Annales the true and royall history of the famous empresse Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland &c. True faith's defendresse of diuine renowne and happy memory. Wherein all such memorable things as happened during hir blessed raigne ... are exactly described.

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Title
Annales the true and royall history of the famous empresse Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland &c. True faith's defendresse of diuine renowne and happy memory. Wherein all such memorable things as happened during hir blessed raigne ... are exactly described.
Author
Camden, William, 1551-1623.
Publication
London :: Printed [by George Purslowe, Humphrey Lownes, and Miles Flesher] for Beniamin Fisher and are to be sould at the Talbott in Pater Noster Rowe,
1625.
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Subject terms
Elizabeth -- I, -- Queen of England, 1533-1603 -- Early works to 1800.
Great Britain -- History -- Elizabeth, 1558-1603 -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A17808.0001.001
Cite this Item
"Annales the true and royall history of the famous empresse Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland &c. True faith's defendresse of diuine renowne and happy memory. Wherein all such memorable things as happened during hir blessed raigne ... are exactly described." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A17808.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 23, 2025.

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THE EIGHT AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne.* 1.1 Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXV.

QVeen ELIZABETH to oblige the King of France in a stricter bond of friendship vn∣to her, hauing the precedent yeare adop∣ted him one of the Order of the Gar∣ter,* 1.2 shee sent Henry Earle of Darby into France with the rites belonging to the same order, there more solemnly to inuest him. With great honor he receiued them, and at euening prayers was inuest therewith: but the English refused to be present at the Masse: and with holy vowes hee promised to obserue the lawes of the Order, in all points wherein they were not opposite to the order of the holy Ghost, and S. Michael, to which he was before sworne.

At the same time a Court of Parliament was assembled and holden, wherein Will. Parry by birth a Welchman, o obscure parentage and meane fortunes, by his stile a Doctor

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of the Law, but indued with little learning, a man puffed vp, and haughty in mind, very spruse and neat, was of the inferi∣our house, where hearing a Law demanded against the Ie∣suits, he onely opposed it, declaiming, that the law was cru∣ell, bloudy, and pernicious to the nation: the reasons being demanded of him, he obstinately refused, except it were in the presence of the Councell royall: whereupon hee was committed to custody; but his reasons being heard, and submission made, hee was againe admitted into the Court. Then presently after,* 1.3 hee was accused of priuate conspiracy against the Queenes life, by Edmond Neuill, who layd claime to the inheritance of the Neuills Earles of Westmer∣land, and the title of Baron of Latimer, as being the next heire male.

This Parry (to relate from the depth of the matter) two yeares before, returning from Italy, to insinuate himselfe in∣to the Queenes grace, and obtaine credit with her, he secret∣ly made knowne vnto her, that Morgan and other fugitiues had mischieuously consulted vpon her death; feigning that he had dealt amongst them to no other end, but to discouer intents, and prouide for the Queenes safety. This was the cause that induced her to giue little credit to Neuills accusa∣tion; Neuerthelesse she cōmanded Walsingham to examine Parry, if that he had (to make proofe hereof) treated with a∣ny malecontent or suspected persō. He plainly denied it, nei∣ther (being in other matters of a sharpe apprehension) could he perceiue the euasion which the lenity of the Queene had laid open to him.* 1.4 For had he affirmed that he had dealt with Neuill (only to vndermine him) whom before, he had certi∣fied the Queene to bee a malecontent and suspected person, doubtlesse he had freed himselfe from danger. But mischiefe once conceiued doth dazell the fight of the most acute vn∣derstanding. Neuill wanting witnesses was brought face to face with Parry, who after many sharpe and bitter speeches on both sides, began to giue way, and was com∣mitted

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to the Tower of London, where he voluntarily made this confession, which in a few words I will comprise.

IN the yeare (quoth he) 1570 being admitted (after my oath taken) into the number of the Queenes ser∣uants,* 1.5 I remained affectionately deuoted to her Maiesty vntill the yeare 1580, at which time I was with much ignominy brought in question of my life. (For he violently had entred into the Chamber of Hugh Hare to whom he was indebted, & grieuously wounded him, for which by law being condemned, by the Queens gratious pardon he was acquitted) From thenceforth I liued much discontented in minde, but obtaining license, I passed into France, with a re∣solution neuer to returne,* 1.6 because I was much addicted to the Catholique religion. At Paris I reconciled my selfe to the Romane Church: at Venice I had confe∣rence with Benedict Palmy a Iesuit, concerning the afflicted Catholiques in England; and I affirmed that I had bethought of a meanes to ease them, if the Pope, or some other Theologians would instruct and satisfie me whether the deed were lawful or not. Palmy praised my intent as a worke of piety, and recommended me to Campege the Popes Nuncio at Venice,* 1.7 Campege to the Pope. I demanded Letters to goe to Rome vn∣der the publique faith. The Cardinall Comese deliuered Letters to me; but being somewhat too briefe and succinct, I demanded others of more ample con∣tents, which I likewise receiued. But then I returned to Paris; where I incountred Morgan; who gaue mee to vnderstand, that there were some that did expect,* 1.8 that I should vndertake some not able peece of seruice, for God and the Catholique Church. I answered, I was ready at any time euen to kill the greatest subiect in England. And (replyeth he) why not the Queene her selfe? That

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(qd. I) may with ease be done: if so be it were manifested to me a deed lawfull:* 1.9 because Wiat a Priest (with whom concealing the persons, I had conference hereof) assured me that it was not. (And Chreicton a Scot disswaded me, teaching mee, that mischiefe should not bee done that good might come of it; that God was bet∣ter pleased with Aduerbs then with Nownes; that a deed be well and lawfully done, then that the deed is good: Neither if I could redeeme many soules by the destruction of one, were I to doe it, without the expresse commandement of God:) Neuerthelesse hauing bound my selfe and my faith by my Letters and promises in Italy, I thought it would be a crime vnpardonable,* 1.10 now to desist, if onely the Pope would by his Letters approue the same, and grant me a plenary Indulgence, which I with Letters request∣ed of the Pope by Ragson his Nuncio in France, who much applauded my designe. Being returned into Eng∣land,* 1.11 I obtained accesse to the Queene; to whom, in priuate, I vnfolded the whole conspiracie, yet couered ouer with the best Art I could. Shee heard all with∣out any alteration by feare; but I departed with much terrour, neither shall I euer forget what then shee spake; That the Catholikes should not be called in question either about their Religion, or the prima∣cie of the Pope, so long as they were obedient and good subiects. In the meane time as I dayly labou∣red in the Court for the gouernment of Saint Kathe∣rines: I receiued Letters from the Cardinall Co∣mense, wherein I found mine enterprize much com∣mended, and an absolution in the Popes name. This I likewise imparted to the Queen. What effect it wrought with her I know not. But it gaue fresh courage to mee, and remoued all scruple. Neuerthelesse I had no will to offer any violence to the Queene, if she would be per∣swaded

