wepentac, is the touching of weapons. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 soundeth as much, as armes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is touching. There were besides, other governments and jurisdictions above Wepantaches which they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for that this was the third part of a Province. And the rulers over those were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Before these officers were brought those causes that could not be de∣termined, in the Wapentachs. And so, that which the Englishmen named a Hundred, these termed a Wapentach. And that which in English they called three or foure Hundreds, these named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Howbeit in some Provinces they called that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which these terme Trihing:* 1.827 and that which could not be decided and ended in a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was brought into the Schyre.

[ C] These Counties which you may properly and in Latine call,* 1.828 either Conventus or Pagos, we by a peculiar terme name Shires, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Saxon word, which signifieth, to part or divide: and at the first division, were there in all but thirtie two. For, in the yeare after Christs nativitie 1016. whiles Etheldred raigned, the Chronicle of Mal∣mesburie reporteth there was no more: For, thus writeth hee in the life of the said Etheldred. The Danes at this time when there bee reckoned in England thirty two Shires, invaded 16. of them. And in those daies, according to the varietie of lawes these counties or shires were divided.* 1.829 For the lawes of England were distinguished into three sorts: to wit, those of the West-Saxons which they called West-Saxenlage: those of the Danes, named Denelage, and those of the Mercians, termed Merchenlage. [ D] To the law of the West-Saxons belonged nine counties, to wit, Kent, Sussex, Suthrie, Berkshire, Hantshire or Southampton, Wiltshire, Sommersetshire, Dorsetshire, and Den∣shire. To the Danes law appertained 15.* 1.830 Counties, namely, Yorkeshire, Darbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Essex, Middlesex, Northfolk, Suffolk, Cam∣bridgeshire, Huntingdonshire. The eight remaining, followed the law of the Merci∣ans: there were, Glocestershire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Warwickshire, Ox∣enfordshire, Cheshire, Salop or Shropshire, and Staffordshire. But when William the First made a survey and taxed this Kingdome, there were reckoned, as wee reade in Polychronicon, xxxvj. shires or counties: and yet the publike * 1.831 record, in which [ E] he engrossed and registred this survey and taxe, doe make mention of 34. onely. For, Durham, Lancashire, Northumberland, Westmorland, and Comberland were not comprised in that number, because these three last were then subject to the Scots, as some will have it, and those other two were either free from paiments and taxes, or comprehended under Yorkshire: but being afterwards added to the rest they made up in all,* 1.832 the number of 39. shires, which we have at this day. Unto which are adjoy∣ned since 13. more in Wales: whereof sixe were in the time of Edward the First, the rest Henry the Eighth ordained by Parliamentarie authoritie.

In these Shires there is appointed in troublesome times by the Prince, a Prefect or [ F] Deputie under the King, whom they call a Lieutenant, to see that the Common∣weale sustaine no hurt. The first Institution of this Lieutenant, as it may seeme, is to be fetched from King Aelfred, who appointed in every Countie certaine Custodes or Keepers of the Kingdome: whom Henry the Third afterward did set up and restore againe, naming them Capitaines. For hee in the fiftieth yeare of his raigne, Held a Parliament as Iohn * 1.833 of London writeth, wherein this wholesome ordinance was enacted,

that in every Countie there should be made at the Kings charge, one Captaine, who with the [ A] helpe of the Sheriffe should restraine the cruel and outragious robbers & theeves from stealth and rapine. Many therefore being frighted with this terrour gave over, and so the Kings power began to breath againe and revive. With good forecast this was done verily by this Prince: but whether Canutus the Dane did more wisely, who in his Monarchie erected a Tetrarchie, let our Politicians and Statists dispute. For he, (Hermandus the Archdeacon is mine Author) being a prudent Prince,* 1.834 and watchfull every way, dividing the care of his Kingdome into foure parts, ordained Tetrarchs, such as hee had found to bee most faithfull and trusty. The charge of the greatest portion, to wit, Westsex, hee tooke upon himselfe; of * 1.835 Mircha, which was the second portion, he committed to one Edrich; the third, [ B] usually called Northumbre, to Yrtus, and to Turkil Earle of East-Englan, the fourth; which flowed in plenty and abundance of all wealth. For this instruction I am beholden to the diligence of Francis Thinn, a man, who with exceeding great commendation hath travelled very much in this Studie of Antiquities.

* 1.836Now every yeare, some one of the Gentlemen Inhabitants, is made ruler of the countie wherein he dwelleth, whom we call in Latin Vicecomitem, as one would say, the Deputie of the Comes or Earle, and in our tongue Sheriffe, that is, the Reeve of the shire, who also may well be termed the Treasurer of the Shire or Province. For, it is his dutie, to gather the common monies and profits of the Prince in his Countie, to col∣lect and bring into the Exchequer all fines imposed, even by distreining: to be atten∣dant [ C] upon the Judges, and to execute their commandements: to assemble and em∣panell the twelue men which in causes do enquire of the fact,* 1.837 and make relation ther∣of and give in their verdict to the Judges (for Judges with us sit upon the right onely of a cause and not upon the fact) to see condemned persons executed, and to examine and determine certaine smaller actions.* 1.838 Moreover, there bee ordained in everie Shire, and that by the institution of Edward the Third, certaine Justices of peace, who exa∣mine Murders, Felonies, and Trespasses, as they cal them, yea and many other delinquen∣ces. Furthermore, the King sendeth yearely into every Shire of England two Justices, to give Judgement of prisoners,* 1.839 and that I may use the Lawyers terme, to deliver the Goale. Of whom, more heereafter in the Treatise of Iudiciall courts and Iudgment seats. [ D]

As touching Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction, when the Bishops of Rome had assigned severall Churches to severall Priests,* 1.840 and laid parishes unto them, Honorius Arch∣bishop of Canterburie, about the yeare of our Redemption 636. began first to diuide England into parishes, as wee reade in the Historie of Canterburie. But now hath England two provinces, and accordingly two Archbishops: to wit, the Archbishop of Canterburie Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and the Archbishop of Yorke.* 1.841 Vnder these are twenty five Bishops: to the Archbishop of Canterburie are subject twentie two, to the Archbishop of Yorke, the other three. Now what Bi∣shoprickes these be, with the shires and Diocesses that are at this day under their ju∣risdiction, that godly, and right reverend father Matthew Parker, [late] Archbishop [ E] of Canterburie, a man very studious and skilfull in antiquitie, and a worthy Patron of good learning, sheweth in these his owne words.

IN THE PROVINCE OF CANTERBVRIE.

THe Bishopricke of Canterburie together with that of Rochester containeth un∣der it Kent it selfe. The Bishopricke of London hath under it Essex, Middlesex, & part of Hertfordshire. The Bishoprick of Chichester hath belonging unto it Sussex. The Bishoprick of Winchester compriseth Southhampton shire, Surry, and the Isle of Wight, Gernsey also and Iersey, Islands lying against Normandy. The Bishoprick of [ F] Salisburie, cōprehendeth Wiltshire and Berkshire. The Bishoprick of Excester contai∣neth Denshire and Cornwall. The Bishoprick of Bath and Wels joined together, hath under it Sommersetshire: The Bishoprick of Glocester hath belonging to it Glocester∣shire. To the Bishoprick of Worcester, is subject Worcestershire & part of Warwick∣shire. To the Bishoprick of Hereford, Herefordshire & part of Salop or Shropshire. The

[ A] Bishopricke of Coventrie and Lichfield joyned together, have under it, Staffordshire, Derbishire and the other part of Warwickshire, as also that part of Shropshire which lieth toward the river Repil. Then, the Bishoprick of Lincolnshire, which of all other is the greatest, is bounded with Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Huntingdonshire, Bed∣fordshire, Buckinghamshire, and the other part of Hertfordshire. To the Bishoprick of Ely pertaine Cambridgeshire, and the Isle it selfe of Elie. Vnder the Bishopricke of Norwich is Norfolke and Suffolke. The Bishopricke of Oxenford hath under it Oxenfordshire. The Bishopricke of Peterborough compriseth Northamptonshire and Rutlandshire. Under the Bishopricke of Bristoll, is Dorsetshire. Vnto which [ B] eighteene Diocesses in England, are to be added those of Wales, which are both bereft of their owne peculiar Archbishopricke, and made also fewer in number; seven be∣ing brought scarce to foure: to wit, the Bishopricke of Meneva, having the seat at Saint Davids, the Bishopricke of Landaffe; the Bishopricke of Bangor, and the Bi∣shopricke of Saint Assaph.

IN THE PROVINCE OF YORKE.

[ C] THe Bishopricke of Yorke comprehendeth Yorkeshire it selfe, and Nottingham∣shire. The Bishopricke of Chester containeth, Cheshire, Richmondshire, Lan∣cashire, part of Cumberland, of Flintshire, and of Denbishire. The Bishopricke of Durham, hath Durham it selfe under it, and Northumberland. The Bishopricke of Carleil containeth within it part of Cumberland, and the Country of Westmer∣land. To these you may adde, the Bishopricke of Sodor, in the Isle of Mona, which commonly is called Man. Among these, the Archbishop of Canterburie hath the first place: the Archbishop of Yorke the second: the Bishop of London the third: the Bishop of Durham the fourth: the Bishop of Winchester the fifth: the rest as they are consecrated or enstalled first, so in prioritie they take the place. Howbeit, [ D] if any of the other Bishops happen to be Secretary to the King, hee challengeth by his right the fift place. Besides, there are in England Deaneries xxvj. whereof thir∣teene were ordained by Henrie the Eighth in the greater Cathedrall Churches after the Monks were thrust out. Archdeaconries three skore: Dignities and Prebends five hundred fortie foure.

Numbred also there are parish-churches under Bishops, 9284: of which 3845, be Appropriat, as I find in a Catalogue exhibited unto King Iames, which here I have put downe underneath. Now, Appropriat Churches those are called, which by the Popes authority comming betweene, with consent of the King and the Bishop of the Dio∣cesse were upon certaine conditions tied, or as the forme runneth, of our Law, united, [ E] annexed, and incorporate for ever, unto Monasteries, Bishopricks, Colledges and Hospi∣tals, endowed with small lands, either for that the said Churches were built with in their Lordships and lands, or granted by the Lords of the said lands. Which Chur∣ches afterwards when the Abbaies and Monasteries were suppressed, became Laye Fees, to the great dammage of the Church.

	DIOECESES.	Parish-Churches.	Churches [ A] appropriated
	Of Canterburie.	257	140
	Of London.	623	189
	Of Winchester.	362	131
	Of Coventrie and Lichfield.	557	250
	Of Sarisburie.	248	109 [ B]
	Of Bath and Wels.	388	160
	Of Lincoln.	1255	577
	Of Peter-burgh.	293	91
	Of Exceter.	604	239
	Of Glocester.	267	125
In the Province of Canter∣burie in the Diocesse,	Of Hereford.	313	166 [ C]
	Of Norwich.	1121	385
	Of Elie.	141	75
	Of Rochester.	98	36
	Of Chichester.	250	112
	Of Oxford,	195	88
	Of Worcester.	241	76
	Of Bristoll.	236	64 [ D]
	Of S. Davids.	308	120
	Of Bangor.	107	36
	Of Lhandaffe.	177	98
	Of S. Asaph.	121	19
	Peculiar, in the Province of Canterburie.	57	14
	The summe of the Province of Canterburie.	8••19	3303 [ E]
	Of Yorke.	581	336
	Of Durham.	135	87
In the Province of Yorke,	Of Chester.	256	101
Of Carlile.	93	18
	The summe of the Province of Yorke.	1065	592 [ F]
	The totall Summe in both Provinces	9284	3845

Howbeit, in the booke of Thomas Wolsey Cardinall, digested and written in

[ A] The yeere 1520. by Counties are reckoned, 9407. Churches. How this varietie should come, I cannot say, unlesse that in the former age some Churches were pulled downe, and the Chappels which belong unto Parishes be omitted, and others that are but bare Chappels, counted in the number of Parish-churches. Yet, out of this booke of Wolsey, have I put downe the number of Parish-churches to every Shire.

There were also, in the reigne of Henrie the Eight (I hope without offence I may speake the truth) many religious places, Monuments of our fore-fathers pietie and de∣votion, to the honor of God, the propagation of Christian faith and good learning, and also for the reliefe and maintenance of the poore and impotent,* 1.842 to wit, Monasteries or [ B] Abbaies, and Priories, to the number of 645: of which when by permission of Pope Clement the seventh, fortie were suppressed by Cardinall Wolseies meanes, who then had begun to found two Colledges, one at Oxenford, the other at Ipswich: straight waies, about the xxxvj. yeere of the reigne of the said Henrie the Eight, a sudden floud (as it were) breaking thorow the banks with a maine streame, fell upon the Ecclesiasti∣call State of England; which whiles the world stood amazed, and England groned thereat, bare downe and utterly overthrew the greatest part of the Clergie, together with their most goodly and beautifull houses. For, that leave which the Pope granted to the Cardinall; the King with assent of the Parliament tooke to himselfe. Where∣upon, in the yeere of our Lord, 1536. all religious houses every one, together with all [ C] their livings and revenewes, as many I meane as might dispend by yeerely rent 200. pound or under, (and those amounted to the number of 376) were granted to the King. And in the yeere next following, under a faire pretence and shew of rooting out super∣stition, all the rest,* 1.843 together with Colledges, Chanteries and Hospitals were left to the dispose and pleasure of the King. At which time, the religious houses remaining, in number 605. were surveied, valued or taxed. Colledges there were, besides those in the Vniversities, 90. Hospitals 110. Chan••eries and free Chappels 2374. All which for the most part, shortly after were every where pulled downe, their revenues sold and made away, & those goods & riches which the Christian pietie of the English na∣tion [ D] had consecrated unto God, since they first professed Christianity were in a mo∣ment as it were dispersed, and (to the displeasure of no man be it spoken) prophaned.

THE STATES AND DEGREES of England.

AS touching the division of our Common-wealth, it consisteth, of a King or Monarch, Noblemen or Gentry, Citizens, Free-borne, whom we call, Yeomen, and Artisans or Handicraftsmen.

[ E] THE KING,* 1.844 whom our ancestors [the English-Saxons] called Coning and Gynin••, (in which name is implied a significa∣tion both of power and skill) and wee name contractly, King, hath soveraigne power and absolute command among us, neither holdeth he his Empire in vassalage, not receiveth his investure or c••stalling of another, ••e yet acknowledgeth any superiour but God alone: and as one said, All verily are un∣der him, and himselfe under none, but God onely▪ Also, he hath very many rights of Ma∣jestie peculiar to himselfe, (the learned Lawyers terme them, Sacra sacrorum, that is Sa∣cred, and Individua; that is, inseparable, because they cannot be severed: and the com∣mon sort Royall prerogatives) which they to me,* 1.845 The flowers of his Crowne, in which re∣spect they affirme that the regall materiall Crowne is adorned with flowers. Some of these, [ F] are by positive or written law; others, by right of custome, which by a silent consent of all men without law, prescription of ••ime hath allowed, the King justly enjoieth: and most deservedly; considering that His watchfull care defendeth the state of all, his painfull labour maintaineth the rest of all,* 1.846 his spadious industry upholdeth the de••ights of all, and his busie employment affordeth case to all. But these are points of a lo••••ier discourse, and not of the argument now in hand.

* 1.847The second or next to the King, is his first begotten sonne: who, like as among [ A] the Romans, the heire apparant, and assigned successour to the Empire, was first entitu∣led, Princeps Iuventutis, that is, Prince of the youth; and afterwards (as flatterie did in∣crease) stiled by the name of Caesar,* 1.848 Noble Caesar, and the * 1.849 most Noble: so, with our Ancestors the English-Saxons, hee was named in their tongue, Aetheling, that is, No∣ble, and in Latine Clito, of the Greeke word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Glorious or Excellent (see how that age affected the Greeke Language.) And hereupon, of that Eadgar, the last heire male of the English bloud royall, this old said saw is yet rife in every mans mouth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And in the ancient latine Patents and Char∣ters of the Kings wee read often times, Ego E. vel Ae. Clyto, Regis filius: But this ad∣dition Clyto, I have observed to be given even to all the Kings sonnes. After the Nor∣man [ B] conquest, no certaine or speciall title of honour was assigned unto him, nor any other to my knowledge, than singly thus, The Kings sonne, and, The first begotten of the King of England, untill that Edward the first summoned unto the high Court of Par∣liament his sonne Edward, by the name of Prince of Wales, and Earle of Chester; unto whom he granted afterwards, the Dukedome also of Aquitain: like as the same Prince, being now King Edward the Second, called unto the Parliament his young sonne Ed∣ward, not full ten yeeres old, by the title of Earle of Chester, and of Flint. But the said Edward, having now attained to the Crowne, and being Edward the Third, created Edward his sonne, a most valiant and renowned man of warre, Duke of Cornwall. Since [ C] which time, the Kings first begotten sonne, is reputed * 1.850 Duke of Cornewall at the houre of his birth. And soone after, he adorned the same sonne by solemne investure and creation, with the title of Prince of Wales. And gave the Principality of Wales in these words, To be held of him and his heires Kings of England. And as the declared or e∣lect Successours of the Roman Empire, (as I said even now) were named Caesares, of the Greekish Empire, * 1.851 Despotae; of the Kingdome of France, Dolphins, and of Spaine, In∣fants: so from thence forward, the Heires apparant of the Kingdome of England, were entituled, Princes of Wales. And this title continued unto the daies of Henrie the Eight, when Wales was fully united to the Kingdome of England.