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to deale more mildly with the Catholiques. But so often as I was to come into her presence, I laid aside my dagger, lest I should be transported to murder her. And when I considered; her person,* 1.12 and her truely royall vertues, I was distracted with many doubtfull cares: for my vowes were recorded in heauen, my Let∣ters and promises amongst men. These things did I of∣ten tosse ouer in my vnquiet minde; She neuer deserued well of mee, indeed she saued my life, but if in such a cause had shee taken it away, it had beene tyrannie. Thus being discontented with my estate and condition, I left the Court.* 1.13 At last I happened on a booke of Alans against the Iustice of Great Britaine, out of which I was taught, That Princes excommunicate for heresie, might be lawfully depriued both of rule and life: This vehemently incited me to prosecute my purpose.* 1.14 This to Neuil (whom I had inuited to my table) I read o∣uer, six whole moneths before he did accuse me. After this he came home to me. And let vs heare (quoth hee) somewhat, since we can obtaine nothing of the Queen, and so he propounded some things concerning the re∣leasing of the Queene of Scots. But (quoth I) a matter of more weight, and more aduantagious to the Catho∣lique Church, is now hammered in my head. The next day he likewise visited me, and touching the Bible with his hand he did sweare, he would conceale and con∣stantly pursue all whatsoeuer that might bee profitable to the Catholique Religion; I in the same manner took mine oath. So we determined with ten Knights more, to set vpon the Queene as shee rid through the fields, and there to murder her, which thing till now he hath concealed. But receiuing newes of the Earle of West∣merlands death, being transported with the hope of succeeding him; he forthwith, violating his oath,* 1.15 dis∣couered and accused me. This was his confession

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in the presence of the Lord of Hunsdon and Fra. Walsingham Priuy Counsellors to the Queene, ac∣knowledging his fault, he craued pardon by his Let∣ters to the Queene, to Burghley the chiefe Treasu∣rer, and to the Earle of Leicester.

* 1.16 A few daies after, being brought to iudgement in the Pa∣lace of Westminster, and the Articles of his accusation being read, he confessed himself guilty. His confession being recor∣ded in the Acts, Iudgment was demanded to be pronounced against him, confessing himselfe guilty. Whereupon Hatton thought it expedient, to satisfy the multitude there present, that the crime might openly bee declared according to his confession; which Parry of his owne accord confirmed, and desired the Iudges that he might reade it himselfe. But the Clerk of the Crowne did read it, with the letters of Cardi∣nall Comese, & those which Parry had writ to the Queene, to Burghley & to Leicester; which he acknowledged for true; yet he denyed that he euer had any absolute determination to kill the Queene. But being commanded to speake if he had any thing to hinder iudgement from being pronounced against him, hee disturbedly answered, as tormented in his conscience for the crime which he had vndertaken, and said, I see plainely that I must dye, because I was not fast and con∣stant in my resolution. Being commanded to speake his mea∣ning more amply. My blood (quoth he) be vpon you. So the sentence of death being pronounced, he began to rage, and summoned the Queene to Iudgement before God.

The fift day after, he was set vpon a Slead, and drawne through the middest of the Citie to Westminster: being at the place of his execution, after he had vaunted how faith∣full a guardian he had beene vnto the Queene, hee said hee neuer had any intention to take her life away. Thus in boasting manner,* 1.17 not in a word committing himselfe to God, he was punisht like a Traytor according to the Law,

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in the great Palace yard at Westminster, where the States of the Kngdome▪ were in great number assembled for the holding of the Parliament.

I this Parliament, some,* 1.18 either out of a desire of noua∣tion, or reformation, earnestly persecuted the Ecclesiasticall estat (although the Queene had forbidden it) demanding lawes to represse the iurisdiction of Bishops, in that which concened the gift of Faculties, in the Collation of the holy Orders Ecclesiasticall Censures, and the oath they take in their office: proposing a new oath to be taken in the Chan∣ery, and Kings Bench: that is, they should not counter∣and the ciuill Law of England.* 1.19 They required that eue∣y Pastor should be resident in his owne Church; and de∣c••••med that the Church of England was destitute of lear∣ned teachers: when without doubt it could then number vp more learned Diuines, then any former age, or any other reformed Church. But the Queene fauouring aboue all, the Ecclesiasticall moderation, reproued those Noua∣tors, as changing still to worse, and reiected their demands and propositions, as intended to subuert her Prerogatiue, and soueraigne power ouer Ecclesiasticall matters.* 1.20 But as for the Association (which I haue spoken of) it was by the suf∣frages of all confirmed, and established;

THat foure and twenty or more of the Queenes Priuy Councell, or of the Nobilitie, chosen by the Queenes Letters Patents, should make in∣quest after those, that would inuade the Kingdome, in∣cite rebellion, or attempt to offend or offer violence to the Queenes Person, for or by any one whomsoeuer that shall lay claime to the Crowne of England. And that he for whom or by whom any such thing is attempted, shall be altogether vncapable of the Crowne of Eng∣land, and depriued of all right, and pursued to the death by all the Queenes subiects: if by these foure and

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twenty Noblemen they shall be iudged culpable of inua∣sion, rebellion, offence, or violence, and so publikely declared.

* 1.21 Lawes also were enacted for the defence of the Queene against the Iesuites and Popish Priests; which did then in∣uent by the Ball of Pius Quintus the Pope, many mischie∣uous and dangerous matters; That is to say:

That they should depart the Realme within fortie dayes. And that those which should after that time come or stay in the Kingdome, should bee holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis: And all such as wittingly or wil∣lingly did receiue or nourish them, should be guilty of Felony.* 1.22 (For so are all capitall Crimes vnder Laesae Maiestatis called:) That those which were brought vp amongst the Seminaries, if they returned not with∣in sixe moneths after the denunciation made, and sub∣mitted themselues to the Queene in the presence of a Bishop, or two Iustices, should be holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis. But of those that submitted, if within ten yeares after they should approach nearer to the Court of the Queene then ten thousand paces, their submission should be void. That those that should any manner of way send money to the Seminary students, should bee lyable to the punishment of Praemunire (that is perpe∣tual exile,* 1.23 with the losse of their goods) if any of the Peeres of the Realme, that is, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Lords, shall transgresse these Lawes, hee shall vndergoe the iudgement of the Peeres. Whoso∣euer shall haue knowledge that any Iesuites, and such as haue any secret abode within the Kingdome, and not make discouery of them within twelue dayes, shall be punished according to the Queenes pleasure, and abide imprisonment. If any one shall be suspected of the num∣ber

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of those Iesuites or Priests, and shall not submit him∣selfe to examination, he shall for his contempt be impri∣soned, vntill he shall submit. Whosoeuer shall send his children or others, to the Seminaries and Colledges of the Popish profession, shall be amerced a hundred pounds of English money. All such as shall be sent thither, if they returne not within a yeare, and conforme them∣selues to the Church of England, shall be depriued of all succession, and inioying of goods, in what manner so∣euer they shall fall vnto them. If the Wardens of the Ports shall permit any other but Saylors and Mer∣chants to passe beyond the Seas, without Licence from the Queene, or sixe of her Counsell; they shall bee de∣priued of their offices, and the Masters of such Ships shall bee punished with the losse of their goods, and of their voyage, besides imprisonment for a whole yeare.

The seuerity of these lawes (which were thought for those times no more then needfull) did much terifie the Pa∣pists of England; and amongst others, Phil.* 1.24 Howard Earle of Arundell, the eldest sonne to the Duke of Norfolke, was in such sort affrighted, that he resolued, lest hee should of∣fend against them, to leaue the Kingdome. Three yeares before, he was by the gracious bounty of the Queene reesta∣blished in the Rights and Honours of his father. But a short while after, being secretly accused by some of the Nobility, and men of power, he was depriued of her fauour; so being priuately deuoted to the Roman Religion, hee embraced an austere course of liuing. This was the reason that hee was twice called before the Priuy Counsell, and notwith∣standing that he iustified himselfe against all obiections, yet was he commanded to confine himselfe within his owne house. Six moneths after, or thereabouts, being established in his right, he entred in to the assembled Parliament; but the first day before the speech vvas ended, hee vvithdrew

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himselfe. The Parliament ended, he being as it were certain of his escape;* 1.25 hee writ Letters to the Queene (which hee commanded should be deliuered after his departure) where∣in was contained a long and sorrowfull complaint

OF the malice of his aduersaries, to which hee was forced of necessitie to giue way, because they began to triumph ouer his innocency. A remonstration of the vnfortunate deaths of his An∣cestors. First of his great Grandfather, who was con∣demned without answering for himselfe, then of his Grandfather, who lost his head for matters of small moment; and lastly of his father, who was circumuented by his enemies; but neuer transported with hate to his Queene or Countrey. And a Declaration, that lest he should proue an heire to his fathers infelicitie, that hee might more freely apply himselfe to the seruice of God, and prouide for his soules health, hee had left his countrey, but not his dutifull allegeance to the Queene.

* 1.26 Before these Letters were deliuered, he went into Sussex, where being about to imbarke himselfe, by the treacherie of his men, and discouerie of the Pilot, hee vvas apprehen∣ded, and committed to the Tower of London.

* 1.27 In the Tower at that time remained prisoner Henry Per∣cy, Earle of Northumberland (brother to Thomas that lost his head at Yorke) a man full of a quicke vvit, and haughty courage, suspected, priuately to haue consulted with Throck∣morton, the Lord Paget, and the Guise, concerning the inua∣ding of England, and freeing of the Queene of Scots, to whom he had alwayes borne great affection. In the moneth of Iune he was found dead in his bed, being shot through with three bullets vnder the left pappe, the doore of his chamber being barred to him on the inside.

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The next neighbouring Enquest sworne after the manner by the Coroner, hauing searched the body,* 1.28 considered the place; and finding a Pistoll in the Chamber with Gunpow∣der, they examined the seruant that bought the Pistol, with him that sold the same. Whereupon they pronounced the Earle murderer of himselfe. The third day after, the No∣bilitie vvere assembled in the Starre-chamber, where Tho. Bromley Chancelor of England succinctly declared, that the Earle had treacherously consulted against the Queene and his Countrey; which he perceiuing to be discouered, and terified with the guiltinesse of his conscience which conuinced him, he became his owne murderer. But to sa∣tisfie the multitude, which is alwaies credulous of the worst,* 1.29 he commanded the Queenes Attourney, and her Counsel∣lors at Law, plainely to vnfold the causes of his imprison∣ment, and the manner of his death. Whereupon Popham chiefe Attourney to the Queene beginning from the rebel∣lion raised in the North parts sixteene yeares before, demon∣strated by the publique Acts;

THat hee was arraigned for the rebellion, and for consulting of the freedome of the Queene of Scots: That he had acknowledged his fault, and submitted himselfe, and was therefore amerced fiue thousand Markes. But the Queene (such was her gracious clemencie) exacted not a peny from him: and after that his brother had beene deserued∣ly punished for the same Crime; the Queene confir∣med him in the honour of Earle of Northumberland. Neuerthelesse, hee vndertooke new counsels for the deliuering of the Queene of Scots, the inuading of England, and ouerthrowing of the Religion and the Queene▪ That Mendoza the Spaniard had giuen in∣telligence to Throckmorton, that Charles Paget vnder the name of Mopus, had in priuate treated

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with him concerning these matters in Sussex: That the Lord Paget had likwise signified the selfe-same thing to Throckmorton, and was also manifested by the Pa∣pers of Chreicton a Scottish Iesuite; and that Charles Paget had declared all to Shelley at his returne out of France, After this gerton the Queens Sollicitor de∣monstrated, that by the circumstances, & suspitious care which the Earle had to keepe himselfe secret and close, he shewed himselfe guilty of these mat∣ters, that is to say, That the Earle, knowing none of those to bee in England that could accuse him but the Lord Paget (whom Throckmorton had familiarly entertained) a few dayes after that Throckmorton was intercepted, he prepared by the helpe of Shelley a Ship for Paget to passe into France. That so soone as Throckmorton had begunne to make confession, hee retired from London to Penworth, and forthwith sent for Shelley to him; signifying to him that hee was at that instant in danger both of life and for∣tunes, hee entreated him to conceale the matter, and to cause them to retire that were knowing of the de∣parture of the Lord Paget, and the ariuall of Cha: Paget; all which hee presently dispatched, and like∣wise remoued a farre off the seruant that hee had v∣sed betweene C. Paget and himselfe. The Sollicitor further added, That being a Prisoner hee had corrup∣ted his Keepers, and by their meanes gaue Shelley to vnderstand all what hee had confessed. That Shelley also, by a woman which was hyred to be a priuate mes∣senger betweene them; let him know, that he could no longer abstaine from confessing; that their conditions were farre vnequall, because hee should bee forced by torments; but the Earle by reason of his place and order not, therefore sent him the copie of his confes∣sion. Whereat the Earle groaned, and would often

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say, (as Pantin the seruant of his Bed-chamber con∣fessed) that by the confession of Shelley he was vndone for euer.

After this, the manner of his death was by testimony of the Coroners inquest, of the Lieutenant of the Tower, and of Pantin, openly declared: and from thence was gathered that he for feare lest his house should bee vtterly subuerted, and himselfe dishonored, had dispatched himselfe.* 1.30 Certes diuers good men much sorrowed that so great a personage should perish by so miserable a death; being induced thereto partly because they naturally fauoured Nobility, and partly because he had obtained much praise by his valor. What the suspicious fugitiues muttered against a certaine Bailiffe a ser∣uitor of Hatton, who a little before was appointed one of the Earles keepers, I will ouer-passe, as not certainely knowne. Neither doe I esteeme it fit to insert any vncertaine things, or vaine heare-sayes.

Queene ELIZABETH hauing seene the open con∣spiracies of the Guises, against the Protestant Religion, the King of France, and her selfe, well perceiued whence, and by whom these mischiefes were dispersed through England. Shee to oppose their designes, and to con∣tract a league amongst the Protestants, for the defence of the Religion; sent Thomas Bodley to the King of Denmarke,* 1.31 the Elector Palatine, the Dukes of Saxony, Wittenbergh, Bruns∣wicke, Lunbourgh, the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and the Landsgraue of Hessen. And amongst other things she com∣manded him to aduertise the King of Denmarke, that it be∣houed him aboue the rest to oppose the practices of the Guise, because they haue made no question to claime the Kingdome of Denmarke as their kinsmans right for the duke of Lorraine, as being son to the daughter of Christierne the 2, King of Denmarke, neither did the Duke of Lorraine him∣selfe dissemble the same, then when not long before he la∣boured

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to obtaine the Queene in mariage.

* 1.32 And to prouide, least any danger should breake through Scotland as through a backe doore into England, shee sent Edward Wotton to signifie to the King, how acceptably she embraced the declaration of his loue to her, by Patricke Gray, and by Iustice Cleric. And to draw him to a mutuall League of offence and defence, by proposing to him the dangers that then threatned and menaced the profession of the Gospell: And to offer him an annuall pension the bet∣ter to maintaine his Royall Dignity, because the reuenues of his Kingdome were much shortened by the negligence of the Regents. And to commend vnto him in the vvay of mariage the daughter of the King of Denmark. And earnest∣ly in her name to make intercession for those Noblemen of Scotland that liued banished in England. And to promise him that she would send them backe if she found the offence against the King to haue beene practised by them. Wotton found the King affectionately bent to this League (notwith∣standing that the Earle of Arran, and others of the French faction laboured to diuert him) and the Estates of Scotland gaue their consent vnder their hands and seales, for the con∣seruation of Religion, to embrace this League; prouided that the Queene would promise, not to preiudice or hinder the Kings right in the succession of England, so long as hee remained constant in his friendship and alliance. But this matter was retarded and hindered by the death of Fra:* 1.33 Russell, sonne to the Earle of Bedford, who was slaine the next day after.