But now, whereas the Kingdomes of Britaine formerly divided, are by the happy good luck, and rightfull title of the most mighty Prince, King Iames growen into one; [ D] his Eldest sonne Henrie, the Lovely Ioy and Dearling of Britaine, is stiled, PRINCE OF GREAT BRITAINE: who, as he is borne thus to the greatest hopes, so all Britaine from one end to the other, prayeth uncessantly from the very heart, that God would vouchsafe to blesse him with the greatest vertues, and continuance of honour, that hee may by many degrees, and that most happily exceede our hope, surpasse the noble Acts of his Progenitours, yea, and outlive their yeeres. As for our Nobilitie, or Gentry, it is divided into Superiour, and Inferiour. The Superiour or chiefe No∣blemen we call, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, and Barons: which have received these titles from the Kings of this Realme for their Vertue and Prowesse.

* 1.852DVKE, is the chiefe title of honour among us next after PRINCE. This was a [ E] name at first of charge and office, and not of dignitie. About the time of Aelius Verus the Emperour, those who governed the Limits and Borders, were first named Duces, and this degree in the daies of Constantine was inferiour to that of Comites. After the Romane government was heere in this Iland abolished, this title also re¦mained as a name of office: and those among us, who in old Charters, during the Saxons time,* 1.853 are so many of them called Duces, were named in the English tongue onely Ealdermen: and the verie same, that were named Duces, they called also, * 1.854 Co∣mites. As for example, that William the Conquerour of England, whom most call Duke of Normandie, William of Malmsburie, termeth Comes, or Earle of Norman∣die. But, as well Duke as Earle, were names of charge and office, as appeareth by [ F] this Briefe or Instrument of creating a Duke or Earle, out of Marculphus an ancient Writer.

In this point especially is a Princes regall Clemencie fully commended, that thorow∣out the whole people there bee sought out honest and vigilant persons; neither is it meete to commit hand over head, unto every man a judiciarie Dignity, unlesse his faithfulnesse

[ A] and valour seeme to have beene tried before: seeing then therefore, we suppose that we have had good proofe of your trustie and profitable service unto us, wee have committed unto you the government of that Earledome, Dukedome, Senatourship, or Eldership in that Shire or Province, which your Predecessor untill this time seemed to have exercised, for to manage and rule the same accordingly. Provided alwaies, that you evermore keepe your faith un∣touched and untainted toward our Royall governance, and that all people there abiding may live, and be ruled under your regiment and governance, and that you order and direct them in the right course, according to law, and their owne customes: That you shew your selfe a Pro∣tector to widowes, and Guardian to Orphans: that the wickednesse of theeves and malefactors [ B] be most severely by you punished: that the people living well under your regiment, may with joy continue in peace quietly: and whatsoever by this very execution is looked for to arise, in profit due to the Exchequer bee brought yeerely by your selfe into our Coffers, and Treasurie.

This title of Duke, began to be a title of honour under Otho the Great, about the yeere 970. For hee, to bind more streitly, and neerer unto him, martiall and politike men, endowed them with Regalities and Roialties, as hee termed them.* 1.855 And these Roial∣ties were either Dignities, or Lands in fee. Dignities were these, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Capitaines, Valvasors, Valvasines. Later it was ere it came to bee an Hereditarie title in France: and not before the time of Philip the third King of France, who gran∣ted, that from thence forth, they should bee called, Dukes of Britaine, who before time [ C] were indifferently stiled, both Dukes and Earles. But in England, in the time of the Normans, seeing the Norman Kings themselves were Dukes of Normandie, for a great while they adorned none with this honour: nor before that Edward the Third created Edward his sonne, Duke of Cornwall, by a wreath upon his head, a ring on his finger,* 1.856 and a silver verge or rod: like as the Dukes of Normandie were in times past created by a Sword, and Banner delivered unto them: afterwards, by girding the Sword of the Dutchie, and a circlet of gold, garnished with little golden Roses in the top. And the same King Edward the Third, created in a Parliament his two sonnes, Lionel Duke of Cla∣rence, and Iohn Duke of Lancaster, by the girding of a Sword, and setting upon their heads a furred chapeau, or cap, with a circlet or Coronet of gold, pearle, and a Charter delivered un∣to [ D] them. From which time there have beene many hereditary Dukes among us, crea∣ted one after another, with these or such like words in their Charter or Patent: We give and grant the Name, Title, State, Stile, Place, Seat, Preheminence, Honour, Authoritie, and Dignitie of a Duke, to N. and by the cincture of a Sword, and imposition of a Cap and Coronet of gold upon his head, as also by delivering unto him a verge of gold, we doe really invest.

A MARQVESSE, that is, if you consider the very nature of the word, a Gover∣nour of the Marches,* 1.857 hath the next placec of honour, after a Duke. This Title came to us but of late daies, and was not bestowed upon any one, before the time of King Richard the Second: For, hee made his minion Robert Vere, who was highly in his [ E] favour, Marquesse of Dublin: and then it began with us to be a title of honour. F••r before time those that governed the Marches, were commonly called, Lord Marchers, and not Marquesses (as now we terme them. Henceforth they were created by the King, by cincture of the Sword, and the imposition of the Cap of honor and dignitie, with the Coronet, as also by delivery of a Charter or writing. Neither will I think it much to relate here, that which is found recorded in the * 1.858 Parliament Rols. When Iohn de Beaufort, from beeing Earle of Sommerset, was by Richard the Second created Marquesse Dorset, and afterwards by Henrie the Fourth, deprived of that title; what time as the Commons of England made humble suit in Parliament to the King, that hee would restore unto him the title of Marquesse which he had lost: he opposed himselfe against that petition, and openly said, That it was a new dignitie, and altogether unknowne to [ F] his Ancestours; and therefore hee neither craved it, nor in any wise would accept of it.

Earles, called in Latine, Comites, are ranged in the third place, and may seeme to have come unto us from our Ancestours the Germans: For, they in times past, as Cor∣nelius Tacitus writeth, had their Comites, Who should alwaies give attendance upon their Princes, and bee at hand in matters of counsell and authoritie. But others thinke, that

they came from the Romans to us, as also to the Franks, or French. For, the Empe∣rours, [ A] when as the Empire was growne now to the full strength, began to have about them a certaine privie Counsell, which was called Caesaris Comitatus: and then those whose counsell they used in warre and peace, were termed Comites: whence it is that in ancient Inscriptions, wee find oftentimes COMITI IMPP. And in few yeares the name of Comes, grew so rife, that it was given to all Officers and Magistrates that observed or gave attendance upon the said sacred or privie Counsel, or that came out of it: and from hence afterward the name extended to all those which were the Pro∣vosts or Over-seers of any matters of state.* 1.859 And Suidas defineth Comes, to be The ruler of the people, as Cuiacius hath taught us: who also teacheth us, that before Constantine [ B] the Great, the name of Comes was not in use, to signifie any honour. But he, when he altered the forme of the Roman Empire by new distinctions, and endevored to oblige many unto him with his benefits, and them to advance unto honour, ordained first the title of Comes without any function or government at all, to be a title of dignitie: and this Comes had a certaine power and priviledge, for to accompanie the Prince, not on∣ly when hee went abroad, but in his palace also, in his privie chamber, and secret roomes, to have libertie likewise to be present at his Table, and private speeches. And hereupon it is, that wee read thus in Epiphanius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Who so obtained of the King, the Dignitie of Comites. At length, to them which were beholden unto him for this honourable preferment, hee granted other dignities with charge: and againe, upon those that were in place of Magistracie, and [ C] executed any office of State, either at home or abroad, he bestowed that title of honour, Comes Domesticorum, L. Great Master of the Houshold; Comes sacrarum largitionum, L. High Treasurer; Comes sacrae vestis, Master of the Wardrobe; Comes Stabuli, Master of the Horse; Comes Thesauri, Treasurer; Comes Orientis, Lieutenant of the East; Comes Britanniae, Comes Africae, &c. Herehence it came, that ever since the name of Comes, imported Dignitie, and authoritie, or government, at the first temporarie, afterward for terme of life. Moreover, in processe of time, when the Empire of the Romans became rent into many kingdomes, this title yet was retained: and our English-Saxons, called them in Latine, Comites, and Consules, whom in their owne language, they named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the very same [ D] the Danes termed in their tongue, Eorlas, that is, Honourable, as Ethelward writeth, by which name somewhat mollified, they are called of us at this day, Earles. And verily for a long time,* 1.860 they were knowne by this name simply: at length, with addi∣tion also of the place over which they were put in authoritie. Neither as yet descen∣ded this honour to the next heire by inheritance. Where, by the way thus much I note, that the first hereditarie Earles in France, were the Earles of Britaine. But when William of Normandy had made conquest of this Land, and seated himselfe in the absolute government of this Kingdome, Earles began to bee Feudall, Heredita∣rie, and Patrimoniall, that is, By fee, or Tenure by service, by inheritance, and by Lands, who also, as it appeareth in * 1.861 Doomesday-booke, were simply without any addition at [ E] all, named Earles, as Comes Hugo, Comes Alanus, Comes Rogerus; Earle Hugh, Earle Alan, Earle Roger, &c. Afterwards, as wee may see in ancient Charters, Earles were created with the name of a place joyned unto them, and the third pennie of the Shire was assigned unto them. As for example, Mawd the Empresse, daughter and heire to K. Henry the First, created an Earle in these words, as appeareth in the very Char∣ter which I have: I Mawd, daughter of K. Henry, and Ladie of the Englishmen, doe give and grant unto Geffrey de Magnavil for his service,* 1.862 & to his heires after him by right of inheri∣tance to be Earle of Essex, & to have the third pennie out of the Sheriffs Court, issuing out of all pleas, as an Earle should have through his Countie in all things. And this is the most an∣cient Charter that hitherto I have seen, of an Earles creation, Likewise Henry the Se∣cond, [ F] King of England her sonne, created an Earle by these words: Know yee, that wee have made Hugh Bigod, Earle of Norfolk, to wit, of the third pennie of Norwic, and Nor∣folc, as freely as any Earle of England holdeth his Countie. Which words, an old booke of Battaile Abbey expoundeth thus: An usuall and ancient custome it was throughout

all England, that the Earles should have the third pennie to themselves of the Provinces, [ A] whereof they tooke the name, and were called Earles. Semblably, another booke with∣out name, more plainly: The Shire or Countie hath the name of the Earle or Count, or else contrariwise, the Count of the Countie. And Count or Earle he is, because he receiveth the third part of those things, that accrew or arise, by plea in every Countie or Shire: But all Earles reape not these fruits, but those to whom the King hath granted them by right of inheritance, or in their owne persons. And hereupon Polydore Virgil writeth truly, and according to the manner of our age. It is a custome in England, saith he, that the titles of Earldomes be given at the Princes pleasure, even without possession of those places, from whence the very titles are taken. And therefore the King is wont to give unto them, that pos∣sesse [ B] nothing in that Countie, some certaine pension or summe of money out of his owne reve∣nues, in liew of the possession.

Earles were created in old time without any complement or ceremonie at all, but onely by delivering unto them a Charter. Vnder Stephen who usurped the king∣dome, during the heat of civill war, many also tooke upon them the titles of Earles, whom the Historie of Waverlew Church, and others of that age calleth Pseudo-Comi∣tes, that is, counterfeit Earles, and Comites imaginarios, that is, Earles in conceit, whiles it reporteth unto us, that Henrie the Second deposed them. And King Iohn, was the first by my observation,* 1.863 that used in creating of them, the cincture of a sword. For Roger of Hoveden writeth thus: King Iohn upon the day of his Coronation girded Wil∣liam [ C] Mareschall with the sword of the Earldome of * 1.864 Strigulia, and Geffrey Fitz-Peter with the sword of the Earldome of Essex: who albeit they had beene called Earles before and governed their Shires, yet were they not girt with the sword of an Earldome: and upon that day they waited at the Kings table, wearing those swords by their sides. In the age next ensuing, there came up the imposition of a chaplet cap, with a Circlet of gold, that now is turned into a coronet with raies or points onely, and with a robe of estate. Which three, to wit, a sword with a girdle, a cap or chaplet with a coro∣net, and a mantle or robe of estate, are by three severall Earles borne before him, that is to be created Earle: and betwixt two Earles arraied also in their robes of estate, brought he is in his Surcoat unto the King sitting in his throne, where kneeling downe [ D] while the Patent or Charter of his creation is a reading: at these words, This same T. we erect, create, const••••ute, make, appoint, and ordaine Earle of S. and we give and grant unto him the name, title, state, stile, honour, authority, and dignitie of the Earle S. and in∣to it by the cincture of a sword really doe invest: Then is the robe or mantell of estate done upon him by the King: the sword hung about his neck, the cap with the Coronet put upon his head, and the said Charter of his creation being read before, delivered into his hand. But these matters are beside my purpose. Now, whereas it is growen to bee a custome, that he which is to be created Earle, if he were not a Baron before, should be made a Baron first; it is a new ceremonie come up of late daies, and put in use, since the time of King Henrie the Eight. But among Earles, most honorable are they by many de∣grees, [ E] which are called Counts Palatine: For, as this terme Palatine was a name com∣mon to all them that had offices in the Kings palace;* 1.865 so Count Palatine was a title of dignity conferred upon him that before had beene an Officer Palatine, with a certaine roiall authority to sit in judgment within his owne Territorie. As for the Earle Mar∣shall of England: King Richard the second gave that title first to Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham, whereas before they were simply stiled Marshals of England and after the banishment of Mowbray, he granted to T. Holland Duke of Surrey substituted Earle Marshall in his place,* 1.866 that he should carrie a rodde of gold enamelled blacke at both ends, when as before they used one of wood.

[ F] After Earles,* 1.867 next follow in order VICECOMITES, whom we call Vicounts: An old name this is of an office, but a new title of dignitie, not heard of with us before Henry the Sixth daies, who conferred that title upon ••. Lord Beaumont. In the ranke of the superior or chiefe Nobility,* 1.868 BARONES have the next place. And although I am not ignorant, what the learned doe write of this words signification in Tullie, yet wil∣lingly will I accord to the opinion of Isidore and of an old Grammarian, who will

have Barones to signifie, hired souldiers. For, that place in Hirtius so well knowne, [ A] touching the warre of Alexandria, seemeth cleerely to prove the same: and this it is. They came running together to defend Cassius; for, hee was wont alwaies to have a∣bout him Barones, and a great many chosen souldiers weaponed, from which the rest are severed apart. Neither dissenteth from this, the old Glossarie with Latin before Greeke, which interpreteth Baro, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that is, a man. And throughout the laws of the Longo∣bards, Baro is used for Vir, that is, a man. And for the Etymologies of this word which some have forged, I like thē not. The French Heralts deduce Barones from the French tongue, as one would say, Par-hommes, that is, men of equall dignitie: our English Lawyers would have them to be as much, as Robora belli, that is, the strength of war, [ B] Some Germans say they import, as it were, Banner heires, that is, Lord-bearing Ban∣ners. Isidorus saith, they are so termed, as a man should say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, grave or weighty.* 1.869 Alciatus deriveth them of Berones, an ancient people in Spaine, who were, as he saith, in times past, waged souldiers. But that derivation out of the German tongue is the better, wherin Bar betokeneth Free, and him that is his owne man, and at liber∣tie. When this name first came into this Island I know not for certaine. The Britaines doe not acknowledge it for theirs. In the English Saxon Lawes it is no where to bee seene; nor found in the Saxon Glossarie of Alfricus among the Vocables or termes of honour; where, Dominus is translated Laford, which wee have contracted short into Lord. The Danes called their Free-Lords, such as these Barons be at this day, Thani, [ C] and so they terme them still,* 1.870 as Andreas Velleius witnesseth. Howbeit, in Burgun∣die the use of the name hath beene of great antiquitie: For, Gregorie Turonensis wri∣teth thus, The Barons of Burgundie as well Bishops as other Leudes, &c. In a fragment of the laws of Canatus King of English-men and Danes,* 1.871 was the first mention made of a Baron with us, so far as ever I could hitherto observe: and yet therein, according to the variety of copies we read indifferently these termes, Vironis, Baronis, and Thani. But that a Baron is meant therby, evident it is out of the Lawes of William the Con∣querour, into which those ordinances of Canutus are in the Normans tongue transla∣ted under the name of Baro: and loe what the very words are: Exercitualia verò, &c. That is, Let the Heriots or Relevies be so moderate, as that they may bee tolerable. Of an [ D] Earle,* 1.872 as decent it is, eight horses, foure with saddles, and foure without saddles: foure Hel∣mets, and foure shirts of male: eight launces or speares, and as many shields, foure swords, and withall 200. mauces of gold. Of a Viron or Baron to the King, who is next unto him, foure horses, two with saddles, and two without saddles, two swords, foure speares and as ma∣ny targets,* 1.873 one helmet, and one coate of mauile, and with fifty mauces of gold.