For I. Forster and T. Carre of Fernihurst gouernors of the middle borders betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, hauing assigned an assembly vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iune, to treat of the receit and emploiment of the Fynances of the Kingdome, after the promise of safety, made by both parties with their oaths, and Proclama∣tion,* 1.34 that none should offend either in word, deed, or looke

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(for so the borderers spoke.) The Scots brought with them to the place the number of three thousand men or there∣about, being armed, and set in order of battell, with their ensignes displayed, and their drummes beating, contrary to the custome in such affaires, but the English not surpassing three hundred. The Gouernours were no sooner seated to heare the complaints, but a tumultuous vproare was rai∣sed by the occasion of an Englishman taken in theft; the Scots discharging a shower of bullets, slue amongst others, Russel, and put the English to flight, and eagerly pursuing them for the space of foure miles within England, they ca∣ried some back with them as prisoners. The author of this murther was not assuredly knowne, but the English impu∣ted the fault to the Earle of Arran then Chancelor of Scot∣land, and to Carre of Fernihurst. The Queene presently dis∣patched Ambassadors and Letters, demanding that the mur∣derers might be deliuered into her hands. Because Henry the seuenth King of England had long time before deliuered into the hands of Iames the fourth, King of Scots, Will. He∣ron, and seuen other Englishmen, for murdering of Ro: Carre of Cesford vpon a day of assembly: and not long before Morton the Regent, sent Carmichel a Scot into England, for the murder of George Heron. The King after protestation of his innocency, promised to send Fernihurst and the Chan∣celor himselfe also, so soone as by cleare and lawful proofes they were conuicted, of set purpose to haue violated the safety, or to be guilty of the murder. Fenwick an English∣man accused Carre before the King, but was refuted by his simple deniall, because hee could not produce any Scotch∣man for a witnesse. For it hath beene a custome,* 1.35 and so a Law, amongst the borderers, in their iudgements of causes (bred by an inueterate hate) that no witnesse can be admit∣ted but a Scot against a Scot, and an Englishmen against an Englishman: Insomuch that though euery one of the Eng∣lsh which were present, had plainely beene beholders of

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this murder, yet their testimony would preuaile nothing. Arran neuerthelesse was confined within his owne house,* 1.36 and Carre was kept prisoner at Dundey, where in a short time he dyed. Hauing beene a warlike man, and one prompt and fit to enterprise matters of importance, who for his constant loue and faith to the Queene of Scots, and the King her sonne, was twice depriued of his goods, and driuen from his Countrey, and the fight of his children; yet hee patiently supported his banishment, remaining constant against all aduersities, and bearing himselfe euer like him∣selfe.

* 1.37 Whilest the question of this murther was deferred, and a gentle disputation raised, whether the twelue thou∣sand Crownes pension offered to the King were to bee ac∣counted according to the English, or the French account: the Queene being much incensed for the death of Russel, and the violation of the safety; and being perswaded by some Scotchmen which enuyed Arran, that hee was a fauourer of the Iesuites, and that hee strongly laboured in France and Scotland, to hinder the League, that it might not be con∣tracted, shee gaue permission to the fugitiue Scots, as An∣gus, with Iohn and Claudius Hamilton, Marre, and Glan, which were reconciled to him in their common exile; and to the rest that liued banisht in England, to returne into Scotland well furnished with money, to worke the ruine of Arran.

* 1.38 The Earle of Bothwell, and the Lord of Humey, Humey Coldingknoll, and others in Scotland had before promised them aide: and aboue all, Maxwell lately created Earle of Morton, out of a certaine hope he had to shunne the penalty of the rebellion which he had raised in the Country of An∣nand, if the Earle of Arran were once subuerted. In the very Court also were Patrick Gray his bitter enemy, Belenden a a Iustice of the Church, and Maitland Secretarie, drawne into parties against Arran.

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The fugitiues being entred into Scotland, they comman∣ded all persons by a long Proclamation in the Kings name to giue them assistance,* 1.39 for the defence of the Euangelicall truth, to free the King from mischieuous Counsellors, and to conserue loue and friendship with the English: they ap∣pointed the place for their assembly at Fawkirk, where they mustered 8000 men.

Arran (who for suspition of the death of Russell was by the King commanded to keepe within Keneil) hearing of these things, he hastily retired to the King, and accused Gray as the author of these enterprises. Gray ingeniously excu∣sed himselfe in presence of the King. But whilest Arran ma∣keth great preparations for the defence of the towne, the enemies appeared in readinesse to scale the walles. He cer∣tainly knowing, that they sought nothing but his head one∣ly,* 1.40 and suspecting the fidelitie of his men (for hee was hated of most) he secretly withdrew himselfe by the bridge; the rest, all abandoning the towne, betooke themselues to the Castle with the King. The fugitiues straight possest them∣selues of the Market-place, and then besieged the Castle. The King demanded by his Messenger Gray the cause of their comming: they answered, To submit our selues to the King, and humbly to kisse his Highnesse hand. He offered to restore to them all their goods, if they would retire. But they replyed, that they made no esteeme of their goods, in comparison of the Kings gracious fauour, desiring him to admit them to his royall presence: the King consented, but vpon these conditions; That they should not attempt any thing either against his Maiesties Person, or their lines whom he should nominate, and that they should not bring in any inno∣uation into the gouernment of the Kingdome. They vowed their liues for the safety of their Prince, protesting that they conceited not so much as a thought of bringing in of Nouelties. But they desired for their better assurance that their aduersaries might be deliuered into their hands, with

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the fortified places of the Realme. Of this matter they consulted the whole day: but necessitie compelling, by reason of the multitude, wherewith the Castle was full stuf∣fed,* 1.41 and the want of prouision, they were at last admitted to the King. And forthwith the Earles of Montrosh, of Crawford, and of Rothese, the Colonell Stuart, Downi, the brother of the Earle of Arran, and others were deliuered in∣to their hands; the Earle of Arran was publiquely accused to haue conspired against the estate: and as for themselues, the King indulgently pardoned them, as good and well-de∣seruing subiects. Hamilton Arbroth was established Gouer∣nor of Dunbriton, Coldingknol of the Castle of Edenborough, Angus of Tomtall, Marre of Sterlin, and Glan Captaine of the Kings guards.

After this, hauing by their faithfull duty remoued out of the Kings opinion, all such crimes wherewith their enemies had burdened them, and all suspitions which they had rai∣sed of them;* 1.42 by a generall Amnistie all banishments & pro∣scriptions, which had for what cause so euer been adiudged and ordained, since the Coronation of the King, were abo∣lished; excepting only those which had relation to the mur∣der of the Kings father, & such as were adiudged against the Archbishop of Glasco, the Bishop of Rosse and of Dunblan. And with a common & most constant consent of their minds the Soueraigne Authority of the King, in contracting of a league with the Queen of England, and deputing of Ambas∣sadors, was confirmed vnto him. Onely Maxwell abused this singular clemency of the King. For hauing obtained by the benefit of the Amnistie free Pardon for the cruell slaughter and Pillage committed vpon the Iohnstons: yet such vvas his audacious pride, that contemning the authoritie of the Lawes,* 1.43 he commanded the sacrifice of the Masse to be cele∣brated at Dunfrise, which of nineteene yeares before had not been permitted in Scotland. For which deed hee was puni∣shed with three moneths imprisonment.

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Neither was, in these turbulent times, Ireland next ad∣ioyning free from the tempests of rebellion. For when the rest of the Prouinces of that Isle were setled in a profound peace, a great rebellion broke forth in Connach the west part of Ireland, proceeding of the naturall disposition of that na∣tion, impatient of rest and quiet, and also of the hate which they conceiued against Rich. Bingham their Gouernor, com∣plaining that his Commands were sharpe and bitter.* 1.44 The Gouernour seeing the great and powerfull men of Ireland exercise such grieuous tyranny vpon the poore miserable peoples, forcing them to acknowledge no other Prince then them; he omitted no meanes to restaine them, and confirme the royal authority, although he was often for the same odi∣ously accused of cruelty to the Queene and Deputy. Thomas Roe-Bourk of the most noble family of Bourg in England, was the first that opposed himself, & being sent for to the lawful assembly in the County of Maie, he refused to come. The Gouernor for a time dissembled, seeming not to make ac∣count thereof: but presently after he commanded him and two others, turbulent spirits of the same house, to be appre∣hended, lest they should breake out into a more dangerous rebellion. Thomas was slaine in fight ere he could be inter∣cepted. Meiler and Theobald, the other two, were taken and hanged; and thus had the whole rebellion beene at the beginning compressed, had not certaine English, enemies to the Gouernor, aduertised the rest of that family, prouidently to beware of the Gouernor, and by any meanes not to come neere him: They being thus incouraged, they likewise perswaded the Ioies and Clandonels, who were po∣werfull in the multitude of their tenants, that the Gouernor would handle them with as little lenitie, but by little and lit∣tle would vtterly ruinate their power. Besides they so much preuailed with the Deputy by their friends, that he commanded the Gouernour not to vndertake any violent act against thē of that family, (though they did degenerate)

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without his knowledge and aduice.

In the meane space whilst the Gouernour was absent in the Country of Twomond, where Mahon-Obrean rebelling, slew himselfe, after the Castle was taken by the Gouernour; The sonne of Edmond Bourg of Castel-bar, and Richard son of another Richard surnamed by the Irish for his villanies, the Deuils-hooke, hauing gathered together a multitude of lewd fellowes, they surprised two Castels at Lake-Masci and fortified them: from whence the Gouernour easily expul∣sed them, chasing them amongst the forests and mountaines; he tooke Richard the brother of Thomas Bourg, who in hum∣ble manner came to intreate him, and hanged him as a rob∣ber. And hauing so far pursued the rest through the woods that scarce any were to be seen, the Lo: Deputy commanded him to stay his pursuit; and after they had giuen hostages, to receiue them into his protection. A short while after, whilst the Gouernour stayed at Dublin, and souldiers were raised in Ireland for the Low-Country wars; they againe aduanced their Ensignes of rebellion, and many which had refused to goe to the wars of the Netherlands, ioyned them∣selues in great numbers with Clan-Gibbon, Clan-Donel, and Ioie; and being increased in number and strength, they open∣ly declared, that they would after the custome of their An∣cestors,* 1.45 haue for their Gouernor their Mac-William, that is, a Nobleman, by the election of the people out of the house of Bourg, or any other whom they should call out of Spaine, but they would not admit of the * 1.46 Viscont, nor be present at the Assemblies. The Archbishop of Tuam, Bermingham, the Lord of Atterith, and Dillon, Deputies for the Gouer∣nor, proposed to them most reasonable conditions; but they refusing to submit to order, began to exercise their fury vp∣on the villages of the Champian, with fire and rapines, and by ruining of the fortifications.* 1.47 They sent Iohn Itcleaf, and Walter Kittagh of Bourg to the Scots of Hebride, requesting them with their auxiliarie troopes to enter vpon the Con∣nach,

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in which Prouince, there were then but a small num∣ber of Souldiers in Garison, promising to giue them certain Lordships if they would chase away the English, and defend the rebels.

The Deputy receiuing aduice of these things,* 1.48 commanded the Gouernor, to pursue the rebells, who gathering vp for∣ces, sent the Earle Clan-Richard chiefe of the family of Bourg with Bermingham, to treat with them of a peace; but they refusing, hee forthwith caused their hostages to bee put to death: and knowing that nothing could disaduantage the English more then a long warre; and on the contrary, no∣thing more accommodate the Irish: himselfe and the Earle Clan-Richard with their troops of horse defēded the cham∣pian from the iniuries of the rebells, and Iohn Bingham the Gouernours brother, entred with his Companies of foot a∣mongst the woods, pursuing their steps, and wearying them in such sort, seizing and driuing backe with them 5000 head of cattle (the greatest part of which according to the custom of the Countrey being distributed to the souldiers) that a∣bout 40 daies after, being in a manner perished by a grieuous famine, they left their caues, scarce knowing one another by their faces, and demissiuely submitting themselues, they deliuered hostages to the Gouernor. Only the sonnes of Ed∣mund of Bourg of Castell-barr (whom they had decreed to create Mac-William) persisted in their rebellion,* 1.49 vntil their father was taken, and by vertue of the law conuicted, to haue incited his sons to this rebellion, and was therefore punished with death, and all his lands adiudged confiscate. At the same time the Gouernour receiued newes of two thousand Scots of Hebride vnder the conduct of Kittagh,* 1.50 and Itcleaf of Bourg, that were euen then in readinesse to breake in vpon Connach. In great hast he leauied his troopes, and gathered his garisons together, and with infatigable labor, though sometimes they were hidden amongst the woods, forests, and pastures, and sometimes they wasted the time in making

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approaches and retreats, from one side to another, and through crooked windings and intricate waies, he diligently pursued their steps, obseruing night and day their turnings and returnings through corners and by-wayes, carefully pla∣cing spies behind,* 1.51 before, and on either side of them, still ex∣pecting a commodious time to set vpon them. At last, coun∣terfeiting a retire, as though hee had thought himselfe too weake for them, hee left them; wherevpon they presently with great alacrity marched towards Ardenare vpon the riuer Moine, and proclamed themselues Lords of the Pro∣uince. He being instructed of their iourney by his spies, fol∣lowed them, and found them besides Ardenare, where hee put his men in battell array, and sounding a charge with his trumpets, he held them play with skirmishes, still retiring backward vntill he had drawne them from a moist and moo∣ry ground, into a place more solide and firme, where all his troops (with great silence) ioyned together.* 1.52 Then giuing them a fresh and liuely charge, slaughtering many, he forced them somewhat to recoile, when instantly the muskettieres discharging vpon their front, and himselfe with his troops of horse falling vpon their flanckes, with such fury assailed thē, that hee put them all to rout, pursuing them to the riuer, where they were all either slaine or drowned, excepting 40 which saued themselues by swimming ouer to Tiraule, and those which the day before were departed from the Army to fetch in booty: but after this, they were almost all put to the sword by Iohn Bingham, and the inhabitants of the County Slego.* 1.53 Three thousand of their party perished in this conflict, and amongst them their principall Comman∣ders, Donel Gormi, and Alexander Carrogh the sonne of I. Mac-Conel, which of long time had been troublesome to the Country; and those of the House of Bourg which were cau∣sers of this miserable expedition. Of the English a small number was slaine, but many were sort hurt; and certes this victory was both famous and profitable, for the instant and

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future times; the title of Mac-William being vtterly abo∣lished in the County of Connach, and the insolency of the Scotch Islanders repressed in Ireland,* 1.54 which was not long before so great, that it was accoūted amōgst the Irish a crime of Laesae Maiestatis to entertaine or lodge any of them; and for the better restraining of their wonted rapines, Perot gaue in charge to the chiefe personages of Vlster that they should traine vp in the exercise of warlike discipline, a cer∣taine number of Souldiers.