Also in the first time of the Normans, Valvasores and Thani were ranged in degree of honour, next after Earles and Barons: and the Valvasores of the better sort, if wee may beleeve those that write de Feudis,* 1.874 were the very same that now Barons are. So that the name [Baro] may seeme to bee one of those, which time, by little and little hath mollified and made of better esteeme. Neither was it as yet a terme of great [ E] honor. For, in those daies some Earles had their Barons under them: and I remember that I read in the ancient Constitutions and ordinances of the Frenchmen, how there were under an Earle, twelve Barons, and as many Capitaines under a Baron. And certaine it is, that there be ancient Charters extant, in which Earles, since the comming in of the Normans wrote thus, To all my Barons as well French as English, Greeting, &c. Yea even Citizens of better note were called Barons. For, the Citizens of Warwick, in Doomesday book, were named Barones: likewise, Citizens of London; and the Inhabitants of the Cinque-ports enjoyed the same name. But, some few yeares after, like as at Rome in times past, they chose Senators for their worth in wealth: so were they with us counted Barons, who held lands of their own by a whole [ F] Baronie: that is, 13. Knights Fees, and a third part of one Knights Fee: reckoning every fee, as an old book witnesseth, at 20. li. which make in all 400. marks. For, that was the value of one entire Baronie: and they that had lands and revenues to this worth, were wont to be summoned unto the Parliament. And it seemed to bee a dignitie with a ju∣risdiction: which the Court Barons,* 1.875 as they terme them, in some sort doe prove:

yea and the very multitude that was of these Barons perswaded me, to thinke them [ A] to be Lords of this nature, as that they might in some sort minister and execute justice within their circuit and seigniorie, such as the Germans call Free-heires, and especially, if they had Castles of their owne. For then, they Jumped Just with the definition of that most famous Civilian Baldus, who defineth him to be a Baron, whosoever had a meere and subordinate rule in some castle, by the grant of the Prince. And all they, as some would have it, that held Baronies, seeme to have claimed unto themselves this ho∣nor: so that,* 1.876 as divers learned in our lawes are of opinion, a Baron and a Baronie, a Count or Earle and a Countie, a Duke and a Dutchie, were Conjugata: that is, termes as one would say, yoked together. Certes, in those daies, Henrie the Third reckoned [ B] in England 150. Baronies. And hereupon it is, that in all the Charters and Histories of that age, all noble men in manner be called Barons: and verily that title then was right honorable, and under the terme of Baronage, all the superiour states of the king∣dome, as Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Barons, in some sort were comprised. But it attained to the highest pitch of honor,* 1.877 ever since that King Henrie the Third, out of so great a number, which was seditious and turbulent, called the very best, by writ or summon, unto the high Court of Parliament. For he (out of a writer I speake of good antiquity) after many troubles and enormous vexations, betweene the King himselfe, & Si∣mon of Mont-fort with other Barons raised, & after appeased, did decree and ordaine, that all those Earles and Barons of the Realme of England, unto whom the King himselfe vouchsa∣fed [ C] to direct his writs of Summons, should come unto his Parliament, and none others. But- that which he began a little before his death, Edward the First and his successour, constantly observed, and continued. Hereupon, they onely were accounted Barons of the kingdom, whom the Kings had cited by vertue of such writs of Summons, as they terme them, unto the Parliament. And it is noted, that the said prudent King Ed∣ward the First, summoned alwaies those of ancient families that were most wise to his- Parliaments, but omitted their sonnes after their death, if they were not answerable to their parents in understanding. Barons were not created by Patent untill such time as King Richard the Second created Iohn Beauchamp de Holt Baron of Kiderminster [ D] by his letters Patent, bearing date the eighth day of October, in the eleventh yeare, of his raigne. Since that time, the Kings by their Pat••ents, and the putting on of the mantle or roabe of honour, have given this honour. And at this day, this order of creating a Baron by letters Patent, as also that other by writs of Summons, are in use: in which notwithstanding they are not stiled by the name of Baron, but of Chevalier; for the Common law doth not acknowledge Baron to be a name of dignity. And they that be in this wise created, are called Barons of the Parliament, Barons of the Realme, and Barons of honor, for difference of them, who yet according to that old forme of Ba∣rons, be commonly called Barons, as those of Burford, of Walton; and those who were Barons unto the Count-Palatines of Chester and Pembroch, who were Barons in fee [ E] and by tenure.

These our Parliamentarie Barons carie not the bare name onely, as those of France and Germanie, but be all borne Peeres of the Realme of England, Nobles, Great States and Counsellors: and called they are by the King in these words▪ To treat of the high af∣faires of the kingdome, and thereof to give their counsell. They have also immunities and priviledges of their owne, namely that in criminall causes they are not to have their triall but by a Iurie of their Peeres: that they be not put to their oath, but their pro∣testation upon their Honor is sufficient: that they be not empanelled upon a Iurie of twelve men for enquest de facto. No supplicavit can be granted against them. A Capias cannot be sued out against them: Neither doth an Essoine lie against them: with very many other,* 1.878 which I leave unto Lawyers, who are to handle these and such like. Be∣sides [ F] these, the two Archbishops, and all the Bishops of England, be Barons also of the kingdome, and Parliament: even as in our Grandfathers daies, these Abbats and Priors following:

• The Abbat of Glastenburie.
• The Abbat of S. Augustines in Canterbury.
• The Abbat of S. Peter in Westminster.
• The Abbat of S. Albans.
• The Abbat of S. Edmonds-Bury.
• The Abbat of Peterburgh.
• The Abbat of S. Iohn of Colchester.
• The Abbat of Evesham.
• The Abbat of Winchelcomb.
• The Abbat of Crouland.
• The Abbat of Battaile.
• The Abbat of Reding.
• The Abbat of Abindon.
• The Abbat of Waltham holy Crosse. [ A]
• The Abbat of Shrewsburie or Salop.
• The Abbat of Sircester.
• The Abbat of S. Peters in Glocester.
• The Abbat of Bardeney.
• The Abbat of S. Bennets of Hulme.
• The Abbat of Thorney.
• The Abbat of Ramsey.
• The Abbat of Hyde.
• The Abbat of Malmesburie. [ B]
• The Abbat of S. Marie in Yorke.
• The Abbat of Selbey.

• The Prior of Coventrie.
• The Prior of The order of S. Iohn at Ierusalem, who commonly is called Master of S. Iohns Knights, and would be counted the first and chiefe Baron of England.

Vnto whom, as still unto the Bishops, By right and custome it appurtained, as to Peeres of the Kingdome, to be with the rest of the Peeres personally present at all parliaments what∣soever, [ C] there to consult, to handle, to ordaine, decree, and determine, in regard of the Ba∣ronies which they held of the King. For, William the first, (a thing that the Church∣men of that time complained of, but those in the age ensuing counted their greatest honor) ordained Bishopricks and Abbaies,* 1.879 which held Baronies in pure and perpetuall Alm••s, and untill that time were free from all secular service, to bee under military or Knights service, enrolling every Bishopricke and Abbay at his will and pleasure, and appoin∣ting how many souldiers he would have every of them to find for him and his successours, in the time of hostility and warre. From that time ever since those Ecclesiasticall persons en∣joyed all the immunities that the Barons of the Kingdome did, save onely that they were not to be judged by their Peeres. For considering that according to the Canons [ D] of the Church, such might not be present in matters of life and death: in the same causes they are left unto a jurie of twelve men to be judged, in the question of Fact. But whether this be a cleere point in law or no, I referre me to skilfull Lawyers.

* 1.880Vavasors or Valvasors in old time, stood in the next ranke after Barons: whom the Lawyers derive from Valvae, that is, leaved dootes▪ And this dignitie seemeth to have come unto us from the French: For when they had soveraigne rule in Italy, they called those Valvasores who of a Duke, Marquesse, Earle or Captaine, had received the charge over some part of their people: and as Butelere the civill Lawyer saith, had power to chastise in the highest degree, but not the Libertie of faires and mercates. [ E] This was a rare dignity among us,* 1.881 and if ever there were such long since by little and little, it ceased and ended. For, in Chaucers time it was not great, seeing that of his Franklin a good yeoman or Freeholder, he writeth but thus:

A Sheriffe had he beene and a C••ntour, Was no where such a worthy Vavasour.

* 1.882Inferiour nobles are Knights, Esquires, and those which usually are called Generosi and Gentlemen.

Knights, who of our English Lawyers be termed also in Latin Milites, and in all na∣tions well neere besides, tooke their name of Horses: for the Italians call them Cavel∣lieni, the Frenchmen, Chevaliers, the Germans Reiters, and our Britans in Wales [ F] Margogh, all of riding. Englishmen onely terme them Knights▪ by a word that in the old English language, as also of the German, signifieth indifferently a servitor or mi∣nister, and a lusty young man. Heereupon it commeth, that in the Old written Gospels translated into the English tongue, wee read, for Christs Disciples, Christs Leorning Cnyhts, and else where for a Client or Vassall, Incnyght: and Bracton our ancient civill

[ A] Lawyer maketh mention of Rad••nights, that is to say, serving horsemen: who held their lands with this condition, that they should serve their Lords on horsbacke: and so by cutting off a peece of the name, as our delight is to speake short, I thought long since, that this name of Knights remained with us. But whence it came, that our countrey∣men should in penning of lawes, and in all writings since the Normans conquest terme those Knights in Latin, Milites, I can hardly see. And yet I am not ignorant, that in the declining time of the Roman Empire,* 1.883 the Denomination of Milites, that is, Souldiers, was transferred unto those that conversing neere about the Princes per∣son bare any of the greater offices in the Princes Court or traine. But if I have any sight [ B] at all in this matter, they were among us at first so called, who held any lands or inhe∣ritances, as Tenants in Fee, by this tenure, to serve in the warres, For those Lands were termed Knights Fees: and those that elsewhere they named Feudatarij, that is, Tenants in Fee, were here called Milites, that is, Knights: as for example, Milites Regis &c. The Kings Knights, Knights of the Archbishop of Canterburie, Knights of Earle Roger of Earle Hugh &c. For that they received those lands or manors of them with this condi∣tion to serve for them in the wars, and to yeeld them fealty and homage: whereas o∣thers who served for pay were simply called Solidarij and Servientes,* 1.884 that is, Souldiers and Servitors. But these, call them Milites or Equites, whether you will, are with us of foure distinct sorts: The most honorable and of greatest dignitie be those of the Order of S. George, or of the Garter: In a second degree are Banerets: in a third ranke, [ C] Knights of the Bath: and in a fourth place, those who simply in our tongue, be called Knights, in Latin Equites aurati, or Milites, without any condition at all. Of S. Georges Knights, I will write in due place, when I am come to Windsor. Of the rest thus much briefly at this time.

Banerets, whom others terme untruely Baronets, have their name of a Banner: For,* 1.885 granted it was unto them in regard of their martiall vertue and prowesse, to use a foure square ensigne or Banner, as well as Barons: whereupon some call them and that truly Equites Vexillarij, that is, Knights-Banerets, and the Germans, Banner-heires. The antiquitie of these Knights Banerets, I cannot fetch from before the time of King Edward the Third, when Englishmen were renowned for Chivalrie: so that [ D] I would beleeve verily, that this honorable title was devised then first, in recompence of martiall prowesse, untill time shall bring more certainty of truth to light. In the publicke records of that time, mention is made among military titles, of Banerets, of * 1.886 Men at the Banner, (which may seeme all one) and of Men at armes. And I have seene a Charter of King Edward the Third, by which he advanced Iohn Coupland to the State of a Baneret, because in a battell fought at Durham hee had taken prisoner David the Second,* 1.887 King of the Scots; and it runneth in these words: Being willing to re∣ward the said Iohn,* 1.888 who tooke David de Bruis prisoner, and frankly delivered him unto us; for the deserts of his honest and valiant service, in such sort as others may take example by this president to doe us faithfull service in time to come; we have promoted the said Iohn to [ E] the place and degree of a Baneret: and for the maintenance of the same state, we have gran∣ted for us and our heires to the same Iohn, five hundred pounde by the yeere, to bee received for him and his heires, &c. Worth the remembrance it is, to set downe heere out of Froissard the very maner and forme, whereby Iohn Chandos a brave & noble warrior in his time was made a Baneret. What time as Edward Prince of Wales, saith he, was to fight a field in the behalfe of Peter King of Castile against Henry the Bastard and the Frenchmen, Iohn Chandos came unto the Prince and delivered into his hands his own Banner folded and rolled up, with these words: My Lord, this is my Banner, may it please you to unfold and display it, that I may advance it into the field this day. For, [ F] I have by Gods favour revenewes sufficient thereunto. The Prince then, and Peter King of Castile who stood hard by, tooke the Banner into their hands, unfolding the same, delivered it again unto him with these or such like words: Sir Iohn, in the name of God, who blesse this dayes service of yours, that it may speed well and turne to your glorie, Beare your selfe manfully, and give proofe what a Knight you are. Having thus received the Banner, to his companies he went with a cheerefull heart: My fel∣low

souldiers, quoth he, Behold there is my Banner and yours, in case yee defend it [ A] courageously as your owne. Of later time, he that is to be advanced unto this dig∣nity, either before the battell, that hee may bee encouraged; or after the battell en∣ded, that hee may receive due honor for his valour, bearing an ensigne of a long fashion, such as they call a Pennon wherein his owne armes are depainted in their colours, is brought betweene two elderly Knights, with trumpeters and Heralds going before, into the presence of the King, or his Regent and Lieutenant generall: who after good words and wishes imparting happie fortune, commandeth the tip or point of the said pennon to bee cut off, that of a long pennon it might bee made a foure square banner. [ B]

Concerning Knights of the Bath, in all my readings hitherto, I could find no greater Antiquitie thereof,* 1.889 than this, that they were in use among the ancient French: and that Henrie the Fourth King of England, that day whereon hee was crowned in the Tower of London, dubbed 46. Esquiers Knights, who the night before had watched and bathed: unto every one of whom, hee gave greene side coats reaching downe to their ankles, with streit sleeves, and furred with minivere: also, they they wore upon their left shoulder two cordons of white silke with tassels thereto hanging downe. These in former times were wont to be created, and selected out of the flower of Nobilitie (which had not before taken the degree of Knighthood) at the coro∣nation of Kings and Queenes, and at their marriages: sometimes also, when their [ C] sonnes were invested Princes of Wales, or Dukes, or when they solemnly received the cincture or militarie girdle of Knighthood, and that with many ceremonies, which now for the most part are grown out of use. But in our daies, they that are called by the King to enter into this order (neither will I handle this argument exquisitly) the day before they are created, being clad in an Eremits gray weed, with a hood, a linnen coife, and booted withall, come devoutly to divine service, to begin their warfare there, as if they would employ their service for God especially: they suppe all toge∣ther: and upon every one of them, there wait two Esquiers, and one Page: After supper, they retire themselves into their bed-chamber, where for each of them is pre∣pared a prettie bed, with red curtains, and their owne armes fastened thereupon, [ D] with a bathing vessell standing close by, covered with linnen clothes, wherein after they have said their praiers, and commended themselves to God, they bathe them∣selves, that thereby they might bee put in mind, to be pure in bodie and soule from thenceforth. The next morrow, early in the morning awakened they are, and rai∣sed with a noyse of Musicall Instruments, and doe on the same apparell. Then the high Constable of England, the Earle Marshall, and others whom the King appoin∣teth, come unto them, call them forth in order: and tender an oath unto them, namely, that they shall serve and worship God above all, defend the Church, honour the King, maintaine his rights, protect widowes, virgins, orphans, and to their power repell and put by all wrong. When they have sworne thus to doe, by laying their hand [ E] upon the Gospels, they are brought with state to morning prayer, the kings Musitians and Heralds going before, and by them likewise, they are conducted backe to their bed-chambers: where after they have devested themselves from their Eremites weed, they put on a mantle of martiall redde Taffata, implying they should bee Martiall men, and a white Hat with a white plume of feathers over their linnen coife, in to∣ken of sincerity; and tie a paire of white gloves to the pendant cordon of their man∣tle. This done, they mount upon Steedes, dight with sadle and furniture of blacke leather, with white intermingled, and having a crosse in the frontlet. Before every one of them rideth his owne Page, carrying a sword with a gilded hilt, at which there hang gilt spurres, and of either hand of them ride their Esquiers. With this pompe, [ F] and trumptes sounding before them, to the Kings Court they goe, where when they are brought by two ancient Esquiers to the Kings presence, the Page delivereth the Girdle and Sword hanging thereto, unto the Lord Chamberlaine, and he with great reverence unto the King, who therewith girdeth the Knight overthwart, and comman∣deth therewith two elder Knights to put on the Spurres, who in times past were wont

[ A] with good wishes, and praiers to kisse his knees that was to bee Knighted. And these new Knights thus created, used in old time to bring up the service of meates to the Kings Table: after this, they dine altogether, sitting to one side of the boord, every one under the Escutcheon of his owne Armes fastened over his head. At evening praier they repaire to the chapel, offer their swords upon the high altar, and by laying downe a piece of money redeeme the same againe. Now, as they returne from divine service, the Kings Master-Cooke sheweth them his knife, and admonisheth them to performe the part of good and faithfull Knights, otherwise he would to their shame and reproch, cut off those Spurres of theirs. Upon the Coronation day, in that so∣lemne [ B] pompe, they accompanie the King keeping their places, with their Swords girt to them, and their spurres on, in Joviall blew mantles, as a man would say, in the colour of just Jupiter, as a fore-token of justice, having the knot of white silke made in forme of a crosse, with an hood upon their left shoulder. But of these comple∣ments (which my purpose was not to prosecute in particular) this may bee thought sufficient, if not superfluous.

Now as touching those Knights, who simply without any addition bee called, Knights,* 1.890 and howsoever they are in order ranged last, yet by institution they be first, and of greatest Antiquitie. For, as the Romans, a gowned nation, gave unto them that were entring into mans estate, a virile and plaine gowne, without welt or gard: [ C] even so, the Germans our Ancestors bestowed upon their young men, whom they judged meet for to manage armes, armour, and weapons. Which Cornelius Ta∣citus will informe you of, in these words of his: The manner was not for any one to take armes in hand,* 1.891 before the State allowed him as sufficient for Martiall service. And then, in the very assembly of Counsell, either some one of the Princes, or the father of the young man, or one of his kinsfolke furnish him with a shield and a javelin. This with them stan∣deth in stead of a virile gowne, this is the first honour done to youth: before this they seeme to bee but part of a private house, but now within a while members of the Common∣weale.

And seeing that such military young men, they termed in their language (as we in [ D] ours) Knechts, from them I deeme, the originall both of name and institution also, ought to be fetched. This was the first, and most simple manner of creating a Knight, this the Lombards, this the Frankes, this our countrymen, all descended out of Ger∣manie in old time used.* 1.892 Paulus Diaconus reporteth thus; among the Lombards, This is the Custome, that the Kings sonne dineth not with his father, unlesse hee receive Armes before from some King of a forraine nation. The Annals of France record, that the Kings of the Franks, gave armes unto their sonnes, and to others, and girded them with a sword: yea, and our Aelfred, as William of Malmesburie witnesseth, when he dubbed Athelstan his nephew, Knight, being a child of great hope, gave him a scar∣let [ E] mantle, a belt or girdle set with precious stones, and a Saxon-sword with a golden scabberd. Afterwards, when as religion had possessed mens minds so, as that they thought nothing well & fortunately done, but what came from Church-men, our An∣cestors a little before the Normans comming received the Sword at their hands. And this, Ingulphus who lived in those daies, sheweth in these words; He that was to be cōse∣crated unto lawfull warfare, should the evening before, with a contrite heart, make confes∣sion of his sinnes unto the Bishop, Abbat, Monke, or Priest, and being absolved, give him∣selfe to prayer, and lodge all night in the Church, and when hee was to heare divine service the morrow after, offer his sword upon the Altar: and after the Gospel, the Priest was to pu•• the sword first hallowed upon the Knights neck, with his Benediction, and so when hee had heard Masse againe, and received the Sacrament, he became a lawfull Knight. Neither [ F] grew this custome out of use streight waies under the Normans: For, John of Saris∣burie writeth in his Polycraticon, thus; A solemne Custome was taken up and used, that the very day when any one was to be honoured with the girdle of knighthood, hee should so∣lemnly goe to Church, and by laying and offering his Sword upon the Altar, vow himselfe (as it were) by making a solemne profession, to the service of the Altar, that is to say, promise perpetuall service, and obsequious dutie unto the Lord. Peter also of Blois, writeth thus:

At this day young Knights,* 1.893 and souldiers receive their Swords from the Altar, that they [ A] might professe themselves Sonnes of the Church, and to have taken the Sword for defence of the poore, for punishment and revenge of malefactors, and delivery of their Country. But in processe of time (saith he) it is turned cleane contrary. For, in these daies since they are become adorned with the Knights cincture, presently they arise against the Annointed of the Lord, and rage upon the patrimonie of Christ crucified. And as for this ceremonie, that they would be girt with a Sword, it may seeme no doubt to have proceeded from the militarie discipline of the Romans; because as they denied it unlawfull to fight with their enemie before they were bound to their militarie oath, by a drawn sword: even so, our Forefathers thought they might not go to warfare lawfully, before they were [ B] by this ceremonie lawfully authorised: according to which wee reade, that William Rufus King of England, was dubbed Knight, by Lanfranke the Archbishop. But this custome by little and little grew to disuse, since the time that the Normans, as Ingul∣phus writeth, laughed and scorned at it; and in a Synode at Westminster, An. 1102. a Canon passed, That no Abbats should dubbe Knights: which some notwithstanding expound thus, That Abbats should grant no lands of the Church to be held, by Knights ser∣vice, or in Knights fee, or service.

Afterwards, Kings were wont to send their sonnes unto the neighbour Princes to receive Knighthood at their hands: thus, was our K. Henrie the Second, sent unto David King of the Scots, and Malcolme King of Scots unto our Henry the Second, [ C] and our Edward the first unto the King of Castile, to take of them Militarie or Virile armes: for, these termes and phrases they used in that age for the creation of a Knight. Then it was also, that besides the sword and girdle, gilt spurres were added for more ornament; whereupon at this day, they are called in Latin, Equites aurati. Moreover, they had the priviledge to weare & use a signet: for before they were dubbed knights, (as I gather out of Abendon Booke) it was not lawfull to use a seale: Which writing (quoth he) Richard Earle of Chester purposed to signe with the seale of his mother Ermen∣trud, considering that all Letters which he directed (for as yet he had not * 1.894 taken the Mili∣tarie girdle) were made up and closed within his mothers signet. In the age ensuing, knights (as it may be well collected) were made by their wealth, and state of living: [ D] For, they which had a great knights Fee, that is, (if wee may beleeve old records) * 1.895 680. akers of land, claimed as their right, the ornaments and badges of knighthood: Nay rather under Henry the Third, they were compelled after a sort to be knights, as many as in revenues of their lands might dispend fifteen pounds by the yeare: so as now it seemed a title of burden, rather than of honour. In the yeare 1256. there went out an edict from the King, by vertue whereof, commandement was given, & proclamation made throughout the Realme, that whosoever had fifteen pounds in land and above, should be dight in his armes, and endowed with knighthood: to the end that England as well as Italie might be strengthned with Chivalrie: and they that would not, or were not able to maintaine the honour of knighthood, should fine for it, and pay a piece of money. Hence it is, that in the [ E] Kings Records, we meet so often with this: For respit of Knighthood, A. de N.I.H. &c. Also such like presentments from the Jurors, or sworne Enquest, as this R. de S. Law∣rence holdeth an entire and whole Fee, is at full age, and not yet Knight, therefore in Misericordia, that is, To be fined at the Kings pleasure. To this time and after, unlesse I faile in mine observation, in the Briefes and Instruments our law when twelve men, or Jurers are named, before whom there passeth triall or proofe de facto, that is, of a fact, they bee called, Milites, that is, Knights, who have a compleat Fee, and those Milites gladio cincti, that is, Knights with cincture of sword, who by the King are girded with the belt of knighthood. At which time when the King was to create knights, as the said Matthew Paris writeth, he sat gloriously in his seate of estate, arraied in cloth [ F] of gold of the most precious and costly Bawdkin, and crowned with his Crowne of gold, and to every Knight he allowed or gave 100. shillings, for his * 1.896 harnessements. And not only the King, but also Earles in those daies created Knights. For the same author reporteth, How the Earle of Glocester invested with a militarie girdle his brother William, after he had proclaimed a Turneament. Simon likewise de Montefort Earle of

[ A] Leicester, did the same by Gilbert de Clare: Like as in France, (a thing that evidently appeareth by the Patent or Instrument of* 1.897 Nobilitation) he that hath obtained such letters of * 1.898 Ennoblishment, is enabled to be dubbed Knight, and receive the girdle of knight∣hood at any Knights hand that he will himselfe. But since that time, hath no man with us beene created Knight, but either by the King himselfe, or the Kings eldest sonne, warranted before by authoritie received from his father, or else by the Kings Lieute∣nant, or Deputie Generall in the Campe, and that in consideration either of some va∣liant acts atchieved, or exploits to be performed abroad in armes: or else of wisedome and policie at home. And verily a most prudent and wise order was this, that our [ B] Kings tooke, since they had not any Fees or Lands now to bestow upon them. Nei∣ther was their (I assure you) any thing of more validitie, to give an edge unto the courage of hardy men, and to bind unto them their best subjects, and such as had deserved well, (being otherwise worshipfully descended, and of honourable paren∣tage, and withall sufficient for estate and living) than kindly and lovingly to adorne them with this high esteemed title of Knighthood, which was before time the name only of charge and function: when this right worshipfull title was by the Prince con∣ferred upon one, advisedly and for desert, it went (no doubt) for an ample reward, was prized as a benefit, and accounted among the tokens of honour. For, Knights in this manner dubbed, made this esteeme thereof, that in it consisted the guerdon of their vertue and valour, the praise of their house and family, the memoriall of their [ C] stocke and linage; and lastly, the glory of their name. Insomuch, as our Lawyers have in their bookes writen, That [Knight] was a name of dignitie, but so was not Baron. For in old time a Baron (if he were not of this order of Knighthood) was written simply by his Christian, or fore-name, and the proper name of his family, without any addition, unlesse it were of Dominus, a terme fitting Knights also. And this name of Knight may seeme to have beene an honourable additament to the highest dignitie, when Kings, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, and Barons, requested to have the dignitie, and name together. Heere it likes me well to insert, what Mat∣thew Florilegus hath written concerning the creation of Knights in the time of Ed∣ward the First. The King (quoth he) for to augment and make a goodly shew of his expedi∣tion [ D] into Scotland, caused publike proclamation to be made throughout England, that who∣soever were to be Knights by hereditarie succession, and had wherewith to maintaine that degree, should present themselves in Westminster, at the feast of Whitsontide, there to re∣ceive every one, the ornaments of a Knight, (saving the equipage or furniture that belong∣eth to horses) out of the Kings Wardrobe. When as therefore there flocked thither to the num∣ber of 300. young gallants, the Sons of Earles, Barons, and Knights, purple liveries, fine silke Scarfes, Roabes most richly embroidered with gold, were plentifully bestowed among them, according as was befitting each one: And because the Kings Palace, (large though it were) was streited of roome, for so great a multitude assembled, they cut downe the apple trees a∣bout [ E] the new Temple in London, laid the walles along, and there set up pavilions and tents, wherin these noble young gallants might array, and set out themselves one by one in their gor∣geous and golden garments. All the night long also, these foresaid youths, as many as the place would receive watched and prayed in the said Temple. But the Prince of Wales, by commandement from the King his father, held his wake, togither with the principall and goodliest men of this company within the Church of Westminster. Now such sound was there of trumpets, so loud a noise of Minstrelsie, so mightie an applause and cry of those that for joy shouted, that the chaunting of the Covent could not be heard from one side of the Quire to the other. Well, the morrow after, the King dubbed his Sonne Knight, and gave him the Girdle of Knighthood in his owne palace, and therewith bestowed upon him the Du∣chie [ F] of Aquitaine. The Prince then, thus created Knight, went directly into West∣minster Church for to grace with the like glorious dignitie his feers and companions. But so great was the prease of people thronging before the High Altar, that two Knights were thronged to death, and very many of them fainted, and were readie to swowne, yea, although every one of them had three souldiers at least to lead and pro∣tect him: The Prince himselfe by reason of the multitude preasing up to him, having divided

the people by the meanes of steeds of service, no otherwise than upon the high Altar girt his [ A] foresaid companions with the order of knighthood. But in our daies, hee that receiveth the dignitie of a Knight, kneeleth downe, and then the * 1.899 King with his sword drawne, slightly smiteth him upon the shoulder, speaking unto him these words withall, in French, Sois Chevalier au nom de Dieu, that is, Be thou Knight in the name of God: and af∣terwards hee saith moreover, Avances Chevalier, that is, Arise Sir Knight. As for all things else appurtaining to this order, namely, what an excellent and glorious degree this of knighthood was esteemed with our Ancestours, how noble a reward to brave minded men, such as desired glorie and honour, it was reputed, how carefully they kept faith & troth, considering it was sufficient, if they undertook or promised ought as faithfull Knights or upon the faith of a Knight, how far they were from base gaine [ B] and lucre, and what manner of paiment or Aid is to be levied for Knights fees, when as the Prince, the Kings eldest son should be invested in this honour, &c. I leave it for others to write: as also, when they had so far offended, that being to suffer death ther∣fore, they were first dispoiled of their ensignes, and of their degree, to wit, their mili∣tarie Girdle ungirted, the Sword taken away, their Spurs cut off with an hatchet, their Gantlets or Gloves plucked from them, and the Escutcheon of their Armes reversed: like as in the degrading * 1.900 Ecclesiasticall order, all the Ecclesiasticall ornaments, booke, chalice, & such like are taken away. Let the curious also enquire, whether those knights were truly by some termed Knights Bachelars, or whether Bachelars were of a mid∣dle [ C] degree between these Knights and Esquires? For, in the Kings Record are read, The names of Knights,* 1.901 of Bachelars, and of Valects of the Earle of Gocester, and of others. Where∣upon there be that would have Bachelars so called, as one would say, Bas-Chevaliers, that is, knights of low degree: although other derive that name from the French verbe Battailer, which signifieth to combate or fight it out. Withall, let them weigh and consider, whether these dignities of knighthood in times past so glorious, (as long as they were more rare, and bestowed onely as the reward of vertue) may not be vili∣fied, when it becommeth common, and lieth prostitute (as it were) to the ambitious humour of every one. Whereof in the like case Aemilius Probus complained long since among the Romans. [ D]

* 1.902Next in degree after these Knights, are Esquires, termed in Latine, Armigeri, that is, Costrels, or Bearers of Armes: the same that Scutiferi, that is, Shield-bearers, and Ho∣mines ad arma, that is, Men at Armes: the Goths called them Schilpor, all of carrying the shield: as in old time among the Romans, such as were named Scutarii, who tooke that name either of their Escutcheons of armes, which they bare as Ensignes of their descent, or because they were armour-bearers to Princes, or to the better sort of the Nobilitie. For, in times past every Knight had two of these waighting upon him: they carried his Morrion and shield, as inseparable companions, they stuck close unto him, because of the said Knight their Lord they held certaine lands in Escutage, like as the knight himselfe of the King by knights service. But now a daies, there be five di∣stinct [ E] sorts of these: for those whom I have spoken of already, be now no more in a∣ny request. The principall Esquires at this day those are accounted, that are select Esquires for the Princes bodie: the next unto them be knights eldest sonnes, and their eldest sonnes likewise successively. In a third place, are reputed younger sonnes of the eldest sonnes of Barons, and of other Nobles in higher estate: and when such heires male faile, togither with them the title also faileth. In a fourth ranke are rec∣koned those, unto whom the King himselfe, together with a title, giveth armes, or createth Esquires, by putting about their necke a silver colar of * 1.903 SS. and (in former times) upon their heeles a paire of white spurres silvered: whereupon at this day in the West part of the Kingdome, they be called White-spurres, for distinction [ F] from Knights who are wont to weare gilt spurres: and to the first begotten sonnes onely of these doth the title belong. In the fifth and last place bee those ranged, and taken for Esquires, whosoever have any superiour publike office in the Common∣weale, or serve the Prince in any Worshipfull calling. But this name of Esquire, which in ancient time was a name of charge and office onely, crept first among other

[ A] titles of dignitie and worship, (so farre as ever I could observe,) in the raigne of Ri∣chard the Second.

Gentlemen,* 1.904 or the common sort of Nobilitie bee they, that either are descended of worshipfull parentage, or raised up from the base condition of people, for their vertue or wealth.

Citizens or Burgesses,* 1.905 be such as in their owne severall citie execute any publike office, and by election have a roome in our High Court of Parliament.

Yeomen,* 1.906 are they whom some call, Free-borne, or Free-holders, and our law termeth, Homines Legales, that is, Lawfull men, and who of Free-hands may dispend fortie shil∣lings [ B] at least by the yeare.

Lastly, Craftsmen, Artisans, or Workemen, be they that labour for hire, and name∣ly, such as sit at worke, Mechanicke Artificers, Smiths, Carpenters, &c. Which were ter∣med of the Romans, Capite censi, as one would say, Taxed or reckoned by the poll, and Proletarii.

LAVV COVRTS OF ENGLAND.

AS touching the Tribunals, or Courts of Justice of England, there [ C] are three sorts of them among us: for, some bee Ecclesiasticall, others Temporall, and one mixt of both, which being the grea∣test, and most honourable of all, is called by a name of no great antiquitie,* 1.907 and the same borrowed out of French, The Parlia∣ment. The Anglo-Saxons our ancestours termed it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, An assembly of the wise, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, A Counsell, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the Greeke word Synodus, that is, A great Synod or meeting. The Latine writers of that, and the ensuing age called it, Commune Concilium, Curiam altissimam, Generale placitum, Curiam magnam, Magnatum Conventum, Praesen∣tiam Regis, Praelatorum, Procerum{que}, collectorum, Commune totius Regni Concilium, &c. [ D] That is, The Common councell, The Highest court, The Generall Plea, The Great court, The meeting of States, The Presence of the King, Prelates and Peeres assembled together, The Publike Councell of the whole Kingdome, &c. And like as the Generall Councell of all Etolia is named by Livie PANAETOLIUM, so this may well be termed PANANGLIUM. For it consisteth of the King, the Clergie, the superior Nobles, the elect Knights and Burgesses; or to speake more significantly after the Lawyers phrase, of the King, the Lords Spirituall, and Temporall, and the Commons, which States represent the bo∣dy of all England. It is not held at set and certaine times, but summoned by the King at his pleasure, so often as consultation is to be had of high affaires and urgent mat∣ters, that the Common weale may sustaine no damage; at his will alone it is dissol∣ved. [ E] Now this Court hath soveraigne, and sacred authoritie in making, confirming, repealing, and expounding Lawes, in restoring such as be attainted or outlawed to their former estates, in deciding of the hardest controversies betweene private per∣sons, and, to speake at a word, in all causes which may concerne either the safetie of the State, or any private person whatsoever.