In the meane time, the States of the Netherlands being afflicted with the desolate condition of their affaires,* 1.55 consul∣ted amongst themselues whether they should haue recourse either to the King of France, or Queene of England for re∣fuge & succors. For they were both at that time discōten∣ted with the Spaniard, but suspicious also one of the other: The French could not endure that the English their ancient enemies should encrease their power by the addition of the Netherlands, and the English in like sort the French. De la Prune the French Ambassador for the Low-Countries,* 1.56 that he might diuert the Estates from the English, made this de∣monstration:

THat the Sea flowing betwixt England & the Netherlands; the English were too farre di∣stant, and could not at all occasions be ready to assist them, their command also was intollerable; and for that cause were in times past driuen out of France, and were like then to hazard the same in Ireland: That the succession of the Realme was vncertaine, and whether MARIE Queene of Scots or IAMES her sonne did succeed, both hee and shee would bee ready to giue vp the Netherlands to the Spaniard for the assu∣rance of their owne affaires. But that the French were opportunely adioyning and neighbouring, their com∣mand most mild, and their succession certaine in the

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person of the King of Nauarre, who was of the same profession with them.

Such as fauoured the English, maintained the contrary;

* 1.57 THat they were not so farre disseuered, but they could commodiously send them ayde, without the hindrance of any. That it appeared by the Histories what the French Command had been of yore in the Netherlands, what it now was, by the surprise of Dixmond, Donkircke, and Dendermond, and the furious and perfidious invasion of Bruges, Alost, New-port, and Antwerpe; and what their faith was hauing beene so often obliged by Edicts, and nowith∣standing violated by the cruell Massacres which haue beene committed in the townes. That the succession of England was assured in the person of King Iames, who was zealous in the true religion. Besides the En∣glish were of the selfe-same religion, and faitfull obser∣uers of the ancient League with Burgundie. That their trafficke had brought infinite wealth to the Nether∣lands, and their ports most commodious for them.

* 1.58 The Estates neuerthelesse by Ambassadors implored the ayde of the French King, by whom they were receiued with a fearefull silence, and a long time deluded with pro∣crastinations, by reason aswell of their enuy to the English as of hate to the Spaniard, so the Ambassadours returned home at the last, and conceiuing hope from the former bounty of Queen ELIZABETH, they determined to fly to her for protection.

* 1.59 Hereupon vvas holden a consultation in England, vvhe∣ther they vvere to be receiued into their protection, or no? Some vvere of aduice, that they shold presently be receiued, and ayde forthvvith sent them 〈…〉〈…〉

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brought them in subiection, should become a vexation to the English on that side. Other some aduised, that they were to bee esteemed as Rebels, and vnworthy of succours, as be∣ing reuolted from the fidelitie which they ought to their Prince.

THe Spaniard had not violated any of the Ar∣ticles of his Ioyfull entrance, which they sought for as a colour and pretext for their rebellion, and deposition of their lawfull Prince. But admit that hee had violated them, yet was hee not for that to bee punished with the losse of his principalitie. And al∣though some suppose that obedience should bee so long denyed him, vntill hee had recompenced his fault; yet others esteeme that the diuine Lawes, to which humane lawes must yeeld, Princes should, as powers ordinated by God, be simply and for conscience obeyed. For God hath giuen them the Soueraigntie of command, and to subiects the glory of obedience. And that subiects should wish for good Princes, but endure all whatso∣euer they be. That these Prouinces were falne to the Spaniard, not by the election of the people, but by the hereditary right of their Ancestors, and the donation of the Emperors. That the Dutchmen had receiued priuiledges from their Princes, but had lost the same by a crime of Laesae Maiestatis, in taking vp Armes against them. That these were not the estates of the Netherlands that had demanded protection, but cer∣taine Plebean persons, that had attributed to them the Title of Estates. It was therefore thought by the iudge∣ment of these, most expedient, that the Queene should not intermeddle with the affaires of the Netherlands, but rather strongly to fortifie her own Kingdomes, in∣deuouring dayly by her naturall bounty to oblige the hearts of 〈…〉〈…〉

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encrease her treasurie, to haue her Nauy alwayes well prepared and furnished with necessaries, to fortifie with garisons the frontier townes towards Scotland, to con∣serue the ancient militarie discipline of England, which was corrupted by the Dutch warres. That in thus doing England would be impregnable, secured on all sides, and a terrour to the enemy. That this would be the most commodioas meanes to auoid the warres, which might fall vpon such as are begirt with potent neighbours. That none would offer to prouoke them, seeing them so well furnished of money, and forces, gar∣ded with the good-will and loue of their subiects, and alwayes ready and prepared to reuenge themselues. And that it would be preposterous wisedome, to con∣sume money, and Souldiers, which are the life and soule of warre in anothers cause, and for Princes or people of no ability, being subiects to anothers rule, and by reason of their pouerty must alwayes bee supplyed with fresh succours, or by ingratitude totally proui∣ding for their owne affaires, will neglect those that had assisted them, as the English had while-ere in France experimented to their losse, in the Bourgongnian cause; and not long since in the defence of the Prote∣stants.

But such as were of this opinion as men degenerate, slothfull, and addicted to the Spanish party, moued the men of warre to much indignation.

* 1.60 So soone as the Ambassadors of the Estates presented themselues to the Queene, with earnest affection they be∣seeched her to assume the rule of the vnited Prouinces of the Netherlands, and to receiue them into her protection, and perpetuall homage, being vndeseruedly oppressed. She gra∣ciously gaue them hearing, but refused to take vpon her their rule and protection. Neuerthelesse to raise the siege

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from before Antwerpe, which was then reduced into great necessitie, and oppressed by the Prince of Parma, she pro∣mised them, if they would deliuer for a Gage into her hands the towne of Sluce with all the artillery, forthwith to send them foure thousand souldiers. But whilst these things were propounded, Antwerpe was yeelded vp,* 1.61 because the passage of the Riuer Scald by admirable deuices was quite cut off.