The next Court after this,* 1.908 in the daies presently following the Normans comming, and some good while after, was, The Court of the King himselfe; and the same kept in the Kings house or Palace, & accompanying the King whither so ever he retired or went in progresse. For, in the Kings Palace, a place there was for the Chancellor and clerks, such as were imployed about writs or processes, and the seale: for Judges also that han∣dled [ F] as well Pleas (as they terme them) pertaining unto the Kings Crown, as between one Subject and another. There was also the Exchequer, wherein the Lord Treasurer, Auditours, and Receivers sat, who had the charge of the Kings revenues, treasure, and coffers. Every of these being counted of the Kings houshold in ordinary, had allowed them from the King, both dier, and apparell. Whereupon Gotzelinus in the life of S. Edward, calleth them, The Lawyers of the Palace, & John of Salisburie, The Court Law∣yers.

But beside these and above them all, was one appointed for administration of Ju∣stice, [ A] named, Iustitia Angliae, The Iustice of England; Prima Iustitia, The principall Iustice; The Iusticer of England, and chiefe Iusticer of England, who, with a yearely pension of a thousand Marks, was ordained by a Commission or Charter running in these termes; The King, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, Priors, Earles, Barons, Sheriffes, Forre∣sters, and all other liege and faithfull people of England, greeting. Whereas for the pre∣servation of our selves, and the peace of our Kingdome, and for the ministring of Iustice, to all and every person of our Realme, we have ordained our beloved and trustie Philip Basset, Chiefe Iusticer of England, so long as it shall please us; wee charge you upon the faith and al∣legiance that yee owe unto us, and doe straightly enjoyne you, that in all things which concerne the office of our foresaid Iusticeship, and the preservation of our peace, and Kingdome, yee be [ B] fully attendant, and assistant unto him, so long as be shall continue in the said Office. Witnesse the King, &c.

But when as in the raigne of Henry the Third, enacted it was that the Common Pleas of the Subjects should not follow the Kings Court, but be held in some certain place: within a while after, the Chancerie and the Court of the Pleas of the Crowne, together with the Exchequer, were translated from the Kings Court, and established in certaine places apart by themselves: as some, I know not how truely, have re∣ported.

Having premised by way of Preface thus much, I will proceede to write briefly [ C] somewhat of these Courts, and others that arise from them, according as they are kept at this day. And whereas some of them bee Courts of Law, to wit; the Kings Bench, The common Bench or Pleas, the Exchequer, the Assises, the Star-Chamber, the Court of Wards, and the Admirals Court: others of Equitie, namely; The Chauncerie, the Court of Requests, The Counsels in the Marches of Wales, and in the North parts; of every of these in due order, somewhat, as I have learned of o∣thers.

* 1.909The Kings Bench, so called because the Kings were wont there to sit as Presidents in proper person, handleth the pleas of the Crowne, and many other matters which pertaine to the King, and the Weale publique: and withall it sifteth and examineth [ D] the errors of the Common Pleas. The Judges there, beside the King when it pleaseth him to be present, are, the Lord chiefe Justice of England, and other Justices foure, or more, as the King shall thinke good.

* 1.910The common Pleas hath that name because in it are debated the common Pleas betweene Subject and Subject, according to our law, which they call common. Heerein give judgement, The chiefe Iustice of the common Pleas, with foure Justices assistants or more. Officers attendant there be, The Keeper of the Brieffes or writs, Three Protonotaries, and inferiour Ministers very many.

* 1.911The Exchequer tooke that name of a boord or table whereat they sat. For, thus writeth Gervase of Tilburie, who lived in the yeere 1160. The Exchequer is a foure [ E] cornered boord, about ten foote long, and five foote broad, fitted in manner of a table for men to sit round about it. On every side a standing ledge or border it hath of the bredth of foure fingers. Vpon this Exchequer boord is laid a cloth bought in Easter terme, and the same of black colour, and rewed with strikes distant one from another a foote or a span. And a little after. This Court, by report, began from the very Conquest of the Realme, and was erected by King William: howbeit the reason and proportion thereof, taken from the Ex∣chequer beyond Sea. In this are all causes heard which belong unto the Kings treasury. Judges therein, be The Lord Treasurer of England, The Chancellor of the Exchequer, The Lord chiefe Baron, with three or foure other Barons of the Exchequer. The servitours and Ministers to this Court are, The Kings Remembrancer, The Lord Treasurers Re∣membrancer, [ F] The Clerke of the Pipe, The Controller of the Pipe: Auditours of the old revenues five: The Forrein Opposer, The Clerke of the Estreights, The Clerke of the Pleas, The Mareschall, The Clerke of the Summons, The Deputie Chamberlaines Secondaries in the office of the Kings Remembrancer two, Secondaries in the office of the Lord Treasurers Re∣membrancer two, Secondaries of the Pipe two, Clerkes in divers offices foure, &c. In the

[ A] other part of the Exchequer called the Receipt, these bee the Officers: Two Chamber∣lains, a vice Treasurer, Clerke of the Tallies, Clerke of the Pels, Tellers foure, Ioyners of Tallies two, Deputie Chamberlaines two: The Clerke for Tallies, The Keeper of the Treasu∣rie, Messengers or Pursevants ordinarie foure: Scribes two, &c. The Officers likewise of the Tenths and first Fruits belong to this Court, who were ordained, when as the Popes autho∣ritie was banished and abolished, and an act passed, by which it was provided that the Tenths, and First fruits of Churchmens Benefices should be paid unto the King.

Beside these three Kings Courts for law,* 1.912 to cut off delaies, to ease the subject also of travell and charges; King Henrie the Second sent some of these Judges [ B] and others yearely into every Shire or Countie of the Realme, who were called Iustices Itinerant, and commonly Iustices in Eyre. These determined and gave judge∣ment, as well of the Pleas of the Crowne, as the Common Pleas, within those Coun∣ties whereunto they were assigned. For, the said King, as Matthew Paris saith, By the counsell of his sonne and the Bishops together, appointed Iustices to sixe parts of the King∣dome: in every part three, who should sweare to keepe and maintaine the right belonging to every man, sincerely and uncorruptly. But this ordinance vanished at length under Ed∣ward the Third: Howbeit, within a while after by Parliamentary authoritie, it was in some sort revived. For the Counties being divided into certaine Circuits, as wee [ C] terme them, two of the Kings Justices together twice in the yeare ride about and keepe their Circuits, for to give definitive sentence of the Prisoners, and as we use to speake, to deliver the Goales or Prisons. Whereupon in our Lawyers Latin, they bee called Iusticiarii Gaolae deliberandae, that is, Justices for Goale deliverie: as also to take Recognisances of Assises of new Deseisine, &c. whereof they be named Iustices of the Assises, to end and dispatch controversies depending, and growne to an issue in the foresaid principall Kings Courts, betweene plaintiffes and defendants, and that, by their Peeres, as the custome is: whence they are commonly called Iustices of Nisi prius, which name they tooke of the writs sent unto the Sheriffe, which have in them these two words, Nisi Prius, that is, Vnlesse before, &c.

[ D] The Star-Chamber or the Court rather of Kings Counsell,* 1.913 wherein are discussed and handled criminall matters, perjuries, cousenages, fraud, deceit, riots or excesse, &c. This Court in regard of time is right ancient, and for dignitie most honourable. For it seemes that it may claime antiquitie ever since the first time that Subject ap∣pealed unto their Soveraignes, and the Kings Councell was erected. Now, the Judges of this Court are persons right Honourable, and of greatest reputation, even the Kings Privie Counsellors. As for the name of Star-Chamber, it tooke it from the time that this Counsell was appointed at Westminster in a Chamber there anciently gar∣nished, and beautified with Starres: For we read in the Records of Edward the Third, Counseil en la Chambre des Estoilles, pres de la Receipt al Westminster, that is The Counsell [ E] in the Chamber of Starres, neere unto the Receit at Westminster. But the Authoritie thereof, that most sage and wise Prince Henry the Seventh, by authoritie of Parlia∣ment so augmented and established, that some are of opinion, though untruely, hee was the first founder of it. The Judges heere, are The Lord Chancellor of England, The Lord Treasurer of England, The Lord President of the Kings Counsell, The Lord Kee∣per of the Privy Seale, and all Counselors of the State, as wel Ecclesiasticall as Tempo∣rall: and out of the Barons of the Parliament, those whom the King will call: The two chiefe Iustices of the Benches, or in their absence two other Iudges. The Officers heerein are these, The Clerke of the Counsell, The Clerke of writs and processe of the Coun∣sell in the Star-Chamber, &c. And causes here are debated and decided not by Peeres according to our common Law, but after the course of Civill Law.

[ F] The Court of Wards and Liveries hath the name of Pupils or Wards,* 1.914 whose causes it handleth; was first instituted by Henrie the Eighth; whereas in former times their causes were heard in the Chancerie and Exchequer. For, by an old Ordinance derived out of Normandie, and not from Henry the Third (as some doe write) when a man is deceased, Who holdeth possessions or Lands of the King in chiefe by Knights service, as well the heire as his whole patrimonie and revenues are in the Kings power, tuition,

and protection, untill he be full one and twentie yeares of age, and untill by vertue of [ A] the Kings briefe or letter, restitution and re-delivery be made unto him thereof. In this Court, the Generall Master sitteth as Judge: under whom are these, The Supra∣visor, or Surveior of Liveries, The Atturney generall of the Court, The generall Recei∣ver, The Auditour, The Clerke of the Liveries, The Clerke of the Court, Fortie Fedaries, and a Messenger.

There have sprung up also in these later times, two other Courts, to wit, Of refor∣ming Errours: whereof the first is, to correct Errours in the Exchequer, the other to a∣mend errours committed in the Kings Bench. The Judges in the former of these twaine, are the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Treasurer of England, with others of the [ B] Kings Justices whom they are disposed to take unto them. In the later, The Iustices of the Common Pleas, and the Barons of the Exchequer.

* 1.915The Admirals Court handleth Sea matters. In this are reckoned the Lord Admirall of England, his Lieutenant, and a Iudge: two Scribes, a Serjeant of the Court, and the Vice-Admirals of England. Now proceede we to the Courts of Equitie.

* 1.916The Chancerie drew that name from a Chancellor: which name under the ancient Roman Emperours, was not of so greate esteeme and dignitie, as wee learne out of Vopiscus. But now adaies a name it is of highest honour, and Chancellors are advanced to the highest pitch of civill Dignitie. Whose name Cassiodorus fetcheth from crosse grates or lattesses, because they examined matters, within * 1.917 places severed apart en∣closed [ C] with partitions of such crosse bars which the Latins call Cancelli. Regard, saith hee to a Chancellor what name you beare: It cannot bee hidden which you doe within Lattesses. For you keepe your gates lightsome; your barres open, and your dores transparent as windows. Whereby, it is very evident, that he sate within grates, where he was to be seene on every side, and thereof it may be thought he tooke that name. But, conside∣ring it was his part, being as it were the Princes mouth, eie, and eare, to strike and dash out with crosse-lines lattise like, those letters, Commissions, Warrants, and Decrees passed against law and right, or prejudiciall to the comon-wealth, which not im∣properly they termed to cancell, some thinke the name of Chancellor came from this Cancelling: and in a Glossarie of latter time thus we read, A Chancellor is he whose Office is, to looke into and peruse the writings and answers of the Emperour: to cancell what [ D] is written amisse, and to signe that which is well. Neither is that true, which Poly∣dore Virgil writeth, namely, that William the Conquerour instituted a Colledge or fellow∣ship of Scribes, to write letters pattents &c. and named the Master of that Societie, Chan∣cellor: considering it is plaine and manifest that Chancellors were in England before the Normans Conquest. How great the dignitie and authoritie of the Chancellor is at this day, it is better knowne than I can declare: but of what credit it was in old time, have heere in a word or two out of a writer of good antiquitie.* 1.918 The dignitie of the Chancellor of England is this, He is reputed the second person in the Realme, and next unto the King; with the one side of the Kings Seale, (whereof by his Office he hath the Keeping) he may signe his owne injunctions, to dispose and order the Kings Chappell as hee liketh, to re∣ceive [ E] and keepe all Archbishopricks▪ Bishopricks, Abbeies, and Baronies, void and falling into the Kings hand, to be present at all the Kings Counsels, and thither to repaire uncalled: also that all things be signed by the hand of his Clerke who carrieth the Kings Seale, and that all things be directed and disposed by advise of the Chancellor. Item, that by the helpfull me∣rits of his good life through Gods grace, he need not die, if he will himselfe, but Archbishop or Bishop: And heereof it is, that the Chancellor-ship is not to be bought. The forme and man∣ner of ordaining a Chancellor, (for that also I will note) was in the time of King Hen∣rie the Second, by hanging the great Seale of England about the necke of the Chan∣cellor elect. But in King Henry the Sixth daies, this was the order of it, according to the notes I tooke out of the Records. When the place of the Lord Chancellor of England is [ F] void by death, the Kings three great Seales, to wit, one of gold, and other two of silver, which remained in the custodie of the Chancellor, presently after his death are shut up in a wooden chest fast locked, and signed with the Seales of the Lords then present, and so conveied into the Treasurie: From thence brought they are to the King, who in the presence of many No∣blemen

[ A] delivereth them into the hands of him that shall be Chancellor, and undertaketh the charge of executing the Office of Chancellorship, taking before an oath of him, well and truely to exercise the same: first he delivereth the great Seale of silver, then that of gold, and so the other of silver: who receiving the same bestoweth them againe in the chest: and being signed with his owne Seale conveieth it home to his owne house, and before certaine of the Nobilitie, causeth the Kings Patents and writs to be Sealed. When a Chancellor is dischar∣ged of his place, he delivereth up into the Kings hands in the presence of the Lords and Nobles, those three Seales, first, the Seale of gold, then one broad Seale of silver; and so ano∣ther of a lesse forme. Howbeit at this day one Seale and no more is delivered unto [ B] the Chanchellor, neither is there mention any where made of these three Seales, but in the raigne of Henry the Sixth. To this Chancellors Office in processe of time much authoritie and dignitie hath been adjoyned by authoritie of Parliament; especi∣ally ever since that Lawyers stood so precisely upon the strict points of Law, and caught men with the traps and snares of their law termes; that of necessitie there was a Court of equitie to be erected, and the same committed to the Chancellor, who might give judgement according to equitie and reason, and moderate the extremitie of law, which was wont to bee thought extreme wrong. In this Court there sitteth as President, the Lord Chancellor of England, and as assessors or assistants to him, twelve Masters of the Chancerie: whereof the chiefe and principall is the Keeper of the Rolls be∣longing [ C] to the same Court, and thereupon he is called Master of the Rolles. There belong also to this Court very many Officers, of whom some attend especially upon the Kings Seale, namely, The Clerke of the Crown, The Clerke of the Hanaper, The Sealer, The Chauff-wax, The Controller of the Hanaper, Cursitours twenty foure, A Clerke for the writs of Sub-poena. Others are attendant upon Bils of complaint there exhibited, to wit, A Protonotarie, sixe Clerkes, or Atturnies of the Court, and a Register. There be∣long also thereto the Clekes of the Petty Bag, The Clerke of Presentations, The Clerke of Faculties, The Clerke for examination of Letters Patents, The Clerke for di∣missions, &c.

There is another Court also derived out of the Kings Privie Counsell,* 1.919 called The [ D] Court of Requests, which giveth hearing likewise, as in the Chancerie, to causes be∣tweene private persons, but such as before are presented unto the Prince, or his Pri∣vie Counsell, as also to others. In this are employed certaine Masters of the Requests, and a Clerke or Register, with two Atturneys or three. But as touching those Coun∣sels held in the Marches of Wales and in the North parts, wee will speake with the leave of God in their due place.

As for Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall Courts there be two principall;* 1.920 to wit, The Sy∣node, which is called The Convocation of the Clergie, and is alwaies kept with the Par∣liament: and the Provinciall Synods in both Provinces.

[ E] After these are reckoned the Archbishop of Canterburies Courts▪ to wit, The Court of the Arches: wherein sitteth as Judge the Deane of the Arches. He is called Deane, for that he hath jurisdiction in xiij. Parishes of London, exempt from the Bishop of London, which number maketh a Deanrie; and Deane of the Arches, because the principall of his Churches is, S. Maries Church in London, the tower, steeple or lanterne whereof is beautifully built of arched worke. He hath to doe with appeales of all men within the Province of Canterburie. Advocates there bee in this Court xvj. or more, at the pleasure of the Archbishop, all Doctors of the Law; two Regi∣sters, and ten Proctours.

The Court of Audience,* 1.921 which entertaineth the complaints, causes and appeales of them in that Province.

[ F] The Prerogative Court, in which the Commissarie sitteth upon Inheritances fallen either by the Intestate, or by will and testament.

The Court of Faculties,* 1.922 wherein there is appointed a chiefe President, who hea∣reth and considereth of their grievances and requests that are petitioners for some moderation and easement of the Ecclesiasticall law, sometimes over-strict and rigo∣rous; and a Register beside, who recordeth the Dispensations granted.

The Court of Peculiars, which dealeth in certaine Parishes exempt from the Bi∣shops [ A] jurisdiction in some Diocesses, and are peculiarly belonging to the Archbishop of Canterburie. Other Courts of meaner account I willingly overpasse. Neither doe I wisely, I assure you, thus to entermeddle heerein: and yet Guicciardine in his Descrip∣tion of the Neatherlands hath given me a precedent hereof to follow.

Heere in this place my purpose was to have interserted somewhat, (so farre forth especially as concerned antiquitie) as touching the chiefe Magistrates, and highest Offices of England, as namely, The Lord Chancellor aforesaid, The Lord Treasurer, The President of the Counsell, The Lord Keeper of the Privie Seale, The Lord high Chamberlain, The Lord high Constable, The Mareschall, and Seneschal or Steward of the Kings hous∣hold, [ B] &c. But understanding that others were in hand with these matters, so farre am I from preventing them, that right willingly I shall impart even to them, whatsoever in this behalfe I have observed.

* 1.923Some man perhaps heere looketh, that I should out of Astrologicall rules, adde to to the rest, under what Signe and Planet our Britaine is seated. And verily I will say somewhat to satisfie the Curious; for in those learned errors I have, I may tell you, in my youth taken some paines: although the Conjecturers of Astrologers touching this point are so divers, that the very diversitie may seeme to weaken the thing it selfe, and leave no place for the truth. M. Manilius an ancient Poet in this verse of his, see∣meth to intimate, that Capricorne heere beareth rule in Britaine:

Tu Capricorne regis quicquid sub Sole cadente [ C] Expositum. Thou Capricorne doest governe all, That lies to Sun at his down-fall.

Ptolomee, Albumazar, and Cardane, doe make Aries our Tutelar Signe; Iohan∣nes de Muris, the Planet Saturne: The Frier Perscrutator, Esquidus and Henrie Silen, the Moone; for that, as they say, it is in the seventh Climate. Roger of Hereford, Thomas of Ravenna, Philologus, and Hispalensis, are of opinion Pisces governe us; and last of all Schonerus, and Pitatus, (see how they all disagree) have with no better reason than the rest, subjected us unto Gemini.

Now will I, by Gods assistance, make my perambulation through the Provinces [ D] or Shires of Britaine: wherein (according to the Preface that they used in old time, before they tooke any enterprize in hand) God grant me gracious good speed.* 1.924 In the severall discourses of every of them, I will declare as plainely, and as briefly as I can, who were their ancient Inhabitants; what is the reason of their names; how they are bounded; what is the nature of the soile; what places of antiquitie, and good ac∣count are therein; what Dukes likewise, or Earles have beene in each one since the Norman Conquest: And in this succession of Earles, to confesse frankly, by whom I have taken profit, I doe willingly and justly acknowledge that Thomas Talbot a most diligent Clerke in the Records of the Tower, a man of singular skill in our anti∣quities, hath given me much light. [ E]

And begin I will at the farthest parts in the West, that is to say, at Cornwall, and so passe over the other countries in order, imitating herein Strabo, Ptolomee, and the most ancient Geographers, who alwaies begin their description in the Westerne countries, as being first from the Meridian.

[ F]

Notes

• * 1.1

  See in KENT.
• * 1.2

  Scutula ••h∣longae.
• * 1.3

  Bipenni. See the Annotati∣ons of Sir. Hen. Savil••, knight, upon this place in T••citu••.
• * 1.4

  The Panegy∣ricke Orati∣on pronoun∣ced unto Cō∣stantius, and untruly enti∣tuled unto Maximian.
• * 1.5

  ••e natura De∣orum, lib. 2.
• * 1.6

  Probus in Vir∣gilij G••••gie.
• * 1.7

  Aries.
• * 1.8

  Gemini.
• * 1.9

  Taurus.
• * 1.10

  Bootes, other∣wise called Arctophylax.
• * 1.11

  Vsually grow in hot∣ter counries.
• * 1.12

  Zosimus. Eustachius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.13

  Panegyrie to Constantius.
• * 1.14

  Panegyri••, to Constantius.
• * 1.15

  Fortunate Islands.
• * 1.16

  In his Com∣mentaries upon Lyco∣phron.
• * 1.17

  1344.
• * 1.18

  The first In∣habitants: and reason of the Name.
• * 1.19

  Aquitaine, Brute.
• * 1.20

  Vrbem Tu∣ronum.
• * 1.21

  In the yeare of the world, 2855. Before the Nativitie of Christ, 1108.
• * 1.22

  Censorium.
• * 1.23

  The Fabulous Time or Age.
• * 1.24

  At this day called Ne∣ther-lands, or Low coun∣tries of Ger∣manie.
• * 1.25

  He flourished in the yeare 1440.
• * 1.26

  Epist. 44.
• * 1.27

  Descript. Cam∣briae. c. 7.
• * 1.28

  Bretanus.
• * 1.29

  Livius.
• * 1.30

  Augustinus d•• Civitate Dei. lib. 3. cap. 4.
• * 1.31

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.32

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.33

  Or Nations.
• * 1.34

  Origen. lib. 9. cap. 2.
• * 1.35

  Gen. cap. 9.
• * 1.36

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cime∣rii, Cumeri, &c.
• * 1.37

  i. Welch men.
• * 1.38

  or Welch.
• * 1.39

  Lib. 8. cap. 3.
• * 1.40

  Phil. Melanct.
• * 1.41

  Ad Sexium Pompeium. Berosus.

  Censure upon Berosus.
• * 1.42

  Now France.
• * 1.43

  Now Frenchmen.
• * 1.44

  THE NAME.
• * 1.45

  De Proconsul.
• * 1.46

  A••x.
• * 1.47

  Forcatulus out of the Annales of France.
• * 1.48

  Now, Castri or Salona.
• * 1.49

  1235.
• * 1.50

  Morimarusa.
• * 1.51

  That is, Welch.
• * 1.52

  The Scite.
• * 1.53

  Erasmus Mi∣chael of Na∣vigation.
• * 1.54

  Or Candie.
• * 1.55

  Now Bar∣barie.
• * 1.56

  Where now are Holland, Zeland, Flan∣ders, Bra∣bant, Gelder∣land & Cleve.
• * 1.57

  France.
• * 1.58

  Britaines in Gaule.
• * 1.59

  Britannos, yet in some Copies of Plinie, wee reade Bri∣annos.
• * 1.60

  Of Europe.
• * 1.61

  Religion.
• * 1.62

  Druidae.
• * 1.63

  About Chartres.
• * 1.64

  The Doctrine of the Druida•• found in Bri∣taine.
• * 1.65

  An Oke also in the British or Welch tongue is called Derw.
• * 1.66

  Lib. 16. cap. 4.
• * 1.67

  Saronidae.
• * 1.68

  Dry.
• * 1.69

  Bar••••
• * 1.70

  Welchmen.
• * 1.71

  That is, their descent from Pluto.
• * 1.72

  Their Repub∣lique or com∣mon wealth.
• * 1.73

  Cassibelinus.
• * 1.74

  Their Man∣ners.
• * 1.75

  Old wives tales.
• * 1.76

  Ambacti.
• * 1.77

  Brachae.
• * 1.78

  Language.
• * 1.79

  I have made use in these words of William Sa∣lisburies Glossarie, and another old Manuscript.
• * 1.80

  Divona.
• * 1.81

  That is▪ Welchmen.
• * 1.82

  Tarani••.
• * 1.83

  Hesus.
• * 1.84

  Teutates.
• * 1.85

  Tewsday 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tuisday.
• * 1.86

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.87

  Dusii.
• * 1.88

  Len••••
• * 1.89

  Gaessatae.
• * 1.90

  Gessi.
• * 1.91

  Gessum.
• * 1.92

  Caterva.
• * 1.93

  Cateia.
• * 1.94

  Gessa.
• * 1.95

  Trimarcia.
• * 1.96

  Thireos.
• * 1.97

  Cetos.
• * 1.98

  Rheda.
• * 1.99

  Rhediad.
• * 1.100

  Eporedia.
• * 1.101

  Covinus.
• * 1.102

  Essedum.
• * 1.103

  Circius.
• * 1.104

  Penninum.
• * 1.105

  Apenninus.
• * 1.106

  Armorica.
• * 1.107

  Bauchadae.
• * 1.108

  Vargae. Lib. 4. Epist. 6.
• * 1.109

  Allobroges.
• * 1.110

  Glastum. Woad.
• * 1.111

  Isatis. Vi••rum, an herbe.

  Lutteum in Caesar.

  Pomponius Mela corre∣cted.
• * 1.112

  Co••cus.
• * 1.113

  Brachae.
• * 1.114

  Lainae.
• * 1.115

  Bardus.
• * 1.116

  Bardocucullu••.
• * 1.117

  Brance.
• * 1.118

  Pempedula.
• * 1.119

  Petoritum.
• * 1.120

  Guvia.
• * 1.121

  Betulla.
• * 1.122

  Dercoma.
• * 1.123

  Rati••.
• * 1.124

  Scovies.
• * 1.125

  Vetonica.
• * 1.126

  Marga.
• * 1.127

  Gliscomarga.
• * 1.128

  Tripetia.
• * 1.129

  Candetum.
• * 1.130

  Becco.
• * 1.131

  Galba.
• * 1.132

  Bulga.
• * 1.133

  Soldurij.
• * 1.134

  Vowing to die and live one with ano∣ther.

  Planarat. Taxea. Sithum. Cervisia. Ale, a drinke.
• * 1.135

  The Termi∣nations or Ends of pla∣ces Names.
• * 1.136

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.137

  Lipsius, de Pro∣nunti••tione. pag. 96.
• * 1.138

  Garumna.
• * 1.139

  Arar.
• * 1.140

  Rhodanus. Rhos••e.
• * 1.141

  Montagnes de avergne or Cevennae.
• * 1.142

  Gebennae.
• * 1.143

  Mile and halfe.
• * 1.144

  Leuca.
• * 1.145

  Stony Strond, or stonie field.
• * 1.146

  Morini.
• * 1.147

  Arles. Ar••late.
• * 1.148

  Cadena•• in Quercy or Yool∣dun.
• * 1.149

  Vxellodunum. Dunum.
• * 1.150

  That is, an Harpe.
• * 1.151

  Cytharistes.
• * 1.152

  Epist. 4.
• * 1.153

  Little Tar∣taria or Pero∣copsca.
• * 1.154

  The British Tongue.
• * 1.155

  Giraldus in his Topogra∣phy of Wales.
• * 1.156

  Welchmen.
• * 1.157

  Albion.
• * 1.158

  Britanni••.
• * 1.159

  Vide Ioseph. Scalig in Ca••ul.
• * 1.160

  The shape or pourtraicture of Britaine.
• * 1.161

  De morbis lan∣••agrosis lib. 1. Sweating sicknesse.
• * 1.162

  A Canticle or Sonet. Insula Caeruli.
• * 1.163

  ROMANIA.
• * 1.164

  Vopiscusin Flo∣rianum.
• * 1.165

  Haply, go∣verned by Presidents. Samothea.
• * 1.166

  In his Craty∣lus.
• * 1.167

  Or Samnium.
• * 1.168

  Brit.
• * 1.169

  Centurionis▪
• * 1.170

  BRIT.
• * 1.171

  Glass.
• * 1.172

  Britans, whence they tooke their name. Brith, what it is.
• * 1.173

  Gyn••getis. lib. 1.
• * 1.174

  Old Britans names, drawn from colours.
• * 1.175

  That is, Welch men.
• * 1.176

  In serm. Pente∣cost.
• * 1.177

  TANIA So as this day the Germans unto the names of countries put to Land••, as Gelderlandt, Friestlandt, Pomerlandt, &c.
• * 1.178

  Or Bacchus.
• * 1.179

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.180

  That the Greeks came to Britaine.
• * 1.181

  The Low countries.
• * 1.182

  Greeke words in the British Language.
• * 1.183

  In his booke of English Orthographie.
• * 1.184

  The Manners of Britaines.
• * 1.185

  Annulis. Some read, Laminis, that is, thinne plates.
• * 1.186

  Lute••
• * 1.187

  Essedarii.
• * 1.188

  The manner of their Esse∣daries or Cha∣ritiers fight.
• * 1.189

  Glasto vel vitro. See before.
• * 1.190

  France.
• * 1.191

  Politic. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.192

  The Britans Art Magicke.
• * 1.193

  Glastum.
• * 1.194

  Chenerotes. Brants or Soland gecle.
• * 1.195

  Their manner of painting.
• * 1.196

  Andates.
• * 1.197

  The Britans Navigation.
• * 1.198

  Curmi.
• * 1.199

  The Tyrants of Britaine.
• * 1.200

  The religion of the Britans.
• * 1.201

  Brodaeus Mis∣cellan. lib. 3. cap. 4.

  Vlysses never in Britaine.
• * 1.202

  Lisbon.
• * 1.203

  King Alexan∣der the Great, never in Bri∣taine.
• * 1.204

  Hannibal ne∣ver in Britaine.
• * 1.205

  King Hiero his ship.
• * 1.206

  Britaines with the Cimbri in their expedi∣tions.
• * 1.207

  The bookes of Triades.
• * 1.208

  Brennus.
• * 1.209

  Brennin.
• * 1.210

  Britomarus a Britaine.
• * 1.211

  Lib. 2. cap. 13.
• * 1.212

  Late ere Bri∣taine was knowne to the Greeks.
• * 1.213

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.214

  In France.
• * 1.215

  Bacchus.
• * 1.216

  Censorinus de Die Natali.
• * 1.217

  Three times or ages of the world.
• * 1.218

  Vncertaine.
• * 1.219

  Fabulous.
• * 1.220

  Historicall.
• * 1.221

  Iulius Caesar.
• * 1.222

  France.
• * 1.223

  Pomponius Sabinus out of Seneca.
• * 1.224

  Those a∣bout Beau∣vois or Beau∣vosin.
• * 1.225

  Atrebatens.
• * 1.226

  Those of Ar∣ras, and the territories a∣bout it.
• * 1.227

  The coast of Picardy.
• * 1.228

  That is the maine stan∣dard.
• * 1.229

  In Caesaribus.
• * 1.230

  Essedarii, Cha∣riotiers.
• * 1.231

  In Autumne or September, when daies and nights are equall.
• * 1.232

  Dio. lib. 39.
• * 1.233

  Neere Calais.
• * 1.234

  Cassibelinus.
• * 1.235

  The river Thames.
• * 1.236

  Trinobant••
• * 1.237

  Where i•• Essex and Middlese•• Manduba•• who also ••••nomed A••••drogeus. Now 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norfolke Cambrid•• Hunting•• shire.
• * 1.238

  About Holeshot Silecester
• * 1.239

  The H••••••dred of H••••ly upon Thames.
• * 1.240

  The hu••••dred of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Cais••
• * 1.241

  Atrebas.
• * 1.242

  Atrebas.
• * 1.243

  Scaeva.
• * 1.244

  Athenaem.
• * 1.245

  Plinie.
• * 1.246

  Servius Hono∣ratus.
• * 1.247

  In the Gar∣dens of the Cardinall de Carpento.
• * 1.248

  Dio.
• * 1.249

  Strabo.
• * 1.250

  Electrina.
• * 1.251

  A pale an•• whitish gol••
• * 1.252

  Of East a•• West.
• * 1.253

  Tiberius.
• * 1.254

  C. Caligula.
• * 1.255

  Suetonius in Caligula,
• * 1.256

  Adminius.
• * 1.257

  Dio.
• * 1.258

  Watch∣tower.
• * 1.259

  Claudius.
• * 1.260

  Bericus.
• * 1.261

  A. Plautius.
• * 1.262

  Dio.
• * 1.263

  A freed servant of Claudius.
• * 1.264

  Othorwise to Duobuni, Glocester∣shire, and O••fordshire.
• * 1.265

  Or Caticu¦••••lani, that is, Buckingham••shire, and Hartford∣shire.
• * 1.266

  Elephants.
• * 1.267

  Now Ma¦don.
• * 1.268

  That had married his daughters.
• * 1.269

  Bologne.
• * 1.270

  Plinie.
• * 1.271

  France.
• * 1.272

  venice Gulfe.
• * 1.273

  Vespasian.
• * 1.274

  Vectem. Sueton. in Ve∣spasian. cap. 4.
• * 1.275

  Sueton. in Tit. cap. 4.
• * 1.276

  P. Ostorius Propraetor.
• * 1.277

  The Nem at North∣hampton.
• * 1.278

  Sabrina. Iceni.
• * 1.279

  Autonas, or Aufonas.
• * 1.280

  Cangi. Cheshire 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as some thi••
• * 1.281

  Brigantes. Yorkshire. Lancashire Bishoprick Durham, Westmorla•••• Cumberla••••
• * 1.282

  Southwa•••• as Herefor••••shire, Rad∣norshire, Brecknock¦shire, Mon¦mouthshir•• and Glam¦ganshire. Camalod••¦num a col••••nie.
• * 1.283