After that the Queen had setled a while her thoughts and cares vpon these matters, and perceiued the great cruelty of the Spaniards which they exercised vpon the Dutch her neighbours, and the hate which they bore to England, and the Religion which was there maintained: for the Spaniards were verily perswaded that they could neuer reduce the Netherlands to order, if they first subdued not England.* 1.62 ) To hinder warre from comming home to her (Scotland as yet wauering) and that the forces of the Spaniards might not be too farre extended in the adiacent Countries, vvhich would be most commodiously seated for the transporting of warres into England; for exercising of traffique as well by sea, as the Riuer of Rhine: And to hinder, that there might not be any prouision of Nauigation caried to her enemies, which besides were well prouided of strong Shipping, and men of valiant spirits, that if they should bee ioyned vvith the English Nauy, it would be an easie thing for them to be soone Commanders of the Sea, so rich and powerfull, that they had long time since without any foraine aide, supprest the insolencies of their proudest enemies: and that they might not commit themselues to the trust and faith of the French: She resolued that she was bound in Christian cha∣ritie, to succour the afflicted Dutchmen, being professors of the same Religion, and in wisedome to prouide for the con∣seruation of a people, which God had committed vnto her,* 1.63 by cutting through the ruinous complots of their enemies, not for any desire of glory, but for the necessitie of good∣nesse. Whereupon shee openly tooke vpon her the defence

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of the Netherlands. The Christian Princes admiring such a Masculine valour in a woman, to haue such a magnani∣mous spirit, as to denounce warre (as it were) to so potent a Monarch. Insomuch that the King of Sweden speaking of her, said, that she had taken the Diadem from off her owne head, to expose it to the doubtfull and dangerous euent of warre.

These were the conditions that were agreed vpon be∣tweene Queene ELIZABETH and the Estates of Holland.

* 1.64 THe Queene would send as succours to the Vnited Prouinces 5000 foot, and a thousand horse vn∣der a generall Commander of famous remarke, and during the warre would pay the souldiers; which should after the Peace were made, be paid backe by the Estates, that is to say, in the first yeare of the Peace, such summes as had beene disbursed in the first yeare of the warres, and the rest in the foure yeares following. In the meane time they should deliuer into her hands for assurance the towne of Flushing, the Castle of Ra∣meken in Zeland, and the Ile of Breil, with the towne and both the Skances. The Gouernors that should bee appointed, should not haue any command ouer the In∣habitants, but onely of their Garison, which should pay the Tributes and Imposts, as well as the inhabitants. Those places should after the money were repayed, bee deliuered backe not to the Spaniard, but the Estates. The Gouernors and two other English which the Queen would name, should be admitted into the Councell of the Estates, and the Estates should not entertaine any League without the Queenes aduice; nor she, the E∣states not acquainted therewith. Ships for their com∣mon defence in equall number, and at a common ex∣pence should be set forth vnder the command of the Ad∣mirall of England. The Ports of either should he freely

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open to either. With other conditions which were printed and exposed to all mens view.

For the memoriall of this alliance, the Zealanders trium∣phing with ioy, caused new money to be coyned, bearing vpon one side the Armes of Zealand, which is a Lyon float∣ing vpon the waues, with this inscription:

Luctor & emergo: Ie comba et me sauue J fight, and I saue my selfe.

On the other side the Armes of the townes of Zealand, with this

Authore Deo, fauente Regina. God Author, the Queene fauourable.

The Queene by a booke set forth, gaue all to vnderstand,* 1.65 that in times past Leagues and Societies were contracted be∣tweene the Kings of England, and the Princes of the Ne∣therlands for the mutuall faith and defence one of another. She remonstrateth the barbarous cruelty of the Spaniard, a∣gainst the miserable Netherlanders; and the mischieuous complots which they had wrought against her selfe: that had with much labour sought a Peace, and had done this to keepe the Dutch from reuolting. Neither did shee propose any other thing to her selfe in aiding of them, then that the Dutch might inioy peaceably their former liberty; her sub∣iects safety; and either Nation a secure commerce and traffique.

And to prouide that warre should not assaile her at home,* 1.66 and set the Spaniard to worke abroad. She set forth a Nauy to the West Indies, vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake, and Christopher Carlile of one and twenty sayle, in which besides Saylors were 2300 voluntary souldiers, which

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surprized in the Ile of Saint Iames, neere to Cap-Verd, the towne of Saint Iames which gaue name to the Iland, where they celebrated with the thunder of the Cannon,* 1.67 the Coro∣nation day of Queene ELIZABETH, which was vpon the fourteenth of Nouember; and pillaging the town they found great store of Meale, Wine and Oyle, but no money at all. The fourteenth day after they set sayle, and many which kept their quarters & guard in the open aire, and slept vpon the ground, were taken with grieuous sicknesse called Ca∣lentura,* 1.68 whereof they dyed; a disease very familiar in hat I∣land, and dangerous to strangers which sleepe in the open fields. The first of Ianuary they ariued at Hispaniola, where the souldiers being landed in a secure place, by the direction of a Spaniard, whom they had taken and kept to that pur∣pose, they marched in order against the towne: and huing repulst a hundred and fifty Spanish horsemen which oppo∣sed their passage,* 1.69 and putting to flight certaine Musketiers which were placed in Ambush, they entered pell-mell into the towne with them by the two westerne gates, and all the inhabitants, being strucke with feare and terrour fled out at the North gate of the said City. The English brought their troops into the Market-place neere to the great Temple: and because they were not in number sufficient to man the towne, they fortified it with rampars of earth, after that they seized vpon other conuenient places. So hauing the whole towne in their possession and command, they remai∣ned a moneth there. And seeing the inhabitants offered but a small summe of money to redeeme their towne, they be∣gan first to set fire vpon the suburbs, and after vpon the fai∣rest house in the towne, vntill the inhabitants had redeemed their towne with 25000 Crowns of gold, which with much paine they gathered. They found there no great store of pillage, excepting some pieces of Artillery, with Corne, and Sugar: for they vsed there nought but Copper money, and glasse vessels, with some made of earth, which were

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brought out of the East India. Amongst other things, in the towne Court, were found the Armes of the King of Spaine, with the world vnder placed, from whence a horse with his foure-feet rampant was figured, leaping out, with this in∣scription:

Non sufficit orbis.* 1.70 The world doth not suffice.

Whereat some scoffing, tooke it for an argument of the infinite auarice and ambition of the Spaniard, as neuer sa∣tisfied.

From thence sayling vp into the Continent of America,* 1.71 fiue miles from Cartagena they left their ships, and vnder the conduct of Carlile they in the silence of the night, being ran∣ged in order of battell, marched alongst the shore, whilest Drake with his armed Shallops in vaine assailed the Port of the towne which was fortified with a rampire and a chaine extended in length. To Carlile a troope of horse shewed themselues, but straight retired: he pursued them, till hee came to a narrow passage fortified with a stone wall be∣twixt the inward Hauen of the Port of the Ocean, which was so straight that scarce a Cart could passe: It was defen∣ded with Barracadoes full of stones, and fiue great Cannon, wherwith they often discharged vpon the front of his com∣panies, yet without effect, whilest Carlile by the benefit of the darknesse, being politick in auoiding dangers, taking op∣portunitie by the ebbing of the Ocean, drew his men down lower by the sands iust to the entrance, which they couragi∣ously forced, notwithstanding two great Ships from the inward Hauen of the Port which caried eleuen great pieces, and three hundred Musquetiers furiously thundered against their flanke. This done, they easily gained the Barricadoes which were placed at the entrance of euery street, and cha∣ced the Spaniards and Indians, which cast poysoned darts

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amongst them. Being thus Masters of the towne, they made sixe weekes aboade there, and receiued for the ransome of the towne 110000 Crownes, which were paid presently downe, and distributed man by man to the Mariners and Souldiers, and especially to the neediest. But the pillage was little; for the Inhabitants being forewarned by them of Hispaniola, had remoued all their most precious and richest things in to farre distant places. The disease called Calentu∣ra still remaining amongst them, and much diminishing their numbers, they were constrained to leaue off their de∣signe of surprising Nombre de Dios, and make sayle for their returne by the Cape of the Ile Cuba, which is called Saint Anthony, where they tooke in fresh water out of raine pits.