  Caratacus.
• * 1.284

  Ordovice Northwa•••• as Montg¦meryshire Merionet¦shire, Ca••vanshire, Denbigh∣shire, and Flintshire
• * 1.285

  Majoru•• nationum•• is, of Na••ons or 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.286

  Majoru•• Nationum the Nati••••
• * 1.287

  What be∣came of his daughters, Tacitus?
• * 1.288

  Antonius Del∣rio readeth o∣therwise in some places: the divers readings therefore, I have here set to.
• * 1.289

  Prospicit, that is, seeth before him.
• * 1.290

  Nunc, now. Or before,
• * 1.291

  prospicit if respicit, be∣hinde.
• * 1.292

  Non. if Nun••, reade thus.
• * 1.293

  That will be now thine Empires bound, which was of world before.
• * 1.294

  recluserat.
• * 1.295

  Cingitur.
• * 1.296

  Semoto.
• * 1.297

  Polum.
• * 1.298

  A. Didius A∣vitus Gallus Propretor.
• * 1.299

  Nero.
• * 1.300

  Venutius.
• * 1.301

  Or haply, Brigantes.
• * 1.302

  Verannius Propretor.
• * 1.303

  Paulus Sue∣tonius Pro∣pretor.
• * 1.304

  Anglesey.
• * 1.305

  Druidae.
• * 1.306

  Vicis alias victis, that is over the van∣quished.
• * 1.307

  Prasutagus.
• * 1.308

  Boodicia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also is name•• Boaducia Boudicia, V••••adica, and Bunduica.
• * 1.309

  The Colony Camalodu∣num, that is, Maldon.
• * 1.310

  See Viphili∣nus in Nero.
• * 1.311

  Haply, the Firth of Fa∣mesa.
• * 1.312

  Paetilius Ce∣realis.
• * 1.313

  London.
• * 1.314

  Commea∣tuum.
• * 1.315

  Verulam neere to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Albans.
• * 1.316

  Militar or milita••
• * 1.317

  Deserent tutum, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fendentil•• tutum, th•• whiles th•• fendants stood no•• with safe•• upon the•• guard.
• * 1.318

  Vexillari
• * 1.319

  Sonor Sonores is, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noises.
• * 1.320

  Petronius Turpilianus, Propretor.
• * 1.321

  Trebellius Maximus Propretor.
• * 1.322

  Vectias Bola¦nus Proprae∣tor.
• * 1.323

  Cartismandua.
• * 1.324

  Vespasian Emperor. Jul. Agrico Lieutenant over the twentieth Legion.
• * 1.325

  Petilius Cere∣alis Proprae∣tor.
• * 1.326

  Julius Fronti∣nus Proprae∣tor.
• * 1.327

  Jul. Agricola Propraetor.
• * 1.328

  Anglesey.
• * 1.329

  Titus Empe∣ror.
• * 1.330

  Tau Firth. Twede as some think••
• * 1.331

  The Fir••h of Dunbrit∣son.
• * 1.332

  Edenbo∣rough Irith.
• * 1.333

  Ireland.
• * 1.334

  Those a∣bout Zut∣phen.
• * 1.335

  Britaine is s••iled round about.
• * 1.336

  Gran••∣bani.
• * 1.337

  Galgacus
• * 1.338

  Trinobantes.
• * 1.339

  Now calle•• Anguse, as some thinke.
• * 1.340

  Some read, Rhutupensis, which is sup∣posed to be Richborow neere Sand∣witch.

  Britaine is for certaine avou∣ched to be an Island. The Islands Orkneys.
• * 1.341

  Salustius Lu∣cullus Lieute∣nant Generall over Britaine. Arviragus the Britaine.
• * 1.342

  The old scholiast upon Juvenal cal∣leth him Arbila.
• * 1.343

  Rufina, a Bri∣tish dame.
• * 1.344

  By the like phrase in ano∣ther Epigram he saith, Ab∣deritane pecto∣ra plebis habet; speaking of a doltish and grosse headed fellow.
• * 1.345

  Britaine be∣come a Pro∣vince. Britaine a Presidiall Province.
• * 1.346

  Governed under Empe∣rors, with gar∣risons lying in it.
• * 1.347

  Comes, heere, as much as a Lieutenant Generall. What legions served in Bri∣taine.

  Dio. ••5.
• * 1.348

  The begin∣ning of Cities. The Roman yoke.
• * 1.349

  Rowardus in Protribunal.
• * 1.350

  The Roman•• workes in Britaine.
• * 1.351

  The Picts wall. Highwaies made by the Romans.
• * 1.352

  Galen. lib. 9. cap. 8. Metho. medend.
• * 1.353

  Sueton in Octavius.
• * 1.354

  A Mansion.
• * 1.355

  A Mutation.
• * 1.356

  Varr. lib. de lingua Latin.
• * 1.357

  Codex Theo∣dosij. The Lawes S. Edward.
• * 1.358

  Nerva Trajanus.
• * 1.359

  Adrianus, Emperour. Jul. Severus, Propraetor▪
• * 1.360

  Spartianu••.
• * 1.361

  Cl. Priscus Li∣cinius, Propre∣tor of Britan∣nie.
• * 1.362

  Antoninus Pi∣us, Emperor.
• * 1.363

  Lollius Vrbi∣cus Propretor. Capitolinus. Pausanius in Arcadicis.
• * 1.364

  Digest. lib. 36. Archiguber∣nus.
• * 1.365

  Antoninus Philosophus, Emperor. Calphurnius Agricola, Propretor.
• * 1.366

  Eumenius Capitolinus.
• * 1.367

  Commodus Emperor.
• * 1.368

  Vlpius Mar∣cellus Propre∣tor.
• * 1.369

  Xiphilinus out of Dio.
• * 1.370

  Helvius Per∣tinax Propre∣tor.
• * 1.371

  Clodius Albi∣nus Propretor Capitolinus. Junius Severu Propretor. Christian Re∣ligion in Bri∣tanny. K. Lucius.
• * 1.372

  Mattyrol••••∣giis.
• * 1.373

  Capitolinus.
• * 1.374

  Lieutenants Generall, or Governors. Against the Jewes. cap. 7.
• * 1.375

  Bale. Matthew Parker, John Fox.
• * 1.376

  Brutij in Italy.
• * 1.377

  The same that Calen∣dar or Alma∣nack with us.
• * 1.378

  4. Vpon Eze∣chiel.
• * 1.379

  Vnder Nero.
• * 1.380

  In a Sermon upon the Pentecost. Epitaph, of Marcella, Widow.
• * 1.381

  Pertinax Em∣perour. Severus Em∣perour.
• * 1.382

  Albinus Em∣perour.
• * 1.383

  Afterwards Constantino∣ple.
• * 1.384

  Lugdunum.
• * 1.385

  Herculianus▪ Propraetor. Virius Lupus, Propraetor. Digest. lib. 28. Tit. 6.

  Who inhabi∣ted the coun∣ttey now Northumber∣land.
• * 1.386

  The Apothe∣osis, or Dei∣fication of the Emperour.
• * 1.387

  Herodian.
• * 1.388

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.389

  Antoninus Caracalla.
• * 1.390

  Nonius Phi∣lippus Propr••••tor.
• * 1.391

  Gallienus Emperour.
• * 1.392

  Panegyrick unto Con∣stantius. Thirty Ty∣rants.
• * 1.393

  Bonosus.
• * 1.394

  Now, La••¦guedoc Pro∣vance and Daulphine.
• * 1.395

  Probus Em¦peror. Zosimus.
• * 1.396

  Laelianus Emperor. Burgundia•• and Vanda in Britaine
• * 1.397

  Hierome. Carus and Carinus Em∣perours.
• * 1.398

  Dioclesian and Maximi∣an Emperors. Bononium Galliae.
• * 1.399

  Carausius Emperour.
• * 1.400

  The The∣bane Legion.
• * 1.401

  Of the Au∣gusti, that is Emperors.
• * 1.402

  Now Hol∣land.
• * 1.403

  The Panegy∣rick of Eume∣nius.
• * 1.404

  C. Allectus, Emperour.
• * 1.405

  Persecution in Britaine.
• * 1.406

  S. Alban.
• * 1.407

  Neere Saint Albans in Monmouth shire.
• * 1.408

  Constantius Chlorus, Emperour.
• * 1.409

  Baronius, in his Ecclesia∣sticall History.
• * 1.410

  Helena.
• * 1.411

  Venerable, and right de∣vout Empresse.
• * 1.412

  Inne keeper or Hostesse.
• * 1.413

  Of the death of Theodo∣sius.
• * 1.414

  Eusebius.
• * 1.415

  Those in Albanie, in the North of Scotland.
• * 1.416

  See Suidas, why he was called Poore.
• * 1.417

  Constantine the Great, Emperour.
• * 1.418

  Panegyrick oration unto Constantine the Great.
• * 1.419

  Gelasius Ci∣zicenus lib. 1. Act. Concil. Nicaen. cap. 3.
• * 1.420

  Pacatianus Vicegeren•• of Britaine in the thir¦teenth yea•• of Consta••¦tine the Great.
• * 1.421

  Gildas.
• * 1.422

  The Roman civill govern∣ment in Britaine, under the lat∣ter Emperors. As L L. chiefe Justices, Grand Sene∣schals, or high Stewards.
• * 1.423

  Magistros Militum. Vicar of Bri∣taine.
• * 1.424

  Comes.
• * 1.425

  Spectabiles.
• * 1.426

  Comes of Britaine.
• * 1.427

  Comes of the Saxon shore.
• * 1.428

  Duke of Bri∣taine.
• * 1.429

  Resembling the Lord Treasurer.
• * 1.430

  Comes rerum privatarum: as one would say, Keeper of the privie purse. Constantine the Emperor.
• * 1.431

  Constans, Emperour.
• * 1.432

  Athanasius in Apolog. 2.
• * 1.433

  Magnentius called also Taporus.
• * 1.434

  Comitem.
• * 1.435

  Angelus Roch••.
• * 1.436

  The Empe∣rours.
• * 1.437

  Gratianus Fu∣narius. Am. Marcelli∣nus.
• * 1.438

  Constantius. Paulus Catena.
• * 1.439

  Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. 14.
• * 1.440

  Martin, Vicar of Britaine.
• * 1.441

  What tortu∣ring Instru∣ment this Eculeus was, seene in Caro∣lus Sigonius. De Iudiciis lib. 3. cap 17.
• * 1.442

  Lupicinus, Magister Armorum.
• * 1.443

  Now Bul∣garians.
• * 1.444

  Rhutupiae. London.
• * 1.445

  The heresie of Arius.
• * 1.446

  Gildas.
• * 1.447

  Sulpitius Se∣verus.
• * 1.448

  These calleth Hilarius, The Bishops of the Provinces of Britaine, in an Epistle unto the Bi∣shops.
• * 1.449

  Julian the Emperour. Am. Marcel∣linus.
• * 1.450

  Or Empe∣rour.
• * 1.451

  Valentinian Emperour.
• * 1.452

  Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 27. and 28.
• * 1.453

  This place of the text is haply cor∣rupted.
• * 1.454

  Theodosius.
• * 1.455

  Picts. Scots. Attacots.
• * 1.456

  Called the sleeve.
• * 1.457

  Ribchester. by Sandwich, or Richbo∣row.
• * 1.458

  London cal∣led Augusta.
• * 1.459

  Civilis.
• * 1.460

  Dulcitius.
• * 1.461

  Valentine stirreth up se∣dition in Britaine.
• * 1.462

  Valentia. Areani.
• * 1.463

  Gratianus Emperour.
• * 1.464

  Maximus the Tyrant. Zosimus. Orosius.
• * 1.465

  Emperor.
• * 1.466

  Prosper. Tyro.
• * 1.467

  Treviris. Gregorius. Toronensis.
• * 1.468

  Cedrenus.
• * 1.469

  Zosimus.
• * 1.470

  Priscillianists. Sulpitius Seve∣rus.
• * 1.471

  Turonum.
• * 1.472

  Bono Reip.
• * 1.473

  Sulpitius Alex∣ander.
• * 1.474

  Zonaras.
• * 1.475

  Zosimus.
• * 1.476

  Sisseg.
• * 1.477

  Or, ••udisti▪
• * 1.478

  British, or of Britaine.
• * 1.479

  Procopius.
• * 1.480

  Honorius, Emperour.
• * 1.481

  Or, exangues.
• * 1.482

  Fastidius. Genadius. Chrysanthus. Niephorus.
• * 1.483

  Lieutenant, or Deputie.
• * 1.484

  Pure.
• * 1.485

  Tripartite Historie.
• * 1.486

  Marcus, Em∣perour.
• * 1.487

  Gratian, Em∣perour.
• * 1.488

  Constantine, Emperour.
• * 1.489

  Valence.
• * 1.490

  Monte Gene∣bre, or Mont Cen••••.
• * 1.491

  Monte Mojore de S. Bernardo
• * 1.492

  Montag•••• ••i Carrara & Lu∣nigiana, in the Countie of Tendar.
• * 1.493

  Carragoca.
• * 1.494

  Nicephorus. Callistus.
• * 1.495

  As one would say, Heire appa∣rant.
• * 1.496

  Victorinus Rector or Ruler of Bri∣taine.
• * 1.497

  Bretagne, little Britaine, or Llydaw.
• * 1.498

  Zosimus.
• * 1.499

  Histor. Miscel.
• * 1.500

  Gallio Ra∣vennas.
• * 1.501

  Gildas.
• * 1.502

  Betweene the mouth of Tine and Elen.
• * 1.503

  Sigebert 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.504

  Anno 428.
• * 1.505

  The English-Saxon-Chro∣nicle.
• * 1.506

  Yei called Gaule.
• * 1.507

  inter auxilia Palatina.
• * 1.508

  How the Bri∣tans are de∣scended from the Trojans.
• * 1.509

  The people of Auergne in France.
• * 1.510

  Trojan.
• * 1.511

  Burgundi∣ans.
• * 1.512

  Tacit. Histor. lib. 4.
• * 1.513

  Those of Colein, and thereabout.
• * 1.514

  Ammian. Marcellin. sib. 28.
• * 1.515

  Deputies.
• * 1.516

  Regents.
• * 1.517

  TASCIA.
• * 1.518

  See in Essex.
• * 1.519

  See in Hart∣ford-shire.
• * 1.520

  God Belinus.
• * 1.521

  Ancient In∣habitants of France.
• * 1.522

  Henbane.
• * 1.523

  Welch.
• * 1.524

  Cuno.
• * 1.525

  Welchmen.
• * 1.526

  Vitrei coloris.
• * 1.527

  Or Dabuni, Glocester∣shire, and Oxford-shire.
• * 1.528

  Of Arras.
• * 1.529

  Or Gallena, that is, Wal∣lengford.
• * 1.530

  Victoria. Andate.
• * 1.531

  Those of the County of Beaufort.
• * 1.532

  In Octago∣no.
• * 1.533

  People of Anjou or Angiers.
• * 1.534

  Solidurij. Caesar Com∣ment.
• * 1.535

  Soldiers.
• * 1.536

  Strabo.
• * 1.537

  Sativis.
• * 1.538

  Appian.
• * 1.539

  Pol-silver.
• * 1.540

  Numisma Census.
• * 1.541

  Dio. Cassius.
• * 1.542

  The Empe∣rour.
• * 1.543

  Or Plough∣man.
• * 1.544

  Or Vsurpers.
• * 1.545

  Or Vsurper.
• * 1.546

  Others read Laelianus.
• * 1.547

  A kind of coine.
• * 1.548

  Treveris.
• * 1.549

  Solemnized every fifth yeare.
• * 1.550

  Arles.
• * 1.551

  Emperours.
• * 1.552

  D. 1. c. de auri pub. proscent L. 12. 13. C. The de suscept. praepos.
• * 1.553

  Gilda.
• * 1.554

  Saxons called forth into Britaine.
• * 1.555

  Carroghes. Scitick vale.
• * 1.556

  The Irish sea.
• * 1.557

  This Gildas here in the Manuscript Copies of France is na∣med Querulis as the right worrhy Barnabas Brisonius hath reported unto me.
• * 1.558

  In some Co∣pies, AGI∣TIVS, in other Equi∣tius Cos. with∣out any num∣ber.
• * 1.559

  Kings anoin∣ted.
• * 1.560

  Pestilence.
• * 1.561

  Saxons recei∣ved into Bri∣taine.
• * 1.562

  Germanie.
• * 1.563

  Ciulae.
• * 1.564

  Germany.
• * 1.565

  Epimenia.
• * 1.566

  Gildas.
• * 1.567

  A song at their first set∣ting out.
• * 1.568

  Bretagne, or little Britain.
• * 1.569

  Or Welch∣men.
• * 1.570

  Or Welch∣men.
• * 1.571

  Cod. Theod. lib. 7. Tit. 20.
• * 1.572

  Britaine.
• * 1.573

  Britanniciani.
• * 1.574

  Armorica.
• * 1.575

  Haply, Lexo vij in Plinie. Zonaras. Procopius ter∣meth them Arborici: and another cal∣leth the coun∣trey, Corn•• Galliae.
• * 1.576

  Vis••gothes.
• * 1.577

  Sid••••. Appolli∣nar.
• * 1.578

  Ligeris.
• * 1.579

  Anno 470.
• * 1.580

  French wri∣••ers.
• * 1.581

  Venett••sis.
• * 1.582

  Gregor. Tur••••. lib. 10. cap. 9.
• * 1.583

  Amphibal∣lus a sacred vesture hairie on both sides. An old Glos∣sarie. Aurelius Conanus, whe•• also was cal∣led Caninus. V.c. in an old booke. Vortipor.
• * 1.584

  Southwales, as Caermar∣den shire, Pembrooke shire, and Cardi∣gan shire. Cuneglasus.
• * 1.585

  Magoeunus.
• * 1.586

  Cornwalis. Britwales. Welch. Walli.
• * 1.587

  Danubium.
• * 1.588

  Welchmen.
• * 1.589

  Statute of Wales.
• * 1.590

  Welchmen.
• * 1.591

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.592

  PICTS.
• * 1.593

  Gallies or Keeles.
• * 1.594

  Their man∣ners and de∣meanour.
• * 1.595

  Their name.
• * 1.596

  Now Alba∣nie.
• * 1.597

  Lib. 4. cap. 37.
• * 1.598

  Their Lan∣guage.
• * 1.599

  Dical••dinij. Vecturiones.
• * 1.600

  The manners of the Picts.
• * 1.601

  Blondus.
• * 1.602

  Honoriaci.
• * 1.603

  Bede.
• * 1.604

  Reckoning the said day.
• * 1.605

  Asterius Co∣mes. Pictorum.
• * 1.606

  Pictones.
• * 1.607

  Scota, King Pharaohs daughter.
• * 1.608

  Flower ga∣therer, the name of an Historie. Lib. 9. cap. 2.
• * 1.609

  Ireland the native Coun∣trey of the Scots.
• * 1.610

  Gaiothel, or Gaithel, and G••el.
• * 1.611

  Burbonnois.
• * 1.612

  Welchmen.
• * 1.613

  Welchmen.
• * 1.614

  ••allis Scythica.
• * 1.615

  In Hypodig∣mate.
• * 1.616

  Lib. 6.
• * 1.617

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.618

  Caribes. Benzo. lib. 2.
• * 1.619

  Tom. 1. pag. 37.
• * 1.620

  Whence the Scots came into Ireland.
• * 1.621

  Scythians in Spaine.
• * 1.622

  Those of Biscay, and there about. Concani.
• * 1.623

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.624

  Russians, and Tartari∣ans.
• * 1.625

  Capanillo.
• * 1.626

  Luceni.
• * 1.627

  Those about Luca.
• * 1.628

  Germans in Spaine.
• * 1.629

  De consolatione ed Albinum lib. 4. cap. 12.
• * 1.630

  Vassaeus.
• * 1.631

  Or Fank∣ners.
• * 1.632

  Orasius lib. 7.
• * 1.633

  Flagella cri∣nium.
• * 1.634

  That is, the Redshanks.
• * 1.635

  Vpon Ho∣race, De arte Poetica.
• * 1.636

  Lib. 2. de bell•• Gothorum.
• * 1.637

  Lib. 6. cap. 25
• * 1.638

  Diodorus Si∣••ulus.
• * 1.639

  An Dom. 77. Scot.
• * 1.640

  Almans. Agath. lib. 1.
• * 1.641

  When the Scots came into Britaine.
• * 1.642

  As also for their Etymo∣logie in his notes upon Eusebius Chronology. See them.
• * 1.643

  That is, Ire∣land. See in Ireland and before. Lib. 5. cap. 15.
• * 1.644

  Vnto Cre••i∣phon against Pelagians.
• * 1.645

  Emperour.
• * 1.646

  Beda. lib. 1. ca. 1.
• * 1.647

  Alban and Albin.
• * 1.648

  Albin. Albinus.
• * 1.649

  The Albine Dogge.
• * 1.650

  Lib. 1 cap. ult.
• * 1.651

  Bede.
• * 1.652

  Attacotti.
• * 1.653

  Lib. 2. contra Iovianum.
• * 1.654

  Ambrones.
• * 1.655

  Anglo-Sax∣ons.
• * 1.656

  Who also is called Guor∣tigern.
• * 1.657

  Orkney Isles.
• * 1.658

  Mare Fresi∣cum.
• * 1.659

  Aurelius Am∣brosius. Gildas cal∣leth him, Am∣brosius Aure∣lianus.
• * 1.660

  Haply, Mar∣tian.
• * 1.661

  Brets, for Britans.
• * 1.662

  Picts.
• * 1.663

  Saxons, from the Sacae in Asia.
• * 1.664

  Tartarie.
• * 1.665

  Lib. 11. Mela••cthon Cisnerus.
• * 1.666

  Michael N••∣ander.
• * 1.667

  Axones, peo∣ple of Gaule.
• * 1.668

  Elbe. Zosimus.
• * 1.669

  Ethelward, Son to King Adulph in the fourth degree, flou∣rished the yeere 950.
• * 1.670

  Ode 2. of Leiden.
• * 1.671

  Spartianus Trebellius Pol∣lio Capitolinus, &c.
• * 1.672

  Alias, Danu∣bius Don••w.
• * 1.673

  Marmajore.
• * 1.674

  Angles, or Englishmen.
• * 1.675

  Lib. 1. cap. 15.
• * 1.676

  Iutarum. So readeth the Manu∣script, and not Vit••r••m.
• * 1.677

  Angel in Denmarke, the seat of the English, or Angles.
• * 1.678

  Faire.
• * 1.679

  De bello Gothi∣co. lib. 4.
• * 1.680

  Saxons, An∣gles, and Iutes one na∣tion.
• * 1.681

  Anglo-Sax∣ons, when they came into Britaine.
• * 1.682

  or Aetius.
• * 1.683

  or Register. Fasti Consula∣res.
• * 1.684

  Baronius.
• * 1.685

  Read Fusius.
• * 1.686

  or battell.
• * 1.687

  Elsewhere Decius Pau∣linus.
• * 1.688

  The Saxons conquest.
• * 1.689

  Gildas.
• * 1.690

  The Saxons Manners.
• * 1.691

  Lib. 9 cap. 2. Originum.
• * 1.692

  The Saxons shores or coasts.
• * 1.693

  Comites lit∣toris Saxonici.
• * 1.694

  Sperabat, for timebat.
• * 1.695

  Baieux.
• * 1.696

  Saxones Bai∣ocassini.
• * 1.697

  Lib. 8. Epist. ad Namantium.
• * 1.698

  Ciuli.
• * 1.699

  By han∣ging them in∣differently one with an∣other.
• * 1.700

  Lib. 2. Epist. 4••.
• * 1.701

  An horse the badge or cognisance of the Saxons.
• * 1.702

  These ceri∣monies A∣dam Bremen∣sis ascribeth to the Saxons which Taci∣tus attribu∣teth to the Suevians.
• * 1.703

  The Saxons Gods.
• * 1.704

  Wednesday. Friday. Tuesday.
• * 1.705

  De tempori∣bus. Eoster a goddesse.
• * 1.706

  Herthus, a goddesse.
• * 1.707

  Earth.
• * 1.708

  Thursday hath name from this Thor.
• * 1.709

  Ingenti Priapo.
• * 1.710

  A Monarchie alwaies in the Englishmens Heptarchie. Lib. 2. cap. 5.••96.
• * 1.711

  Augustine the English∣mens A∣postle. Englishmen converted to the faith. Lib. 2. cap. 1.
• * 1.712

  Englishmen.
• * 1.713

  Hol-Deir∣••••esse.
• * 1.714

  Christ.
• * 1.715

  The River Swale in York-shire. Beda repor∣teth all this of Paulinus Archbishop of York and not of Augustine.
• * 1.716

  The Religion of the English∣men.
• * 1.717

  The learning of English∣men.
• * 1.718

  Britaine twice Schoole-mistris of France.
• * 1.719

  The flitting backe againe of Anglo-Saxons into Germanie.
• * 1.720

  England.
• * 1.721

  About the yeare, 800.
• * 1.722

  Theod. that is, a Nation.
• * 1.723

  Epist. to Za∣charie the Pope.
• * 1.724

  Porphyrius de Theolog. Ph••.
• * 1.725

  Ael. ••al. &c.
• * 1.726

  Vlf.
• * 1.727

  Ard▪
• * 1.728

  Athel, and E∣thel.
• * 1.729

  Bert.
• * 1.730

  Bald.
• * 1.731

  Ken, and Kin.
• * 1.732

  Cuth.
• * 1.733

  Ead.
• * 1.734

  Fred.
• * 1.735

  Gisle.
• * 1.736

  Hold.
• * 1.737

  Helm.
• * 1.738

  Hare, and Here.
• * 1.739

  Hild.
• * 1.740

  Wiga.
• * 1.741

  Leod.
• * 1.742

  Leof.
• * 1.743

  Mund.
• * 1.744

  Rad, Red, and Rod.
• * 1.745

  Ric.
• * 1.746

  Sig.
• * 1.747

  Stan.
• * 1.748

  Wi.
• * 1.749

  Willi.
• * 1.750

  Wold.
• * 1.751

  The name of Britaine brought into use againe.
• * 1.752

  Da-hen.
• * 1.753

  Winccinga.
• * 1.754

  D••••.
• * 1.755

  The Religion of the Danes. Hereupon peradventure we have our Thursday so called.
• * 1.756

  Burnt offe∣ring.
• * 1.757

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.758

  Theophania.
• * 1.759

  The waste and spoile that the Danes made.
• * 1.760

  Dangelt.
• * 1.761

  Or demame.
• * 1.762

  Otherwise called, Alu∣red.
• * 1.763

  1012.
• * 1.764

  Cut in his coines.
• * 1.765

  The Danes afflicted Eng∣land 200. yeares, and reigne about 20.
• * 1.766

  Hardy-Knout. Edward the Confessor.
• * 1.767

  Of Canter∣bury.
• * 1.768

  Nordmanni. Nord-l••udi. Hel••••ldus.
• * 1.769

  The booke of Sangall concerning the Acts of Charles the Great.
• * 1.770

  Calvus.
• * 1.771

  Crassus.
• * 1.772

  Normandy.
• * 1.773

  Neustria.
• * 1.774

  Rou.
• * 1.775

  The Foole.
• * 1.776

  Bigod.
• * 1.777

  Baptisme.
• * 1.778

  Longa spata.
• * 1.779

  Dukes of Normandie.
• * 1.780

  Domu•• re∣gia Major.
• * 1.781

  Or Tostre.
• * 1.782

  Normans. 10••6.
• * 1.783

  The Charter of William Conquerour.
• * 1.784

  The Histo∣rie of Saint Stephens Abbey at Cane in Normandie.
• * 1.785

  The Nor∣mans con∣quest.
• * 1.786

  Hungarie.
• * 1.787

  A Comet.
• * 1.788

  Malcolm.
• * 1.789

  Mil. Ca∣lumbus.
• * 1.790

  Filius Osberni.
• * 1.791

  Andium.
• * 1.792

  Pictonum.
• * 1.793

  Cenomanno∣rum.
• * 1.794

  Bononiae.
• * 1.795

  When daies and nights be of a length: a∣bout the eleventh day of September.
• * 1.796

  Durus.
• * 1.797

  Stanford bridge neere Yorke.
• * 1.798

  14. Octob.
• * 1.799

  Or heavie Axes.
• * 1.800

  Botesca••les.
• * 1.801

  The seale of William. Conqueror.
• * 1.802

  Normandy.
• * 1.803

  Domesday-booke.
• * 1.804

  A Jurie of twelve.
• * 1.805

  As touching the fact.
• * 1.806

  The warlike prowesse of the Normans.
• * 1.807

  Th. Fazel. in the sixth book of the latter Decad.
• * 1.808

  Chalcondilas.
• * 1.809

  In Pembroke shire.
• * 1.810

  Of consola∣tion to Albi∣na.
• * 1.811

  Nicephorus.
• * 1.812

  How coun∣tries are divi∣ded.
• * 1.813

  Cap. 6.
• * 1.814

  Britan Great and Small.
• * 1.815

  Britaine the Higher, and the Lower.
• * 1.816

  Tripartite Britaine.
• * 1.817

  Dist. 80. cap. 1.
• * 1.818

  Chester.
• * 1.819

  Britaine in five parts.
• * 1.820

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.821

  The Saxons Heptarchie or seven King∣domes.
• * 1.822

  England di∣vided into Shires or Counties.
• * 1.823

  An Hide, as some thinke, is so much land, as one plough can eare in one yeare: as others thinke, 4. yard-lands.
• * 1.824

  Aelfred he is named in pieces of Coine: also Alured, in our English Chronicles.
• * 1.825

  Hundreds.
• * 1.826

  Wapentaks, Tithings and Lathes.
• * 1.827

  Leth.
• * 1.828

  Shires.
• * 1.829

  The division of England according to the Lawes.
• * 1.830

  The manu∣script booke of S. Edmund.
• * 1.831

  D••omesday booke.
• * 1.832

  Wales divided into Shires.
• * 1.833

  or, London. 897. Math. Westmonast.
• * 1.834

  He flourished in the yeare, 1070.
• * 1.835

  Mercia.
• * 1.836

  Sheriffe of the Shire.
• * 1.837

  Twelve men.
• * 1.838

  Justices of peace.
• * 1.839

  Justices of Assises.
• * 1.840

  England di∣vided into Parishes.
• * 1.841

  Bishops.
• * 1.842

  Monasteries or Abbaies.
• * 1.843

  An hundred Priories of Monks Ali∣ens, King Henrie the Fift, had dis∣solved before.
• * 1.844

  The King
• * 1.845

  Bracton. lib. 1. cap. 8.
• * 1.846

  Seneca.
• * 1.847

  The Prince.
• * 1.848

  Nobilis Caesar.
• * 1.849

  Caesar Nobi∣lissimus.
• * 1.850

  Dux Cornu∣biae natus.
• * 1.851

  Lords.
• * 1.852

  A Duke.
• * 1.853

  Dukes.
• * 1.854

  Earles.
• * 1.855

  Sigonius Regni Italici lib. 5.
• * 1.856

  Afterward a golden rod or verger was used.
• * 1.857

  Marquestes.
• * 1.858

  An. 4. Hen∣ri••. 4.
• * 1.859

  In paratitlis ad Codicem.
• * 1.860

  P. Pithaeus in Memorab. Cam∣paniae.
• * 1.861

  An authen∣ticall record of the Exche∣quer.
• * 1.862

  or Maunde∣vil.
• * 1.863

  Cincture of the sword.
• * 1.864

  Penbrochiae, in another place.
• * 1.865

  Count Pala∣tine.
• * 1.866

  Pithaus.
• * 1.867

  Vicounts.
• * 1.868

  Barons.
• * 1.869

  In Parergis. See Gol∣dastus, pag. 14.
• * 1.870

  Lords.
• * 1.871

  About the yeere, 580.
• * 1.872

  N••riots or Re∣levies.
• * 1.873

  Haply, Man∣cusae, that is, 30. deniers.
• * 1.874

  Many Thanes in England, in the Con∣querours time.
• * 1.875

  Court-Barons.
• * 1.876

  Math. Paris. pag. 1262.
• * 1.877

  Baronage of England.
• * 1.878

  Bishops, Ba∣rons.

  Abbats, Ba∣rons of the Parliament.
• * 1.879

  Matth. Paris.
• * 1.880

  Vavasors.
• * 1.881

  Signius.
• * 1.882

  Nobles of an inferiour ranke. Knights.
• * 1.883

  Wherefore Knights be called in La∣tin Milites.
• * 1.884

  Solidarij.
• * 1.885

  Banerets.
• * 1.886

  Fars. 2. Pat. 15.8.3. m. 22. and 23.
• * 1.887

  Hominum ad vexillum.
• * 1.888

  Hominum ad arma.
• * 1.889

  Knights of the Bathe.
• * 1.890

  Knights.
• * 1.891

  De moribus Germanorum.
• * 1.892

  Lib. 1. cap. 22.
• * 1.893

  Epist. 94.
• * 1.894

  Beene dub∣bed Knight.
• * 1.895

  Others say 100.
• * 1.896

  Comple∣ments.
• * 1.897

  Ennoblish∣ment.
• * 1.898

  Nobilitatio∣nis.
• * 1.899

  King or Queene.
• * 1.900

  Priests.
• * 1.901

  In dorso Pat. 51. H. 3.
• * 1.902

  Esquires.
• * 1.903

  Esses.
• * 1.904

  Gentlemen.
• * 1.905

  Citizens.
• * 1.906

  Yeomen.
• * 1.907

  Parliament.
• * 1.908

  The Kings Court.
• * 1.909

  Kings Bench.
• * 1.910

  Common Pleas.
• * 1.911

  Exchequer.
• * 1.912

  Iustices Itine∣rant.
• * 1.913

  Star-Chambe
• * 1.914

  Court of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.915

  Admirals Court.
• * 1.916

  Chancerie.
• * 1.917

  Socratum. that is, the place of Judgement. Epist. 6. lib. 11.
• * 1.918

  Robert Fitz. Stephen, who lived under Henry the Second.
• * 1.919

  Court of Requests.
• * 1.920

  Ecclesiasticall Courts. See the Anti∣quitie of the British Church. Court of the Arches.
• * 1.921

  Court of Au∣dience.
• * 1.922

  Court of Fa∣culties.
• * 1.923

  Vnder what Signe in hea∣ven Britaine lieth.
• * 1.924

  The order or Method of the worke ensuing.