* 1.72 Then sayling along the coast of Florida, they seized vpon two townes, Saint Anthony and Saint Helena, which were abandoned by the Spanish Garisons, and burned them; and being caried further vpon a ragged and rocky coast, they found the English in the Plantation of Virginia (so called in the honour of

* 1.73 ELIZABETH the Ʋirgin Queene)
which Sir Walter Raleigh (whose worth and vertues pur∣chased him the honour to be one of the Queenes chiefest fa∣uourites) by his neuer enough praised labours, in the disco∣uerie of remote Countries, and promulgation of the glory of the English Nauy, had placed there as Colony. Drake of∣fered to Ralph Lan President there, all offices of humanity, two ships with prouision, and some men, if they thought good to remaine there and prosecute what they had begun: if not to transport them for England. But whilest prouisi∣on was prepared for these ships,* 1.74 there arose a violent storm, and extraordinary furious tempest, which seuered and dis∣persed the whole Nauy, in such sort, that it could not be col∣lected together againe, vntill they all ariued in England. In∣somuch

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that Lan, and the rest that were with him, being oppressed with penury, and much diminished in their num∣ber, they all with one voice requested Drake to giue them passage for their Country, which he willingly agreed to.

These were the first (that I know of) that brought at their returne into England, that Indian Plant called Tobacco,* 1.75 or Nicotiana, which they vsed, being instructed by the Indians, against crudities of the Stomack. And certes since that time it is growne so frequent in vse, and of such price, that ma∣ny, nay, the most part, with an insatiable desire doe take of it, drawing into their mouth the smoke thereof, which is of a strong sent, through a Pipe made of earth, and venting of it againe through their nose; some for wantonnesse, or rather fashion sake, and other for healths sake, insomuch that Tobacco shops are set vp in greater number then either Alehouses or Tauernes. And as one said, but falsely, the bodies of such Englishmen, as are so much delighted with this plant,* 1.76 did seeme to degenerate into the nature of the Sa∣uages, because they were caried away with the selfe-same thing, beleeuing to obtaine and conserue their health by the selfe-same meanes, as the barbarians did. In this voyage pe∣rished seuen hundred men, and almost all of that disease, cal∣led Calentura. The pillage was esteemed to be worth 60000 pounds of English money,* 1.77 besides two hundred and forty great pieces of artillery, as well Brasse as Iron, which were taken from the Enemies.

Whilest these things thus passed in America vnder the torride Zone,* 1.78 Iohn Dauis made search vnder the frigide Zone for a way to the East India, by the vpper part of Ame∣rica, with two ships, at the expences of William Sanderson, (a man who by setting forth Globes hath well deserued in the studies of Geography) and of other inhabitants of Lon∣don. He tooke his course towards the North; and being fiue hundred miles from the Cape of Not in Ireland, he discoue∣red the Coasts of Greeneland, whose Cliffes being white by

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reason of the snow which couered them, might easily afarre off be discerned, & so round begirt with Ice, as with a fore∣wall, for the space of two miles from the shore, that it was inaccessible. The course of this coast hee followed, which bent first towards the West, and then Northward to 64 degrees in Latitude; from thence passing the Ice, his course brought him amongst certaine greene flourishing Ilands, where he found the Inhabitants of a middle stature, little eyes, without beards, and of milder disposition then the most part of Northerne people. From whence sayling to 66 Degrees in Latitude, he encountred a shore, which dis∣couered it selfe by little and little towards the West, with a * 1.79 sea of equall largenesse: into which being entred forty miles, and being full of hopes, hee turned sayle homeward vpon the end of August. The following yeare hee entred fourescore miles into these Straights; where hee obserued this sea to be on all sides well stored with Ilands, and in his returne found it full of fish. The third time he set forth, with two ships appointed for fishing, and a third for the discoue∣rie of passages, in which hauing sailed to 83 degrees into this Sea, and discouering it to bee forty miles in breadth, hee returned.

* 1.80 During this, an Edict was published in England, to re∣presse the auarice of some priuate persons, that had conuer∣ted the fertilest fields and pastures, into grounds to sow Woad in, for the vse of Dyers, not without much losse to the Cloath-workers and Husbandmen, which are commonly fed with Milke, Cheese, and such like meats. Whereupon it was forbidden, to sow that hearbe within eight miles of any of the Kings houses; and foure miles of Cities, Mar∣ket-townes, and of other places wheresoeuer Drapery is vsed.

* 1.81 But to the intent that English Cloathes might be sold to greater gaines, it was permitted to the Earle of Warwicke and Leicester his brother, Tho: Starkey, Gerard Gore, and

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other Merchants of London, to recompence their losses which they had sustained in Africa, being to all others pro∣hibited, to traffique in Mauritania Cesariense, for the space of ten yeares. Which Mulley Hamet Xerisi receiued into protection.

In the beginning of this yeare dyed Edward Lord Clin∣ton High Admirall,* 1.82 who in the yeare 1572 was by Queene ELIZABETH, created Earle of Lincolne. He was honora∣bly interred at Windsor. Henry his sonne succeeded him in his honours: but Charles Howard Lord of Effingham (Cham∣berlaine to the Queene) in the Admiralty. And to him in his Office succeeded the Lord Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Barwick, who a few yeares before supplyed the place of Fra: Russell, Earle of Bedford,* 1.83 the second Earle of that Family, a Nobleman true professor of Religion and vertue: who hauing ouer-liued three of his sonnes, Edward, Iohn and Francis, and had but one liuing, who was Lord Russell, Baron of Thornaugh, and three daughters, all three Countesses: one maried to the Earle of Warwicke; the se∣cond to the Earle of Bathe; and the third to the Earle of Cumberland, hee dyed of a Gangrene, the next day after his sonne Francis was slaine vpon the borders of Scotland, (as before is related) and was interred with Iohn his father at Cheney in Buckingham-shire: to him succeeded Edward sonne to Francis his third sonne.

About the end of this yeare, the Earle of Leicester being out of an itching desire of rule and glory,* 1.84 easily perswaded by those which studied more to assure their owne fortune and power in the Court, then his Honour; passed with great pompe and state into the Netherlands with this Title;

Generall of Her MAIESTIES auxiliary troops:
Hee had also some command ouer the Nauy-Royall: His

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Lordship was accompanied with the Earle of Essex, the Lord Touchet Baron of Audley, and the Lord North, Baron of Kertling, vvith Sir William Russell, Sir Tho. Sherley, Sir Arthur Basset, Sir Walter Waller, Sir Gernase Clifton, and ma∣ny other Knights, attended on by a chosen company of fiue hundred Gentlemen. The Queene at his departure forbade him to entertaine a thought of any thing, which vvould bee vnworthy either of her, or of the place which he vvas seated in.* 1.85 Shee commanded him to learne vvith all possible dili∣gence, vvhat Garisons the Estates maintained; how, and by vvhat means. And her Maiestie still being carefull & good to the Souldiers, charged him to know by vvhat Art they in∣haunced, & put down the value of their money (for in that Art they excelled all others) lest the Souldiers should re∣ceiue that at a higher rate then they could put it off for. She admonisht him to cut off all prouision from the enemy, and to his power restraine the Dunkerks, vvhich much infested the seas. Finally, shee recommended to his trust the Nobilitie of that Country; and aboue all the children of the Prince of Orange.

Notes

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